Indian Antiquary Vol 09

Author(s): Jas Burgess
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032501/1

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THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
ARCHAEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY,
RELIGION, &C., &C.
EDITED BY
JAS. BURGESS, LL.D., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S.
VOL. IX-1880
Swati Publications
Delhi
1984

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Fublished by Swati Publications, 34 Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395
and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS.
PAGE
... 145
Authors' names arranged alphabetically.
PAGE Rev. S. BEAL, B.A., Professor of Chinese, Univer. PRINCIPAL A. M. FAIRBAIRN, LL.D., Airedale sity College, London:
Coll., Bradford :The SWASTIKA ... ... .
Book Notice : Max Müller's Introduction to the The BRANCRIDE ... ... ... ** *
Science of Religion; and Lectures on the origin A valambana ... .. ...
and growth of Religion ...
... ... 29 The Tooth Seal of Asoka ...
J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.S. - REMARKS on the word ŚRAMANA
AN IDENTIFICATION of 4 WESTERN CHÂLUKYA The SOTRA called NGAN-SHIH-NIU, i.e.' Silver White
CAPITAL ...
.
. . . Woman' ... .. ... .. .. .. SUCCESSION of BUDDHIST PATRIARCHS
$ ...
SANSKIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS :
... ... 119 The BUDDHIST INSCRIPTION at KEU-YUNG-KWAN ... 195
No. LXI.-In a temple at Aihoļe ... ... Cinderella-Hephaestus-Kuvera ...
LXII.-At the temple of Galiganatha,
... ... 203 Story of the Merchant who struck his mother .... 221
Aibole ... ... ... ... 74 The EIGHTEEN SCHOOLS of BUDDHISM
LXIII.-On another temple at Aibole BHAGVÁNLÅL INDRAJI PANDIT, Bombay:
LXIV.- In the temple of Narayana The SAIVA PARIKRAMA ... ...
LXV.-Inscription of Trailokyamalla, s.
989 INSCRIPTIONS from Nepal (v. Dr. Bühler) ... ... 163
.... ... COL. B. R. BRANFILL, R.E., Survey of India -
LXVI.
at Aihole, dated S. 999. The GANGAI-KONDAPURAM SAIVA TEMPLE...
LXVII.
of 20th Chål. V. K. (S. ... 117
1017) ... ... ... Proper Names
96 ... ... ... ... ... ... 229
LXVIII.
at Aihole, s. 1019. ... 96 Dr. G. BUHLER, C.I.E.:
LXIX.
dated 20th Chal. V. K. INSCRIPTIONS FROM NEPAL (v. Bhagvanlal Indraji).. 103
($. 1023) ... ... 96 VALABHI GRANT No. XV. ... ... ... 237
LXX.
at Aihole, S. 1059 ... 96 DR. A. C. BURNELL, Ph.D., M.C.S., Tanjore :
LXXI.-Sinda inscription of Chemunda II. 96 Book Notice :-The Literary Remains of Dr. Th.
LXXII.--Inscription on a rock at Ailo ... 99 Goldstücker ... ... ... 204
LXXIII.
on a boulder at Badêmi. 99 Max Müller's Sanskrit Texts from
LXXIV.-Grant of Vijayabudabavarma ... 100 Japan ... ... ... ... 933
LXXV. - Pallava Grant of Attivarm& ... 102 Hillebrandt's Neu- und Voll-mond
LXXVI.-W. Chalukya Grant of Någavar. sopfer
dhana ... ... ... ... 123 G. D. BYSACK, Birbham :
LXXVII.-W. Chalukya Grant of Vijayadity, FOLKLOKE SCRAPs from BIRTHỨN ... i
dated $. 622 Rev. J. CAIN, Dummugadem :
LXXVIII.-W. Chalukya Grant of Vijay.. The YERAKALA LANGUAGE ...
ditya, S. 627 ... ... ... 130 ARCH. CONSTABLE, C.E., Laklınau :
LXXIX.-W. Chalukya Grant of Vijayaditya 132 James Wales the painter ... .. "
LXXX.-Spurious W. Chalukya Grant of Proper Names .. ...
Pulike II, Saka 310 ... ... 293 PROF. E. B. COWELL, M.A., Cambridge :
Rev. T. FOULKES, F.L.S., M.R.A.S., BengalurThe HASTAMALAKA .... ... G. H. DAMANT, Esq., M.A., B.C.S., late Deputy
GRANT of VIRA CHOLA... ... Commissioner of the Naga Hills :
REV. A. F. RUDOLPH HOERNLE, Ph.D., Calcutta :BENGALI FOLKLORE LEGENDS from DINAJPUR
Notes on a Rock-CUT INSCRIPTION from Riw& ... 120 1. The Brahman and the Merchant ... ... ... 1
I. H. HOWORTH, F. S. A., Eccles:2. Adi's Wife ... ... ... ... ... ... 3. The Prince and his two Wives ... ... ... 3
Chix Khan and his ANCESTORS ... 89, 213, 240, 274 ED. B. EASTWICK, C.B.:
PROF. HERMANN JACOBI, Ph. D., Münster: CHAMPANIR and PAWAGADR AWAGADR ... ... ... ... 221 On Snlasa...
... ... ... 28 The EDITOR:
Or MARAVIRA and his PREDECESSORS... ... ... 168 THIEN-CAU-INDIA, Extract from Ma-twan
KASHINATH TRIMBAK TELANG, Esq., LL.B., Book 338 * *
Bombay Baddha's Hair ... ..
A NEW SILARA COPPERPLATE GRANT... ... ... 33 A Village Legend... ...
Book Notice of Kávyetih&sasangraba ... ... ... Någa Figures ...
K. RAGHUNATHJI, Bombay :On Light and Dark Fortnights ... Western Chalukya Grant of Ambera ... ... 304
BOMBAY BEGGARS and CRIERS ... ... Solar Eclipse of Feb. 10, 780 A.D. ... ... 308 Capt. J. S. F. MACKENZIE:Native Histories of Indian States....
... 3081 STRAY NOTES ... ......
.. ... ... ... 76
... 125
... 25
... 53
&
... 251

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iv
Harsh Speech ...
Claims and Duties of Friendship
Fate of those who believe not in virtue, &c. The Indian Rationalist in Ancient Times Kings should not be too good-natured A Model Man ...
Book Notice of Zimmer's Altindische Leben
J. MUIR, Esq., D.O.L., LL.D., Ph.D., Edinburgh :METRICAL VERSIONS from the Mahabharata:Evils of Indecision
REV. W. J. RICHARDS, Ch. Miss. Society:NOTES on the TANDU PULAYANS of Travancore DR. R. ROST, LL.D., Librarian, India Office :Prof. Schiefner
Book Notice of Goldschmidt's Ravanavaha.
DR. E. MÜLLER, Ph.D., Archaeological Surveyor, Ceylon :
REPORT on the ANCIENT INSCRIPTIONS in the NorthWestern Province and in the Districts of Matale and Trinkomali... 8, 268
REV. G. U. POPE, D.D., M.R.A.S., Bengalur:NOTES ON THE Kurral of TIRUVALLUVAR (continued from vol. VIII, p. 809)
James Wales the Painter The Perumals
The Grammar of Chandra by W. Goonetilleke
...
PAGE
Royal Asiatic Society Société Asiatique
German Oriental Society
***
Hoerale's Comparative Grammar of the Gaudian Languages Oldenberg's Vinayapiṭakam...
***
***
...
***
www
...
...
3. Brahmani Duck, by Lieut. R. C. Temple
***
***
33
W. SANDFORD, Sikandarabad :---
ACCOUNT of EXCAVATIONS made near MANIKYALA... 153
M. Ém. SENART, Paris:
The INSCRIPTIONS of Piyadasi... First and Second Edicts... Third Edict
CONTENTS.
...-196
... 120
...
29
29
29
52
87
141
142
58
1. Buddha's Hair, by H. Rivett.-Carnac; M. J. W.; Editor
The Niray&valiya Suttam....
The Gatha Ahunavaiti of the Pârsis
The Garos by Rev. W. Ayerst, M.A. A Hindu Shrine on the Caspian Prof. Schiefner by Dr. R. Rost Discovery of Sayana's Commentary on the Atharva ... 199
Veda, by Shankar Pandurang Pandit, M.A.... Remarks on the preceding by Prof. F. Max Müller
203
111 116
232 233
52, 107
77 80
81
84
103 109 111
...
283 286 287
***
2. Proper Names, by Narayan Aiyangår; B. R. B.; M. R. Tivâri 141, 229, 309
230
NOTES AND
SELECTIONS AND MISCELLANEA.
***
52
230, 251, 811
232, 311 252
Mas. F. A. STEEL:
FOLKLORE in the PUNJAB, with annotations by Lieut.
R. C. Temple, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., &c:
1. The story of Bopo Lucht
2.
8.
The Sparrow and the Crow
The Lord of Death
4.
5. Baingan BadshArAdi
PROF. C. H. TAWNEY, M.A., Calcutta:
The King of the Crocodiles
Folklore Parallels
51, 290
Book Notice of Indian Fairy Tales, by Maire Stokes. 57 LIKUT. R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., &c. :FOLKLORE in the PANJAB-Notes 205, 280, 302 Brahmant Duck (Query) 230 E. THOMAS, F.R.S., Corres. de l'Inst. de France :ANDHRA COINS
...
The SWASTIKA BUDDHIST SYMBOLS:
19
35
ASIATIC SOCIETIES.
52
The Wheel... Vishnu Padas The Horse M. J. WALHOUSE, late M.C.S.:Buddha's Hair ARCHEOLOGICAL NOTES: No. 24. Ethical Parallels. 71 25. Rag-bushes 150 26. Irdhi-Pada ...296 PROF. ALB. WEBER, Ph.D., Berlin :Strictures on Rajendralala Mitra's Buddha Gaya DR. E. W. WEST, Munich :Bundahish MSS....
"2
33
PAHLAVI INSCRIPTIONS at Kanheri
Book Notice: The Vendidad translated by Jas. Darmesteter
Professor A. Weber and Babu Rajendralál Mitra The Remnant of the original Aryan Race Ancient Arabian Poetry
...
***
Asiatic Society of Bengal American Oriental Society
...
"3
...
...
PAGE
***
205 207 ...209
280 302
...
www
61 65 135 135 ...138 139
226 229 229 282
The Inscriptions of Piyadasi by M. Senart
Division of the Buddhist Scriptures by Dr. R. Morris. 989 Prof. F. Max Müller. 289
290
***
""
Hindu Idol found at Orenburg The Kaik, by Prof. F. Max Müller Solar Eclipse of Feb. 10, 780 A.D., by J. B. Native Histories of Indian States.
...
...308 ...308
An Apparition seen by the Supreme Council of India.. 309
...
...
www
226
QUERIES.
4. Indian Arms
5. Naga Figures
230 230
6. Light and Dark Fortnights, by C. E. G. C. and J. B. 250
7. Chowka, by M. R. Tivari
309
28 265
290
... 305
252, 810 310

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CONTENTS.
BOOK NOTICES.
PAOE 1. Prof. Max Maller's Introduction to the Science
of Religion; and Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion ;-by Principal A. M. Fair.
bairn, LL.D. ... ... ... ... ... ... 29 2. A Classical Dictionary of Hinda Mythology and
Religion, Geography, History and Literature ... 81 3. Altindisches Leben: die Cultar der Vodischen
Arier nach den Samhita dargestellt, von Heinrich
Zimmer ;-by Dr. John Muir, D.O.L., &c. ... 58 4. Indian Fairy Tales, collected and translated by
Maive Stokes-by C. H. T. 5. Kavyetib sangraha : collection of Poetical and
Historical Pieces in Marathi ... ... ... 8. British Burmsh and ita People, by Capt. O.J. F. S.
Forbes, F.R.G.8.-by W. F. 8. ... ... ... 87 7. Buddha Gaya the Hermitage of Sakya Muni, by
RAjendralAln Mitre, LL.D., C.I.E. ... 113, 143 8. Die RAvanavaha, von S. Goldschmidt-by R. R. ... 116 9. Literary Remains of Dr. Theodore Goldstuckerby A. B. ...
... ..
... ...
.. ... .. 204 10. Hoernle's Comparative Grammar of the Gaudian Languages;-by R. R. ...
... ..282 11. Oldenberg'. Vinayapitakann ;-by R. R. ... ... 233 12. Mar Müller's Sanskrit Texts discovered in Japan;
-by A. B. ... ... ... .. .. 18. Miscellaneous Essays relating to Indian Subjects
by B. H. Hodgson, Esq., F.R.S. ... ... ... 234 14. Vie, ou Légende de Gaudama le Bondhs des
Birmans, &c., par Monsigr. P. Bigandet, Trad. en Français, par V. Gaovain. The Life or Legend of Gandama, the Buddha of the Burmese, &c. by the Rt. Rev. P. Bigandet Bishop of Ramaths ... ... ... ... ... 284
PAGE 15. Selections from the Kur-An by E. W. Lane, re
vised and enlarged by S. Lane Poolo. Extracts from the Coran, compiled by Sir W.
Muir, K.O.S.I. ... ... ... ... ... 235 16. Metrical Translations from Sanskrit Writers by
J. Muir, O.I.E., D.O.L., LL.D. ... ... ... 235 17. Cunningham's Archæological Survey Reports,
vol. IX. ... ... ... ... ... ... 258 18. A. von Sallet'. Nachfolger Alexanders des Grossen
in Baktrien und Indien ... . ... 13. Howorth's History of the Mongols, Part II. 20. A. Borgnigno's Nigånanda ... ...... ... 21. Jogesh Chander Datt's Kings of Klemira ... ... 264 22. Monier Williams' Modern India, 3rd ed. ... ... 264 23. The Zenid-Avesta, Part I. The Vendidad translated
by James Darmesteter, -by E. W. West, Ph. D. 290 24. Das altindische-Neu und Voll-mondsopfer in seiner
emfachsten form, von A. Hillebrandt, Ph. D.,
by A. B. ... ... ... ... ... ... 292 25. Die Kirche der Thomaschristen, v. Dr. W. Ger
mann; and Medieval Missione by Dr. T. Smith. 312 26. Chinese Buddhism, by Rev. J. Edkins, D.D. ... 815 27. R. Cast: Les Religions et les Langues de l'Inde
Anglaise; and A Sketch of the Modern Langu.
ages of the East ... ... ... ... ... 317 28. The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalbo
querque, vols. I-III. (Hakluyt Society)... ... 318 29. Kaumudi-Mahotsaha, by Ramchandra Bhikaji
Gunjikar and K Asin&th Pandurang Parab, by Prof. Eggeling ... ... . ....... 313
ILLUSTRATIONS.
1. Silara copper-plate grant dated 8. 1016 sides
I. and IIa. ... 83
>> sides IIb. and III. ... 84 8. Grant of Vira-Cola, IIa. IIb. and Va. Vb. 46, 47 4. Three Inscriptions at Aiho!e ... ...
74,75 5. Inscription on a boulder at BA1&mi, &c. ... ... 100
Pallava Grant of Vijayabuddbavarma ... 6. Pallara Grant of Attivarma ...... ... 102, 103
Rock-cut Inscription from Riwa 7. Western Chalukya Grant of Nagavardhana 124, 125 8. Plan of the KhAngab mound ... ... ...
... 164 Manikyala Excavations, &o. ... ... ... 9. i. Inscriptions of Manadeva, parta i. and ii. ... 10. 11. ii. Inscription of Jayavarman, Sam. 418 ... 12. iii. Inscription of Vasantasena, Sath. 486 ... 13. iv. Inscription dated Sam. 585 ... .. 14. v. Inscription of Sivadeva ... . ..
.. on 121
15. vi. Inscription of Ansuvarman, dated Sam. 34 ... 169 16. vii. Rubbing and tracing of inscription of Ansu.
varman, Sam. 39 ... ... ... ... 170 17. viii. Inecription of Adsuvarman, San. 45 ... ... 171 18. ir. Rubbing and tracing of inscription of Jishna.
gupta, Sam. 48 ... ... 19. x. Inscription of Jishnagupta ... 20. zi. Inscription of Jishnugapta ... 21. xii. Rabbing and tracing of inscription of deve, Sam. 119... ... ....
... ... .. 176 22. xiii. Inscription of Sivadeva, Sam. 148 ... ... 176 28. xiv. Nepal Inscription, dated Sam. 146 ... ... 177 24. xv. Inscription of Jayadeva, Sath. 153 .... ... 178 25, Copper-plato grant of Siladitya I. of Sa. 290 PI. I. 238 26.
Plate IL. 989 27. Kanberi Pahlavi Inscriptions, Nos. i. and ii. ... 265 28.
Nos. iii., iv., Y....206, 267 29. Western Chalukya Grant of Ambera ... ... 304
part ili.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
BENGALI FOLKLORE LEGENDS FROM DINAGEPORE. BY THE LATE G. H. DAMANT, M.A.
1. The Brahman and the Merchant.
a seer of rice daily and nothing more. So he IN a certain village lived a poor Brahman agreed to sell his chance, and asked the merwho by begging all day collected half a seer of rice; whether he begged at ten houses or at one, or whether he remained at home, he still had half a seer of rice and nothing more, and he and his wife used to eat it. At the extremity of the village was a temple of Ganesa where he used to worship Śiva and Durga. One day Siva and Durga came down from heaven, and after visiting many places went to the temple of Ganesa.
chant what he would give for it; the merchant said he could afford to give Rs. 15,000. The Brâhman then went to consult his wife, and she told him not to take less than a lâkh. He then informed the merchant, who being under the impression that he would still gain a lâkh agreed to give it him. Early the next morning the merchant weighed out the rupees, and sent men with them to the Brahman's house, and he then went to the temple of Gaṇeśa. The whole day passed, but he received no money, and thought. "Do Siva and Durgâ speak falsely, or is Gaṇeśa acting treacherously ?" Thinking this he became very angry, and gave a kick at the temple door, and his foot went through, so that he could not extricate it. Some time after the merchant was caught in this way, Siva and Durgâ came, and asked Gaṇeśa, "Has the Brahman we spoke of received the two lakhs of rupees; have you paid him or not?" Ganesa answered, "One lakh bas been paid him this morning, the remaining lakh has not been paid, but the defaulter's foot is held fast in the door." The merchant hearing this thought that he had already paid the Brahman one lakh, and would be obliged to give him another, or his foot would not be released, so he ordered some of the people who lived with him. to take another lakh to the Brahman's house. His foot was then released. The Brahman took his two lâkhs of rupees, and lived in wealth and
Durga said to Siva, "This poor Brahman has been worshipping you for a long time, show him a little favour to-day and free him from his poverty." Śiva hearing this said, "Ganesa, the day after to-morrow before sunset give the poor Brahman two lakhs of rupees." Gaṇeśa said. he would do so, but the poor Brâhman heard nothing about it. In the village lived a very wealthy man who had that day lost one of his cows, and gone to look for it; a storm of rain happened to come on, and he went into the temple of Ganesa, and overheard everything that Siva and Durga said from the beginning to the end. When he came out he thought that he might as well buy the Brahman's chance of receiving anything on the next day but one, so he went to the Brahman's house and said, "Sir, will you sell me the chance of what you may receive the day after to-morrow ?" The Brahman considered that he only received half

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2
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
happiness. If God wishes to give a man anything, no one can tell in what way he will give it. 2. Adi's Wife.
In a certain country there lived a gentleman's son named Adi; when his father died he left him a large sum of money, but Adi spent the whole of the money and sold his house. He then said to his wife, "There is nothing more left, what are we to do? I have not a single twoanna piece, I must go and take service in some country far away; as it will be mean service my relations will not see me there, and so I shall not be ashamed. I am now going to look for work, but must first tell you how you are to manage matters while I am away. In the first place you will have to buy back all the gardens, houses, and other things which belonged to my father; and in the next place a son must be born to me." With these words Adi departed.
Now Adi's father had borrowed some money from a man for the expenses of his marriage, so the man came to Adi's wife, and said, "Where is Adi? His father, who is dead, borrowed some money of me for his marriage; produce Adi that he may pay me." Adi's wife answered that he had gone to another country, and she knew nothing about the money. Now she was extremely beautiful, and the man thought if he could get her he would want no more money, so he determined to lay a complaint that very day before the Kotwal, saying that Adi's father had borrowed money of him to marry his son, and that Adi had gone away, so there was no one left but his wife, and as Adi's father had spent the money on the marriage of his son, he was entitled to the son's wife. The Kotwal replied, he was entitled to her, and she should be summoned to appear before him, so he sent a pyada with orders to bring Adi's wife. The pyada went to her, and said, "A complaint has been made against you, and the Kotwal has summoned you." So Adi's wife dressed her hair, and put on her clothes, and went in a palki to the Kotwal's Court, but she ordered the palki to be put down at a little distance from it, and sent word to the Kotwal, that she did not appear in public, and could not come into Court, so she would be obliged by his coming to her, and talking over the case. When the Kotwal received her message, he went to the palki and said, "Open the screen of the palki, and tell me
[JANUARY, 1880.
what you have to say." Then she opened the screen, and when the Kotwal saw Adi's wife, he determined he would drive away the man, and keep her as his own wife. So he said to the man: "Go to the person to whom you lent the money, and get it from him; who ever heard of getting a woman instead of money? go, you scoundrel, you will have nothing here."
So he drove the man away, and came and invited Adi's wife to go home with him. She said, "I have no other friend but you; give me 200 rupees, and when I have paid all my debts, I will come to your house. When I send for you, or you receive any letter from me, you must come to my house." She then took the two hundred rupees from the Kotwal, and went home, and gave orders that her father's ruined house should be rebuilt.
In the meantime the man laid another complaint before the Nazir, and the Nazir summoned Adi's wife. She put on finer clothes than before, and went in a palki to the Nazir's Court, and when the Nazir saw her beauty, he was astonished. She said to him, "Sir, I belong to you since my husband has gone away; you are my only friend." When the Nazir heard this, he went and drove away the man, and then invited Adi's wife to come to his house, but she answered, "My husband has incurred some debts, lend me 500 rupees, and when I have paid everything, I will come; but whenever I send you word, you must come to my house." Then she took the money and went home. After this, the man, thinking it was useless trying again in that place, laid a complaint before the Wazir of the country. The Wazir summoned Adi's wife, and the moment he saw her face he became senseless with wonder. Then he determined to make her his wife, so he first drove away the man, and then told her he wished to marry her. She replied, "My husband has gone to another country leaving some debts unpaid; if you will give me 1000 rupees, I will pay them, and then I can come to your house." So she took the money, and as she was going away, she said, "Come to my house whenever I send you word."
The man finding there was no hope of redress from the Wazir, laid a complaint before the King, who also summoned Adi's wife. She put on her very best clothes, and went to the King, and when he saw her astonishing beauty, he

Page #9

JANUARY, 1880.]
BENGALI FOLKLORE LEGENDS.
determined to make her his queen. He then The next day everybody was much surprised ordered the man to be driven from the country, that the King, Wazir, Nazir, and Kotwal did not and went to Adi's wife, and said, "I wish to come to court at the usual time. In the mean marry you, do you agree ?” She replied, "I am while Adi's wife sent her servants with the very much honoured by your wishing to marry wardrobe into the baznar to offer it for sale for me, and make me your queen, but I am acting four lakhs of rupees. Now the sons of the King, as agent for my husband, and if you will give Wazir, Nazir, and Kotwal were wandering about me 2000 rupees, I will pay off my debts, and the city, each in search of his father, and when then come to your house." So the King gave they reached the bazaar, they heard a man the money, and she went home, and had a ward- crying-"A wardrobe to be sold for four lakhs robe made by a carpenter with four compart- of rupees." The King's son said—“What is the ments, which she put in her house. She then meaning of this ? Nobody can buy it but ourinvited the Kotwal, the Nazir, the Wazir and the selves, so send for the money and take it." King, and told the Kotwal to come at midnight, They did so, and one of them took the key, and the Nazir at one o'clock, the Wazir at two o'clock, opened one compartment, and found his father, and the King at three o'clock. So the Kotwal and the three others did the same, so they all came at midnight, and Adi's wife treated him felt very much ashamed, and went home. very politely, and they were talking together, Adi's wife then took a band of singers, and when the Nazir sent word to say he was com- wandered from country to country, till she came ing; the Kotwal was alarmed at that, and said to a place where her husband was a servant in "What am I to do? where can I go ?” She re- the King's palace. The singers were invited to plied, "I have no place to hide you unless you the palace, but Adi's wife remained at home to can get into this wardrobe." The Kotwal said: take care of her property while all the others went "Very well, that is the best place, fasten me up away to perform a nách. As she was alone, quick." So Adi's wife fastened him in, and the they requested the King to send a trustworthy Nazir arrived and sat down till two o'clock, servant to guard the property. Now, the King when the Wazir came and knocked at the door. had no other trustworthy servant but Adi, so The Nazir recognized his voice, and exclaimed: he sent him, and he went and kept guard in the " Find some place to save me from this mig- usual way. His wife recognized him, and asked, fortune." She said she would hide him, but “Where do you live, and whose son are you?" there was no place except the wardrobe, so the So he told her, and she was sure he was her Nazir agreed, and she fastened him up in the husband, but he did not recognize her. Then second compartment. She then invited the she called him in, and the next morning gave Wazir to enter, and made him sit down.
him two hundred rupees, and told him she had Nearly an hour passed while she was preparing no further need of his services. After this, she something to eat, when the King came, and as left that country, and went home, and some time the Wazir was very much alarmed, she concealed after a son was born. Now when Adi was with him in the third compartment of the wardrobe, her, he had put a ring on her finger, and about and then received the King with great respect. a year afterwards he returned home, and found While she was preparing some food for him, she all his father's property had increased fourfold, went out of the room, and told one of her and a son had been born, at which he was very servants to put on her husband's clothes, and angry. His wife was much distressed, and said, after a short time to come and knock at the door. "Sir, why are you angry? I lave done what The servant did as he was told, and the King should please you." Adi replied: "It is a very hearing the knock enquired who it was, when wonderful thing: I have been out of the country, the woman replied it was her husband. The and a son has been born!" Then she told King said: "I must conceal myself." Adi's wife him-"He is your son," and showed him the answered—"I will hide you, but there is no placering. except this wardrobe, whatever is done must be 3. The Prince and his two Wives. done quickly." So the King was put into the There was once a king named Dharmasila, wardrobe, and Adi's wife placed a purdah over who was nearly forty years old, but he had it, and put out the candle, and went to sleep. neither son nor daug..ter. One night he said

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to his wife, queen Sokhâvati, "Up to the pre- sent time, God has given us no son who might take care of our kingdom and perform our funeral rites when we are dead." So thinking all their kingdom and wealth were worthless to them, they invited all the Brâhmans and beggars from every country, and gave them handsome presents, and sent them away. From that time forth the king and queen began to worship Mahadev. After a while the queen had a son, and the king was so rejoiced that he gave almost all his remaining wealth to the Brahmans. When the ceremony of giving his son the first rice had been performed, the king began to bring him up with the greatest care, and when he was eight years old, he married him to the daughter of another king. Then, in order that he might not be deficient in learning, the king sent his son to a school, which was distant about ten or twelve days' journey. While the son was studying at the school, it happened one day that the king and queen both died. The son's wife performed their funeral ceremonies, and ordered the diwan to let the king's son know the ill tidings, in order that he might come and rule his kingdom. The diwan said, " Yes, I will send him a letter immediately"; but ho merely spoke with his lips, and did not write the letter. After three or four years, when he had ruined the kingdom and wasted the treasure, the diwan said to the prince's wife, "I am continually writing letters to your husband telling him to come and rule his kingdom, but he does not mind me, and by this time the kingdom is ruined, and the treasure spent ; so now I ask you to let me go to some other king, and support myself." Then the diwan and the other amlah left the capital, and went each to their own home. The princess continued to live there for some time, and supported herself by selling her ornaments and house, and when they were all gone, she built a thatched hut, and began to live by begging. At last she could no longer endure such hardships, and having given up all hope of her husband's return, she left the place, and begging as she went along, in two or three months' time reached her father's house. Then she told him that her father-in-law and mother-in-law and husband were all dead; and when her father and mother heard it, they wept exceedingly in sorrow for their son-in-law. The princess put
on a widow's dress, and continued to live in her father's house.
After some time the prince having finished his education, returned to his own country, and found that the king's palace had utterly disappeared, and there was nothing to be seen bnt a thatched hut. Then he enquired of the people of the town, and when he learnt what had happened, he began to cry. After a little while he stopped crying, and determined to go to his father-in-law's house, and see how his wife was, and whether she would remember him or not. So he cut a stick, and supported himself by begging on the journey, and, after two or three months, arrived at his father-inlaw's kingdom. Then he sold his stick, and gave up begging, and gained his living by collecting fruits and other things in the forest, and selling them. The prince had undergone so much hardship that no one could recognize him. It happened one day that he had brought some plums from the forest, and was selling them in the bazaar, when one of the princess' servants bought, and took them to the princess. The princess having eaten them, thought them so good that she ordered her servant to bring some more of the same sort on the following day. The prince went early the next morning to the plum trco, and having taken a branch from it, was on his way to sell it in the bazaar, when the servant of the princess called to him, and said, “The princess praised your plums very much yesterday, so come now to the side door, and bring your plams, and you will be well paid for them." So the prince took up his plums, and followed the servant to the side door, and the servant agreed she would give four annas for them; so she took them, and went away.
Now the princess was in love with the kôtwal of the town, and he used to come to her house and return home, and no one knew anything about it; so the princess having eaten some of the plums herself, put some aside for her friend the kôtwal. When the kôtwal came in the evening as usual, he ate the plums, and then said to the princess, "I am very thirsty, give me some water to drink." The princess replied, "Where can I find water at this time? There is however a cocoanut tree near the house door, if you could get a young cocoannt from it, you could quench your thirst,

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BENGALI FOLKLORE LEGENDS.
but I cannot find any one to fetch it now." determined on this, she called her servant and After some time she remembered that she had said to her, "The boy who was walking behind never paid the plum-seller, and he was still the diwan came in front of the house, and looked standing at the side-door; then she sent her and winked his eye at me. Now, go and tell my servant to call him and tell him that he would father all about it, and say that he must cut the receive four annas for his plams, and four annas boy in pieces and send his blood to me, and more if he would get a young cocoanut from if he will not do so, I will kill myself." So the the tree, and that he was to come for the eight servant went and told the king, and when the
nas early the next morning. So the prince king heard of it, he sent a messenger to seize agreed and fetched th- young cocoannt from the diwan and the boy. The messenger went the tree, and the city kôtwal drank its water and quickly as he was ordered by the king, and quenched his thirst. After this, the princess seized the diwan and the boy, and the king told was disturbed in her sleep by a leg of the bed
them what he had heard from the princess' breaking, so she thought, "If the plam-seller servant. Then the prince began to cry, and the will come and sit under the bed and support it king seeing this, felt pity for him, and he rememlike a leg, I will give him another four annas; bered that the princess had only wished to see so that he will receive twelve annas in the his blood and did not ask for his head, so she morning." She sent a message to him by her would be satisfied if the blood of some animal servant, and he agreed and came into the prin- were shown her, and the boy might be banished cess' house, and sat under the bed like a leg. to another country. He determined on doing Then he began to reproach himself, saying, this, and calling a messenger, gave him his "Good God ! it is written in my ill fate that instructions privately. Then the messenger took I am to sit under this bed and support it like a the boy down to the ghât where bodies were leg whilo my wife sleeps on it." So he was burnt and said to him, "The princess' life will much troubled in his mind. When the morn- be saved if you are cat in pieces and your blood ing came the plum-seller thought, “If I stop given to her, and she has given orders that this here for my money, the princess will recognize is to be done, but I will save you ; you must fly me, so I will conceal myself and see what she from this kingdom, and I will kill a dog and will do;" then he went away.
give its blood to the princess." So saying, the That day the king's diwan met him, and messenger let the boy go, and killed a dog and when he saw his appearance he thought that he put its blood in a pot and gave it to the prinmust be the son of some great person, and being cess. When she saw it, she was very much much pleased with his conversation, he said to | pleased and said laughing, "I was always send. him, “Come and live in my house and I will ing you letters to come to me and you never support you," so the prince went to the diwan's came, and now you have paid the penalty for house and lived there. Now the diwân had all the trouble you caused me. How do you feel neither son nor daughter, so he treated the now? I will have your blood given to á crow." plam-seller as if he were his own son. After She then ordered a servant to give it to a crow, some time the diwân said to him, “ You can read and when the crow had drunk it, her anger was and write very well, you must come with me appeased, and she lived at ease with the kôtwal. every day to the king's court and write in my In the meantime the king's son left the kingdom office." From that day forward he went to the in tears, and gained his livelihood by begging. office, and wrote; but one day, after the office At last he went back to his own country, and was closed, the prince was going home with the lived in the thatched hut, and when he laid down diwan, when the princess saw him from the top and fell asleep, his father appeared to him in of the house and knew that he was her husband, a dream, and said, "My son, why do you suffer 80 she was very much disturbed and began to such hardships? Whilst I wis alive, I lent your reflect on what she should do; but being in love father-in-law seven crores of rupees, and he with the kôtwal, she had no mercy on her gave me a bond engraved on a copper plate. I husband, and determined to have him killed and put this bond into a tin box and buried it under his body thrown away, that she might live with a champak tree; go and dig it up and obtain the the kôtwal without annoyance. When she had money." When he had said this, he departed.

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of his intention, and ordered him to take care of the kingdom while he was away, and he further ordered him to kill a jackal and give it to him. The diwân ordered the sepoys to bring a jackal, and they went into the wood and brought one and gave it to the prince, who sent for a skinner, who took out the inside and dried the skin in the sun. Then the prince put inside the jackal's skin many kinds of gold, pearls, and jewelled ornaments, and a beautifully embroidered dress, and sewed it up. He then gave the diwân authority to manage his kingdom, and taking the jackal's skin, some elephants, and horses, and many soldiers with much treasure, he started to find a wife. He went from the court of one king to the court of another, till at last he reached the country of a king who had a very beautiful daughter. She was twelve years old and unmarried; this he learnt from the talk of the people, and he determined on staying there. At the same time he thought if he appeared at the king's court in such state, the princess could not refuse to marry him, so, in order that he might discover whether she were virtuous or good for nothing, he determined to put her to the test before marrying her. He then concealed his soldiers, elephants, and horses, and rabbed ashes on his body, putting on only a small piece of cloth and the jackal skin on his shoulders, and wore the dress of a madman. He ordered his soldiers to come and protect him whenever he should call out and say "Forward," and having made these arrangements, he went away, and began to wander about like a madman. After wandering in this state for two or three days, the people of the city began to say, "Whence has this madman come ?" and the rumour reached the ears of the king. Now the people of that country had never seen a madman before, so the king wished to look at him, and ordered a messenger to go and bring him into his presence. When he was come, the king heard what he had to say, and the king and all his court began to laugh at him. Then the madman did still more mad things, and began to joke with the king; and the servants saw him and told the princess about him, so that she became very anxious to see him. At noon when the king came into the palace to eat his breakfast, she began to cry, and said she wanted to see the madman. The
In a little while the prince woke up, and believing in what had been told him in the dream, he borrowed a spade from a neighbour and began to dig under the champak tree. After digging for some time he found the tin box, and inside was the bond for seven crores of rupees; he read it through, and saw that it was all correct. He then took the bond to the house of his diwân and showed it to him, telling him to provide 500 sepoys and 500 carts, that they might take the bond to his father-in-law's house and bring back seven crores of rupees, and if he would not give the money, the sepoys were to take him prisoner. When the diwân saw the bond he was very much pleased, and provided sepoys and carts and sent them to the king's palace with a letter and the bond; and after they had shown it him, they said, "If you do not give us the money, we will seize you and take you away." When the king saw the letter and the bond, he thought a little, and then went to the queen and showed them to her, and calling his daughter he said to her, "Child, why did you tell me your husband was dead? He has just written to me, and sent for seven crores of rupees. Why did you give this false account of his death ?" Both the king and queen began to abuse her, and when the princess learnt her husband was alive and heard all the abuse which was bestowed on her, she was very much troubled, and began to think the man who had been cut in pieces and whose blood she had given to the crow, could not have been her husband but some one else. So the princess kept thinking over the best thing to be done. At last the king with a great deal of trouble collected four crores of rupees and gave them to the sepoys, and promised to give the other three crores in a month's time. After some persuasion the sepoys took the four crores and an answer to the letter, and gave them to the prince. The prince then restored the old diwân to his office, and ordered him to buy a kingdom and palace like the former ones. According to the orders he received the diwân, in a month's time, bought a palace and estate, and they began to rule the kingdom happily. In the course of a month the sepoys brought the remaining three crores of rupees, and the prince bought a still larger estate than before.
Some time after this, the prince thought he would like to be married, so he told the diwân

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BENGALI FOLKLORE LEGENDS.
king thonght, “How can I bring the madman inside the palace, and yet I must, for the child is crying for him." So he ordered a servant to promise the madman some good things to eat, and to bring him inside. The servant went to the madman and said, "Come in with me and I will give you good things to eat," and enticed him in several ways, so that at last he came; and when he saw the princess he did more mad things, so that she could not stop laughing. Then the princess called the madman into her own part of the house, and told him to stop there and she would give him some sweetmeats; but he said, “What are sweetmeats, how shall I eat them ?" and did more mad things. At night he lay down at the door of the princess' room, and slept there till the next morning. When the princess had bathed, she took husked rice, plantains, sugar, and flowers in her hand, and was going to worship Siva, but the madman was lying at the door, so she could not pass out. She told him to go away from the door, but he told her to step over his body; the princess tried to persuade him to go away from the door, but he only did mad things, and in the meanwhile the time for worshipping Siva was passing by. The princess began to consider what she should do, when the madman said, "If you will promise to give me whatever I ask, I will go away from the door." The princess with ont thinking promised three times to give him whatever he asked, so he went away. Then the princess went into the temple to worship Siva, and when she had finished, she came back and called for the madman and said to him, "Now, tell me what you want." He replied, “Will you really give me what I ask?” and she promised to do so. Then he did more mad things, and laughing, said, “Princess, you must marry me." When she heard that she beat her forehead with her hand and began to cry, and crying a great deal she said, “God has written a mad husband on my forehead, and although I have worshipped Siva constantly till now, yet he has given me a mad husband," so saying, she fell on the bed insensi. ble and went to sleep. Then the image of Śiva appeared to her in a dream and said, "Princess, I have given you the best of husbands, he is no madman, but has put on a madman's dress to prove you, he is a king's
son, you must not dislike him, and you will presently know his real condition." When the princess had heard this, she woke up and told the madman that she would take him for her husband. As soon as the king and queen knew it, they were very much troubled, and the queen, weeping and beating her head with her hands, said, "It was always my greatest wish that our daughter should marry a king's son, and have a prince for a son, and be the mother of a king, but God has made my hope of no avail." Then the princess came and said, "I have obtained what was written in my fate, now bid me farewell for I must go with the madman." She salated her father and mother, tied up her ornaments in a bundle, and pat them under her arm, and started with the mad. man. He put the dried jackal's skin on his shoulder, and went in front, and the princess followed behind. After they had gone some distance, the madman asked her what was in the bundle under her arm, and she said it was her jewellery, so the madman said, "If you wish to go with me, you must throw away all your clothes and ornaments and come naked, otherwise go back to your father." The princess would not take off her clothes and ornaments, but continued to follow the madman; presently he turned round, and saw that she had not thrown away her dress and ornaments, so he began to beat her with the jackal's skin, A labourer saw him and went and told the king, so the king ordered a messenger to take some soldiers, and drive the madman away and bring his daughter home. The soldiers went as quick as they could, but the madman saw them from afar, and called out, "Where are my soldiers and elephants and horses ? Come forward." When they heard this, all his army and elephants and horses came, and beat the king's soldiers, and drove them away; then the madman tore open the jackal's skin, and made the princess wear his ornaments and dress. He also took off the madman's dress, and put on a king's robe, and went with his army to his own kingdom, where he lived with the princess.
One day the king laughed, and said to the princess, "I have another wife, who is the daughter of a certain king, and still lives in her father's house." Then the princess said to her husband, "I am alone in the house and have no one to talk and walk with, send off a palki

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and bearers to-morrow morning, and bring her here, then we shall be able to talk together and live happily." So the king wrote a letter to his father-in-law, and sent off the palki and bearers. When they arrived at the king's palace, they gave the letter to the king; he read it and went in and told the queen, and they agreed that their daughter must be sent, so they took leave of her. While in the palki the princess began to think that if the prince had heard of her bad conduct he would kill her as soon as she arrived; but afterwards she grew more bold, and thought he could not possibly know anything about it. So she came to her journey's end, and the two wives were introduced to each other. The eldest wife lived in one house and the youngest in another; but the king always used to sit with the youngest, and not only would not sit with the eldest, but would not even look at her. One day the second wife said to the king, "You have been to sit with me every day for nearly a month, and you have never been once to see your first wife; what is the cause of this ?" The king replied, "I have a reason for it which I will tell you afterwards." Some time passed when one night the second wife said to the king, "To-morrow is the day for bathing in the Ganges; I and the other wife wish to go and bathe, so you must give us 100 rupees each." The king promised to do so, and put up in two bags 100 rupees for the second wife, and 100 rupees less twelve annas for the first wife, and giving the bags to a servant, he told her to take the first bag to the second wife and the other to the first wife. When the second wife opened her bag she counted the money and found there was 100 rupees, but the other wife found there was twelve annas short of 100 rupees in her bag. The
The inscriptions in the North-Western Province belong, with a few exceptions, to the first four centuries of the Christian era; they are nearly all engraved on rocks and written in the square or so-called Nagari character, which is
[JANUARY, 1880.
second wife said "He has given me 100 rupees, he must have given you twelve annas short by mistake; the king will give you the other twelve annas when he comes in at noon to breakfast." After the two queens had bathed, the second went to cook for the king, and the other went on the roof of the house to dry her hair in the sun. When the cooking was finished, the king came and had his breakfast, and whilst the second wife was giving him his betelnut, she asked him why he had given the other wife twelve annas short of 100 rupees. The king said, "She owes me twelve annas, so I have deducted it." The queen enquired how that could be, and the king answered, "When the queen was in her father's house I was a plum seller, and she bought four annas worth of plums from me but did not pay for them, and in the evening, because the city kôtwal was thirsty, I climbed a cocoanut tree and brought down a young cocoanut, and for that she promised me another four annas; and again, when she was sleeping in the night, it happened that one of the legs of the bed broke, so I sat underneath and supported it with my head, and for this I was promised another four annas, twelve annas altogether; this sum I have deducted from what I gave her." When the first queen heard what was said, she jumped from off the top of the house, and was killed.
REPORT ON THE ANCIENT INSCRIPTIONS IN THE NORTH-WESTERN
PROVINCE OF CEYLON.
BY DR. E. MÜLLER, ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEYOR.
Mr. Guyborn Henry Damant, M.A., B.C.S., late Deputy Commissioner of the Naga Hills, came out to India in 1800. He has been a valuable contributor to this Journal ever
The second queen was running to pick her up, but the king forbid her, saying, "It is not your business to pick up that wretch." Nevertheless the queen went and found she was dead. Then the king called her relations, and had the first queen burnt, and her faneral ceremonies performed, and began to rule happily over the kingdom with the second queen.'
only a slight modification of the Aśoka alphabet. They are dispersed all over the province, sometimes in places very little known, and I am therefore very doubtful about the completeness of my collection.
since its commencement. Immediately after sending us the above three legends, to our great regret, he was killed by the rebel Mozema Nagas, in Mozema, 14th October 1879.

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CEYLON INSCRIPTIONS.
According to tradition, the first settlement of north of the road from Puttalam to Anuradhathe Gangetic tribes was at Tamba panni pura, turning off at the 17th mile-post. There Nuwara or Tammuna Nuwara, seven miles are four inscriptions close to a temple which, from Puttalam. Wijaya is said to have landed according to tradition, was built by prince Sali there, and to have taken his way from there Kumara, the son of Dutthagamiņi, abont to Anuradhapura. The ruins, however, 137 B. C. To judge from the inscriptions, I do that are to be found at Tammana Nuwara are not think that this can be correct, as they conundoubtedly of a much later date, and the whole tain blunders which generally do not occur in story of Wijaya, as given in the Mahdwariiso, inscriptions older than the 2nd century A.D. being more mythological than historical, I do I put in brackets and italics the words or not believe that the mere coincidence of name letters that are missing :proves anything.
I. Jotiteraha (putaha] mahasudasane upasaka Tambapaņņi, or Tâmra parni in Tisaya teraha nagaleneSanskrit, was originally the name of a river in The large and beautiful rock cave of the Tin nevelly, Southern India(conf. Lassen de Tapro- thera Tisa, son of thera Joti. bane insula veteribus cognita, p. 6; Caldwell, Upasaka, 'lay-devotee,' which I have omitted Comp. Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, in the translation, is the contrary of thera, and Introd. p. 120), and was most probably also therefore cannot be applied to the same person; applied to a river by the immigrants when they one or the other must stand by mistake. first came over from the continent to Ceylon. II. Parumaka Sumanâ putaha Chuda Sumana Which river that was, is difficult to say, but I cha bata Tisagutaha cha [tudisa] lene sagasado not think that it can have been the Mi-oya "The cave of Tisaguta, son of the Brahman nor any other river that is to the south of Sumana, brother of Chudasumana [is given] to Anuradhapura. According to the Maháwainso the priesthood of the four quarters.' p. 50, the first settlements of the followers of Chudasumana is a name similar to Chudanaga Wijaya were Anuradhapura, U patissa (Mal. 225) given to distinguish him from his Nuwara (the modern Tantrimale), Wijita- grandfather, Mahallaka Naga. pura near the Kalawewa tank, and Uruwela, The two remaining inscriptions are of no of which the position cannot be made out with peculiar interest. certainty. Now, Anuradhapura and Upatissa (2.) Gallena wihå ra, four miles to the Nuwara are both on the Kadamba river (Mal. west from Mahagalkadawala on the road from watta-oya), and Upatissa Nuwara was the seat Padeniya to Anuradhapura. There I found five of Government before Anuradhapura, so that it inscriptions very much alike as to their contents, seems most likely that the immigrants came up but of which one is at least two centuries older this river from the sea coast. I therefore than the others. It runs as follows: believe that if the ruins of Tamman a Dewanapiya maharaja Gâmani Abhayasa puta Nuwara are ever to be found, they will be Tisayasa mahâlene agata [a]nagata chatudisa found a considerable distance to the north of sagasaPuttalam,
The great cave of Tisa, the son of the great I now proceed to the inscriptions. The oldest king, beloved of the gods, Gâmiņi Abhaya, that I found here, as elsewhere, were the cave [is given] to the priesthood of the four quarters, inscriptions. In a historical sense they offer no present and absent. peculiar interest; the names that occur are near- These names seem to be easy enough to ly always the same, mostly Abhaya and Tisa, identify, but unfortunately neither Datthagamini which I have found more than a hundred times nor Amandagâmiņi nor Gajabâ hu had a son of in inscriptions of this province, they do not con- the name of Tisa. To judge from the shape of tain any other name that, with our present know- the letters the inscription must belong to the ledge of old Sinhalese history, we can identify. first century B. C. The other four shew a reFor philological purposes, however, these names markable difference in the language, as they are of great interest, and therefore I give here a write throughout a instead of á and b instead of few specimens of the cave inscriptions :
bh; that is to say, they must have been engraved (1.) Wiranda gode, five miles to the at a time when the long vowels and aspirated

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consonants had entirely disappeared from the language.
(3.) Parama kanda, one mile from Tonigala on the road from Pattalam to Kurun- mgala (of. Journal Ceylon Asiatic Society, 1855, p. 181 f.):
Parumaka Abaya puta paramaka Tisaha Dutaka .... (lene].
The cave of the brahmin Tisa Dataka. ... son of the Brahman Abhaya.'
This most probably refers to Dutthagamiņi, and is, as far as I know, the only inscription in which he is called by his full name. It might be objected that the relationship is not given correctly, as, according to the Maháwariso, Dutthagamiņi was the son of [Kakawanna) Tisa and grandson of [Golu] Abhaya, but these inaccuracies occur frequently in inscriptions, as I have shewn in my last report, Ind. Ant. vol. VIII. p. 226.
Inscriptions similar to these are to be found at Mailâ wa and Giribâwa, five miles from Gallena wihara ; at Galwe wa wihara, two miles from Wariyapola; at Mula gama and Labuga la, six miles from Anamaduwa (cf. Journal Ceylon Asiatic Society, 1853, p. 82); at Pichchhandiya wa, two miles from Mulagama; at Gallæwa wihara near Mediyâwâ; at Ganekande wihara near Mahậnikawawa; at Nagolla wihara, Petiyagala, Kavallalena, all three near Rambawawa on the road from Kurunegala to Anuradhapura ; and at Patah a mulla near Hiripitiya on the same road.
Besides these short cave inscriptions, there is one of some length engraved flat on the rock, which doubtless belongs to the same period, as it bears the name of Dutthagamiņi. It is that at Tonigala, about fourteen miles from Puttalam on the road to Kurguægala (of. Journal Ceylon Asiatic Society, 1853, p. 81). As far as 1 know, this is the only inscription in the Island which can be proved with certainty to be previous to the Christian era; for that at Rukam (Battikaloa) which was published in the proceedings of the Ceylon Asiatic Society, 1870-1, p. xxviii., although it bears the name of Dutthagamiņi's grandfather (Golu] Abbaya, the son of Yatthalaka Tisa, shews by the shape of its letters that it must be of later date.
The inscription at Tonigala has two different versions, of which one is engraved near
the tank Kudawæwa, the other in the jungle a quarter of a mile off :
(a) Parumaka Abaya puta parumaka Tisaha wapi Achagirika Tisa pawatahi agata anagata chatudisa sagasa dine-Dewanapi maharaja Gamiņi Abaye niyate Achanagara ka cha [Tawirikiya nagaraka cha parumaka Abaya puta parumaka Tisa niyata pite rajaha agata anagata chatudisa sagasa.
The tank of [Kákavanna) Tisa, the son of Abhaya, at the mountain of Achagirika Tisa, is given to the priesthood of the four quarters present and absent. The great king, beloved of the gods, Gå mini Abhaya, ordered : Achanagara and Tawirikiyanagara, which have been established by my father kirg Tisa, son of king A bhaya, [are given] to the priesthood of the four quarters, present and absent.'
(6) Parumaka Abaya puta parumaka Tisa niyate Ima wapi Achagirika Tisa pa watahi agata anagata chatudisa sagasa-Dewanapiya maharaje Gamiņi Abaye niyate Achanagaraka cha Tawirikiya nagaraka cha Achagirika Tisa pawatahi agata anagata chatudisa sagasa-Parumaka Abaya puta parumaka Tisaha wisara niyate pite.
King Tisa, son of king Abhaya, ordered : This tank at the Achagirika Tisa mountain is given to the priesthood of the four quarters present and absent. The great king, beloved of the gods, G âmiņi Abhaya, ordered: Acha nagara and Tawirikiyanagara (are given] to the priesthood in the four quarters present and absent. The tank of king Tisa, son of king Abhaya, is established by my father.'
The contents of the inscription are not quite clear, although the words cannot easily be mistaken. As far as we learn from the Mahawariso, K Aka wanna Tisa was only king of MAgama, and never entered the northern kingdom, which was then governed by a Tamil sovereign. We therefore cannot but assnme that this inscription was engraved by his son Dutthagamiņi at the time when he conquered the north, instead of a monument for his dead father, and that the names in the inscription do not at all refer to the locality where it is. The tank mentioned is most probably the Daratissa tank in Rohana mentioned several times in the Mahawanso, bat not yet identified. About the other names I cannot yet venture to express an opinion.
The alphabet in which this inscription is

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written is the oldest form of the Asoka character, | Mihintale, just as we find it related concerning only for 8 we always find the Greek digamma, Meghawanya Abhaya in Mahdwarso, p. 232. as described in Goldschmidt's report, Ind. Ant. The finest specimen of these inscriptions is vol. VI. p. 318. I however believe that this is that from the Ruwan wali da goba, quite accidental, and that there is no difference Anuradhapura, now in the Colombo Museum, of sound between the two s's, as in other inscrip- of which I annex a copy and translation, as it tions equally old--for instance, that at Gallena has never been published :-we find the round form throughout.
(1) Sidha Wahaba rajaha manumaraka T[i]s& Regarding the language of this inscription, maharajaha puti maharaja we find in (6) several instances of the ancient (2) Gayabâ hu Gâmiņi Abaye Dakiņi Abaya Magadhi nominative in e as raje, pite, wiyate; this araba wihera karaya wa rakawiya termination is also used for the feminine gender (3) bajika patisa wanak tiri kota papa(?) in wapi......dine. Niyate I have translated first takarahiya Jina patisatara by ordered,' afterwards by established,' ac- (4) Kotu dine dakapati bikusagaha ataya cording to the context. It has the same meaning chatari paceni paribujanak kotu dine. in Påli; for instance,"porúnarájaniyatam puñía. Hail! The great king Gaja bahu Gakammam," meritorious practices established miņi Abhaya, grandson of king Wahaba, by former kings.' (Mah. 213.) Wisara in the son of king Tisa, having built (or restored) last line of (6) stands probably for wapisara or the Dakshiņa Abhaya and other wiharas, and wawisara, which occurs frequently in later in- having protected them, made them inhabited (?), scriptions.
having strengthened the faith, having made We now proceed to the inscriptions of the obeisance to the faultless Jina, after having first centuries of the Christian era. They are given the wiháras), he gave to the priesthood much more numerous than the oldest, but as the enjoyment of the four pratyayas.' the letters are not cut very deep, some of them According to Mah. p. 206, the Dakshina and are much damaged by rain, and besides they Abhaya giri] wiharas were already built under are full of mistakes and clerical errors of all the reign of Wattag âmiņi, B.C. 89,60 kinds.
that we must either assume that Gaja bahu The alphabet in which they are written is was also one of the names of Wattagâmini, or that of the Western caves, as given in Prinsep's that karaya is to be translated restored,' not Essays, but in addition to this I found several built.' The latter seems more probable, as the letters which apparently do not occur in India. names of Gajabảhu's father and grandfather It is to this period that the inscriptions belong are given, and from the whole appearance of of H a bara neand Tissamaharama (now the inscription in general. in the Colombo Museum), which were published Among the inscriptions in the North-Westby Dr. Goldschmidt in his last report, but none ern Province, one of the oldest is at Pajaof the inscriptions in the North-Western Pro- gala three miles from Hiripitiya (on the road vince are so well preserved as these. Also the from Kurunegala to Anuradhapura) on the top large inscription at Mihintale is of the same of a rook. It bears the name of a son of the date-not that which is alluded to in Alwis's minister Mahînîga, but there are too many Introduction to the Sidatsangaráwa, p. xxxvi., words and letters effaced to allow of a translaand translated by Armour in the Ceylon Almanac tion. One letter in this inscription is of peculiar for 1834, and which is much later, but that interest, as I have found it nowhere else; it ic which was published by Captain Chapman in very much like the modern Tamils, but I could 1850. Goldschmidt ascribed this inscription to not yet make out the meaning of it. Gaja bahu Gâmiņi (cf. his Report, Ind. Ant. Nearly as old as this is the inscription at vol. VI. p. 319), but I think it belongs to Megha. Ridi wihara (Ambatthakola lena) between vanna Abhaya (A.D. 248), not only because Kur nægala and Matale. This wihara was the king mentioned is said to be the grandson built by king Amandagâmiņi (21-30 A.D.), of king Tisa, which alone would not be conclu- but I do not think that the inscription is quite sive, but because it is stated that he repaired as old. It begins: Siddhisaddhamake siri. ... the abode of Mahidatera and Badusalatera at After this comes most probably the name of the

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king, which is not quite legible on the stone, and Raja Abayisa pati Waqamana gama mabama in the second line I believe I have deciphered a bariha sagasa wawi cha. part of the ancient name of the place-Abattha- [Under this is a line of smaller characters, [kola].
which are not so clear.] There are several inscriptions of the same Wadahamâna, the son of king Abaya, age, which all refer to the construction and gave the village . . . . and the tank to the dedication of tanks, a favourite subject also in priesthood.' the North-Central Province and in the district The words left blank may be names, but of Hambantota. Unfortunately we know so little I am not sure about it. Galgamuwa tank was about the ancient geography of Ceylon that we built ty king Mahasena, the son of Meghaonly seldom can identify the names given in wanna Abhaya, according to the Rájaratná kari these inscriptions. Celebrated tanks like the (Upham, Sacred and Historical Books, II. 69, Padiwilkulam and Kantalai tank are not at all III. 237), and to him I think the inscription mentioned in the earlier part of the Mahdwanso, must be ascribed. Whether Waddhamana was which should give us an account of their con- really & name or only a title, must remain unstruction, and so there is little hope to learn from decided at present. (Cf. Journal Ceylon Asiatic thence anything about minor tanks as they exist Society, 1879, p. 7.) in the North-Western Province. Still more Another equally well preserved inscription is difficulty of course prevails about the names of at Dewagiriya wihara, three miles from the paddy fields which are served by these tanks, Galgamuwa and so there remains but very little matter to Sisitawanaka wiharahi nawahagamaketahi discuss in inscriptions like the following from chetahi karihi kubareAlutgalwihara:
In the Sisitawanaka wihara on the NawaSiddha mahârâ jaha bikawawiya chetakarihi hagama field the paddy land (extends) over. . . sagawiye chetakarihi talatarawiketahi cheta- karishas.' karihi
Similar inscriptions concerning tanks are to (2) uliwawiya chetakaribi punagamaka- be found at Yapahu (Subhaparwata), six wawiya chetakaribi wihirakaketahi chetakarihi miles from Balalli, and at Galwe wa near
(3) pariwatakaketahi chetakarihi talawiya- Wariyapola. ketahi chetakarihi.
All the inscriptions mentioned until now are (4) Tisa teraha kalahi likitaka.
not later than the beginning of the 4th century We have here four tanks and four corres. A.D. At this time we notice a change in the ponding paddy-fields :
alphabet; the square character begins to go bikawawiya
talatarawiketa over gradually into the round form, and somesaga wa]wiya wihirakaketa
times we find the same letter in two or three uliwawiya
pariwatakaketa different forms in the same inscription. punagamakawawiya talawiyaketa
I only came across one cave inscription The only word to explain is chetakarihi, of written in this mixed character at Ga nekande which the second part karihi is equal to the Pali wihara near Mahậnikawowa, on the road karisha; cheta is most probably a numeral, which from Kurunegala to Anuradhapura. I give it indicates the extent of paddy-land that was here as it is of some interest :served by each tank, but I cannot trace the Sidawiya pukaņalene chat disika gagasa etymology of the word.
Chuda(?)tisa jetaka Baranake anajiwi. The concluding sentence--" This is written The tank cave of Siddhawiya (?) [is given] at the time of the thera Tisa"-helps us just as to the priesthood in the four quarters. Chudatisa little in finding out the date of the inscription the chief, and Bharana his bondsman.' as the mere title “maharaja" ("great king') Pukana is the old form for the modern in the first line.
pokuna, Sanskrit pushkarini. One of the oldest and best preserved inscrip- There are two short inscriptions of this kind tions is on a rock near Galgamuwa tank at Kadigala near the Kall-oya river, and two on the road from Padeniya to Anuradhapura. long onds at Mediyawa (Ratgallegama wihåra), It runs as follows:
of which one is hopelessly destroyed by burn

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CEYLON INSCRIPTIONS.
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ing. The other one, as well as & very fine inscription at Rajângane, three miles from Mahigalkadewala, treat both about the building of dining halls for the priest (danasala) and the offering of water-strainers (palisavana) to them, a practice that is known from Maháwarnso, p. 220. I reserve a full transcript and translation of these for a later occasion. The alphabet in which they are written is very difficult to decipher, and some characters can only be found out by conjecture, as we have nothing like them in any of the Indian alphabets that are given in Prinsep's Essays and Burnell's, South Indian Palæography.
As in the North-Central Province, there are here also no inscriptions between the 5th and 9th centuries, and so we go on at once to the reign of Kassapo V. (937—954.) There is a fine pillar of this king at Ingirimitiya, eight miles from Anamaduwa, discovered by Mr. Parker, the irrigation officer of the district.
The king styles himself, as usual, Siri Sang Bo, and it would be difficult to say which king of this name it is, if not for the name of a minister (Mahale=mahdlekha) Sena, which must be the same mentioned in Mahawanso ch. 52, 33, as the founder of Mahâlekhapabbatawihara. It contains a grant to a temple, the name of which is not clear on the stone. I give the first lines and a part from the middle of the inscription :A.-(1) Swasti
(2) Siri Sanga Bo (3) ma purmuka (4) sawanaga pa(5) ridase hima (6) ta puradisa (7) wak dawas (8). ... ma (9) hâ panan (10) wahange
(11) wadAleyiHail! Siri Sanga Bo, the king in the...th year of his reign, on the 10th day in the bright half of the month Himata....the great sage declared. . .
Sawanaga must serve to indicate the year of the king's reign in which this order was given; generally we find a numeral instead, as pasaļ08wanne in the inscription of Mahakalattewa. C.-(1) ......su
(2) sama me ga (3) m no wad
(4) nå kot i. (5) Bł gæl mi(6) wan wæriya(7) n gam gen(8) no ganna (9) kot isa (10) ataņin nepanna
(11) kot isa. Having ordered that noblemen shall not enter the place, that enemies shall not take the cart buffaloes from the village, and having made them independent.'....
Atanin nepanna I think stands for Pali attand nipphannd-dependent upon themselves.'
Inscriptions of this king and of his successor, Kassapo VI., are to be found at Makala na wih â ra, seven miles from Kurunegala, on a large rock close to the dågoba, and on pillars at Mædag ama and Segele na wihara, nine miles from Kurunegala on the Kandy road, and at Yak dessa Gala, two miles to the east of the road to Puttalam.
Of king Par & krama bahu I., I only found two inscriptions : one on a pillar which stands now before the Assistant Government Agent's house in Puttalam; the other one on a stone tablet at Galas ne Malâ sane, eight miles from Kurunegala, near the road to Anuradhapura. The pillar was formerly at Puliankulam, ten miles from Chilaw, where it was discovered by Mr. Brodie, who gave a very rough and imperfect transcript of it in the Journal of the Ceylon Asiatic Society, 1855, p. 181 ff. The contents seem not to differ greatly from those in his other numerous inscriptions all over the Island.
Last of all, I mention three Tamil inscriptions on two pillars and one large slab at Budumutt å wa wihara near Nikaweratiya. The character is very much the same as the present Tamil, but there are two or three letters which have disappeared now from the alphabet. Unfortunately I am not well enough acquainted with Tamil to be able to give a translation of these inscriptions; they bear the name of the son of a Kalinga king (“Kalinka makan"), and date, without doubt, from the time of the great Tamil invasion of Ceylon, 1013-1153 A.D.
These are the inscriptions I found, partly by inquiring from the natives, partly with the help of the Government archeological returns ; but I am convinced that if a systematic search

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were made by Government in all the temples of this province, a great many more would be found, which perhaps might give us some valuable in-
formation in addition to what we know from books on the ancient history of Ceylon.
Colombo, 3rd June 1879.
THIEN-CHU-INDIA. EXTRACT FROM MATWAN-LIN, BOOK CCCXXXVIII. FOL. 14.
Translated from the French of M. Stanislas Julien. The following notice of India by Ma-twan-lin, making use of Indian words already to my being made up of fragments from the great knowledge employed by Buddhist writers in Chinese historians, not one of whom probably was translating the same words into Chinese ; and, as acquainted with the languages of India, we may the Sanskrit language often offers several transexpect to find in it a great many words disfigured, lations of a given word, I have always placed a first by the original writers, and afterwards by note of interrogation (?) after the word proposed, the various editors of the Wen-hien-thong-khao. even in cases in which I am almost certain of Thus we find Ki-li-chi and Tea-li for Kshattrya' having found the correct one. (a man of the warlike caste), So-tu for 'Stupa' I cannot conclude these remarks without adding (a tomb), Shi-lo-y-to for Siladitya (name of a king), that the fragment from Ma-twan-lin here given, Kia-mo-lo for Kapila (a town). I have removed has presented to me, as much on account of the these alterations in the case of words the correct names of foreign products and Indian names as form of which I have learned from other sources, of passages altered by the editors, difficulties but what could I do, in the case of Indian words which one is not accustomed to meet with in of which I could find no trace in my Buddhist Chinese historians. I have been obliged in order accounts, and also in the case of names of foreign to correct the text to search patiently for the countries, which perhaps appear only once in the original notices extracted by the author, and Bolitary fragment from which Ma-twan-lin has although in more than one place this species of taken them PI believe I have taken the only investigation has succeeded, I have not in every plan which I could prudently have done. If, in instance recovered the passage at which he must a particular case I have attempted a transcription have been looking, or else I have found even I have placed it between parentheses, followed it spoiled by mistakes. by a note of interrogation, or else I have limited myself to simply transcribing the Chinese sounds, It was under the later Han dynasty that hoping that others, more fortunate or better
China came into relations with Thien-chu.' acquainted with Sanskrit than I am, may succeed
This name is the same as Shin-t u employed in re-establishing the original spelling.
in the time of the Han dynasty. As for the Chinese proper names, which appear to me evidently drawn from the Sanskrit, I have
First, Ma-twan-lin remarks in a note that the taken the liberty of giving the translation of General Chang-kie n being sent on a mission them, not according to any dictionary, but by to Ta-hia (Baktria) saw canes of the Khiong
1 Journal Asiatique, IVme Sér. tome X. (1847) pp. 81- sound of shin-tu has been changed into thien-tre, because 121. The following extract first appeared in the Asiatic the word tuldu) has been abridged into tu (Khang-bi Journal for July and August 1836 without any transla- mentions this abbreviation under the word tu); finally the tor's name. It was reprinted with additional notes by abbreviation tu has received the sound of chu. Acoording Prinsep in the Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. VI. (Jan. 1837) pp. to the historian See-ma-thsien (the Ching-tseu-thong adda), 61-75. The same extract is included in M. Pauthier's the character shin should be pronounced yuen a word Examen Methodique des faits qui concernent le Thian
which in Khang-hi is also sounded yun, sound very Tehre ou l'Inde published in the Journal Asiatique, IIIe close to yr or in). Sér. 1889, pp. 257-400, and also separately, Paris : 1840. From this we understand how the word for India, which This work also includes 48 pages of "Considérations according to Hiwen-Thsang, should be written in tu (in-du), Générales" drawn from the Ta-thang Si-yu-ki of Hiwen the phonetic transcription of the Sanskrit indu (moon), bus Thsang. M. Julien alludes to neither of the versions that come to be written (Conf. Fan-i-ming-s.tsi, bk. vii., fol. 8 preceded his own, but M. Pauthier mentions (p. 278) that and Khang.hi) by Chinese travellers ignorant of its deri. the English version was due to himself. Some notes from vation, as Thien-tu, Shin-tu and Shin-tu, Yunu, Hien. Prinsop's reprint, together with others, are added here. teu (teu representing the sound of ) and lastly Thien.
According to the Buddhist work Ling-yen-tsi-chure chu, in consequence of the alteration of the two syllables (bk. I. fol. 2) the word Thien-chu signifies moon (in of this Sanscrit word (0) Indu, the moon. Sanskrit 5). From this etymology we discover that both syllables of this word have been altered, and one wonders
* Pauthier's Examen, p. 4. how this corrupted spelling should be preserved to the • According to the historian See-ma-thsien, the country present time by Chinose writers. Let us see the origin of of Tahis is situated about 200 leagues to the south-west this change.
of Ta-wan (now Tashigan, in Arabic, Thaabkond; woord. In the dictionary Ching-tseu-thong under the word chu ing to the universal geography Thai-thsing 1-tong-chi; we find that, in Shin-tú, the same word as Thien.chu, Khokand, according to the Thai-kue-thu.ch). is south of the word tu ought to be pronounced as tu (du). Now the the river Wei (in Banserit Vach), the Oxu.

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reed and cloth of Shu. Whence have you got these things?' asked he of the people of Ta-hia. Our merchants,' they said, 'are sent to buy them in Shin-t u, which is the same country as Thien-chu (India). Some call it Mo-kie-t ho (Magadha) and others P o-lo-men (kue) Bráhmanarashtra, the kingdom of the Brahmans.' It is to the south of the Tsong-ling mountains and is many thousand li to the south-east of the Yuei-chi. This country extends 30,000 li (3,000 leagues); it is divided into five Thienchu (Indies), viz.: middle Thien-chu, eastern Thien-chu, southern Thien-chu, western Thienchu, and northern Thien-chu, each division measures many thousand lis, and contains many cities large and small.
CHINESE ACCOUNTS OF INDIA.
Southern India is bounded by a great sea, the northern extends to the snowy mountains (Siu e-s han, the Himalayas). On all sides are mountains which form a sort of wall. Towards the south is a valley by which one might enter, and which is reckoned as the gate of that part of India.
"Eastern India is bounded on the east by a great sea, it is near Fu-n a n° (Siam) and Lin-i (Tsiampa), it is only separated by a narrow sea. "Western India touches Kipin (Kâbul) and Po-sse (Pars'a, Persia).
All the countries, continues Ma-twan-lin, which extend from the south-west of the Yue ïchi and the kingdom of Kao-fu" (Kabul) to the western sea (si-hai), and on the east to Pan-khi, (or as it is sometimes written Pan-yueï), belong to Shin-tu (India). Many towns are subject to powerful chiefs; there are also many separate kingdoms which are governed by kings. Although these kingdoms differ a little from one another, they are all comprehended under the name Shin-tu (or India).
The capital is near the river Heng-ho "Central India is situated in the middle of (Gañgâ), which is also called Kia-pi-li-ho, the other four divisions of India. or the river of Kapila.
The Vulture mountain Ling-t sie ü-shan, is called in the language of the barbarians Ki-tu-kue-shan (Gridhrakûṭa). It is formed of blue stones, and its summit resembles the
"All the countries of India are governed by kings. In the times of the Hans, there still existed the kingdom of Yuen-tu' which was 9800 li from the city of Chang-'an, and 2800 li
15
Siue-shan, an exact translation of the Sanskrit Himalaya, 'abode of snow, or rather Himalayagiri, 'mountain whereon the snow rests.'-J. A. 8. Beng. vol. VI. p. 61.
We read in the history of the kingdom of Fu-nan (Siam) the kingdom of She-wei (Srivasti) is a dependency of India, the kingdom of Kia-shi (KA), is also called Po-lo-nai (Varanasi, Benares), and Shi-po-lo-nai (Srivaranasi, the glorious kingdom of Benares). It is said in the work entitled Chu-fa-wei-Fo-kue-ki, or Memoirs of the Buddhist kingdoms, by the Saman Chufa-wel (in Sanskrit Dharmapala ?) The kingdom of Polo-nai, (Varanasi, Banaras) is situated 1480 lis south of the kingdom of Kia-wei-lo-yue! (Kapilavastu, Kapila). The law of Sakyamuni flourishes there (Author's note).
Ma-twan-lin then relates a fact, taken from the work Li-kue-chuen, extraordinary and doubtless imaginary, about a species of ox of the same country, which is called Shao-ko-nieu, which means the ox whose flesh is cut by degrees. "It is black and has slender horns four feet long. Every ten days, they cut a portion of its flesh; without this precaution, it falls ill or dies. Those who drink its blood, and indeed generally the inhabitants of this kingdom, live to a very advanced age. This species of ox lives as long as the men. The present king (says the author of the Li-kué-ch'uen) is a hundred years of age; his kingdom forms part of Thie n-chu, that is to say India."
The author of the Han annals, from which work
from the residence of T u-h u (the Chinese gene. ralissimo of the Si-y u). On the south it touches the Tsong-ling mountains, on the north it is bounded by the country of the U-sun. The inhabitants dressed like the U-sun; like them, also, they were a pastoral people. They belonged to the ancient race of the Sâï. We are informed by Yen-sse-ku that the word Yuen-tu is the same as Shin-tu. The expression Saï-chong is the same as Shi-chong, the race of Sakyas, or children of Sakya (the tribe to which belonged the founder of the Buddhist religion, surnamed Sakyamuni or the monk of the Sakya family). We have here, the commentator adds, a slight alteration of sound, namely, Shi instead of Sái."
Ma-twan-lin makes extracts, has not observed that the kingdom called by mistake Yuen-tu is identical with the one which he has before spoken of under the name of Shin-tu, he is also wrong in comparing the Indians to the U-sun, a nomadic race, who, in their continual migrations, look for water and pasturage. The first error is rectified farther on by Yen-sse-ku, commentator on the Han annals.
This division of India must include the modern Kasmir, the description of which, by Masudi, the Arabian historian, coincides in a striking manner with that of the Chinese author: The kingdom of Kasmir," he says, "which forms part of India, is surrounded with very high mountains; it contains a prodigious number of towns and villages; it can be entered only by a single pass, which is closed by a gate."-J. A. 8. B. ut sup.
The following account of this kingdom is given by Ma-twan-lin elsewhere (b. cccxxxviii, f. 27): "The kingdom of Kao-fu was known in the time of the Hans. It is situated to the south-east of the great Yub-che. It is likewise a considerable state. Their manners resemble those of the inhabitants of India, and they are gentle and humane. They carry on much commerce with India. India, Kophene, and the country of Asse, are three kingdoms which are conquered by force and lost by weakness," the latter expressions are borrowed from the Taou-tih-king of Laou-tese.-J. A. 8. B. u. s. p." 63.

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Tsieu bird (gridhra, vulture). At this period all these kingdoms belonged to the Yu ei-chi."
The Yuei-chi slew the kings of these kingdoms, and filled their places with generals, to whom they gave the governorship. The people practise Buddhism (Feü-t'u-tao), which forbids the taking of the life of any living creature and the drinking of wine. This prohibition soon passed into the customs of the people. The soil is low and damp, and the climate is extremely warm.
This kingdom is near that is to say watered by) a large river. The soldiers fight mounted on elephants. The inhabitants of the country are not so strong as the Yuei-chi.
The emperor Wu-ti, of the Han dynasty, (which reigned from 140 to 85 B. c.,) sent officers twelve times out of China by the southwest, to try to effect an entrance into Shin-tu (India), but they were stopped by the Kuenming, and none of them succeeded in penetrating into the country."
India several times paid tribute to the em. peror Hoti, (who belonged to the later Han dynasty, and reigned from 89 to 105 A. D.,) but soon after, this homage was interrupted by the revolt of the Si-y u people.
In the second year of the Yen-hi period during the reign of the emperor Hwan-ti (158159 A.D.), Indian ambassadors passed the boandaries of Ji-nan (the present Tonquin), and paid tribute to the emperor of China.
Tradition relates that the emperor Ming-ti (of the later Han dynasty, who reigned from
58 to 76 A. D.) saw in a dream a tall man of the colour of gold, from whose head & flame of fire issued. He questioned his officers for the subject, and one of them said to him-"In the West there is a god called Fo (Buddha), he is six chi high, and yellow like gold"."
Upon hearing this the emperor sent messengers to Thien-chu to learn the doctrine of Fo (Buddha), and soon after images and statues of Fo were scattered throughout China. Ying, king of Thsu, was the first who pat faith in Buddhism. His conversion led to a great number of people in China embracing the new religion.
In course oftime, theemperor Hwan-ti, who was strongly addicted to the worship of spirits, began often to offer sacrifices to Feu-thu (Buddha) and Lao-tsen. By degrees people embraced the Buddhist religion, and soon after it began to flourish. Under the Weïand Tsin dynasties (220 to 419 A. D.) the relations between China and India were broken up, and were not renewed for a long time. Only nnder the U" dynasty (222-227 A.D.) Fan-chen, king of Fu-nan (Siam), sent a relation of his called Su-we on an embassy to India. Once out of Fun an, he set sail from the mouth of the river Teu-keu-li, and coasted along till he came to a large gulf on the north-west. He travelled through several kingdoms situated on the coast of the gulf, and at the end of a year, arrived at the mouth of the river of Thien-chu (of India). He followed the course of the river for about 7,000 li (700 leaguos), and arrived at his destination.
10 It is situated south of Mo-kie-ti (HT), a kingdom Indica Commentatio, p. 56. The first of these cites an which also forms a part of Thien-chu. (Chu.fa-wet.fo. ancient scholiast on Varaha Mihira, who thus explains the kue-ki.)
word Suka employed by this astronomer to denote the 11 This important epoch in the history may be fixed with Samvat era : "epoch when the barbarian kings named Saka precision by means of Chinese historians; and it is not one (the Sacs) were defelsted by Vikramaditya." - J. A. S. B. of the least advantages derivable from the study of the
14. 8. p. 63. writers of this nation, Ma-twan-lin, in his sooount of the great 1 This same emperor gained some trifling particulars Yud-chi, or Indo-Skythians (book ceexxxviii, fol. 9), states respecting Shin-tu, or India, by bis General Chang-kien, that the Chinese General Chang-keen was sent as an ambas. whom he had sent to the Yue-che, which are preserved by sador to the Yue-chi by the Emperor Wu-ti (B. C. 126), and the historian Sze-ma-taien, in his se-ke (book cxxiii, fols. 6 that, about 100 years after, prince of this nation, who pos- and 7), where it is stated that Shin-tu is situated to the sessed one of tho five governments of the country of Dahae, east of Ta-hia, the capital of which was the city of Lan. subjected the Getes in Kophenes, and that Thien-ahu, or she.- J. A. S. B. u. 8. p. 63. India, was again subjugated by the Yud-chi. This other 15 At this period, China was still considered as the para. conguest of India by the Skythians must be placed, therefore, mount state of all the half-civilized nations inhabiting about the year B. c. 26. Ma-twan-lin adds, that these Yuě
Central Asia. It is not, therefore, surprising that the chi having become rich and powerfal (by these conquesta), chiefs of India, subject to the Yue-chi, or Skythians, should remained in this state till the time of the latter Hans, who have thought of sending ambassador to China, in search began to reign A. D. 222. It results from hence that the of means of delivering their country from barbarians, by Skuthienslor Yud.chi) must have been masters of Western the aid of the Chinese armies, which could oblige their re. India from about B. c. 26 till A. D. 222, that is, for & space volted subjects to return to their duty. Thus we may easily of 248 years. The first invasion of India by the Yue-chi, explain facts apparently so improbable.-J. 4. S. B. u.s. or Skythians, must have taken place before the reign of 1. Pauthier's Examen, p. 11. Vikram Aditya, whose celebrated era, which begins fifty-six 15 A. D. 147-167.-Pauthier's Examen, p. 13. years before ours, originated from the complete defeat of 14 Pauthier's Eramen, p. 27. the Skythian armies by this Indian prince; an event which 11 Or Wu, one of the three dynasties which reigned simul. deserved to be thus immortalized : see Colebrooke's Indian taneously over three divisions of the Chinese empire: it wabAlgebra, (preface p. 48) and Lassen's Do Pentapotamia I sisted from A. D. 922 to 280.-J. A. 8. B. 4. s. p. 64.

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The king of India was filled with astonish- ment, and cried out-What! there still exist such men on the shores of the most distant seas ? Thereupon he invited them to visit the interior of his kingdom.
In the suite of this ambassador, he sent two officers, Chin-song and another, to present Fan-chen and Su-we with four horses from the Yu ei-chi country, as a token of recognition. They arrived only at the end of four years. At this time, the emperor of the U dynasty had sent Khang-thaï, with the title of Chong-lang, on a mission to the kingdom of Fu-nan. Upon meeting with Chin-song and his companion, he questioned them about the customs of India. It is, they replied, a country where the Buddhist law flourishes. The people are upright and honest, and the soil is very fertile. The king's name is Meu-lun"; and the capital in which he resides is surrounded by walls. The rivers and streams are divided into a great number of smaller streams which run in canals and ditches and fall into a large river. The palaces are decorated with beautiful carved workio, in the streets and the public places, the houses, the pavilions, and raised galleries is heard the sound of little bells or of the drum and melodious songs, one sees rich clothing, and breathes the perfume of flowers.
Merchants arrive there by land and sea, and gather in great numbers offering, according to the public taste, skilfully wrought vessels and curiosities of very great value.
Right and left are sixteen large kingdoms,
namely Kia-weï (Kapila), She-weï (Śrâvasti) Y e-po, ao etc.
Several kingdoms, although two or three thousand lis from Thien-chu, yield obedience to it, because they consider that this kingdom is situated in the middle of the universe.
In the fifth year of the Yuen-kia period in the reign of We n-ti, of the Song dynasty (in the year 428 A. D.), Yu ei-'a ï (that is to say
loved by the moon,'in Sanskrit-Chandrapriya), king of Kia-pili (Kapila) in Thien-chu," sent an ambassador to present a letter to the emperor, and to offer him a ring set with diamonds, a bracelet of pure gold, along with other valuable articles, and two parrots, one red and the other white.
In the second year of the Thai-shi period, in the reign of Ming-ti (466 A.D.), he sent again an ambassador to pay tribute. The emperor conferred on him the title of Kien-weï-tsiang-kiun (literally the general who establishes authority').*
At the beginning of the Thien-kien period, in the reign of Wu-ti of the Liang dynasty (502 A.D.), Kioto, (Gupta,) king of India, sent Cha-lo-ta, with the title of Chang-shi, to present the emperor with a letter, 3 a spitoon of lieü-li (vaidúryya, lapis lazuli), different kinds of perfumes, stuffs of kie-peï (karpása, cotton), etc. His kingdom was near a large river called Sinth a 0% (Sindh), which rises in the Kwan. lun" (Anéuta) mountains, and divides into five rivers, of which the collective name is Hengshui (the river Heng or Ganges). At the bot
15 This title must be the Chinese transcription of Maharana, there can be no doubt in respect to the first syllable mana in composition) great' ; but the Sanskrit word represented by lun (or run, ran) is less certain. At all events this nust be a king of India whose reign corresponded with this date, between A. D. 222 and 280.--J. A. S. B. u. 3. p. 65.
10 This is the case at Banaras, where many of the hones have seven or eight storeys; and the numerous temples and public edifices are covered with sculptures and basreliefs.-J. A. S. B. 11. 8.
30 The name of this kingdom is not found in the excellent history of Hiwen-thsaug, and I have not met with it else. where, it appears to me to have been altered.
31 Conf. Pauthier's Eramen, p. 17.
" In the eighteenth year of the Yuen-kia period (441 A.D.), the king of Su-mo-li sent an ambassador to offer some of the products of his country. In the second year of the Hiao-kien period, in the reign of Hino wa (455 A.D.), the king of Kin-tho-li sent an officer with the title of Chiang shi to offer precious Vases of gold and silver. Still later, in the first year of the Yuen-hoei period in the reign of Fal-ti (read Tsang-u-wang, the year 473 A. D.), the kingdom of Po-li paid tribute. These kingdoms believed in the doctrine of Buddha. (Note of Ma-twan-lin.)
Are the Kin-tho-li the Gandari of Herodotos and Str bo In Sanskrit Gandhari' or Gandhara, J.A.S.B...
23 For the letter see Pauthier, u. 8. pp. 30-33.
3. These curious details, the exactitude of which may excite surprise, prove that the Chinese 1 istorians were better informed than might have been expected of facts and circumstances concerning Central and Western Asia. We are indebted to Colebrocke for the mens of ascertain ing the accuracy of the Chinese writers. In fact the Chinese words Sin-thao are but the transcription of the Sanskrit word Sita, the name of one of the sources of the Ganges. In memoir on the sources of this river, this scholar cites the following passage from the astronomer Bhaskara Achirya :-"The holy stream which escapes from the foot of Vishnu descends from the abode of Vishnu on mount Meru (the Kwan-lun), whence it divides into four currents, and passing through the air, it reaches the lakes on the summit of the mountains which sustain them. Under the name of stta, this river joins the Bhadr awa: as the Ala kanand A, it enters Bharatavaraha (Hindustau): 1.8 the Chakshu, it proceeds to Ketumala, and as the Bhadra, it goes to Kuru of the north."-Siddhantasiro. mani: Bhavana-kosha, 87 and 38.-J. A. S. B. u. 8. p. 66.
25 Mount Mera. «The Hindas say that the Ganges falls from heaven upon its summit, and thence descends in four currente: the southern branch is the Ganges, the eastern branch is the Site, and the western is the Chakshu or Oxu."-Wilson, Sanskrit Dict., 2nd edit. Art. meri-- the namo Meru is the Mepos of the Greeks. J. 4.. B. th. $.

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tom of this river, pure salt is found as white as rock crystal."
In the reign of Siuen-w u of the later Wei dynasty (500-504 A. D.), the king of India" sent an ambassador to present the emperor with a well trained horse. He related that this country produced lions, sables, leopards, rats," camels, rhinoceros, and elephants.
There is a mineral product called ho-tsi which resembles yun-mu (laminar min), but it is of a violet colour. It can be split into leaves as thin as a grasshopper's wing, and which laid on the top of one another resemble gauze several times folded.
A kind of diamond is found similar to ts'e-chi-ing (crystalline quartz), which the strongest fire cannot dissolve, and which can cut jade. One may obtainalso articles made of tortoise-shell (tae mei), gold (kin), copper (tung), iron (tee), lead (yuen), and tin (seih), textures of thread of gold, carpets ornamented with gold, and carpets of pê-thie (cotton); perfumes extracted from the chen-tan tree (chandant, sandal), and the yo-kin plant; sugarcane and other products; crystallized sugar," pepper (hu-tsiao-piper nigrum), ginger
and black salt.
On the west, this kingdom maintains commercial relations by sea with the people of Ta-thsin and the 'A s is (Parthians). Sometimes its inhabitants travel as far as the kingdoms of Fu-nan (Siam) and Kiao-chi (Tonquin) for the purpose of trading. They have a
26 Pauthier's Examen, p. 18.
27 Pauthier has 'Northern India.'-u. s. p. 34.
25 Ma-twan-lin writes hoen (agitare, movere), a word corrupted for hoen, rat, whose fur is much prized. I borrow this correction from the original passage inserted in the Pien-i-tien, book lviii.
29 The word lie in the text means 'to set in order'; it is a inistake; I believe it should be 'split.' This correction is confirmed by a passage in the Pien-i-tien (book lviii.) identical with this one, in which the same idea is expressed by "divided."
30 In the text it is " to engrave," I think it should read
"thread."
31 These are, no doubt, the fine brocades, embroidered with gold and silver, for which Banaras is still so celebrated, which continue to constitute an extensive article of commerce throughout India.-J. A. S. B. u. s.
32 Shih-meih, stone-honey."
33 The Roman empire; and the An-si are most probably the subjects of the Arsacides.-ED.
3 Perhaps the Yasy of the Russian arrals, Alani sive Assi' of Carpini (p. 709), and Alani sive Aas' of Robruquis, the Alani of classical authors; see Bretschneider's Mediaval Geog. and Hist. of C. & W. Asia, pp. 184 ff.-ED. 35 These are, no doubt, the nåtch-girls.
36 To form the jaid. See the laws of Manu, book II., v. 219.
[JANUARY, 1880.
36
great deal of coral, also pearls and lang-kan (a kind of coral). They are not in the habit of keeping ledgers, but pay for goods with chi-peï or dentated shells (cowries); they particularly excel in magical sciences (that is, in working transformations). The greatest mark of respect which one can show to a man is to kiss his feet and lightly touch his heels before addressing him. In the houses of the rich there are young female singers and jugglers who keep the inmates in amusement. The king and his chief officers are dressed in brocaded silk; the sovereign retains on the crown of his head a small lock of hair, which is dressed spirally, he wears the rest of his hair very short. The men cut their hair and hang pendants in their ears; they are accustomed to walk barefooted, and dress themselves in white. They are timid, and little given to war and combats. They use bows and arrows, shields and spears37; they also know how to use scaling ladders, wooden oxen (müh-meau) and floating horses (lew-ma for crossing rivers), they also make subterraneous passages. They have a written language, and are excellent astronomers and calculators of the calendar. The Indians all study an elementary book called Si-ta-chang (the Siddha, a kind of primer), and write memoranda upon leaves called pei-to-ye."
Yang-ti I, an emperor of the Suï dynasty (605 A. D.), having formed the project of entering into relations with the Si-yu (the countries
37 Fete, this is a scaling-ladder, of which a representation may be seen in the Art Militaire Chinois, figs. 48 and 49.-J. A. S. B. u. s. p. 67.
4
38 The two Chinese characters seih-than are a transcription of the Sanskrit word siddhanta, which signifies established truth,' 'demonstrable conclusion,' and which forms the titles of many scientific books, as the Surya Siddhanta, the Brahma Siddhanta, the Siddhanta Kaumu di, &c. The leaves of the trees, pei-to, are the olas, on which most of the Sanskrit MSS. are written, especially those in Telinga characters, which come from Southern India. J. A. S. B. u. s.
39 In the section on trees of the imperial book of botany Kwang-kiun-fang-pu, book xiv. under Pei-to-shu, we read that this tree is a native of Magadha; it grows to the height of sixty or seventy feet, and does not lose its leaves in winter. There are three species of it, the first of which is called To-lo-po-li-cha (in Sanskrit Talavriksha). Its leaves are called To-lo-po-li-cha-pei-to (in Sanskrit Tálavrikshapatra). The word pei-to is an Indian word (patra), which is translated leaf in Chinese. Chinese authors sometimes write ye-shu (in Sanskrit pei-to-po-li-cha; read patravriksha, literally tree with leaves'), sometimes pei-to-shu, a hybrid word made up of patra, leaves, and shu tree."
on."
"In India, the bark and leaves are used to write books This tree is the palm named Borassus flabelliformis. The Imperial book of botany quoted above explains the expression pel-to-shu more clearly than any Chinese book has before done. (Cf. Fan-i-ming-i-tsi, book vii., fol. 26 v.)

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to the west of China), sent Feï-tu to induce* the Si-fan" (Tibetans) and other people to pay homage to him. Many princes responded to his appeal; those of India being the only ones who refused to enter into relations with him. Their refusal irritated him very much.
The Kings of India are of the Ki-li-chi family, called also Tsali (Kshattryås). For centuries they have held the throne without once acquiring it either by usurpation or murder.
There are four crops of rice in the year; the greatest of cereals is called mo-to-tho.*
The women wear necklaces of gold, silver and pearls. The bones of the dead are burned and their ashes placed in a so-tu (Stúpa) ;* sometimes however they leave the dead in the middle of a desert, or throw them into a river; they serve then for food for birds and beasts of prey, fishes and turtles. There is no law to determine the duration of mourning. Those who have been guilty of treason or revolt are put to death in secret, those who have com- mitted light offences may buy themselves off with money, and those who have failed in the duties of filial piety either suffer amputation of the hands or foet, nose or ears, or are banished to the frontiers.
The Indians have a written language, and they excel in astronomical calculations and the science of the calendar. They use characters invented by the god Fan,* and write memorable things on leaves called pei-to-ye. In all parts of India ancient traces of Fo (Buddha Så kyamuni)* are found. The people have faith in solemn oaths, and transmit magical formulas which they say can bring dragons and call down rain.
In the Wu-te period (in the reign of Kao
tsu) of the Thang dynasty (618-627) serious disturbances broke out in India. King Shi. 1o-y-to (šiladitya)" raised a great army, and fought with irresistible valour. The men neither took off their own armour nor the elephants thoir housings. He punished the kings of four parts of India, so that they all with their faces turned towards the north acknowledged his superiority.
At this time, a Buddhist monk called Hiwentheang came to the kingdom of Sila ditya; the king invited him to come and see him, and said to him,-" In your country a very pious monarch appeared, and a war-song was composed to celebrate the conquests of the emperor of China ;" try, I pray you, to teach it to me."
Hiw on-thsang told him briefly how Tha T-tsong had, by his divine valour, quieted the misfortunes and troubles of the empire, and brought the foreign peoples' into subjection. Cho a ng-wang (in Sanskrit Sliditya) was delighted at these words, and cried out-"It becomes me to turn towards the east and to do homage to him.” In the fifteenth year of the Ching-kwan period (641), Siladitya assumed the title of king of Mo-kie-tho (Magadha), and sent an ambassador with a letter to the emperor. This monarch ordered Liang-hoaïking, under the title of Yun-ki-weï, to go to him furnished with an imperial brevet, and to invite him to submission.
Silâditya full of astonishment asked his officers whether an ambassador had ever come from Mo-ho-s hintan before? “Never," they simultaneously replied. In the language of the barbarians (that is of these people) the author adds, the middle kingdom (China) is called Moho-shin-tan, in Sanskrit Mahachinasthana).
10 In Chinese, to go before.' •1 Western Barbarians,' see Bretachneider, W. 8. p. 112. -ED.
* This word does not appear to be porely Indian, for the two last syllables mean in Chinese-camel. The character mo (ma) seems to be an abbreviation of Sanskrit word. The word 'camel' is doubtless used in allusion to the extraordinary height of this cereal.
** Read So-tu-po. (Cf. Fan-i-ming-i-tsi book xx. fol. 52). From this word stupa, the word 'tope' has been formed. The text literally means" and a tomb was built for him."
** Ma-twan-lin hae omitted the word before (cf. Pei. wen-yun-fu, book lxxxv. fol. 191 r.)
45 This word Fan is an abbreviation of Fan-lan-mo, BrahmA (Cf. San-thsang-fa-su, book xlvi. fol. 3). It is usually written Fan-mo--Brahms (Cf. Fan-s-ming-i-tsi, book , fol. 11, line 4).
. *This passage is already found in a foregoing extract, taken from the collection of sonals. We preserve it, in order to give the text of Ma-twan-lin in full.
" I think that he means here vestiges of ancient monu.
ments erected in places visited by Buddha. In Chinese the word ku-tsi often means remains of ancient monumenta (see the Thai-tsing-i-tong-chi, in the section entitled Ku-tsi).
* Harghavarddhana-see ante vol. VII. pp. 196 ff.-ED.
40 Tain is the name of the dynasty which reigned over China from B.C. 249 to 202, during which the Chinese power caused itself to be known for the first time in Dentral and Western Asia, its conquests being extended to the Caspian ses and Bengal, in the reign of Tsin-shehwang-te, the celebrated Burner of the Books. The name of this dynasty has formed that of China, in Sanskrit China, which occurs in the Laws of Manu (book x. 41. 44), and therefore to a date anterior to the third century before our era, which may be easily explained in referring the name of China to the period of the foundation of the kingdom of Tain in the western province of Shen-8e, about B.C. 100.-J. A. S. B. 4. 3. p. 68.
50 It is in Chinese Sset, the "four strangers, which means strangers from the four cardinal pointe-North, South, East, and West. .

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(JANUARY, 1880.
Tho king then went out, and bending on his knees thus received the imperial decres, and placed it on his head (in token of respect).
The Chinese envoy immediately after his re- turn went to the palace, and Li-i, under the title of Wei-weï-ching, was ordered to carry to the king of Magadha the reply of the emperor.
Great officers went before him, outside the town, and the inhabitants of the capital and the neighbouring towns flocked out to see him, and to burn perfames on his path. Siladitya came himself at the head of his ministers, and received the imperial decree with his face turned to the east. He again presented laminar mica (ho-tsi), a perfume called yo-kin, and a tree called pu-ti-shut (in Sanskrit bodhidruma,-the tree of knowledge, fious religiosa).
In the twentieth year of the Ching-kwan period (646), the emperor sent Wang-hiwen-tse, under the title of Yeu-wei-so-fu-chang-shi," on an embassy to the kingdom of Magadha, he associated with him Tsiang-shi-jin." . Before he arrived King $11&ditya died, and his king dom fell into a state of anarchy. One of his ministers named Na-fo-ti-a-la-na-shun (Nava ....Pusurped the supreme power, and sent soldiers to oppose Wang-hiwen-tee. At this time his suite consisted only of a few dozens of cavaliers, who struggled without SUCCOBS, and were all taken prisoners. Soon after the usarper used violence to make other kingdoms pay him tribute.
Hiwen-tse resolved opon action, and retired to a town on the western frontier of Tu-fan, from whịch he called the neighbouring king doms to arms." The king of Tufan came
with a thousand soldiers, and the king of Nê. pal" with seven thousand cavaliers. Hiwen-tse divided them into several bodies, and marched against the town of T&-po-h 0-10, which he took by storm at the end of three days. He beheaded three thousand people, and ten thousand more were drowned. A-la-na-shan abandoned his kingdom and fled; then he collected his scattered troops, and attempted & fresh fight, but the general Jin (or Tsiang-shi-jin) took him alive, he also captured and beheaded a thousand men. The remains of the hostile army obeying the orders of the queen, tried to stop the way apon the banks of the river Khien-to-wei (Gandhara); but Tsiang-shi-jin gave them battle and defeated them. He took the queen and the king's son prisoners, captured twelve thousand men and women, and twenty thousand head of cattle, and subdued five hundred and eighty towns, large and small.
Shi-kieu-ma (Srikumara P) king of eastern India, sent him thirty thousand oxen and horses, and provisions for all his army; to which he added bows, scimitars, and collars of great value. The king of Kia-mo-10** gave him some rare articles, a map of his states." and several statuettes of Lao-tsu.
Hiwen-tae took A-18-n 8-s hun, and presented him at the gate of the palace. The magistrates proclaimed the victory in the ancestral temple, and the emperor raised him to the rank of Ch'ao-san-ta-fu (a sort of aulic councillor).
He had met a magician named Na-lo-mi-po-somei (Náradevasvâmin ?), who said he was two hundred years old, and pretended that he possessed the art of procuring immortality. The
The name of this town, which should be pronounced Davahara (?), is not found in any other Chinese work.
Pauthier reads Ta-pa-ho-lo. Tu (the first character) may be read cha or tsa. If it be read cha, the pronuncis. tion of the epoch in question Cha-pu-ho-lo would be an exact transcription of Champaran, a city placed by Aba'l Fasl in Behar, the ancient kingdom of Magadha and probably the same na Chopra, on the Ganges higher up than Påtna; for ChaprA is but a variation of ChampAram, as the latter is likewise of Champaranagara.-J.4. 8. B.u..
"The Godavart is suggested in the J. 4. 8. B. u. 8.
* The words pu- are probably the transcription of the name of a treo in Sanskrit, perhape the vata, & sacred tree employed in religious ceremonies, and of which mention often made in Sanskrit poetry. What confirms this oonjecture is the following passage in Kang-be's dictionary, under the character pu " pu-ti is the name of a tree which grows in the kingdom of Mo-kes-to
ingaom or mo-kes-to (Magadba)." 1. 4. 8. B. 4. 3. p. 69.
- The Encyclopaedis Fa-yuen-chu-lin (book orr.) gives him the title of Ch'ao-an-ta-fu, a sort of solio conncillor;
title whiob we shall see farther on was conferred on him after he had completed his travels. Unfortunately the history which he composed in twelve books has not come down to us.
Pauthier, 1. 8. p. 58. * This authoritative demand, if it be not introduced here, the facta, indeed, show, to gratity Chinese vanity, would denote that at this period, Tibet was already dependent on the Chinese empire me well u several other neighbouring kingdoms.-J. 4. 8. B. 4. 3.
"Nopala : 100 the account given by Mo-twan-lia (book COCXLIV. fol, 14) in the translation by M. Rémusst. Now. Mil. Asiat. t. I. p. 188.
p. 69.
* Another author writes in the same place Kis-pi-li (Kapila). Cf. Pien, i-tion book lviii.
69 This kingdom must be that of Kama-rupa, mentioned in the Sanskrit inscription on the column of Allahabad, and which formed the western part of the kingdom of Assam, on the frontiers of Tibet. The syllable kd is well represented by kec, as ma is by mo, and rd by lu; the last syllable pa is not transcribed. It is worthy of remark that it is a general law of transcription from Sanskrit into Chinese, that the short a should be represented in the latter by 0.J.A.S. B. #. . p. 70.
1

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emperor being attacked by a mortal malady | kia-y-to" (Lokaditya), a native of U-ta," ordered him to prepare his marvellous remedy. obtained an interview with him by aid of his Thsui-tun-li, chief minister of war, was ordered (pretended) knowledge of magic. He received to protect and watch over his emissaries, who the title of Hoai-hoa-ta-tsiang-kiun. would be obliged to travel through all the In the third years of the Khien-fong period empire to collect medicinal plants of extra. (668 A. D.), the kings of the five Indias all came ordinary virtue, and very rare minerals, some to do homage to the emperor. of them even went into all the kingdoms of In the Khai-yuen period (713-714) ambasthe Po-lo-men (Brahmans). According to him, sadors came three times from Central India, the river called Pan-da-f a flows out of a and once an envoy came from Southern India. stone trough, and is guarded by men hewn ont They brought a bird which could speak, and of stone. It has seven kinds of waters : some whose plumage was of five colours. They are hot and others cold : the former dissolve
asked troops to punish the T-shi" (the Tâzi rapidly plants, herbs and metals. If any one - Arabs)" and the Tu-fan (Thibetans), and plunges his hand into it, he finds it cooked desired the emperor to give their army an and dissolved the same moment. This water honorary name. Hiweu-tsong passed a deoree, is drawn with the skull of a camel, and poured
in which he gave it the name Hoai-te-kiun into a calabash.
(the army which cherishes virtue). “There is a tree called ta-la-la, the leaves of "Foreigners," the ambassador said, “think which resemble those of the li (a kind of ebony) :
themselves honoured only when they receive a it grows on the ragged sides of & perpendi- cloak and a girdle ; upon which the emperor cularly shaped mountain, the approach to which made him a present of a brocaded cloak, a is guarded by a serpent hidden in a cave. Those leathern girdle enriched with gold, a satchel who wish to obtain the leaves, knock them ornamented with fishes," and seven other valodown by shooting arrows with four cornered able articles. points against the branches, but they are soon The king of Northern India came once to do carried off by the birds, they shoot more arrows, homage to the emperor. and at last obtain the leaves. Such were the Towards the end of the Khien-yuen period fables which this quack narrated. But at last, (668–670), China having lost the country of Hohis magical science having remained ineffectual, long, the kings of India ceased from that time the emperor permitted him to return; but before to come to court. In the third year of the he had time to set out he died at Chang'an." Kwang-shun period (959 A.D.) sixteen Samaneang While the Emperor Kao-tsong, (who mount
from Western India, Sa-man-to (Samanta) and ed the throne in 650 A.D.) was reigning, L 0-1 others, brought some very fine horses as tribute.
0 Tao-tsung, who reigned from A.D. 626 to 649.-J. A. 8. curious pasage throws great light on this obscure period B. 1.8.
of Indian history, and confirms fact hitherto Karcely 1 This is a very exact transcription of the Persian word noticed, but which has been asserted by two Arabian
authors Almakin and Abu'l Feda, namely the invasion of Panjab, the 'five waters,' or 'five rivers' (in Sans- India by the Arabs at the beginning of the eighth century. krit Panchananda). The last syllable fa in the Chinese " Muhammad ben K im," says the former, in his History transcription represents the more faithfully the syllable db, of the Sarrasins, "took India; be obtained possession of innamuch as the confonants composing it are two labials the countries adjoining the Sind (Indus), gave battle to very often taken one for the other. 1.4.8. B. 1..
Dahar, who was king of them, vanquished him, made him . The Capital of China at that time.-Pauthier, 1. 8. prisoner, and put bim to death." The other, in his Musalp. 58.
man Annals, translated by Reiske, says "Muhammed ben 3 That is, Ladyatika, or follower of the atheistical Kasim overran India as conqueror." But the following is a system of philosophy founded by Cherwika, entitled passage, curious in another respect, concerning the same Lakdyata (see Mr. Colebrooke's Essays on the Philosophy fact, it is taken from the History of the Empire of the of the Hindus). The saffix ka, which forms collective Khalifs, translated from Tabari (Turkish edition), for a names in Sanskrit, is represented in Chinese by the char. knowledge of which we are indebted to M. Reinaud - actor che, which serves in like manner to form adjectives and * This same year 87 (A.D. 709) was gloriously terminated collective names in Chinese. J.A. 8. B. u. 8. p. 71.
by the defeat of 200,000 barbarians, who had entered the .. Niao-ta is the word in the text; it is & mistake for country of the Musalmane, commanded by Begbaban, Uda (Odra, now Orissa). Pauthier, however, says it was nephew of the emperor of China. The Musalmans oonalso called Kiwan-yu-mo, where were many stôpas, &o.- fessed that they owed this important victory to the Examen, p. 59 n.
protection of God. J. 4. 8. B. vol. VI. p. 71. • The other account has the second year (887 A. D.)- On the T-shi, seo Breitschneider, On the knowledge Pautbier, W. 8. p. 59.
possessed by the Ancient Chiness of the Arabs, &c. " See D'Ohsson, Hist. des Mongols, tom. I. p. 217; Trübner, London 1871).-ED. Bretachneider's Mediaval Geog. and Hist. pp. 48f-ED. * We see in the Thang andals, that these fishes were
Ta-shi' great enters,' (rather tdi, Arabiana) is the sometimes made of jade, and sometimes carved in gold or name by which the Chinese designato the Arabe. This silver.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1880.
In the third year of the Khien-te period of the The king of Eastern India had a son called Songs (965 A.D.) Tao-yuen, a Buddhist monk | Ma n-ch u-s hili (Manjusri), who arrived of Tsang-ch eü, returned from the Si-yu at the capital in the train of some Chinese (Western countries). Having obtained a portion monks. Thaï-tsong (who mounted the of the she-li (Sarîrâ) or relics of Buddha, namely, throne in 976) ordered him to be lodged in the a vase of rock crystal and forty bundles of Siang-küð-sse convent. He observed rigidly Indian books written on palm leaves, he came the Buddhist precepts, and won the esteem and to offer them in homage to the emperor. admiration of the inhabitants of the capital.
Ta oyu en had gone to visit the Si-yu in the The emperor having loaded him with riches Thion-fu period (947 A.D.), and had travelled for and favours, all the monks envied and hated twelve years. He had resided for six years in him, and as he did not understand the Chinese the five Indias. By the five Indias Thien-cha language, they fabricated a false petition, in is meant. On his way back he passed through which they represented him as asking permisYü-thien" (Khotan), and arrived at the sion to go back to his own country. The same time as the ambassadors (of the emperor). emperor granted him permission. Thaïts a called him to the palace and ques. When the decree was passed, Man-chutioned him on the customs, mountains, rivers shi-li (Manjusri) was at first filled with stupor and itinerary of the countries through which and indignation. The monks told him that he had travelled. To all of these questions he the decreo was irrevokable. After some months gave answers.
he went away, announcing that he was going In the fourth year of the Khien-te period (966 to the coasts of the Southern Sea on board A. D.) the monk Hing-kin, followed by fifty. a merchant vessel. It was never known to what six companions, came to the gate of the palace, country he went. and told the emperor that he wished to go to the In the seventh year of the Thai-p'ing-hingBiya (the Western countries) to obtain some Icié period (986 A. D.), Künng-yü en, a monk Baddhist books. His request was granted. of I-cheü, went to India, and on his return
They travelled through the districts of Khan. brought the emperor a letter from the king of chea, Sha-cheu, I cheu, Su-cheu, etc. the king that country whose name was M0-si-n ang. doms of Yen-ki (now Kharasbar), Kieu-tse The emperor ordered Shi-hu (Dânapala P), (Kuohe), Yu-thien(Khotan), K 0-10(Kolom).
an Indian monk, to translate it into Chinese. etc. They passed also through the kingdoms The following is the letter :-"Lately I have of Pu-lu-8 ha (Purushapura, now PoshAwar), learned that there is in the kingdom of China Kia-shi-mi-lo (Kashmir), etc. and all the a king as great as he is enlightened, perfectly Princes passed decrees and issued orders to holy, perfectly intelligent, and who by his the inhabitants to be careful to guide and con- majesty and power reigns supreme. Every duct them.
day I think with confusion of my bad fortune, After the Khai-pao period (963-975) and lament that I cannot go in person to pay several" Indian monks arrived without molesta- homage to you. From afar I look affectiontion, bringing with them Buddhist manuscripts ately towards the capital of China and wish your to give to the emperor.
holy person ten thousand folicities. In the winter of the eighth year (976), "On the arrival of Kuang-yüen, I had the Yang-kie-kü ang-lo (others read Yang-kie- honour to receive a holy statuette enriched with shue-lo, Angkasvara ?), son of the king of diamonds, representing Sakyamuni seated in Eastern India, came to pay tribute and do the attitude of felicity, and divine calm. I homage to the emperor.
clothed myself in kia-sha, and made offerings to According to the laws of India, when a king him. dies, he is succeeded by his eldest son (Kumára. "I humbly desire that the august emperor of rája); the other sons leave the family and China may obtain perfect felicity and under embrace a religious life, and they are no longer standing, that he may enjoy long life in order allowed to reside in their native kingdom. to guide every creature to happiness, and that • Hu-t'an, Bretachneider, ut. sup. p. 151.-ED.
" Pauthier says 'one',-1.8. p. 70. 10 Bretschneider, ut. sup. p. 140.

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JANUARY, 1880.)
CHINESE ACCOUNTS OF INDIA.
23
he may enable all those who are exposed to "It generally takes three months to travel shipwreck, to sail over the immense sea of life from Central to Southern India; thence after and death. Now I have entrusted Küang-yüen journeying eighty-six days towards the west with some relics of Sâkyamuni, that he may one arrives at the kingdom of Kong-kia-na present to your majesty on my behalf."
(Konkanapura)," from which another day's traShi-hu (Danâ påla P) also translated a letter velling in the same direction brings one to from the monks of India as & body which in the sea. its style and thoughts resembled that of king “If one sets out from Southern India, and Mo-si-nang.
travels in a southerly direction, he will reach According to the Samanean Shi-hul the southern sea at the end of six months." (Danapala ?) " the kingdom of U-tie n-nang Such were the itineraries which the monk (Udyana)" belongs to Northern India. After Sbi-ha (Danâ pâla ?) made known." twelve days' travelling in a westerly direction, In the eighth year (983 A.D.) a monk called one arrives at the kingdom of Khion-tho-lo | Fa-ya, who had gone to India to search for (Gandhara); at the end of other twelve days, | Buddhist books, arrived on his way back to journeying in the same direction one comes to China at the kingdom of Sa n-f o-tsi (part of the kingdom of Nang-go-lo-kia-lo (Naga- Sumatra), where he met an Indian monk called rahåra); after journeying ten days more, still Mei-molo-s hili (Mimarasri P)," who after a in the same direction, the kingdom of Lan-po short interview asked him to take charge of a (Lampa, Lamghân)" is reached, at the end of letter in which he expressed a desire to go to the other ten days, still travelling towards the west, kingdom of China to explain the sacred books. one arrives at the kingdom of Go-je-nang' The emperor passed a friendly decree calling (Gajana); continuing the journey towards the him to the capital. west the kingdom of P 0-8 se (Pars'a, Persia) Fa-yu set himself to beg, and caused a dais is at last reached; thence one can set sail on to be made ornamented with dragons and a the western sea.
kia-sha (a kind of religious dress, from the “ The journey from Northern to Central Sanskrit word kasháya, brown). India occupies a hundred and twenty days.
Being desirous of returning to India he asked "From Central India travelling towards the imperial letters of recommendation to the foreign west, after three halts A-la-wei (?) is reached; princes whose dominions he would have to and if the journey is continued in the same travel through. He presented them to the king direction for twelve days more, one comes to of San-fo-tsi (Sumatra); whence he came Ka-ra-na-kiü-je (the second syllable is not after a long voyage to the Prince of A-ku-la required-Kanyakubja, Kananj); at the end and Ki emang (Kama ?), steward of cavalry, of other twelve days' travelling one arrives at chief of the kingdoms of Ko-lan and Tsanthe kingdom of Ma-la-wei; after a journey talo (Chandra) and king of Western India, of twelve days more, still in a westerly direc- whose son Mu-tho-sien (Mudhâsina ?) gave him tion, one reaches the kingdom of U-jen-ni" on his departure letters of recommendation. (Ujjayani); if one continues journeying in the In the Yong-hi period (984–988 A.D.) Thsesame direction for twenty-five days more the han, a monk from Weï-ch eü, returning from the kingdom of Lolo (Lara ?) is arrived at, and Si-yu (the western countries), with a foreign after other forty days one comes to the king. monk named Mi-tan-lo (Mitra), brought letters dom of Su-la-ta (Suråshtra).
from the king of Northern India and Nalan. "From Sarashtra to the Western Sea is a tho (Nalanda), who sat on a throne ornamented journey of eleven days.
with diamonds (Vajrásanam).
Conf. Stan. Julien Vie do Hiouen Thaang p. 85; Mém. Aur les Cont. Ocoid. t. I. pp. 181, 149; t. 11. Pp. 318 sogg Beal's Fa-hian (c. 8), p. 26.-ED.
13 Vie de H. T. pp. 78, 90, 264, Mam. t. I. p. 98 ; t. II. P. 800; Lampagæ in Ptol. Geog. lib. VII. c. i. $49.ED.
"Ghasna, Bretschneider, W. S. p. 171. .
* In this passage, wbich is an extract from the Song annads, Me-twan-lin has omitted twenty-three words, of which the following is the meaning Wo arrive at the
kingdom of Wel-nang-lo or Mo-nang-lo, (wer is often written for mo; the latter spelling would give the sound Manar P). After travelling twelve days towards the weat one arrives (at Kanyakubja)
* There is mistake in the text, where we read wiao instead of u.
• Via de H. T. p. 201; Mém. t. II. pp. 146, 400.--ED. * Paathier, ws. p. 71. * Pandit Bhagvanili suggesta Vimalaári.-ED.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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A Brahman called Yong-hi and a heretical clothing of brocaded silk of different colours. sectarian from Persia called A-li-in also arrived Every time that he went out to walk or hunt he at the capital. Yong-shi announced that his was absent two or three days; he took a whole native kingdom was called Lite, and that the day to return. The administration of public king's name was Y a-l o-u-t ê; and his surname affairs was entrusted to nine persons of the A-je-ni-fo; he was clothed in yellow, and wore highest rank. & golden headdress ornamented with the seven The inhabitants do not make use of coins in precious things. When he went out he mount- their commercial transactions; there are many ed an elephant, or was borne in a palanquin. different articles which they exchange for His retinue was preceded by musicians who goods. sang melodious songs accompanied by the sound | Six months' travelling in an Easterly direction of conch shells and cymbals. He often visited from this country, brings one to the kingdom the Buddhist convents, and distributed abund- of the Brahmans (India)." ant alms to the poor. The queen's name was In the second year of the Chi-tao period Mo-ho-ni (Mabâni ?); she wore a robe of red (996 A. D.) an Indian monk came to China on taffeta, enriched with thin plates of chased board a merchant vessel. He brought a bell gold. She only went out once a year, when she to the emperor, a clapper (of a bell) ornadistributed generous gifts for the relief of the mented with little bells, a little copper bell, a unfortunate. If any one had an act of injustice statuette of Buddha, and a sacred book written or tyranny to complain of, he waited till the on palm leaves. He did not understand the king or queen went out to walk; he then Chinese language. followed them, and laid open his grievances. In the third and fourth years of the ThienThere were four ministers of justice who directed shing period (1025-1026 A. D.) some Indian the administration of the kingdom, and decided monks of Western India, 'Ai-hien-chi(which all affairs.
means loving the knowledge which wise men The different kinds of grain, the domestic possess, Prabhajñanapriya ?), Sin-h u (i.e. proanimals and the different kinds of fruit were tector of the faith, Pranayapala P), and others the same as in China. In the markets and for | came to present Buddhist books written on all commercial transactions they made use of palm leaves. The emperor gave each of them copper coins.
& violet cloak of a square shape, and a rich The face and the back of these coins were girdle. distinguished as in China by different inscrip- In the second month of the fifth year (1027), tions or ornaments; they were round and of the five monks, namely: Fa-kie-tsiang (which same diameter as those of China; but the means happiness of the law, Dharmasri ?), and centre was full and not pierced by a hole for others came, bringing to the emperor Buddhist the purpose of stringing them on a cord.
books; he gave each of them a violet mantle of After six months' travelling in an easterly
a square shape. direction from this kingdom one comes to the In the first month of the third year of the kingdom of the Ta-shi (Tazi, Arabs); two King-yeü periodo (1034 A.D.), nine monks, inontha after to Si-che ü (Tarfan, country of namely: Shen-ching (i.e. he who has a good the Uigurs); and three months after that to reputation, Suyabas P), etc., came to give the Hia-cheü.
emperor some Baddhist books and relics of A-li-in added that the king of his native Buddha, and also a little statue of Tong y acountry had taken the title of He-i (which pu-ga (i.e. Bodhisattva with copper teeth, means clothed in black'); his family name | Tamradanta bodhisattva ?). The emperor gave was Chang, and his surname Li-li-mo. He wore them pieces of silk.*
Namely; Ist, Sa-fa-lo (Suvarna), gold; 2nd, A-lu-ps (Rupya), silver 3rd, Lieu-li (Vaidurya), lapis lazuli; 4th, Pho-li (Sphatika) rock crystal, 5th, Met-so-lo-kie-lspo (Masaragarbha), emerald ; 6th, Mo-lo-kia-li, the agate; 7th, Po-ms-lo-kis (Pudmardga), the ruby: (Cf. San-tangfa-su, book max. fol. 14).
This expression refers to the Abbaside Khalifs. The
Khalif who reigned in Persia about this time (974991 A.D.) was Thay Lilleh; (100 L'art de vérifier les dates, page 478).
** Pauthier, M. s. pp. 79-89. * Pauthier gives 1036 A.D.-Ed. p. 83.
** Pauthier's account comes down to A.D. 1489 (Ezamen, pp. 84-96).

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JANUARY, 1880.]
THE FASTÅMALAKA.
25
THE HASTÂMALAKA.
BY PROF. E. B. OOWELL, M.A., CAMBRIDGE. The poem, of which I give the text and veils—the waking world first (where the sonl translation below, is one which is very well is disguised by the gross effects) and the world known in India, but has never been printed of dreams next (where it is disguised by the in Europe. Most educated natives know it by subtle effects), till we reach that of sound sleep. heart, and it is universally considered as one of Here for the time the individual soul does attain the best summaries of the Vedanta doctrines. its real nature, but its inherent delusion remains Its authorship is uncertain; but there are two latent, and is still capable of being called out commentaries upon it, each of which cariously into actuality. Only the knowledge of the highenough is ascribed to Sankara Acharya, est truth, as taught in the Vedanta, can abolish the celebrated Vedantist teacher of the eighth or ignorance, and so destroy personality in its germ." ninth century. Dr. Hall in his Bibliographical The soul's real nature, as identical with BrahIndeo ascribes the poem to Hastamalaka. The ma, is always described as essentially existent, twelfth stanza is quoted in the Vedanta-sára intelligence, and joy; but though defined as (the only quotation which I have noticed from 'essentially intelligence, this intelligence is not the work), and Hastâ malaka is mentioned as exercised on any object, as all objects, as well as the author in the Vidwan-manoranjins Commen- the internal organ or 'mind' which cognizes tary on the Vedanta-sdra by Råmatirtha-yati. transient perceptions, are produced by'ignorance' Hastamalaka is celebrated as one of Sankara's and therefore unreal. There is a striking verse earliest disciples; and he is afterwards said of the Yoga-vdsishta :to have founded a modified form of Vedantism "As would be the pure nature of light if all recognizing Vishnu as the supreme Brahma. that is illumined by it, as space, earth, and ether, It is probable, however, that the title of the were annihilated, such is the loneliness of the poem has no reference to any author, as hasta pure-essenced spectator (soul), when all objecte, malaka may simply mean 'a myrobalan in the as I, thou, and the three worlds, have passed band,' and thus be used metaphorically to signify into non-existence." gomething very plain and obvious, as the round “Kastva siso kasya kuto 'si ganta fruit on the open palm. The phrase is thus used kim nama te tvan kuta âgato 'si in the Vajrabuchi Upanishad (Weber's ed. etadvada tvam mama suprasiddhar p. 213, 10), where the true Bråhman is described matpritaye pritivivardhano 'si" || 1 || as the contented man, free from desires and Náham manushyo na cha devayaksho passions, who sees everything as visibly before na brahmanakshatriyavaisyâsadrah him as a myrobalan on the palm of his hand' na brahmachari na grihi vanastho (karatalámalakam iva); and this is the inter- bhikshur na chåham nijabodharúpah | 2 pretation which one of my Pandits in Calcutta Nimittam manaśchakshuridipravrittau gave to the title.
nirastAkhilopâdhir ákåsartpah The ultimate identity of the individual and ravir lokacheshtAnimittam yathi yah the supreme soal is the great tenet of the Ba nityopalabdhisvarůpo 'hamåtmå 13 || Vedanta. That art thou' (tat twam asi) is the Yam agnyushṇavannityabodhagvarúpaí first lesson of the neophyte, and the last vision manabchakshurâdîny abodhâtmakani of the perfected mystic. The one supreme soul
pravartanta asritya nishkampam ekam alone exists; all the separate consciousnesses sa nityopalabdhisvarůpo 'hamåtma || 4 | of individuals are but the reflection of the one Makhâbhâsako darpaņe driøyamano sool on the multitudinous internal organs' mukhatvat prithaktvena naivasti vasta which are the creation of 'ignorance' or illusion. chidâbhâsako dhishu jivo 'pi tadvat To rench reality we must strip off the successive sa nityopalabdhisvarůpo 'hamâtm& |5 |
Of. also Vijna-bhikshu, Comm. on Sankhya Satra, το απορρίψαι μόνους την κενοδοξίαν, και εστι χιτών της P, 96, 2 infr. • There is a remarkable passage in Hippolytus' Philoso
ψυχής έσχατος. phumena I. p, 29.TOÛTO de to pôs 8 pagi oyoy Toy
Quoted in Vijnana-bhikshu's Comm. on Sankhya θεον, αυτους μόνους ειδέναι Βραχμάναι λέγουσι, διά!
satra, p. 97.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1880.
Yath darpaņâbbáva Abhâsabảnau mukham vidyate kalpanahînam ekam tathể dhiviyoge nirâbhâsako yaḥ sa nityopalabdhisvarapo 'hamâtmå || 6 || Manaśchakshuråder vimuktah svayam yo manaschakshuråder manaschakshurâdih manaschakshuråder agamyasvarapah sa nityopalabdhisvarūpo 'hamâtma | 71 Ya eko vibhâti svatah suddhachetah prakaśasvarů po 'pi nâneva dhisha fará vodakastho yatha bhanur ekah sa nityopalabdhisvarupo 'hamâtm& || 8 || Yathanekachakshuhprakâso ravir na kramena prakásikaroti prakaśyam aneka dhiyo yas tathaikaprabodhaḥ sa nityopalabdhisvarûpo 'hamatma 91 Vivasvatprabhâtam yathi' rûpam aksham pragrihnati nâbhâtam evaṁ vivasvân tatha bhata kbhasayatyaksham ekah sa nityopalabdhisvarů po 'hamâtma || 10 | Yathê sûrya eko 'psv anekaśchalâsu sthirasv apyananvagvibhavyasvarûpah chalâsu prabbinnâsu dhishveka evan sa nityopalabdhisvarûpo 'hamâtma || 11 || Ghanachchhannadrishţir ghanachchhannam ar
kam yatha nishprabham manyate châtimudhah tathi baddhavad bhâti yo madhadrishteh sa nityopalabdhisvarapo 'hamâtmå || 12 | samasteshu vastushy anusyûtamekam samastani vastûni yam na sprišanti viyadvat sad saddham achchhasvarapan sa nityopalabdhisvarûpo 'hamâtma || 13 || Upadhaa yathả bhedatâ sanmaņinan tathê bhedatâ buddhibhedesha te 'pi yath chandrakanam jale chañchalatvam tatha chanchalatvam tavapiha Vishạo || 14 ||
1. Who art thou, my child, and whose, and whither goest thou? What is thy name, and whence art thou come? Tell me all this clearly to gladden me,-thou fillest my heart with glad. ness."
2. 'I am not a man nor & god nor a demigod, no Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaisya, nor Śndra; no student, nor householder, nor anchorite, nor religious mendicant; innate Knowledge am I.
3. That which is the cause of the action of mind, eye, and the rest, as the sun is the cause
• I. O. Lib. MS. reads siddhachetan. . antanuikaprithak. Oomm.
• The MS. Comm. takes it differently "that which being itself one, unchangeable, and essentially eternal know.
of the movements of living beings, but which itself is void of all conditioning diaguises, like the infinite ether,-that Soul, essentially eternal perception, am I.
4. That which being itself one, unchangeable, and essentially eternal knowledge (ns fire is essentially heat), is the substratum which bears, as they act, the mind, eye, and the rest, which are mere Ignorance", that Soul, oggen tially eternal perception, am I.
5. The reflection of the face seen in the mirror is nothing in itself as separated from the face, so is the personal soul in itself nothing, the reflection of Intelligence on the internal organ,--that Soul, essentially eternal perception, am I.
6. As the reflection vanishes when the mirror is not, and the face remains alone, apart from all delasion, so that Soul which remains without a reflection when the understanding is not, -that Soul, essentially eternal perception, am I.
7. That which abiding aloof from mind, eyo, and the rest, is itself mind, eye, and the rest to mind, eye, and the rest, and whose nature mind, eye, and the rest cannot reach,that Soul, essentially eternal perception, am I.
8. That which, being one, shines forth selfmanifested, possessing pure intelligence, and itself essential light, and which yet appears as though variously modified in various internal organs, as the one sun shines reflected in the water of different vessels-that Soul, essentially eternal perception, am I.
9. As the sun, illumining countless eyes, illumines at the same moment the object to each, so that Soul, the one intelligence, which illumines countless internal organs,-that Soul, essentially eternal perception, am I.
10. As the bodily sense illumined by the sun grasps the form of the object, but when unillumined grasps it not, so that by which the one sun must be itself illumined to illumine the sense,--that Soul, essentially eternal perception, am I.
11. As the one sun seems many in the agitated waters, and even when reflected in still waters must be yet recognized as really separate, so that which, though really one, ledge, is the substratam which bears they act, the mind, eye and the rest, which are mere ignorance, the fire is the substratum that bears the heat, that Soal, nontially, &c."

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JANUARY, 1880.]
THE HASTAMALAKA.
27
seems many in the restless internal organs, himself in the following stanzas (i.e. beginning that Soul, essentially eternal perception, am I. with the third.)"
12. "As he whose eye is covered with a The other Commentary opens with the followcloud thinks in his delusion that the sun is ing introduction: clouded and has lost its light, so that soul which "All beings here have an instinctive desire Beems bound to him whose mind's eye is blind, - to obtain happiness and to escape pain; now & that Soul; essentially eternal perception, am I.
certain person, possessed of a pre-eminent 13 "That which being in itself one, is strung
amount of merit, and considering worldly happithrough all things and with which nothing ness as only so much pain from its inseparable ever yet comes in contact, and which, like the connection with pain and from its transitoriness, ether, is always pure and uncontaminated in becomes thoroughly disgusted with all mundane its nature, that Soul, essentially eternal percep
existence, and in his disgust he strives to escape tion, am I.
from its bonds; and his teacher, telling him 14. As the pure crystals appear different that the ignorance of the soul's nature is the by the presence of a disguiser, so thou too ap
cause of all mundane existence, and the knowpearest different by the diversity of individual ledge thereof the cause of its abolition, instructe minds; as the moonbeams appear to be tremul
him accordingly in the knowledge of the indions in the water, so thou too, O Vishnu, appear. vidual soul." est to flicker in our world!
Neither of these opening paragraphs gives of the two different commentaries on the any hints as to the author or the real circumHastamalaka, ascribed to Sankara Acharya, stances of the composition of the poem. A one was printed at the end of the Calcutta Bengali translation inserts a curious legend, edition of the Vedanta-sára, in 1859; there is a that Sankara, in the course of his wanderings MS. of the other in the India Office Library, as a religious reformer, met one day in the road belonging to the Gaikwad collection, and copied a certain beautiful youth, whom he addressed Samvat 1563 (a.D. 1506). Both profess to claim in the words of the first verse, and who repeated Sankara Acharya as their author, but the remainder of the poem as his reply; but both, especially the latter, are far too diffuse to there seems no authority for this story. vindicate their claim to have been written by There is a curious parallel to the Hastamalaka the greatest philosophical author that India in an ode of the great Persian mystic Shamsi has produced. As a specimen of each I sub- Tabriz, quoted by Erskine in the first volume join the introductory passage, in which each (p. 108) of the Bombay Literary Society's professes to explain the origin and object of Transactions :the poem. Neither gloss comments on the “What advice, O Musalmans, as I do not know first two stanzas, as found in our present text; | myself; both begin their explanations with the third. I am neither Christian nor Jew, nor am I a
The commentary in the E. I. Library (MS. fire-worshipper nor Musulman. 2532) thus opens : "a certain student, who I am not from the East nor the West, nor am had attained supremo knowledge, and who had I of land or fire, assumed the last body before absolute emanci- 1 I am not from the country of 'Irak, nor am I pation, having been ejected from home by his from the land of Khurâsân. relations because he seemed obstinutely dumb, | I am neither of water nor air, nor am I of was pointed out by his father, and accordingly fire or earth; asked by the author of the commentary (on the I am not of Adam or Eve, nor am I of the Vedanta-Sátras, i.e. Sankara), who art thou ?' inhabitants of paradise. Desiring that others also might have a dignity My place is no place, my sign is without sign: like his own, he proceeded accordingly to de- I have neither body nor soul, what is there scribe his own pre-eminence, and to declare | then? I am the soul of my beloved."10
The printed Comm. explains achchha as am drtta, the | prakalayann anyesham apy anubhavo bhayan madvad! MS. As sumsargardhita. "As the Chipa rose reflected in it. iti manvano yathavad dtmdnam dchachakshe nimittam
Kiichidupanna.jnant dvirbh atacharamadehah ityddibhir dwada kabhih Slokaih. swajandnamakatuena vahishkritaḥ pitra pradarsito 1o From The Journal of Philology, Vol. VI. (1876) bhashyakridbhi kas twum' iti prishtah swanubhavam
swanaondoanh Pp. 161-169.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1880.
MISCELLANEA. ON SULASA.
than that hitherto known; and I can now report To the Editor of the "Indian Antiquary." the existence in Europe of a small fragment of In my translation of the Kuda Inscriptions what appears to have been a similar text. (Ind. Ant. VII. 254) I have identified Sulasa, When the late Professor Westergaard of Köpen. in the name Sulasa data, with the modern hagen returned from Persia in 1844, he brought Tulsi the Prakrit names of which plant, viz. with him two imperfect Pahlavi MSS., which he Sulasd and Sklasamañjart, Dr. Bühler had pointed had obtained most probably at Kirman. One of out to me. I have since met, in Silånka's com- these he kindly lent me in 1878, when I found it mentary on the Achdránga Satra, written in had lost 71 folios at the beginning and some 35 the Saka year 798, with Sulas A as one of at the end, but the remaining 181 folios contained the jaganmdtaras or mothers of the world. She the whole of the ninety-two questions and answers is there said to be the mother of all snake races.
of the Dadistdn-i Dink, together with a considerThe name Sulas&datta is thus on the same
able portion of the writings which usually precede line with three more snake-names occurring and follow that Pahlavi text in the most complete in the same inscriptions : Någa in No. 11, MSS. This MS., which was probably written in Naginik & in No. 2, and Sar pild in Nos. 3 A.D. 1572, was presented by Westergaard to the and 9.
University Library at Köpenhagen a few hours The word sulasa for snake, is derived from the before his death. root las, and means originally either the agilo one
The other MS. appears to have commenced with or the shining one. What connection there is the Bundahish, of which the first 129 folios are between the mother of the snake-races and the
lost, leaving only the last page of the text followed Tulast, if there be any, I dare not decide.
by a colophon written in A.D. 1567; next comes The passage in question makes part of an ac
the Pahlavi text of the Mainok-i-Khard written connt of the different opinions regarding the A.D. 1569; and after that some short texts. sajd origin and nature of the universe (Calcutta edition
to be of minor importance, I am indebted to vol. I. p. 348):
Professor Hoffmann of Kiel for directing my Asid idaria tamobhitam aprofñanam (sic) alak
attention to this small fragment of the Bundahish, shanam | apratarkyam avijñeyam prasuptam iva
and for kindly sending me a facsimile of it. It sartatah || (cf. Manus, I. 6) tasmin ekárnaplóhúte
contains only the last few sentences of the last nashte sthadarajasigame mashtamar amire chaira
chapter, interspersed with some additional phrases, pranashtoragardkshase || kevalarh gahvarfohdte mahd
so as to form a text of similar character to that bhataviparjiteachintydtmd vibhus tatva bayanas
contained in the recently-reported MS. in Bombay. tapyate tapah Il tatra tasya baydnasyandbheh
There has, as yet, been no opportunity of comparpadman vinirgatam tarunaravi (read baldrka)
ing it with the corresponding part of the Bombay
MS., but, as the 129 missing folios would have mandalanibhar hridyan kañchanakarnikam || tasmin padme "prabhagavdn dandt yajñopavítasariyuktah
been exactly sufficient to contain the remainder (read 'vitakah) brahmd tatrotpannas tena jaganmd
of the text existing in that Ms., there can be very tarah syishtah:
little doubt that Westergaard's MS. formerly Aditih surasanghandin Ditir asurdnam Manut
contained the same more complete and extensive manushyanam | Vinata rihangandm mdtd vilvapra
text of the Bundahish, amounting to nearly 30,000 kdrandm || Kadruh sarísripandr Sulasd mdid tu
words instead of the 13,000, which have hitherto ndgajatenam Surabhiḥ chatushpadanam Ila punah
been supposed to be the extent of the work. sarvabljdndm Ility ddi.
That these manuscripts should have remained These jaganmdiaras remind us of the Greek
one-third of a century in Europe, before their exact goddesses called unrépes, a temple of which was, character could be ascertained by comparison with according to Plutarch (Marc.), in the old Sicilian
other copies of the same texts, is surely an argutown Engyton.
ment in favour of a searching examination of all Professor HERMANN JACOBI. PÅrsf libraries, by some one thoroughly acquainted Münster, Westphalia.
with all known Pahlavi and Avesta texts, to
ascertain not only where the best copies exist, but BUNDAHISH MSS.
also what fragments of unknown texts may yet A few months ago in the Academy of May 3, 1879; survive. Such an examination must be of the most we ante, vol. VIII. p. 262) I was able to announce searching character to be of any use, 80 88 to the existence of a Pahlavi manuscript, in Bombay, account for the text on every folio of every manacontaining a more complete text of the Bundahish script, and to ascertain the name and date of

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JANUARY, 1880.)
BOOK NOTICES.
every copyist. Unfortunately, the owners of such MSS. can rarely give much trustworthy information on these points, and are apt to have very erroneous ideas of the contents and importance of their books.
Munich, Nov. 26, 1879. E. W. WEST.
METRICAL VERSIONS FROM THE
MAHABHARATA. BY JOHN MUIR, D.C.L., LL.D., &c. (Continued from Vol. VIII. p. 389.)
EVILS OF INDECISION.
Mahdbharata, xii. 3814. The dilatory men who let The time for action pass away, Though long they seek, can seldom get Another opportunity.
HARSH SPEECH. Mahdbharata, i. 3559; v. 12667. Of all men him most luckless deem
With thorns of speech who others tears, Who on his lips, with taunts that teem,
Destruction's cursing Goddess bears. THE CLAIMS AND DUTIES OF FRIENDSHIP.
Mahabharata, v. 3317. That mortal -sages heartless call
That does not help his friends in need,
Who does not kindly warn and lead Whene'er they seem about to fall. He merits praise, who urged by care
His friend from folly back to hold,
Should use all means, and, waxing bold, Should even seize him by the hair.
BOOK NOTICES. INTRODUCTION to the SCIENCE of RELIGION. By F. been indeed alike in their search after truth and in Max Müller, M.A., cr. 8vo. London: Longmans & Co.
their desire to find it. He who succeeds, though LECTURES on the ORIGIN and GROWTH of RELIGION as illustrated by the Religions of India. By F. Max
but in a small degree in a work like this, achieves Müller, M.A. London, 1878.
one of the greatest successes possible to man. These are two interesting volumes, written with
The volumes before us may be said to represent all the ease and elegance characteristic of one
Professor Max Müller's more systematic and deliwho is at once a master of his subject and the art
berate contributions to the Science of Religion. of exposition and the language he employs. Pro
Their germs, indeed, may be said to lie scattered fessor Max Müller writes with singular grace, 80
up and down his other writings. The questions adorns whatever he handles, and so illuminates it
discussed there involve more or less tho questions with the most felicitous illustrations that his ab
discussed here. The questions as to the origin strusest discussions flow and fascinate as if they
and nature of language, and as to the nature were vivid historical narrations. In an age remark
and growth of mythology, are essentially related able for the number of eminent men of science
to the question as to the genesis and developwho are also eminent men of letters, he has the ment of religion; they may, indeed, be said in a literary gift in so remarkable a degree that he sense to be one and the same. And so whether not only has secured an audience for the sciences writing of Language or Mythology or Indian he specially cultivates, but may be said more than
Literature, Professor Max Müller has never been any other man who uses the English tongue to have able to escape from the problems that specially created, in circles that usually fear and flee the dry engage him here. But just because they specially and the recondite, something akin to an enthusiasm engage him, we expect from him a discussion sysfor the study of the languages and religions of the tematic and scientific in a degree impossible to the world. In doing this he has also done much more. Lecturer on Language, to the writer of the Chips He has helped to give India and England a new and to the historian of Sanskrit Literature. And meaning to each other, to create between the two in many respects our expectations are fulfilled. happier, because more intelligent, more moral and
The hand of the writer has here all its old cunning, sympathetic relations. He has helped to make his speech has all its old charm, is now swift, genial, India feel that a European scholar may love and graphio, and now slow, ornate, elegant, holding us study her language and literature and religion fascinated over sentences of linked sweetness and with as much enthusiasm as any Native Pandit, illustrations long drawn out. Yet we are more than and he has helped to make England feel that the doubtful as to whether these Lectures fulfil our ex. Saxon and the Hindu are akin both in blood and pectations in other and higher respects. It may spirit, that, as their languages have the same seem an ungracious thing to express the conviction source, they have been concerned with similar pro- that we are more grateful for the suggestive germs blems, and have fallen on similar solutions, have in the earlier writings than for the full and scien
* Compare the exprossions in Psalms li. 2; lv. 21, Ivi. 4; and lxiv. 3, 4.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
tific exposition in these; and yet we must confess to this conviction. We are sorry to have to say that Professor Max Müller's standpoint seems to us to have changed for the worse. He has indeed qualities that fit him in an exceptional degree to be an interpreter of ancient Hindu religion. He is a scholar, with a scholar's general love of truth and special love of his subject. He is a poet too, with the poet's penetrative insight, quick eye for all that is true and beautiful and good, with the poet's fine imaginative sympathy with the men and natures he would interpret, and his ability to represent their mind and meaning in his own and our speech. But behind the scholar and poet stands the thinker, and Professor Max Müller's philosophical standpoint is not what it once was. In his earlier works he was more or less in philosophy a disciple of Schelling, in his last he has fallen under the influence of Noiré. And the influence has, to our mind, been anything but happy. Schelling, especially in his later days, was dreamy, fanciful, even phantastic, but in his ideas of spirit, of reason, of the nature and genesis of religion he was, as seems to us, on the whole essentially right. But Noiré appears to us to represent one of the most reactionary and infertile schools of philosophy in the Germany of to-day. And we can only and deeply regret that a name so influential in connexion with the study which is now called "the science of religion" should have in any degree been open to the influence of such a system.
Each of the volumes now before us may be said to consist of two parts, a philosophic and a scientific, or a theoretical and historical. The philosophical and theoretical is concerned with the questions as to the origin and nature of religion; the scientific and historical with the interpretation of religion in its concrete forms, religious ideas and beliefs as expressed in the language, literature, customs and laws of given peoples. Yet these two parts are most intimately connected. A man always interprets facts of mind or spirit according to his theory of spirit. He studies religion and history by the light of his philosophy, and can see no more in them than his philosophy enables him to see. Hence the significance of Professor Max Müller's theoretical principles for his scientific criticism and historical presentation of religion. On this point we must say a word or two a propos of his Hibbert Lectures; the other work has been too long before the public to need any further notice here. The first lecture, on "the Perception of the Infinite," discusses the philosophical question. It is to us the least satisfactory in the
[JANUARY, 1880.
book. The question is much too large to be treated within so narrow compass, and we believe Professor Max Müller, had he been left to himself, would not have attempted to discuss it under conditions so little equal to its claims. But passing by the cri. tical parts,-which are but a series of brief, though searching, glances at two or three theories as to the nature of religion, with omission of all save the very slightest reference to the most rational and comprehensive theory of all-we come to our author's positive and constructive doctrine. He modifies the doctrine maintained in his earlier course of lectures, that religion is a mental faculty, which "independent of, nay, in spite of sense and reason, enables man to apprehend the Infinite under different names and varying disguises." This as a piece of psychology was never very lucid. It is not very easy to understand how any mental faculty "that is independent of reason and can act in spite of" it can be a rational faculty. But as now modified it is still less satisfactory. "Religion, in its subjective sense of faith," is now made "simply a development of sensuous perception." And so he says, in answer to the question, how such a being as the primitive savage, with nothing but his five senses, ever comes to think or speak of anything not finite or infinite P"It is the senses which give him the first impression of infinite things, and supply him in the end with an intimation of the infinite. Everything of which his senses cannot perceive a limit, is to a primitive savage, or to any man in an early stage of intellectual activity, unlimited or infinite. Man sees, he sees to a certain point; and there his eyesight breaks down. But exactly where his eyesight breaks down, there presses upon him, whether he likes it or not, the perception of the unlimited or infinite." Now throughout this statement two entirely distinct notions are confounded, the Indefinite and the Infinite. These are not only distinct, but opposite. The Indefinite is simply the undefined, what is without perceived limits; but the Infinite is the without-bounds, is what is not simply undefined, but cannot be defined. The one includes, the other excludes, the ideas of relation and limitation. The senses suggest the Indefinite because they perceive the definite; but the reason conceives the Infinite. Then in what sense can "the senses" be said "to perceive." They are not rational things; to them as senses reason does not belong; and the perception of any rational thing in history, or any reason or reasonable being in nature, is due to man's quality as a rational, not to his nature as a simply sensuous, being. A conception of "infinite things" is possible; "an im
• Ibid p. 37.
1 This work has been translated into German, French, Italian, and Swedish.-ED.
Science of Religion, p. 17. Hibbert Lectures, pp. 26, 27.

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31
BOOK NOTICES.
JANUARY, 1880.)
pression of infinite things" or "a perception of the Infinite" is absurd. I frankly confess my inability to attach any meaning worthy of our author to such a sentence as "I maintain that before it (the Infinite) becomes a nooumenon, it is an aistheton, though not a phainomenon." Whatever the senses perceive appears to the senses; the appearance is the objective side of the perception, the perception the subjective side of the appearance.
The influence of his empirico-transcendental philosophy pervades more or less the lectures ; it is, indeed, hardly apparent in the second lecture with which we throughout cordially agree, or the third, which is an admirable account in our author's very best style of the place and value of the Vedas in the study of religions. But in the fourth," on the Worship of Tangible, Semi-Tangible and Intangible Objects"-and in the fifth"the Ideas of Infinity and Law"-its presence and action become very manifest. For one thing it makes in these and the next lecture the presontation of Vedic religion loss ethical and moro sonsuous than it might have been. We could have wished that Professor Max Müller had analysed, verified and organized for us not simply the forms and characters and qualities of the deities that ou the Vedic Pantheon, but also the ethical ideas, the religious and spiritual beliefs that were at work in the heart of the Vedic society, not only creating the seeds of the philosophy that was afterwards to blossom into the Upanishads, but also laying the foundations of the sacerdotal polity that was afterwards to receive expression in the Laws of Manu. And this suggests another remark-the significance of India for religion does not end at the point where Professor Max Müller leaves us. In a sense it only begins there. We see Indian religion becoming at once more spiritual and more sensuous, entering upou one of the many phases through which it was destined to pass. Yet each of these phases-Brahmanism, Buddhism, Hinduism-was the logical and natural outcome of the other; and to exhibit them in their relations to each other and to the spirit of man is to exhibit one of the most wonderful processes of evolation in religion the history of the world has to show.
It is not possible, within our limits, to give any adequate notice of this book; or any illustrations of the learning, the true and felicitous reflexions, the vigorous and searching criticism with which it abounds, or of the generous and catholic spirit which everywhere penetrates and illumines it.
• Hibbert Lectures, p. 47. 1A Classical Dictionary illustrative of the Mythology, Philosophy, Literature, Antiquities, Arts, Manners, Cus. tome, &c. of the Hindus. By John Garrett, Direotor of
In these respects it is worthy of Professor Max Müller and the subject; and to say this is the highest possible praise.
A. M. FAIRBAIRN. A CLASSICAL DICTIONARY OF HINDU MYTHOLOGY AND RELIGION, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, AND LITERATURE. By John Dowson, M.R.A.S., late Professor of Hindustani, Staff College (8vo. Pp. xix and 411). London: Trübner & Co. 1879.
Many students will hail with pleasure Mr. Dowson's handy volume (which forms the sixth of Trübner's Oriental Series) as a book that is much wanted. It is scarcely eight years yet since its only English predecessor appeared-Mr. J. Garrett's Classical Dictionary published at Madras; and though there were serious slips in it, and it was too largely composed of mera extracts, it is often very useful, and is much fuller than that now before us. Mr. Dowson has not dealt so much in extracts as his predecessor; none of his articles are long; and he has condensed in each the information he has drawn from his authorities with the intelligence of a man who knows his subject. He does not draw on original Sanskrit sources, but his authorities are among the best, viz. Muir's Original Sanskrit Texts, H. H. Wilson's Rig-veda, and Vishnu Purana (Hall's Ed.), and the writings of Monier Williams, Max Müller, Roth, Bathlingk. Lassen. Weber, Whitney, Wollheim da Fonseca, &c. Owing to the brevity necessary in such a work, we regret that theauthor has not given references at the end of each article to authors where more detailed information might be found.
The mythological parts are decidedly the best; in the biographical matter we note many omissions, the names for example of Bilhana, Râmánujya, and Madhvacharya are missing, and the dates of the authors that are given are rarely indicated.
We trust the day is not far distant, however, when another and enlarged edition of this work will be required.and we hope the enterprising nnblisher will see to it that it is then greatly increased both in matter and value. Why should it not develop into a Dictionary of Sansksit Mythology, Religion, History and Literature fit to rank with those of ancient Greek and Roman life and thought, so ably edited by Dr. W. Smith P The late H. E. Wilson projected & scholarly work, and went so far, forty years ago, as to announce his intention of preparing it for the Oriental Translation Fund. Here is the nucleus, well done, but far too restricted. Of this Professor Dowson is, modestly, well aware. “No doubt very defective" is the verdict be passes on the fruit of his own labours. He restricts himself, rather too exclu
Public Instruction in Mysore, &c., &c. (8vo. pp. 793; Madras; Higginbotham and Co. 1871), The Supplement, 160 pp., was published in 1873.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
sively to the purely Brahmanik subjects, to the exclusion of Bauddha and Jaina ones, perhaps purposely; but the names of many of the sects, as well as of individuals mentioned in the great epics, are omitted. But, on the other hand, what we have is well done. Nothing could be better than his treatment of the Vedas and Epics, of such popular deities as Krishna and Rama, and of the Avataras, or incarnations of Vishnu, on which so much of modern and practical Hinduism hangs. Under Tantra some of the truth is told regarding the horrible immoralities of much of Hindu worship and belief. Our readers will form an idea of the utility of the book from this account of the Gayatri :
"A most sacred verse of the Rig-veda, which it is the duty of every Brahman to repeat mentally in his morning and evening devotions. It is addressed to the sun as Sâvitri, the generator, and so it is called also Sâvitri. Personified as a goddess, Savitri is the wife of Brahmâ, mother of the four Vedas, and also of the twice-born or three superior castes. Colebrooke's translation of the Gayatri is 'Earth, sky, heaven. Let us meditate on (these and on) the most excellent light and power of that generous, sportive, and resplendent sun (praying that) it may guide our intellects.' Wilson's version is, in his translation of the Rig-veda, We meditate on that desirable light of the divine Savitri who influences our pious rites.' In the Vishnu Purdna he had before given a somewhat different version- We meditate on that excellent light of the divine sun; may he illuminate our minds. A later version by Benfey is May we receive the glorious brightness of this, the generator, of the god who shall prosper our works." Wilson observes of it: The commentators admit some variety of interpretation, but it probably meant, in its original use, a simple invocation of the sun to shed a benignant influence upon the customary offices of worship, and it is still employed by the unphilosophical Hindus with merely that signification. Later notions, and especially those of the Vedanta, have operated to attach to the text an import it did not at first possess, and have converted it into a mystical propitiation of the spiritual origin and essence of existence, or Brahmâ. It is considered so holy that copyists often refrain from transcribing it."
As another specimen, we give the following analysis of the Ramayana. After a brief notice of the versions and Adhyatma Ramayana he proceeds:
"The Ramayana celebrates the life and exploits of R&ma (R&ma-chandra), the loves of Rama and his wife Sit&, the rape of the latter by Ravana, the demon king of Ceylon, the war carried on by Rama and his monkey allies against Ravana, ending in the destruction of the demon and the rescue
[JANUARY, 1880.
of Sitâ, the restoration of Rama to the throne of Ayodhya, his jealousy and banishment of Sit&, her residence at the hermitage of Valmiki, the birth of her twin sons Kusa and Lava, the father's discovery and recognition of his children, the recall of Sitâ, the attestation of her innocence, her death, Rama's resolution to follow her, and his translation to heaven.
"The Ramayana is divided into seven kandas or sections, and contains about 50,000 lines. The last of the seven sections is probably of later date than the rest of the work.
"1. Bala-kanda. The boyhood of R&ma. "2. Ayodhya-kanda. The scenes at Ayodhya, and the banishment of Rama by his father, King Dasaratha.
"3. Aranya-kanda.
Forest section.' Rama's life in the forest, and the rape of Sitâ by Ravana. "4.Kishkindhyd-kánda. Rama's residence at Kishkindhyâ, the capital of his monkey ally, King Sugriva.
"5. Sundara-kdndd. Beautiful section.' The marvellous passage of the straits by Rama and his allies and their arrival in Ceylon,
"6. Yuddha-kanda. War section.' The war with Ravana, his defeat and death, the recovery of Sitâ, the return to Ayodhya and the coronation of Rama. This is sometimes called the Lanká or Ceylon Kanda.
"7. Uttara-kanda. Later section.' Rama's life in Ayodhya, his banishment of Sitâ, the birth of his two sons, his recognition of them and of the innocence of his wife, their reunion, her death, and his translation to heaven.
"The writer or the compilers of the Ramayana had a high estimate of its value, and it is still held in very great veneration. A verse in the introduction says, 'He who reads and repeats this holy life-giving Ramayana is liberated from all his sins and exalted with all his posterity to the highest heaven;' and in the second chapter Brahmâ is made to say, 'As long as the mountains and rivers shall continue on the surface of the earth, so long shall the story of Ramayana be current in the world.""
The book is followed by a very complete index of synonyms and names referred to under different heads: the arrangement is most helpful to the student, and enables the author to avoid much repetition.
The whole work is introduced by a condensed account of the origin and development of the Vedas. Professor Dowson expresses the hope "that a good beginning has been made, and that a basis has been laid on which a greater and more worthy structure may hereafter be raised." The foundation is indeed good, and we trust he will at once call other scholars to his aid that the next edition may be very much larger and fuller.

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SILHÂRA COPPER-PLATE GRANT DATED SAKA 1016.
...
.........
.
"लसातमकायेधुनजया गलनायक विनत्रिपसक्याबाद
याबालनापकासत:याउसिावा निम्यान्मोलोजातिकारका सुमानियासालदहदकालापमा।जीमताक नुतनायानियत दयालुजीनतवादून विजण युनिहालनिकटलभिवाकले. यन्यता यान कति भगडावलुसंगतानणवायनिखिल नपतिामोलिन नसनातिहतितनिर्मल यादपीठासीसादसाक । सास सिकःकय ही सीलागतसतिलाका व्यनिर्धन व मतभा दजन्यःपुलमनिना मासीमासमानुगुन दिलनाउनी तेः । निर्जियसंगमावविलासित में निकटकजगतिमाघमकानि ।
यनाततधसममाताट्यालापावित्रणा मलिदासिनलिनि: 'ता यानातिकपिला कयद्दीलपदीययससाजगानिसायन । | सुली हातन जातिसुसवा नाणानतमसीन दु या तु विनमानपा जवद्धितियदवीया वयविवीलतासषमावलापानटीपातल कशी वएवन सुतासगामा जलन मिला सिल तयानानेकदै नालासादायन तिनायका तिप्रतितातिाव बिलाद तिनातरूमा
तन्ननाजा तजनिकरता नदि तासघालाकला घाजी जाजादिवसका ववस्त्रनिसबदोषासाताया-हादसापि तापतयद विनाकीनामि स्वनाम्ना सोया नानीवाल ताल ततनुर ताव मेमा
गोरातानी चातानस्यत नवाना हलवामा नाशिः कालीसनामषमा वलाया

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SILHARA COPPER-PLATE GRANT DATED SAKA 1016.
वलीतलव तागामिना डोहनता तामाकर्षक मलिता ती यमिग नियातीलीभाराम वास्तपरु तयामहि तिनकारिता तथा विस्मयकारि पिपित पक्षातकीनि सुतीमा वडादवलयतिमात्र इसकतडामलिहा दाद ।टेकवलय यमनमा मंगानगा। गाना शस्तयाम गंतलनिवर्तिताकम नानिनिवाजयत वह वार जानित बताततकी मानल रावमाशिवाय याडितका गायनयःमाकासागनतपुति बिपता यादीतिमा वकालदरवायाहिषासागत सामता तप सचिन गति यदि तायनमजयतियवानामासरागत तडायतोदेवः यनस्तागतमागता यतिहितागामायनानातिवीयानातायातनानि वलितगालिनकासित मिल्लमाग्मनलम्वनिनिस्ताद गायनाजवता
विउदक नामटयानरम हितमा तल्लाताशमानवदतवहादतना । मालयालमतकनलिनाट्यानयता मजपिएस्तरि तानिनाम: भन्नासामा सकतुतिगावलतास्तुततिानहातातलाना चकनावराया । 'डात सतारा माताहणागति कुलाबालकदलानेदकोलिलीलादव नागना । शिस्तपतासेसलिाताहातामाामन्तरतन्यायपिनाउपाजणदल याकीलय वागतानसा जातकाडावात दुःथाठि व गाजा यानिन । वीला नवंस: निमुना यिायनती तब्य रामुत्रतिमुवात नालवा लकानिक तक तनाटायकठपदवलायतनिका निनिरंजनानि ।।

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FEBRUARY, 1880.]
A SLÅRA COPPER PLATE GRANT.
38
A NEW SİLARA COPPER PLATE GRANT.
BY RASINATH TRIMBAK TELANG, M.A., LL.B. THIS is a grant made by a prince of the Si- mátrá being in many cases written before the 1 lâra dynasty. The plates belong to Mr. letter with which it goes, instead of over it, as Råmchandra Sivrâm Desai of Khårepåtan, and in the modern Devangari. There are sundry were handed over to me several months ago by instances of that confusion between T and # RÃO SA heb Gajanan Krishna Bhatavadekar, then which may be noted in other plates also,' and Subordinate Judge of Devgad, and now in the there is also a somewhat noticeable tendency service of the Barodâ state. The plates were towards doubling some letters. The substitufound many years ago at Khârepata n, buried tion of a o fort; the similarity of x and 7; and under ground; and.it is now impossible to get the use of the avagraha,-are some of the other any further information regarding their ac- points worthy of note in the style of writing quisition. They consist of three sheets, about in this grant. The language is throughout 8 inches in length by about 6, inches in breadth, Sanskrit, the greater portion of the document joined together by a ring of the usual shape, being in fairly good verse, while a small porbearing, for a seal, the figure of a man seated tion at the end-which is the only part directly cross-legged and with joined hands. The grant referring to the actual grant made-is in prose, is, as usual, engraved on both sides of the middle and somewhat involved, and not always correct, plate and on the inner sides only of the first and prose. The date is given in letters and figures third.
as 1016, or, according to the view of Mr. J. F. The characters are the old Devanagari, the | Fleet, 1017° of the Saka era.
Transliteration.
Plate I. [1] लभते सर्वकार्येषु पूजया गणनायकः [u] * विघ्रन्निघ्रन्स वः पायाद[१] पायाद्गणनायकः ।[1] स वः पातु सिवो नित्यं यन्मौली भाति जाहवी ।[1] [] सुमेरुसिखरोद्गच्छदच्छचन्द्रकलोपमा [] जीमूतकेतुतनयो नियतं [१] दयालु मूतवाहन इति] त्रिजगप्रसिद्धः ।[] देहं निजं तृणमिवाकल. [१] यन्परार्थे यो रक्षतिस्म गरुडात्खलु संखचूडं [1] तस्यान्वये निखिल[७] भूपतिमौलिनूवरत्नातिच्छुरितनिर्मलपादपीठः ।[1] खीसाहसांक [] इव साहसिकः कपर्दी सीलारवंसतिलको नृपतिर्बभूवः(व) [1] तस्मा[१] दभूच्च तनयः पुलसक्तिनामा सीमासमः सुरु (र)गुरूदितराजनीतेः [1] [१] निजित्य संगरमुखेखिलवैरिवर्ग निःकंटकं जगति राज्यमकारि [10] येन ।[] ततश्च समभूत्सुतो नृपसिरोविभूषामणिः। सितः सृणिरि["] वापरोरिकरिणां कपर्दी लघुः ।[u] यदीययससा जगत्यतिसयेन [1] सुक्लीकृते न भाति सुरवारणो न च ससी न दुग्धांबुधिः ।[1] तस्मादप्य[1] भवद्विभूतिपदवीपात्रं पवित्रीकृतासेषक्ष्मावलयो महीपतिल[1] कः श्रीवत्पु[]]वनः सुतः [u] संग्रामांगणरंगिणासिलतया लूनैकदं[3] ता हठात्सर्वे येन विनायका विरचिता विद्वेषिणां दंतिनः ।[1] तस्मा["] जातस्तनूजो रजनिकर इवानंदितासेषलोकः स्लाध्यः श्रीझंझ
EEEEEEEEEEEEEEE
view.
ISee for one instance the inscription at Cunningham's | which we possess, I am inclined to agree with Mr. Fleet's Archeological Survey Reports, vol. VI. Plate xi. Cf.Jour. B. B. B.A. Soc. rol. x. p. 349.
• The original has a Line thus! at the close of some only Inasmuch as the expression is "1016 years of the Saka of the hemistichs. In the transliteration double lines, king having slapped." Cf. Burnell, Elements of 8. 1. thus [UJ, have been inserted everywhere in brackets. In Palmography (ind ed.) p. 72n. Having compared the the proge portion the perpendicular lines are printed only figures and names of years given in some of the plates where they are found in the original.

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84
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1880.
["] राजो दिवसकर इव ध्वस्तनि:सेषदोषः [0] संभोर्यो द्वादसापि [19] व्यरचयदचिरात्कीर्तनामि(नि)
स्वनामा सोपानानीव म. [19] न्ये प्रणततनुभृतां स्वर्गमा Uोधतानां [] भ्राता तस्य त[20] तस्ततोज्वलयसोराशिः
प्रकासीकृतासेषक्ष्मावलयो
Plate IIa. [1] बली बलवतां श्रीगोग्गिरा/ जोभवत् [u] चापाकर्षणक[22] मणि प्रवणतां यस्मिग(ग) ते सू(सं)यती भीष्मद्रोणप[2] थासुतप्रभृतयः सचे तिरस्कारिताः ।। तस्माद्विस्मयकारि[*] हारिचरितप्रक्षा(ख्या )तकीर्तिः सुतः श्रीमान्वज्जडदेवभूपतिरभू. [] दूचक्रचूडामणिः [0] दोर्दण्डैकबलस्य यस्य सहसा संग्रामरंगां[26] गणे राज्यश्रीः स्वयमेत्य वक्षसि रति चके मुरारि (रे)रिव [m] जयंत इ. [1] व वृत्रारेः पुरारेरिव षमुखः ।[1] ततः श्रीमानभूत्पुत्रः सच्चरित्रो [29] परामितः ।[1] कर्णः त्यागेन यः साक्षात्सत्येन च युधिष्ठिरः ।[1] प्रता[29] पादीप्तिमार्तण्डः कालदण्डश्य यो द्विषां ।[1] सरणागतसामंता अप[३] रापि जगति रक्षिता येन [0] स जयति यथार्थनामा सरणागतवजपंजरो देवः [1] ["] येन स्वागतमागताय विहितं गोमाय नानाविधं येनैवैयपदेवनाग्नि [१] चलितं राज्यं सिघरं कारितं [0] भिल्लमाम्ममणम्बुधक्षितिभृतां दत्तं च येनाभयं तस्य [१] श्रीविरुदंकरामनृपतेरन्यत्किमावण्य॑ते ।[u] श्रीमानभूत्तदनु वज्जडदेवना[34] मां भूपालमस्तकमणिस्तनयो नयज्ञः ॥ अद्यापि यस्य चरितानि जनाः स[१] मस्ता रोमांचकंचुकितगात्रलतास्तुवति ।[u] ताता च ततोरिकेसरिनृपो [७] जातःसता सम्मतो दुप्तारातिकुलाचलैकदलनि(ने)दंभोलिलीलां दधत् ।[1] गत्वा [3"] सव एव सैन्यसहितो द्रष्टा च सोमेखरं तस्याये पितुराजया जगदलं [38] यः कीलयित्वागतः ।[1] तहातजो बज्जडदेवसूनुः श्रीच्छित्तराजो नृपतिर्ब[१] भूव |[u] श्रीलारवंसः सिसुनापि येन नीतः परामुन्नतिमुन्नतेन [u] लंबा[+] लकानि कुचकुंभतटोपकंठप्रभ्रष्टहारलतिकानि निरंजनानि []
Plate II b. ["] उत्खाततीक्ष्णकरवालविदारितस्य योन्तःपुराणि परिपंथिजनस्य र(च)["] के [1] हतारिनारीनेत्रांभस्सेकसंवर्द्धनादिव [1] ब्रह्माण्डमण्डपं ज(य)स्य कीर्तिव[3] लवधिरोहति ।[1] दृप्तारातिषु कोपकालदहन[:] सौभाग्यनारायणो वार[*] स्त्रीषु ततोनुजः समभवं(व)मागार्जुनः क्ष्मापतिः ।[4] यस्यामानुषमूजितं भुज[9] बलं दूराभिसत्य(?म्य) द्विषां निद्रातीव रणांगणव्यसनिनी दोईण्डकण्डूलता [1] [+] यदसमसिबिरान्तर्मत्तगंधेस(भ)दानप्रसरदनिलसुष्यतस्रोतसोदिग्गजे[7] द्राः ।[1] अरिनगरविद(दाहोदामदिग्व्यापिधूमप्रसरभयनिमीललोचना नो[*"] मिषंति [u] तदनु तदनुजन्मा मूर्तिमान्मीनकेतुः क्षतरिपुविभवोभून्मुम्मु[*°] णिः क्षोणिपालः [1] विधुतधनुषि जयस्मिन्वाजिनीराजनति बलभिदपि बली[३०] यान्वार्षिकं चापमौइझत् [तस्मिस्मिन्) नृपः(पे) प्रवरकीर्तिसरीरभाजि नागार्जुन[1] स्य तनयो नयचक्रवेदी ] भूपोऽभवत्परमधर्मविसुद्धदेहः सीलार[१] गोत्रनुपरत्नमनन्तपालः [u] जाते दायादवैरिव्यसनिनि समये यैर

Page #43

SILHARA COPPER-PLATE GRANT DATED SAKA 1016.
वात ती कस्तालविदा तिनमायोन एनालिपति पवितनमान : कहतारिना नीनिवासासकसेवईनादित वस्नायनाएपंजसकी विव ।। लाविनातारपा नातिषाकाएकालदलनासोसाना सायालावार सीतातानु तः समुतनागा ऊनः मायनिकायस्यामानुषन्न हितसुरु वलइना विप्तताहिषा निदातीवरलागलासनिनीदा हट कहलता।। घदसमतिविमानभवगतसदानपूसरदानल मुबानमा तासादिया। पानिनणविद साहामनिव्यापिनमवसरुयानमालालासनानो भिवति।तदातुनडामा नबिमामीनाकउल ननितिलावात मग लिदालियालाविशतवनुचितमिन्ता डिनी साडमा तेतलदिपितली चाताषिकतायामा कतातभित्रायःजसकी स्तिनीयतालिनागाउन सतनागान यतकावदीसाचा रुनयरमवमतिउहाददातालान गावच्यापनमनत्र याल:जानदायादाते रिलनि नितमायाँधेर वामपहा तिसाद तावडाविषमवनतिविनातिकार कालिया। नानुगा न्यायासी मुन यवतात मत्समानुप्रासाद सोनियति जनकुलयति सत्यापन की निलिालन तिवान लालयिनीना नासिनाम का भिऊजंगकशी उगादकतीचा ति निवीन मतलीवल पवित्र यावामसपालयनिन र पताट । सवतकीय पुल्यादयान लगतयंदमहारादमतासामताधिपति नगररचनामा लीला रनो 'ड्रीमतवादलाययपतसुवलगडहलाक्तिमानमालादालानन कलकहरदीरतावनीस्ताव । तासमरिया सप्तनातदानाका पकालानलमाSIसपापडातायवान्तमसमुपातिपातमा पायनानसागत इयड उतिसगनना डावला तिनाडि

Page #44

17
SILHARA COPPER PLATE GRANT DATED ŚAKA 1016.
महामंडले नावयति श्रीमदमं नादत कला विजय नाहो नि हरु हो या जितने कमेडी प्रमु खरा देश ग्राम सभी समेचितांस मको कुल समनु सासनि मनावित्रास समुहरु निम कामानविकता सिदः । मया साविविसीका निधि कह को डागा
प्रमाणदी सनमान श्रीमायाहिती या पांदी सनप्रधान श्री सामालय मादक वर्तमानसम सामंडलेश्री मदन नाव नाव सामानकानन पिनाऊपुर मनिस हिनामा प्रानान नियोगका प्रति विषयपतिनगर पतियामतिनिद्युकानि षना
मनीला का समादे सिः स दिसामुतः संविदितयानास कुलयका ला ती न स व सदस साविक नाव सेना सुपतिप्रदाय य कानाय समसा मंडली श्री मदनं वादन धीमहलियव नीयम साप दान दुर्गा सुनमाय नील ठिका नाम का सादिय की कुल मनिः यो वन नामादिषु विलाऊन नुदेश सत सुकाना निक कर्म काला विसनिर्गम पिली कुंकवर्तनी मदनेनद नाझीला तो मुसासन निव है सुि पोवादी मष्टा मइिकल माल घाटी ना पिपतियाल नीय॥ उ वार्जितवती पनि नपा तिन के केलवानी मदन ना समान घि 111
यदलमा
J BURGESS

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A SILARA COPPER PLATE GRANT.
FEBRUARY, 1880.]
देवद्विजातिप्रमथनविधिना
[3] वाप्तप्रभावैर्ध्वसा (? र्ध्वस्ता ) [54] तानुमान्पापरासीन्मुनपवनमहात्खेन्दधाराम्बुरासै
[55] म्बे वकुलपतिसखा यः स्वकीर्त्ति लिलेख | [ ॥] चिन्तामणो ( णौ ) प्रणयिनां नय[56] नाभिरामे कामे कुरंगकदृशां जगदेकवीरे |[11] निर्वैरिवी र मवनीवल[57] यं विधाय धर्मेण पालयति तत्र नरेंद्रचंद्रे ॥ अथ स्वकीयपुण्योदयात्सम[58] धिगतपंचमहाशब्द महासामंताधिपतितगरपुरपरमेस्वरशीलारनरे
कोकणक्षोणिरेषा |[] क्षिप्त्वो चैश्चंद्र बि
[9] न्द्रजीमूतवाहनान्वयप्र सूत सुवर्ण गरुडध्वजाभिमानमहोदधिनिःसं [60] कलंकेखरदीरचरितभीरताव
तार
अरवीषपतनकेदारको डाचार्यपश्चिमसमुद्राधिपतिरा
[1] पकालानलत्यागजगज्झंपझंप
[62] यपिना ( ! ता ) महसरणागतवत्रपंजरप्रभृतिसमस्तराजावली विराजि
Plate III.
निजभुजोपा
[5] तमहामंण्डलेस्वराधिपतिश्रीमदनंतदेवकल्याणविजयराज्ये [64] जितानेकमंडलसमेतां पुरीप्रमु खचतुर्दशग्रामसतीसमं (म) न्वितां स[5] मस्व (स्त) कोकणभुवं समनुसासति त यैतद्राज्यचिन्ताभारं समुद्वहति म [6] हामात्यश्री नौवितकवासैदः । महासांधिविग्रहीकश्रीरिषिभट्टः । भांडागा[7] रेप्रथमच्छेण (पा) दीसेन महाप्रधान श्री महादेवैयप्रभुः । द्वितीयच्छेपादी[64] सेनप्रधानश्रीसोमणैयप्रभुः । एवमादिश्रीकरणे प्रवर्त्तमाने स च म [११] हामंडलेस्वरा (रः) श्रीमदनंतदेवराजः सर्व्वान्ये (ने) व स्वसंबद्धयमानकान् अन्यान[7] पि राजपुत्रमंत्रिपुरोहितामात्यप्रधानान्प्रधाननियोगिका ( कां ) स्तथाराष्ट्रपति
[7] विषयपतिनगरपतिग्रामपतिनियुक्ता नियुक्तराजपुरुषजनपदा ( द ) [7] स्तथाहंजमननगरपौरतृ (त्रि) वर्गप्रभृतींश्व
प्रणतिपूजासत्कारसमादे
[75] सैः संदिस यस्तु वः संविदितं यथा ॥ सकनृपकालातीत संवत्सरदशस[+] तेषु षोडसाधिकेषु भावसंवत्सरांतर्गत माघ सुद्ध प्रतिपदायां यत्रां[7] कतोपि सम्वत् १०१६ महामंडलीक श्री मदनंतदेवेन श्रीमद्वलिपव[76] नीयमहाप्रधानदुर्गवेष्ठि सुतमहाप्रधान श्रीभाभणखेष्ठिनस्ता[7] तामहासांधिदि (वि) ग्रहीकश्रीधणमखेष्ठिनः
तयोर्यत्प्रवहणं
[78] कतथानागपुरस(?सु)परकचे मुल्यादिषु वेलाकु [7] कुंकणाभ्यंतरेषु यं ( ? य) त्प्रवहणं समागच्छति तस्य यत्सुल्कं प्रवेसे निर्गमेपि श्री कुंकणचक्रवर्तिना सीलारदत्तताम्ब्र (?) सासन निबद्धं सुल्कं परिव्यकं ॥ तत्पुस्त्रेष्ठिपाणमस्त्रेष्ठिकुडुकललेष्ठिमालयादीना
[30] कराणां (णा ) मपि
Translation.
May that Chief of the Ganas (Ganapati) protect you from harm, who is honoured with worship in all undertakings, and who destroys obstacles.
May that Siva always protect you, on
स्त्रीरछानचतुर्दशसतनोरिककर्म
श्रीमदनंतदे
[8] न (व) राज्ञा [42] त्रपौत्रादीमां (नां) [8] मपि प्रतिपालनीयं ॥ उवा (पा) र्जितं चैतत् श्रीधरपंडितेन रायवार (?) स्छि[44] तेन कुंकणचक्रवर्तिनं श्रीमदनंतदेवं समाराधयित्रा ।। “ ॥
35
whose crest glistens the Ganges like a clear digit of the moon rising over the summit of Sumera.
Jimútavāhana, the son of Jim - taketu, is renowned in the three worlds as ever humane; for verily, treating his own body as

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FRƏBUARY, 1880.
blade of grass for the sake of another, he power, and on whose engaging in the work of rescued Sankhach a da from Garuda. drawing his bow in the battle, Bhishma, Drona,
In his family was born the prince Kapardi, the son of Pritha," and others were all cast into an ornament of the Sildra dynasty, whose clean the shade. footstool was streaked with the beams of the To him was born a son, the illustrious Vajjafresh jewels in the diadems of all kings of the da dê ve, whose renown was noised about owing earth, and who was bold like Sri Sahas á i- to his astonishing and attractive exploits, who was ka.
the head-ornament of the circle of the earth," To him was born & son, named Pula sakti, and upon whose bosom, his strength being in his who was, as it were, the utmost limit of the arm, the goddess of royal splendour, suddenly polity proclaimed by the Preceptor of the Gods,'| appearing of her own accord in the midst of the and who having vanquished the whole multitude battle-field, enjoyed pleasure as on the bosom) of of his foes in the midst of the battle-field, Murâri.16 reigned over the earth unmolested.
To him was born an illustrious and righteous He had a son Kapardi the younger, the son, Aparajita, like Jayanta to Indra, like head-ornament of kings, who was, as it were, & Kartikeya" to Śive. He was Karna himself second sharp goad to his elephant-like enemies, in munificence, Yudhishthira in veracity, the and whose glory rendered the universe so exces- brilliant sun in prowess, and the staff of Kala sively white, that the elephant of the gods, the to his foes." Victorious is he who pr. moon, and the milky ocean shone not (before it). tected in this world subordinate chiefs who
To him, too, was born & son, Sri Vatpu- came for shelter, and others also the king, vann, an ornament of the lords of the earth, who deserves his' name of adamantine cage for who was the seat of great splendour, who had those who come for shelter'. In various ways, purified the entire sphere of the earth, and who, he welcomed Goma, when he came; he alone sporting in the battle-field, cut off with his confirmed to the name of Aiyapad dva sword one task of his adversaries' elephants, and the sovereignty which had been shaken; he rendered them devoid of masters."
afforded security to the kings Bhillami He had a son, the king Zanza, worthy of manamam budha." What more need be praise, who delighted all people like the moon, said of that king Råma bearing the title Sri ? and destroyed all evil like the sun wbo destroys | After him came the illustrious head-jewel of night," and who in his own name erected full kings, his son Vajjad adeva, well versed in twelve temples of Sambha, which were steps polity, whose exploits all people even yet extol methinks for the rise of) those suppliants of his with their bodies clothed, as it were, with hair who were labouring on the path to heaven. standing on end.
Then came his brother Sri Goggi, the 1 Then came his brother the king Arikesari, brilliant mass of whose glory was spread (in all respected by the good, who played the part directions), who had lit up the whole sphere of of the thunderbolt in the destruction of his the earth, who was powerful among the men of proud foes, who were like the great mountains
This story forms the subject of the Nagdnanda used in this sense elsewhere. To me this sense of the word Napaka, translated by Mr. P. Boyd. See also Treo and is quite new.
1. 6. e. Arjana. Serpent Worship pp. 169-170; Ind. Ant. vol. I. pp. 148, This phrase is a very common one. 149.
16 1. e. Vishnu, his wife being Srl or Lakshmi-the • See as to SAhasanka, Hall's Vasavadatta Introd. p. 18. goddess of splendour.
17 The war.god. "i. e. Brihaspati, to whom & work on the science of 10 Kala means Yama--the God of Death, one of whone Politics is attributed. See Jour. Bom. Br. Roy. As. Soc. names is Dandadhara, the holder of the staff. vol. VII. p. 62, and also Panchatantra (Bombay, Sanskrit 10 The original is somewhat obasure here. series) Tantra iv. p. 7 line 10, and note thereon..
10 This appears to have been a title of the Sildra. Bat This is the first exception I have seen to the general see also Jour. Roy. As. Soc. vol. V. p. 176, Inscription usage complained of by Mr. Ferguson. Jour. Roy. 48. No. viii., and Major Graham's Kolhapur, Inc. No. 17, Soc. (N. S.) vol. IV. p. 85.
p. 457, where the inscription belongs to the same family me .Glory or fame with our poets is always white. Cf. Wathen's inscription. Raghwathsa, II. 69. The elephant of Indra is also white. "This is conjectared to refer to Bombay (Asiat. Res. 1. See Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 277 note...
vol. I. p. 869). I do not understand the original. Some There appears to be a doublo entendre here. Vinayaks light may possibly, be derived from Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 63, means both devoid of masters, and Genapati, who is sap Yale's Marco Polo, vol. II. p. 331. A.RAJA Bhillame of posed to have only one tooth.
Deragiri (s. 1110-1115) is mentioned in Wathen's Theorip11 Here is another double entendre.
tion No. 9. And see Jour. Roy. As. Soc. vol, V. p. 178: J.B. 15 Pandit Bhagvan Al tells me that he has seen it I B.R.A.3. vol. IV. p. 164; sod Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 186.

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A SILARA COPPER PLATE GRANT.
87
of the universe;" and who, even in childhood, having with his) army gone to and visited Some svar, offered up before him the whole earth by direction of his father, and then returned.
Then Sri Chhittaraja, the son of his brother, Vajja da deva, became king, who being himself an exalted personage, even though a child, greatly exalted the Silara dynasty. The wives of his antagonists, who were cut down by his unsheathed sharp sword, had, owing to him, their hair hanging loose, their necklaces fallen off from the vicinity of the edges of their breasts, and their eyes devoid of collyriam," His fame, like a creeper, climbs the universe which is like a shed, as if it had been reared up by being watered with the tears of the women of his destroyed enemies.
Then his younger brother Nagarjuna became king, who, in his anger, was like the fire of destruction to his proud foes, and in gracefulness like Krishna to the courtezans," and on hearing of whose superhuman and excessive strength of arm, the itching of the arms of his enemies for the battle-field goes, as it were, to sleep. The guardian elephants of the several quarters of the universe do not open their eyes, having their flow of rut-water dried up by the wind blowing over the rut-water of the intoxicated Gandha elephants" in his matchless camp, and having their eyes closed through fear, in con- sequence of the spreading of the excessive volumes of smoke enveloping all the quarters which issued from the conflagration of the cities of his enemies.
After him his younger brother Mummuni became king, who was Capid himself incarnate,"
who had destroyed the power of his enemies, and on whose taking up his bow after the ceremony of waving lights before the horses, even the mighty Indra cast aside his yearly bow." Upon that king assuming an excellent body of renown, Ananta på la, the son of Någårjuna, conversant with the whole circle of politios, whose body was purified by the highest piety, and wbo was an ornament of the princes of the Silara family, became king. With the wind-like force of his arm (?) he cast into the ocean of the edge of his sword” those wicked heaps of sino who at a time of inisfortune from relatives that bad become hostile, having obtained power, devastated this whole Konkan district, by harassing gods and Brâhmans; and then he a friend of the lord of ... stamped his own fame on the face of the moon." While that moon-like prince, who is a wish-giving jewel to his friends, who is a Cupid pleasing to the sight of the fawn-eyed ones, who is the one hero of the world, is righteously proteoting the whole sphere of the earth, after having rid it of enemies
Now in the happy and victorious reign of the illustrious Anantad ê va, the chief of the Mahamandalesvaras, who by means of his own spiritual merit has obtained the five great titles," who is the chief of the great Simantas (sub: ordinate chiefs), who is born in the family of Jim û tav å ha na, the Silara prince, lord of the excellent city of Tagara, who boasts of the standard of the Golden Eagle,"....... the lord (P) of Lanka, nonobalant in the great ocean .... the Fire of Destruction in his wrath ....who is adorned with all the royal titles -
" These are said to be seven. See Mahabharata, Bhishma Parva (Bomb. Ed.) p. 8; and the reference given at Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 157.
*3 Literally fastened(?). See remarks on this infra. *! These are all marks of widowhood. *5 i.e. among the Gopis of Gokul as applied to Krishna.
30 The eight quarters, east, south-east, south, &c., each of wbich is supposed to have a guardian elephant.
** This is the higheat kind of elephants, supposed to give out a special smell, from which the name.
* Oupid himself is 'bodiless.' See the story in Ku. mdra Sambhara, canto IV.
* Cf. Raghu. IV. 25. The ceremony is still performed on the Dasard day, which is regarded as the suspicious day for notting out on an expedition. The 'yearly bow' is the rainbow. 30 i.e. on his death.
A common expression, cf. Viracharita, Act III. 31 Or reading the original differently, as it may be read, -"those heaps of fearful injustice." » The temples, &c. of the gods, that is to say
** This appears to be some hyperbole about the moon's spota, like those of which our poeta have a large number.
13 See Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. X. p. 865; and Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 251.
- This is the device of the S11Aras, and appears on the seal
of Dr. Büaler's Plate, Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 276. Dr. Burnell (s. Ind. Palæogr. p.75n) seems not to have been aware of this. But see now Ibid. (2nd ed.) 107. At p. 881 of Graham's Kolhapur (Government Selections) the device is alluded to in the phrase Soovurn Agooroodudluaj. Sir Walter Elliot (Jour. R. As. Soc. vol. IV. p. 34) anys: "It is remarkable that both the Yada and the Silahsra had adopted the golden Garuda as their ensign, which the prince seenis unwilling to allow to his feudatory." One of the other titles in the text is tryfa which occurs in Wathen's Inscription No. X. p. 9 line 5. See also Asiatic Researches vol. I. pp. 859. In Wathen's Inscription No. X. the expression TENTAT, also occurs ; in Dr. Bühler's (Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 978) मंडलीकशिखामणि... May रायपितामह then menn 'like a Brahmadêva among kings,'-(this, I find, is Wathen's rendering, see J. R. 4. s. vol. V. p. 186)-first Among kingsP The next expression to this I cannot make out.
af Dr. Bhaa renders this by "resplendent amongst the row of rajas" (J. B. B. R. A. S. vol. IX p. 219). The er. pression occurs at J.B.B.R.A.S. vol. XII. p. 7; J. R. A. 8. vol. V. Inscrs. No. 7 and No:9; J.L.S. of Bombay vol. III. p. 319 (3rd sheet); Ind. Ant. vol. VIII. p. 94: and Canningham's Archeological Survey Reports vol. VI. Plate 21. At J. B. B. R. A. S. vol. XIII. p. 3, the expression is THERS.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1880.
Lord of the Western Ocean, the grandfather of the king, adamantine cage for those come for shelter and so forth- and who rules over the whole of the Konkan district, including fourteen hundred villages of which the chief is Puri; and embracing many provinoes acquired by his own arm: while the great Minister Sri Nauvi. taka Vå said a bears the burden of anxieties about this kingdom," and the great Minister of peace and waris Rishib hatta, while in the first rankat the Treasury is the great Minister Padhisena" Sri Mahid draiya Prabhu, while in the second rank is the Minister Sri Somaņaiya Prabhu; while such is the ruling administration, that illustrious Maha- mandalesvara king Anantadê va, announces with salutations, honour, respect, and directions, to all princes, councillors, priests, ministers, prin cipal and subordinate officers, -both those connected with himself and others," as also all heads of rashtras, heads of vishayas," heads of towns, heads of villages, royal officials specially appointed or not," country people, as well as townspeople of the town Hanjamana'' of the three classes, and so forth; "Be it known to you, that on the first day of Magha Suddha, falling in the year Bhåva, one thousand and sixteen (in figures) 1016 years of the Saka king having elapsed, the Mahamåndalika, the illustrious Anantad êva, the emperor of the Konkan, has released the toll mentioned in this copper-grant given by the Si
laras, in respect of every cart belonging to two persons,--the great Minister Sri Bhabhaņa Sresh thi, the son of the great Minister Durgasresh thi of the glorious Valipsvana," and his brother Sri Dhanama Sre. shthi, the great minister of peace and war, which may come into any of the ports," Śri. Sthå na ka, as well as Någapur, Surp - raka, Chemuli, and others, included within the Konkan Fourteen Hundred, as well as the toll in respect of the ingress or egress of those who carry on the business of ... .. This should be preserved (i.e. continued) also to their sons, grandsons, &c. Śrêsh thi På pama, Sreshthi Kudu kala, Śrêshthi Mâlayya, and so forth. This has been procured by Sridhar Pandit who is stationed at RÂ ya vâr, and gratifies the illastrious A na ntad êva, the Emperor of the Konkan."
Remarks. "The Silbaras," wrote the late Col. Meadows Taylor in 1870," " were local princes, tributary to the Chalukyas. Their territories lay around Kolapur, which was then their capi. tal, and their inscriptions upon temples and copper-tablet grants prove them to have held extensive, though not perhaps independent, sway over a large portion of what is now styled the Southern Maratha Country. An inscription of A. D. 1135 enumerates eight successions up to the founder of the family, which would place their
» This title is claimed by a ChAlukya, J.R.A.S. vol. V. Inscr. 8. And cf. on all the titles Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 277.
39 Cf. the expression in J.R.A. 8. vol. V. Inscr. 8 ELY
114, 115
* Conf. 1:862, 1..
0 See remarks on this at J. B. B. R. A. S. vol. XII. pp. 330-33. *** See Ind. Ant. vol V. p. 280; J.B.B.R. A.8. vol. XII. p. 384. In Inscr. No. 9 at J. R. A. 8. vol. V. T OTIES (last line of first page) seems to be a misreading for the
This may apply to the words following also as well as to those that precede.
13 Ind. Ant. vol. V. pp. 114, 115, 147, 29); also J. R. A. S. vol. V. p. 352; J. B. B. R. A. 8. vol. X., p. 29.
* Conf. the passages referred to in the last note. Here I take नियुक्त and अनियुक्त adjectives to राजपुरुष which immediately follows, otherwise, it is hard to distinguish between Art and T V . The distinction may be between those specially appointed by the Central Government and those who come in, perhaps, by right of inheritance, &c.
"I do not understand this. The same expression occurs at Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 278; and Asiatic Researches vol. I. p. 861.
It is noteworthy that the grantees are described as at once Ministers' and 'Sreshthis.'
Bhatapála also, the excavator of the great Chaitys at Karle, is both a deth or Sreshtht, and Vijayantitd-protector of the flag. -ED.
*1 The name here should apparently be Valipattana; conf. J.B.B. R. A. 8. vol. 1. p. 217(?) and in an unpublished plate of which I have been furnished only with a transcript and not
the original-which belongs to the branch of the Sildras to which the plate at J.B.B.R.A.S. vol. I. p. 217 also belongsand which in further similar to that plate in commencing with the Rashtrakafas and ending with the Sildras, one of the princes is described as अधिवेलाकुलं रम्यं योकरोद्वालिपत्तनमू, which indicates that वलिपनन was on the seacoast. In anotber passage in the same plate, the place is called a 5 . May it be identified with the Palaipatmai, or better, perhaps, the Baltipatna-mentioned respectively in the Periplus of the Eurythran Sea and in Ptolemy? See Ind. Ant. vol. VIII. p. 145.
* The original is , which Pandit Bhagvanlal first told me signifies 'port. The word occurs in the line quoted in the last note.
i.e. villages of course. See Mr. Fleet's inscriptions in this Journal passim.' The original here as well as in the last sentence in the plate reads Kunkan instead of Konkan as in an earlier stanza. See as to the Konkan-Nairne, p. 1; Yule's Marco Polo vol. II. p. 331; Cathay vol. I. p. clxxxiii et seq and ccxxx.: and Journ. Asiat. serie IV. tom. IV. p. 251, again referred to infrd, and Vardha Samhita XIV. 12, quoted by Dr. Bhdu Dajf at J. B. B. R. A. 8. vol. VII. p. 69; and Ind. Ant. VII. 162.
0 The original is hift which I do not understand. Can it have any connexion with the Maratht word #T? and can it mean something like '& carrier of goods by sea P.
51 It is remarkable that this plate contains none of those extracts from the Mahabharata which are usual in such documents, and even in similar grants of the same dynasty. I do not know how this is to be accounted for.
* Student's Manual of the History of India, p. 71.

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FEBRUARY, 1880.)
A SILÅRA COPPER PLATE GRANT.
39
origin about 907 A. D." In the light of the information which we now possess, this is not altogether accurate. And, indeed, it is obvious that Colonel Taylor in this passage only refers to one branch of the Silê ra dynasty-the branch to which the various inscriptions found in and about Kolhapur appertain. There are, however, three different branches of that dynasty, disclosed in the various documents at present accessible. These documents were discussed pretty fully by Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji in a paper in the Four. Bombay Br. R. Asiatic Society (1877), vol. XIII. pp. 1ff. He there distinguishes three dif- ferent branches of this dynasty, which, neverthe- less, appear to have flourished contemporane- ously. The grant before as belongs to the first branch of Pandit Bhagvânlal. And the series of kings, as it appears in this grant, is as follows:
1. Kapardi I.
2. Pulasakti 3. Kapardi II." (Saka 775-799)
4. Vatpuvanna
5. Zanza
(Saka 838)
6. Goggi 7. Vajjadadêva 8. Aparajita
It will be observed that this coincides with what is deducible from Dr. Bühler's Plate," so far as it goes. The first king of this series-for Jimata v â hana and Jim û taketu cannot be looked upon as historical, would appear to have flourished somewhere about the beginning of the 9th century of the Christian era. The third king Kapardi II. is identified by Pandit Bhagvânal with the "Kapardi... meditating on the feet of Pulasakti," who is mentioned in two of the Kan. hori Inscriptions, and the identification may be accepted without hesitation. It affords & very safe and tangible basis for the chronology of the Silâra dynasty. Pandit Bhagvânlal gives the Saka year 735 as the date of the first Kapardi. That appears to be an inference from the date of the second Kapardi, allow. ing twenty years a-piece to his two predecessors. The inference is not inadmissible, especially having regard to the fact that the Kanheri Inscription of Saka 775 speaks of the already flourishing and victorious reign of Kapardi II. It is not unlikely, indeed, that the reign of Kapardi I. commenced somewhat earlier even than the year 735 of the Saka era.
Of the kings who came after Kapardi II. none requires any notice here till we come to Aparajita the son of Vajja da dê va. With regard to him Dr. G. Bühler writes as follows": "It is also probable that a king has been omitted between Aparajita and Vajjada dê va II., or at least the real name of Aparajita has been left out, for the verse in which the names of Kebid dva and Vajja dadê va occur is mutilated." There is no reason, however, to suppose any such omission in our plate as there is in that on
ss Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 276. 56 J. B. B. R. A. 8. vol. XIII. pp. 11, 12.. 57 Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 277. A remark ought to be made on king Zanza. He appears to be the king mentioned by the Arabian geographer Masu'di as reigning at Saimar in 916 A.D. Masů'di states that there were 10,000 Musalmans in Saimar, and that the kings were under the Balhara, and had the title of Zenbil when he visited the place. (B. de Meynard and P. de Courtille, Les Prairies d'Or, tom. II, pp. 85.97: Reinaud, Menoire sur l'Inde, p. 220.) Dr. DaCunha's identification of Masu'di's "Janja with the SilAra "Sri Chhinnadeva RAJA" (J. B. B. R. 4. S. vol. XII. p. 55) is not correct-on this, if on no other ground, that whereas Janja lived in 916 A.D., "Chhinnaraja" lived in 1027 A.D. I may take this opportunity of stating that I am indebted to Dr. Da Cunha's papers in the J. B. B. R. A. S. for references to some of the authorities relied upon in this paper. Others of the references I obtained from Mr. Nairne's Konkan, from which Dr. DaCunha also seems to have got some of his information.
9. Vajjadadêva II.
10. Arikesari (S. 939)
11. Chhittaraja 12. Nagarjuna 13. Mummoni (Šaka 948) T
(Šaka 982) 14. Anantadeva (s. 1016)
Aparâditya (Šaka 1109) 53 This name appears in sundry different forms in the various inscriptions which we now possess. In the Plate at Jour. Tit. Soc. of Bombay vol. fil. p. 419, the form is Silahfira. In Dr. Bühler's Plate the form is Silara as well as Silahárs. In Wathen's Plate No. IV. (J. R. A. Soc. vol. IV. p. 981) the forms are Silsydra (qnery whether this is
mistake in the engraving or in the decipherment ?) and Silah Ars. In our own plate, it is Śllara and Sildra, (which may be the same); Srilara, which occurs once, is probably a mere slip. See also J. B. B.R.A. 8. vol. I. p. 217; J. R.A.S. vol. II. pp. 38-4, 894 ; vol. IV. p. 110 and note there, and p. 114 where an explanation of the name is suggested. Mr. Nairne always calls the dynasty the Silher dynasty. It may be here added that Dr. DaCunha seems not to be correct in his observations on " the Tagaras, and the Silah Aras" at J. B. B. R. A. S. vol. XII. p. 61, in speaking of the two as distinct and of one as a branch of the other. In truth, Tagars is not the name of a dynasty at all.
Prof. H. H. Wilson's remark on this princent J.R.A.S. vol. IV. p. 109, note, is incorrect; of. alao J.R.A.S. (N. S.) vol. IV. p. 85.

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which these observations were made. And considerable amount of further elucidation-for although the number of stanzas devoted to which the facts accessible to us at present are A par Ajita is relatively larger than the num. not at all adequate. ber devoted to any of the other princes except We come next to the King Arikesari, who, Chhittarâ j a and Ananta dê va; and al. we may say with certainty, is identical with the though, too, there is some little doubt as to the Kesidê va of Dr. Bühler's plate. It is not, meaning of a part of one of these stanzas; still however, easy to understand what transaction is there is nothing here to suggest the existence referred to here in connexion with Somêsvarn. of any prince in the series between the two That Somês vara means the famous Somanath Vajjad add vas, other than the one prince which gave occasion in this century toone of Lord described in the stanzas in question. It may, Macaulay's best orations, there can, I think, be perhaps, also be noted as a point leading to the little doubt. In & stone-slab inscription now same inference, that the second Vajjad add vain the possession of the Bombay Branch of the was, in all likelihood, the grandson of the first; 68 Royal Asiatic Society, and appertaining to and therefore, too, though it is, of course, quite the time of the Silara king A paraditya, possible, it is not probable, that between the who stands last in our list, the "God Somanath two Vajjadade vas, there was any other prince of Sarashtra" is distinctly referred to apparently than the one we have mentioned in our list. as a favourite deity of the Silara 8. The What was the true name of that prince, is grant in the Asiatic Researches, which is by Ariperhaps a question presenting somewhat greater kesari himself, might have been fairly expectdifficulty. Dr. Bühler doubts if Aparajita is ed to help us on this point. But the stanza there the true name. In another place, he says: "I feel appears to have been identical with the one in somewhat doubtfal about the name of this king, our plate, though the translation is very defecwhich alone among so many Desi forms is pure tive and erroneous. Sanskrit. But it seems to me impossible to refer On Chhitta raja nothing need be said, the two verses to Vajjadad & va II. mentioned further than that, if we may safely judge from in verse 10, and Aparajita is the only word the number of stanzas referring to him in our which can be taken for a name. Perhaps it is a plate, he appears to have had a living reputation birula." I own I do not feel much pressed by the even in Anantap âla's days. We next come reason here given by Dr. Bühler for his conclusion. to Nagarjuna. He appears to be probably In the list above set forth by us, we have tbe names identical with the prince of that name referred A paraditya, Anantap als or Ananto in inscription No. 17 among the Kolhapur ta dê va, N Agarjuna, and we may add A ri. Inscriptions in the volume by Major Graham kesari and Kapardi, which are Sanskrit on Kolhipur among the Government Selections. names undoubtedly belonging to princes of the It is difficult to speak on the point with any conSilará dynasty. At the same timo, I agree that fidence, because I am unable myself to read the Aparajita is, in all likelihood, only a biruda. text of the inscription, and a friend whom I Perhaps the name is Sri Rama. The com- consulted about it is also unable to afford me pound of which it forms part, viz. ffer any help. I have therefore only the statement Juf (the plate in the Asiatic Researches seams of the substance of the inscription in Major to read their) is not quite explicit. And Graham's volume. At the same time I ought I do not think, therefore, that we are get in a to mention, that Major Graham ranks N & gârposition to settle the question. Bat we may, I juna among the rulers of one portion of "the think, safely reject the translation in the Asiatic principality of Kolhapur"-and apparently Researches which renders it as the king Sri places him between the years 1218 and 1235 A.D. Birudanka'. The whole stanza requires a very Bat on this last point I am not quite certain. * Comp. Jour. R. A.S. (N. S.) vol. IV. p. 85.
Pandit Bhagvan11 says only "may be the same." * Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 230a, note.
1 The actual grant there appears, however, to be by one 10 The word 4 which is clear in the plate there Sri Lakshmana NÅyak, son of Bhaskar Nayak." It is given is omitted in this translation. I may, parhapa, ba not quite easy to decipher fully. The grantor is described permitted to express my concurrence with Dr. Bahler in as Mahamatya, the great minister, and the grant speaks of his remarks on the paper in the Asiatic Researches (Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 277). U aluckily tho origical platos cannot dow
Etreta AATT. It is dated "Samvat 1109. Višvabe procured though I had inquirios made for them in [hana. vasi samvatsar Chaitra Suddha, 6 Sunday."
.

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A SILARA COPPER PLATE GRANT.
41
The next prince in the line is Mummaņi, earliest we have among the grants that record deas he is called in the plate before us. In the An- tails about the period to which they belong. The barnath inscription which records & grant made next prince in our series is Anantapala or by a king of the Silara dynasty the king Anantadêve, the grantor in the plate before us. calls himself Mâm våņi." It is not, I think, The civil strife, which is referred to in the verses a very bold proceeding to identify that Mâm- devoted to him, is one about which no other innåņi with our Mummoņi. The dates are formation is at present accessible, unless, indeed, not against the identification, and perhaps Màm- it was the beginning of that conflict which is v Âņi was the real name of the king, which referred to in a boast made in the grant published was altered for the sake of the metre into the in the Transactions of the Bombay Literary more smooth and euphonious one which we find Society. With reference to that grant, Pandit in the plate before us. If this identification is BhagvânlAl says:-"The Vijayarkade va of correct, Dr. Bühler's suggestion, that the cor this branch is described as having re-established rect name of this prince is Våņi, appears to the sovereignty of the dethroned kings of the be untenable.
province of Sthana ka and Goa. This shows There are one or two other points also, of some that he restored the lost power of the two branches importance, which our plate enables us to deter of his dynasty, viz., the first at Țhân , and the mine finally. Pandit Bhagvanlal, in his remarks second at Goa." The original fully bears this on the Ambarnath Inscription, had suggested that out. Vijayarka, however, appears to have Mâm vâņi was probably the son or successor reigned about the Saka year 1065. The oocurof Chhittar å ja. When that suggestion rences, therefore, to which reference is made was made, the materials for deciding the point in our plate cannot have been those in which were very far from being full. Our plate, how-| Vijayarka took part. But it is not imposever, now settles the question, in a way that, sible that, although Ananta pala boasts of equally with Pandit Bhagvånlal's suggestion; having rid the country of his foes, who appear accounts for the facts on which that suggestion to have been some of his own kinsmenwas based. Pardit Bhagvânlal, in the paper dáydda—there may have been a renewal of referred to, argaed from the identity of names the disturbances after the Šaka year 1016, reof one of the officers mentioned in the Ambar- sulting in that misfortune to the Thåņa Silaras náth Inscription and in Dr. Bühler's plate, from which Vijayarka rescued them. But, on that Mâm våņi was probably a son or suc- the other hand, we cannot, in the present state cessor of Chhittarája. A similar argu- of our materials, come to any conclusion on these ment may be used in support of our identifica- questions.
n of Mummani and Mâm vâni. For the Of the period between Anantap å la and First Lord of the Treasury, if wo may so call A paradity, the last prince mentioned in him, in M âm và gi’s time-Mahader ayyao our series, we know at present very little.
-continues to hold the same office, at the time of Pandit Bhagvânlal in 1877 thought, that the our plate also, a circumstance strongly indicative gap between M 8 m và piraj e and Apark - of a close chronological propinquity between ditya in the genealogy of the first branch, Mam viņi and Anantap ála. It is also | might be accounted for by the destruction of the to be noted here, that the high offices of state, sovereign power above alluded to." We have mentioned in our plate as having been held by seen, however, that the gap is not so large a one Mahadevayya and the others, appear to have been as the Pandit supposed. Our plate brings oor enjoyed by these “southerners" for a very information down to the Saka year 2016. Apaconsiderable period. For we see some ayyas rådity & appears to have reigned in the mentioned as far back as in the grant of Arike. Saka year 1109. How long before that year his Bari in the Asiatic Researches, which is the reign had commenced it is not yet possible to 03 J. B. B. R. A. 8., vol. XII., p. 882.
70 J. B. B. R. 4. 8. vol. XIII. p. 17. Compare also « J. B. B. R. A. 8., vol. XII., extra No., P. 52.
extra No. to vol. XII., P. 52 (Dr. Bahler), 65 J. B. B. R. A.S., vol. XII., p. 832.
* The suggestion of Prof. Wilson (J. R. 4.8. vol. II. p. 897) 46 J. B. B. R. A.S., vol. XII., p. 880.
repeated by Mr. Naime (Konkan p. 7), and by Dr. DaDanha ! As. Res. vol. I. pp. 861, 864, 887.
(J. B. B. R. A. 8. vol. XII. p. 64) is now entirely negatived 65 Vol. IJI. p. 490.
by the information given by Dr. Böbler. * J. B. B. K. A. 8., vol. XIII., p. 17.

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say-as both the Parel Inscription and the stone reign of one of these Silaras themselves. There slab inscription already mentioned as being in the are then, it seems to me, three alternative possession of the Bombay Branch of the Royal explanations of these facts :-either there was a Asiatic Society are dated in the same year. Dr. revolution in the kingdom of Sri Sth a na ka Bühler's Account of his Tour in Kasmir affords between the Saka years 1058 and 1066; or the us, however, some further information on this statement in Bhoja d ê va's plate is a mere point. For it appears that a work composed in rhetorical flourish having little or no historical Kasmir between 1135 and 1145 A.D. makes basis; or Aparaditya does not belong to reference to an "ambassador of A paraditya, this branch of the Silara dynasty. The king of the Konkaņa, "*" named Teja kantha, third alternative may, I think, be summarily being then in Kasmir. If so, I think, we may rejected, both on the grounds adduced by safely assume that Aparaditya cannot have con- Pandit Bhagvânlal," and on the grounds of the menced to reign much later than 1135 A.D. or connexion of this Aparaditya with the town of 1057 of the Saka era." And then the hiatus in Thân," and the coincidence of sundry exour Silkra lists appears to be reduced to pressions in Dr. Bübler's plate with expresvery modest dimensions, indeed, viz, scarcely sions in the Parel Inscription and the stone forty years.
slab inscription obtained at Thàn A, now in If these arguments and conclusions are correct, the possession of the Bombay Branch of the it is difficult to treat the boast of Vijayarka Royal Asiatic Society. The facts stated by in Dr. Taylor's Inscription as of any greater value Dr. Bühlerts in his account of his Kasmir than a rhetorical flourish. At the best, it can be tour also corroborate that conclusion. The first only a very great exaggeration of a very small alternative also appears to me, I own, upon historical fact. For see how the case stands :--| the facts set forth above, an extremely doubtful According to Dr. Bühler's account, which ap- one. The second alternative appears to be the pears from our present materials to be perfectly feast improbable of the three. It is not necessary correct, A pa råditya must have succeeded to reject the statement in Bhojadeva's grant as to the throne in any case before the Saka year altogether a myth and unhistorical. It is, 1066,** and he appears to have still been on perhaps, only an exaggerated statement out of the throne in the Saka year 1109. Now Gan.
compliment to the grantor's line of the succour dar aditya, the immediate predecessor of the afforded by Vijayarka to his brethren at Thâņa Vijayarka who claims to have re-established in some local, possibly dynastic, disturbance, the Than A Silê ras on their throne, cer- such as is referred to in our plate in the verses tainly reigned till the Saka year 1058. The first devoted to Anantapkla. I must add that there document of Vijayarka's reign that is accessi- are two other possibilities not covered by the ble to us is dated in the Saka year 1065." Vijaya alternatives mentioned, viz., that A paraditya therefore cannot have begun to reign much if at all himself may not have had an uninterrupted before Aparaditya. The last date in his reign reign, or that Dr. Bühler's date for the Kasmir that we know of is the Saka year 1073, and the work to which he refers may be erroneous. first in that of his successor Bhojadeva II. is No evidence is available on either point, and we 1101, so that his reign must have closed at must leave both here without further discussion. least eight years prior to that of A parâ ditya. We have now gone through the whole series We have, therefore, this result:--The whole of princes of the Silara dynasty at present period of the reign of this Vijay arka, who known to us. The series appears to be complete claims to have re-established the Thảņa Sila. save for the period intervening between the reign ras, is itself covered, or nearly covered, by the of Ananta pala and A paraditya." If
" See J. B. B. R. A. 8. vol. XII. (extra No.) p. 51, 52. " Which is expressly mentioned in the stone slab in.
1 This doubtless makes AparAditya's reign a very long scription referred to. . one-being upwards of 52 years. But there is nothing un- *J. B. B. R. A. S. (Extra No.) vol. XII. pp. 51, 62. likely in one individual prince in a long line reigning more 19 Pandit BhagyAnlal has already adduced reasons for even than 52 years, like George III. of England or Louis supposing this Aparaditya or Apararks to be the same who XIV. of France.
has given his name to the well-known commentary on The latest date to which Dr. Bühler attributes the Y&navalkya (J. B. B.RA. 8. vol. XII. p. 835; see, too, KAsmir work alluded to above.
Extra No. p. 52). Dr. Bhau hay pointed out that "! See J. B. B. R. A. 8. vol. XIII., p. 16.
Aparårka is cited by an author of the beginning of the 10 J. B. B. R. 4. S. vol. XII. p. 335.
18th century (J. B. B. R. 4. 8. vol. IX. p. 161).

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one may judge from the evidence now available, it is probable that there were two kings between those two. But upon this point, and on the point relating to the revolution above referred to, further materials must be awaited.
There is one question of considerable interest which is now satisfactorily settled by the plate before us. In 1869, the late learned Dr. Bhâu Dâji, having read before the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society a paper regarding the inscription at Ambarnath, a short discussion took place concerning the date of that inscription and of the Ambarnath Temple. Mr. Burgess pointed out the architectural difficulty in accepting the date of the inscription, as read by Dr. Bhâu, as giving the correct date of the Temple, and he referred also to Mr. Fergusson's opinion on the point. Dr. Bhâu dissented from these opinions, and expressed himself to the effect, that from the character of the letters, he would assign the Inscription-and consequently the Temple also-to the ninth century A. D. In 1876 Pandit Bhagvânlâl gave us a revised transcript of the Inscription, and made out the date to be 982 instead of 782 as Dr. Bhâu Dâjî had read it. And in the discussion upon the Pandit's paper, I am reported as having observed "that there was no doubt about the numerals in the first (viz., the Ambarnath) inscription"the date arrived at being confirmed by an unpublished plate in my possession. That plate is the one which forms the subject of these remarks. It is now quite plain that since Anantapála flourished in the Saka year 1016, his predecessor and uncle could not have reigned as early as Saka 782, but must have reigned somewhere about Saka 982. Accepting that latter reading of the date, Mr. Fergusson's and Mr. Burgess's views about the date of the Temple receive most remarkable confirmation. Mr. Burgess, on the occasion in question, also pointed out that the style of architecture of the Ambarnath Temple as sociated it with the Temple of Somanâth.
Bo J. B. B. R. A. S. vol. IX. p. cxxxviii. et seq. Mr. Fergusson's and Mr. Burgess's estimate of the age both of the characters of the inscription and of the Temple appears, from the facts we now know, to have been much more correct. See also J. R. A. S. (N. S.) IV. p. 137 note.
1 J. B. B. R. A. S. vol. XI. p. 831.
ss Ibid., p. xxiv.
83 See Cunningham's Bhilsa Topes p. 266; Transactions of the Intern. Congr. of Orientalists pp. 302-808; Ind. Ant. vol. p. III. p. 267.
43
That, too, appears to me to be an important circumstance, having regard to the reference to Somanâth in the plate before us, and in the Thânâ inscription of Aparâditya. We shall have to say a word on this subject in the sequel.
Two lessons of general application for the future may, I think, be derived from these facts. The first is, that chronological inferences based merely on the character of the writing in old documents must be accepted with very considerable caution. The tendency towards regarding that as the all-important element-instead of as one only of the important elements-in such investigations, is to be ob served in sundry quarters. The second lesson is, that inferences derivable from the style of architecture of any building are entitled to considerable weight in chronological inquiries-as much weight, I should say, as inferences from the style of writing in copperplates and inscriptions.
A point of considerable interest connected with this dynasty is raised by the title which all branches of it seem to have retained-viz., Tagarapuravarddhisvara. That title finds a parallel, among others, in the title of the Kadambas. -Banavásipurádhisvara." Probably the ori ginal stock from which the three branches of the Sila ras afterwards branched out belonged to the city of Tagara. What is that city? Pandit Bhagvânlâl, after an elaborate examination of Colonel Wilford's suggestion on this point, dissents from it, and identifies Ta gara with the modern. J un nar.se I do not find much difficulty in agreeing with the negative side of Pandit Bhagvanlal's reasoning; but as respects the positive portion of it, I own that though there is a good deal in the arguments he adduces, I can-not persuade myself that he has satisfactorily surmounted the initial difficulty in his theory, viz., that whereas Junnar is to the west of Paithana, Tagara is stated by Arrian (as quoted by Col. Wilford) to be towards the east.
As to this see Cunningham's Arch. Surv. Reports, vol. VII. p. 87-88.
85 See on this Journ. B. B. R. A. S. vol. XII. p. 305. 6 J. B. B. R. A. 8. vol. XIII. p. 8. It is interesting to note in connexion with this proposed identification, that in the early days of Muhammadan rule in this part of the country Junnar was the capital of a district which included some part of the Konkan (see Nairne, p. 27). The head quarters of the army which conquered the district had also been at Junnar (Nairne, p. 25); Ind. Ant. vol. II., p. 48 ff.; and conf. Arch. Sur. W. Ind. vol. III. pp. 54, 55.

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of Paithaņa. Paņdit Bhagvânlal may be near Alibag-between Alibag and Rêvadandaright, and perhaps further materials will show named Nagánva, which is substituted by syncope that he is right, in thinking that Arrian made & for Nagagånv, or Någagrâma, the same as slip in saying "east" when he should have Nâgapur. Or, may not Nâgapur have some. said " west." All I say at present is, that the thing to do with Någoth nên? In any case identification which proceeds on the basis of the modern Nagpur of the Bhonslês is not to such a slip having been committed does not yet be thought of. I have not found the Nagapur satisfy my mind."
of our plate referred to anywhere else. SarpWhile on this subject of Tagara, we may, pâra ka, as our plate seems to have it, is perhaps, refer here to the other matters of probably only a miscopy for Surpâraka"geographical interest in the plate. The first the modern Sopârâ near Bassein. It is a interesting name to be noted is Sri Sthanaka, place of considerable antiquity, being in all likeli. which has been satisfactorily identified with hood the same as the soparåga of the Násik Thâņa. Thân & appears in former days, inscriptions." Sopârâ under various disguises from sundry other authorities, to have been a of name is familiar to the medieval travellers and place of very much greater note than it is now, geographers. Chemulio is almost certainly having been a port of considerable trade till the modern Chenwal, or, as it has been sometimes the times even of the Musalmans. Albîrûni
called, Chaul. This place has a history extending appears to speak of it under the name of Tala, over several centuries, going back, indeed, even as which he says was the capital of the Konkan, far apparently as the times of Ptolemy, who menand the Konkan, we may observe en passant, istionsit under the name Simylla" and Timonlla. distinguished by Albirûnî from the country of From the various disguises which the name had the Marath â s."
assumed in the works of foreign geographers The next name to note is Puri, which has and travellers-such as Ptolemy, Hiwen Thsang, been identified by some with Than, but this and Albirani-Col. Yule had said " that the old identification has been dissented from." Our name was something like Chaimul or Chanwul." plate certainly does not support the identifica- This happy gaess is fully corroborated by our tion, while its mention of both Pari and Sri plate, and the identification of the place with Sthânaka" may be regarded as some, though Chaal, os also suggested by Col. Yale, may be not very strong, evidence against it. I can say accepted, more especially having regard to the nothing about Hanja maņa,"or R À ya våra; current native pronunciation of the name. and about Nâgapur, I can only suggest it as We come lastly to Somes vara, which, as probable, that it may be identical with a village we have already pointed out, may safely be iden
"As regards Tugara, reference may be made to El- I. p. 321, vol. II. p. 96. On all these porta the wise, though, phinstone's Indir pp. 244-5; Meadows Taylor's Manual perbaps, heterodox remarks of Col. Yule (Cathay, vol. II. pp. 71-72 Nairne'e Konkan p. 9 (the opiniont here express p. 418) may be of practical moment. ed is questionable); J. R. 4.8. vol. IV. p. 35 noto ; vol. II. " See Trans. Int. Congr. of Orient. p. 328. It may be Pp. 384-896; J. B. B. R. A. 8. vol. X. p. 320; Ind. Ant.
interesting to note, that Sarparaka is mentioned in the vol. VI. p. 76 ; vol. VII. p. 103; vol. VIII. p. 144; Jour. Vana Parys of the Mahabharata as a "most holy place, Lit. Soc. Bomb. vol. III. p. 411; and note at p. 418,
where the Pandavas spent some time on their way from where Asiatic Researches vol. IX. p. 45 is quoted, but
the Dravida Country to Prabhass (see chap. 118, Bomb. ed.) that does not advance the question at all. The expression
It was the Subarab of the Arab Goographers. Masu'di arte TV has numerous parallela. See inter alia J. R. says it and Tanah were on the coast of Lar, and subject A. 8. vol. IV. p. 35, J. R. A. 8. vol. V. inscriptions Nos. 8 to the Balhara. Prairies d'Or, tom. I. p. 891. Albiruni and 9; J. B. B. R. A. S. vol. X. p. 54; vol. XII. p. 57, says it was 5 parasangs from Tanah; seo Ind. Ant. vol. I. 305; and Ind. Ant. vol. VI. 102.
p. 321. It is also frequently mentioned in the Bauddha See inter alia about Th&, J. B. B.R. 4. 8. vol. Cave inscriptions.-ED. XII. p. 61.; Ind. Ant. vol. VII. pp. 184—5; Yule's Cathay os At Ind. Ant. vol. I. p. 820, Col. Yule expressed a desire vol. II. p. 307, also vol. I. 57 et seq. where we have some "to learn the oldest native spelling of the latter name"information abont rata which might be useful in our own viz. Chaul. Our plato now supplies that I think. Probably. day! Nairne's Konkan pp. 10, 11; J. R. . 8. vol. II. however, the name should be Chemaly and not Chepp. 384-16. The translation of t h at Asiatic Re- mali. In the plate at J. B.B.R.A. S, vol. I. p. 319, a place searches vol. I. pp. 361-64 is, of course, erroneous.
named Chemulys seems to be mentioned, which is proba** See Journ. Asiatique serie IV. tome IV. pp. 263-64.
bly the same as that we are now discussing. And in our I am obliged to my friend Mr. P. M. Mehta for explaining
plate we may read the name as Chemult or Chemulya. to me the French original. See too Nairne, p. 3.
36 See Yule's Cathay vol. I. p. cxcii. ; Nairne p. 12; J. B. ** Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 277, and vol. VII. p. 184; Nairne,
B. R. A. 8. vol. XII. p. 56 et sed.; Ind. Ant. vol. VII. p. p. 21; J. B. B. R. A. 8. vol. X. pp. 320-21, and vol. XII.
183. 81; J. R. 4. 8. vol. II. pp. 381395.
" Yule's Cathay loc. cit. See Asiat. Res. vol. 1. p. 861; Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 278. " See also about Chsul, &c. Ind. Ant. vol. VII. p. 188 » See Journ. Bomb. Geog. Soc. vol. VII. p. 152.
and vol. VIII. pp. 140- 45. I incline to think with Pandit ** Nairne Konkan, p. 16; J. B. B. R. A. 8. vol. X. Bhagvan1A1, that Chemuli is Chemuda in Trombay, at the pp. 316-49; Yalo's Cathay vol. I. p. 227; and Ind. Ant. vol. head of Bombay harbour,-ED.

Page #55

A SILARA COPPER PLATE GRANT.
FEBRUARY, 1880.]
tified with So manâth. In our time, it is true, the Konkan and Somanâth are not closely connected in our minds. But in former days, even so late as six centuries ago, Somanâth and Thânâ seem to have belonged to one political division of the country. "Guzerât," we are told for instance, "is a large country, within which are Kambâyat, Somnât, Konkan, Tâna and several other cities and towns." And this affords some explanation of Albirûnî's words alluded to above, in which he distinguishes the Konkan from the country of the Marâthâs. One further remark we may make here, which is suggested by the circumstances now brought together regarding "Somnât." The temple of Somanâth is stated by the late Mr. Justice Forbes 100 to be similar in some respects to the Temple of Ambarnath at Kalyan. And, as we have already seen, Mr. Burgess in the discussion above alluded to regarding the Ambarnath Inscription, also pointed out the similarity.10 In view of the information which the writings of the mediæval geographers furnish, that fact is one of considerable interest. For it is not improbable that the Sîlâras being devotees of the "Somanâth of Surâshtra," and there having been such constant intercourse between the immediate dominion of the Silâras and the district in which the Temple of Somanâth is situated, it is not, I say, improbable that the restoration of the Temple of Ambarnath under the directions of a Silâ ra102 prince was made consciously upon the model of the Somanâth Temple.
Returning now from this geographical digression, we proceed to consider the political status of the Sila ras. They do not, then, appear
99 J. R. A. S. (N. S.) vol. IV. p. 341; also Yule's Marco Polo vol. II. pp. 33-47, Yule's Cathay vol. I. p. ccxxx. note; Nairne p. 10. A Sri Somanâth is mentioned in one of Mr. Fleet's Yadava Inscriptions; see J. B. B. R. A. S. vol. XII. p. 26.
100 J. B. B. R. A. S. vol. VIII. pp. 55-63. See also as to Somnath, Elliot's History of India vol. 1. p. 97. 101 J. B. B. R. A. S. vol. IX. p. cxxxix.
102 Dr. Bhâu Diji's conjecture-that Mâmvânirija was a Yadava prince repented by Mr. Nairne in his Konkan, p. 13 (see also Ind. And. vol. III. p. 317) may now be treated as erroneous: Mr. Fergusson also (J. R. A. S. (N. S.) vol. IV. p. 137) was misled by Dr. Bhau's incorrect reading of the Ambarnath date into an argument in favour of his theory of the 'Balabhi Samvat.'
103 J. B. P. R. A. S. vol. XIII. p. 12. Perhaps Pandit Bhagvanlal's cautions expression was due to the fact that the event recorded in the Kanheri Inscriptions is not mentioned in any Rashtrakuta plate. But perhaps it was not thought important enough.
45
to have been entirely independent sovereigns. The titles Mahámandalêsvara, Mahásámantúdhipati-although coupled with the titles, Raja, and Konkana-chakravarti-seem to point to a subordinate position. And this conclusion is clinched by the fact which Pandit Bhagvanlâl has brought out with the aid of the Kanheri Inscriptions: namely, that the third historical king in this line-Kapardi II.-in spite of the boast, be it remembered, made in our plate and elsewhere, about his being the head-jewel of all kings, and of glory which eclipsed the glory of every one else in the world and out of it, was but a subordinate of a king Amoghavarsha. Of this latter king, Pandit Bhagvânlal says that he probably belonged to the Rashtrakuta race. 108 I venture to think that we are safe in taking it to be historically certain that this A moghavarsha is the firstking of that name in the Rashtrakuta line. The dates appear to me to support the identification.10 And it is further corroborated by the fact which appears to be made out pretty satisfactorily by Dr. Bhân Dâji and Dr. Bühler, that the Balhar a princes, of whom the medieval geographers speak, are identical with the Rashtrakutas; for those same geographers distinctly state that the Konkan formed part of the territories of those Balhâra princes. 106 It is plain, therefore, that at least at the time of Kapardi II. the Silâras were only feudatories of the Rashtrakutas.107 At the same time, it is not impossible that they may have afterwards thrown off the yoke of their masters, and ceased to be feudatories.10s The princes of the branch of the family which reigned at Kolhâpur appear to have been feudatories of the Châlukyas in the twelfth century A. D.10 But there is no evidence showing that the Silâras
10 I must admit that Dr. Bibler's "adjustments" of the Rashtrakutas seem to militate against this, to some extent (Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 59). But I venture to think, that they require reconsideration with reference to the Kanheri Inscriptions brought forward by Pandit Bhagvanlal. Jagattunga, whom Dr. Bühler takes to be Amoghavarsha's father, is, according to Bhagvanlal's interpretation of one of those inscriptions, Amoghavarsha himself.
105 Ind. Ant, vol. VI. p. 64.
108 Yule's Cathay vol. I. p. ccxxxiii. Sir H. M. Elliot's History of India vol. I. p. 3 et seq. and p. 354 et seq. Nairne.p. 10; J. B. B. R. A. S. vol. XII. p. 56. At Asiatic Researches vol. IX. p. 179, we have some conjectures about the Balhara or "Balaraya" princes.
107 Cf. Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 60.
10 Cf. Barnell, Elements of S. I. Palæography (2nd Ed.) p. 25.
102 Cf. J. B. B. R. A. S. vol. IX. p. 203; see also J. R. A. S. vol. IV. pp. 82-34; Nairne, pp. 20-21.

Page #56

46
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
ruling at Thana were also feudatories of the Chalukyas. And possibly, Anantapâla's calling himself Chakravartio of the Konkan coupled with A parâditya's despatch of an ambassador to Kâśmir might be taken as some index that the later Silâras treated themselves as independent sovereigns. On this view the expressions Mahamandalesvar 11 and so forth, would be explicable on the theory suggested by Mr. Newton regarding the term satrap that "in common with other similar titles, it must have come to be looked on as indicating authority only and not subordination." 113 In Marco Polo's time the Konkan was still under Hindu princes were they Silaras ?-whcm Polo describes as being tributary to nobody." The point is one, however, which cannot, I think, be settled finally in the present state of our materials.
From the numerous references to Siva in the Silåra inscriptions, the family may well be inferred to have been devotees of Siva.115 Jimûtavahana's name, however, certainly suggests Buddhist associations.110 Probably the creed of the princes was not of a narrow sort, and the evidence is daily accumulating, which shows that in days so late even as the 10th and 11th centuries of the Christian era, sundry Hindu Princes showed considerable catholicity of spirit as between Hindu, Bauddha, and Jaina. The branch of the Silaras, whose inscriptions are noted in Major Graham's volume on Kolhapur, seems to have made grants alike to Brahmans and to Jainas. And it may be remarked that the Inscription regarding the grant of the Konkan to Kapardi II. is engraved on a Bauddha
cave.
Tolls-which form the subject of the exemption recorded in the plate before us-appear to have been not an uncommon source of revenue in
110 Aparáditya also calls himself "chakravartt of the Konkan." J. B.B.R. A. S. vol. XII. p. 333. I may perhaps, observe here in passing, that Aparáditya, in both the Parel and the Thana stone slab inscriptions, is described as Srimat Aparåditya, which clears up a difficulty suggested by Prof. Bhandarkar with regard to the Gurjara kings (J. B. B. R. A. 8. vol. X. p. 20 note). The same expression also occurs in the unpublished plate before referred to, in the present plate, and in other documents (e. g. Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 136). It is, however, undoubtedly, of rare occurrence. 11 J. B. B. R. A. S. vol. XII. (Extra No.) p. 51.
118 As to which cf. Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 145. Our plate, however, has also the expression is which can hardly be treated as a "title" only.
113 J. B. B. R. A. S. vol. IX. p. 19. Cf. J. R. A. 8. vol. II. p. 384. Upon this point the remark of Mill cited by
[FEBRUARY, 1880.
former times. Among the Inscriptions collected by Major Graham11s too, there are several which record grants of tolls. As the trade at Thânâ, Chemulya, and Supârâ appears to have been considerable,110 the exemption granted by our plate cannot have been quite insignificant.
The names of the grantees and of some of the ministry are also remarkable. They all seem to be southerners. These "southerners" are also to be noticed in Dr. Bühler's plate, and in the Ambarnath Inscription, as well as in the plate in the Asiatic Researches, and in Dr. Bühler's plate of the Rashtrakâta Govinda III. It is evident, therefore, that the "ayya" community occupied a position of considerable influence in those days even at the courts of princes, who were not directly ruling in the south. Upon the name of Ananta Pai Prabhu, which occurs in the Parel inscription, Mr. Wathen remarks as follows:
"It is singular, however, and in support of the pretensions and traditions of the Kayastha Prabhus, that they seem to have been ministers under this Raja, viz., Aparaditya." I am not quite so sure that Prabhu there does indicate the Prabhu caste, and I do not understand that Mr. Wathen bas any other basis for his suggestion. 10 Against it we have to remember that in No. 8 of Mr. Wathen's own Inscriptions, a Brahman is mentioned as bearing the name Kesav Prabhu, and there are persons named in our own plate as "Prabhus" who do not appear to belong to the Prabhu caste. Even in our own days, Prabhu is a Brahman surname, and I am inclined to interpret the word in the various plates before us as indicating only a surname and not a name of a caste. The name A nan tapai also seems to indicate that that man was not of the Prabhu caste but a "southerner."
Nairne (p. 21) about the grandiloquence of these princes is undoubtedly entitled to considerable weight.
11 Yale's Marco Polo vol. II. p. 330; Nairne, Konkan p. 11; see also J. R. A. 8. vol. II. p. 395.
115 Conf. J. R. A. S. vol. IV. p. 114; J. B. B. R. A. 8. vol. XII. pp. 321-335; Ind. Ant. vol. III. p. 317 ff.; and vol. V. p. 278.
fe The seal would seem to point in the same direction: cf. J. B. B. R. A. s. vol. I. pp. 210, 216.
111 Vide pp. 326-334 Dr. Taylor's grant is to Bråhmans and begins with an invocation to Vishnu. See too J. B. B. R. A. 8. vol. XIII. p. 10; and J. R. A. 8. vol. II. p. 387 and of. Cunningham's Arch. Surv. Rep. vol. VII. p. 198; vol. VIII. p. 16; Ind. Ant. vol. VII. p. 2.
118 P. 327ff. Nos. 3, 13, &c.; see too J.R.A.S. vol. III. p. 98. 119 Cathay, vol. II. p. 99; Marco Polo, vol. II. p. 330.
130
As to which, see also Journ. Bomb. Geog. Soc. vol. VII. p. 139.

Page #57

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Page #59

FEBRUARY, 1880.]
GRANT OF VIRA-CHOLA..
GRANT OF VIRA-CHOLA. BY Rev. THOMAS FOULKES, F.L.S., M.R.A.S., CHAPLAIN OF SAINT JOHN'S, BANGALORE. Description.-Two plates of a copper-plate donation was made at the instigation of the grant, 10 in. long by 2 in. wide, of unoqual prince's religious teacher, the Brahman Nila. thickness, varying from tin. to to in., with a The grant is written in Sansksit verse of the ring-hole in each, but without the ring. They Anushtubh metre, except the incomplete verse are numbered 2 and 5 respectively; and there- at the beginning. The character is the old fore the document had originally six plates at Grantha. The letters are firmly and distinctly the least, and probably seven. They are well engraved: but the engraving is not neatly preserved. They record the donation of a executed. large village, called, after the father () of the Plate 2 contains a portion of the pedigree of donor, Parakesarichaturvedima n. the donor, tracing his descent from the Solar galam, situated on the river Kaveri, to Race of the Puranas through Raghu, the great150 Brahmaņs, by Vira-Chola, with the grandfather of the hero of the Rámáyana. consent of the reigning sovereign, Para ke- Plate 5, though only a fragment, contains the sarivarma, in order to obtain benefits for substance of the grant, and the circumstances his ancestors in the world of spirits. The of the donation.
Transliteration.
Plate II a. [(v. 3 probably)].
1 bhavatâm bhavatát vibhůtyai trayi(yi)säravastu chaturânanaim aditejaḥ [ll*] Vidhâtus tasya putro bhût Marîchirmmâna* so mahân M ari(ri)ches cha tanûjo bhût Kaśyapa• khyo mahâmuni(h) [ll] Kåśyapasya munerasid åtma
jo bhanuman Ravirv(vih) visveshåñcha(chi) lokánam andha. • kârâpanodaksit [ll]
Vedavedamgatatvajño
ViPlate II . . vasvatas cha suto Manuh â sîtkshitibhritâm âdyah pranavaś chhandaśam iva (Il*] Ikshvákuś cha mahậprajño .bbaktimân Garudadhvaje Manos sûnuḥ kshitim*) sa(s)sann âsi(si)d Akha10 ndalasamaḥ [ll] Ikshvakuvamsajâteshu
kshatriyeshu 11 bahushvapi pâlayitva bhuvan digdham yâteshu cha divam u prati [ll] Sagaro nama tadvamse játavân bhûpapa(purgavaḥ Bhagi15 rathopi tadvamse tato jậto jano(ne)svara(h*) [ll*] Raghur nnama
Plate Va. [v. 24, probably
Rakshamâne bhuvam vi(vi)ávalává)m Vi(Vi)ra-Choļenripesvare dhamodharmmo)
padesht tasyâbhât Ni(Ni)lanâmâ mahisuraḥ [ll*] Yushmadguruņam sas roveshâm svarggaprâpaņakâraņam brahmadeyan d vijendrebhyo • dehîtyenam adidiśat [ll] śrutvâ tadvachanam r âjâ gatva * Cholamahi(hi)patin namaskritya paras tasya sthitvaitad abravi• dvachah [ll*] Matde(dde)se tu mahågråmam dasyâmi tava sam.
Plate V.. jõaya bhûsurebhyo hantatká (kâr)yye mahyan dehîtyanugraham [ll] . Tadašu kurvvityanu(tyâ)jõâtah Parakesarivarmmaņa pañchâsa• dbhyas satebhyas cha Vi(Vi)raCholo nripeśvarah [ll] Parakesaricha19 turvvedimangalâhvayam pa(pur)qņam Kåveryyâ svat(88val) panadya11 g cha maddhyame supratishtha(shthi)tam savva(rvva)lakshanasampannam ka1 lyâdisasyabhúshitam [ll] Panasâmrådisamyuktam pågårâma

Page #60

48
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1880.
Translation.
trees, with areca-palm and other groves, ..... May the substance of the three-fold Veda which is the primeval brightness of the four This grant affords the following items of faced god, be to you for riches.
historical information :Marichi was the great mind-born son of 1. It was issued in the reign of Parak. that Vid hát â: and the great Muni Ka syapa esari Varma, who is described as the Chola was the son of Marichi.
Mahipati (vv. 26, 28); for whose complete The bright Ravi was the son of the Muni identification we may as well wait patiently a Kaśyapa; the dispeller of the darkness of all little longer until more of the grants of the the worlds.
Chôļas have been published. M&n, learned in the doctrines of the Vedas. 2. Vira Cho!a, the grantor, was appaand Vedangas, was the son of Vivasvat*: he rently his Yuva-raja. In what blood-relationship was the first of kings, as the sacred syllable he stood to his sovereign does not here appear: was the seed of the Vedas.
but, from other information about the Chola
princes, I think we may safely regard him as and the worshipper of Garuda-dhvaja,' was the his son. son of Manu : as a protector of the earth he 3. Vira Chola had at this time a definite was the equal of Akhandala.'
portion of the Chôļa kingdom under his separate Very many Kshatriyas, burn of the race of government; as appears from the words madIksh vâk a having ruled the fruitful earth, and dese in v. 27: and his district or province lay having set out on their heavenward journey, on some portion of the banks of the Kåvert,
The pre-eminent king Sagara was born in as is shown in v. 29. The expression “ little that race. In that race also Bhagiratha river" of v. 29, if svalpa is the proper then was born, lord of men.
correction of the svatpa of the plate, is inRaghu by name. .............. sufficient for any identification of the confluence While Vira Cho! a, lord of kings, was referred to in the description of the village. ruling the whole earth, the Brahmaņ Nila There is a tributary of the Kaveri called the became his religious teacher.
"Chinnar," which is the Tamil equivalent of He taught him thus :-"Bestow religious "Svalpanadi," as may be seen in Maps 60 and endowments on distinguished Brâhmens, in | 61 of the Great Trig. Survey, which rises in the order that all your ancestors may reach the hills to the south of Anaikaland Hosûr: but heaven of Indra."
much weight cannot be put upon that circumWhen the king heard that precept, he went stance. The plates were found at N A ma ka l, in to the Chola monarch, and having bowed down the Salem district: but even this circumstance before him, he stood in his presence, and made affords but an uncertain clue to the identification this speech, saying, "I am proposing to make a of the agraharam. The expression chaturvedidonation of a large village in my district to the 1 mangalam is a mere title which was borne in Brahmaņs, and to call it by your name: grant common by several other known Brâhman settleme your assent in that matter."
ments: and there are other instances, similar to Having received a command from Parake. the present one, of the names of the reigning sari Varmâ, saying, "Do so speedily;" kings, and other public functionaries, being given Vira Chola, lord of kings, [gave] to one hun. to new foundations of " chaturvedi-mangalams." dred and fifty persons, the whole [village] But though the plate affords no certain clue to named Parakesari-chaturvedima ng &- the identification of Vara Chola's desa, considerlam, well situated between the Kaveri and ing that the immediate neighbourhood of the the little river, abounding with all the signs of capital was probably under the direct govern prosperity, and adorned with fields of rice and | ment of the sovereign, it sends ns to look for other grains, with jack, mango, and other fruit- the province of the subordinate king somewhere
Chutar nada, & name of BrahmA. • A name of Brahma. 3 A name of Sdrys. • A Dame of Surya.
• Pranaus. . A name of Vishna. - A name of Indra.

Page #61

FEBRUABY, 1880.]
GRANT OF VIRA-CHOLA.
49
higher up the course of the Kaveri than the district of Tanjor. This brings us into the Salem and Koimbatur districts, which formed portions of the old Kongu kingdom down to the time of its conquest by the Chola king Aditya Varma, some time (as it appears at present) about A.D. 894. Aditya Varma's son was named Vira Chola amongst other names : and it is probable enough that he may have been placed in the government of his father's conquest during his father's life-time. If this be so, the identification of the Vire Chola of this grant, and of his "desa," as well as of his father Parakesari Var. mâ, may so far be regarded as complete; subject, however, to the remarks which are presently to follow.
4. From the expression " lord of kings," and "ruling the whole earth," in vv. 24, 28, it may possibly be inferred, even after making due allowance for the laudatory exaggeration of some of these grants, that this Vîra Chôļa had made conquests in the neighbouring kingdoms: and if this be so, it will add some amount of confirmation to the above identification of the prince.
5. The savour of Hinduism and Brâhman. ism runs through the grant: but the religious creed of these two Chôļa kings is not further to be ascertained from this document. The influence of Nila upon Vira Chôļa, which seems to be mentioned with a special object, may possibly point to some innovation upon the former religious ideas of the prince.
The question now arises whether the materials already published respecting the kings of the Chol a dynasty afford sufficient data for the certain identification of the Vira Chola of this grant, and to fix the date of his reign ? And the answer 'must be for the present,-Not quite yet. The name, or rather the title, of Vira Chôļa, with or without other combina- tions, has been borne by several of the Chôļa princes; and the dates connected with these princes in the various scattered notices of them, are widely different and conflicting. My impression is that the above identification will not be disturbed : but I subjoin the following list of names in which the title Vîra Chola'
appears, arranged in alphabetical order, together with the different dates which have been assigned to them :
1. Vira Chola, who has been variously placed in K. Y. 1443, which may perhaps be a clerical error for SS. 1443; in the 1st century A.D.; in SŚ. 407; in $. 899; in the end of the 9th century AD.; from A.D. 1044 to 1114; and twenty-five generations before Uttama Chola, the grandfather of Karikala Chola; while another authority makes a Vira Chô la the great grandson of this or another Karikala Chô la.
2. Vira Chola Deva, who is placed in $$. 1001; in $$. 1044; and whose viceroyalty of the Vergi country is made to extend from A.D. 1079 to 1135.
3. Vira Chola Maharaja, who is placed in. A.D. 1279.
4. Vira Chola Narayaņa; and
5. Vira Chola Nará y a na Raya, who is apparently that Külottu iga Chola, the father of Adonda i, in whose reign the Chôļas conquered the Tondamandalam from the Pallavas; which conquest has been various ly placed in 3000 B.C.; some time previous to the Christian era; shortly before that era; in the 6th century A.D.; in the 8th century; and in the 9th, about A.D. 886; some time between AD. 700 and 1000; in various years of the 12th century, ranging between A.D. 1118 and 1171 ; in A.D. 1200; and in A.D. 1233.
6. Vira Chola Raya, who has been placed in A.D. 978.
7. Vira Deva Chô! a, or
8. Vira Deva Chola Kulottunga Chô la, who is placed in the 12th century A.D.1128 to about 1160.
9. Vira Mårtan da Chola, who seems to be the same as either No. 2 or No. 12.
10. Vira Narayana, the same as No. 4, 5.
11. Vira Pån diya (Tam.), or Pân dya (Sansk.) Chô! a, who is said to be a contemporary of Ramanuja charya, and placed about Fasly 460, and in ss.. 939; while Râmånaja's dates also differ considerably.
12. Vira Rajendra Chola, to whom
. I have materials for the identification of these and a large number of other Chola Dames and eponyms, which I hope to submit in a future paper. The subjoined list
may be regarded as specimen of the great confusion in which the chronology of the Cholas is at present involved.

Page #62

50
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY..
[FEBRUARY, 1880.
various dates are given, ranging from $8.460 to after A.D. 1278.
13. Vira Sekhara Choo, who was contemporary with A chyota Raya of Vijayanagara; whose dates, with a few exceptions,
range within the second quarter of the 16th century A.D.
14. Vira Vikrama Cha, who is the same as one of the preceding princes, but no date occurs with this form of the name."
AN IDENTIFICATION OF A WESTERN CHALUKYA CAPITAL.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S. At p. lxvii of the Introduction to his Mysore vinddadin Devagiriya nele-tidino!; but the Inscriptions, Mr. Rice speaks of the Western correct reading of the original is perfectly disChâluk ya king Vikramaditya VI., or tinct in the photograph, and is as I have given Tribhuvanamalla, as apparently residing it above. in A. D. 1077" at Tagiri, perhaps the modern The second passage is in No. 77 of Mr. Rice's Daulatâbid."
Mysore Inscriptions, or No. 164 of roy Páli, I have been asked whether this Tagiri' Sanslesit, and Old-Canarese, Inscriptions. The might not be a mistake for 'Tagara', which, original runs, in l. 13:- Srima(mat) Tri-tri). at id., p. lxxx, Mr. Rice gives as the older name bhuvanamalladivara vijaya-rdjyam-uttar-óttar. of the ancient Dévagiri or the modern Dau. abhivsiddhi.pravarddhamánam-[& chaidr-arkkalatábåd, and which has been accepted as such by tarari baran) saluttaw lagiriya nele-ridino!' other writers of authority, though the identity sukha-sasikatha-(vinidadi rájyah-ge]yyuttam. of the two places is disputed, and on apparently ire. There is no copy of this inscription in the good grounds, by Mr. McCrindle, at Vol. VIII., Elliot MS. Collection. p. 143, (51), note.
The above two passages are not metilical, and This question led me to examine the two there is, therefore, nothing in them to show passages from which Mr. Rice has derived this absolutely whether the first and third syllables of name of Tagiri'; and the result is that I Étagiriya are long, or short. But there can find the correct name to be, notTagiri', but be no doubt on this point, as the only possible Etagiri.'
etymology is the Sanskrit éta, 'a deer, or antelope,' The first passage is in No. 60 of Mr. Rice's and giri, 'a mountain.' Mysore Inscriptions, or No. 163 of my Páli, It remains to identify this town of Êtagiri. Sanskrit, and Old-Canarese, Inscriptions. After Having regard to the tendency of the modern giving a short description of Vikrama. Canarese language, as spoken, to prefix a y ditya VI., the original continues, in 1. 11:- to an initial e or e, and sometimes to convert an Antu 'dhareya nishkautakori-madi sukha. initial é into ya, we must look for some such sarikathá-vinodadinid=Étagiriya nele-ridino! Dame as 'Yêtagiri', or 'Yatagiri.' And we have rajyan-geyyuttam-ire. Curiously enough, the not to look far. There is a common enough reading given in the copy of this inscription in surname in the Canarese Districts, which, the Elliot MS. Collection, Vol. I., p. 272, is with the usual indifference to orthography, is
See also Dr. Burnell's references to Jour. Lt. & Sc. Soc. Madras, vol. XIII. pt. ii. p. 36; Reinaud, Fragments, pp. 92, 121, Mémoire sur l'Inde, p. 284; Jour. Ceylon As. Soc. 1867, p. 26.
Dr. Barnell gives the following succession of the Chola kings in the 2nd ed. of his 8. Ind. Palaography (p. 40) :Kerikála Chola (P about 950 A.D.). Rejardja Chola, alias Narendra (40 or 41 yrs.), 1028 to 1064 A.D.
Vira Chola alias Kulottunga' Chola alias Rajarajendra (Rajaraja) KõppakesarivarmA (49 years), 1064 to 1118. His abhisheka took place in 1079.
Vikrama Chóļa (15 yrs.), 1113 to 1128. Kulottunga Chola II. 1128 to ? ruled over the Tamil country (Caldwell, Gr. p. 186) for, at least 30 years.
Vikratnadeva, reigning 1285 (Jour. Lit. & Sc. Soc. Mad. Fol. XIII. pt. i. pp. 60-1), Kalinga was lost in 1228 A.D.-ED.
This is the only instance in which I have found this form of the Old-Canarese locative spelt with the !. And it is the one instance that was wanting (see Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc.. Vol. X. p. 280, note 37) to enable us to authoritatively give to the Old-Canarese baliya, baliya, the meaning of 'included in, situated in', equivalent to the madhyavartin and antirgata of corresponding passages in Sanskrit inscriptions

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written sometimes 'Yatagiri', and sometimes this town is written 'Yedageery' in the Tri
Yatagiri.' The persons who own this surname gonometrical Survey Map, and 'Yedagiri' (with take it from a town on the G. I. P. Railway in an optional form of Edgheery' in the Index) in the Nizâm's Dominions, in lat. 16° 46' N. and Keith Johnston's Map of India. This Yedalong. 77° 13' E., and about eighty miles to the geery, Yedagiri, or Edgheery, of the mapa is south by east from the modern Kalyana, which is undoubtedly the Etagiri of the inscriptions, the site of the ancient chief capital of the same which was one of the minor capitals of name of Vikramaditya VI. The name of Vikramaditya VI.
MISCELLANEA. FOLKLORE PARALLELS.
"A certain fool was engaged in relating his I am sorry to say that both Mr. Grierson and my. | father's good qualities in the midst of his friends. self have been anticipated in our Folklore Parallel And describing his superior excellence he saidby Dr. Reinhold Kähler in an article in Orient My father has followed a strict vow of chastity und Occident, vol. II. p. 111. Of course he does from his youth, there is no man who can be com.. not mention the parallel in Laura von Gonzenbach's pared with him. When his friends heard this Sicilian stories, published in 1870, nor in his notes they said-How did you come into the world P' upon those tales does he mention the Indian tale. He answered Oh! I am a mind-born son of his,' There are a groat many interesting parallels of whereupon the matchless fool was well laughed the kind in this little known periodical. I at by the people." Now compare Sganarelle in proceed to quote one which I am able to supple- Lo Moriage Forcé-" La raison. C'est que je ne ment from the Katha Sarit Sdgara. On page 135 of me sens pas propre pour le mariage et que je veux vol. I. Dr. Felix Liebrecht mentions a story in the imiter mon père et tous ceux de ma race qui ne Apadanas translated from the Chinese by Stanislas se sont jamais voulu marier." Julien, Paris, 1857, of a man who lost a vessel of The following itúrkhakathe in the Xth Book of silver, and made a mark in the water at the place the K. S. S. has also its counterpart in Europe. where he lost it. He then remarks that he believes A certain merchant said to his foolish servanthe has read this story in the 'Asteia of Hierokles. "Take care of the door of my shop, I am going On page 544 of vol. II. he gives an amusing paral. home for a moment." After the merchant had lel from England :-"A Yarmouth maltster hired said thia, he went away, and the servant took an Irishman to assist in lading his ship with malt. the shop door on his shoulder, and went off to
Just as the vessel was about to set sail, the Irish- see an actor perform. And as he was returning man called out from the quay-Captain! I lost your his master met him, and gave him a scolding. shovel overboard, but I cut a big notch on the rail. And he answered: "I have taken care of this door fence round stern, right on the spot where it went as you told me." Compare with this the 37th down; so you will find it when you come back." story in Laura von Gonzenbach's Sicilianische He compares also Hagen's Narrenbuch, p. 493. Märchen, "Giusa's mother wanted to go to the
The following is the form of this story in the mass, and she said to him :-Giusa, if you wish Xth book of the Kathd Sarit Sdgara :
to go out, draw the door to after you (ziehe die "A certain foolish person, while travelling by Thür hinter dir zu). Instead of shutting the door sen, let a silver vessel fall from his hand into the Giusa took it off its hinges, and carried it to his water. The fool took notes of the spot, observing mother in the church." the eddies and other signs in the water, and said An incident in the 28th story of the Sicilianische to himself-I will bring it up from the bottom Märchen may be paralleled from Indian literature. when I return. He reached the other side of the Lattughina said: "Fire be lighted," and immedi. ses, and as he was returning he saw the eddies and ately a clear fire burned upon the hearth. Then other signs, and thinking he recognised the spot. she said "Come along, pan"--and a golden pan he plunged in to recover his silver vessel. When came and placed itself upon the fire ; "come along the others asked him what his object was, he told ail;" and the oil came and poured itself into the them, and got well laughed at and abused for his pan. In the episode of Nala and Damayanti pains."
Nala is detected by his possessing similar powers. One of the amusing stories of fools related in the In the same episode the gods are discovered by Xth Book of the Katha Sarit Sagara is (carious their not winking. I do not know whether there to say) found in one of Molière's plays. This is the are many parallels to this in Greek literature, but Sanskrit form of the story :
I lately came across one in the Aethiopica of See rol. VIII., p. 288.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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Heliodorus which contains other Indian ideas, METRICAL VERSIONS FROM THE In the 13th chapter of the IIIrd book Kalasiris
MAHABHARATA. speaking of the gods, makes the following remark:
BY JOHN MUIR, D.C.L., LL.D., &c. Τους μεν δή βεβήλους καν διαλάθoιεν, την δε σοφού
(Continued from p. 29.) γνώσιν ουκ άν διαφύγοιεν, αλλά τοις τ' οφθαλμδις άν FATE OF THOSE WHO HAVE NO BELIEF IN VIRTUE; γνωσθειες ατενές διόλου βλέποντες και το βλέφαρον
BENEFITS OF FAITH. OŰTOR'émiuúortes, k. T.1. CHARLES H. TAWNEY.
Mahabharata, iii. 13747f.
The fearful doom of all is sure JAMES WALES THE PAINTER.
Who laugh at men whose lives are pure; In the Council Chamber at Bombay there are
Who duty's binding force deny, three large pictures, the first of Baji Rao, the
And scout all virtue as a lie. second of the N&na Fadnavis, and the last of
The man who loves to live in sin Madhavji Sindia. All three were painted by
Is like a huge inflated skin; Mr. James Wales, an artist who arrived in India
With wisdom's show himself he cheats, in 1791, accompanied apparently by his family, as
For vain are all his proud conceits. his eldest daughter was afterwards married to
No sin can want of faith exceed, Sir Charles Malet, the Resident at Poona, and
While men by faith from sin are freed." became the mother of Sir Alexander Malet, so
The faithful man throws off his sins; well known in diplomatic circles, and who still sur.
As snakes cast off their worn-out skins. vires. The natural taste of the artist seems to have been in the direction of ancient architecture
NOTES AND QUERIES. and sculpture. He was a Scotchman, hailing from
1. WOOLLY HAIR, AND ELONGATED EAR-LOBES Peterhead, on the coast of Aberdeen, and was
OP BUDDHA.-Where can I find any explanation of educated at the Marischal College in the local
the Negro-like hair, short crisp curls, with which capital. His exhibited pictures at the Academy
Buddha is generally represented in his statues P were portraits, but in this country he devoted
Recently at Kananj and Sankesar (Fatehgarh much time to the cave temples and other carvings,
district) I have seen several statues of Buddha working in collaboration with Thomas Daniel at
with this conventional treatment of the hair. the Elura excavations. He worked also at Ele
In these, and in other statues also, the lobes of phanta, making drawings of the sculptures there,
the ear are greatly elongated (seo, also Moor's and it was in pursuit of these researches that he
Hindu Pantheon). Has this ever been accounted met his death. The jungle grows thick in that
for? If so, where P part of the Island of Salsette where the interesting
At Manipuri, an old Zamindar, an Ahir, called Buddhist works are found; and though the ac
upon me. The lobes of both his ears were tual hill itself in which occur the caves of Kanheri
elongated in the manner shown in the representais nearly bare, it has to be approached through
tions of Buddha, and hung down detached from tangles of undergrowth. Mr. Wales is reported
the cheek, to a depth of about 2 inches. This to have died at Salsette, whither he had gone to
formation did not appear to have boen caused make drawings of the excavations; we may presume
artificially, and the ears showed no marks of he died at Thånd, which is some five miles from
earrings, which, if heavy, would of course prolong Kanheri, and unhealthy exposure was probably
the lobe of the ear.-H. Rivetr-CARNAC. the cause of this sad and sudden termination of his labours. If he effected anything at Kaņheri, With regard to the query as to the woolly hair it does not seem to have been preserved,' as the and elongated ear-lobes of Buddha, Mr. W. Simpexamination of the remains there is always asso- Bon, the artist to the Illustrated London News, ciated with other names. We find no notice in recently gave a lecture at the Society of Arts in the Indian Handbook of any monument to this London on Afghanistan and its antiquities. He worthy man.-The Pioneer.
mentioned the immense number of Buddhist 1 "Mr. Daniel's fine picture of the Puna Darbar is an- work of Mr. Wales, is now in possession of J. Fergusson, Esq., rivalled perhaps in oriental grouping, character, and co- D.O.L., of London. It contains sketches of the large slabe tume; ... It was painted for Sir Charles Malet from at Borwali, covered with carvings of fleets and armies in sketches by the late Mr. Wales; and the artist has shown | conflict. &o.. of the curious little Buddhist Chaitys cave at the time when Sir Charles, then our ambassador at the Kondivta in Salnette, from which cave the inscription was Court of Pun attended by his suite, delivered to his copied by him, and with others from Elura, &o, kiven by Highness the Peshwa, in full Darbar, the treaty of alliance, him to Sir Charles Ware Malet, who sent them to Bengal ratified by his Majesty, between Great Britain and his for translation by Capt. Wilford, and publication in the Highness; made, preparatory to the war between the triple Asiatic Researches (vol. V., pp. 135-141).-ED. allied powers and Tipu in 1790."-This picture was well Thia, in sound, is very like the Antinomian doctrine of engraved, and published by Cribb in Holborn. Moor's justification. The object of faith, however, in each case is Hindoo Pantheon (1810), p. 174.
different. A collection of sketches in water coloure, doubtless the
rivalled perhapewas beintales, and the mbassador to his

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mounds and remains existing there, and Col. Yule, who was present, expressed his belief that ancient India extended to Kåbul, and that the Greeks when in those regions considered themselves in India. Amongst the antiquities from Afghanistan exhibited by Mr. Simpson, there was a small head of white stone, beautifully carved, the features purely and exquisitely regular and classical, but the ear-lobes as much elongated as in any image of Buddha, and the head covered with close crisp curls, with the border so sharply defined as strongly to suggest the sort of cap or wig imitating curled hair spoken of at page 240 vol. V. of the Indian Antiquary. There were the long pierced ear-lobes and the close curly hair, but the beautiful youthful countenance had no suggestion of Buddha, and the appearance of the hair strongly suggested an artificial covering. London, December 1879.
M, J. W.
scalp and very close together; but the result would not be so satisfactory as the work would be laborious. By and bye we may suppose the width between the line was increased, and the small knobs left between being somewhat rounded, the effect would be improved, and it would soon be generally adopted. When the Mahầyana sect, in the sixth century, were gaining influence by their gorgeous ritual, this mode of representing the hair of Buddba was universal. It would be curious to compare any images that remain of earlier date or belonging to the Hinayana or puritan sect. This short hair is one of the traditional points of beauty in Buddha's person.
As to the ear lobee : a mistake is not unfrequently made here. A careful examination of many images convinces me that what appears to be a very long pendant lobe is not always really so, but whilst the lobe was largely prolonged, as it is by the modern Kånphatas, an elongated link was inserted in the lower extremity of it: this link is often supposed to be part of the elongated lobe.
But it must not be forgotten that it is part of the physiognomical lore of the Hindus, that a man with short ear-lobes is deficient in religiousness, and that long ones are the sure mark of a good and great man : hence Buddha's ears must have had unusally long pendant lobes.
The Jaina Tirthankaras are also represented with the same short hair and elongated ear lobes, as Buddba.
Ajanta Caves, 17th January 1880. EDITOR.
Legend says that Gautama Buddha on leaving his home cut off his luxuriant looks; and as no images of him were made till long after his decease, the characteristics of the Buddha sthaviras of the day would be the only guide that the fabricators of the first images would have to model them by. Then, though rupds or ornamental figures in caves and temples were probably largely in vogue before this, there were no examples among them with short cut hair; this would puzzle the first artists. They would pro- bably cut lipes crossing each other all over the
BOOK NOTICES. ALTINDISCHES LEREN: DIE CULTUR DER VEDISCHEN | clothing and finery, food and drink, amusements
ARIER NACH DEN SAMHITA DARGESTELLT VON HEINRICH ZIMMER; eine vom vierten Internationalen Orientalisten
and wars. The third book gives an account of Congress in Florenz gekrönte preisschrift. Berlin: Weid- their internal relations, domestic life, morals, mannsche Buchhandlung, 1879.1
arts and sciences, writing and arithmetic, astro, The Prize gained by the author of this essay nomy and cosmology, division of time, art of was ono liberally offered by the Italian Govern- healing, death and burial, life after death. ment, which thus afforded a fresh stimulus to In his preface (pp. v. ff.) the author remarks the efforts of the European scholars who are at that the materials which we possess for sketchpresent directing their attention to the study of ing the state of civilization among the different Indian antiquity.
races allied to us in speech, at the period when they I shall first of all enumerate the contents of emerged from the darkness of primeval antiquity, the work.
are very different in the case of each branch. It is divided into three books. The first de- As regards the forefathers of the Germans, scribes the land, its climate and formation, its there is the Germania of Tacitus, in which products, mineral, vegetable, and animal, its scarcely any side of life is left undescribed. This, inhabitants, Dasyus and Aryas, and their respec- combined with their own language and literature, tive tribes. The second book treats of the external especially those of the north, furnishes a picture circumstances of the Vedic people, their govern- of their prehistorical life, such as is obtained in ment and law, their cattle-rearing and agricul- the case of no other kindred European race. tural occupations, trades, commerce, &c., their The sources of our knowledge of the earliest . (Life in Ancient India; the Civilization of the Vedic may crowned by the fourth International Congress of Aryana described according to the SamhitA; prizo Orientalists in Florence. Berlin : Weidmann, 1879.)

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history of the Indians, Dr. Zimmer proceeds, are vaders (p. 107). The distinction between the of an ensentially different character. None of the two races, Aryas and Daayus or Dasas (p. Phænicians, who in Hiram's and Solomon's time, 109), was clearly marked by their difference of and no doubt earlier, sailed to Ophir, and brought complexion (varna), the Dasyus being black and back thence Indian names, along with Indian the Aryas white, a difference which must have productions, give us any account of the people been more striking in the early days of the immiwith whom they traded. Nor have the Indians gration, before the colour of the Aryus had been any Homer belonging to the period preceding much affected by the climate (p. 113). The two their immigration into Hindustan proper : our races also differed in speech (p. 114), but the knowledge of this people's life is obtained solely by greatest difference was in their religion (p. 115). collecting the scattered allusions which are found "The Dasyus did not worship the gods of the Aryas. in their surviving lyrical poetry of that period. Of their own religion little appears. But the
Yet the literature of no Indo-Germanic race author inclines to agree with Prof. Ludwig that the has rescued from a remote antiquity such a mass epithet diénadeva applied to the enemies of the of hymns as are found in the four Vedic Sanhilds Aryas means phallus or linga-worshippers (p. 116). of the Indians. These Vedic lyrics are fortu- The Dasyus are represented as being rich in cattle nately of a very realistic character.
which the Aryas naturally coveted. Until the Their prayers, hymns of praise or thanks-giv.
latter had gained the upper hand, they lived in a ing, supply us with many means of insight into state of hostility with the Dasyus. This condition their mundane relations and the objects of their of things is discernible in the contents of the desires. They lay bare their virtues and vices hymns. Eventually large Aryan tribes advance before the all-soeing gods. The Rik and Atharva eastward and conquer for good Hindustan between Sanhitda, which were not compiled with purely the Himalayas and Vindhyas. The large porliturgical views, contain also a number of hymns tions of the Dasyu population which did not and fragments which introduce us into the inner- retire to the hills, embraced the faith of the Aryas, most life of the people. The notices which we
and became to some extent assimilated to their thus obtain are the more valuable as coming from conquerors. The social condition of the Aryas also contemporarios who were taking a part in the underwent important changes; the caste system affairs to which they refer, and who, besides, do became more and more developed : the subjected not all belong to one period, but place before us aborigines obtained a recognised position in the the developments of their people's life during State, by becoming a fourth caste. It is not to be several conturies. These Rishis, it is true, do doubted that in the long period before this took not answer all our questions regarding many place, Aryan had become largely intermixed with keen enquiries they maintain an obstinate silence. aboriginal blood. Dasyu virgins and women camo Setting aside such points as these (of which the as slaves into the houses of the Aryas : some of writer gives some examples), from what the them may have become mistreens of the hones Rishis communicate, we can draw a picture of hold. The word Dasyu now disappears in our the life of that lively youthful people,-strong in ethnological sense, (though the name continues faith in the gods, which is clearer and more to be applied to the aborigines), and is succeeded exact than Tacitus gives of the Germans. To by the appellation Stdra. The latter word is supply such a picture is the author's design. unknown to the early Vedic era : it only appears
I shall proceed to state some of the contents along with Brâhmana, Rajanya, and Vaibya in . of chapters iv., v. and vi. pp. 1041f, in which Dr. V. x. 90, 12, a hymn which can only date from the Zimmer treats of the Indian races, and traces period when the Indian people had become divided the gradual formation of the caste system which into classes according to the Brahmanical system afterwards prevailed in Hindustan.
(pp. 116, 117). Just alluding to what Dr. Zimmer The oldest settlements of the Aryas in histori- tells us in pp. 118ff. of the different tribes of the cal times were in East Kâbulistân, and along the Dasyus and of the Aryas, the Pancha-jandh, Panchabanks of the upper Indus. The different tribes kerishtayah, appellations under which he underadvanced thence along the valley of the Indus stands the Yadus, Anus, Drubya, Turvasas and southwards and eastwards into the land of the Paras to be meant, and what he says of the other Seven Rivers, drove the aborigines out of their tribes mentioned in the Rigveda, the Tritsus, Bhaflourishing possessions, which they themselves ratas, &c. I come to the fuller account which he thon occupied. The expelled aborigines retired gives in his 6th chapter of the constitution of Aryan northward to the Himalayas, or southward to the society, and the formation of the caste system. Vindhya mountains, while many of their men. Each Aryan state was ruled by a king (p. 162) and women remained as the slaves of the in- whose office was often, though not always, heredi

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tary, but sometimes elective, though whether he figures, then the existence of castes must be could only be chosen out of a particular family does unconditionally denied. After other remarks, Dr. not appear. Constant obedience to him is enjoined Zimmer goes on (in p. 189) to say: If the Vedic (p. 166), and the offering of gifts, not the payment people while still living on this (the western' no of tribute. In nearly every tribe we find families doubt is meant) side of the later Sarasvatt, in the of bards, who were attached to the king's court, land of the seven rivers, was already in possession and celebrated his exploits and those of his people; of the Brahmanical order, the caste system and like Vasishtha's family among the Tsitsus and & special priestly class, how does it happen that that of Visvamitra among the Bharatas. They the Aryan tribes, which had continued to occupy had to live chiefly on the king's bounty, and so these settlements, were at the time of the rise of sought as far as possible to render themselves the Indian epio poetry regarded as half barbarians indispensable. Offerings or libations, they said, by the Brahmanized dwellers in Madhyadesa ! were uot acceptable to Indra unless accompanied And the [Tandya, or] Panchavinka Brdimana, by hymns of praise. But it was not every king which Weber (Hist. of Ind. Lit. p. 668. of Engl. or wealthy man who could, on occasion of im- transl.) would regard as the oldest of those works, portant ceremonies, produce such a composition of when describing the march of these tribes to the the proper sort. A member of one of the families Sarasvati, says of them that they do not observe of bards then took his place, became his purohita the Brahmaņical rules; not being Brâhmaņically If the sacrifice was visibly blest, the bards knew consecrated, they speak the language of the conhow to turn this circumstance to account. Thus Becrated" (17, 1. 14). Did these tribes remain Vasishtha impresses on Sudás (R. V. vii. 33. 6) true to the institutions of their ancestors, or had that it was because he (V.) was purastar, that the they abandoned the ancient traditional order of Tsitsus were victorious, and the Bharatas over- their society ? The answer will not seem doubtful come, and his opponent Visv&mitra asserts (R. V. to any one to whom it is not, as it is to the Indian iii. 53. 12) that his hymn protected the Bharatas. theologians, an article of faith, imbibed with their The prince was constantly reminded how neces- mothers' milk, that the social divisions prevailing sary it was to attach the bard to himself and to in later times were primeval, that the divinely reward him liberally. To give Worce to these favoured Rishis of old worshipped the gods demands, the bards ascribed their calling, as well exactly as their successors did. as their right to receive presente, to Indra.
Let us therefore proceed on the established fact The stingy are in the bard's eyes "godless," that the Vedic people were unacquainted with and they call the liberal," pious, men who fulfil the division of society into castes during that their duty.” (p. 168f.) The presents which the period of their development at the close of which kings made to them were often princely (p. 170), King Sudás and his Parohita Vasishtha appear especially after victory over a dangerous foe. as the last important figures. If these gifts are sometimes exaggerated with & | These two men and the Tsitsus whom they led purpose (that of influencing other patrons) in the succeeded in the famous battle of the ten kings, portions of the hymns celebrating liberality, still on the banks of the Parushni, in stopping the they were often considerable. The subjects of advance of the united tribes of the North-western the bards' encomiums were not only kings, but Panjab towards the south-east. But the Tsitsus also wealthy men who employed them.
must at last have succumbed to & renewed invaPassing over the contents of pp. 171-185 (from sion, as we hear no more of them, or of any dewhich various details of the civil and social life scendants of the renowned DivodAsa and Sudas, of the Åryas might be quoted), he comes to the whilst some of the tribes which they had overquestion, proposed as follows, p. 186: Did the come in that battle, as the Parus, afterwards caste system exist in the Vedio nge? To auswer attained to great power. The period which folthis precisely, that age must be itself defined Jows is one of the darkest in Indian history. If we understand it of the time when all the When we reach a period of more light, we hymns and sacrificial formulas which we find in encounter & people so accustomed to altered conthe Vedic Sanhitds were in existence, the question ditions of life, institutions and religious ideas, must be answered in the affirmative. But if we as to have begun to lose the power of understandmean by it the period when the Aryas dwelt prining the state of things described in the hymns cipally in East Kabulistân, and in the land of the of the ancient Rishis, and to look upon their seven rivers, and single tribes only had advanced brethren of the same race who had remained in towards the Jumna and the Ganges, in short the their old abodes, and adhered to their ancient period at the close of which king Sudás and his institutions, as semi-barbarous (p. 191f). Purobita Vasishtha stand as the latest important Let us endeavour to make clear to ourselves

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more in detail, the modifications gradually under- yet more important, and influenced profoundly the gone by the Aryan Indians. The tribes in the entire national development. With their poetical north-west of the Panjab begin to advance endowments they lived in the service of religion; further into Hindustan. To effect this, and over- they laid before the gods the desires of the come the foes by whom they are opposed, they princes and of wealthy men; they lauded in well have to combine into larger masses. One of the composed hymns the might and glory of the kings, the most distinguished and powerful, is deities, and thanked them for the blessings which entrusted with the chief command, and thus they bad bestowed. In return for this service, gains yet more in cousideration. The opposing they obtained rich gifts. They thus acquired the tribes are overcome, and forced to aid in the ex. reputation of being more highly qualified for the pedition; and no doubt their chiefs lose their worship of the gods, for the celebration of sacrifice; independence. Through severe conflicts with they began to boast of being the objects of the the aboriginal Sadras, the extensive country special favour of the gods. Towards the end between the Himalaya and Vindhya mountains of the Vedio period properly so called, it had is gained ; large tracts on the banks of the Jumna already become the custom for the prince, no and Ganges are occupied. Those of the abori. longer himself to offer the sacrifices which were gines who do not flee to the hills, embrace necessary for the State and the tribe, but to the religion of their conquerors, and remain in cause them to be celebrated by a bard so gifted. their villages as tolerated, though often oppressed, The person entrusted with this function was called members of the State. The victors are scattered purohita (puraetar in R. V. vii. 33. 6). We have here, over the conquered territory, and so their fighting 88 Roth was the first to recognize (on the Lit. and men cannot be readily collected, as they could be Hist. of the Veda, p. 117),-to seek for the origin in the small principalities in the Panjab. Plun- and oldest form of the Indian priesthood (p. 194f). dering inroads of the dispossessed aborigines, The employment of a Purohita was, indeed, at who had retired to a distance, revolts of the only this period customary, but not yet a duty binding apparently subjected population, attacks of Aryan | upon the prince. But the priestly bards sought tribes, compel the samr&i (sovereign prince) toto impress upon the king the necessity for such & have always a band of warriors around him. course. The functions of the Purohita, if one was The small tribal chiefs used to have a large appointed, were not however confined to one of number of followers. Now, under this new order these gifted bards. Kings' sons could fulfil them, of things, they were deprived of their power, as in the case of Dev&pi (Y&ska, Nirukta, ii. 10, either forcibly, or gradually through the impor- and R. V. x. 98). Nor was the office as yet hereditance of a single ruler, which constantly increased tary in any family. in troublons times, and sank with their numerous But all the objects at which the priestly bards families and dependants into the position of a mar. were aiming towards the close of the Vedic period, tial nobility surrounding the sovereign prince. were fully and amply attained by them in the
The sovereign was thus enabled in the small succeeding period of conflict, fermentation and feuds which were constantly occurring, to dispense confusion. If these priestly leaders had hithurto with the help of the people, the Vis. The martial been honoured and rewarded by the tribal princes nobility began more and more to regard arms 88 as trusted counsellors and helpers in religious their occupation, to devote themselves exclusively matters, their estimation among the people in to a military life, and to transmit it as an in. virtue of their actual or arrogated higher qualiheritance to their descendants. The rest of the fications was not less, especially if they were the people, devoted entirely to agriculture, the rearing heads of numerous families. In the struggles of of cattle and peaceable traffic, became less skilled in the pretty princes for supremacy, the leaning of the use of arms, while the altered climatic condi- such and such a bard towards one or the other side tions contributed more and more to relax their was, consequently, often decisive of the issue. energies. In this way two classes arise which Modesty was never a characteristic of the old become always more separated (p. 1938).
Rishis: much less can these their descendants But it was not to be the lot of the warrior have failed to profit by the opportunity, when the class and of the ruler, to reap the entire har. king owed his power to their intervention. vest: the best part of it was taken from them by The personal relations of individuals to the others.
gods declined the more, the oftener these bards We have seen that the families of the bards intervened as mediators; the forms of worship belived, held in high honour, at the courts of the came more manifold, the number of the ceremonials petty tribal princes, whose exploits they cele- increased, the results of the sacrifices were made brated. But their action in another direction was to depend more upon their right oelebration than

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on the intention of the sacrificer. The families of member of the State, was added the subjected indi. the bards carefully preserved the ancient hymns genous population, which had become somewhat of their forefathers which had often visibly assimilated to the Aryas in religion and customs : secured the favour of the gods, the estimation it formed the fourth caste, that of the Sadras. of the hymns was in every way sought to be The reader will, I think, have perused with inenhanced. Who else was it but these priestly terest the extracts from Dr. Zimmer's book which families, with their preponderance of culture, and I have placed before him, and which appear to mo their intellectual and moral influence which was to treat with ability a most important chapter in thus strengthened, that established on a new Indian history, the rise and growth of tho castebasis the worship in the conquered districts of system, so far as its genesis can be conjecturally Hindustan P And if they sought to make the traced. civil institutions also entirely dependent on
Edinburgh, September, 1879. J. MUIR themselves, this is easily understood from the position which they had already occupied. If, now. these powerful associations, formed of the INDIAN FAIRY TALES, collected and translated by MAIVE priestly bards of the petty tribal princes and Srokes. Calcutta : 1879. their families, which were united by community No better account can be given of Miss Stokes's of interests and identity of education, whose right collection of Indian Fairy Tales, than that which of decision in divine things was scarcely disputed, she herself gives in the preface :which claimed, and in many points possessed, the "The first twenty-five stories in this book were same voice in civil matters also,-if these asso- told me at Calcutta and Simla by two Ayahs, ciations made their order dependent on birth, then Dankni and Maniya, and by Karim, a Khidmatgar. a close priestly caste had been formed, and stood The last five were told mother by Maniya. At over against the other classes in the State.
first the servants would only tell their stories to The rulers, and the martial nobility, which had me, because I was a child, and would not laugh at grown into a distinguished order, did not, how- them, but afterwards the Ayahs lost their shyness, ever, bow submissively to the claims of the and told almost all their stories over again to priestly community which became ever more un- mother when they were passing through the press. bounded. It was only after hard internal strug- Karim would never tell his to her or before her. gles, after being subjected to oppression and The stories were all told in Hindustani, which violence in different ways, that the priests suc- is the only language that these servants know." ceeded in carrying through their demands, and We have thus the most unmistakable evidence in moulding the religious and civil life of the that all these tales form part of the popular poetry Indian people in accordance with their ideals, and that still lives among the people of India, and in a way conducive to their own advantago (pp. there is no reason to suspect that they have in any 194-197).
Way been modifiod by European influences, except Wonderful was the pertinacity with which the so far as the tollers must necessarily have modified priestly class maintained its claims, and always them in order to adapt them to the understanding brought them forward anew. They gradually and morals of an English child. Ono obvious modi. succeeded in conquering the resistance of the fication is pointed out and accounted for in the kings and nobles, and in obtaining the recogni- notes. "In these stories the word translated God tion of their four prerogatives,-reverence (archa), is Khud. Excepting in How king Burtal became gifts (dana), immunity from oppression (ajyeyatd), a Fakir" (p. 85) and in Raja Harichand's Punishand the inviolability of their persons (aradhyatd). ment' (p. 224) in which Mahadeo plays a part, the The further transformation of social and religious tellers of these tales would never specify by name life according to their ideals now advanced the god they spoke of. He was always Khuda, the irresistibly. In order to rear a further barrier great Khuda who lives up in the sky.' In this between the different branches of the Aryan they differed from the narrator of the On Deccan people it was only necessary further to make the Days' stories, who almost always gives her gods and order of warriors, which was mainly composed goddesses their Hindu names, probably because of royal and noble families, and which bad acquired from being a Christian she had no religious scru8 privileged position above the mass of the ples to prevent her from so doing." people, the cultivators and tradesmen,--depen- The stories have been rendered into English, dent upon birth; and the common free men which though simple is clear and forcible, and appertaining to the Vis, then formed the third some of them would, we imagine, be favourites in Caste, that of the Vaibyas. As an authorized an English nursery, as well as with children of a
*One hundred copies privately printed.

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larger growth. It is unnecessary to dwell upon the interest they will excito in all students of folklore. Their value in this respect is much increased by the notes by the collector's mother, which contain illustrations from the Folklore of every country in the world, and are evidently the result of diligent and observant study. It would be difficult to find in any book so much erudition packed into so small a compass. We might instance as an example the elaborate note on the passage in the 1st story, "Her beauty lights up a dark room" (p. 210).
As a specimen of the stories we will choose the following, (p. 39) which happens to be one of the shortest:
The Bulbul and the Cotton Tree.-There was once a bulbul, and one day as he was flying about, he saw a tree on which was a little fruit. The bulbul was much pleased and said, "I will sit here till this fruit is ripe, and then I will eat it." So he deserted his nest and his wife, and sat there for twelve years without eating anything, and everyday he said, "To-morrow I will eat this fruit." During these twelve years a great many birds tried to sit on the tree, and wished to build their nests in it, but whenever they came, the bulbul sent them away, saying, "This fruit is not good. Don't come here." One day a cuckoo came, and said, "Why do you send us away? Why should we not come and sit here too ? All the trees here are not yours." "Never mind," said the bulbul, "I am going to sit here, and when this fruit is ripe, I shall eat it." Now the cuckoo knew that this tree was the cotton-tree, but the bulbul did not. First comes the bud, which the bulbul thought a fruit, then the flower, and the flower becomes a big pod, and the pod bursts, and all the cotton flies away. The bulbul was delighted when he saw the beautiful red flower, which he still thought a fruit, and said, "When it is ripe, it will be a delicious fruit." The flower became a pod, and the pod burst. "What is all this that is flying about P" said the bulbal. "The fruit must be ripe now," so he looked into the pod, and it was empty; all the cotton had fallen out. Then the cuckoo came, and said to the angry bulbul: "You see if you had allowed us to come and sit on the tree, you would have had something good to eat; but as you were selfish, and would not let any one share with you, God is angry. and has punished you by giving you a hollow fruit."
Then the cuckoo called all the other birds, and they came and mocked the bulbul, "Ah! you see God has punished you for your selfishness," they said. The bulbul got very angry, and all the birds went away. After they had gone, the bulbul said to the tree: "You are a bad tree, you are of use to no one, you give food to no one." The tree
[FEBRUARY, 1880.
said, "You are mistaken, God made me what I am. My flower is given to sheep to eat. My cotton makes pillows and mattresses for man." Since that day no bulbul goes near a cotton tree.
We proceed to note one or two parallels which suggest themselves on a cursory perusal of the book. The way in which Phâlmati Râni is supplanted in the first story reminds us of Die Gänsemagd, No. 83 in Grimm's Kinder und Hausmärchen, also of the story of Hans&vati in the Katha Sarit Sigara, Lambaka xii. Taranga 71. For the manner in which Phulmati is recovered at the end of the story, compare the story of Hasan of El-Basrah, Lane's Arabian Nights, vol. III. p. 380.
A modern Indian story very nearly resembling the Xth story is quoted by Benfey, Panchatantra, vol. I. p. 261, from the XIth vol. of the Asiatic Journal. Here the monkey skin is worn by a lady.
In the XIth story Hiralal Bâsâ addresses the Rakshasa as "uncle." In the notes a tale is quoted from the Indian Antiquary, in which two brothers address a tiger by the same propitiatory title: compare the 7th Fable of the Vth book of the Panchatantra (Dr. Bühler's edition), where the musical donkey calls the jackal "nephew," and is in turn addressed by him as "uncle."
Sonahri's betrayal of the Rakshasa finds a parallel in the betrayal of Angâraka by his daughter Angâravati in the 11th Taranga of the Katha Sarit Sagara.
In the XIIth story the episode of the extraction of the thorn in the tiger's foot reminds us of the story of Androclus in Aulus Gellius, v. 14. Compare also Gesta Romanorum CIV. The gratitude of the animals calls to mind the story of Bodhisattva in the 65th Taranga of the Katha Sarit Sagara, which is the same as the second story in the appendix to the 1st book in Benfey's translation of the Panchatantra, "Die dankbaren Thiere und der undankbare Mensch." For parallels see Benfey's 1st vol. p. 192 and ff. A striking one is to be found in the Gesta Romanorum, Bohn's edition, page 212. For the incident of the man coming out of the alligator's stomach, conf. Katha Sarit Sagara, Taranga 74, él. 192ff. See also the story of the Saktideva in the 25th Taranga.
With the lichi in the XVth story conf. the elixir in the beginning of the 39th Taranga of the Katha Sarit Sagara, also the payasa in the 16th Sarga of the Ramdyand.
The wonderful knowledge of Khelâparî Rânt in the XVIth tale may be paralleled by that of the pativrata Brahman lady in the 56th Taranga of the Katha Sarit Ságara, él. 174ff.
The horse Katar in the XXth story may be compared with that in the Widow's Son, Thorpe's Yule-tide Stories, p. 295.

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The XXIInd story may be compared with the Constant Da Hamel ou Le Damne qui attrapa un fable in the Panchatantra, previously referred to Prêtre un Prevot et un Forestier? (Legrand under the title of “die dankbaren Thiere und der d'Aussy, Fabliaux et Contes, Paris : 1829, vol. IV. undankbare Mensch." The episode of the ant-king pp. 246-256). See also Liebrecht's translation of resembles an incident in Svend's Exploits, Thorpe's Dunlop's History of Fiction, p. 246, and the transYule-tide Stories p. 353. For the tasks we maylator's note. Dunlop expresses his belief that it compare the story of Sringabhuja in the 39th came from India through Persia. Taranga of the Katha Sarit Ságara, and the We think we have said enough to show the numerous parallels adduced by Dr. Reinhold Köhler scientific importance of these stories. in Orient und Occident, vol. II. p. 1C3ff.
In conclusion we beg to congratulate Miss Stokes In this story, the Raja's son cheats four fakirs on having done for the Folklore of Northern India out of a bed, a bowl, a stick, a rope, and a bag, which what Miss Frere has done for that of the Dekhan. possess magic properties, by shooting fourarrowsin
O. HT. different directions, and persuading them to run and
KİVYETIKASASANGRAHA-A Collection of Poetical and Hisfetch them. The bed carried the owner whither- torical Pieces. Poona : 1878-79. Boever ho wished to go, the bag gave its owner It is certainly a matter for congratulation, that whatever he wanted in the way of food or clothes, there are at the present day numerous signs, showthe bowl gave him as much water as he required, ing that the attention of many of our educated and the stick and rope would, on being ordered, beat people is being seriously directed to the preservaand tie up his enemies. Of course the prince tion and development of Marathi literature. It escapes by means of the bed, while the fakirs are
cannot be said, of course, that much has yet been fetching the arrows. This recalls Grimm's story actually done, still it is something to know that, of "Der Goldene Berg." In his notes he gives
at all events in many quarters, there is now nono numerous parallels, one from the Katha Sarit Sagara of that cold indifference with which the vernacular Taranga 3; many will be found also in H. H. languages of the country used to be formerly Wilson's Collected Works, vol. III. p. 168, note. looked upon. We may, therefore, fairly hopo We have found another in the 31st of the Sicilian
that, in process of time, this new feeling with Tales published by Laura von Gonzenbach. respect to Marathi literature may lead to very
In the XXIV th story, that of the "Demon and substantial and tangible benefits. the King's Son," the demon causes his daughter The pablication, of which the name heads this to be dead all day and alive all night by changing notice, is, in our judgment, one of the most im. the position of two sticks, one of which is at her portant and useful of the productions to which head and another at her feet. In the Ta ütep the feeling referred to bas given birth. Whether Couny Fiuta, of Antonius Diogenes (Didot's in consequence of defect of management, or of Scriptores Erotici, p. 509), Paapis makes Dercyllis some other cause, that publication has not become and Mantinias die during the day and come to life 80 widely known as it deserves to be. It comat night by spitting in their faces.
menced to be published in January 1878, and from For the way in which the heroine of the XXVth that time till now the monthly parts have come story oning her information about Prince Sabr, out with pretty fair regularity. The contents are compare Thorpe's Yule.lide Stories, p. 390. There divided into three separate departments, so to say: are an intelligent parrot and an equally intelligent the first is intended to contain old documenta of maina in the 3rd story of the Vet dla Paucharinsati Maratha history; the second is to contain un(Katha Sarit Sugara, Taranga 77).
published Marathi poems; and the third is to The XXVIIth story of Panw patti Rånt is the contain unpublished Sanskrit poems. The original 1st of the Vetula Pancharinsati, the 75th Taranga matter wbich the Editors are to supply will emof the Kathd Sarit Sdgara.
brace information regarding the various pieces to The XXVIIIth story is compared with that of be published, and their authors, short notes in exUpakośâ in the Kathápitha, translated by Dr. planation of difficult words, &c., and in the case of the Bühler in the Indian Antiquary vol. I. (October historical portion, references from time to time to 1872) p. 305. See also Mr. Damant's Dinage pore Grant Duff's History of the Marathas, and other Legends, pp. 2 and 3 of the present volume. Wilson similar works. Such is the general scheme of the tells us (Collected Works, vol. III. p. 173) that publication; and if it is executed with even ordinary besides being found in other Oriental collections care, it cannot fail to be of the greatest service to it is a story of ancient celebrity in Europe as the interests of the literature and history of West
• See also Ind. Ant., vol. VITI. pp. 87-33, 230, and 283.
· I may here mention that there is a curi: 08 parallel to the termination of Mr. Damant's story in Sicilianische
Märchen, 36, Die Geschichte von Sorfarina. But it is perhape unnecessary to go so far afield when we have such & striking one in our own Shakapere.

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ern India. So far as the undertaking has already progressed, we have no hesitation in saying that, upon the whole, the work has been done very judiciously. In the first department, we have already had one very interesting Bakhar completed. It gives a connected narrative of the careers of all the Peshvâs from Bâlâji Vishvanath down to the last Bâjîrâv, and has been called the "Peshot's Bakhar." The other, which is now in process of publication, and which has been named "Bhdu Saheb's Bakhar," relates to that most important period of Marathâ history, the period of the battle of Pânipat. The principle adopted in printing the first was rather an uncritical one, as the Editors permitted themselves to make sundry alterations in the text of the Bakhar in order to render the narrative more perspicuous. In printing the second Bakhar, however, they have abandoned that principle, and we trust they will not act on it again with reference to any of the other documents they may publish. And this the rather, that, as the Editors themselves observe, these Bikhars, besides supplying the raw material for History, are also of high value as specimens of the old style of Marathi prose.
The Editors mention sundry other Bakhars as being in their possession, and they are also on the look-out for more. We trust that their efforts in rescuing from oblivion these valuable records will prove successful. The duty of contributing to a trustworthy and complete history of the Maratha power belongs especially to us in Western India. But no systematic attempt had been made in this direction till the publication of the work before us. Individual members of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society have often talked about the matter at meetings of the Society, but nothing tangible has yet come out of such talk, while the Society still continues to receive from Government a sum of nearly Rs. 300 per month, which was originally intended, we believe, to be applied towards the publication of documents illustrative of Maratha history. We hope that those who have the control of the affairs of the Society will look into this matter betimes.
In the second department of the publication before us, we have already had one or two small pieces by the poet Vâman and one or two by other and less known writers. The works now in process of publication are, firstly, the Vana Parva of Muktesvara, whom, the late Mr. Krishna Sastri Chiplonkar used to regard as the best among Marathi Poets, and secondly the Púrna Mantra Bhagavata of Moropant, which is remarkable, like most of that author's performances, for a very ingenious verbal contrivance, by which each stanza contains the letters नमो भगवते वासुदेवाय in that order,
[FEBRUARY, 1880.
"
although other letters intervene. The letters, it will be perceived, make up a sentence meaning Salutation to the venerable Vasudeva," which is the Mantra from which the work takes its name. In this department, the Editors have also collected together some useful items of information regarding the three great poets whose works are embraced in it, namely, V & man, Muktesvar, and Moropant.
The third department contains unpublished Sanskrit poems. In this part, the place of honour, if we may say so, was given to a work called Mukundananda Bhana. We own that we have been utterly unable to wade through the whole of that work. And we do not think we can be charged with squeamishness in our taste, if we say, that we consider the work so exceptionable, as not to be entitled to any place whatever in such a publication as the present, let alone the place of honour. We can only express our great regret that the Editors should have thought it worth while to preserve such a performance in print. The other pieces are, however, good ones. The first, Aparokshanubhuti, is a work ascribed to Sankaracharya, and the other is a Rámdyana by the famous Marathi post Moropant, which is curious as showing, among other things, the same verbal ingenuities as those which mark his Marathi poetry. This work has not yet been completed.
Upon the whole, we trust we have said enough to show that this publication is a very meritorious one, and deserving of the patronage of all who take an interest in Sanskrit and Marathi literature and in the history of India-especially the history of the Marathas. It is at present conducted on a scale smaller than is required by the nature of the subjects it deals with. At the present rate, it will take years before even a fairly large number of Bakhars can be published. And the same thing may be said of the large mass of Marathi literature which still remains unprinted. As to Sanskrit, the call for such work is not urgent, because there are many other agencies at work directed to the publication of old Sanskrit pieces. But as regards the other two departments, the publication before us is almost the only one in the field. A few years' delay, and we fear there will be no harvest to reap at all.
We have been informed, that the only difficulty in the way of enlarging the size of the present publication is the vulgar one-money. We trust that the public will patronize the work so as to get rid of this difficulty, and we shall be glad if our notice serves to introduce the publication to the knowledge of a larger circle of readers than it commands at present.
K. T. TELANG.

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ÅNDHRA COINS.
ÂNDHRA COINS. BY E. THOMAS, F.R.S., CORRESPONDANT DE L'INSTITUT DE FRANCE. TN the Indian Antiquary vol. VI. for 1877, In one example of this type, the words 1 pp. 274 to 277, I described some remarkable | रजो मदारि पुतस Rafio Madari putasa are clear upon coins of the Andhra dynasty : simultaneously the margin of the original coin, which has been making an appeal to our correspondents in superstruck, or perhaps recast irregularly, with Southern India to aid in the development of the die or stamp bearing the titles of sit traf ga ancient history of the peninsula by contributing Raño Gotami-putasa, which words underline, in an additional examples of the local coinages. This inner semicircle, the previous or normal impress.' appeal has been responded to from several quar- Rererse.- A Chaitya, or conventional definition ters, but notably in the new acquisitions of Mr. of a tope or tumulus, formed of four rows of inR. Sewell, Madras C.S., Mr. J. Burgess, and verted semi-circles orarches, surmounted by a halfDr. Codrington.
moon: at the base of the chaitya, serving as a These contributions enable me to place the pedestal, is an oblong space filled-in with a bold preliminary outline of the series upon a more representation of a serpent, in the wavy intervals scientific basis, so far as the sequence of coins of whose onward course, by way of completing extends, and I have ventured to add some sug- the pattern, are inserted five dots': to the right gestive notes, which may perhaps prove of value of the chaitya, rising from the end of the pedestal, in the more advanced stages of the enquiry. is seen the seven-leaved sacred, or possibly hereFamily Coins.
ditary, family tree. 4.- Mîri.
B.-VASHTI." No. 1.-Lead, with traces of copper. Weight No. 2.-Leid, with traces of copper. Weight 220 grains. Size 9 of Mionnet's scale.
228 grains. Size 9 of Mionnet's scale. Obverse-A crudely-outlined delineation of a Obverse Device-Bow and arrow, as above. primitive round bow, with a broadly-barbed Legend-Ti ar gafas arrow, in position.
Raño Vasitho-putasa Vidivaya-Kurasa Legend-571 f g
Reverse-Similar device to the above, with Rano Maddri-putasa Sivála-kurasa the important modifications-1st, of the inser(kulasa).
tion of prominent dots within the semi-circles of "The aboriginal race goes a step further back (than the certain families hold in honour particular trees and planta, Aryan), and rests its system on the simpler political unit and at marriage time branches of these trees are set up of a nomadic society, the family.
in the house. It is said that a betrothal, in every other "The Indo-Aryan word for a household, kula, is not
respect unexceptionable, will be broken off if the two houses found by itself in Santali, but it subsists as the ground.
are discovered to pay honour to the same kind of tree." work of every Santal community. A Santal village con- A.C. Lyall, Gazetteer of Berar (Bombay, 1870) p. 187. sists essentially of a single street, with houses on each Mr. Lyall elsewhere remarks: At Wou "the teak-trees are side, and the pathway running between is called through- strictly preserved"-especially in the vicinity of temple, out the whole Santal country the Kula-hi, the divider of
or in honour of some presiding deity. The fear of incurring families, W. W. Hunter. Rural Bengal; London : 1868, disine displeasure has saved these plantations from devas. p. 179.
tation," pp. 30, 31, seo also Jour. R. Asiatic Society vol. V. [Bhagwanlal Indraji bas a coin of this type which dis- p. 192, 364 ; vol. XVIII. p. 373; Ins.p. 485; Wilson's Works tinctly reads
vol. IV. p. 336; Pliny H. N. xii. 2, 3; Curtius viii. 9, 84. Raño Madhariputasa Sivala-kurasa.-ED.)
• This is the same name as the Vashti of Scripture • This coin is figured as No. 13 of Indraji's Plates. The original piece leaves no doubt about the present interpreta
derived from a n "perfumed," the origin of and use of tion of the order or sequence of the records.
the term are self-evident in our Biblical toxta. This wavy, serpent pattern appears repeatedly in
"Now it proved that this damsel, whose name was Esther, the ornamental scroll work of the Amaravati Tope (see ( T) was the most beautiful of all the rest, and the Fergusson, Tree and Serp: Wor. pls. xlviii, lvi, xcii, &c.) grace of her countenance drew the eyes of the spectators
Ite position to the right is not oonstant, it occasionally principally upon ber; so she was committed to one of appears on the left of the device.
the eunuche to take care of her; and she was very Fergusson, T. and S. Wor. Amaravati Tope, Plate exactly provided with sweet odours, in great plenty, and lxxxvi, page 208. See also p. 175. It is important to note with costly ointments, such as her body required to be that this seven-leaved branch has remaiued to this day anointed withal; and this was used for six months by the the device or conventional symbol of Jaipar a figured on virgine, who were in number 400. And when the ounuch the local Gold Mohors. See Prinsep's Essays Plate xlvi, thought the virgins had been sufficiently purified, in the fore. No. 78, &c.
mentioned time &c." Josephus, Ant. bk. xi. c. vi. & 2,WhisMr. Lyall supplies us with an interesting note apon ton's translation. So also the text of Esther ii. 3, 9, 12:"Now Family trees, and their worship, which may perchance when every maid's turn was oome to go in to king Ahasuerus, afford a novel explanation of some of the scenes in the after she had been twelve months, woording to the manner Topes :
of the women (for so were the days of their purifloations Before concluding an alliance the Kunbi and other accomplished, to soit, six months with oil of myrrh and six tribes look to the dewak, which literally means the deities months with sweet odours), and with other things for worshipped at marriage ceremonies; the fact being that the purifying of the women.

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which the Chaitya is built up ; 2nd, of the ordi- Monograms, in the field, No. 4-Letters nary shifting of the sacred tree from the right seemingly representing 19 (tachd) or car (tavá), to the left-hand corner of the pedestal.
No. 4a, a letter very similar to a Chaldeo-Pahlvi C.-GoTAMI.
N-a, with a curious tántric figure like one No. 3.-Lead with traces of copper. Weights
of the symbols on the Hathig umph â Rock varying from 180 to 196 grains. Size 9 of
Inscription of Aira at U da yagiri." It may Mionnet's scale.
be added that the other associate devices on this Obverse Device-The usual bow and arrow.
rock represent the Kurmachakra or "tortoise Legend- GH GH Ricare ch.
symbol" and the Swastika. Rano Gotami-putasa Vidivdya-kurasa.
I have separated, in this catalogue, the family Reverse Device—The general characteristics
or general maternity-descent cuing, from those of these reverse devices are similar to those
which, in addition to the tribal or ancestral record, of the two varieties just described. There are,
bear the definite name of a reigning sovereign. however, some peculiarities to be noticed.
I prefix for the purposes of comparison tho There are no dots within the semi-circles of Puranik Dynastic succession list, which, however the framework of the Chaitya as in the imperfect, in
imperfect, in its more exact details, evidences a Vasithi coins, the sacred tree is usually certain measure of value and authentic authority, placed on the right: and the Chaitys itself is in the confirmation afforded to its leading data surmounted, at times, by a chakra or rayed by the appearance of so many coincident names circle,' denoting apparently the sun, as opposed on the extant coins described below. to the half-moon of the other local families. This The Vishni Purana's leading text contributes chakra again is often replaced by the figure of the following series of the Andhra kings:the Swastika or symbolic cross, which so often
"Sušarman, the Kanwa, will be killed by a appears with other objects of worship on the
| powerful servant, named (1) Sipraka, of the ancient Punch-die coins and elsewhere: bat
Andhra tribe, who will become king and which, in this instance, can only be taken to
found the Andhrabhřítya dynasty). typify and represent the great luminary itself.
He will be succeeded by his brother (2) In this arrangement of symbols it coincides Krishna; with the device of the unique coin of Chas. His son will be (3) śAta karņi; tana; where the Chaitya retains its ordinary His son will be (4) Pûrņotsanga; superimposed demilune, but has a second half- His son will be (5) Satakarņi; moon in the field on one side, which is balanced His son will be (6) Lambodara; by & well-defined figure of a rayed sun ou the His son will be (7) I vilaka (Vikal â ?); other."
His son will be (8) Meghaswati; No. 4.-Copper? Small coins. Weight 35 His son will be (9) Patumat(Pudumáyi?); grains. Size 4 of Mionnet's scale.
His son will be (10) A rishta karman; Obverse-Similar device, Bow and arrow.
His son will be (11) Hala; Legend-Rano Vdsitho-putasa Vidiváya-kurasa. His son will be (12) Pattalaka (Manda
No. 40.-Similar coins, in weight about 35 laka ?); grains-bearing the legend Riño Gotami-putasa His son will be (13) Pravilasena (PuriVidiváya-kurasa.
kashena ?); Reverse-Chaitya, with the sacred troe placed His son will be (14) Sundara (named) directly above the apex of the edifice.
SATAKARNIN;
On some at least the spelling is Vilivaya-kurasa, the 11 Burgess's Report on Kathidwad and Kachh, 1874-5, 1 being the rame as in Radradama's Girnar Inscription, Pl. vii. fig. 7, p. 47. See also my Guptas in India, Pl. I. formed somewhat like the modern -ED.
fig. 7, p. 32, and Mr. Newton Jour. Bo. Branch R. 4. 8. This may be traced on the worn surface of Indraji's 1 vol. IX. p. cix. This oombination of the sun and the moon Coin No. 8, but I have it in more definite form, on Beems to have necessarily constituted a fixed idea amid very coin of Mrs. Dunbar's, where it is not directly above the many classes of men. It even go retained ita hold upon apex of the Chaitya, but placed on the right hand nearer the publie opinion in India that it reappears on the later coins troethe half-moon, in this example, appears on the same of Arakan. Jour. Asiatic Soc. Bengal, 1846, February; and level in apparent equipoise or balance to the left.
1872 p. 201. See Nos. 9 and 16 Indraji's Plates J. B. B. R. A. S. Sterling's Orissa. Asiatic Researches vol. XV.; M. vol. XIII. p. 806ff.
Kittoe, Journal Asiatic Soc. Bengal, vol. VI. (1887) p. 10 Prinsep's Essays, Pl. 11. vol. I. p. 209; and my Marsden, 1075, Plate lviii; and Rjendral&la in the Proceedings À. Ancient Indian Weights, Pl. i.
18. Bengal for 1877, page 163.

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His son will be (15) Chakora S&takar. nin;
His son will be (16) Sivas wati; His son will be (17) Gotamiputra; His son will be (18) Palomat;
His son will be (19) Sivasri Så takar- nin;
His son will be (20) Sivas kandha (the Matsya adds så taka rņi);
His son will be (21) Yajñasri; His son will be (22) Vijaya;
His son will be (23) Chandrasri (Dan. dasri);
His son will be (24) Pulomarchis (Pulomâvi).
These thirty Andrabhritya Kings will reign 456 years."'18
The total numbers in the royal succession above enumerated only reach twenty-four. The other Puranas are equally, though irregularly, defective; the Matsya list is the fullest, and retains twenty-nine names, with an aggregate total of 4351 years."
Personal Coins. GOTAMI's BRANCH.-YAÑA SATAKARNI. No. 5.—Bronze? Weight 240 grains. Size 7. Sir W. Elliot, 15
Obverse Device-Imitating, in some respects, the normal type of the preceding coins. The Chaitya or tope, in this case, seems to represent solid earth-work as distinguished from the builtup hollow outline of the earlier examples. It is, as usual, surmounted by the half-moon, while the conventional serpent at the bottom is left free and clear of the stúpa, unconfined within the lines of a basic pedestal. The sacred tree is also wanting, and in its place is supplied a lotus or water-lily on the one side and a conch-shell on the other. Legendरजो गोतमि पुतस सिरि यत्र सतकणस.
Raño Gotami-putasa Siri Yana Satakanasa. Reverse-Four circles, each composed of a central dot and two concentric circles, connected by semi-circular ligatures, surmounted apparently by a half-moon, forming, in effect,
13 Wilson's Vishnu Purana, vol. IV. p. xxiv., (Hall's ed.) vol. [V. p. 194. See also Pringep's Essays, vol. II., Useful Tables, p. 241; Asiatic Researches, vol. IX. p. 101; and Brihat Sanhitá, J. R. A. 8. (N.8.) vol. V. p. 8a, eto.
1. Wilson, Works, vol. IV. p. 199... 16 Figured as No. 105 of his original plate ri. Madras Journal of Literature and Science, vol. III. Mr. Sewell has another example from Amaravata weighing also 240 grains:
a leading type of the pattern, conventionally known as the Ujjain device.
Gotamî BRANCH.-YAÑA SATAKARNI. No. 6.-Lead. Size 41.
Obverse-A well-executed figure of an elephant to the left. Legend- gat Tae Paft T 14
Raño Gotami-putasa Siri Yana Sataka. Reverse-The usual Ujjain Symbol. No. 7.-Variants of the type of No. 6.
Obverse-The leading device of the elephant is retained, but the animal is profusely adorned with head-gear, &c. Legend- T .
Yana Sataka. Reverse-The Ujjain symbol.
The forms of the letters of the legends of these pieces clearly assign them to a later date, and possibly, to a different locality, from that of the prototype.
GOTAMI BRANCH.-YAÑA SATAKAENI. No. 8.-Lead. Weight 70 grains. Size 4.
Obverse-A boldly sunk die, bearing a welldesigned figure of a horse to the left. Legend-ti ar gae faft y ...
Raño Gotami-putasa Siri Yaha Sataka. Reverse-The conventional Ujjain symbol. No. 9.-Lead.' Weight 133 grains. Size 6.
Obverse-A well-executed figure of a horse to the right, balf-moon in the field. Legend- T ......... TUR.
Raño Gotami-patasa) Satukanasa. Reverse-Device indistinguishable.
Visipat BRANCH.-YASODA ? No. 10.- Lead. Weight 86 grains. Size 5.
Obverse-Small Chaitya, composed of three hollow inverted semi-circles or arches. Serpent free at the foot.
Legendरो वासिठ पुतस सर यसतस. Raño Vasitho-putasa Siri Yasatasa. (Yasoda ?] Reverse-The conventional four-fold sun.
Visitał BRANCH.-PULOMAT. No. 11.-Lead. Weight 86 grains. Size 4. Mr. Sewell's coin' from Gudivada.
10 Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. VII. plate lxi. Prinsep's Essays, Pl. xx. figs. 29, 81, 88, &c. Numismata Orientalia, pt. i. plate figs. 5, 6. Cunningham, Bhilsa Topes (1854), Plates xxi., xxxii. We have a notice of such a combination in Ceylon :-" This monarch caused the chhatta on the Mah Athdpo to be gilt, and he set four gems in the centre of the four emblems of the sun, each of which cost a lakh."-Mahdwarhso, Tarnour, P. 229.
11 See the engraving in Sir W. Elliot's Plate si figare

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Obverse-Small Chaitya, with 3 arches. Ser pent at the foot. Legend- 5 Hoga *** युमवस.
Raño Vasitho-putasa...Puyumavasa. Reverse-The usual Ujjain symbol.
VÅsifat BRANCH.-SIVAśrf. No. 12.-Lead. Weight 86 grains. Size 4. Mr. Sewell's coin.
Obverse-Chaitya as above. Legend- T rear gr7 ferare
Raño Vasitho-putasa Sivasirasa. Reverse-As usnal.
Vâsipat BRANCH.-CHANDRA. No. 13.-Lead. Size 4. Obverse-Chaitya as usual. Legend
अ वासिठो पुतस सिरि चंद सतस Rano Vasistho-putasa Siri Chanda satasa. This reading of this legend is to a certain extent conjectural. The absolute-letters of the name would be preferentially rendered argue Vadasatasa. Reverse - The Ujjain symbol.
CHANDRA. No. 14.-Lead. Weight 112 grains. Size 5. Mr. Sewell, from Gudivada.
Obverse-Horse to the right. Legend - In coarsely engraved letters--
अ सिरिचंद
Rano Siri Chandasa. Revorse-The Ujjain symbol.
No. 140.--Weight 70 grains. Size 4. Small coins of similar types, but of superior execution. The legend itself seems to be more full and complete, and the letters are better formed. Mr. Sewell's specimens are not in very good condition, but the legend seems to run
रत्र सिरि चंद सतस. Raño Siri Chanda satasa.
SATAKARNI Coins. No. 15.-Copper? Weight (average) 35 grains. Size 4.
Obverse-A well-outlined figure of an elephant, free, trunk erect, without trappings. Legend-fart har for
Siri Satakani. 100; and Genl. Cunningham, Ancient Geography of India, (1871) page 541; see also Professor R. G. Bhandarkar, London Oriental Congress, 1874, pp. 307-810. No. 86, N Asik Inscription," on the 13th day, in the second fortnight of Grishma in the year 19 nineteen of the King Srl Pudumayi the son of Vleishthi" fart 95H . No. 28a also com mences Taart afast gafas-
Reverse-The Ujjain symbol.
No. 16.-Lead. Size 3. Weight 35 grains. 2 specimens.
Obverse-A crude figure of an elephant to the left.
Legend-eftau Sarivana or Salivara, perhaps a repetition of the name, but not necessarily indicative of the personality of the great monarch. Reverse-The Ujjain symbol.
RUDRA. No. 17.-Lead. Similar coins. 3 specimens. Legend-सर रुद
Siri Ruda. The is on one occasion given as 3, and the R, if required for Rudra, has to be supplied to the existing context.
SINHA COINS. No. 18.-Lead. Weight, varying from 218 to 250 grains. Sizes from 6 to 7.
Mr. Sewell. 11 coins from Amaravati.
Obverse-A spirited outline of a lion, standing erect, to the right : to the front, a square pedestal with cross lines, above which is a standard upright line intersected by four rows of bars, forming in effect with the central staff a series of four-repeated triệulas or tridents.
Legend-Above the lion, in somewhat indistinct letters, सकसकस sakasakasa or सकसकस्य sakasakasya, Seshak ?
This is perhaps the most appropriate place io notice the metallic constituents of the coins and the coincident mechanical appliances of the Andhra Mints.
Dr. Percy has taken so much interest in the former question, as to have the family class of coins exhaustively tested in the Laboratory of the School of Mines. The larger pieces prove to be simply lead, retaining only so far a trace of copper such as the local assayists did not take the trouble to eliminate. The secondary admixture of lead and copper with a view to form a new compound is stated to be chemically impracticable.
The larger leaden coins were obviously, in many cases, cast, but lead was alike so soft in itgHf, pp. 314-317, and see the Professor's remarlos on the coins, page 849.
1 Figured in Sir W. Elliot's Plate ix. Madras Journal of Lit. and Science, vol. III. No. 58, weight 226-9, and No. 57, square coin with similar devices.
See also Wilson, Asiatic Researches, vol. XVII. Plate . figs. 117, 118.

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self, and so readily made softer by heat, that we should be wrong to pronounce any final opinion upon the actual methods of manipulation, which seem, however, to have admitted of a superimposed, or otherwise as it is technically termed superstruck, secondary impression. Whether this was effected by mere reheating and the pressure of a hard-clay mould upon the surface of the original casting, it would be hard to say. Numismatically-speaking the latest impression ought to decide relative dates. But we know too little about family or tribal relations in this case to venture to draw ordinary deductions from the given data.
That mechanical striking, or the complete formation of a coin of two dies, was in vogue at this coincident period, is proved by the smaller copper coins bearing the same legends and devices as the leaden pieces, which, however,
come out far more distinctly in their devices, and sharper and more definite in their legends than the associate coins of the other metal.
The S hacoins, just described, furnish us with unusually definite examples of a practice common in the early mintages of southern India--of designedly leaving the lower surface of the piece blank. In these instances, the lead has seemingly been poured out, in a fluid state, from a heated ladle, on to flat surfaces of stone, or even wood, and then sealed with the impress of the single authorizd die, which was to give it a legal currency, according as the ultimate weight corresponded by this crade process with the intentional value. Mr. Tookey, who has lately held the position of English Mint-Assayer in Japan, informs me that a similar system of rude fabrication of money prevailed until very lately in that kingdom.
THE SWASTIKA. BY E. THOMAS, F.R.S., CORRESPONDANT DE L'INSTITUT DE FRANCE. The crypto-inport of the mystic cross of ference, I found that, in one instance, the SwasWestern nations--the counterpart of the Indian tika had been inserted within the rings or Swastika, has hitherto proved an enigma alike normal circles representing the four suns of the to classic and oriental commentators. Our Ujjain pattern on coins,' in which position it Andhra coins seem to suggest a solution, seemed equally to declare its own meaning as which may, percbance, satisfy and convince all indicating the onward movement and advancing parties.
rotation of the heavenly body which is described In describing Coin No. 3 of this series, (page in some texts as never going back. 62, ante) I pointed out, that the place of I had already noticed that thero was an the more definite figure of the Sun, in its rayed. unaccountablo absence of the visible sun, or its wheel form, was taken by the emblematic accepted representative, in tho long list of cross of the Swastika. The position, so taken, the recognised devices of the twenty-four Jaina in apposition to, or in natural balance of the Tirthankaras, whose distinguishing chilnas, or coincident semilune, could leave no doubt marks, constituted so important an element in the that the aim and intention in this case was to authoritative discrimination of the succession of represent symbolically the great luminary itself. their saints. In seeking for further confirmation of this in- The sun, moreover, occupied a high place in
1 "The sixth class of Sauras in opposition to the preceding deemed it unnecessary to address their devotions to the visible and material sun: they provided a mental luminary, on which they meditated, and to which their adoration was offered they stamped circular orbs on their foreheads. arms, and breasts with hot irons." -II. H. Wilson, Religion of the Hindus, Wasays, vol. I. p. 19. See also Colebrooke's Essays (Cowell's Ed. London, 1873) vol. I. pp. 210-212, vol. II. p. 191, and the originals, in Asiatic Researches, vols. VII. and IX.
Gen. Cunningham, Bhilsa Topes, plate xxxi. fig. 8. p. 854. 3 "He, the impeller, the chief of charioteers, (Pshan), ever urges on that golden wheel (of his car) for the radiant fun." Rig Veda iv. viii. 7. Wilson, vol. HII. p. 497. A note is appended to this passage to the effect that "the second is rendered Adity, he who moves or revolves." So also "the 18 spoked wheel of the true (sun) revolves around
the heavens." i. 3. Wilson's R. V. vol. II. p. 130. The Inter Indian conceptions of the motion of the sun are em bodied in the following terms:-"The chariot of the sun is . on which is fixed a whoel with 3 uares (or rather, & triple nave, or 3 naves in one), five spokes, and 6 peripheries consisting of tho ever-enduring your the wbolo constituting the circle or wheel of time."-Vishnu Purana ii. 8. Wilson, vol. II. p. 237. "As the circumference of a potter's wheel revolves most rapidly, so the sun travels rapidly on his southern journey. 16. ii. p. 940. "As the centre of the pottors' wheel revolves moro slowly (than the circumference), so the sun," &c. p. 247.
Burnouf is not very clear as to this meaning, he says, avdirartydib incapable de se détourner; in the Tibetan the sense runs, qui fait tourner la roue de la loi qui ne revient pas sur elle-même. Bournouf, tom. II. 800.000 also Remusat, p. 28, noto 6.

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their estimation,-even to the extent of an adverse charge of Vaishnavism-but in this official list or catalogue there was no apparent sun-like orb, or even wheel, to denote the "universal deity." Whereas the Swastika avowedly constituted the sign for the Supârśwa, the 7th Jina, and the closely-associated half-moon stood forth as the chinha of his successor Chandraprabha, the 8th Jina."
Under the advanced interpretation of the design and purport of the Swastika, from an Indian point of view, now put forward-perhaps few archeologists will be disposed to dissent from the inference that, in this instance also, its figure, as representing one of the received attributes of the sun, was used, conventionally, to typify the solar orb itself."
In describing the hand-made whorls, found on the site of Troy, which were unaided by the mechanical appliances of the potter's wheel, and whose ornamentation clearly preceded the use of alphabetical letters-Dr. Schliemann, in commenting on the appearance of this identical Swastika symbol on so many of these clay objects, appears to have divined the leading idea associated with the foot or following limbs attached to the square or normal cross-in designating these devices as "representations of the wheel in motion effected by the incisions." This independent conclusion is fully confirmed by an examination of the subsequent numismatic evidence.
The earliest Lycian coins have a constant reverse device, nearly identical with the original Swastika, except so far as consists in the more
Wilson Rig Veda, vol. IV. p. 12. Text V. i. 6.
Jour. R. A. S. 1877, p. 161; Colebrooke's Essays, vol. II. p. 187; Asiatic Researches, vol. IX. p. 305; Indian Antiquary, vol. II. p. 134.
Of this optional interchange of signs and symbols there is further confirmatory evidence in the two examples of punched gold coins depicted in Sir Walter Elliot's Plate ix. vol. III., Madras Journal Lit. and Science, where the central sun of No. 35 is supplanted by or alternated with the Swastika in No. 34.
Troy, pp. 38, 101 and 849. See also his Mycena, Nos. 404, 406, 411, &c.
Sir C. Fellows, Plate i. fig. 4. Sir C. Fellows supposed these devices to represent grapplers, p. 15.
10 A remarkable leading example of the tracing of the rotatory three-feet is to be seen on one of the whorls from Troy in Dr. Schliemann's work above cited.
11 In one instance, pl. IX. 2, these curved lines are made to end in serpents' heads and in another in cocks' heads, IX. 7.
1 The site of Aspendus was on a hill near the river Eurymedon, about 8 miles from the sea, in the gulf of Adalia, close to the eastern boundary of Lycia. The coins bear letters of cognate origin with the alphabet of the
[MARCH, 1880.
distinct sequent curve given to the four limbs, and a more definite opening out of the centre into an open circle, which, in one instance, is imagined to have a thread or rope inserted in the ring. These four-limbed symbols are speedily reduced into similar objects having only three arms, the Aryan triquetra,10 which admitted of the extension of the length of the limbs, and if so intended, would fancifully aid the speed of the revolutions or clear the contracted diespace for improved artistic freedom of treatment.
A similar device of the Trinacria appears on the coins of Aspendus in Pamphylia," but in this instance the curved lines are transformed into the likeness of three human legs, manifestly in motion, with a tumbling or rotatory onward course, which recalls "the three steps of Vishnu." But the idea of speed and revolution is much more distinctly rendered in the mintages of Syracuse, where the ankles of the legs are aided by small wings, such as are represented as constant adjuncts of the statues of Mercury. In one instance this winged triquetru is placed above the horses of the chariot, who are at full speed' and in others it is associated with Pegasus. In some instances it replaces a quasi star, which clearly stands for the sun,10 and the astronomical tendencies of the consecutive mint series are shown in the admission of a design of a new moon whose upper limb is given in an eclipse-like form, with a faint outline circle, perhaps intended to indicate the obscured portion of the moon itself."7
(To be continued.)
13
latter. The name of Aspendus is written EETFEAIIVE. Leake, p. 28.
I have lately had occasion to point out the many curious identities of customs prevailing alike in Lycia and India. J. R. A. S. vol. XI. 1879 p. 10. The "3 steps of Vishnu" are variously interpreted as "the rising, meridian and setting Suns-in one instance, the Vishnupada is asserted to represent "the meridian sky" (Vishnu Purana iii. 19), perhaps the full round-sun, which takes the place of honour on the more archaic forms of "the feet ?" The term Tri-Vikrama, or three paces, seems to indicate something more than three steps, as the word Vikrama would imply "to stop on"-to step beyond-giving an idea of progress
or motion.
13 Combe, Hunter Collection, vol. VII. 15, 18.
16 The three steps of Vishnu," Rig-Veda, I. 22, 17, Wilson, vol. I. p. 58. Goldstucker's Literary Remains, vol. I. p. 289. Max Müller, Rig Veda, translation pp. 117, 118. Colebrooke's Essays.
15 Numismatic Chronicle, 1874, Mr. Head's article, Pl. VIII. 7, 8, 4, 5, 6.
10 Num. Chron. vol. XIV. Pl. ix. Nos. 11, 19-also Pl. vii.a, fig 4.
1 Num. Chron. vol. XIV. Pl. x. Nos. 1-2. See also the Etruscan rendering of the Moon in Fabretti, Pl. xviii.

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BY REV. S. BEAL. I have observed in the Indian Antiquary vol. ing "turning and deisiol "to the right." So VII. (1878) pp. 176ff. an article written by Mr. that we here have a castom known from Japan Walhouse, in which he refers to a paper by Mr. to Ireland and common in India, the Roman Westropp printed in the Atheneum for January Empire, Scotland, and doubtless throughout 12th, 1878, relating to the origin and signification Northern Europe. of the well-known symbol called the Swas- There is a volume before me, belonging to the tika. As Mr. Westropp in the course of his Buddhist Tripitaka, printed in Chinese characremarks alludes to me by name, and points to ters, and called "Account of the customs of some observations I had made (Romantic Legend, countries in the Southern Ocean"; the 32nd cap. pp. 56, 196 nn.) on the same subject, I will ask of the 2nd volume of this work is occupied by an you to permit me to state in the Indian account of the way in which the people of Ceylon Antiquary, somewhat more at length, what I mark their time by the sun's shadow, and hence have elsewhere written on this matter.
the author says he lived in the 7th century) In order to open up the subject and lead to the is derived the religious ceremony known as explanation I have to give, I will quote Mr. pradakshina, i.e. turning to the right in conWalhouse's words: “It is curious indeed," he formity with the sun's shadow, in other words, says, " to find the same symbol used with a mystic turning "sun-ways." meaning both in English and Japanese heraldry, I need hardly observe, in illustration of the and for the same office of repelling demons on same point, that in many Buddhist Sútras the Japanese coffins and English church bells." custom of circumambalating the Great Teacher And without doubt it is a curious circumstance, three times, or seven times, with the right hand and only to be accounted for by discovering kept towards him, is mentioned as a religious whether the symbol itself does not embody a custom generally practised at the time when meaning equally widespread.
these Sútras were written: and in one Sútra in When I was located many years ago in the my possession the entire argument is occupied remote town of Hakodate, in the island of Yeso, in discussing the happiness (good fortune, or the most northern of the Japanese islands, I was blessedness) of those who thus circumambulate occasionally present at some of the religious Topes, or Chaityas in general, consecrated to functions of the Buddhist priests, who had Buddha or his disciples. several flourishing monasteries (terahs) in that Enough then as to this widely recognized place. My attention was drawn on more than custom. one such occasion to the mode of their accepting, I come now to show that the figure called or perhaps consecrating, presents, sent to the the Swastika symbolizes this idea of circumbrotherhood by charitable persons. The gift ambulation, derived from the apparent movewas placed in the middle of a circle (mandala), ment of the sun from left to right round the and the priests, in their canonical dresses, would earth. The idea is this, that if a person face march round it three times in single file, reli- the east at sunrising and follow its movement giously keeping it on their right, i.e. with their southward and westward, he will turn with right hands towards the centre of the circle his right hand fixed towards an object supposed as they moved. This of course brought to my to be placed like the earth in relation to the mind the custom known for ages in India, and sun, in the centre of a circle. called pradakshina, commonly practised also Now the figure of the Swastika consists of two in early times amongst the Romans, and styled parts, lst the cross + and secondly the cramdecursio, equally common in Scotland down pons at the end of the arms. The figure of the to the present day, and called deasil, and so cross + is one of the oldest symbols used to well known in Ireland that the town of Tempo, represent "the earth" or "the four quarters." in Fermanagh, is still in Irish called " t'iompodh General Cunningham in his recent work (Corpus desiol," which, as Mr. Joyce explains, is nothing Inscriptionum Indicarum, p. 44) has shown that more than a compound form of compodh, mean. this sign, viz. +, is in the Khálsi inscription

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equivalent to "chatura," i.e. four. But in Páli observed (Paradise Regained, Book IV.) 1. 70, the word Chaturanta (i.e. the four quarters, or
"Some from farthest South, points) is a word for the earth," hence Chátu- Syene, and where the shadow both way falls." ranto = Lord of the Earth, (vide Childers' Pali The shadow of the sun, or, in other words, his Dict.) In Sanskrit we have similar compounds
apparent movement, is not always from left to with the same meaning. But proof positive is right, but sometimes in intertropical countries, derived from the Chinese, in which we not only apparently from right to left, and this has genehave the symbol for “an enclosed space of
rally attracted attention. Thus the Phoenicians earth," and the symbol () for "12
who were in the fleet despatched by Pharoah o'clock," or noon, (the upper portion indicating Necho weresurprised to find the sun on the north the heaven, with the sun on the meridian, and instead of the south-and so the ambassadors the lower portion (the cross) denoting the earth), sent from North India to the Emperor Claudius but we also have in so many words the fact stated
expressed the same astonishment and the first that “God made or fashioned the earth in the Portuguese navigators, who voyaged south along shape of a cross," and the symbol used is exactly the coast of Africa, noticed the same fact - this+. I refer to a passage in the celebrated 80 that wherever sun-worship prevailed in such Syrian inscription found by some Chinese tropical countries, his path would be repreworkmen in the year A.D. 1625 near Si-gan-fu, sented both from left to right, and from right to the capital city of the province of Shen-si. left. Hence the double form of the Swastika, In this inscription (which is given in the original the crampons being found on either side of the characters), and with three translations in Eng.
arms of the cross, apparently without distinclish, Latin, and French in the Chinese Repository, tion, as e. g. at Hissarlik, and on the altars (vol. XIV. May 1845), we find the following found on the Roman wall in Northumberland passage towards the end of the first clause :-" he
(vid. Lapidarium Septentrionale; passim): and determined in the shape of a cross (shih 'tsz
as the reason of this diverse form was grain the original is represented thus + F) to
dually forgotten or lost, the figure would be spread out the earth." So that at the time when drawn less carefully and without any regard to this stone tablet was erected, i. e. A.D. 781, the
the symbolism pointed out. symbol+ was known in China at least) as
The argument therefore amounts to this: an ideogram representing " the earth."
that, as the figure of the Swastika is found scatThere may be other illustrations in proof of tered through countries reaching from Japan the same point familiar to students which for to England, so also the custom of turning the present can be passed over.
sunways,' or with the sun, is equally wideThe crampons at the ends of the arms of
sprend; and secondly, that as the Swastika the cross are, in Buddhist symbolism, mostly, is a sign of good luck, signified by its ety. though not always, drawn to the right-denoting, | mology, so also the practice of turning with as we argue, the sun's movement round the earth the sun is considered a lucky or fortunate profrom left to right. Now it is plain that this ceeding, and turning in the contrary way, is always the apparent movement of the sun in especially among northern people, is dreaded as Northern latitudes, that is, in latitudes to the entailing a curse; (called by the Soots withernorth of the Tropic of Cancer. In Northern shins ; German, wider-shins) [vide the passage I countries (unaffected by Southern or Phoenician have referred to above, in Waverley (Black's influences) therefore we find the crampons of Ea. p. 76)]; the custom and the symbol there. the + drawn to the right. But, as Milton has fore, we argue, are co-related.
THE BRANCHIDÆ.
BY REV. S. BEAL. One of the most characteristic records left by sacred gens, descended from Branchos, the Alexander the Great during his Eastern cam- mythic founder of the Temple of Apollo, near paign is the massacre of the Branchide. Miletus in Ionia. Their forefathers had yielded These people, as is well known, claimed to be a up the treasures of their temple to the Persian

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MARCH, 1880.)
THE BRANCHIDA.
69
king, Xerxes, one hundred and fifty years guilty than Xerxes, in his belief. The massacre before. This surrender brought on them so of the unfortunate population was, in fact, an much odium that when the dominion of Xerxes example of human sacrifice on the largest scale was overthrown on the coast, they retired with offered to the gods by the religious impulses of him into the interior of Asia. The Persian Alexander, and worthy to be compared to that king also carried away with him to Susa the of the Carthaginian general Hannibal, when he colossal bronze statue of Apollo, which had been sacrificed three thousand Grecian prisoners on cast by Kanachus. This statue was afterwards the field of Himera, where his grandfather restored by Seleukos Nikator (about 300 B.C.) Hamilkar had been slain seventy years before." to the temple rebuilt by Paionios and Dhapnis. Such is the brief account given us of this
When Xerxes had carried away the Bran- atrocious massacre. It would seem that Alexchide, he did not retain them in Susiana, as Mr: | ander, influenced by his feelings towards the Newton seoms to imply (Travels and Discoveries aristocratic party in the Ionian cities (which bad in the Levant, vol. II., P 158), but transported always been under the patronage of the Persian them to a small town in Sogdiana, between kings,) treated the Branchidæ as he had already Balkh and Samarkand, where their descendants dealt with the Milesians, that is, by simple were found by Alexander. They were now a extirpation. Be this as it may, there is much "bilingual and partially dishellenized race, yet room for conjecture left as to the influence prostill attached to their traditions and origin" duced on the arts and philosophy of the neigh(Grote). "Delighted to find themselves once houring populations, by the residence of a more in commerce with Greeks, they poured colony of Ionian Greeks in Sogdiana during forth to meet and welcome the army, tendering the one hundred and fifty years of their survival. all they possessed. Alexander, when he heard There must have been some influence exerted. who they were and what was their parentage, It has been a long question how and through desired the Milesians to determine how they what channels the civilization of India was should be treated. But as these Milesians were affected by Greek intercourse. Both in literaneither decided nor unanimous, Alexander an- ture and art the offect of contact is plainly nounced that he would determine for himself. visible, and this, too, apparently at an earlier Having first occupied the city in person with a period than the establishment of the Grecoselect detachment, he posted his army all round Baktrian kingdom. We must look elsewhere, the walls, and then gave orders not only to then, than to the court of Seleukos and his sucplunder it, but to massacre the whole popula- cessors for the channel of this inter-action, and it tion, men, women, and children. They were would seem that the town of the Branchid se, slain without arms or attempt at resistance, situated in the centre of Sogdiana, will provide us resorting to nothing but prayers and suppliant with some clue to the solution of the question. manifestations. Alexander next ordered the That thus intercommunication of thought did walls to be levelled, and the sacred groves cut take place at an early period may be gathered down, so that no habitable site might remain, from several considerations. The Rámáyana nor anything except solitude and sterility. has been called the Iliad of India.' It was Such was the revenge taken upon these un long ago observed by Turnour, and more rehappy victims for the deeds of their forefathers cently by Weber, that some incidents, especially in the fourth or fifth generation before. Alex- those connected with the adventures of Ulysses ander doubtless considered himself as executing in the Odyssey) and of Rama and his followers the wrath of Apollo against an accursed race in Ceylon, bear a marked resemblance to one who had robbed the treasure of the god. The another. But, as a more striking instance Macedonian expedition had been proclaimed to of agreement, let us take the myth of the bo undertaken originally for the purpose of birth of Apollo (the god of the Branchide) revenging upon the contemporary Persians the and that of the Indian Buddha. Mr. Coxe, ancient wrongs done to Greece by Xerxes; 80 in his Aryan Nation, Vol. II, p. 21, gives that Alexander would follow out the same senti- the following account of the birth of the Sun. ment in revenging upon the contemporary God :-“Then, as she drew near (i.e. Eileithyia) Branobide the acts of their ancestors-yet more Leto cast her arms around a tall palm tree

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70
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
as she reclined on the bank of Kynthos, and the babe leaped to life. The goddesses bathed him in pure water, and wrapped him in a glistering robe, fine and newly wrought... while Thetis touched his lips with the drink and food of the gods. No sooner had the child received this nourishment than he was endowed with an irresistible strength, and his swaddling bands fell off from him like flax, as he declared his mission of teaching to men the counsels of Jove."" Compare with this the Indian account of the birth of the child of Mâya (the illusive dawn): "Having arrived at the garden, Queen Mâya stepped down from her chariot, and surrounded by her dancing women (ie., female attendants), passed from spot to spot and from tree to tree in the garden, admiring and looking at all. Now in the garden there was one particular tree called the Palása (palm), perfectly straight from top to bottom, its branches spread out in perfect regularity, &c. Delighted at the sight, Mâya paused awhile to admire it, and gradually approached under its shade... then taking hold of one of the branches, she looked up into heaven's expanse and the child was born. ... At this time Sakra and the four Mahârâjas advanced and wrapped the child in his swaddling clothes, but he advanced four paces each way, and exclaimed: 'Now have I arrived at my last birth, &c.'"
There are so many points of resemblance here that the two myths cannot be separated. It is indifferent whether we suppose the one to have originated the other, or merely to have been engrafted on it. Probably the two have a common origin in the distant ages, but were modelled by mutual intercourse. And the existence of the Branchide, the priests of Apollo, in the neighbourhood of North India for one hundred and fifty years, may give us an insight into the source of agreement.
It would seem, again, as though the GræcoBuddhistic sculptures, about which so much has been lately written, were allied with the Ionian and Asiatic type of conception, rather than the pure Attic. Hence the resemblance has been traced principally with remains found at Cyprus and the islands bordering on the Asiatic coast. And we have further corroboration of this theory in the actual remains still existing at Branchide (Geronta) compared with some Indian sculptures equally open to examination. Let
[MARCH, 1880.
us take for example the form and general character of the chairs or thrones found along the "sacred way" leading from Port Panormus up to the Temple itself. Mr. Newton, in his second volume, p. 148, Levant, &c. has given us an account of one of these chairs. He gathers that they were evidently copied from wood. "Two of them are ornamented in front with a pair of pilasters, the capital of which formed a bracket, projecting at the end of the arm of the chair about three inches," whilst "the cushion on which the figure is seated is shown under the arm of the chair." He says nothing about a footstool. It would be pleasing to know if such an adjunct were provided in this case. At any rate, according to the Homeric formula, it ought to be there; compare for example the promise made by Juno to Hypnos (Il. xiv., 1. 238):
"
' Δῶρᾳ δέ τοι δώσω, καλὸν θρόνον, ἄφθιτον αἰεὶ, Χρύσεον· Ηφαιστος δέ κ' ἐμὸς πάϊς ἀμφιγυήεις Τεύξει ἀσκήσας, ὑπὸ δὲ θρῆνυν ποσὶν ἥσει, Τῷ κεν ἐπισχοίης λιπαροὺς πόδας εἰλαπινάζων.” Here we not only have the normal idea of the throne and the footstool, but the added metaphors that the throne should he ἔφθιτον αἰεὶς And so the seat or throne of Buddha on which
he sat under the figtree is always designated as the Vajrasana, "the diamond," or "imperishable throne." And as we see both at Sân chi and Amaravati, there are the cushions and the footstools, and the pilasters, and more than this, on many of the sculptures the simple inscription of the donor's name, as at Geronta on the back of the lion (p. 155, op. cit.), where the names of five donors are recorded who dedicated the figure to Apollo. The resemblance here appears to be more than accidental. It is true there is no ékáv seated in the chairs at Sânchi and Amaravati, as there is at Geronta, but the absence of such a figure is in complete harmony with the Buddhist theory of the spiritualized condition of the founder of this religion, who could not, therefore, be represented under any human form or by any visible resemblance.
These resemblances or parallelisms may be accidental, but I do not recollect to have seen allusion made to these priests of Apollo dwelling in exile near the Oxus, as possibly influencing the progress of Indian art. It seems to me that the presence of the Hebrew exiles in Susiana and these Greek priests in Sogdiana are

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MARCH, 1880.)
ARCHÆOLOGICAL NOTES.
elements from which we may gather some in- formation as to the inciting cause of the Bud-
dhist development, so marked and in all respects abnormal, in the history of India.
ARCHÆOLOGICAL NOTES. BY M. J. WALHOUSE, LATE M.C.S.
(Continued from vol. VIII. p. 167.) - No. XXIV.-Ethical Parallele. enforcing of truth, gentleness, justice, and Old Hesiod in his homely way affirms-No charity without any reference to aid from saying wholly dies which many people com- priestly intercession. monly utter; 'tis God's very voice.
When Europe lay blinded in the depth of the During the last twenty or thirty years there has dark ages, Tiruvalluvar wrote “Letters and num. been a growing disposition to recognise this truth. bers are the eyes of man, and the words of the But although St. Augustine has said that "the good are like a staff in slippery places," almost substance of what is now called the Christian echoing the words of the wise Job, I was eyes religion was in existence amongst the ancients : to the blind and feet was I to the lame.' His it has never been wanting from the beginning of answer to What is truth? might, if considered, the human race," (Retractatio. 1. 15); the idea stay many mocking Pilates; he says: “It is that most nations have had Scriptures, in which the speaking of words that are without the the central and enduring principles of religion least degree of evil to others." Want of and morality are declared in diverse manners, truthfulness is a reproach compendiously flang would still perhaps be questioned, and impatiently against Hindus, but it was a Hindu who deheard in some quarters. In many pages of the clared "If a man abstain from falsehood, Indian Antiquary Dr. Muir has largely illus, though he practise no other virtae, it shall trated the parallelisms traceable in the Old and be well with him. Truth will lead to every New Testaments and Sanskrit literature, and virtue." Want of gratitude, even incapacity I here venture a few references to the popular to understand it, is another failing alleged by Scriptures of the Tamil and Telugu peoples of European self-complacency, but verges, familiar the Madras Presidency.'
to the Tamil people as any Bible-text, affirm: The Kura!" is in all respeots the Bible of South- “He who has forgotten every virtue may escape; ern India: the earliest and best monument of the there is no escape for him who forgets a benefit : highly organized and elaborate Tamil language, the wise will remember through seven-fold birth and oonstitutes the ethical and literary rule and the love of those who have wiped away their standard against which there is no appeal: nor falling tears." The low-born Indian moralist undeservedly. Higher and more comprehensive gives these readings of the Golden Rule: "It is mortal teaching has never been set forth; like the resolve of the pure not to do evil in return all ancient books it contains parts and passages to those who have done evil to them, --should which later culture passes by, and separates from a man inflict on others that which were grievous the universal and enduring treasures. Its author to himself P-Would you punish those who have Tiruvallayar lived in the 9th, or perhaps as early done you evil? Then put them to shame by as the 3rd oentury ofour era. Brahmans have tried showing great kindness to them !” So would to disguise the fact that he was, as his name Tiruvalluvar heap ooals of fire upon an enemy's implies, born in a low and impure caste, and have head. He too saw olearly the little thank of surrounded his birth with legends, but they can- lending to them from whom there is hope to not claim him; nonecould decide from his writings receive." To give to the destitute," he says, to what caste he belonged except that he was not "is true charity. Other gifts may be returned." a Brahmar), and this from no attack upon priests The following sentences show how true an or ritual cbservanoes, but from a simple constant insight be had into the sources of domestic
From The Oriental, Oct. 9th, 1875,--revised by the the Rev. Dr. Pope, with which this brief glance at the Author.
same subject will not interfere. Dr. Pope considera the • The texts used are The Cural of Tiruvallavar, by the Christian Scriptures were not unknown to Tiruvalluvar, Rev. W. H. Drew, Madras, 1910: and The l'erses of and that he derived many of his sentiments from thence. Vemana, by Charles Philip Brown, Madras Civil Service. This cannot be positively asserted or denied; but the whole Madras : 1829.
range of Gentile Scriptures show that, as St. Paul too * When writing this Note I had overlooked the far Beems to admit (Romans ii. 14), the conscience of man can more important and exhaustive Notes on the Kurra by 1 of itself reach to precepta of humanity and morality.

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72
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAECH, 1890.
happiness :-"Is there anybolt that can shuthands him down as a Kápu or farmer, and his in love?" "The pipe is sweet, the lute is sweet, translator, Mr. C. P. Brown, thinks he lived in say those who have never heard the prattle of the 16th century, but there is reason to think he their own children." "He best labours for lived long before. Several hundred quatrains future happiness who lives well and kindly in are ascribed to him, a large number of which his household"; and he knew as well as the are probably popular sayings that in course of Roman mother that "good children are the time gathered about his name. He embodies jewels of the good wife." The Kural abounds | the popular distrust and hatred of Bråbmang, with wise sayings on the conduct of affairs ; take and is one of the few singers whose works this for example on the necessity of forethought. could be collected from the mouths of the people, "There are failures even in acting well. The who know him by heart, and are always delighted work not done by suitable methods will fail, to fling one of his stinging sarcasms at pretenthough many attempt to further it. The chariot tious purity and asceticism. He well discerned is weak at sea, and the ship on land." And the emptiness of broadened phylacteries. again : "Is aught difficult to him who works "Sanyasis," says he, "affect particular words with the right instruments at the right time? and vests, they wear a brick-red garb and shaven he wins who can think silently, and bide his pates. On these they pride themselves, their time." "Patience is finest gold; to bear with the heads look clean, but are their hearts so ? A ignorant is might of might." In Wilhelm Meis- tiger skin, a staff, bells, and smearing with ashes! ter's Travels there is a passage full of Goethe's what avail these for the worship of God, who far-reaching meaning, when in the Pædagogic is a Spirit ?” In the same vein as Moses proProvince the elders inform Wilhelm that though claimed that the commandment laid upon the a child may be born with many gifts, one there people was not hidden nor far off, neither in is which no child brings into the world with heaven or beyond the sea, but very nigh to them, him, and yet on that one thing all depends for in their mouth, and in their heart, that they may making man in every point a man, when Wil. do it (Deut. xxx), Vemana exclaims, " Kasi, helm could not discover this thing himself, they cty; why roam in pilgrimage to holy shrines " Reverence," they exclaimed, Reverence, all to find the God that dwells within them ? want it, perhaps you yourself; nor is the fear | Wandering in the wilds will not discover sancfelt by rude people for natural convulsions or tity, nor is it in the sky, nor at the confluence similar awful occurrences, an exception, for of holy streams. Make the body pare, and Nature is indeed adequate to fear, but to rever- thou shalt behold the king!" His version of the once not adequate." Tiruvalluvar had also Golden Rule is very absolute: "Though an felt the weight and meaning of this sentiment enemy worthy of death fall into thy hand, whon he wrote, “Never will reverence be found afflict him not, conciliate him by kindness, and with those who have not received careful bid him depart. This is death to him ! Injare instruction."
not others, O men, and live for ever!" The With this small handful of ears from Tiru
following expression is striking in the month vallavar's abounding grainfield, we now turn of a Hindu :-"Why revile a Pariah? Of what to V emana, emphatically a people's poet, the caste is He who speaks in the Pariah ?" Carlyle familiar oracle of the old Telugu race, much highly praises the words of the German Novalis, below the great Tamil Teacher in moral and "There is but one temple in the universe, and poetic sentiment, and sweet reasonableness of that is the human body: nothing is holier peroeption, he excelled him in satirical force and than that high form, bending before men is vehemence of soorn. The mild wisdom of a reverence done to this incarnation of the Tiruvalluvar is never aggressive, but Vêmana Divine." Long before him, however, Vemana deals swashing blows at bypocritical sancti. had written-“Why collect marble and build monionsness, and never wearies in discharging temples? The true temple is the body, the soul shaft after shaft at Brahmaṇical assumption. is the God therein," a strange unconscious echo Nothing cortain is known of his life. Tradition of the words of St. Paul,"know ye not that
• See Ind. Ant. vol. I. p. 102, where this forms the sub. stance of the last verse of some very striking Metrical
Translations by Mr. R. Caldwell from the poetry of Sivavak kiyar,

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ARCHEOLOGICAL NOTES.
MARCH, 1880.]
ye are the temple of God, and that the Spirit of God dwelleth in you?" Vêmana despised a fool as utterly as any Hebrew prophet: "should a fool," says he, "find even the philosopher's stone, it would melt in his hand like a hailstone." There is quite a ring of Emerson in this saying "That alone is yours which you have bestowed upon others, the rest is not at your disposal," and here is one of the last words of the philosophy of to-day:-"Lo, all fear is ignorance: when fear leaves us the divine spirit shall become our own." It is no bad Indian version of the maxim-"To thy own self be true," to say with Vêmana, "If dissimulation leave thy heart, none in the world will be deceitful towards thee."
It has been conjectured that Vêmana lived at Kondavid near Guntûr in the south-west Telingana country; certain passages in hie writings seem to favour this supposition, but it cannot be held certain. Whether contemporary with Shakespeare, or living as early as Chaucer, it is clear that he had intellectual strength and insight enough to shake off the worst superstitions that swayed the people amongst whom he lived. He had no respect for the Vedas or the Hindu deities; declares all castes equal; and scoffs unsparingly at Brâhmans, ascetics, ceremonial observances, and the respect paid to omens and auguries. In effect he was a Stoical Pantheist, and his countrymen to-day, though outwardly conforming to the Brahmans, have all his bitter sayings at their finger-ends.
It has long been the fashion in Europe to regard the Hindus, as beyond other races, bigoted, fettered by caste, and immoveable in their religion and customs, but in fact no country can show more signal instances of the revolt of the intellect and conscience against idolatry, superstition, and priestly domination. Indeed it may be asserted that Europe has lagged behind India in the sphere of moral and religious insurrection. The Jaina and Buddhist systems, older than Christianity, are examples on the largest scale of triumphs over priestly pretensions, at times too when Brahmanical law and ascendancy were strongest, and the view taken of Buddhism in the Indian Antiquary (vol. VIII. page 180) seems to me certainly correct. Again, no Puritan or Cove
Bramhanandam, parama sukhadam, Kevala jñanamurtim Drandv&titam, gagana sadrisam, tatvamaay&dilakshyam
73
nanter of the old stamp could have gone to work in a more root-and-branch style than Basava, the founder of the Jangam or Vira saiva sect in the 12th century. Himself the son of a Brahman, he was led to rebel against the orthodox creed, even in its stronghold, and resolutely rejected all the Brahminical priesthood and principles, renounced the Vedas, Ramayana and Bhagavat Gitá, on which they are founded, and discarded all the observances. and purificatory rites so tenaciously enforced by the Brahmans, teaching in their place the doctrine that all men are equal by birth and holy in proportion as they are temples of the great spirit, and that worship is due only to Śiva conceived as the one God and Father of all. His teaching spread wide, many of the Rajas on the Western Coast were his followers, and they are still numerous in the Maratha and Kanara countries and in Maisûr and Berar. Three centuries later in Bengal, where Brahmaṇical tyranny was most fixed and supreme, Chaitanya, born in the same year with Luther, renounced caste and priesthood, proclaimed the sufficiency of simple faith without works, ceremonial, or observances, and died with four millions of followers, now said to be doubled. And Vê ma na, surrounded by Brahmans, shot shafts at them and all their works unceasingly. But India also exemplifies the apparently ineradicable tendency of the human mind towards sacerdotal direction, authority, and ritual, for the Brahman, though so often defeated and seemingly near extinction, is again supreme, and his rivals have faded away, or exist in comparison as but a few scattered dissenters. Still amongst all the follies and servitudes of idolatry and priestcraft there will never be wanting in India many whose daily aspiration will be as of old, the famous hymn ascribed to the Muni Agastya always prefixed as a motto to Jangam and Jaina books, and continually uttered as a credo or confession of faith. The Being, endless, giver of goodness, image of wisdom, whom pain and grief Never can reach, the sky his emblem, whose names are countless, and Truth the chief. The One, everlasting, stainless, stedfast, who knows all secrets, himself unknown, Passionless ever, of perfect justice,-Him do I worship, and him alone."
Ekam, nityam, vimalam-achalam, sarvatas ef.kahi bhutath Bhavatitam, triguna rahitarh, sad garam tam namami!

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1880.
SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.S.
(Continued from Vol. VIII., p. 805.) No. LXI.
and 75, there is a large group of ruined and At a short distance to the south-west of the disused temples, mentioned incidentally by Mr. village of Aihole, in Survey No. 72, there is a Burgess in his First Archeological Report, p. 43. temple, small but highly interesting on account The largest and most interesting of them is of the quaint and elaborate sculptures with the temple of the god Galiganatha. On the which it is decorated, which is noticed by front or east side of the courtyard there is a Mr. Burgess in his First Archeological Report, handsomely sculptured gateway, still nearly p. 40. It is now disused, and is partly in ruins, entire, after the fashion of the gates of the the whole of the roof having been removed. topes at SAñchi and Amaravati, but not nearly Mr. Burgess considers it to be of about the same so elaborate in design, and on a diminutive scale, age as the Durga-temple. It appears to have being only ten or twelve feet high. It is the been originally a Vaishnava temple, as there only gateway of the kind that I know of in this are figures of Garuda over the doors both of part of the country. the manda pa and of the shrine, and a figure of Just outside this gateway, and a few steps to Lakshmi, with her elephants, over the entrance. the south of it, there is a small cell, on one of But there is also a figure of Siva, dancing, on the beams of which is an Old-Canarese inscripthe roof, with Pârvati holding a child, which tion of the Rashtra ku ta king Kannara must be either Ganapati or Kârttikêya. or Krishņa, dated Śaka 831 (A.D. 909-10),
On the north side of the porch there is an the Prajapati sarīvatsara." I shall publish this Old-Canarese inscription of eleven letters, in hereafter in a separate paper on the Rashtracharacters of the ninth or tenth century A. D., k ta kings. of which a fac-simile is given in the First The only inscription, that I could find, beArcheological Report." It commences with the longing to the temple of Galiganatha itself, is on word Svasti, followed by Ganasobbana, of the north face of one of the four pillars of a small Ganasobba'; the last four letters cannot be read square unroofed structure, in the centre of which satisfactorily.
there is a linga, standing in the middle of the And on a pilaster on the south side of the courtyard. The characters are early, -perhaps porch, there is the following inscription, in the of the sixth or seventh century A.D. The writing Sanskrit language and in characters of the covers 4' by 6}!" A fac-simile is given here. seventh or eighth century A. D., which probably with. The transcription is :-[1] Varisiga-Bitturecords the name of the builder of the temple :- [2]kritain; i.e., Made by Vamsig a-Bittu.' Transcription.
Bittu' is probably another form of Bitti,' ("] Svasti [ll] Jambudvip-antarê kaśchit which is a corruption of the Sanskrit Vishņu'; ["] vastu-prâsâda-tadgataḥ
Varnsiga is his surname, and is a corruption of ['] Narasobba-samo vidvan
the Sanskrit vansika. [*] na bhûtô na bhavishyati ||
No. LXIII. . Translation.
In front of the abovementioned temple of Hail! There has not been, and there shall not Galiganátha, there is a large unnamed temple be, in Jambudvipa, any wise man, proficient with an Old-Canarese inscription, in one line, on in the art of building) houses and temples, the ontside of one of the stones of the wall on the equal to Narasobba.
south side of the door, which is in the east wall. No. LXII.
The characters are of the eighth or ninth Further to the south-west of the village, on century A.D. The writing covers 1' 4 by 4' 83'. the right bank of the river, in Survey Nos. 74 A fac-simile is given herewith. The transcrip
Pl. LV., No. 34. · First Archæol. Report, Pl. LV., No. 83; and No. 75 of Pali, Sanskrit, and Old.Canarese, Inscriptions.
No. 79 of Pali, Sanskrit, and Old Canarese, Inscriptions.
• There is some uncertainty as to the exact date; for,
Saka 831 was the Sukla samvatsara, and the Prajapati samvatsara was Saks 833.
No. 81 of Pali, Sanskrit, and Old-Canarese, Inscrip. tions.
• No. 80 of Pali, Sanskrit, and Old Oanarese, Inscriptions.

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ON A PILLAR IN THE COURT-YARD OF THE
TEMPLE OF GALIGANATHA, AIHOLE.
8s
ON THE FRONT WALL OF A TEMPLE IN FRONT OF THE
TEMPLE OF GALIGANATHA, AT AIHOLE.
("* ரக பட்ட சிலையோ
FROM AN IMPRESSION BY J. F. PARET, BO. 0.4
W. anggs Photo lith, London

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ON A PILLAR IN THE TEMPLE OF
NARAYANA, AT AIHOLE.
అంజయ్యను దిటుడు, పదరి చేడు మంట గవర్లు,
సనీయరు శత వరకూ నాయయై మరుగు దొడనయ్యానో యముపు గయ రే ఎవరు బడదాయం విదురపుశయం జయరమి దరపు పోదన జీయరని ఊరు బగో దశ బి విపతు ఉయలు గడి ముతరు ఏజనర్
ఆయన పోపులాంగి
మదొండు వడివీ
Fa
FROM AN DEPRESSION BY 3. . LEST, BO. O. &.
3. GRIGGB, PHOTO-LATHO, LONDON.

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SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
75
tion is :-Svasti Sri-kadapudan=nudidan=salipo
No. LXIV. Badaviya máni.
In the same group of temples with the temple Mr. V. R. Katti explains mani as a term ap- of Galiganatha, but in Survey No. 75, and plied to an old woman' or 'a goddess',-and rather closer to the river, there is a temple of proposes to correct kadapudın into kadapudin, the god Narayana. It contains three separate which must then be taken as an irregular form shrines, all leading out of the central hall. The of the instrumental singular of kedapu, ka- inscription, of which a fac-simile' is given here dampu, '& cheek, a lip.' The translation would with, and of which there is a partial transcrip then be :-Hail! The goddess (or, old woman) tion in the Elliot Ms. Collection, at Vol. I., of BA a A vi, who enforces that which is p. 562, is on the front face of a pilaster on the uttered (or, that which she utters) with the lip.' right side of the entrance to the south shrine.
This correction in the first word is rather The language is Old-Canarese. The writing a violent one. But I cannot suggest anything covers a space abont 2 5" high by 1'9" broad. better, with the exception, perhaps, of point- At the top of the inscriptions there are the ing out that Sanderson gives máni as 'the mem. i usual emblems; vix., in the centre, a figure of brum virile,' whence it might perhaps be used Basava, and a cow and calf; on their right, in the sense of a linga,-that kada may be a linga, with the sun and moon above it; and for kadu, excessive, great, much,' and that on their left, a curved sword. puda may be for buda, which we have in The inscription is dated in the forty-third budakkane, budabuda, budabudane, with force, year of the Chalu kya Vikrama-Varsha, i.. hastily.' From this point of view the inscrip- in Saka 1040 (A.D. 1118-9), the Vilambi samvattion would refer to some linga, probably a linga sara, and records the gift of certain lands to brought from Bådâmi, and set up in this tem- provide for the perpetual oblation of the god, ple, which was supposed to have the power of and a grant of ten gadydnas to provide food immediately enforcing any vow made, or any for the Pújári, or officiating priest of the promise given, in its presence.
temple.
Transcription. (') Svasti Jaya (78)=bhivri(vri)dbdhi(ddhi)ś=cha [ll*1 Châļukya-Vikra['] ma-varishada
43[ne]ya
Vilambi-samvatsa[°] rada
attarayana-saṁkramaņad-an[ ] da Gamgadhara-Sanaṁgiyaram
Narasim[°] ga(ha)-Sanangiyaram
tamına devara pů[°] jarige nitya-ni(nai) vêdyakan(kkan) bitta Kaggala-ma['] nega keyi mattaru 12 Doddana-måņi(ne)[] ya keyi mata(tta)ru 8 Samdhi gereya [°] keyi mata (tta)ru 12 - Beļa" vâviya ke[1] yi mata(tta)ru 3 Banneya-kereya keyi [^] mata(tta)ru
3 Mâdhavana-kereya
keyi ["] mata(tta)ru 3 Jachcha-geyi dêvara ho(?)ngipa(ppa P)tu(ttu P)[""] t...''yalu gamti-mata (tta)ru 2 bhojanake(kkam) [""] bitta gadyana hatu(ttu) [1] Amt=ani. [') tuvâ(van) dhârâ-pürbba (rvva)kam-måời
bi[*] ttaru [l*] Translation.
in the Vilambi saravatsara which was the fortyHail! Victory and prosperity! At the time third (year) of the Chalu kya Vikramaof the sun's commencing his progress to the north Varsha,-Gangadhara-Sanangi and Narasimha
No. 82 of Pau, Sanskrit, and Old-Canarese, Inscrip tions. ** See Vol. VIII., P. 187. So., manya.
10 In the lithograph this letter has come out as if it were #; but the original has dhi.
ii In the lithograph this letter reads me if it were pa, a
small mark at the bottom, which would have distinguished it as {u, having failed to appear.
11 It is not clear what the lower part of this character is meant for.
13 The original being rather damaged here, this letter has not come out properly in the lithograph.

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Sanangi allotted to the officiating priest of their god, for the purpose of the perpetual oblation, the onltivated land called Kaggala-minya (measur. ing) twelve mattars, and the cultivated land called Doddana-manya (measuring) eight mattars, and the cultivated land of the tank called Sandhigere (measuring) twelve mattars, and the cultivated land of the well called Beļuvâvi (measuring) three
mattars, and the cultivated land of the tank called Banneyakere (measuring) three mattars, and the cultivated land of the tank of Madhava measuring) three mattars, and the cultivated land called Jachchageyi, in ..................... of the god, (measuring) two ganti-mattars,-and, to provide for his food, ten gadyanas. This much they allotted, with libations of water.
STRAY NOTES.
BY CAPTAIN J. S. F. MACKENZIE. 1. In the North-West Provinces, on an out- returned to her parents' home, and they, at the break of small-pox, it is the practice with some request of her husband, after some months, turned people to place, in the centre room of the house, in her out, but she declined to go back to her & water-pot, a branch of the nimb tree decorated husband, went off, and lived with the co-respond with flowers as representing the goddess ($1. ent, an inhabitant of the same village. On tala Mâyi or Devi Bhawani) of small-pox. The this there was a general panchayat convenedgardener's wife who furnishes fresh flowers at whose request I could not learn-each house every morning, worships the representation on in the village sending one member, who was behalf of the family. While small-pox is in the summoned to attend by the village (Kulwadi) hoose, the inmates feed a donkey morning and toty.' The meeting settled that if the woman evening with gram and jagari. The donkey were allowed to remain in the village, some misis fed because it is the animal on which the fortune would happen, and it was determined she goddess rides.
should be expelled. The sentence was comma2. Among the Brahmans of Bengal, eight out
nicated to the headınan, who said he had not been of the thirty-six castes into which the Hindas present at the meeting, but admits he executed tho are divided, are considered clean. These eight
sentence by leading the woman out of the vilare Ahirs (milkmen), Kumbis (ryots), Lohars
lage, and dismissing her beyond the boundaries. (blacksmiths), Mális (gardeners), Tarbplis (pân
I have often known cases where a breach of caste sellers), Kumars (potters), Hajâms (barbers)
rules has been punished by a fino, but this is the and Kahars (bearers). Any one of these castes
only case I know of where tho drastic course may come into the house, and touch the bodding
of expolling from the village an offending memor pots without necessarily defiling them. A
ber has been followed. Brahman will drink water out of the hands of 4. The Holiars of Mysore ara generally any one of these. If any member of the other
looked upon as oatcasts of very low morals. castes were to touch the things, they must be On one occasion I was trying the headman of washed and purified.
the caste, a reputed dacoit. The chief witnesses 3. While trying a case of adultery (in My- against him were members of his own caste. He sore), in the course of cross-examination the head. tried to make out that the evidence of one of man of the village admitted that sone time the witnesses was unworthy of any weight, since before the case had been brought into court, & he was the offspring of a Holiar by "Beder" panchayat had enquired into the matter, but at woman. Now the Beder is admittedly of a the same time he showed a very marked reluct- higher caste, and yet a Holiar had been punished ance to giving details of what thon happened. by a caste fine for marrying a woman even of a It struck me that all the villagers were afraid higher caste. And in the eyos of the caste a they had done wrong in taking notice of the slar attaches to the offspring. Another witness affair, and each pretended to know as little as he declared was unfit to give evidence because he possible of the doings of the panchayat. The livod with a woman without being married to following facts were however elicited. A wo- her, and he had been fined by the caste for this. man who could not get on with her husband | The incident is interesting as showing how even

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THE PERUMALS.
77
among the lowest castes breach of the caste rules “In the olden times or what is called the is looked on as detracting from the respectability | Satya Yuga, according to Hindu mythology it of the offender, and rendering his evidence of appears from the Puranas, that there was a set less value in their own opinion.
of prostitutes of the first class such as Ur.
vasi, Menaka, Rambha, Tilottamâ, &c., and the 5. Among the lower class of Musalmans in
mode of their living is also defined there. Each the North-West, there is a belief that bad luck
woman attaches herself for one night or sucwill attend a child through life unless a naked
cessive nights to one man only, and during that sword or knife is shown to it soon after its birth.
period she has no connection with anybody else. There is also a belief among this class extending
“The ceremony observed in the marriage with to the lower castes of Hindus that the goddess
flower plants by the first class is--that the mother or angel of good luck will not visit a house in
of the girl gives away her daughter to a flower which there is no sword of some sort or other.
plant, previously planted in her house for the 6. When talking to a Bengali gentleman on | purpose, in the presence of a priest of their class the subject of tree and serpent worship, he told and of other friends invited for the purpose. A me-but I had better give his own words :- wedding feast is given on the occasion, accord"In reference to the conversation of last Sun- ing to the circumstances of the party. day morning, I have been, on the evening of that “So long as the flower plant with which the day, to a prostitute's house, and obtained the girl is married is alive, she daily waters it, and following correct information in respect to their puts a light near it at night. When the plant system of marriage with flower plants.
withers and dies away, the girl observes mourn"There are two classes of prostitutes :-One ing for a period of three days, and abstains born of prostitute mother and carries on the from meat or fish during those days, but lives profession from generation to generation. This on one meal of rice and vegetables. On the class is married to flower plants, the daughters fourth day she bathes, cuts her nails, feeds born of Auch prostitute mothers form no con- friends and Brahmans, and then leads her usual rection by rights of marriage with any living mode of life. man, consequently any intercourse with this "All flowers are of the female sex, except four, class of women is not considered a great social which are of the male species. As I am not accrime, as they bring no shame to any one by quainted with their English or botanical names, their pernicions profession.
I give their names as pronounced in Bengal :"The other is the one who, on account of high Togore, Kund, Goluncho or Kulka, and Sephametal, qnits the protection of their guardians, lika. With these four species of flower plants leaving infant children, and thereby bring dis- the tree-marriage is contracted, and with no grace to the family which she had deserted. other kind of flower trees." Intercourse with this class of women is in a So far as I can learn, nothing is known moral and social point of view a heinous offence | around Allahabad of tree-marriage. The niinb, and sinfulness, as any assistance rendered to as I have already noted, is worshipped, during an them encourages women of such disposition to outbreak of small-pox, by the people. The pipal enter into this profession.
is worshipped as Mahadeva by the Brahmans.
THE PERUMALS. Malabar or Malayalam denotes the Malabar from their fellow Aryans in other country between the Western Ghats and the parts of the peninsula, certain changes were Arabian Sea south of Konkan. Its Sanskrit instituted in the manners and customs of the name Kerala m refers probably to the abundant people; the principal of which are the wearing growth of the keram or cocoanut in these parts. of the kudumi or tuft of hair, on the forepart of
According to tradition Para su râma, the the head, the restriction that the eldest song sixth incarnation of Vishņu, reclaimed it from only of the Nambari Brahmans should marry, the sea, and established the principal temples and the system of inheritance known as Maraand gramams. To distinguish the people of makkatayan amongst the Sadra chates. The

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lands in the newly occupied country were 9. Kottai Perumi 1,-Is said to have divided, rent free, amongst the temples and founded Kottaikolam, the modern Calicut. a few Brahmaņ proprietors called thence “Jan- 10. Munda Peramal. mis." These had each a large number of 11. Yailia Pêra mál. tenants or dependents, and at first established 12. Kumbum Perumal. an aristocratic form of Government, till the 13. Vijayam Perumal,- Is said to have rapid increase in the numbers of the colony and built Kulam then called Vaddakenkolam. the dissensions amongst the chiefs rendered it 14. Valuvam Perumal,-Derived his necessary to instal a supreme executive officer. appellation from his constant tours through About B. c. 60' a great congress was held, when the country. it was agreed that a governor or Pêrumál 15. Arechend ron Pêrnmál, H18 should be sent for from the neighbouring king successor early disappeared. He built the Fort of dom of Chêda, comprising Koimbatur and Puraviyamalla. parts of Málabâr and Travankor. Each viceroy 16. Mallam Péru na 1,--Traced his was restricted to a rule of 12 years only. lineage from the Madara kings.
List of some of the Perumál Princes who 17. Kolashagara Pêra mål. reigned in Malayalam, 8c. :
18 Chéraman PerumA1,He made 1. Kaya Peruma 1,-Died before the Tiruwanjekolam his residence and encouraged expiration of the prescribed time.
commerce. A Saiva temple there perpetuates 2. 'Shola Perumâ 1,-- Assassinated by a his memory. Brâhman, who, with his associates, were expelled The Perumals had their capital at Kranganor their tribe, and their descendants are called or Kodungal ûr, and preserved the tributary Nambidaimars.
relation to the Tamil kingdom, till the fourth 3. Pån di Perumal,-Described as an century after Christ, when the last Chéraman enterprising female who reigned under this Pêrumal made himself independent. The Jews name. She resigned her government.
and Syrian Christians had received the protec4. V Anam Peruma1,-Described as tion of the Pôrumal as refugees and traders, having been converted to the Buddhist faith, and probably helped him to throw off the yoke and retired to Makka.
of his sovereign. 5. Tulu Perumal,-The division of Ma- Before the retirement of Chêraman Pérumal layalam into four provinces took place in the to Makka as a Buddhist (?) in A.D. 379, he reign of this chief.
divided his dominions amongst his relatives and 6. Inderam Perumal,-Subdivided the dependants. The Râjas of Cochin are the descencountry; the north he called Tulunad, the south dants of the Perumal in the Maramakkatayom Malayalam, and directed that the inhabitants of line, and as such were entitled to the paramount each should confine their alliances to those be- position in Malabar. They were crowned at longing to their own particular tract.
Ponâni in the presence of the other Rajas till 7. Aria Perumâ l, -During the reign of that town was forfeited successively to the this chief the country underwent a third change, Samorin of Calicut, the Sultan of Maisur, and from Gokarna to Perampalli it was called lastly to the British Government. Tulunad ; thence to Pothupatnam, Koraļa Raj; From the native annals of Malabar and their thence to Kaniath, Muthagankd ; and thence to own traditions, it appears that ten thousand Kanya Kumari, Kuvala Raj; each province was Jews arrived on the coast shortly after the desuperintended by a Daledderi or Brâhmaņstraction of the second temple and the final Councillor.
desolation of Jerusalem. It is supposed that 8. Kuna Perumal.
some seven thousand settled at once on a spot
This period is called the Arichawattam or state of misrale. ED. "Some fix this about A. D. 200.-ED.
The native History of Kerals appears to indicate more nationally that he became a Muhammadan; but if so, he must be placed very much later in the list. After mentioning the arrival in MAlaber of Mar Såpbor and Mar Aphrotta, the native Syrian Christian Brief History states that at that time the Jows and Arabe in this
country were at war. We and the Jews were allies. The Arabs commenced the wardestroyed a city-alew the two R&jas Vilyanvattale, and burnt their bodies." Whitehouse's Lingerings of Light, pp. 54, 806; conf. Madras Jour. Lit. Soc. vol. II. p. 71-ED. • Whitehouse's Lingerings of Light, pp. 2, 8.-ED.
Others give A. D. $25 for this date. ED. . This is quite fabulous, see ante. vol. III. p. 383.-E.

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FOLKLORE SCRAPS FROM BIRBHUM, BENGAL.
79
then called Maha da yapatnam, but now Kudangalur, and applied themselves with their usual sagacity, economy and success to trade, and thence early obtained the respect and protection of the native princes. Some considerable time afterwards' they procured a most valuable grant from the ruling sovereign, and had it engraved in old Tamil upon copper plates. These plates are still in existence at Cochin. They have been already given in facsimile with a translation. The following is the transliteration of the first plate :Svasti sri-kôgôn amai kõndan. kô sri Parkaraņ. Iravivaņmar tiruvadi pala nûrîyirattándum séngôl nadatti yA!A ninra yându irandâm kņdaikk'ědir muppettârâm ându Moyirikottu irunda 'ruliya na! pirasAdiśán 'ruliya piraså damåvadu : Issuppu Irappåņukku apjuvannamum vědiyalum PÂyanattalum pâgudamum anjuvaņpapperum pagalviLakkum påvâdaiyum andolagamum kudaiyum..
[koduttom].
The States formed on the dismemberment of the Pêrumal's empire were farther weakened by smaller apportionments amongst Chiefs or Kaimals who were under a species of feudal buburdination to the RÂjas, and, subject to their control, exercised a tyrannical rule over the tenants and people included within their provinces. These subordinate Chiefs were styled Rajas again by their subjects, and were often at feud with one another. The army was raised by conscription from the Nayars, and the inferior castes were pressed into the service as camp followers. When we consider that a loose patriarchal sort of government was all that pertained to the sovereign in those times, who levied no land taxes, and established no strong tribunals, it is not surprising that some of the chiefs latterly claimed sovereign rank for them. selves, or were adjudged the same by foreigners, who found the lines of distinction between the honoured subject or tributary chief and the independent ruler too narrow to be perceived."
FOLKLORE SCRAPS FROM BIRBHUM, BENGAL.
BY G. D. BYSACK. Sajol, in the district of Birbhum, is situated the Munis still perform their devotions below one and a half kos to the north-east of the railway the earth. There is a tank in the middle of station of Bolpur. Its correct name is Srin. the village called Endo-the hermitage of galpur. Tradition says that this place was Andhaka. A tank was dug to the east of the the hermitage of the great ascetic Rishya Sringa. village in the year 1231 Beng. San, and The country is undulating, and the village called Morepukhar. When digging it pieces Sujol is built on an elevated site. One of its of broken boats, rotten tobacco, and human wards is called Dêripârâ, and to the north-east bones turned up. It is said that formerly the of Devipârâ is a narrow mound of earth where Ajai river flowed through this place. Daśathe great Rishi used to perform his devotions. ratha, the lord of Ajodhya, when celebrating Near the mound was his Kunda or sacrificial the Putresti yajna (sacrifice to obtain a son) fount. That Kunda is now called Kunri land. took Sringa to Ajodhya by the river. Rishya
This place is regarded as sacred, and dedi- Sringa's father Maharishi Vibhậndaka was cated to a lion-mounted goddess Nava Durgå. very old, and was by no means inclined to It is said that the father of Rishya Sringa, the let his son go to so distant a place, but the great sage, Vibhåndaka, established the stone mother was prevailed upon to assent to the image here. Cinders, rice and bilva leaves are Raja's earnest commands as there was no other still to be found in digging. A story prevails
alternative left for her. After the departure of that a few years ago a European sunk an iron her son, she lecame very anxious for him. bar in the earth to know whether the place bad The river which had helped Dasaratha to take a coal mine, when the bar was taken out of the her son away excited her ire. On the return ground he found it to be hot. This served to of her son she stopped its course by a curse. confirm the genoral belief or superstition that From that time the river began to silt up, and
In the eighth century A. D., see vol. III. p. 884.-ED.
I have added this from Dr. Burnell's 8. Indian Palaography (2nd ed.) p. 140, in place of an unsatisfactory translation given in the Report. "For his translation see
ante, vol. III., PP. 833ff.- ED.
From the Administration Report of Cochin for 1875-76, communicated by H. H. Bams Varm4. First Prince of Travankore.-E.

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ultimately changed its course. The climate of the place was then highly salubrious. It is only lately that it has become unhealthy, as the ravages of cholera and malarious fever indicated by the number of deserted and dilapi- dated houses prove. The village is said to be very old, an old long Digi or tank, and the debris of an old brick-built house are the only vestiges left to testify to its former existence. From the people also we gather that the place was the abode of a Raja Basanta. His palace was to the east of the railway. Traces of buildings at the place are found to this day.
There is also a story connected with this fort at Bhubarva. Once it is said the Raja took shelter with his army within this fort. The
fort had only one gate, and a gate-keeper guarded the gate without closing it. One of the men from the enemy killed the door-keeper, and no one else could come out of the fort, so the Raja was killed with all his army and followers. The men killed in the fort became ghosts after their death, and it is said that now and then during the dead hours of night they resume their former shapes and march about in battle array, and sounds are audible—the noise of chariots, &c. To the south of this village is a place called Makdamtala. The Muhammadans say that at this place a great battle was fought between the Hindus and Muhammadans, and the men who died in the battle were buried there.
MISCELLANEA. A VILLAGE LEGEND.
Oriental scholars, it gives me great pleasure to Kelor is a village three miles to the south of announce to them the discovery of an important Aihole in the Hungund talukâ of the Kalådgi zilla, work in Ceylon which will throw much light on and about a mile and a half to the west of the village this interesting subject. is a ko! or glen, in which is a temple of Siddhes- That a grammar by Chandra existed till about varadêra. To the north of it is a cavern in the rock eight or nine centuries ago, and that it now exists and another to the south. Once upon a time two in a Tibetan version only, are facts within the Cows used to come daily from the south cave, and knowledge of every well-read Orientalist. Not graze on the pasture in the neighbourhood. A boy only is there the absence of its name from every attending the village cattle observed them, and catalogue of existing Sanskrit works, whether took it into his head to watch them so as to find published or still in MS., but we have the distinct out their owner, and ask wages for keeping them. assertion of Rajendralála Mitra, LL.D., on p. 162 Accordingly in the evening he followed them into of his Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit MSS. in the cave, where he found two Rishis engaged in the Library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, pubtheir devotions, who, on opening their eyes, were lished in 1877, that the work is lost. surprised to see the cowherd boy. They ques. We find the author mentioned in the twelfth tioned him who he was, and how he happened to century by Vopadêva in the second verse of the come there. The boy explained all and asked for Introduction to his admirable Dhatupatha called some wage for watching their cows. They gave the Kavikalpadruma. There a list is given of the him a ball of cow-dung and dismissed him, enjoin- eight principal grammarians, the founders, no ing him not to reveal to any one what he had seen doubt, of eight different schools, to some one or The boy's mother finding her son had not come other of which all the existing grammatical treahome at the usual time went out to seek him, and tises are referable. These are Indra, Chandra, met him just as he had come out of the cave. She Kasakpitsna, Åpisali, SakatAyana, P&ņini, Amara, asked why he was so late that evening, when he and Jainendra. The works of Indra, Kåsaksitena, told her the whole story, and shewed her the ball Åpisali, and Amara are also lost, and MSS. have of cow-dung which he was carrying under his dhoti. only been discovered of those of Sakatayana, The ball was found to be ball gold and half dung, Paņini, and Jainendra. That Åpisali and SAKAbut the boy immediately expired on the spot. Since tayana were predecessors of Paņini appears from then nobody has ever attempted to enter the cave. their being mentioned by him; and, although there
J. B.
is no mention of Indra in his work by name, yet
there are reasons making it highly probable that THE GRAMMAR OF CHANDRA.
the Pratichah frequently referred to by him beKandy: Dec. 18, 1879. longed to his school. It is also clear that several 1. At a time when the enquiry into the history works now extant, such as the Kdtantra and and development of Sanskrit grammatical literature others, have been composed on the principles of is engaging a large share of the attention of the Aindra school of Sanskrit grammar. With

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MISCELLANEA
81
the exception, therefore, of Indra, more perhaps is an and the augment num, intervene between the known of Chandra from quotations in existing ror sh and the dental 1. Chandra, on the other works than of any one of the other three whose hand, after giving a rule corresponding to Panini works have shared the same fate-viz., Kabakrits- viii. 4, 1, in nearly the same words, mentions in a na, Apisali, and Amara. What is known of him, subsequent sätra a number of letters the intervenhowever, is so scanty that it would not enable us | tion of which between the r or sh and the dental to form any definite idea of the character and n prevents the operation of the first mentioned extent of his work. To say that it consisted of rule. These letters are those belonging to the Batras, and that it was quoted by Bhattoji in the palatal, cerebral, and dental classes of consonants, Praudhamanoramd, by Ujjvaladatta in his com those included in sar and the consonant l. The mentary on the Uņádi-sútras, and by one or two obvious meaning of this is that the intervention other authors, would embrace perhaps all that of any other letters and the only others are those could have hitherto been said of the Chandra given by Påņini-does not prevent the cerebral grammar. But the MS. just discovered enables change. us to ascertain with certainty several important At also occurs in Pånini viii: 4, 63, but in the facts regarding this work and its relation to the corresponding sutra of Chandra we find, instead of existing systems of Sanskrit grammar.
it, the more comprehensive pratyahâra am, which From this MS., of which I shall give & short includes, besides the letters contained in at, the account before concluding this paper, we gather nasals and the consonant l. That Chandra's rule is that Chandra's work wae based on the model of the better of the two will be readily admitted when and was intended as an improvement on, Pånini's it is remembered that Pånini's sätra was amended Ashtadhydvf. Both works hare adopted the by a vârttika of Kåtyåyana substituting this very same arrangement, which may be termed arti- pratyåhåra am for the less comprehensive at. ficial, as distinguished from the natural arrange- Another praty&håra employed by Påņini but ment according to subjects observable in the dispensed with by Chandra is the an formed with Katantra and Mugdhabudha, and, in fact, in all the second in the scheme. This occurs only European treatises on grammar. The division in one solitary sátra of Pånini, viz., I. i. 69, accordinto adhydyas and pddas is also common to both ing to which the letters contained in it would also works, with only this difference, that the num- represent or imply their homogeneous modificaber of adhydyas in Panini is eight, while that in tions; for instance, the short vowel a, which alone Chandra is six, This has resultod probably from is given in the scheme, would imply, among the latter embodying in one adhydya the sub- others, the long and prolated d. Chandra finds no stance of Pånini's third, fourth, and fifth chapters, necessity for this role, and omits it altogether, as all of which treat of affixes.
the short vowel a, being a játi term, would necesBoth works open with a peculiar arrangement sarily imply its long and prolated forms and its of the letters, materially differing from the alpha- other homogeneous variations. betical arrangement, and styled by the Paniniya The only other pratyâhâra employed by Panini school of grammarians the Sivasútras. There is, and omitted by Chandra is jhas ; but he employs however, a slight difference between the two in his grammar the four pratyaharas, rik, ham, schemes-viz., that the it or anubandha t at the mam, and chay, which do not occur in Påņini. end of the fifth sutra in Påņini's is omitted in With reference to the last of these, chay, it Chandra's scheme, which thus contains thirteen must be stated that, though not employed by sâtras, while the number in Pâqini's is fourteen. Pånini, it is used by Katyayana in a vârttika to This omission causes the absence from Chandra's viii. 4, 48. work of only one pratyahara, at, the necessity for With the aid of these new pratyaháras Chandra which is obviated by Chandra in an ingenious has effected a decided improvement on many of manner, as will be seen from an instance which I the satras of Påņini, an instance of which may cannot help adverting to.
here be mentioned. The sutra Påņini i. 1, 51Panini, after laying down in viii. 4, 1, that the Uran raparah-means, if we assign to the terms dental n should be changed to the cerebral when occurring in it their true and legitimate significait follows r or sh in the same pada, states in the tions, that an, that is to say the vowels a, i, and sutra immediately following that the rule obtains 16, substituted for the vowel ri, should be followed even when the letters included in the pratyábåra by r. It was found by grammarians that this at, and those belonging to the guttural and labial rule stated too little, as it did not teach that an, classes of consonants, as well as the preposition substituted for the vowel li," should be followed
Almost all Oriental scholars transliterate this vowel retaining only u, but they are too long to be stated in a by "lri." I have my reasons for omitting the and foot-note. Soe Max Muller's Sanskrit Grammar. p. 18.

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by . To remedy this defect Panini's commentators were obliged to have recourse to several ingenious devices, attributing to Panini doctrines he never inculcated and contrivances he never intended. They held that the vowels ri and li arg homogeneous, and that the former, according to i. 1, 69, implies the latter. This can scarcely be said to be a perfectly correct view, as ļi is actually given in the biva-Batras. At all events the commentators are not consistent, as whilo asserting that li, which is given in the scheme, is homo- geneous with ri-which in point of fact it is not, the former being a dental while the latter is a lingual-they, in almost the same breath, assert, for certain objects which it is foreign to my pur. pose to mention here, that ai and an, which in point of fact are homogeneous with e and o respectively, are not homogeneous with them, because the former are given in the scheme at the beginning of a sutra. Having, however, by this grammatical fiction brought in the vowel i by implication into the rule, they had a still greater difficulty to contend with, viz., to show that the consonant 1 is also mentioned in it. To meet this fresh difficulty they resorted to a step to which there is no parallel in point of subtlety in the whole range of grammatical invention. They contended that the a in the sixth Siva-sútra, lan, is an it, and that the consonant r in the fifth siva-edtra forms with it tho pratyábära ra, which includes the letters and I. In this extraordinary way the commentators of Panini have explained the satra in question to mean that an substituted for ri and ļi should be followed by r and l. If now we turn to the corresponding rule of Chandra-siko'no ralauwe are forced to admit that the doctrine is taught there in the plainest terms, and that this has been effected by the adoption of the pratyahara rilo not occurring in the stras of Pâņini.
In both works the employment of pratyaharas is not confined to letters, but their application is extended to affixes also, which appear to be enumerated in the same order, beginning with san and ending with kap. The affix pratyah&ras are also identical in the stras of both grammarians, with this difference: that in Chandra there are two sups, one formed with su and sup, as in Pånini, and the other with su and kap.
A remarkable feature in the system of Chandra is the absence from it of several technical terms invented by Paņini, or adopted by him from prior grammarians such as guna, vriddhi, pragriya, sarvandmasthana, ghi, nadi, shaf, and several others. This circumstance led me at first to suppose that Chandra's work was prior to Panini's; bat a closer examination has convinced me that the omission was intentional. The reason for this
step appears to be that, while by the omission of these terms no obscurity or lengthening of the BOtras would result, there was the decided advantage of many sátras, such as those defining them, or rather explaining the meanings assigned to them being omitted and, indeed, of others being actually shortened-a primary object according to the Mahdbhdshya in all grammatical sutras. I shall illostrate this by an example or two.
Panini's explanation of vriddhi is "vriddhir adaich" of guna "aden gunah." It must be remembered that these stras are not properly speaking definitions of the terms vriddhi and guna, but that they merely give these names to the lotters mentioned in the stras. Now these terms are by no means shorter than the convertible terms adaich and adhi, and hence no advantage is gained by the use of the former in a sutra in preference to the latter, which may be used to equal advantage, as they actually have been by Chandra.
In the case of sarvandmasthana consisting of six syllables, there is a considerable economising of space by its omission and by the retention of the dissyllabic fisut used by Chandra, and occurring in two stras of Pånini, explaining the technical term sarvandmasthana-viz., si in i. 1, 42 and but in i. 1, 43.
The Vipratishedba-sutra, Panini i. 4, 2, and the Asiddha-stra, Pånini viii. 2, 1, also occur in Chandra, the latter being placed in about the middle of the third pada of the sixth adhyâya. The stras, therefore, in the latter half of the third pâda and in the whole of the fourth are, as it were, non-existent in reference to those in the preceding five adhyâyas and two padas, and about one-half of the third pada of the sixth.
2. I shall now advert to the work mentioned at the beginning of this paper, which has enabled me to gather the above-mentioned facts regarding Chandra's grammar and several other facts which the limited space of this paper precludes my stating here. It is called the Balivabodhana, and is a reproduction of Chandra's grammar by a Buddhist priest named KAsyapa, who lived in Ceylon about seven centuries ago, and of whom I hope to writo & short account hereafter. The reader will be able to form some idea of the work and of its extent when I say that it bears the same relation, as regards matter and arrangement, to Chandra's grammar as the Laghukaumudi does to that of Parini. The Laghukaumudy is an abridgement of a larger work called the Siddhantakaumudi, containing all the stras of Panini, ditrerently arranged and explained; but whether the Baldrabodhana is an abridgement of an already existing work bearing the same relation to

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Chandra as the Siddhántakaumudi does to Pânini is a question which I am not yet in a position to decide. If, however, an introductory verse be any guide, I should be very much inclined to conclude that the work is an original one, or, in other words, that Kasyapa has effected in the Chandra system what Ramachandra has done in the Pâniniya by his work called the Prakriydkaumud which, no doubt, afforded a model for Bhaṭṭoji in the composition of his Siddhantakaumudt. The verse referred to is the following:"Bhagavantaṁ jagadvandyam abhivandya tathagatam |
Bâlâvabodhanam bindum Chandrasindhau karomy aham ||"
Here the author states that the Bálavabodhana which he composed is a drop from the ocean of Chandra. If the work was an abridgement of an already existing re-arrangement of all or the greater number of the sutras of Chandra, the author would most probably have referred to that work in the Introduction, just as Varadaraja, in the introductory verse to the Laghukaumudi, has stated it to be an abridged Siddhantakaumudi.
MISCELLANEA.
The book begins with the usual adoration to Buddha as found in almost all Buddhistical works -Namas tasmai bhagavate 'rhate samyak-sambuddhaya. Then follow the introductory verse given above, and the scheme commonly called the siva-sutras, together with a gloss explaining the -use of the scheme and the classification and formation of letters. The extraordinary statement in the Kaumudis that the vowel li has no long form, though it has a prolated one-a statement quite opposed to the Kátantra-is also met with in the Balavabodhana. A reason is assigned for the repetition of the h in the scheme, which is that it is repeated in order that it may be included in the pratyåhåra val. Such a reason is also mentioned in the Praudhamanorama, which enumerates, besides val, the pratyâhâras ral, jhal, and bal.
According to the Kaumudis, sthana and prayatna are concerned with the formation of letters, but in the work under notice a third thing is mentioned, namely, karana. The karanas are the middle of the tongue, the vicinity of the tip of the tongue, and the tip of the tongue itself, as in pronouncing the palatals, the linguals, and the dentals respectively. In the case of the other letters the ethana and karana are the same.
Before leaving the subject of the classification of letters and the mode of their formation, and passing on to the chapter on sandhi, a kârika is given restricting the pratyahâras to forty-two, which bears a close resemblance to that given
83
in the Kábika for the formation of Pânini's forty-one pratyâhâras, as will be seen on a comparison of the two which I quote here for the purpose:
"Nañañavaḥ syur ekasmâch chaturbhyastu kachau nashau
Dvabhyam raśmyo 'pi pañchabhyo las tu shaḍbhyo vidhiyate ||"
Kasika: "Ekasman nallanavatâ dvâbhyâm shas tribhya eva kaṇamâh syuḥ | Jieyau chayau chaturbhyo rah pañchabhyaḥ salau shadbhyah ||"
As regards the arrangement of the subjects in the Bálavabodhana, I am very much inclined to the opinion that it is more logical and, strange to say, more in consonance with European ideas than the arrangement in the Kaumudis. As an instance affording proof of this, I may mention that in the former the declensions of pronouns and numerals are given in separate sections, and not blended with those of nouns as in the latter.
The MS. in question belongs to the Lankatilakavihara, a Buddhist temple in the Central Province of Ceylon, about eight miles from Kandy, the mountain capital of the island. Mr. A. C. Lawrie, district judge of Kandy, and a member of the committee of the Oriental Library of that city, whose services to the library cannot be too highly valued, having received information of there being a good collection of MSS. in this vihara, at onco proceeded to the place and had the whole collection examined and catalogued. At his request, Kobbekaduwe Srinivasa Buddharakkhita, the incumbent of the vihara, lent the work to the library, and it was there that I found it about three months ago. A careful examination of the MS. led me to believe that its publication would be of immense service to Oriental scholars as tending to throw new light upon questions relative to the historical connexion of the different systems of Sanskrit grammar and upon other problems in the solution of which scholars are at present engaged. With a view, therefore, to its publication I made diligent enquiries for other copies of it, in every quarter where I thought any would be forthcoming, for the purpose of collation, but my search has resulted in the discovery of only two other copies. One of these belongs to the Suduhumpolavibâra, near Kandy, and the other to the learned highpriest, Sumangala, Principal of the Oriental College, Colombo. All the three copies now in my possession and I do not believe it likely that any more could be added to the number-are in the Sinhalese character: but the edition I intend publishing will appear in the Devanagari type, together with a preface, explanatory notes, and a

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list of the stras alphabetically arranged. The work of collating is being vigorously carried on, and I hope to send the edition to the press in about two or three months.
W. GOONETILLERE
NOTE. The Niraydvaliyd Suttam by Dr. S. Warren (Amsterdam: J. Müller), is the text in Jain Prakrit, with notes and glossary, of five Jain Upangas, forming the above Sutta, and containing a legend of Bimbisåra and Ajátasattu, a Játaka story by Mahavira, and several short avaddnas or legends of Jain saints. Dr. Warren has not ventured on a translation, and confesses that he has not been able to understand all the text which he edits. The paucity of Jain texts compels us to welcome any new one, carefully edited, as this is, from four MSS.-The Academy, Jan. 17, 1880.
THE GÅTHA AHUNAVAITI OF THE PÅRSIS.
Yasna III. Now will I speak and proclaim to all who have
come to listen. Thy praise, Abura-Mazda, and thine, 0 Vohumano. Asha! I ask that thy grace may appear in the
lights of heaven. Hear with your ears what is best, perceive with
your minds what is purest, Bo that each man for himself may, before the
great doom cometh, Choose the creed he prefers. May the wise ones
be on our side! These two spirits are twins; they made known in
times that are bygone That which is good and evil, in thought and word
and action. Rightly decided between them the good ; not so
the evil. When these Two came together, first of all they
created Life and death, that at last there might be for
such as are evil Wretchedness, but for the good a happy blest ex
istence. of these Two the One who was evil chose what
Was evil;
He who was kind and good, whose robe was the
changeless Heaven, Chose what was right; those, too, whose works
pleased Ahura Mazda. They could not rightly discern who erred and
worshipped the Devas; They the Bad Spirit chose, and having held coun
sel together, Turned to Rapine, that so they might make man's
life an affliction. But to the good came might; and with might
came wisdom and virtue; Armaiti, herself the Eternal, gave to their bodies Vigour; e'en thou wert enriched by the gifts that
she scattered, O Mazda! Mazda, the time will come when the crimes of the
bad shall be punished: Then shall thy power be displayed in fitly reward.
ing the righteousThem that have bound and delivered up falsehood
te Asha, the Truth-God. Let us then be of those who advance this world and improve it,
Ahura Mazda, 0 Truth-God, bliss-conferring! Let our minds be ever there where wisdom
abideth! Then indeed shall be seen the fall of pernicious
falsehood; But in the house where dwell Vohu-mano, Mazda,
and AshaBeautiful house-shall be gathered for ever such
as are worthy. O men, if you but cling to the precepts Mazda has
given, Precepts, which to the bad are a torment, but joy
to the righteous, Then shall you one day find yourselves victorious through them."
The following is Dr. Haug's prose version of the same section of this Gatha:
1. I will now tell you who are assembled here, the wise sayings of Mazda, the praises of Ahura, and the hymns of the good spirit, the sublime truth which I see arising out of these sacred flames.
2. You shall, therefore, hearken to the soul of nature (1.e., to plough and cultivate the earth);
The Academy, Jan. 24 and 81, 1880, pp. 60ff., 88ff. 1 Hübschmann, Ein Zoroastrisches Lied, mit Rücksicht auf die Tradision übersetet und erklärt (München, 1872). Compare Max Müller, Lectures on the Science of Religion, pp. 237-9;-Rawlinson's Religions of the Ancient World in Sunday at Home, June 1879, pp. 878, 874.
• Hang's Essays, by West, pp. 149–151. • Glush urud means the universal soul of earth, the
cause of all life and growth. The literal meaning of the word, "soul of cow," implies & simile; for the earth is compared to a cow. By its cutting and dividing, ploughing is to be understood. The meaning of that decree. issued by Ahuramazds and the heavenly council, is that the soil is to be tilled; it, therefore, enjoins Agricultare a religious duty. Zarathushtrs, when encouraging men by the order of Ahurama da to cultiyate the earth, acta mas prophet of agricultore and civilisation:

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MISCELLANEA.
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Wise (Mazda), and the Righteous (Asba)," who are known as the best beings.
11. Therefore, perform ye the commandments which, performed by Mazda himself, have been given to mankind; for they are a nuisance and perdition to liars, but prosperity to the believers in the truth; they are the fountain of happiness.
contemplate the beams of fire with a most pious mind! Every one, both men and women, ought to-day to choose his creed (betroeen the Deva and the Ahura religion). Ye offspring of renowned ancestors, awake to agree with us (i.e. to approve of my lore, to be delivered to you at this mo- ment! The prophet begins to deliver the words revealed to him by the sacred flames).
3. In the beginning there was a pair of twins, two spirits, each of a peculiar activity; these are the good and the base, in thought, word, and deed. Choose one of these two spirits! Be good, not base!
4. And these two spirits united created the first (the material things); one, the reality, the other, the non-reality. To the liars (the worshippers of the Devas. e. gode) existence will become bad, whilst the believers in the true God enjoy prosperity.
5. Of these two spirity you must choose one, either the evil, the originator of the worst actions, or the true, holy spirit. Some may wish to have the hardest lot (i.e., those who will not leave the polytheistic Deva-religion), others adore Ahuramazda by means of sincere actions.
6. You cannot belong to both of them (i.s., you cannot be worshippers of the one true God and of many gods at the same time). One of the Devas, against whom we are fighting, might overtake you, when in deliberation (what faith you are to embrace), whispering to you to choose the worst mind. Then the Dêvas flock together to assault the two lives (the life of the body and that of the soul), praised by the prophets.
7. And to fuocour this life (to increase it), Ar. maiti came with wealth, the good and true mind; she, the everlasting one, created the material world; but the soul, as to time, the first cause among created beings, was with Thee.
8. But when he (the evil spirit) comes with one of these evils (to sow mistrust among the believers), then thou hast the power through the good mind of punishing them who break their promises, O righteous spirit !
9. Thus let us be such as help the life of the future.' The wise living spirits are the greatest supporters of it. The prudent man wishes only to be there where wisdom is at home.
10. Wisdom is the shelter from lies, the anni- hilation of the destroyer (the evil spirit). All perfect things are garnered up in the splendid residence of the Good Mind (Vohu-mano), the
• Akem mand (superlat. achishtem mand) means literally "evil mind." It is a philosophical term applied by Zarathashtra to designate his principle of non-existence, non-reality, which is the cause of all evils.
She is the angel of earth and the personification of
That is to say, those who give to-day the solemn promise to leave the polytheistic religion, and to follow that
AVALAMBANA.
By Rev. S. BEAL, B.A. Mr. Eitel, in his very useful Handbook for the Student of Chinese Buddhism, arranges under the heading Ulamba the particulars which relate to the " sacrifice for the dead" common among Buddhists, at least in China and Japan, (and in Ceylon also, according to Spence Hardy; Manual of Buddhism p. 59), made on the 15th day of the 7th month. This title Ulamba should doubtless be restored to Avalambana, as Julien gives it in his Méthode (1315), and as the Encyclopædia Yi-tsi-king-yin-ifully explains (Kiwen xiv., fol. 25). This title Avalambana seems to be derived from the idea of the suspension, head downwards, of the unhappy occupants of the Limbus patrum. This idea is not a new one in Hindu fancy. We all know how the "Baital" or
Vetal," in the tale is suspended head downwards from a tree, and how Vikram repeatedly cuts him loose and carries him away on his back. We may remember also in the Mahabharata (Vana Parvan) how Agastya sees his ancestors suspended by their heels in a pit, and was told by them that they could only be extricated by his begetting a son (Theatre of the Indus, vol. I., p. 322 n.). These instances are sufficient to show that the term Analambana is intended to signify literally the condition of those unredeemed souls who suffer in purgatory (we have no other word) by being subpended head downwards, till the sacrifice made by their offspring on earth compensates to rescue them from their sufferings. How nearly this idea of the Buddhists approaches to that of the condition of souls in Limbus and their rescue by the offeringe or sacrifices of their friends on earth is too plain to noed comment. Mr. Eitel, however, would 28sign the origin of this custom of "sacrificing for the dead" among the Buddhists to the time of the Yogach & ra school, introduced into China about A. D. 733. But we have, in fact, & Satra translated into Chinese in the time of the Western Tsin preached by Zarcthushtra, will be panished by God should they break their promise.
In this passage we have the germs of the doctrine of the resurrection from the dead; see the author's German work on the Gathas, vol. I. pp. 109-112.
• These are the archangels (Amabuspenda). T hree Dames of archangels.
prayers

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dynasty (i. e. circ. 265 A. D.), by the famous priest Dharmaraksha, relating to this very subject. It occurs in the 5th chapter of the collection called King-taong-yo-ehwo, and is called F0-8hwo-16lam-pwan-king, i.e. the Satra Avalambana spoken by Buddha. We shall proceed to give a translation of this short sermon, and so leave the matter in the hands of the student.
repeated at the offering of the sacrifices, by which the virtue thereof would be certainly secured.
On this Mugalan with joy accepted the instruction, and by means of this institution rescued his mother from her sufferings.
And so for all future time this means of deliverance shall be effectual for the purpose designed, as year by year the offerings are prosented according to the form delivered by Buddha.
Having heard these words, Mugalan and the rest departed to their several places, with joyous hearts and glad thoughts.
The Avalambana Sútra. Thus have I heard. Buddha at one time was residing in the country of Sr&vasti, in the garden of Jeta the friend of the orphans. At this time Mugalan having begun to acquire the six supernatural powers (irrdhi), desiring above all things, from a motive of piety, to deliver his father and mother, forthwith called into use his power of supernatural sight, and looking throughout the world he beheld his unhappy mother existing without food or drink in the world of Pretas (hungry ghosts) nothing but skin and bone. Mugalan, moved with filial pity, immediatety presented to her his alms-bowl filled with rice. His mother, then taking the bowl in her left hand, endeavoured with her right to convey the rice to her mouth, but before it came near to her lips, lo! the rice was converted into fiery ashes, so that she could not eat thereof. At the sight of this, Mugalan uttered a piteous cry, and wept many tears as he bent his way to the place where Buddha was located. Arrived there, he explained what had happened, and awaited Buddha's instruction. On this the master opened his mouth, and said, "The sin which binds your mother to this unhappy fate is a very grievous one, from it you can never by your own strength rescue her, no! nor yet all the powers of earth or heaven, men or divine beings : not all these are equal to the task of deliverance. But by assembling the priests of the ten quarters, through their spiritual energy deliverance may be had. I will now recount to you the method of rescue from this and all similar calamities." Then Buddha continued :-"On the 15th day of the 7th month the priests of the ten quarters being gathered together ought to present an offering for the rescue of ancestors during seven generations past, as well as those of the present generation, every kind of choice food and drink, as well 19 sleeping materials and beds These should be offered up by the assembled priesthood as though the ancestors themselves were present, by which they shall obtain deliverance from the pains, and be born at once in a condition of happiness in Heaven." And, moreover, the World-honoured One taught his followers certain words to be
THE TOOTH-SEAL OF ASOKA.
By Rev. S. BEAL, B.A. Inthecurious legend given of Asoka in Burnouf's Introduction à l'Hist. du Buddhisme Ind. p. 407, we read that his wife Tishyarakshita, determined to punish her son-in-law Kun Ala, for his non-compliance with her wishes, by having his beautiful eyes put out. For this purpose, having got the king to grant her the royal authority for seven days, she wrote a letter to the magistrates of Takshasila giving orders to this effect--" That the eyes of Kun&la should at once be torn out." We read then that she caused this letter to be sealed with an "ivory seal," and to be dispatched to its destination. The expression "un sceau d'ivoire," used by Burnouf, has been shown by Julien (ii. 156n) to be really equivalent to the "seal of his tooth"the Sanscrit danta meaning both ivory" and "tooth," and the Chinese version demands the latter signification in the legend before us. We have here another proof of the advantage of studying the Chinese accounts in connection with these Buddhist legends translated from the Sangkrit or PAli. But our object in drawing the reader's attention to this legend is that he may compare this tooth-seal of Asoka with the following verses which occur in the gift of lands to the Rawdon family (Marquis of Hastings), vide "Burke's Peerage, sub." Hastings" :
"I, William, king, the third of my reign, Give to Paulyn Rawdon, Hope and Hopetowne, With all tire bounds both up and downe, From heaven to yerthe, from yerthe to hel, For thee and thyne there to dwell. As truly as this kingright is mine, For a crossbow and an arrow. When I sal come to hunt on yarrow; And in token that this thing is sooth, I bit the whyt wax with my tooth, Before Meg, Mawd, and Margery, And my third son Henry."
· From The Oriental, Nov. 6, 1875.
From The Oriental, October., 1875.

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BOOK NOTICE.
METRICAL VERSIONS FROM THE
MAHABHARATA. BY JOHN MUIR, D.C.L., LL.D, &c.
(Continued from p. 52.) THE INDIAN RATIONALIST IN ANCIENT TIMES.
Mahabharata, xiii. 2194ff." The man who on the Vedas louks As on authoritative books, Who breaks their rules, and spurns all law, Down on his head must ruin draw. The Brâhman who, in vain conceit, With scorn those scriptures dares to treat, Who, shallow, yet acute and smart, On logic dotes-that worthless art, - Who, versed in all its tactics, knows His simpler brethren how to pose, Who subtly syllogizing speaks, In wordy war to conquer seeks, Who Brahmans good and true reviles, At all they say contemptuous smiles, The truths they urge with doubt receives, And absolutely nought believes,That man in speech so sharp, and wild, Is nothing better than a child. Nay worse: the wisest men and best That wrangler, as a dog, detest.
For just as dogs assail their prey, · With savage growls, and rending, slay,
So too these noisy scoffers strive,
The scriptures into shreds to rive. The following is a nearly literal version of the lines of which the above is a free paraphrase :
"The opinion that the Vedas possess no author-
ity, the tranagression of the Sastras, and an universal lawlessness-(these things) are the destruction of a man's self. The Brahman who fancies himself a Pandit (learned man), and who reviles the Vedas, who is devoted to the science of reasoning useless logic, who utters argumentative speeches among good men, who is a victorious wrangler, who continually insults and abuses Brahmans, who is an universal sceptic and deludedsuch a man, however sharp in his speech, is to be regarded as a child. He is looked upon as a dog. Just as a dog assails to bark and to kill, so such a man aims at talking, and at destroying all the $dstras (scriptures)."
Whatever conclusion might have been drawn from such passages as the preceding, the Brahmars of old were by no means indisposed to argumentative discussions; but, on the contrary, seem to have made a practice of indulging in them on important occasions when they met in large num. bers. This is shown by two passages from the Ramdyana, i. 14, 19 (Bombay edition), and the Mahabharata, xiv. 2536, in similar terms, that during the Asvamedhas (horse-sacrifices) celebrated, in the one case by Dasaratha, and in the other by Yudhishthirs, where it is said that “wise and eloquent Bråhmans, eager for victory, engaged in argumentative discussions about the reason of things."
It was only when the authority of the Vedas was called in question, or anything decidedly heretical, or adverse to their own high caste pretensions (though in this last respect the Mahabharata itself is often unorthodox), was asserted, that they took the alarm, and sought to silence argument.
BOOK NOTICE. BRITISH BURMA AND ITS PEOPLE ; being Sketches of Native treat successively of physical geography, ethno
Manners, Customs, and Religion. By Captain 0. J. F. S. Forbes, F.R.G.S., Officiating Deputy Commissioner,
logy, social life (two chapters), occupations, games, British Burma. London: John Murray : 1878.
festivals, folklore, forest tribes, Buddhism in Captain Forbes tells us that his work owes its Burma, the monastic order, and the language and origin to a remark in the Report of the last literature of the country; and are followed by Census. Nothing however could less resemble a good index. the bulk of the somewhat dry compilations which Captain Forbes is well known to have a close are produced under the impulse of Secretariates acquaintance with the Burma of to-day, and does and gazetteer offices.
not attempt the historical treatment of his subThe statistical information occupies five lines ject, though there are indications here and there of our author's preface, one-fifth of the space in his book of the power to do so if he chose. given to acknowledging the merits of pioneers Probably the most interesting parts of the work in his own lines of research. Twelve chapters are the chapters on "Social Life and Manners," as
The verser of which the following is a free translation have an interest, as showing that the same conflict with which we are familiar in our own day between the vindi
cators and the opponents of a supernatural revelation was hotly waged in India in early times.

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the most spirited are those upon amusements side. Suddenly a headman of B village sees the and festivals. In the former, it is pleasant to headman of A palling away and inciting his men: find him disinterestedly taking up the cudgels he gives a yell, shouts for all his people, and rushes for the much abased'opium-smokers, admitting to the ropes, which are now well manned. The the mischief of the habit when excessive, but car, strongly made as it is, shakes and quivers reprehending the absurd generalizations under with the strain, while the lofty canopy of elastic which all degrees of the habit are trested as alike bamboo rocks violently backwards and forwards. ruinous and unconquerable. He gives an inter- | I have seen the struggle last for an hour or more esting case of an opium-eater whom he sent to without either party stirring the car more than jail (not for opium-eating, but as having no ostensi a few feet. The crowd, as usual, get violently ble means of livelihood,) and who afterwards excited; overy man that has an acquaintance or came to thank him for having thus begun his friend in either village joins in; I have seen reformation. Captain Forbes considers opium policemen on duty frantically waving their staves eating much more injurious than the smoking. to encourage the contending heroes, or rushing The present writer's observations in Western at some shirker to bring him back to the listeIndia lead to the opposite conclusion; which may it was no use taking notice of the want of disciprobably be accounted for by some difference pline. Now perhaps one side gain the advantage in the preparation and method of use.
and with deafening shouts drag the car some Nothing Burman, perhaps, has been more paces; but lo! in rush fresh forces. Led by discussed in British India than the peculiar some excited old lady, all the women and girls of position of the Burman women; especially as the losing village fly to the rescue; and mingle attention has been twice drawn to it by the well with their husbands, brothers, and lovers at the meant, but not very judicious, attempts of differ- ropes. Now, then--if you are men--you kya ba ent Chief Commissioners to "moralize" the popu. tha' pull for very shame till you snap the cables ! lation by order numbered and dated. We are glad Hurrah! La hyee! La hyee ! it comes ! it comes ! to find Captain Forbes, an excellent authority, and with a ringing cheer away we go triumphant, bearing favourable testimony to the character of some hundred yards or so." the Burman women. The freedom of divorce, very It is impossible to read this book, or for the great indeed, but not greater than existed in matter of that any of the best works upon Imperial Rome, and now exists in some of the Burms, without remarking the strong resomUnited States, has led hasty observers to form blance between the characteristies assigned to unwarrantable conclusions against the general the natives, and those of some of the older tribes morality of the community. The fact seems to be, in Western India, especially the coast Kolis, that while the position of women in Burma is a race living under similar physical conditions, decidedly freer and pleasanter than in peninsular though politically depressed. There is the India or most other parts of Asia, they are really same physique, somewhat short and broad but much less apt there to abuse their liberty than active and of tougher fibre than is found among their enslaved sisters are to cheat their servitude, the more Aryan races, the same broad, almost a result which might reasonably be expected, and Mongolian face and comeliness, rather than beauty, for the details of which we can recommend our J. of the younger women; whose dress, too, the readers to our author.
sbort sari, worn without the separate bodice, Perhaps nothing could better illustrate one seems closely to resemble the Burmese lamein, phase of this independence and community of And the cheerful, excitable character, and ready interest with the men, than the description of a friendliness with any European who will take strange " tug of war" which is performed upon any trouble to approach them, contrasts strongly the funereal catafalque of a departed Buddhist with the reserve of the superior Cis-Gangetic races, saint. Two villages strive each to move the car closest when it seems most thrown aside. Some in their own direction, tugging at huge man. speculations on this head are thrown out by our ropes of cane or coir. "At first a few lads and author, who mentions, besides, the Mongolian idlers begin pulling at either side, without much character of Buddhist sculptures at Sarnath, which effect on the heavy mass. Each side calls some can be parallelled from some of the Western more of their friends, then perhaps a headman caves, where dress and feature are frequently of a village to which some of the lads belong distinctly Koli. This ground, however, on which joins in, the numbers gradually increase, and the we should like to accompany Captain Forbes car begins to oscillate; and as the attention of further, is forbidden to us by caution and want the crowd is drawn towards it, the villagers of A of space. and B coming up, join their friends on either
W.F.S.

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS.
CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A.
I.
SING
INCE writing the first volume of my History of the Mongols I have had the good fortune to meet with the Russian translation by Palladius of the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, or 'Secret History of the Mongol Dynasty,' which has been again translated for me by some of my friends. This work is by far the most important authority which we possess for the history of Chin ghiz Khân and his ancestors. According to Dr. Bretschneider it was originally written in the Mongol language and was finished in the year 1240, at the time of a great assembly on the river Kerulon. The work is quoted in the Hung-wu-shi-lu, or 'Detailed Record of the Reign of Hung-wu,' under the year 1382, where, we are told, that it had been written in the Mongol tongue and in Uighur characters, and that a Chinese translation of it was made, to which the Mongol text was annexed, not in the original letters, but by rendering the Mongol sounds by Chinese letters. Palladius translated his version from a copy in Chinese contained in a collection of reprints published in 1848. After he had translated this he discovered a copy of the Ming edition, accompanied by the Mongol text in Chinese characters, and found that what he had translated, and what is alone therefore available, was only an extract of the original work which comprises 15 chapters, and has no title. To this notice I may add that my friend Mr. Wylie met with a copy of the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, in China, written in the Mongol language in Chinese characters, as above mentioned. This was partially transcribed for him, but the original copy was lost during the rebellion, so that what he now has is only a fragment.
The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi I believe to be the main source of the matter contained in the first book of the Yuan-shi, or 'Imperial Annals of the Mongol dynasty,' of which the first three books were translated into Russian many years ago by Hyacinthe, while the first one has been recently translated into English by my friend Mr. Douglas. From the Yuan-eh'ao-pi-shi the author of the Altan Topchi and Ssanang Setzen apparently also drew the earlier portion of their matter. The Altan Topchi or Golden
89
Epitome' is a Mongol chronicle discovered by the members of the Russian Mission to Peking, and published with a translation in the 6th volume of the Mémoires of the Eastern Branch of the Imperial Archæological Society of St. Petersburgh by a Buriat Lama named Galsan Gomboef. The last Khân mentioned in it is Lingdan, who mounted the throne in the year 1604, and the last redaction of the text was probably made during his reign, although from the many archaisms it contains, the original text is no doubt much older. It is apparently the Erdeni Topchi quoted by Ssanang Setzen.
The work of Ssanang Setzen entitled Sanan Setsen u Namtar is more generally known by the translation of Schmidt. Its author, Ssanang-Setzen Khungtaiji, was a Mongol prince, who was born in 1604, and compiled his well known chronicle in the year 1662. (op. cit. 299.) Its text is of great use for recovering the correct form of names as they were current among the Mongols.
Pallas also, in his work entitled Samlungen historischer Nachrichten ueber die Mongolischen Volkerschaften, (St. Petersburgh, 1776), has related the traditional story of the origin of the Mongol Imperial house from the Lama work called Bhodimer, which describes the origin of gods and men, and which, inter alia, gives a genealogy of Chinghiz Khan (op. cit. 17). This practically exhausts the material which is extant in China and among the Mongols for the discussion of the origin of the Imperial stock of Chinghiz Khan.
On turning to the Musalman writers who have left us such valuable materials for the history of this dynasty, we shall find that their accounts of its origines are derived almost entirely from the well known Jami ut Tawarikh of Rashidu'd-din, who was the main authority followed by Abu'lghazi, as the latter himself tells us.
Fazl u'llah Rashid, the son of Abu'l-khair, was born at Hamadan about the year 1247, and was employed as a doctor in the service of the famous Ilkhan of Persia Gazan Khân, who in 1300 put him at the head of the administration of Persia, with the style of vazir. This post he continued to hold during the reign of Gazan's successor Ulja itu, to whom in 1309 he pre
Bretschneider, Notices of Mediaeval Geography, etc. pp. 14, 15.

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sented his famous work. Falsely accused of having poisoned Uljaitu, he was put to death by order of the latter's successor Abu Sayyid on the 13th of September 1318."
He tells us in his preface that there existed in the archives (i.e. of the Mongol sovereign of Persia) historical fragments of undoubted authenticity written in Mongol. These he had been ordered by Gazan to consult, as well as learned Chinese, Indians, Uighurs, Kipchaks, and others who lived at his court, and especially the generalissimo and administrator of the kingdom, Pulad Chingsang, "who knows," he says, "better than any one in the world the origin and history of the Turkish tribes, and especially of the Mongols." Elsewhere Rashid speaks of a book called the Altan Defter, or 'Golden Register,' which was deposited in the Imperial treasury under the custody of several officials, and which
Turk
1
Khazar
I
Tunag
Chikal
or Tutak or Jinkal
Ichê Khân
I
Dibbakui Khân
I
Kuyuk or Kiwak Khân
Alinja Khân
Tatar Khân
Nuh 1
Yafis I
Kara Khan
T Oghiz Khân L
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Saklab
Mughal Khân I
Bazsinjar or Barsajar
I
Uz Khân or Ur Khân
T Rus
Kun Khân
Yoldaz Khân
Ai Khẩn i.e. Sun Khân i.e. Moon Khân i.e. Star Khân
Il Khan Kian Nokuz D'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, vol. I. p. xliii.
[APRIL, 1880.
he refers to as containing a history of the house of Chinghiz Khan. The Altan Defter, as I believe, was either identical with the Yuanch'ao-pi-shi, or contained virtually the same materials.
The servant and panegyrist of a royal house, famous for its zeal in religious matters, it is not strange that Rashida'd-din should have connected it with the patriarchs who are equally prominent in the Bible and the Koran, and have derived it from Nuh and Yafis, and that further he should have found a place for the eponymous representative of the Mongol stock in the strangely artificial and inconsequent ethnographic genealogy, in which, like other Eastern historians, he affiliates together the various branches of the human family known to him. It will suffice us to tabulate the story as given by these curious genealogists.
Ming
Kuz Khân or Kin Khán
Amlak
Chin
Kur Khân or Gur Khân
Gumari or Kimari
Kuk Khân Tagh Khân i.e. Sky Khân i.e. Mountain Khân
Id. pp. xxxv. and xxxvi.
Tarikh
Tenghiz Khan i.e. Lake Khân
⚫ Id. pp. 23 and 24 note 2.

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In this table I have mainly followed the de- tailed list as given by Abu'l-ghazi, excluding only the three names of Yolduz Khan, Mingh Khan, and Tenghiz Khân, whom he places in succession after Ai Khin, and which do not occur in other authors. They have been clearly interpolated by him, and two of them merely repeat two names of brothers of Ai Khân. I onght here to add that the list has been recently illustrated at great length, and apparently with a full belief in its credibility, by Major Raverty, in the Transactions of the St. Petersburg Congress of Orientalists, but the whole is clearly fabulous. In it we have & curious medley of artificial and of real names, of mere eponymous creations, and of mythological figments. They are clearly also derived from the legends of the Western Turks. Kara Khân, Oghuz Khân, and Il Khân are famous names in Turkish tradition. We are told by Rashidu'd-dîn and his followers that this race of princes lived in the Urtagh mountains and the Karakum steppe, that is in the old land of the Western Turks, and it was no doubt the anxiety of the courtly Persian historian to find a suitably dignified ancestry for his hero, which made him link him to the legendary heroes of Turkish tradition.
I need not say that these early links in the chain are entirely absent from the Chinese and Mongol rescensions of the Saga about the origin of the Mongol royal stock, and may be accepted as of no value whatever, except as a proof of the religious loyalty and the diplomatic skill of Rashidu'd-dîn. From Japhet to the two chiefs Kian and Nokuz we may cheerfully erase the whole list of names from our memory as utterly irrelevant to the Mongols. Rashidu'd-din tells us these two last-named princes took refuge with their people in the retired valley of Irgenekon-where their descendants remained for 400 years. We are not told who the princes were who reigned during this interval, and after its close the story really begins again. The gap is interesting as showing how the patchwork story was built up. After the interval of 400 years just mentioned the Mongols are said to have broken the yoke of the Tartars, and to have issued from the defiles of Irgene-kun under
chief named Burtechino, descended from Kian, and of the race of the Kurulas. Burtechino
. Senang Setzen, p. 25. • Ssanang Setzen, p. 317 note 8; se also Schmidt, For.
and those who succeed him in Rashidu'd-din's story are well known also to the more primitive legend preserved in China and Mongolia, and to them we shall revert presently.
While Rashidu'd-din traces the Mongol Khans to the Semitic patriarchs, the indigenous Mongol chroniclers in a similar manner trace them to the royal stock of Tibet, and through it to Hindustan to the sacred founder of their faith Säkyamuni himself. In this the Altan Topchi, Ssanang Setzen, and the Kalmuk legend as reported by Pallas agree, and they all name the Indian sovereign, Olana Ergükdeksen, as the stem-father of the race. The two former authorities deduce the Tibetan royal stock from this chief, and trace it through several generations to Digum-Dsanbo Dalai Subin Aru Altan Shireghetu, who had threo sons, Sivaghochi, Borochu, and Burtechino. We are told that their father having been killed by his minister Longnam, who usurped the throne, the three brothers fled; the first to the land of Ngangbo, the second to that of Bubo, and the third to Gongbo.
The story of the usurpation of Longnam is told in the native Tibetan books, whence it has been abstracted by Schmidt. In the original story the three brothers are called Ja-thi, Nia-thi and Sha-za-thi. Thi, which is written Khri, means throne, and is the surname of all the early Tibetan kings. Ja means bird or fowl, Nia means fish, and Sha-za means the flesh-eater. The two former are similar in meaning to Sivaghochi and Borochu, which respectively mean the fowler and the fisherman. While the third brother, the flesheater, has been ingeniously identified with Bar. techino, a name, as I shall show presently, meaning the blue-grey wolf,' assuredly a very typical flesh-eater. As Klaproth, to whom we owe the dissection of the story, has argued, it is clear that on the conversion of the Mongols to Buddhism in the 16th century, the Lamas naturally dhirm in the 16th desired to connect their royal race with Buddha himself, and found in the plausible resemblance in meaning of the two names Sha-za and Burtechino a link by which to bridge over the incongruous lineage they desired à priori to establish. I need not say that none of this part of the story, any more than the earlier part of Rashidu'd-dîn's table, occurs either in the Yuanch'ao-pi-shi, or in the Chinese annals, which schungen, etc. 16; Klaproth Tableaus Historiques de l'Ano' p. 157-8, note.

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preserve for us the earliest edition of the Saga, and that we must discard it all as an invention of the Lamas in the 16th century.
Having got rid of the accretions which the old tradition received at the hands of the Muhammadans of Persia and the Tibetan Lamas, let us now approach the older edition of it.
The authorities, old and young, eastern and western, agree in deducing the Mongol Imperial stock from Burtechino. First, as to the etymology of this name. Chino in Mongol means a wolf," burte means the bluish-grey colour which the fur of many animals acquires on the approach of winter. So that Burtechino means merely the blue-grey, or winter-coated wolf, and we find that in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi the ancestor of the Imperial family is simply called a blue wolf. This grey-blue colour is equivalent to that of the sky, and means in fact Celestial. Hence we find the royal race of the Mongols is known as that of the Borjigs, 1.. the grey or blue-grey eyed, from boro, grey or grey-blue,' tho celestial being who visited Alan Goa, as I shall mention presently, having had eyes of this colour. Again Ssanang Setzen tells us Chinghiz Khan gave his people the name of Köke Mongol, i. e. Blue Mongols, o and blue was the Imperial colour of the Yuan dynasty. In all these cases it no doubt refers to the heavenly or supernatural origin of the family whose members are so often apostrophized by Ssanang Betzen as the sons of the Tengri or of Heaven. Let us now continue our story. Burteohino, we are told, married Gon Maral. Goa means white or shining, and is used as a personal name, and given to noble ladies; maral means a hind. The blue wolf therefore married a white hind. In an abridgment of Chinese history written by Yuan-leao-fan, and quoted by Visdelon" the wolf is said'to have been white aud the hind grey. Together they roamed across the Tenghiz (i.e. the lake or sea), and having reached the sources of the river Onon in the mountain Barkhan, they had a son, who was called Bedetse Khân. This is the story as told in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, in a Chinese work cited by Klaproth, and in a Chinese dictionary entitled Wang-sing-t'ung-pu, in which last how
ever the blue wolf has been converted by some rationalizer of the legend into a man of great size and a blue colour, and the white hind into A miserable and deserted woman :" Ssanang Setzen has sophisticated the story after his own fashion; he has converted the river Onon into Jake Baikal, and he adds a paragraph to glorify his protegés the Lama. Be says that on arriv. ing at the mountain Burkhan, Burtechino lived for a while with the people Bede who dwelt there. When they had interrogated him on the motives of his journey, and discovered that he was descended from the Indian Olana Ergükdeksen as well as from the Tibetan Tol Essen, they discussed matters together, and said, “this young man is of high birth, and we have no one to rule over us, let ne make him our chief." Thereupon they made him their leader, and followed all his commands. He had two sons Bêdês Khan and Bêdêtsd Khan."
The mountain Burkhan, the Barkhan Khaldana of Ssanang Setzen, the sacred mountain chain of the Mongols, is the famous Kentei Khan range, where the Onon takes its rise, which is called Burkhan-ula in the Chinese geographical work translated by Hyacinthe and Klaproth.There Chinghiz was buried. Burkhan in Mongolian means divine', and Buddha ncoording to Dr. Bretschneider is known among the Mongols as Sakyamuni Burkhan. As we have seen Ssanang Setzen calls the inhabitants of the Burkban Khalduna mountains the Bedo people. The Altan Topchi calls this country the land of Zud, which is porhaps & corruption of Bede. Now Bedêtsê or Batachi, according to Palladius, is a derivative of Bede or Bata(Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, note 7). The name is in fact an eponymous one, created out of the race named Bede. This name Bede gave rise to a fierce polemic between Klaproth and Schmidt. I believe with Remusat that it is merely a corruption of the Chinese" Pe-ti," northern barbarians. In tho Tibetan work named Nom Gharkoi Todonkhoi Tolli the Turkish tribes known as Hor-pa to the Tibetans are called Bädä Hor. Again, we are told by Erdmann, who is doubtless quoting Rashidu'd din, that after the capture of Yangbi
Klaproth, Asia Polyglotta, p. 294. • Schmidt, Saagang Setsen, p. 372 note 1.
Id. p. 875 note 9. 1. Op. cit. pp. 71, and 380 note 22. 1 Klaproth, Asia Polyglotta, D. 266. » Suanang Betzen, p. 37.
13 Schmidt, op. cit. p. 378 note 3.
Bibl. Orient. Supp. p. 840. 16 Tableau historiques de l'Asie, p. 159. 16 Asia Polyglotta, p. 263. ." Ssanang Setaen, p. 59. 1 Timkofski's Travels, vol. II., p. 226. *Schmidt, Forschungen, d., p. 65.

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kent-ling Juchi in 1218 the Ulas Bede returned 200 li in circumference. There the she-wolf home to its head-quarters at Karakorum, and bore ten male young ones, who eventually marwas replaced by 10,000 Tarkomang. Erdmann, ried, and each one took a different family name. D'Ohsson," and Von Hammer all state the A-se-na, who was the cleverest was chosen as same fact of the Uighurs. This points to their king, and he ordered that the heads of his Uighur and Bede being synonymous terms, standards should be shaped like the heads of
view which is strengthened when we find the wolves, to show that he did not ignore his Turks of northern Tibet called Shara Uighur origin." hy Ssanang Setzen. Now it is very extra- Another legend reports that the Turks sprang ordinary that the neighbourhood of the Kentei | from the country of So, situated to the north of mountains was the original homeland of the Ui. the country of the Hiong-nu. Their chief named ghurs, from which they in fact sprang. The mean- Kha-pam-pu had sixteen brothers, one of whom ing of the story then is--that Burtechino became was called I-chi-ni-shuai-tu. He had a shethe ruler of the Turkish tribe of the Uighurs, wolf for a mother. His brothers were all weak and the inference is a priori a reasonable one, and withont spirit. He, on the contrary, was very that the legend belonged originally to the Turks, strong, and could control the wind and rain. and not to the Mongols. On inquiring further He married two wives, one the ruler of summer this is amply confirmed. The story of the wolf is and the other of winter, by each of whom he in fact a Turkish story. We are told of the Usiun, had two sons. The eldest of these sons was a Turkish tribe, who were probably the ancestors called No-tu-la-shi. His father's subjects of the Tukiu or Turks proper, that the Hiong-nu made him king, and at the same time adopted having attacked them, and killed their chief, his the name of Tu-kiu or Turks. He married ten son was, like Romulus, miraculously tended by wives, whose sons took the family names of their a she-wolf who suckled him, and by a bird mothers. A-se-na was one of these names." which brought him food. The ruler of the Sena or A-se-na is the equivalent of chino, and Hiong-nu having heard of this miracle deemed means wolf. the child to be divine, undertook his education, In these Turkish legends we assuredly have and eventually gave him the command of his the origin of the Mongol Saga. In both we western dominions." But it is in the legendary have a wolf for the common ancestor, in both history of the Takiu or l'urks proper that we it lives near a great lake which it crosses. In meet with the real parallel to our story. In one both it goes to the East or North-East on leavversion of this we read that the ancestors of the ing it." In both it reaches a mountain, and Tukiu lived on the western borders of the Si-hai then brings forth offspring. or Western lake. There they were destroyed by Again, the derivation of the stem-father of a neighbouring nation, who killed them all with- the race from the Si-hai or Western lake, the ont distinction, except a boy of ten years old, on Tenghiz of the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, exactly accords whom the enemy had a certain compassion, and with what we know of the original homeland of spared his life although they cut off his hands the Turks proper, namely, the country round lake and feet. He now dragged himself to a great Issikul. Rashidu'd-dit and his followers marsh, where he remained concealed. There he describe the valley in which the wolf settled as was tended by a she-wolf, who eventually became named Irgene-kun. This according to Abu'l. pregnant by him. As the enemy still sought to ghazi means a sharp-peaked girdle of mountains destroy the young man, the she-wolf, who was (op cit. p. 32), a description which applies adherself carried off by a spirit, took him with her, mirably to the actual cradle-land of the Turks, and transported him to the east of the Si-hai. namely, the mountain girdled and secluded valley She stopped with him on a mountain to the of Issikul, which district was still known in north-west of the kingdom of Kaochang, i.e. of the 13th century as Organum, and is referred to the Uighurs of Bishbalig, where they found a under that name by Rubruquis. I may add cavern opening upon a retired valley more than that the range of hills west of the Volga run80 Temudachin der Unerschütterliche, p. 878-4.
* Vindelou, pp. 91, 92, Klaproth, Journ. Ariat. Ist
Ber. t. II., PP. 900, 211. 1. Visdelou, op. cit. p. 92. Histoire des Mongols, vol. I. p. 228.
26 See Abel Remusat, Nouv Journ. Asiat. tom. IX. PP. » De Guignes, vol. II. p. 56.
186-7.

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ning from Sarepta to the Manytach are called the Tugali and on the mountains Bergbad (i.e. BurIrgene hills by the Kalmaks. Lastly, the western khan) and Bermi (?) writers make Burtechino belong to the tribe of So far the lists virtually agree, but at this the Kurulas called by the Mongols Khorlat (id. point there is a marked divergence. Rashid33), which, as I shall show further on, was a a'd-dîn makes Dubun Bayan the son and succesTurkish tribe. At all points, therefore, the legend sor of Khali Kharchu, while the Yuan-ch'ac-piproves itself to be Turkish. Burteohino and Goa shi, the Altan Topchi and Ssanang Setzen interMaral, the blue-grey wolf and white hind as we polate two names between them. That these have said, had a son Bêdêtsê. Ssanang Setzen names are interpolations seems probable. Acgives the latter a brother Bêdes, who is not cording to the authors last named Khali Kharknown to any of the other writers, and who is chu was succeeded by his son Borjigetei Merno doubt an interpolation of his own. Bêdêtsê gen. This name has been created out of borwas succeeded by his son Tamatsak, or, as the jighin, i. e. the blue-eyed, a term applied to the western writers give his name, Timaj (Abu'l. | Mongol Imperial family, and derived apparently glazi, p. 63). He had a son Kuoritsar Mergen, from the story of Alun Goa, to be referred to the Kichi Mergen of the western writers (id. presently. This Borjigetei is said to have p. 63). Rashidu'd-din makes him the eldest of married Mongholjin Goa, a name as artificially five sons of Timaj, the other four being the created out of the name Mongol, and which is uncestors of the tribe Durban-of which more ignored by the Altan Topchi. These two had a presently-in which be differs from the more east- son Torghaljin Bayan, which was perhaps created ern writers, as we shall see presently. Khorit- in a similar way out of the name Turak or Turk. sar was succeeded by his son Aghojim Bughurul, He had for his wife Borokshin Goa, which seems the Kuchum Baghrul of Rashidu'd-dîn (ib.). also compounded of the particle boro, meaning
I have adopted the orthography of these blue-grey already referred to. The last named names given by Ssanang Setzen, which is sub- pair are said in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi to have stantially the same as that given in the Yuan- had two horses named Tair and Boro, and a ch'ao-pi-shi and the Altan Topchi, as I prefer to domestic named Boroldai. They also had two take Schmidt's direct transliteration of the sons, namely, Doa Sokhor and Dubo Mergen. Mongol words to one taken at second-hand This Dobo Mergen is the same person as the through the medium of Russian letters.
Dubun Bayan of Rashidu'd-dîn. As I have Aghojim Bughurul was succeeded by his son said, Rashidu'd-din ignores the names inserted Sali Khaljigho, who is not mentioned by Rashid by some authorities between Khali Kharchu u'd-din nor in the Bodhimar (vide infra). We and Duban Bayan. In this he is supported by a may remark that one of the Mongol tribes named very independent authority, namely, the Budby Ssanang Setzen in the 15th century was dhist book cited under the name of Bodhimer by called Khalighochin (op cit. pp. 175,191 and 259). Pallas. The list of names given in that work This fact, and the omission of the name from two under a corrupt orthography may be profitably independent lists, looks suspiciously like an compared with those we have discussed. It is interpolation for the purpose of flattering some as follows:tribe or family. Sali Khaljigho was succeed
Burudachi (i. e. Bartechino). ed by Yeke Nidün, i. e. the large-eyed, so Berohen (i.e. Bêdêtsé). called both in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi and the Altan
Temana (i. e. Tamateak). Topchi, and by Rashidu'd-dîn, while Ssanang
Kakza Mergen (i. e. Khoritsar Mergen). Setzen has corrupted it into Nige Nidün, the one
Aiza Borogol (i. e. Aghojim Baghurul). eyed. Rashidu'd-din makes him the son of
Eke Dagun (i. e. Yeke Nidun). Kichi Bughurul. He had a son Samsuji, and he Sai Sunji (i. e. Sam Suji). had a son Khali Kharchu, who is ignored in
Tebzu (i. e. Kharchu). the Altan Topchi, but is named by the author of Derben Zargan(i. e. Dobo Mergen) * the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi by Ssanang Setzen and by Here we have the list as given by Rashid Rashidu'd-din. The last author tells us these u'd-din confirmed in two respects ; first, by the princes lived on the rivers Onon, Kerulon and omission of Sali Khaljigho between Yeke 10 Erdmann'rtomudschin der Unerschütterliche, p. 535. 17 Pallas, op cit. vol. I. p. 17

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Nidun and Sam Suji, and then by the exclusion view of Schmidt, and as a proof of the correct. of the names we are now discussing immediately ness of the fable as given by Rashidu'd-din, that before Dobo Mergen. This increases our faith the immediate predecessor of Sekin and Topo greatly in the accuracy of Rashid, who was a Khân as ruler of the Turks was Kolo, otherwise singularly critical historian. He had the Altan called Meke Khân, who assuredly answers to Defter or Golden Register before him and the Khali Kharchu of the above lists. This was besides assisted, as he tells us, by Pulad completes the proof that the earlier part of the Ching-sang, a Mongol prince well versed in the genealogy of the Mongol Khâns, as preserved traditions of his house. He is not likely to have in its primitive form, has been adopted from excluded these names, especially the later ones the Turks. Here, however, the adoption is more with their peculiar colouring, the first of the or less legitimate, for, as we shall show presently, line after Bartechino, whose wives are mentioned, there is every reason to believe that the Mongol if they had occurred in the documents before Imperial house was in fact descended from the him, while their artificial and evidently made- old Turkish Khâng. up character also points to some ingenious We will now complete the Saga of Dobo Merpedigree-maker. I have no doubt that originally gen. The Yuan.ch'ao-pi-shi tells us that Doa the list at this point stood very much as Rashid Sokhor, while he was one day on the Mountain u'd-din gives it, and we shall presently mention Burkhan, saw a number of people nomadizing a fact which makes this almost certain. Ac- along the river Tunggeli, the Tuguli of Rashid cording to the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi Doa Sokhor had u'd-din (this Wolff identifies with the river still four sons, who all lived together. On their called Tongglu, which springs on the western father's death they behaved badly, separated from side of the Burkhan Mountains, and falls into Dobo Mergen, and formed the family Durban the Kara Gol, as bat as I shall shew further on it (i. e. the four). Ssanang Setzen boldly tells us is probable that the Ingoda is really meant). their names were Donoi, Dokshin, Emnek and Among the rest he noticed a black libitka or Erke, and that they were the ancestors of the tent on a waggon, on the driver's seat of which four Uirad tribes Ogheled, Baghatud, Khoit and was a pretty girl, and he said I must secure her Kergud, who in his day were known as "the for my brother. This was the maiden Alan Four" in contrast with the Mongols, who were Goa, whom Dobo Mergen married, and by known as "the Forty." Rashidu'd-din, as we have whom he had two sons, Belgetei and Begontei, seen, derives the Durbans from four sons of Ti. called Belgayat and Buganut by Rashidu'dmaj. As I shall shew further on the Durbans,
din." who were contemporary with Chinghiz, were Dobo died, according to Abu'l-ghazi, when he probably the four tribes of Turtars and not the was 30, one of his sons being seven, and the four Uirads. Dobo Mergen married Alun Goa. other six years old. It was from Alun Goa that the Mongol Khâns | It was after his death that Alun Goa gave traced their descent, not from him. He and his birth to three sons, whose father was a spirit, one ancestors have nothing whatever to do, in fact, of whom was the ancestor of Chinghiz Khan. with them, beyond his having in the legend So that, as we have said, Dobo and his ancestors married their progenietrix. Who then were these have nothing to do directly with the lineage of legendary chiefs? This was very ingeniously the great conqueror, and it is remarkable that explained by Schmidt. Dobo is in fact no other in the chapter of the Yuan-shi or Official than Topo Khân, the famous ruler of the Turks Annals' of the Mongol dynasty, which has been who died in 581. Doa Sokhor is the equivalent examined for me by my friend Mr. Douglas, of Sekin, Topo's brother, who was also called the dynasty is not traced beyond Alun Goa, Moko Khân, and the division of the tribes and the earlier names are left out. M. D'Ohsson, among the sons of Doa Sokhor answers to the in his well known history of the Mongols, has division of the Turks into four divisions on the also excluded them, and has similarly commenced death of Topo Khân (Ssanang Setzen, p. 374). his story with the same ancestress. I may add as a remarkable confirmation of this
(To be continued.)
** Wolff, Gesch der Mong., p. 14, note. 39 Erdmann, op cit. p. 585.
1
30 Op cit. p. 64.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, BO.C.., M.R.A.S.
(Continued from p. 76.) No. LXV.
the gun when the sun was commencing his proInside the village of Aibole, in the compound gress to the north on Sunday the fourth day of of the Matha of Huchchayya, there is an old the bright fortnight of the month Pushya. This and partially ruined temple of the god Isvara, inscription, however, was not forthcoming at one of the columns of which bears an Old- the time of my visit to the village. Canarese inscription. It consists of twenty-five
No. LXIX. lines of about fifteen letters each. The greater
Just outside the south-west gate of the village part of this inscription is now undecipherable.
there is a modern shrine of the god Hanumanta, But enough is legible to shew that the preamble
with a stone dhvaja-stambha standing in front refers itself to the reign of the Western Ch&
of it. Into the pedestal of this dhvajn-stambha ! uky a king Trailok yamalla or Sôm ê
there has been built a Virajal or monumental Ś vera I., and that it is dated in Saka 989, the
stone, with an Old-Cangrese inscription on it, Plavamga saivatsara, on Sunday the second
of which a copy is given in the Elliot MS. day of the bright fortnight of the month
Collection, Vol. I., p. 410. The upper compartMârgasira or Margalirsha.
ment of the stone is now hidden from view. No. LXVI.
But three lines of writing are visible, recording On a column in another ruined temple in the the date of Monday the eleventh day of the compound of the same Matha there is another bright fortnight of the month Sravana of the Old-Canarese inscription, consisting of nineteen Vishu sarivatsara, which was the twenty-sixth Jines of about ten letters each. This, again, is year of the Chalukya Vikrama-Kala, i.e. for the most part undecipherable. But enough Saka 1023 (A.D. 1101-2). The next compartis legible to shew that, though it does not refer ment of the stone has a figure of the god Jinênitself to the reign of any particular king, this dra, sitting cross-legged, with on each side of inscription, again, is dated in Saka 989, the him a Yaksht fanning him with a chauri. The Plavamga sarivatsara, on Wednesday' the rest of the stone is now hidden from view; but seventh day of the bright fortnight of the month
it records a 'grant by the five-hundred MahdKárttika.
janas of Ayyâ vole. No. LXVII. There is also an Old-Canarese inscription
No. LXX. at the temple of the god Ramalinga, in Survey
There is another ruined temple of the god No. 75 on the south of the village. A partial
Tovara in what is known as the courtyard of the copy of it is given in the Elliot MS. Collection,
Aramane or palace,' in Survey No. 86, not far Vol. I, p. 360. Without referring itself to the
from the Brahmaņical Cave. One of the pillars reign of any particular king, it is dated at the
now lying in the mandapa of this temple time of the sun's commencing his progress to
has on it an Old-Canarese inscription consistthe north on Sunday, the eleventh day of the
ing of twenty-seven lines of about twelve letters bright fortnight of the month Pushya of the
each. A transcription is given in the Elliot Yuva sariwatsara, which was the twentieth
MS. Collection, Vol.I., p. 640. Bat only enough is year of the Chalukya Vikrama-Varsha, i.e.
legible with certainty to show that it is dated at Saka 1017 (A.D. 1095-6). I had no leisure to
the time of a sukramana on Friday' the twelfth examine this inscription when I was at Aihole.
day of the bright fortnight of the month Sravana No. LXVIII.
of the Nala sahvatsara, which was the sixtyOn a stone somewhere in the wall of the fort
first year of the Chalak ya Vikrama-Varsha, there is said to be an Old-Canarese inscription,
i.e. Saka 1058 (A.D. 1186-7). which, without referring itself to the reign of
No. LXXI. Any particular king, is dated in Saka 1019, the Inside the village, in a temple of the goddess Távara saivatsara; at the time of an eclipse of Kontemma or Kontevva', which has been appro+ Adityavára. Bidige ; ec., dvittyd.
. Adityavára.
• Sômavera. . Budhavára. . Adivara.
Sukravára.
• Kantt, the wife of Panda.

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97
priated as a house by the Pújári, there is a its right foot; on the proper right, a male and a black-stone tablet with an Old-Canarese inscrip- female figure, kneeling and facing to the front, tion on it, of which a partial transcription is with the sun, partially effaced, above them; and given in the Elliot. MS. Collection, Vol. II., on the proper left, a curved sword or dagger, p. 239. I have published it in the Jour. Bo. with a cow and calf beyond it, and the moon Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. XI., p. 274; but my in the space above. version there was given from the photograph', It is a Sinda inscription of the time of the which, from the letters having been imperfectly Mahamandalesvara Chánunda or Chafilled in with whitewash, represents the original vunda II. and his sons, Bijjala and but indifferently. I now give a revised version Vikrama,-by his second wife, Siriyafrom the original itself.
dê vi,-who were governing the Kisukad The tablet is 4 3' high, by 1 109" broad. Seventy, the Bå gadage Seventy, and the The letters are well-formed, but rather shallow. Kela v di Three-hundred. And it is dated The emblems at the top of the stone are :-In the in the Virôdhi sanvatsara, which was the ninety. centre, a standing figure of a four-armed god, or fourth year of the Châlukya . Vikrama. perhaps goddess, with a worshipper kneeling at Varsha, i. e. Saka 1091 (A.D. 1169-70).
Transcription. ['] Namas-tuga-siras-chumbi-chamdra-chámara-chåravé traiļokya-nagar-aratibha-mala
stambha'I' ya Sambhavê || Svasti srimad-vinata-samast-Amara-makuta-nikato-vasta-gabhasti-nya
st-Amgbri-píthan-isa sa (fa)stam padeda dharitriyuman=a[m]budhiyuma [vi] || [] Vri(vri) | Udit-êmdu Sri-nivåsam sarañagata-kubbri(bhri)dh(a)-rajitâ (tam) nûtna
ratn-Abhyudaya-kshetram [*] Mukunda-priya-sayana-taļam kûrmma-pâtbîna-nakr-Ônmadamåtang-ali-kali.chalita[°] jalachar-Asphaļa-kallola-ma!A-nada-nady-ambhahplav-Alankaraņa nrijagad-&vâsa-mudram
samudra ('] Kam || Tad-udadhi-məkhaley=enal-oppida vasudhege makutam=enips Mèruge temkalu
sad-amala-Bharat[] vaniy-at-adarimdam teinkal=eseva Kurtala-visa (sha)yam || Adan=aļdav(r)=aram(nar)ta
sukh-Aspadam=enipa Chaļuk ya-vam-. [') sa-ratnôttamba(88)r=mmadavad-ari-basti- mastaka- vida!ana-kaṁ (ka) othîrava-pratåpar=ané
karu || Svasti Sri-Simdavam[] 6-8dbhava-kamala-van-Adityan=anam(na)mna(mra)-bhabhrin-mast-Aļankara-vasta-bra(vra)ja
vilulita-vinyasta-pad-abjan=&["] st-ari-stômań G ûrjjar-Âmdra(dbra)-Dravila-Magadha-Népåla-bhûpâļak-adi-prastutyam
nitya-tējam praba["] ļa-ba!a-yutam vira-Champa(mu) inda-bhûpaṁ || Jayati vijaya-lakshmi-narttya(rtta)ki-nâtya
ramgô| vijita[*] samara-rangô vairi-dôr-ddarppa-bhamgah | vitaraņa-guna-tamgô visva-vidy-Âmântaraṁgð
vividha[") vibudba-sangô(gah) sahasôttumga-bhúpa[h] | Anat-ârâti-nţipâlaram bedare bemkomd=
attha(rttha)mam () vasta-vahanaman pendira tamdaman gadigaļa guđâramam nadaman munisimd=irkkuli[") goļvad-embade vinôdatin tam(ta)nno!=emd=amdu pêļu ghana-sau(sau)ryyam-bada (de)a
ippar=krattodarddu(rdu) Chamurd-avanipalanolu | Antenisida ériman-mahamamdalêsvaram Châmna(mn)ṁd-arasares[18] var=ardhdhâm(rddhâm)ga-lakshmi-Siriyâdêviyara dasa-dig-vartti-kîrtiy=est=emade |
Kami Pati-bhaktiyi[mo)["'] p(d)=Aru[t]dhati matiyim Bhârati subhagyadim Ratiy=emd=i kshistiyo]?r Chamunda
bhupana 8a
• No. 88 of Pati, Sanskrit, and Old Canarese, Inscriptions.

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[O] ti Siriyâdêviyam jagam baņņisugun || Va || Ant=enisida Siriyâdêrigam Chaham(mum)d
Avanišam. ["} ga[m*) [putte*] negarttegam pogarttegam neley=enisida vira-Bijjaladêva-Vikrava(ma)dêva
kumararu sri{"] matu-Kisckad-eppattum Bågadagey-eppattum Keļavadi-[münüru]mam su[kha)
samkatha-(vi). [*] nôdadimd=a}du rajyam-geyyattam-ire Svasti Śrîmach-Châļukya-[Vikrama-varshada] 94neya [*] Virôdhi-samvatsarada 10..........
Translation. Reverence to the god) Sambhu, who is made beautiful by a chauri which is the moon that lightly rests upon his lofty head, and who is the foundation-pillar for the erection of the city of the three worlds! Hail! He, the lord, the excellent one-whose footstool is placed upon the substantial rays of all the diadems of the glorious immortals, who bow down before him,-acquired both the earth and the ocean!
(L. 4.)-The ocean, - from which the moon arose; which is the home of the goddess of fortune; which is adorned by the mountains that fled to it for protection; which is the place of the production of ever-new jewels; the surface of which is the favourite couch of the god) Mukunda"; and which is decorated with the streams of rivers, large and small, and with lines of surging waves caused by the motion of the aquatic animals which are driven to and fro by the play of the tortoises and the pathinafishes and the alligators and crowds of elephants in rat,-is marked, as if with a signet, with (the earth which is) the habitation of men and animals.
(L. 7.)-To the south of the mountain) Môru, which is esteemed the tiara of the earth which is charming as being considered to have that same ocean for its girdle, there is the good and spotless land of Bharata ; and to the south of this there is the charming country of Kuntala.
(L. 8.)-Many (kings),--who were the jewel- led earrings of the race of the Chank yas, which was considered to be the receptacle of endless happiness; and who were as mighty as lions in rending asunder the heads of the infuriated elephants which were their enemies, -governed it.
(L. 9.)-Hail! The brave king Chá munda is the sun of the white waterlilies which are those who are born in the Sind a lineage; the waterlilies, which are his feet, are shaken to and fro and are pressed down by the many headornaments of the kings who bow down before him; he has driven away the assemblage of his enemies; he is worthy to be praised by the kings of Gûrjara, Andhra, Draviļa, Magadha, and Népala, and others; his glory is perpetual; he is possessed of a very powerful army. Victorious is he, the king who excels in impetuosity;-who is the stage for the dances of the dancing-girl who is the goddess of victory; who has conquered (in) the battle-field ; who has broken the pride of arm of his enemies; who excels in the virtue of generosity; who is deeply versed in all knowledge; and who associates with learned men of various kinds. Tell me now; who are those who have acquired sufficiently great courage to withstand the king Chamanda, when they consider that it is his delight to frighten and pursue the hostile kings who bow not down before him, and then in his anger to assail their wealth, the vehicles in which they convey their goods, their troops of wives, their temples, their tents, and their countries ?
(L. 17.)- And as to the glory, which extends to the ten regions of the heavens's, of Siriyåd & vi, who was the wife of this glorious Mahamandalesvara king Chamunda:-Man. kind praise Siriyê dê vi, the virtuous wife of king Chamunda, saying that she is a very Arundhati in devotion to her husband, a very Bharati in wisdom, and a very Rati in beauty.
(L. 20.)-While the princes, the brave Bijjalad ê va and Vikramadê v&,-[who were
10 There are faint tracee, here and there, of two more lines of writing ; and after that, the rest of the stone appears to have been left onpolisbed and blank, unless the details of the grant have been intentionally effaced.
11 Vihan. 11 Guddra, gudana, is not exactly a tent in the English
meaning of the word. It is a large cloth which may be used indiffrrently sem carpet, or a curtain, or, suspended over a cross-bar supported at the extremities, 18 & rough kind of tent open at each end.
13 The four cardinal points of the compase, the four intermediate poihte, the seaith, and the baulir.

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born] to this Siriy adê vi and king Cha
No. LXXII. munda; and who were considered the abiding. The last and latest of the Aihose inscriptions places of glory and the objects of praise, --were is the following's on a rock in the bed of the governing, with the delight of pleasing conversa- river, below the temple of Parasurama in Survey tions, the glorious Kisuka d Seventy, and the No. 75. It is hardly worthy of notice, except B à gadage Seventy, and the Keļa va di as an instance of the extent to which corruptThree-hundred, and were reigning :
ness of diction can be carried in the more (L. 23.)-Hail! On .............. recent inscriptions. The characters are of the
... of the Virôdhi fifteenth or sixteenth century ; but the insarivatsara, which was the ninety-fourth year of scription is not specifically dated. The inscripthe glorious Chalukya Vikrama-Varsha, .. tion contains no fact of any historical im
portance.
Transcription [*] Sva-dattam" dvi-gunaṁ pumạyam para-datt-ânupalanaṁ para-datta-pahårêņam sva-datam
nispalam [] bhavêtu (ID) [] Prajôtpatya-samhmacharada | Chayitra ba 1 lll | Srimatu râjê-sri Baregedévenâyaka-vodeyaru [*] Ramalingana stanika Måpêkhanara Chika-Sômamanayakarige Kotapadebenakanavore
grâma-made Tusabuka[9] Chikereya stala sahÂvagi kota pateya [ll] Yidake Avan-an-obba tappidare Himda tappidaCore Kâsiyali Akala koṁda pâtake hôbaru Musulamâna tappidare Makkedalli [') musâ pa bisâta pâtake hôharû [I] Yi dharmmake ârobbaru tappal-âgadû [P] Translation.
| notice. Among the latter, is a very interesting The preservation of the gift of another is fragment 'low down on the north side of a large twice as meritorious as making a gift oneself; and shapeless rock lying to the north-west of the by confiscating the gift of another, one's own temple of Teggina-Trappa, or Trappa of the gift becomes fruitless!
hollow,' which is on the north bank of the On the first day of the dark fortnight of tank at the back of the village. (the month) Chaitra, of the Prajøtpatti sarivat- A lithographs, from the estampage made by sara", the glorious and royal lord Baregedêva- myself, is published herewith. It includes nayaka gave a strip of land in the village of fragments of two inscriptions, which cover on Kotapadebenakanavore, together with the site the rock a space of 4' 2 broad by 3' 11" high. of the tank, or village, called) Tusabuka-Chik- The upper six lines are in beautifully-cut obarkere, to Mê pêk hanara-Chikka-Somannanayaka, acters of radically the same class with those who belonged to the shrine of (the god) Rama- of the early Chalukya and Kadamba grants liiga.
which I have published. They have, however, If any one offends against this (grant), --if he certain distinct peculiarities and refinements of be a Hindu, he incurs the guilt of killing a cow their own; and the only inscriptions known to at Kasi; and if he be a Musulman, he inours the me, the characters of which are of precisely the guilt of ..................... at same type, are-1, the Palla va grant of Makka! No one may offend against this (act of) Vishnugôpavarma, which I have published religion !
at Vol. V., p. 50,-and 2, the Pallava grant No. LXXIII.
of Attivarma, which I give below. But in In the season 1876-7, I thoroughly examined Plate XII. of his South Indian Paleography, all the inscriptions which were known to exist at Second Edition, Dr. Barnell gives an alphabet Badami in the Kalådgi District, and at the from a Palla va stone-inscription at the Seven same time succeeded in discovering a few new Pagodas, referred by him to about A.D. 700, the ones that had never previously been brought to | characters of which are of the same type, though
Concluded from Vol. VIII, pp. 237 to 246 and 284 to scription too ansightly, to correct the mistakes in this 298, and pp. 74 to 76 above.
inscription. 1 No. 84 of Pili, Sanskrit, and Old-Canarese, Inscrip
11 Probably Saka 1373 (A.D. 1451-2), or 1433, or 1493. tions.
15 No. 88 of Pali, Sanskrit, and old-Canarese, Inscrip** it would take up too much space, and make the trac tions.

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[APRIL, 1880.
slightly modified and evidently of later date; foremost of kings." From this, and from the he names them the Eastern Chêra or Pallara inscription being at Båda mi itself, there can be Alphabet, and, at p. 35 of his book, states that no doubt that Vât&pi was originally the it was confined to the old Tondaina du or Western India stronghold of the Palla vas, Pallava kingdom of Conjeveram, and that and that it was from them that the Chaluthe introduction of this alphabet into Ton- kyas wrested it. It is probable that Vatapi daindu is probably to be placed about the was temporarily recovered by the Pallavas fourth century.
from tho Western Chalukyas after the reign of Owing to the peeling off of the surface of the Polikesî II.; and there seems to be an allurook, the greater part of this inscription has been sion to this, in the later Pallava traditions, in entirely destroyed; and it is of course impossible 1. 14 of the copper-plate grant published by to say how far the lines may have extended at Mr. Foulkes at Vol. VIII., p. 273. the sides,-though 11. 3 &c. cannot have extend- | The date is, unfortunately, entirely obliteratod; ed so far as l. 1 may have, owing to natural but this fragment is, of course, of at least earlier obstacles in the stone and to some square sockets date than the earliest Chalukya inscription which, for some reason or other, were cut on at Badami, which is dated Śaka 500 (A.D. each side of the inscription. I give below a 578-9). And this is, in fact, the earliest stonetranscription of what remains; it is too frag- inscription as yet known to exist in these parts. mentary to translate. The fragment is of ex- Lines 7 to 9 contain a few letters of another treme interest as mentioning Badêmi, in 1. 2, inscription of later date. The characters show under its ancient name of Vâ tâpi, and as it to be a chalukya inscription of the speaking, in l. 4, of "the Palla va the sixth or seventh century A. D.
Transcription.
First inscription. ['] ...................................... (sam]vatsarê Atmano
râjya-varsh cha varddhamané trasyödase] ... [']........................ hồna Mahamall[@]na vidvishâm Vatâpir=
atim ........................... [') . . . . . . pa(?)ja . . . . . . . . rishộur=atulam gôtra guņair=åtma ..........
....
..... tayah
kshitibhajâm=agrósarah
PallCavah"]
3333
...1. (P)ha-Vishộur"=a[pi
yah
stambhañ=jaya ...,
...,.... pê(?)r=bbahu-mate
prakhyâta- .........
Second inscription.
.........[Sva]sti Saka-varsha-samvatsara). ...
[..
........ md....
.................
[y......
.....
........na .....
.........
No. LXXIV. This is the grant of Vijayabuddha- varma, of which I have spoken at Vol. V., p. 175. I now give the text from the original plates, which belong to Sir Walter Elliot. They
were obtained for him by 'Baktavatchaliah' from a man named Madhavarao, who found them at. Gunapadeya' in Kondakur' in the Guntûr District. They, therefore, come from the eastern coast of India.
1. There can be no doubt as to the correctness of the letters that I have supplied here. Half of the U is distinctly viaible. And the metre requires llaval to complete the verse.
10 There was possibly here some such name as the
Sirbavishnu or Narusimhavishnu (either of which would Bait the metre) of Mr. Foulkes' grant at Vol. VIII., p. 278, -except that the vowel of the syllable preceding sh(P) ha appears to be not i, and the Anusudra is to a certain extent doubtful.

Page #115

ON THE NORTH SIDE OF A BOULDER NEAR THE TEMPLE OF TEGGINA-IRAPPA AT BADAMI.
penyikap ibu selder
Tcheu: Udsjegu
lle
Pinjada.
Tauro
vac,
FROM AN IMPRESSION BY J. F. FLEET, BO. C. S.
W.GRIGGS PHOTO-LITH. PECKHAM
SEAL OF THE PALLAVA GRANT OF VIJAYABUDDHAVARMA.

Page #116

PALLAVA GRANT OF VIJAYABUDDHAVARMA.
PEwig sa
PIENDAS Ng Your Peany DW&LNG 545 Her& con
PERGAM D Z P g g D x H y f S T Past warst
A APIE JE @ CPHY TY RIZAJ n Ps J D J n P J J ขยะ 506 Ved DE
Off Jose DJES 050 435 PL
$21
KOP
VROG
قلوا
pljes DAY TODAY
is
W.GRIGGS PHOTO-LITH. PECKHAM
lla.
116.
III.

Page #117

APRIL, 1880.]
SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
101
The plates are three in number, about 57" long its date, or the position of these two kings in by 270" broad. They are thin and smooth, the Palla va genealogy. But it is unlikely having no raised edges; and they are much that the Vijayakanda varm & of this better preserved than I thought from the appear- grant is identical with either the first or the ance of the ink-impression from which I first second Skand a varma of the grants at spoke of them. Together with the ring and Vol. V., pp. 50 and 154. And, having regard seal, they weigh 33; tolas. The second and to the rudeness of the characters in which it is third sides are numbered. The ring had been engraved, and to its being in the Prakrit cut before the plates came into my hands; it is language, and to the emblem being sunk in the about thick and 31' in diameter. The seal surface of the seal, and to the fact that it records on it is circular, about 1' in diameter; and has, only one generation anterior to the donor,sunk in the surface of the seal itself, a standing the probability is that this is the earliest animal, which looks more like a deer than any. Pallava grant that has as yet been brought thing else, facing to the proper right.
to light. I am unable to give a translation, as the The grant, as in the case of many of the body of this inscription is in Prakrit. But the Eastern Chalukya grants, ends with an djñapti, purport of it is clear. It records a grant to the or, in the Prakrit, ánatti. It gives us pracgod Nárayana by the queen-consort of the tically the same forms of the numerals 2 and Yuvamahárdja Vijayabuddhayarm å in 3 as are given by the Pallava grants at Vol. the reign of the Mahárája Vijayaskanda- V., pp. 50 and 154, and the Vergi grant varma, whose name occurs in its Prakrit form at id., p. 175. In line 9, there is a form as Vijayakhandavamma. And Vijay a bud. of 4, which differs in detail from the 4 of dha varma is said to be a Palla va, and of the three plates mentioned just above, but the Bhârattayaņa or Bharad vâja gôtra." exactly resembles the third form of the Gupta There is, therefore, no genealogical connection 4 given by Pandit Bhagawanlal Indraji at between the Vijayabaddha varma of this Vol. VI., p. 44. And in 1. 10, there are two grant, and the Vijaya nandivarma of more numerical symbols, which are somewhat the Veng i grant at Vol. V., p. 175, who was uncertain, but which seem to be either 200 and of the Sala i ka ya na gôtra.
40, or, combined, 400,-and, perhaps, a third There is nothing in this inscription to indicate which is altogether doubtful.
Transcription.
First plate. ['] Siddha Siri-Vijayakhandavamma-maharajassa samvvachhara "..... [*] yuvamahârâjassa
Bhârattayaņa
Pallava['] nam Siri-Vijayabuddhavammassa
devi
23.... [*] kûjanaviha(?)radevi
kada(?)viya
34..... Second plate; first side. [*] rajana lâchha(*)ne(?)te(?)
pâniya".... [°] pâd-uttare
paso Ånyakassa
ka(?nu)sita"... [') chhennam dålgi(?)rê kûmi-mahi-naraka dêva-ku lassa
Second plate; second side. [") blagavan-Narayanassa abûn(?) Ayum bala vaddhani. [°] yam katûya-bhůmi n ivattanê chattari4 a dhû(?)hi [10] samya dattatam tâtûra-gamê yêka 200(?)40(?)ttara(?) [") samya
[? pa]rihårihipariharadhaparihaya
.
Conf. No. XII., 1. 15 (Vol. V, p. 61), and No. XV., 1. 14 (Vol. V., p. 155). The same statement is made in l. 10 of Mr. Foulkes' grant at Vol. VIII., p. 167; but I doubt the genuineness of this inscription. And the genealogy is traced through Bharadvaja in 1. 10 of Mr. Foulkes' grant at Vol. VIII, p. 278.
" One numerical figure is illegible here, or perhaps two.
33 Two letters, containing the first part of a proper name, are illegible here.
** One letter is illegible here.
* One letter is illegible here; and perhaps also one before the på of paniya.
36 One letter is illegible here.

Page #118

102
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(APRIL, 1880.
Third plate. ["] Bahubbireyvasodha
datta
bahubhis-cheanupálitâ ["'] yasya yasya yadê bhûmiḥ tasya tasya tada phalam (lle] [^] Sva-dattâm p ara-dattâm va 58 barêtta(ta) vasundharam ["S) gavam sata-sahasrasya hantuh dê(pi)vati dushkṣitam [ll] [*] Âņatti Rohani-guévatti | No. LXXV.
been beaten down with a hammer, by way of This is another copper-plate grant from the cancellation, after heating the plate. And the original plates, which belong to Sir Walter plate was evidently then attached to the other Elliot, and were obtained for him by Somasun- two, as a guard to protect the writing. Prodara Mudaliyâr from Görantla in the Guntûr bably there was another blank plate, now lost, District.
attached to protect the writing at the other end The plates are three in number, and measure of the grant. about 8" long by 1% broad; they are thin, and The inscription records that king Attiquite smooth, having no raised rims. Together varma, of the family of king Kandara, with the ring and its seal, they weigh 35 tolas. granted the village of Antuk kûr, and a The ring had been cat before the grant came field of the measure of eight hundred pattis, or into my hands; it is about 'thick, and 21 in a field called Akhyasata-patri, at the village of diameter. The seal is circular, about l' in Tânthikonths on the south bank of the diameter. The emblem on it is probably the river Krishna bend, to a Brahman named figure of some god, sitting cross-legged on an 1 Kottiếarma. The grant is not dated. altar; but it is anything but clear, even in the The names of Attivarmi and Kandara original. Like the emblem on the seal of No. are anknown to me. But, from the style of LXXIV. above, it is sunk in the flat surface of the characters, which are of the same type as the seal itself, -instead of being raised in relief those of No. LXXIII. above,--and from the on a countersunk surface, as is usually the case. fact that this grant comes from the same The language is Sanskrit. The characters will locality as No. LXXIV. above,--and from there be remarked upon below.
being the same peculiarity in the way of markThe inscription covers both sides of two of ing the emblem on the seal in both this grant the plates. One side of the third plate is blank. and in No. LXXIV.,--and from the statement But parts of three lines of writing, in the same that Attivarm & was descended from the god characters as those of the extant inscription, Hiranyagarbha, or Brahmâ,--there can be no can be distinctly discerned about the centre of doubt that this also is a Pallava grant, and the other side of this plate ; thus, in l. 2 I can that it is one of early dato. clearly read para-[da]tt[ Gn] vd, and, in l. 3, | A transeription of this grant is given in the (pibajti kilbisha[m], and many other letters second Elliot MS. Collection, entitled Telugu are recognisable, though I cannot make a con- Sasanams, Vol. I, p. 13; but it is wrongly attrinected passage out of the first line. Tbis obli- buted there to the Early Chalukya king Kirttiterated writing has all the appearance of having varme I.
Transcription.
First plate; first side. ['] Svasty=Atala-vipula-yasasi Srimaty=Ananda-maharshi-vamsa-samudbható bhagavató
Va(Pvam) kösvar-Adhi. ['] vâsinas-tri-bhavana-kartul Sambhôs=charaṇa-kamala-l ajah-pavitriksite Kandara-nsiputi
kuld samu(') dbhätêna. sundara-sajáta-påsala-jana-parichardņ=Apramøya-Hiranyagarbha-prasa vena prat&p-pana
First plate ; second side. [*] ta-sakala-sâmanta-maņdalena Mahendra-sama-vikramêņa sora-guru-sadrise-buddhina
samyak-prajâ-pâlan-8

Page #119

PALLAVA GRANT OF ATTIVARMA.
၊ ၁ လ ပေရှိ သဖြင့် နောက်နေ့၌ ရင်း ၅ ပြီး နှစ်ရပ်များကို (31မမမူက မ
မှု
အRY - ယမက
မှ နိ႔
တ် မိမိတို့ရရှိ သည်။
အသစ်ဆရလည်း င်ငံသို့ တင် ၅ ပါး
ရ

Page #120

Ila.
116.
ယခု ဂမိုး
3
iyo 18 ် အော
။
8
နှင့် ၂၅၀ မျှ ပြီ မိ တ် ၂ ။
မ
0 • း @P3 /
၇
[FET, 00,.8.
ဒီဘက်မှတ
ន း၌ ၅ အ
3
W. GRIGGS PHOTO-LITH PRCKHAM.

Page #121

APRIL, 1880.]
THE GAROS.
103
('] pârijita-kirttina râjña Attivarmmaņa anuparata dharmma-kriyâ-parêņa Kabyapa-gôtra() ya Apastambha"-sâtra-vide yama-ni ya*]mavath Rig-Yajus-Sâma-vide bråhmaņaya Brahma-kalpå.
Second plate; first side. [") ya Kottiśarmmaņê Krishnabeņņa-dakshiņa-kûlê Tânthikontha-grâmê chatur-ddisam=ashta
sata-pa[*] tti-kshetrañ=ch=Ântakkúra-grâmaś=ch=ôdaka-pûrvvan=dattaḥ ssa(sa)rvvâ(rvva)-bâdba
pariharam [ll] [S]y[a]-dattaa pa[°] ra-dattâm và yê harêta vasundharam gavam sata-sa hasrasya hantuh pibati kilbisham [1]
Second plate; second side. [10] Bhůmi-dânât=parandânan=na bhutan=na bhavishyati (tas)y=[aiva baraņât=påpe]n=na
bh[ûtan=na bha]vish[y]at[i] [*] [Bahubhi)[") r=yvasudhâ dattâ bahubhis-ch=Anopálitâ* yasya yasya yadà bhůmis-tasya tasya
(tadá phalam] [ll] ["') Brahma"-svar vishaṁ ghôran=na visham visham-uchyat visham=økâkina hanti
brahma-svaṁ putra-pautrikam [1*] Translation.
village of Antuk k û ray were given, with Hail! By king Attivarma,-who is born libations of water, free from all opposing claims, in the family of king Kandura", which is to the Brahman Kottiśarmâ, of the Kaśyapa possessed of unequalled and extensive fame, gôtra, who knows the Apastambha" sútra, and and which is glorious, and which is descended who practises the major and the minor obseryfrom the lineage of the great saint Ananda, ances, and who is acquainted with the Rig and and which is purified by the pollen of the lotuses the Yajur and the Sáma (Vēdas), and who is a which are the feet of (the god) Sambhu, the holy Brahman, and who is almost equal to (the god) one, who resides at the temple of) Vaké. BrahmA himself. śvara", and is the maker of the three worlds ; (L. 8.)-He incurs the guilt of the slayer of who is attended by beautiful and well-born and a hundred thousand cows, who confiscates land clever people; who is of the posterity of the that has been given, whether by himself, or by inscrutable (god) Hiranyagarbha; who has re- || another! There has not been, and there shall duced the territories of all chieftains by his! not be, any gift (better) than a gift of land ; prowess; who is equal in valour to the god) there has not been, and there shall not be, any Mahendra; who resembles in intellect the presin (greater) than confiscating the same ! Land ceptor of the gods; whose fame has been ac- has been given by many, and has been pre. quired by properly governing his subjects; and served in grant by many; he, who for the time who is intent upon (maintaining) the uninter- being possesses land, enjoys the benefit of it! rupted practises of religion,-a field of (theThe property of a Brahman is said to be a measure of eight hundred pattis, including terrible poison, (but, in comparison with that), poi(its boundaries on the four quarters, at the son is not called poison ; (for) poison kills only village of Tanthik ontha on the south bank one person, (whereas) the property of a Brahman, of the river) Krishna ben pâ, and also the (if confiscated), kills one's sons and sons' sons !
THE GAROS.
BY THE REV. W. AYERST, M. A. The Gâros are & type of the more primitive other. They believe in the existence of a Supreme and savage of the claps, and all of this clan Being, who is “God over all." But they do not have more or less of a family likeness to each worship him by sacrifice, believing him to be
11 The occurrence of this form of the name, instand of A pastamba, is, I believe, sufficient proof in itself of the early date of this grant. Dr. Böbler has written on this point; but I have not his remarks to refer to.
* First kd was engraved, and then it was corrected into the 1The metre requires us to correct this into brdimana. 90 8c., Krishna.
11 Or, perbape, Vankdars. sa See note 27 above.

Page #122

104
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1880.
benevolent, and therefore not in need of propi- other light appendages that wave in the breeze. tiation. Their numerous inferior deities are the This is the general shrine for all common occaobjects of their dread, and they do sacrifice sions, and is referred to in all cases of sickness to them, whenever they believe that they have or scarcity. incurred their displeasure. Among the direct In time of sickness, the priest is sent for to objects of their worship are the sun and moon. offer sacrifice to the particular deity he may To ascertain which of the two they should wor- pronounce to have been offended. With his ship on any given occasion, the priest takes a peacock's feathers in his hair, and his official cup of water and some wheat; he then calls the sandals on his feet, and with little other covername of the sun, and drops a grain into the ing, he takes his seat on a low stool in front water; if it sinks, that is a sign that they should of the altar, and addresses it (there is no image) worship the sun; if not, he drops another grain in a low monotonous chant. Meanwhile another into the cop, in the name of the moon, and so person leads the victim round and round the on till one of the grains sinks.
shrine. It is taken away from time to time Their minor deities are so numerous that for lustration, and then led back to the priest, even the votaries themselves cannot tell their who caresses it and feeds it with salt; after names. Rishi is the chief of them. He is this has been repeated, the head is struck off, the same as the Hinda Siva, and is also called and the altar is smeared with the blood. If a Surjong. Rishi is said to preside over second blow should be needed, it would be crops and health, Sorjong over cotton. They thought of ill omer. The sufferer, in whose are one, but divided into two. Their .worship- behalf the sacrifice is made, lies near the priest pers do not know of what gender they are, or during the ceremony. At the burning of the where they live. Rishi is not displeased at dead, if the deceased was of rank, a bullock murder.
was sacrifioed, and the head buried with the Owing porhaps to their having no written body. If he was a chief of the upper Gáros, language, the mythology of the Garos varies the head of one of his slaves is cut off and with the age. In this way they have come to burnt with him. If he was of the first rank, it regard our gracious Queen, "the mother of all was formerly customary for a large body of his the Feringis," as one of their divinities. Un slaves to sally forth and seize a Hinda, and cut happily they have brought into the same pan- off his head, and burn it with their chief's. At theon the Hinda deity Mahadeva, whom they weddings & cock and a hen are slain by the consider the spirit of evil.
priest, but rather for augury than for sacrifice. They claim for themselves a divine origin, The dead are kept four days. They are then and practise hero-worship, making an offering buried at midnight. The pile is erected at to the newly-burnt ashes of the dead, and the distance of a few yards from the chaung, or preserving the images of the deceased in their house. The pile is adorned with stripes of red houses. They regard the higher mountains as cloth, and the head of the victim named above, the abodes of the blessed, the word Asuk, which and the remains are placed in a small boat, signifies mountain, signifying also heaven, the and laid on the top of it. It is fired by the abode of the gods. In the same way the Hindus nearest relation, and the ashes are buried near regard the Himalayas as the dwelling of their the spot, and covered with a small thatched deities.
building surrounded by a railing. A lamp is The first created man is believed by the Gáros lighted every night for a month in the building. to have been a priest, but their priesthood is not Moreover, the wearing apparel of the deceased hereditary. It is the duty of the priest to is hung on poles fixed at each corner of the perform certain rites at weddings and funerals, | railing, and left there for six weeks or two and at the investiture of chiefs; he also names months, after which they are broken and allowed children on the day of their births, but his to hang downwards fill they fall to pieces. most important ministrations are in time of The railed graves of chiefs are decorated with sickness. Every house has one or more altars rude representations of animals placed over the before it. The type is a certain fantastical dis- graves, and the railing is often decorated with position of bamboos, with festoons of cotton and fresh flowers.

Page #123

APRIL, 1880.)
THE GAROS.
105
The dead are moreover kept in remembrance by means of monumental images, placed in the porch of the dwelling-house. Those in a single house frequently amount to a great number, a reproduction, perhaps, of the Hall of Ancestors among the Chinese. The figure is adorned with the earrings or other ornaments worn by the person represented, but in other respects bears no resemblance, or hardly any, to anything human. Their belief is that a Garo, as soon as he is burnt, is born again a Gâro in some unknown spot far away in the hills. It is probably on account of their custom of representing their dead by images that the GÂros are unwilling to be sketched. They believe that the production of a likeness of themselves is ominous of their death.
Colonel Dalton describes one of these rade representations 48 "& full-length figure, de corated with all kinds of finery, and with an old silk umbrella supported over it." He thus describes the offerings made at the grave of a young girl. "In front of the house was a bamboo frame six feet long, two high, and three broad, at the corners of which carved posts were placed diagonally, and a lid of open lattice-work was lying ready to be placed on the top. Within the frame a small opening bad been made in the earth, into which the remains, collected from amongst the ashes of the pile, were reverently placed by the nearest female relatives, the mother and the aunts, and then covered with earth. This done, the same mourners filled the bamboo framework with various offerings, of which I noted the following:-Three baskets of raw cotton, four baskets of unthreshed dhan, two grilled fowls, a fow dozen shrimps, boiled rice, red pepper and salt, and gourds full of mhud or fermented liquor. After these, earthen vessels were broken and thrown in. The reason given for their being broken was that all this provision was for the use of the dead maiden, and that her spirit could not use the vessels till they had been broken, but that the fragments would reunite for her. The trellis-work covering was then laid on the top, and a coarse silk cloth, stretohed upon hoops, spread over it. Meanwhile the boys of the community were beating drums, striking gongs, and blowing horns. Above all, a bull-fight was exbibited, and attracted crowds. Indeed, but for the grave carriage and
silent grief of the poor mother, as she slowly and quietly put one offering after another into tho grave of her child, all looked like a merry making. The bamboo frame is allowed to remain a year, and is then burnt amidst fresh rejoicings."
Their marriage ceremonies and customs are different from the European. If a young Gåro should make advances to a maiden, and she rejecting him, chose to tell her friends of it, it would be regarded as an insult to her whole clan, which the blood of the offender must atone for if among the Upper Gåros, but a feast will conciliate resentment among the lower clans. The custom is for all Gâro maidens except heiresses (and these can only marry according to certain laws of kindred) to indicate their own choice of a husband. When the wedding day arrives, and the bridal party begin to lead off the bridegroom, his parents and family feign ancontrollable grief, and make loud lamentations, and some force is used to tear the bridegroom from them.
The investiture of a chief consists in a horn. ring being placed on each arm by the priest, who is to be presented with one ring, which he is entitled to wear on his left arm. The feast, which forms a necessary part of the ceremony, is so costly that none but the most wealthy can afford it.
When a man has been killed by a tiger, they believe that he appears in a dream, bidding his relatives change their names, whereupon his parents and brothers and sisters adopt new names. The object is to prevent the tiger from discovering the kindred of the man he has slain, and thus attacking them too. The tiger's nose is worn as an amulet, to facilitate childbirth.
These simple people have great reverence for truth. Their mode of attestation on oath is very solemn. The oath is taken upon a stone, which they first salute, and then, with the hands joined and up-lifted, and with their eyes steadfastly fixed on the hills, where they believe their god to reside, they will press him in the most solemn manner to witness what they are about to declare as true or false. They then again touch the stone, with all appearance of the utmost fear, and bow their heads to it, again calling upon their god. They also look steadfastly in the direction of the hills, and keep

Page #124

106
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1880.
their right hand upon the stone during their Kanibani Zamindâr at five hundred rupees, while narration. In some of the hills they place the price of a ryot's head is from ten to twelve tiger's bone between their teeth before they rupees. Hence the Gâros are careful to reduce give evidence. On rare occasions they swear the skulls of their own kindred to powder, lest with their weapons in their bands. When a by accident or for gain they should find their Garo is sworn in the Goalpura Court a little way into the market. Of late years the British chalk scraped from the wall answers the purpose Government has brought its influence too near of earth. Amongst themselves, a lie is punished to admit of such raids. with instant death, not so much as an act of In case of disputes between clans, -and among justice, as of indignation. In case of murder, people so impatient of unjust disputes these the relatives of the slain are bound to demand are very serious--the territories of the hostile blood for blood, and ought according to Garo clans are mutually proscribed. Neither may custom to put to death either the murderer or eat or drink within the territories of the other, one of his kindred, or at least one of his slaves. food so taken would not nourish, water so drunk The offending family is then bound to retaliate, would be poison. The difference may be adjustand so on without ceasing, unless the Counciled by the intervention of a third party. The succeed in bringing about a reconciliation. angry clans may be brought together on neatral The mode of effecting this is by inducing the ground, that the case of quarrel may be disinjured party to accept a fine from the other ad cussed. If the arbitrator succeed in effecting the price of the blood.
peace, the parties swear to observe it, by biting In a deadly feud the weaker party flies to their swords: as a sign that friendly relations distant hill to elude the stronger. Both parties have been restored, the representatives of the immediately plant a tree bearing & sour fruit clans must put food into each other's months, called chalaka, and make a vow that they will and pour mhud, the festival beverage, down do their best to eat the fruit of that tree with each other's throats. the head of their enemy. A generation may I will only add Colonel Dalton's account of a pass away without opportunity of revenge. In building bee" among the Garộs. He witnessthat case the feud descends to the children. ed the process, and has thus described it: "At The successful person carries off his enemy's. the Lushkar's (chief's) village, there was a head, and boils it with the fruit of the tree considerable gathering of young people from all which had been planted; he then drinks of the the neighbouring villages, not often seen at this juices thus mingled, and the feud is at an end. season, as the inhabitants are occupied on their
When head hunting parties have succeeded farms, either planting cotton, or preparing their in massacring sufficient victims they call vast ground for cultivation. But I was most fornumbers of their friends to see the "reeking tunate in finding here a house-building party, heads," which they fill with wine and food, and a merry one it was. All the young men and dance round them, singing loud songs and young women of the Gundupåra clans were of triumph. After these rejoicings the heads employed, and most rapidly and yet neatly they are buried for the purpose of rotting off worked. The framework was ready, and they the flesh. When arrived at a proper stage, they were thatching ; curiosity at the sight of the are dug up and cleansed of their putrid flesh, stranger stopped them; but, on being reminded and then the warriors sing and dance round by some of their elders that the day is short, them again in triumph, and finally hang them they went briskly to work again. The girls upin the houses of the slayers as trophies. dived down the hills into the valley, and re"Skulls so taken have a marketable value, vary. appeared laden with bamboo-leaves, while the ing with the position of the owner, and the lads on the roof covered it in with them. A degree of hatred entertained for the victim." feast was in preparation for the house-builders, Thus the skull of a Gomasta, who bought provided by the individual who profited by Kalumabopara, was valued at a thousand rupees, their labour, and this is all his house cost and that of an India-Talukdar, an agent of the him."
From a paper on "The North-east frontier considered vol. II. (Dec. 1878), pp. 865-877. For an early paper on this Mission Geld in The Indian Christian Intelligencer tribe by Johu Eliot, see Asiat. Res. vol. II, pp. 17-87. D.

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MISCELLANEA.
107
MISCELLANEA. JAMES WALES THE PAINTER.
Robert Mnbon appears to have been a good To the Editor, "Indian Antiquary." architectural draughtsman, as may be seen from SIR.-In the Indian Antiquary for February,
those of his sketches (such as Nos. 9 and 16) in page 52, there are several curious details regard
which buildings are introduced. ing the Indian career of James Wales, artist,
I have not been able to trace any reference to in connection with which the following additional
Mabon as yet, but doubtless a search in the Calcutta facts may possess some interest for your readers.
Gazettes for the years 1790-1800 would discover In Stanley's edition of Bryan's Biographical
some particulars of this English artist in India. and Critical Dictionary of Painters, it is stated in
The Governor General of India, Sir John Shore; the notice of Wales, written by Stanley, that he died
Jonathan Duncan, Governor of Bombay, and many at Bombay in November 1796, and the article
other well known names are among the subscribers also mentions that he "made all those splendid
to the book, which unfortunately bears no imprint drawings of the caves of Ellora and the plans whatever. which were, after his death, published by Thomas
The title page, which is engraved, was given. Daniell."
as stated by the author, in substitution for the In the well known work, Oriental Scenery, by T. 20th plate, promised in the proposals for publishand W. Daniell, there will be found twenty-four ing the work, and is thus described by Mabon :views of the mountains of Ellora and the Hindu
"I have introduced a Frontispiece to this work, Excavations, (or as we now call them, Rock-Cut
instead of the last mentioned subject in my temples) drawn by James Wales, and engraved un.
proposals :- In the Vignette of the Frontispiece, der the direction of Daniell.
the emblematical Figures are History directing It would appear, however, from a statement in the attention of Painting to Indian subjects, a the introduction to a small oblong quarto book part of one of which is represented on a Tablet, in the possession of the writer, entitled Sketches which she supports. I have given the Figure of illustrative of Oriental Manners and Customs by Painting, the attitude of striking the Rainbow with Robert Mabon, that Wales was assisted in his her pencil, to denote the Power which this art has arabæological undertakings by Mabon, who says in in giving a just representation of nature, and her his preface, dated Calcutta, Feburary 1st, 1797 : many varied Tints." The "Indian subject" on "The following sketches were made during my the tablet is an Elephant, with a howdah on its travels, while engaged in an arduous undertaking back, kneeling down. (which took me five years to accomplish, for a The following brief epitome of the contents of Mr. Wales, lately deceased ;) viz:-Oriental Anti- this book will, it is hoped, prove of interest, as this quities, or Drawings of all the excavated Hindoo volume is, it is believed, the earliest published collecTemples in India, particularly those at Ellora, tion of authentic plates illustrating the manners near Aurangabad, Ekvera, near Poons, and those and customs of the natives of any part of India, on the Islands of Elephanta, and Salsette, near The Calcutta edition of Balthasar Solvyn's plates, Bombay."
illustrating the manners and customs of the Hin"Being requested by a few Friends to favor doos, was not published till 1799, although the them with Drawings illustrative of the Manners prospectus or proposal for publishing them will and Customs of the Asiaticks, to send to their be found in the Calcutta Gazette for 6th February Relations, who had never been in India, I con- 1794. The better known French edition of Solvyn cluded a small Pocket Volume, containing Twenty appeared in Paris in 1808, in 4. volumes, atlas sketches, would be very acceptable to them, and folio, the publishing price being 100 guineas the the Public in general, and accordingly published set. my Proposals for the present Work."
Plate I.-The manner of crossing the river at "I return the respectable few, whose Names Wanker, near Poona, during the monsoon. are here annexed, my grateful thanks, for the Seated on a trunk, on the top of a raft formed readiness they bave shown to encourage the under of "calibashes" lashed together, is an officer taking; and sincerely wish it may answer their dressed in uniform; three natives swimming by expectations on the subject."
the side of the raft are urging it over a river. The plates, 19 in number, are hand-coloured "In the background I have introduced coolies engravings, of considerable merit, each plate being with his baggage; distant from these, his bearers accompanied by an interesting letter press de- and palankeen, floating in the same manner. scription, full of allusions to "the Archæological Since the year 1793, this mode of crossing the river Survey" work on which the artist was engaged. has been discontinued, on account of accidents

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which have happened, people having often been carried down by the strength of the current, notwithstanding the united efforts of those who conducted the calibashes."
Plate II.-Savoy Mahadowrow Pundit Purdhun, late Peshwa of the Mahratta Empire, seated on the Musnud, at the Durbar of Poona, in which is introduced Nana Furnavese.
The Peshwa is seated "do-zanu" on the musnud, to the left is Nana Furnavese. "In surveying the Peshwa seated on the musnud, the eye is dazzled with the immense riches about him, but his effeminate dress and the unmanly-like attitude which the customs of the people make him under the necessity of observing, takes away from that dignity in appearance, which an European might expect to see in a Prince seated on a throne."
Plate III.-Savoy Mahadowrow, late Peshwa of the Mahratta Empire, exercising the long spear, with other Bramin Chiefs, near Parbuttee, at Poona.
Plate IV. Savoy Mahadowrow Pundit Purdhun, late Peshwa of the Mahratta Empire, mounting his elephant on his return from Parbuttee, to the Durbar.
Plate V.-The late Mahadajee Scindia, the celebrated Mahratta Chief, seated in his tent.
Plate VI.-Mahratta Pendarees returning to camp, after a plundering excursion during the late Savoy Mahadowrow Pundit Purdhun, late Peshwa of the Mahratta's expedition against Nizam Ally Khan.
Pindarees, on elephants, mounted on horses and on foot, driving before them villagers laden with sheaves of ripe grain.
"This sketch was made on my way to Ellora in order to make drawings of the stupendous excavated Hindoo temples there. At that period Savoy Mahadowrow had taken the field against Nizam Ally Khan, on account of the latter refusing to pay some tribute due to the Mahrattas."
Plate VII.-A Suttee, or ceremony of a Hindoo woman proceeding to the funeral pile, to be burnt with her deceased husband.
"While at Poona, I was present at three ceremonies of this kind: the annexed sketch was taken from the first I saw. The unfortunate victim was a beautiful young Hindoo woman. On the death of her husband, she declared her resolution to the court of Poona, that she would burn upon the same pile. They immediately issued orders, that every honor should be paid her; sepoys and a number of other attendants were sent, as also palankeens, and musicians, eleplants, camels, horses, and in short everything which could form a grand procession. She went attended by these through the streets of Poona,
[APRIL, 1880.
making a salam, (the token of her departure,) indiscriminately, to almost every one she met, after which she proceeded to the funeral pile, attended by a vast concourse of people. The pile was erected at the side of the Mulna and the Motta, two rivers which form a conjunction at Poona. The construction of the pile was very simple-it consisted of four poles, about eight feet high, struck slightly in the ground, at the distance of seven feet by five. Billets of wood were placed regularly within the space marked by them, to the height of four feet; between these were placed gobur, or cow-dung, baked in the sun, straw and other combustible matters;-over these, oil was poured to accelerate the dissolution of the unfortunate victim. From the top of the poles others were tied across, so that the whole had the rude appearance of a bedstead. On the top of all were laid a great many billets of wood.
"On her arrival at the pile, her husband's corpse (which was carried before her to the place) was immersed in the river, during which the Bramin priests, who attended on the occasion, muttered some prayers, and laid it on the ground. She sat some distance from it. Her head was adorned with flowers; her relations presented her with beetlenut and sweetmeats, of which she partook : and they placed upon her wrists, bangles or bracelets. She seemed to be almost in a state of insensibility, on account of their having previously given her gunja. After taking an affectionate leave of her friends she rose; her husband's body was carried beside her, and laid upon the pile, she ascended and laid down by it, embracing the corpse;-afterwards, four or five people laid hold of the poles fixed on the ground, and pulled them down, by which means, all the billets of wood, which were placed at top, fell upon them. In the interim, her nearest relations were employed in setting fire to the pile below, which they speedily effected, on account of the combustible matter contained: in a few minutes it was in an entire blaze-they retreated, applying their hands to their mouths, making a most lamentable noise; this with the shrieks of the unfortunate woman, were drowned by various music. She endeavoured to extricate herself from the flames, on which a Bramin, with a large billet of wood, struck her on the forehead; which effectually stunned her, or perhaps deprived her of life-as after it, she was at rest. In a few hours, all that remained of this faithful pair was ashes; those were thrown with some degree of ceremony into the river.
"Nothing could have induced me to be a spectator of this horrid scene, but a wish to give an exact representation of it."
Plate VIII-A group of dancing girls.

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Plate IX.-Getterha, or Annual Fair, held in front of the excavations of Ekvera, in the Mahratta Country.
"This wonderful work is very near the top of the Bhaur Ghaut, and almost opposite to the fort of Logur."
MISCELLANEA.
Plate X.-Mohometans performing the Mohurrum, or mourning of Hossein.
Plate XI.-Parsees assembled for devotion at sunset.
Plate XII.-Different modes of conveyance used at Bombay.
"In this sketch, I have introduced palankeens, chair-palankeens, mehannas, doolies, and a hackery, or cart; these being the modes of conveyance prevalent there, and indeed all over India."
In the "chair palankeen," which is like a sedan chair, is seated a stout Englishman, in white clothes, reading a book, very like General "Koir Wig" in Rowlandson's sketch, in the ' Adventures of Qui Hi? in Hindostan,' London: 1816.
Plate XIII-Bombay Subadars, Jemadars, Sepoys, &c.
Plate XIV. The launching of the ship Carron from the Bombay Dockyard.
Plate XV.-Artificers at work.
Goldsmiths at work on the steps in front of an Englishman's house, a lady and two gentlemen looking on.
Plate XVI.-Gentoos at devotion.
"In this sketch I have introduced the Bramin priest at Ekvera, with other two Hindoos worshipping in the temple there, the Lingum or Maldew."
Plate XVII.-Gentoos lamenting the death of a deceased relative, or friend.
A group of six Hindu women at the door of a native hut, beating their breasts with the palms of their hands: through the doorway of the hut is seen the dead person, covered with a white cloth, laid out on a charpai.
Plate XVIII.-Snake catchers exhibiting a cobra de capello.
Plate XIX-Fakeers or devotees of different casts.
In this plate Mabon delineates, two Hindu, two Muhammadan and one Sikh Faqir.
ARCHD. CONSTable.
A HINDOO SHRINE ON THE CASPIAN.
In our walks about the streets of Resht our eervant Gopal, with his red turban and Indian costume, attracted great attention among the Khurds and Kosaks, who frequently inquired if he was a Türk. The Persians seemed to understand better his belongings, called him a Mul
109
tâni, and declared he had come to join his brother. I inquired what they meant, and learned in reply, that one of the "lions" of the place was Surakhani, a temple some ten miles away, which all visitors made a point to see, containing images that were worshipped. It was lighted by sacred flames, which shot up out of the ground, and for centuries it had been under the faithful guardianship of Multânis. Who the Multânis were I did not at first comprehend; but, finally, it occurred to me that a Multâni must be synonymous with Hindustani, or a native of India; that the city of Multan on the Indus must have been in the distant past an important centre, commercially and politically; and Multâni might have been used by the Eastern nations to designate the people from that city itself, as well as those who hailed from portions south of the Indus. We were now very anxious to see what we concluded must be a Hindu temple in Russia; and especially to interview the Hindu priest, if such he could be, in charge of the sacred spot, as we should then settle all doubts, and learn how it came to pass that the natives of Hindustan, who have such an antipathy to wandering to any great distance from their own country, were induced to make such an extensive journey, exposed to every kind of danger, both by sea and land, and finally be willing to erect a temple in such an out-of-the-way place, among people who were perfect strangers to their faith. Still more surprising was it that they should keep up so faithfully the guardianship of their idols, by constant recruits sent from time to time all the way from India, as we were told. These were points that cast an air of improbability about the whole matter, causing it to seem most unlikely, and made us very desirous of solving the mystery. If the pagoda was a fire-temple belonging to the Guebres, such a circumstance would be not at all strange, but would rather be the most natural thing that could happen; and that it is such a temple is distinctly stated in the works of several travellers, who are regarded as authority on matters out here, but who evidently would not know a Hindu were they to meet him, and to whom a fire-temple and a heathen pagoda were one and the same thing. As much as a century and a half ago, Jonas Hanway mentioned the existence of forty or more Hindu devotees residing at Baku. Why, then, we thought, might there not be some descendant of them still living, who would be a curiosity to behold, and whose acquaintance it would be profitable for us to make? Accordingly in the afternoon, we hired a fine-looking droschky with a span of fast hardy Kalmuk ponies, who took us all about the town for only sixty kopeks (one shilling and

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eightpence) for the first hour, which is the government regulation. The charge for the next hour is about one-half that of the first. An hour later, we had arranged with our driver to take us in his droschky to Surakhani, and bring us back, for the sum of five roubles (fourteen shillings). In addition to the span of horses we had, a third horse was quickly harnessed abreast of the other two, which we learned was the custom when driving off for some distance. We started from Baku at a quarter to four o'clock. Our driver was a Kosak, with a tall, black Astrakhan hat on; and, what is more, he was a regular Jehu, as he drove us over the undulating and poorly constructed roads, full of ruts and sand, at a ten-mile-per-hour rate. We passed through two small villages, and in sight of many oil-factories, which from the dark smoke they emitted, showed that they were running on full time. The air around was filled with an outrageous odour.
On approaching Surakhani, a place composed simply of two large oil factories, we readily distinguished the Hindu temple, whitewashed, and surrounded by a high stone wall, with a large wooden gate for its main entrance. Gopal could hardly contain himself. We got out of the carriage; but found the door locked, and could see no one in the inside.. We then walked around into the nearest factory yard, where we were told that the priest had gone that afternoon to Baku, and that without him we could not enter the temple. However, by persuasion and the offer of a keran, the key to a small backdoor was forthcoming, by means of which an entrance was easily effected at a point where the walls of the factory and the temple joined. We passed through and out of one of the cells, several of which are built into the high surrounding wall, where the devotees lived. In the centre of this almost circular enclosure, with a diameter averaging about one hundred feet was the temple proper,-a strong, quadrangular structure, bearing marks of age, but in good repair, surmounted with a dome some thirty to forty feet high. From the dome hung a rope on the inside; and to its end, some three feet from the floor, was fastened, suspended in the air, a good-sized copper bell, just such as is rung by Hindus in their temples when performing their devotions. Besides the bell, nothing was to be seen, save a metallic tube, which protruded a foot or two out of the floor, and had some cotton batting stuck into it. This the man who furnished us the key pulled out, and in its place held a lighted match. The result was the same as when one lights a gas jet. We then were shown into the only cell still occupied. In it we readily recognized articles peculiar to the Hindus. There were pictures of Ganpati, the
[APRIL, 1880.
four-armed elephant god of Siva, and a few other deities. The last were Penates, or household divinities, cut out of small pieces of silver and gilded ware. They were arranged on a small raised altar in the middle of the cell: and about them were gas-jets like the one already described, and which our ciceroni lighted, one after the other, whispering audibly that the place we were in was very holy. The man, though a Muhammadan, had evidently witnessed the Hindu priest in profound earnestness at his prayers; and the darkness of the room, lighted up with flames fed from the spirit world beneath, had impressed him with an awe that characterized his every action. Having noticed all that was to be seen, and satisfied ourselves that, though miles away from India, we had not yet got away from India's gods, we started to return to the city; hoping to find the old priest there, and get out of him something about the temple and its wonderful history. It was already growing dark. The fires from ignited gas in ditches, dug here and there for burning lime and baking brick, lighted up the sky, and enabled us to realize, to a very exact degree, the appearance of the country when under an extensive illumination gotten up by the citizens of Baku to celebrate some festive occasion, or in honour of the visit of some important official to their city. Few, if any, places have such natural resources for an illumination on so grand, yet economical a scale as Baku; and the idea that we were riding over "gas-works" on a gigantic scale, it must be confessed, suggested thoughts quite peculiar to the time and place. Our Jehu drove back even faster than when we came, breaking the harness twice in his efforts to urge on the horses, regardless of deep ruts and steep banks. We give the palm to Russian steel and Baku carriages, manufactured, we were told, in St. Petersburg, for withstanding all strain when a Kosak is the driver, and three Kalmak ponies harnessed abreast are making for home. We were back in the city by seven o'clock; and were just dashing round a corner, before drawing up by our steamer, when the driver suddenly reined in the horses and stopped. We wondered what had happened. The driver, pointing to a group of men seated on the steps of a liquor shop informed us that the priest we wanted to see was there. I turned and spoke in Hindustani, asking the man to come to us. The sound of his native tongue startled him; and he stared at us wildly as he approached. When we told him that we had just come from his country, and as a proof showed him Gopal, the man's joy knew no bounds. His story, in brief, was, that he was a native of Lahor. Nearly ten years had elapsed since he left Karachi by native

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caste and undoing the accumulated merit, which was the direct result of so many years of selfsacrifice and penance. From England he said he would return with Gopal to India. On finding I could not take him, he determined he would abandon the idols to the tender mercies of some Muhammadan friends, and go back the way he had come; declaring this life he was leading to be a humbug!"
craft, in company with two associates, and arrived at Bandar Abbas, after & narrow escape from drowning in a storm. From Bandar Abbas, they came on by bard, exposed marches to Kirman, Yezd, and Teheran, and thence by the same route that we had taken. They were twelve months making their long journey. At Baku, they found the temple in charge of an old priest, who, on being relieved, returned to India, there to in. duce others to follow his footsteps, just as his predecessor had secured these three fresh arrivals. One of the associates died after a stay here of a year or two. Shortly after, the other became so homesick that he returned to India, promising straightway to send substitutes in his place. No one as yet had appeared ; and the priest, still & man in the prime of life, was getting very much discouraged. He declared he could not stay any longer a voluntary exile from friends and country, even though he should have to commit the unpardonable sin of leaving the divinities unattended, & circumstance without & precedent, he said, for no break had yet occurred in the guardianship by Hindas of the temple since its erection, over eleven hundred years ago, but about which he evidently knew as little as he did about its subsequent history. Further than this, he was rapidly forgetting his mother tongue, and talking a mixture of Armenian and Turkish : 80 that, outside of a plain, ordinary conversation, he not only had difficulty in expressing himself, but often failed to complete his Hindustani sentences, making it very hard to understand him. One thing was evident: the man was losing faith in the virtue and efficacy of his Penates, and declared that they were not what they used to be. To prove this, he went on to show how much wealth had been slowly accumulating for ages at his shrine, part of which had come all the way from India; but the rest was the result of offerings from many people not so far away, who, though of a different faith, visited the sacred spot, -partly from curiosity, and partly from a general superstition in the vague belief that it is wise to appease deity under all forms. This wealth had lately been carried off in the night by parties who could not be found; and, if the gods could not take care of what was their own, the priest seriously doubted whether they could look after him and his interests, and that of those gone before him. Evidently this idea had made a strong impression upon him; for on the next day, when our steamer was advertised to start, this orthodox Hindu urged and besought me to take him along as my servant, just as I was doing by Gopal, even at the risk of his losing
PROF. SCHIEFNER. The death of Anton von Schiefner, which was announced in the Athenæum of November 29th of last year, leaves such a sensible void in more than one department of Oriental and linguistical research that a fuller notice of his life and literary work may, it is hoped, be welcome to many students to whom his name has long been familiar as one of the foremost Oriental scholars in Russia.
Schiefner was born on July 18th, 1817, at Reval, where his father, who had emigrated from Bohemia at the end of last century, was established as a merchant. After passing through the grammar school of his native place, he matriculated in the University of St. Petersburg in 1836, and at the wish of his uncle, W. Schneider, who held the professorship of Roman Law and was anxious that young Schiefuer should succeed him some day, enrolled his name as a student of jurisprudence, while he continued at the same time his philological studies under Prof. Graefe, who had been the first in Russia to write and lecture on comparutive grammar. After creditably passing the usual examination at the end of a four years' course, he went to Berlin in 1810 to attend the lectures of the celebrated jurist F. C. von Savigny; but soon the classes of Boeckh, Bopp, Lachmann, and Trendelenburg had greater attractions for him, and eventually he gave himself entirely up to bris favourite philological pursuits. The influence which the lectures of those far-famed professors exerted on him is traceable throughout hie literary career. On his return to St. Petersburg he was made, in 1813, Professor of Latin, and subsequently of Greek, in the First Grammar School, and devoted himself exclusively to the study of the classics and more especially the Greek philosophers. A few years later, however, he took up the serious study of Tibetan, for which the libraries of St Petersburg offered special opportunities. After being appointed in 1848 one of the librarians of the Imperial Academy, he was elected in 1852 a member of that learned body, the cultivation of the Tibetan language and literature being assigued
From Midnight Marches through Persia. By Á. Balantine of Bombay, (Boston, 1879), pp. 229-238.

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[APRIL, 1880.
to him as his special function. Simultaneously he tribes he had visited. This mass of valuable held from 1860 to 1873 the professorship of the material would probably long have romained dorclassical languages in the Roman Catholio theolo- mant in the University library at Helsingfors had gical seminary. In the last-mentioned year he was not Schiefner, at the instance of the Imperial promoted to an ordinary membership in the Im- Academy, arranged it and made it generally perial Academy, with the predicate " Excellency." accessible in a lucid translation from the Swedish After a fortnight's illness, which from the very original into German. His independent works beginning gave rise to the gravost apprehensions, under this head comprise translations of the great he died on November 16th of the year which has Finnic epic Kalevala (1852), the heroic poetry of closed.
the Tartars of Minussin (1859), and the lays of It is in three directions that Schiefner has made the Wotcs (1856), as well as a number of highly his mark in literary history. In the first place be interesting essays on Finnic mythology (1850-62). contributed to the Mémoires and Bulletin of the While he was still in the midst of these studies, Imperial Academy of St. Petersburg a number of the languages of the Caucasus began to engage valuable articles on the language and literature of his attention, and it was in the first place the Tibet, of which the following are of special in-| Tush language on the analysis of which he brought terest:-- Additions and Corrections to Schmidt's to bear his wonderful philological acumen. After Edition of the Deanglun, 1852;. The Life of Odkya. a preliminary report on that language, which he muni, translated in abstract from the Tibetan, 1853; laid before the Academy in June, 1854, he brought
On Foucaux's Edition and Translation of Rgya out two years later a full treatise upon it. It was tch'er rol pa,' 1850 ; Studies on the Tibetan Lan- mainly through the study of this work that Baron guage, 1851, 1856, 1864, 1877; On the Periods of P. Uslar was stimulated to investigating on the Human Decadence, from a Buddhistic Point of spot also the other languages of the Caucasus. View, 1851; Translation of the forty-two Sútras, In a full account by Schiefner of recent researches 1851; On some Eastern Versions of the Legend of on these languages, which will be found incorRhampsinitus, 1869; Buddhistic Stories, translated porated in the Annual Address of the President of from the Tibetan, 1875-7; On Vasubandhu's Gathd- the Philological Society, just published, the author sangraha (the Tibetan Dhammapada), 1878. Be- speaks of his own share in those most difficult sides, he separately published in Tibetan and researches with a modesty and reserve which might German Vimalaprafnottararatnamdu, 1858, and well be commended to linguistic scholars of far Tdranatha's History of Buddhism in India, 1869; inferior abilities and attainments. in Tibetan and Latin, Bharata's Answers, 1875, As that statement can easily be referred to for and the ancient Sanskrit-Tibetan-Mongolian glos- further details, it may here suffice to enumerate sary Mahdvyutpatti (1859). When his fatal illness the various memoirs by Schiefner on those lanovertook him he was busy collecting and arranging guages :-Essay on the Awar (1862), followed (in materials towards a work on the Bonpo or pre- 1872) by a more comprehensive account of that Buddhistic religion of Tibet.
language and a collection of Awar toxts, with a Schiefner possessed also a respectable acquaint- translation; Essay on the language of the Udes ance with Mongolian; but, unlike his predecessor 1863); on P. von Uslar's Abechasian studies (1863); I. J. Schmidt, who was a far better Mongolian Researches into the Tchetchens language (1864); than Tibetan scholar, he confined his principal Report on P. von Uslar's Kasi Kumük studies labours to the Tibetan language.
(1866); Reports on P. von Uslar's investigation of In the second place, he was for a considerable the Hurkanian (1871), and Kürinian languages number of years engaged in arranging and pre- (1873). Also of the Ossetic language (which, though paring for publication the memoirs and linguis- locally Caucasian, belongs to the Iranian group) tical materials left by the great Finnic ethnologist Schiefner had made himself master; a number of Alexander Castrén, who, after spending twelve translations from that language by his pen, seveyears among the various Ugro-Finnio tribes of ral of them accompanied with the original text, Norway, Lapland, and Siberia, had finally sac- appeared in the Bulletin of the Academy in the cumbed in the prime of life to the hardships: years 1862 to 1867. For many of his linguistical which he had had to endure. Of the twelve investigations he had, with as much tact as volumes brought out by Schiefner from 1853 to patience, availed himself of the presence in St. 1861 only two are narrative; seven treat of the Petersburg of natives (soldiers' chiefly) of the languages of the Samoyedic tribes, the Koibal, districts on the languages of which he happened Karagass, Tangusian, Buryat, Ostiak, and Kottic to be engaged. The importance, however, of the tongues, and three contain Castrén's researches vast mass of linguistical material thus opened up on the mythology, ethnology, and literature of the by him, and of the results to which his investiga

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tions led, has not yet been fully realized, except so far, perhaps, as his numerous contributions to our knowledge of Eastern fables are concerned, for which branch of literature he evinced throughout his works a keen appreciation.
While his loss as the representative authority on all matters concerning Tibetan literature and the languages of the Caucasus is felt to be irreparable, it is not less deplored by many savanta in this country, as well as in France, Germany, and
Austria, with whom he was allied by ties of intimate friendship.
He visited England three times for the purpose of literary researches--in 1863, 1867, and 1878and he will long be remembered here for his singleheartedness, his sprightly conversation, and his unswerving devotion to the scientific pursuits which he had made the task of his life.
R. Rost. January 1, 1880.
BOOK NOTICES. BUDDHA GAYA, the Hermitage of SAkya Mani. By Rajen. temple to the Burmese,--though his opinion is fully dralkla Mitra, LL.D., O.I.E., &c. &c. Published under orders of the Government of Bengal. Calcutta, 1878.
borne out by the style, especially when compared
with that of existing remains of temples of about the First Notice.
same age in Burma," and supported by the evidence Outwardly this is a large quarto volume, hand- of inscriptions, one of which records the repairs or somely printed, of 258 pages of text and 16 of rebuilding of the temple in 1106 A.D.,' and the preface, contents and errata, with fifty-one plates other distinctly states (p. 208) that this temple -34 tinted and 5 plain lithographs, and 12 photo- "was constructed a fourth time and finished on graphs. Published by orders of the Bengal Govern- Friday the 10th day of Pyadola in the Sakkaraj ment, no pains has been spared to make it look year 667 (1305 A.D)." The author on the contrary well by printers or lithographers.
holds that--as there was a great templo here in Buddha Gayi, the birthplace of Buddhism, the 7th century--that still existing must be the the Holy City of the great monastic religion of same: the Burmese could only have plastered it Eastern Asia, is a place of much interest, and the and done some trifling repairs ! illustration of its history and antiquities is well At p. 102 we meet a statement that might have deserving the patronage of Government. Its been expected in Baron Munchausen, and there is remains had already been to some extent illustrated no correction of it in the Errata : it is to the effect by Buchanan Hamilton, Major M. Kittoe, General that the author measured ten bricks, and the first Cunningham, Mr. Fergusson, and others, and in was 15 X 50" X 9' 5" X 27" :-that brick of this bulky volume Dr. Rajendralkla Mitra takes four dimensions would be a puzzle for mathemaup the subject with a view, we might expect, to ticians who assert that there are only three dimenan exhaustive treatment of it. It may therefore sions; and the other nine were also extraordinary not be out of place here to examine, somewhat in bricks, for they measured from 14 to 16 feet in detail, how he has performed this public task, and length, some 9 8" and others 10' 5" broad and to indicate the quality of the contents of this large 23 to 27" thick! We have seen big bricks of volume. The author has such a repute'as a scholar, great age, but nothing like the size of these : that no one can wonder that the Bengal Govern- possibly, however, it is a mistake or rather a ment entrusted him with so important a duty. But series of mistakes, of which the author as well as of late he has so frequently contradicted our greatest the printer must share the blame. authorities in Indian Antiquities-J. Fergusson, We pass from the author's ideas on the repreD.O.L. and General Cunningham--men of true sentation of the sizes of bricks, to those on genius, who have done lasting service to the subject Palæontology, which are as strange. At p. 213 he of their special study,--that it seems desirable to remarks that the "Chbadanta" elephant, so well learn whether he or they speak with the greater known in Buddhist mythology, could have been knowledge and authority, or whether the Bengali neither a Mastodon trilopodon nor M. tetraloDoctor is not liable to mistakes of even more podon, nor yet an Elephas of the stegodon, lucodon serious character than the authorities he differs or enelephasis species, but probably the extinct from.
Hippopotamus.Sivalensis ! This long extinct fossil The great point aimed at in the volume seems animal he believes to have been remembered by the to be to prove that Mr. Fergusson is wrong in early Hindus (p. 153). Are the representations attributing the building of the great Buddha-Gaya of the Chhadanta Elephant like a Hippopotamus P
1 From The Athenaeum of January 24.
It is nearly a counterpart of the Bodhidruma temple at Pagun which was erected by king Jayasimba, 1204-1827
A.D.-See Crawford's Embassy to Ava (8vo ed.), vol. I. p. 117.
. See Jour. A. S. Ben. vol. XXXVII. p. 97.

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Some of the illustrations will amuse, if they do | At p. 133 is a very meagre account of the sculpnot perplex, the reader : thus on plate vii. isture on plate xx. fig. 3. The central figure is given a photograph of the Southern Façado of Buddha under the Bodhi tree conventionally rethe Great Temple', which is intelligible enough, but presented by two leaves; and round him are some the next plate is the same thing "restored." No of the principal scenes in the legend of his life. one looking at it would suppose that the first could Below, on his right, is a representation of the story ever be restored so as to look the least like the told by Hiwen Thsang, of Buddha at Mathura, second; their proportionate heights to the bottom when the monkey brought him a pot of honey and of the finial (which is destroyed in the first) are as then fell into a tank, and was drowned, but, for this 3 to 5. We turn to the text p. 79, and are told meritorious act, became a man in the next birth. in a footnote that the plate is wrong; "the Above this is the well-known incident at Rajanumber of storeys above the terrace should be griha, in which the elephant let loose to kill eight as in the photograph" (the first we suppose) Buddha, is represented kneeling at the feet of the "and not nine." But even this correction would teacher. Above this, again, is the Banaras scene not make the two in any way comparable. The of Buddha seated (in the dharmachakra mudrd) and author in trying his hand at a' restored drawing first preaching his law. On the opposite side a has failed to see that both the proportions and the similar representation is perhaps intended to redetails of the original should be followed ; and, not present him on his visit to Svarga to teach his having attended to this, his restoration is a delu- mother; and just below it is the scene where Maha sion. After comparing these two plates, on looking Modgallyana requested him to descend. Below next at the restored Porch of the Great Temple this is Mayadevi holding the branch of a tree; in plate xix; of which "there is at present no such and on the lowest compartment is represented, structure," the reader will have no hesitation in according to custom, the maker of the image. concluding that it never did nor could have existed Above all is the Nirudna scene. Such slabs are -unless it had been put up in the 19th century.
abundant about Buddha-Gaye, all representing This failure to comprehend what is before the same favourite scenes, none of which need be him, must seriously affect the value of any re- mistaken. In the Panch Påndava temple there construction Dr. Rajendralala may attempt. is a very good example of it where the monkey in We doubt if he so understands the elements that the first and the elephant in the second scene are enter into the distinction of successive forms of & very well cut; also the deer below the Bandras style, as to be able to judge of the value of a re- scene, and a shl tree at the head and feet of the storation of any building.
nirvdna figure; while in the Svarga scene a disFrom architecture we turn to the sculptures re- ciple is making namaskara to the standing Budpresented in his many tinted plates; and of these dha, as related by Fa-Hian; and the infant Buddha we first remark generally that the features given is represented as being born from the side of to the figures are not such as are usually met with Maya-Sakra making music at the great event. in Hindu or Buddhist sculptures: the faces are Round the nimbus is the formula Ye dharma hetu, two narrow below, and just such as students from &c., and on the redestal is an inscription, dated our Schools of Art are most apt to draw if not in the 11th year of King Mahipala's reign carefully watched and kept right. In the smaller which reads thus details also there are errors of carelessness and [') ...... TIRT=T4a F hent inaccuracy that the author ought not to have
सकलसन्वराशेरनुत्तरज्ञानावाप्तय इति महाtolerated : some of these we shall remark below.
[%] ...... 24CHHET 44CHārtaff-819Dr. Rajendralála, however, whilst intent on contradicting what heconsiders the mistakes of General
देवप्रवर्धमानविजयराज्ये एकादशमे सम्वत्सरे अभिलिख्य Cunningham, Mr. J. Fergusson and Professor
[5] .. .. ..Tereta Tradicar efter.. Weber, has but short space to devote to the de
fara H scription and explanation of the details of the Why has Dr. Rajendralála passed over all this in sculptures be presents ; but being a native of India, entire silence The details are just what give and having a great reputation for scholarship, it interest to the sculpture, and the inscription so far could hardly be supposed he would make any fixes its age. mistake in mythology. We are sorry, however,
On plate xxx. are represented three figures, to have to point out even in this department such which he regards as 'Buddha and attendants errors as he might surely have easily avoided. or disciples' (p. 135): but if we look at the two
• Here the draughtsman has omitted his tail.
• Here again the elephant's head, represented in the sculpture, is omitted in the drawing.
This is so badly drawn that no one would recognise even the attitude.

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attendants, the ushnté (turban) or top-knot at once indicates that they are not disciples (who are never so represented), but all three are Buddhas. On plate xxi. fig. 3 is another similar sculpture which he has failed to explain (p. 135), though it is plainly enough Buddha travelling, with Indra the raja of Swarga carrying the umbrella over him, and Nagaraja the king of Pâtala with the saptaphana or seven-hooded cobra and bearing the kamandalu or water bottle.
The object in the lap of Buddha (plate xxiii. fig. 2) seems to have perplexed our author (p. 134), yet it is quite common in the later representations of Buddha, and indicates no penance, as he imagines, but is simply the bhikshápátra.s
With the representations of the Bodhisattwas he seems to be even less acquainted than with those of the Buddhas; for, (on p. 136) he makes out fig. 2° on pl. xiii, with the chakra chinha on his hand, to be Avalokiteswara-which it certainly is not. On pl. xx. fig. 1, the figure now worshipped as T & râ dê vi, was indeed originally a form of Padmapâni, though it is hardly ever recognised as such, but is well known as Simhanatha Lokêsvara-easily recognised by the lion which attends him, and on which he is sometimes represented as seated. At the right side of this figure is cut, in letters of the 8th or 9th century, the words Sri Buddhanagasya, which neither the artist nor the author has noticed. The figure on pl. xxxii. fig. 3 may be Padmapâni, as he says,-but it is much more like Mina nåt ha or Manjughosha; and that on plate xxiii. fig. 6, is not Padmapâni, for it has a bell in the one hand and a jala pátra in the other, and is a figure frequently seen in temples of the Abhyantara sect of Buddhists. Figure 3 on the same plate is similarly wrongly called Padmapâni (p. 136), for it has the northern style of dress, described by Varaha Mihira as appropriate to Sarya, with stockings on his feet and two lotus flowers in his hands.
Figure 2 on pl. xxxii is the image now wor. shipped as Vagiśvari. This the author mistakes for Vajrapani, whilst it is undoubtedly a form of Manjuéri, the Buddhist god of learning, of which Vagisvara (Vak-iévara) is a well known name among the Buddhists of Nepal, a fact that might have kept the learned author right. The three figures (pls. xxix. and xxvi.figs. 1 and 3) which he calls Mâyâdêvis (p. 137), we suspect are not so, for what the Bâbu calls a
This again is quite misrepresented in the plate. It is almost always so represented in the images in Nepal. He says "fig. 1,"-but mistakes of this kind are numerous; on p. 139 he refers to fig. 4 on "plate xxx," when he must mean pl. xxxi. On p. 125 he has Saka 1230-1153 A.D. 10 So an old man informed the writer.
11 The front or proper pair of hands are in the dharma
115
tilaka is really a third eye which Mâyâdevi is never represented with;-these are most probably Tantric forms of Târâ.
The supposed female Demon, plate xxxi. fig. 2, is Vasudhar &,-and here again the Bâbu perhaps forgot his spectacles when he examined the original, for there are no horses on the stone (as on his drawing) but pigs! This figure is common on the east side of the great tope at Sânchi: at least three lay there, not long ago, among the ruins. In Banaras there is a fine black stone one with seven hogs below, and an inscription; and there one of the faces of the dêvî is also that of a pig.
Again fig. 1 plate xxxi. is another image of Vasudhara, which he "fancies" is "intended for Savitri Devi, who has apparently seized an opportunity to have a drive in the chariot of her husband the sun-god Surya" (p. 132). Where in India did he get hold of such an idea ? and the horses !-why, he has indeed represented them by seven horse heads, but the stone has boars!
Plate xxxi. fig. 3 represents an image of a dêvi, brought from the ruins of the monastery to the north of the temple :10 by estimation it is about 7} feet high by 4 broad. This figure with its nine pairs of hands11 is not accurately described by our author, (p. 138) nor does he notice the inscription below it in letters of the 9th or 10th century, which reads,
[] देयधम्मयं प्रवरमहायानयायिनो महाक्षपटलव्यक्तकरणिhuge vergat ngawardimaammftनृपूर्वङ्गमं कृत्वा सकलस[2] càg.
What he calls in the text (p. 138) another representation of this dêvi,' but on the plate (xx. fig. 2) 'a figure of Buddha,'-is a form of Târâ.
Figure 2 on pl. xxi. he calls a Nagakanya (p. 138): why a mother with her child in her lap should be called a kanyd or 'maiden,' he does not tell us. The dress is sufficient to show that his "devotee," on pl. xxiii, is only a salika or figure of a laic, such as were often presented by worshippers to the temples.
Even Hindu gods, the author misnames; thus (p. 139) he calls fig. 4 on pl. xx. Prithvidêvi, whereas it is evidently Yamun & on the tortoise, as represented again and again at Elurâ, at Udayagiri in Bhopal, and elsewhere. Fig. 4 on pl. xxxi. he has not recognised as the Buddhist Mahakala. The subject represented in plate xxvi. fig. 2 is at the Mahant's monastery, built into
chakra mudra; the right hands from below are,-2nd broken; 3rd in the vara mudra (blessing with prosperity); 4th, holds the khadaga or sword; 5th, in the tarjant attitude, or bidding begone; 6th, holds the btjapura or citron; 7th, the ankusa; 8th, the vdira; and 9th, the parasu. Of the left, the 2nd is broken, the 3rd holds the danda; 4th, the lotus stalk; 5th, the kalasa; 6th, the pasa; 7th, the chakra ; 8th, the dhvaja (P); and the 9th is broken.

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the south-east corner of the surrounding wall, out- side: below is an inscription in characters of the 8th or 9th century :-Paindapdtikadhiyendrabhadrasya-"(Gift) of Paindap&tika Dhiyendrabhadra." The two figures on which the third stands are-Bhatt under the left foct, and under the right Bhato: it is a Tantric er secret image of a Bodhisattwa," but Dr. Rajendralla passes it off (p. 139), simply as a figure of Bhairava
On plate xxxiv. fig. 2 he has a long story (pp. 155-56) to toll, which seems to have little to do with the sculpture except that it relates to a Kinnari: but the Buddhist Kinnaras had human busts and birds' wings and feet. We may refer for examples to the Barabat tope, early Mathura, and Mavallipuram sculptures, or the wall-paintings at Ajanta. But the figure here has not a horse's head even (as the Brahmanica legends represent the Kinnaras), it bus the short mane and long ears of an a88.18 How would it wear the "jewelled coronet" he speaks of ? On the inner side of a pillar of the rail of the second stupa at Sanchi is a similar sculpture where the Becond figure is a child with three mangoes in his hand, and carried on her side over the rocks by this asinine mother. So here, we suspect, it is her son she holds by the hand. A third example was found recently by Mr. Burgess at BhAjQ where it occurs in the midst of a crowd of other figures. It most probably relates to some story of a Gardabhi dêvî, as yet unknown.
Plate xxxv. fig. 5 represents a man sitting in front of a cave on a rocky hill,-not stone house as the B&bu has it (p. 157). In all sculptures and paintings of the Buddhist period, hills are represented as in this figure.
The "acrobatic performance" (p. 158) in fig. 1 plate xxxvii. is familiar to us in Buddhist sculptures as a Gandharvayugmd, or a Gandharva and Apsara; and fig. 6 is well known as a kiritimukha (also plate xliv. fig. 5).
Plate xliii-the Dharmadhdtumandala perplexes the learned doctor (p. 143)- he does not even give its name. But in the area of almost every Buddhist temple two or more of these are to be seon of stone or brass or other metal. They vary in details but are all of the same type. The outer band is not" of leaves" as he describes it, but flames, and the circle is called judldvali; the 2nd, vajrdvali; and the 3rd, padmavali. Inside this is the jagati (or surrounding wall) with its four doors, and in the centre is the deana or seat, upon which is sometimes laid a large vajra. At the Svayambhunath tope in Nepal is a large gilt copper Dharmadhdtumandala and on it lies a huge vajra with an inscription of
the time of Pratâpamalla. The Mabâyâna sectaries say that Indra made such a throne for Sakya Muni when he was about to become a Buddha. : it closely resembles the samavasarna of the Jainas.
More than two pages (160-63) are devoted to prove that General Cunningham was quite wrong in supposing that the figure in plate I represents Apollo or Sarya. Now General Cunningham's account is quite correct-he speaks of the "two attendants" however without stating that they are females. What the Babu thinks the sculpture does represent he does not make very clear. We hold that it is Sarya in his chariot; and similar figures may be seen at Elure and Sanchi, and always with his two wives Chh&ya and Prabha, shooting at the Rakshasas. Mortal women do not usually shoot or fight for their husbands in Hindu poetry; the goddesses only do so: and this alone is fatal to the idea of its being any râja or human being who is driven in the chariot.
We have now indicated sufficient mistakes, we think, to show how unscientific Dr. Rajendralala is in his treatment of these parts of his subject, in which he ought to be most at home, and the reader will be surprised to learn from these specimens that the great native savant of Calcutta should have been guilty of so uncritical a spirit. If those he criticises are liable to occasional errors, he himself is quite as much so. We reserve the examination of the inscriptions for another occasion.
(To be continued.)
DIE RÅVANAVAHA, Von. S. GOLDSCHMIDT, (1st part,) Strassburg; K. J. Trübner, 194 pp. 4to.
The first instalment of Professor S. Goldschmidt's long-promised edition of the Rdvanavaha (more generally known as the Setubandha or Setuprabandha) has recently appeared at Strassburg. It gives the Prakrit text with various readings and critical notes, a complete Index (Prakrit and Sanskrit,) and an introductory essay on the materials from which the editor has constituted his text, and the principles of criticism by which he has been guided. A full account of this important publication will be rendered in the Indian Antiquary when the second instalment shall have appeared, which will give a German translation, explanatory notes, and a general introduction on the author and his work. Suffice it here to say, that this edition, the outcome of many years of patient labour and rosearch, will be sure to secure for Professor Goldschmidt the thanks of Sanskrit scholars for having so successfully acoumplished what may fairly be considered as one of the most difficult tasks in Indian philology.
R. R.
19 A counterpart of this figare may be seen in a plato in Raffles's Java (vol. II. p. 56), from & metal cast found near the mountain Dieng or Prabu.
15 We always refer to the originala: the plates, as already noted, not being quite trustworthy.
1. They can be bought in Nepal for Rs. 10 to 12.

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THE GANGAI-KONDAPURAM SAIVA TEMPLE.
BY COLONEL B. R. BRANFILL. THE great Saiva temple at Gangai-kondapu- TE9 Gaigai-konda-puram temple, as
1 ram, in the extreme north-east part of the it is now miscalled, consists of a nine-storeyed Trichinopoly district, twenty miles south-west of stúbi (steeple tower) or vimana over the shrine Chidambaram, and five miles north of the Kolli- or sanctuary, 99 feet square at the base, dom (Coleroon), is the finest and grandest Indian and about 165 feet high. This appears to be temple I have seen, but is simple in design and larger, though not higher, than any Indian chaste in ornament. This style of temple, built temple of which the size is given by Mr. on anything like this scale, is very rare. The Fergusson in his volume (The History of Indian great temple at Tanjore and one other near und Eastern Architecture). The two lowest Kumbakonam are the only comparable examples storeys are vertical, and composed of five towers I can recall. That it is no common specimen or compartments on each face; a large one in may be gathered from Mr. Moore's Trichinopoly the centre, with two narrow ones beside it, and District Manual, p. 343, whence the following two of medium size outside, next to the angles extracts are taken :
of the building, all of them ranged in the same "In a letter published in the Pall Mall Gazette, line forming a side of the square. It would Dr. Caldwell has remarked that he has reason seem more usual in Hindu temples for the cento hope that future enquiry will firmly establish tral compartment of each face to project or stand a supposition formed by him, that this temple forward most, the intermediate next, and the is one of the great, if not the greatest of, parent outer, or corner towers, to stand back, or be Hindu temples. He believes that the old and withdrawn so as to form the anglés of a smaller splendid temple of Tanjore is probably merely square than would contain the central and a model of it."
intermediate projections. The base of this temMr. Moore's description is erroneous in several ple conforms to a precise square. The central particulars. The size of the outer court, 584 by tower or compartment of each face is orna372 feet, is an interior measure for the length, mented simply by 16-sided pilasters at the which is actually 610 from wall to wall, and the angles, and has a deep niche between halfbreadth apparently includes the additional court pilasters in the centre, containing a well sculpof the Amman Kovil (Lady-chapel) attached, tured figure or group in full relief or free standonly that would bring up the width to 400 ft. ing. The blank wall-space, of which there is There is only one Gopura (or "gate pyramid") plenty, is covered with bas-relief scenes in which instead of six as stated, and a wrong impression Rishis bear a prominent part in company with is given of the ruinous state of the buildings, country.folk, herdsmen, and others, in great which is true only of the accessories and minor variety. The abundance of these tableaux is parts. The principal is in very fair order, but a characteristic of the temple. The interthe stone of the inscribed portions is beginning mediate narrow partitions are ornamented in to decay and peel off.
the same manner except that the pilasters are The first object of interest here is the great actagonal, whilst the outer compartments or stone vimana dedicated to Siva, conspicuous towers at the four corners of the temple have from its situation and size, for many miles plain square pillars and pilasters. Each storey around. Roughly speaking, it is a fac-simile, is marked by a bold projecting cornice of possibly the prototype, of the Great Saiva single (convex) flexure, an older form than that temple at Tanjore, which it closely resembles. of donble flexure. Ahove the second storey, but it is larger in plan, built of better stone, the tower rises in seven steps or terraces pyraand less spoilt by stucco and white-wash. midally, ench terrace having five small domed
A strict comparison however cannot be made cells, which cap the five towor-like compartwithout studying the two temples together by ments before mentioned, diminishing in size to means of comparable photographs, or by visiting the top of the pyramid. According to Fergusthem in succession.
son, these small domed cells may be supposed 1 On a basement terrace 106 feet by 104.

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to simulate the monks' dormitories that sur- terrace 5 feet above ground level, which projects rounded the many-storeyed halls of the Buddhist 31 feet beyond the plinth and forms a processionvihåras or monasteries, of which the monolithic path completely round the building. It is termtemples of Seven Pagodas' are early imitations. ed in Tamil ļodai - "man-way" or "serviceThese ornamental cells form a more conspicuous course." The mouldings below the processioncharacteristic of this temple than is common path are very bold and good, the ornament of elsewhere; at Tanjore for instance, where there the vertical or flat portion simulating a range of are thirteen storeys of cell terraces, the cells pillars or palings, alternately plain and sculpturbeing only about half the size, are consequently ed to represent Yali, (conventional lions) and far less noticeable individually. Above the various scroll-enveloped animals. seventh or highest row of cells, there is a roomy There is no trace of horizontal rails or of any terrace occupied by four large bulls couchant at wooden form of structure below the top of the the corners, and from the centre rises a compara- plinth-moulding which is the floor level of the tively slender neck surmounted by an umbrella temple and 10 or 12 feet above the ground. or semi-dome crowned by the usual kalasa Above that, wooden for.ns are frequent, as for or finial. The entire temple from base to summit instance in the projecting beam heads at all the is of hard stone, brought from a distance, for angles, which are only slightly ornamented. there is none in the neighbourhood. On the The string-course of griffon heads between them, east side of this great Stubi or Vimana stands probably, also represents the ends of the interthe Velimandapam or outer hall,' a plain rect- mediate timbers. The whole structure points to angalar building 160 feet long by 83 feet wide, a style of architecture in which the basement was with a flat roof supported by four rows of plain of masonry and the superstructure of timber. stone pillars and without any windows. This The brackets underneath the lower projecting grand hall or covered court was evidently cornice represent rampant animals with atdesigned to be of two storeys in height, and was tenuated bodies like greyhounds, of a rather begun on that scale at the west end, but never wooden pattern. completed, being only one storey, eighteen feet The panel or flat part of the back wall of high, throughont
each recess, between the projecting tower-like Between the Velimandapam, or outer court, compartments, is ornamented by a vase or some and the great Vimana, there is a three-storeyed very florid object called púranakambam. This building joining them together, called Méle- is a common feature at Tanjore and elsewhere, mandapam, covering the transverse aisle be- and seems to correspond to our cornucopia. tween the north and south entrances by which | The rounded plinth-moulding just above the the shrine is approached. This portico or procession-path is covered with inscriptions, transept is designed and completed in keeping mostly in old Tamil. Many of the letters cor with the grand scale and style of the Vimdna. respond with those on the base of the Tanjore The interior is too dark for its arrangements temple as shewn in plate xviii. of Burnell's and details to be seen, nor are strangers permit- 8. Indian Palmography, but others seem more ted to enter the doors. A third entrance is modern, approximating to those on his plate provided at the east end of the Velimandapam xix., of the fifteenth century A. D. To the onby a plain rectangular door in the centre, which instructed, the architecture seems uncommonly is approached from without by a double flight of good, chaste and archaic compared with the stone steps from the north and south sides, common great Hindu temples of Southern India. similar to the two other pairs of stairs by whichThe sculptured figures and groups that occupy the transverse aisle doors are approached the niches in the middle of each compartment Gigantic stone warders (dwdrapálas) guard each are very good indeed, both in design and exeentrance. This triple building (Vimána, portico, cution. They are carved in very hard, fine and outer hall) stands upon a grandly moulded grained, light coloured stone, occasionally applinth 5 or 6 feet high, no part of which is flat, proaching a cream colour. The figures are reand the whole is supported by a basement or presentations of sivs, Vishņu and Bramha, all
It measures 50 foet by 80. . Among some sketches by the writer, is one from a
niche representing Siva appearing out of the side of the Linga, four armed, with purasu and mriga, and a figure

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MAY, 1880.)
THE GANGAI-KONDAPURAM SAIVA TEMPLE.
119
of them less conventional and more natural than is common elsewhere.
The good state of preservation in which the temple generally now is, may be due to the hardness and durability of the stone, and to the fact that the site is very secluded and out of the busy paths of men, the highways of commerce, and tracks of armies. It has also escaped the fanatic zeal of the bigoted Moslem.
The temple stands in a courtyard 610 feet long E. and W. by 350ft. wide N. and S., which contains several good subsidiary temples, and the remains of a double-storeyed arcade or cloister which once surrounded it entirely. The gopuram proper or gateway tower in the centre of the east wall, is very fine, but quite subordinate to the temple (vimanam) itself. It is of good stone throughout, but has begun to fall down, and will shortly be a complete ruin. In style it assimilates more to that of the Virgânam than the Tanjore temple gopurams do, they being florid and highly ornate, whereas this is more severe and chaste than its principal. The chief adornment of the temple at Gangai-konda-puram is the repetition everywhere on the cells and cornices of the fan-like window ornament resem. bling a spread peacock's tail.
The name Gangai-kond a-cholapuram occurs frequently on the inscriptions, and would seem to indicate the city of Gangai-konda-chô!a. There is a place called Gangai-kondân some 24 miles farther north, and the name is believed to occur elsewhere in Southern India. The local legend, perhaps invented to account for the name, states that a pious pilgrim, whose life and strength were spent in fetching water from Banaras for the worship at Råmés. varam, had a vision in which it was revealed to him that he should find a spring of Gangeswater at this spot, a result which his great faith enabled him to effect, doubtless to his great material comfort; and a fine well of good water countenances the tradition. Gangai-kanda' might signify something like "a vision of Ganga," or "water;" ganga is not uncommon in Southern India with the meaning of water, especially for running water, and very many
river names in India and Ceylon have the word Gangå affixed to them. Gangai-konda or Gangai-kondan may mean "he' who obtained (or brought) water," a title that might well have been given to, or assumed by, the prince who constructed the Ponnêri-karai, a great embankment in this neighbourhood designed for the storage and distribution of water, no less than 16 miles in length. A supply channel 60 miles long was designed to keep this great reservoir supplied with water from the Kollidam river, and it seems likely that the prince who designed this great water project, should bave been also the founder of the great temple at the city which was to be benefited by it. The city has disappeared entirely, and the rural population is now scanty and poor, but the great temple and the skeleton of the great irrigation scheme remain to testify to the grand works that could be conceived by the minds and executed by the hands of the former rulers and people of this country. The high road from Madras to Kumbakonam passes within a mile or so of the spot, but there is a cross road from Chidambaram railway station vid Mannârgudi, that leads directly to the place, the distance being about 20 miles.
For the age of this temple consult the Madras Journal of Literature and Science, vol. XIII. (1844), the following quotations from which are taken from Captain Carr's Collection of Descriptive and Historical Papers relating to the Seven Pagodas (Mávalivaram), where Sir Walter Elliot attributes this temple to Vîra Rê. jendra Chola surnamed Koppara-Kesarivarma, and cites "inscriptions of this same prince on the magnificent temple at Gangondaram on the north bank of the Cavery, of which he appears to have been the founder," "one of these, in the 5th year of his reign ($. 991, A.D. 1069) runs thus; Ko-virâja-kesarivarma named RAjendra Deva, wielding the sceptre, &c. &c.".. “Son of Rajaraja (Narendra) Chôļa whom he succeeded in $. 986" (= A.D. 1064) . . . From the remoteness of the quarries, the hardness of the stone, the great size of the building, and the vast amount of carving displayed in the basement alone, below the rounded moulding on which the
grovelling in front. This is similar to a figure in the Disa Avatara temple at Elurn, only the subordinate figures of Vishna and BrahmA are awanting in the southern exemple. ED.
Among these are,--on the north side those of (1) Bhad. rak&ti Amman, (2) nearly opposite the Mele- or Sandhya.
mandapa Sandikeávara's, and (3) opposite the shrine, that of Bragal N&yiki or Vada Kailasa. In the south-west corner is (4) that of Ganga Vinayaka; (5) south of the shrine is Vivanetha's, or Bakshira Kailasa ; and (6) south of the great mandapa is Näriyar Kovil;' while at the east front is the bull Nandi.ED. It measures 75 foet by 40.

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inscriptions mostly occur, I do not think it probable that so much of the work could have been done in five years. The whole design was never completed, perhaps because it took longer than the reign of the prince who founded it, and I should think that the Great Vimana alone must have been nearer 50 years than five in building.
The epoch of Vira Rajendra Chola A.D. 1064 (to 1079 and later) seems well established, and his identity with the “Koppara-Kesarivarma, also called Udaiyar Sri Rajendra Devar" of the Vaishnava (Tamil) inscriptions at the Seven Pagodas, so that the year 1000 A.D. seems hardly too early for the foundation of this
I temple.
NOTES ON THE TANDU PULAYANS OF TRAVANKORE.
BY REV. W. J. RICHARDS, C. M. S. MISSIONARY, COTTAYAM. The men of the Tandu Pulayans (or Pulayans numerous slaves who are found there at this day. who wear Tanda grass) wear the ordinary lower They are also called Kuri, or Pit Pulayans, from cloth of the kind worn in this country, but the having originated as abovesaid. distinctive name of the tribe comes from the | Their language is Malayalam. They worship the women's dress, which is a very primitive article sun and heavenly bodies, and I have seen among indeed. The leaves of a certain waterplant them a little temple about the size of a large rabare cut into lengths of a foot long, and tied bit hutch in which was a plank for the spirits of round the waist in such a fashion that the their deceased ancestors to come and rest upon. strings unwoven hang in a bushy tail behind, The spirits are also supposed to fish in the and present the same appearance in front, backwaters, and the phosphorescent appearance, reaching nearly to the knees. This-is accounted seen sometimes on the surface of the water, is for by a tradition that in former days a certain taken as an indication of their presence. high caste man of that region had been sowing The food of the Pulayans is fish often cooked grains and planting vegetables in his fields, with arrak and with the liliaceous roots of but found that his daily work was in some un- certain waterplants. known way frustrated; for whatever he plant. When visited about 11-1 o'clock they are ed or sowed in the day was carefully picked found intoxicated, especially the men. up and taken " when men slept." So he set a They live in the Malayalam country, Travanwatch, and one night he saw, coming out of a kore, south of Cochin, between the backwater hole hitherto unknown to him, certain beings like and the sea, and another division of them is men but quite naked, who set to work destroy- found more youth near Aleppey, wbo are called ing his hopes of a crop. Pursuing them, he Kanna Pulayans. These wear rather better and succeeded in catching a man and woman, and more artistically made 'aprons. When a girl of he was so impressed with shame at their con- the Tanda Pulayans puts on this garmentdition, that he gave the man his own upper cloth sign of maturity-for the first time, there is a which was hanging on his shoulder, and made ceremony called the Tanda marriage. The state him put it on, but not having one to spare for of these poor people is virtually that of slavery, the woman, sbe (following Mother Eye's example) though some of them possess property. I should made herself an apron of grass es above de be glad to see in the Antiquary any notes of scribed. These were the progenitors of the similarly dressed natives of India.
NOTE ON A ROCK-CUT INSCRIPTION FROM RIWA. BY DR.A.T. RUDOLF HOERNLE, PHILOLOGICAL SECRETARY, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,
The inscription under notice was not long | Taņwas in the Riwa State. Of the locality in ago sent by Mr. M. A. Markham, Collector of which it was found, Mr. Markham gave the Allahabad, to the Asiatic Society of Bengal.' following charming description in a subsequent It had been discovered by him in a cave near communication : "As the name of the place the falls of Keoti Kunda on a tributary of the (Keoti Kunda) implies, there is a pool, into
See the Proceedings of March 1880.

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NOTE ON A ROCK-CUT INSCRIPTION FROM RIWA.
121
which falls a most lovely waterfall. The river & canon of perpendicular rocks, keeping the Mabânâ, which rises in the Kaimûr hills, and is above height almost the whole way. On one a tributary of the Taņwas (Tons), here preci-| side of the beetling crag' is a fine old native pitates itself over a perpendicular drop of 336 fort, and on projecting crags on the edge of the feet, anbroken even by a crag. The pool or fall are picturesque Hindu temples. Altogether kunda below is almost quite circular, and is it is a most lovely place." hemmed in by the perfectly perpendicular rock The copy of the inscription which Mr. Markof the above height for about two-thirds of its ham sent, and which the accompanying woodent circumference; the stream escaping through the represents, is apparently a mere copy made by opening and flowing for over two miles through eye on the occasion of Mr. Markham's visit to
W/8422gtttt tra48/
the cave. The relative size of copy and origin al is not known. A squeeze or rubbing would have been more satisfactory; still the copy is evidently drawn very carefully. All the letters, with the exception of the 6th, can be easily recognized. The 6th looks, at first sight, like no, but there can hardly be a doubt that it is na, the upper horizontal stroke having become slightly displaced. The 4th and 14th are a little differently drawn, but they are clearly meant for the same letter; and the only letter that will fit both words in which they occur is pu.' On the whole, the letters are very fairly preserved. The inscription apparently consists of two parts; there being an interval after the tenth letter. But the whole forms one connected sentence :
Haritiputena Sonakena kårità pukharini, i. e. "the pool (cave) caused to be made by Saunaka the son of Hariti." The language, as in most cave-inscriptions of this kind, is Pali. The addition of the final anusvåra in putenari, if it be genuine, follows a well-known Prakrit rule (see Hema Chandra, I, 27, and compare Kachchayana, 1, 4, 8). The diphthong au of Saunaka changes, as usual in Páli, to o.
Pukharini, or pool, is the name of the cave, which is most appropriately so called, after the pool at the foot of the rock which contains the cave. Such caves were not uncommonly named after conspicuous objects in their neighbourhood. Thus General Cunningham
in his Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum (p. 135) mentions a cave called Vápiyaka after a fine large well immediately in front of it.
As the form of the letters shows, the inscription belongs to the period soon after Asoka. The absence of the matras or heads, and the round form of some of them (as the p and 8) prove that the inscriptions may be assigned to as early # date as B.C. 200.
In the communication already referred to, Mr. Markham thus speaks of another cave in the neighbourhood, containing painted figures, and hunting and battle scenes. "In another cave, near & somewhat similar fall and pool on the Tanwas itself, about 8 miles west of Keoti Kunda, I found several square yards of very well drawn, or rather painted, figures, and hunting and battle scenes, in a rather bright rod. They were certainly not recent, but I could make no guess as to their age. The
oldest inhabitant' says they were just the same as now when he was born. I wonder if they are of any value. I have no doubt that a close examination of the numerous caves would be rewarded with many inscriptions."
I believe these particular caves have not been noticed hitherto by the Archæological Survey. Perhaps this notice may serve to direct attention to them. From Mr. Markham's statements they would appear to well deserve careful examination.
. It may be noticed that in the first inscription of the Bharahut Stúpa (see General Cunningham's Report, p. 129) the letter pu is always written like the 14th ; and that putena is twice spelt with na, as here, but once with na.
The Sauskrit Pushkarini; conf. the many 'Pokhari pas' or pools.
Sec Gen. 4. Cunningham, the Stupa of Bharhut, p. 15. From the length of the strokes for the vowels, I incline to think it somewhat later than the author.--ED.

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REMARKS ON THE WORD ŚRAMANA
BY REV. SAMUEL BEAL.
General Cunningham (Bhilsa Topes p. xii.) seems to conclude finally that Sra mana is a Buddhist title. But Colebrooke (Essays. vol. II. pp. 203, 204) arrives at another conclusion, that the followers of Buddha are clearly distinguished from Brachmanes and Sarmanes (arguing from Justin, whose opinion, however, is not final as the passage is ambiguous). Colebrooke as a general definition extends the term Samanæans to ascetics of various tribes (p. 204).
But to examine Cunningham's argument. He mentions first that Buddha was called Ma hâ Śramana, but this proves no more than that this term was employed by Buddhists, adopted by them as it was by the Jainas (Colebr. u.s. p. 196) and ascetics generally, as is evident from the inscription placed over the remains of the Indian who committed himself to the flames at Athens (Strabo, lib. xv. p. 720 Casaub.).
He then concludes that the Śramaṇas or Germanæ of Megasthenes must be the Buddhists, because it is said that women were allowed to join them (outdoodeiv) on taking vows of chastity (ἀπεχημένας ’αφροδισιῶν), adding that the Buddhists alone had nuns; but here we observe the words in the original do not bear out the assertion that the women were under vows, or became nuns; and we also find the same words used by Nearkhos (Strabo, xv., § 66 ed. Siebenkees) in reference to the Brahmans (ovμpiloσópeîv 8 avтois кài yuvaikas), so that this is no corroboration of the theory.
[MAY, 1880.
1AM6B10 of Clemens Alexandrinus, Strom, lib. I. 15. -ED.
which will apply to no portion of the Buddhist community. The πολίτικοι are described as wearing skins, and having their hair bound up, which is equally foreign to Buddhist custom.
With respect to the division of the Germanæ, described by Megasthenes, into 'Yoẞto, larpikol, prairai-if the 'Yoßto be Alobhiya in Sanskrit, it does not seem to refer exclusively to the Buddhists, for there were other ascetics who lived in woods and fed on berries; nor is it so applicable to the Buddhist as to others, for the Aranyaka or Buddhist ascetic was allowed to receive food from the householders (vid. Prati moksha). With respect to the larpiko, even if this were a corruption of pariko, how do we account for the description that they were physicians and concerned themselves with women? a thing strictly forbidden to the Buddhist.
On the whole we see no reason to argue the antiquity of the Buddhist community from any of these suggestions.
But observe, on the other hand, that the word Śramana (i.e., German) is distinguished by Buddha himself from the Brahman, and yet does not refer to his followers. (Lalita Vist., pp. 248, 216). "Bhikshus! there are Brahmans and Sramanas who believe that there is a purity resulting from abstinence," &c., and so on, in all which passages the same division between Brahmans and Śramans is observed, which is noticed by the Greek writers above quoted. We argue therefore that this division was one generally accepted, and was equivalent to Brahmans and non-Brahmans.
|
The division of Klitarkhos of the Pramne into όρεινοι, γυμνηται, πολιτικοι, προσχώριοι deserves consideration. The identification of the first with the Arhans will not, I think, prove satisfactory-first as they used the skins of Observe again that Buddha, when on his tour stags for their clothing-studying the art of of inspection from the four gates, is described healing, &c., which does not apply to the as meeting a Shaman with a joyful face, &c. condition of the Rahat; and secondly, as we So that even before he entered on a religious know that at the time when Buddha became life we read of this sect of Śramanas as existing an ascetic, there were in the mountains a class commonly in India, proving (unless we allow a of men clothed as these mountaineers are de- great solecism) that this appellation was applied scribed, in skins of stags, &c. As to the to others besides Buddhists. If this were once yura, it is distinctly said "yúpvous dia," granted, the argument falls to the ground.
From alubdha content, free from covetousness.

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SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
123
SANSKRIT AND OLD:CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY.J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.S.
(Continued from p. 103.) No. LXXVI.
speaks of Pulikesi II as a parama-mdhéscara. The present copper-plate grant was published But, on the whole, I am not inclined to question originally, with a rough facsimile, by the late its genuineness. Considering the locality from Bal Gangadhar Sastri in the Jour. Do. Br. R. which the grant comes, ----so far to the north As. Soc., Vol. II, pp. 4 and 12; and it has been fron Vâtapi, which was then the capital of the repeated by Prof. Bhândirkar at idlem, Vol. Western Chalukyas ; and comparatively so near XIV, p. 16. The lithograph now appears for to the Gurjara capital, --it is probable enough the first time.
that the Gurjara characters would be used, My transcription is from the original plates, instead of the Western Chalakya. Another which belong to Nansa Walad Kansa,' of Nirpan result of this branch of the Western Chalukyas in the Vigatpuri Taluka of the Nasik District. being located in so far an outlying part of their The plates are two in number, each about dominions may easily have been & want of 8" long by 5%" broad; the edges of them are knowledge as to the exact nature of the genearaised into rims, and the inscription has been logical and historical statements recorded in the very well preserved. They are connected by Western Chalukya grauts. Or even a mere act two rings. The right-hand ring is a plain of carelessness on the part of the engraver may copper wire about thick, bent into the form of have given the title of Satyasraya to Kirtti. a ring of about 1}" in diameter; but the two varma I, instead of to Pulikasi II., to whom, by ends of the wire do not appear to have been the way, no second title at all is allotted in this ever soldered together. The left-hand ring, grant. And thouglı it is not at all likely that which had not been cut when the plates came the worship of Maheśvara, or Siva, by Pulikesi into my hands, is about " thick and 18" in II. was ever so exclusivo as to justify his being diameter; the seal on it is circular, abou: 18" called a parann-mdlésrarı; yet the Western in diameter, and has, in relief on a countersunk Chalukyas undoubtedly encouraged the worship surface, at the top, the moon, --in the centre, the of Siva quite as liberally as the worship of motto SM-Jayásraya, -and at the bottom, a lotns. Brahmi and Vishņu and Jinêndra.
It is a Western Chalukya grant of N ága The Niga vardhana who is inentioned in line vardhana, also called Tribhuvanaśraya, the 13 must have been the preceptor of Pulikosi II. son of Jayasinha varma', also called Dha- Such at least is the strictly correct interpretation råśraya, who was one of the younger brothers of the epithet $/-Ndyavardhana-pálinudhyátu. of Palikesi II. From the motto on the seal, which is applied here to Palikesi II. In some it is probable that Jayasimhavarma had also the other inscriptions,-e. I., Nos. 3 to 10 of Dr. title of Jayasraya.
Bühler's Chaulukya grants at Vol. VI, p. 180 ; The grant is not dated. It records the gift and the Sihvar' grant of Jayachandra in The of the village of Baleg râma, in the Go pa Pundit, Vol. IV, p. 94,-pádinulhyata is used, rå shtra district, to the establishment of the by itself, to denote the relationship of son to god Kapalêśvara, or Siva as the wearer of a father; and in the two Valabhi grants published garland of skulls. This village has been identi by Dr. Bühler at Vol. VI, pp. 13 and 17, it is fied for me by Mr. J. A. Baines, C. S., with uscal, in addition to tasya sudah and tusyrin juh, the modern Bolganm-Taralhî about twelve miles to express the bond of filial and fraternal affecto the north-cast from Vigatpuri.
tion and respect uniting a son to his father and The doubtful points abont this grant are,-1, a younger to his elder brother. Bat, to interthat it is in the Garjara characters; 2, that it pret it otherwise than in its literal sense here, gives the title of Satyaśraya to Kirttivarmi I; would necessitate our taking Nigavardhana 3, that it allots the horse of the breed called to be another name of Kirttivarmi I; and there Chitrakantba' to Pulikėsi II; and 4, that it is nowhere any corroborative evidence to justify
When BA Gangadhar Sastri pablished the grart, the gaum in the Northern Konkan." platos belonged to Narsu Bhala Thakur, formerly of ? For brevity, and convenience of distinction, I shall call kayani in the volley of Trimba toj war, and now of Nind him in future notices Jayasimha II.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Mar, 1880.
[*]
this. It is plainly used here in the sense in No. XII, at Vol. V, p. 51, and in line 12-13 of which it occurs in Scdmi- Maháséna-pádánudkyútu No. XV, at id., p. 155; and it has the same in, e.g., line 1 of No. XL, at Vol. VII, p. 161, purport as pád bhalta, whicb occurs in line 14 and in Bhagavat-pádúnudhyata in line 13-14 of of No. XII, and in line 13 of No. XV.
Transcription.
First plate. [') Svasti (1) Jaynty=kvisbkrita Vishạôr=vvârâham kshobhit-Arnnavar | dakshiņ-Ônnata['] datishtr-âgra-vibranta-bhuvanat vapuh | Srimatam sakala-bhuvana-samstûyamana-Ma[°] navya-sagôtrinam Hiriti-putra ņam sapta-lôkamâtribhil sapta-matribhi. [*] r=abhivardhi tanam
Karttikêya-parirakshan-kvapta-kalyana-paramparåņå ti: [] bhagavan-Narayana-prasada-samasidita-varåha-lânchh'(ñichha)n-ökshana. [°] kshana-vasik rit-aśdsha-mahibhritam Chalukyanam k ulam-alam karishņôr=a['] svamédh-avabhritha-snina-pavitrikrita-gâtrasya
satyaśraya-Sri-Kirttivarmma rajasy-ktmajórnêka-narapati-gata-makuta-tata-koti-gh rishta-charan-aravipindê Mêru-Malaya-Mandara-samina-dhairyyô=har-ahar=abhivardhamana-vara-kari-ra
10] tha-turaga-padâti-balo manôjar-aika-Kam hachitr-akhyah (khya)-pravara-taraṁga["] mên(o)- parjita-svarajya-vijita-Chêra-Chôla-Pâņdya-kramagata-rajya-tra
yah
srimad-uttara path-adhipati-Sri-Harsha
Second plate. [1] parâjay-Opalabdh-Apara-nimadh@yah
Sri-Någavardhana-pâd-anu. ["] dhyata[b*] parama-mahêsvarah Sri-Pulakêsivallabhaḥ tasy=knujó bhrâtâ vijit-à0157 ri-sakala-pakshô dharaśrayah Sri-Jayasingha (sc.siṁha) varma-rajag=tasya sûnus=
tri(tri)-bhuvana. [") sraya[bo] Sri-Någavardhana-rajaḥ sarvvån=ôv=ågåmi-varttamâna-bhavishya[m* js-cha
narapa [") tin=samanudursayaty=astu vaḥ samviditam yath=&smibhir-Göparåshtra-vishay-anta[h][) páti-Balegrama[ho] sôdrangaḥ sa(86)parikara a-châta-bhata-pravèsya A-chamdr-arkk.
ârņnava5) kshiti-sthiti-semakálina[m] mâta-pitrôr=uddiéy=&tmanas-cha vipula-papya-yaśô-bhi[*] vridhy(ddhy)-arttham Balâmma-Thakkura-vijñaptikayê Kî pálêśvarasya Guggula-pâjâ
nimitta[m] tan-[n]ivasi-mahâvratibhya upabhôgaya salila-půrvvakar pratipiditas-tad=asmad-vaméyai[") r=anyair=vy=agami-ntipatibhi[h*] sarad-abhra-chamchalam jivitam-Akaly(layy)=ayam=
asmad.dâyo=numantavya[ho] [") pratipalayitavyas-ch-ty-uktam bhagavatâ Vyåsena | Bahubhiruvvasudha bhuktà râja[%] bhis=Sagar-adibhih yasya yasya yada bhůmis-tasya tasya tada phalam=iti (I) [*] Sva-dattam para-dattam và yê harata vasundharam shashtim varisha(sc. varsha)-sahasrâņi
vishthayam jayatë krimi[h*] || Translation
had the earth resting upon the tip of its up-lifted Hail! Victorious is the form, which was that right-hand tusk! of a boar, that was manifested of (the god) (L. 2.)-The son of the king Sri-KirttiVishnu, which troubled the ocean, and which varmâ, the asylum of truth, whose body
* The rule of doubling consonants after the letter ris sometimes attended to, and sometimes not, in this grant.
. Conf. pancha for parcha in l. 14 of the 1180 Gurjara grant at Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. X. p. 19.
This form of the occurs only here, and in sahasrani. 1. 25, and, doubled, in arnaval, 1. 1. The second, and inore usual, form of used in this inscription, occurs in the doubled forin in arnava, 1. 18.
• Prof. Bhinderkar reads, and translates, Chalukyandris, with the vowel of the first syllable long; but he is wrong.
This, of course, is a mistake for Chitrakanth..
As we have already had again, this use of bhavishya is a tautology.
It is not usual to express the double Ika by an almost complete repetition of the letter, as is done here and in 1. 20. We have an analogous instance to the present one in the word Karkkadhyapaka in line 38 of Prof. Dowson's first Gurjara grant at Jour. R. As. Soc., New Series, Vol. I, p. 217.
10 Satydiraya.

Page #143

WESTERN CHALUKYA GRANT OF NAGAVARDHANA.
,
© ១ បងឱ18***ឱឱe biz
ឱ្យធំ (ឱមង®ឱ្យចំចំ ប្រ យមe jជាកូនទៅសងឬ$
8ងខ្លឹម * ចៅវ័យ ៥ឬ៦លាប ប ជាស ១ ដ ឯម រងE 1 Fe ច អនុមខឱ askeab
*
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XIGAN
TISLITH PECKHAM

Page #144

• បើបាបខា ជីដង ~* បរម” នប្បទីងមកម" សូ មនបធំបំឲប៉ះ៍បង,,រដើមក្យ៤ G+Ba០ថ្នេះដើម្ម ឲáមខមត្ន ប ! ! ឱម៤បស្សនៈ និងនិម្មបមុខឹម u2
ចង់៥ដុំដccg3ឲ្យ៨ | មននងមន៏ អ្ន កមីង ១ .5 jឪ០២ឬវ៉ុង ឬបê qeJ8
នីម្យ បចបងឱeguaឃ្មុំ 518)បទចំរៀចំឲមរដ្ឋg សូមិ។ ខ្មែរខ្ញុំ. ១3៦រាប័ទ្ធទីម័ថាក្យ
* ប-២៥ថ្ងៃក្នុង ពីខ្ញុំ ខ្ញុំនិងសិចរមុំម៩យប់
CEW CEIGOS PHOTO-LITH PECKHAM.
SEAL OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYA GRANT
OF VIJAYADITYA. - SAKA 627.
SEAL OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYA GRANT OF VIJAYADITYA AND VIKRAMADITYA II.
"N iii okes
==
=

Page #145

MAY, 1880.]
SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
was purified by ablutions performed after celebrating horse-sacrifices; and who adorned the family of the Chalukyas, who are glorious, and who are of the kindred of Mânavya which is praised throughout the whole world, and who are the descendants of Hârîti, and who are nourished by seven mothers who are the mothers of mankind, and who have an uninterrupted continuity of prosperity acquired by the protection of (the god) Kârttikêya, and who have had all kings made subject to them on the instant at the sight of the sign of the boar which they acquired through the favour of the holy (god) Narayana, -was Śri-Pulakêśivallabha, the waterlilies of whose feet were scratched by the edges of the diadems of many hundreds of kings; who was equal in steadfastness to (the mountains) Mêru and Malaya and Mandara; the army of whose excellent elephants and chariots and horses and footsoldiers was always increasing day by day; who acquired his own kingdom, and conquered the three hereditary kingdoms of the Cheras and the Chôlas and the Pandyas, by means of one horse, as swift as thought, of the breed called Chitrakanthal; who possessed a second name" which he had acquired by defeating the glorious Sri-Harsha, the supreme lord of the region of the north; who meditated on the feet of Sri-Nagavardhana; and who was a devout worshipper of (the god) Mahêsvara.
(L. 14.)-His younger brother was the king Sri Jayasimha varmâ, the asylum of the earth, who conquered all the ranks of his enemies.
(L. 15.)-His son, the king Sri-Någa var dhana, the asylum of the three worlds1*, issues his commands to all future and present and future kings:
(L. 17.) "Be it known to you that, for the sake of (Our) parents and in order that We Ourselves may acquire great religious merit and fame, the village of Balegrâ ma, which lies in the district of Gô parashtra, has been given by us, at the request of Balâmma-Thakkura, with Nibations of water, and together with the udranga
See note 7 above. See also para. 4 of the introductory remarks to No. LXXVII.
1 The second name, however,-that of Paramésvara, or 'Supreme Lord,'-is omitted.
13 Dhararaya,
14 Tribhuvandiraya.
18 See note 8 above.
10 Guggula, guggulu, guggala, guggila, is bdellium, a
125
and the uparikara, and not to be entered by the irregular or the regular troops, and to endure as long as the moon and the sun and the ocean and the earth may last, for the purpose of the (rite called) Guggula-pújás of the temple of (the god) Kapâlêévara'', and, for their usufruct, to the great ascetics who reside at that (temple). Therefore this our gift should be assented to and preserved by future kings, whether of our lineage or others, having borne in mind that life is as transient as an autumn-cloud."
(L. 23.)-And so it has been said by the holy Vyasa :-Land has been enjoyed by many kings, commencing with Sagara; he, who for the time being possesses land, enjoys the fruits of it! He is born as a worm in ordure for the duration of sixty thousand years, who confiscates land that has been given, whether by himself or by another !
No. LXXVII.
This is another of the Nerûr plates, of which I have spoken at Vol. VII, p. 161. General LeGrand Jacob gave a notice of this grant, but did not publish it in detail. He treated it, in fact, as two separate inscriptions; the first and second plates being given as No. V in his paper, and the third plate as No. VII. It is plain, however, from the measurement of the plates, and from the uniformity of the writing, and from the context of lines 31 and 32 in my transcription, that we have one entire grant, and not parts of two separate grants.
My transcription is from the original plates, which are three in number. The first measures about 8 long, the ends of the lines being broken off, by 4" broad. The second is entire, and measures 9 long by 41" broad. The third plate, again, is only a fragment, the last two or three lines being broken off; it measures 91 long by 3" broad. Measuring from the top and the left side of each plate, the ring-hole occupies exactly the same position in plate III as in plates I and II. The edges of the plates are raised into rims to protect the writings. In addition to the parts broken away, plates I, II b, and III are a good deal damaged by rust.
fragrant gum or resin, which is burnt and waved before idols in procession. I am told that the rite is confined now to the worship of-the god Virabhadra.
17 Siva, The word in the original is Kopalésvara, which must be rendered by the temple or establishment of Kapålésvara. In Old-Canarese inscriptions the name of a god is analogously used in the neuter to signify the temple, instead of only the god itself.

Page #146

126
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MAY, 1880.
right.
Plate II a is better preserved; but here, as guróh, 1. 12, and thus to make the horse belong elsewhere, many passages would have been very to Palikesi II, --instead of applying it, as I do, to doubtful but for the style followed in this Vikramaditya.... bhattárakasya, 11. 14-15. grant being so well known. On the outside of The only direct statements that we have on plate III there are the remains of six lines of this point are,-1, l. 12-13 of No. XXVIII writing, probably a later addition to, or vari- (Vol. VI, p. 76), where the nominative construcation of the original grant; detached letters tion is used, and the horse is specifically stated are legible enough here and there, but no con- to belong to Vikramaditya 1;-2, 1. 9 of the nected passage can be deciphered. The ring spurious grant of Vikramaditya I, No. XLV and seal of this grant have been lost. The (Vol. VII, p. 219), which follows the construccharacters are those of the usual Western Cha- tion and language of the preceding :--3, 11. 11. Jukya alphabet,- very similar to those of No. 12 of the spurious grant of Pulikesi I, No. XLIV XXIX, at Vol. VI, p. 85, but not quite so (Vol. VII, p. 211), where the horse is well formed, and with the same slope to the allotted, neither to Vikramaditya I., nor to
Pulikési II, but to Pulike si I;-and 4, 11. It is a Western Chalukya grant of Vija- 10-12 of No. LXXVI above, where the horse, yaditya, dated Saka 622 (A.D. 700-1), in under the mistaken name of Kanthachitra, is the fourth year of his reign. It is issued from made to belong to Pulikasi II. This last his victorious camp at the city of Rasen - grant may, or may not, be genuine; but it is at nagara, and it records the grant of the village any rate one of no particular authority. And of Nerûr itself, bounded on each side by the the only authoritative statement that remains is villages of Balļâvalligrama and Sabamyapura. that contained in the first of the four grants The former of these is evidently the modern that I have just spoken of. Looking now to
Wullawul' of the Trigonometrical Survey the wording of the present grant,-if the epithet Map, about three miles to the west of Nerür; ending with vijigishôh were intended to be conbut the map does not give any name corres- strued with sva-gurôh, then the natural arrangeponding to Sahamyapura. I am not able at ment would have been to place avanipati-tritaypresent to identify Râgênanagara, unless it is antaritáni, 'which (regal splendour) had been Rašin in the Ahmadnagar District, about interrupted by a confederacy of three kings',' twenty-two miles W. by N. from Korți. after, instead of before, sva-guroh. These words can
I have translated 11.10 to 15 in such a way as to only have been placed before sva guroh expressly make the horse of the breed called Chitrakantha' for the sake of emphasis, and to indicate that belong to Vikramaditya I. In this I differ the epithet ending with vijigishoh is not to be from Mr. Rice, who translates the same passage in construed with sva-guróh. I do not know of the Vokkalóri grant (Vol. VIII, p. 23)) in such any extraneous evidence, apart from these away as to make this borse belong to Satya inscriptions, bearing on this point; and, in the śraya or Pulikest II. The whole passage from absence of such, -on the authority of No. line 8 to line 19, including three generations, is a XXVIII, and on the arrangement of the words genitive construction; and it is possible to apply in the present grant, we cannot bat allot the the epithet ending with vijigishôh, 1. 11, to sva- horse to Vikramaditya I.
Transcription.
First plate. ['] Svasti [ll] Jayaty=&vishk pitam Vishạôr=vvåraham kshó[bhit-A]ronavam dakshiņ.
Onnata-damshtr-âgra-vibra[nta-bhuvanam . va)[') pah [ll] Śrimatam sakala-bhavana-samståyamâna-Manavya-sag [tråņân) Hâritt
putra[ņa sapta-16)["] karmátribhis-saptamâtribhir-abhivarddhitânâm Kärttikêya-parira[kshana)-pråpta
kalya [ņa-parampara)[*] ņam bhagavan-Nárayaņa-prralda-samasadista-vara]ha-lañchhan-êkshana kshana-va[6ikrit
Abêsha).. Mr. Rige hus altogether missed the meaning of these words, which he rendere by 'together with that (wealth) inherited for three generations."
1.

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MAY, 1880.]
SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
127
['] mahibhřitâm Chalikyanan kulam-alankasri]shạðr=asvamêdh-&vabh sitha-[snana
pavitrik rita)[°] gâtrasya Śrf-Pala[k]śi[va]llabha-maharajasya sa]nuḥ paråkra[m-Akranta-Vanavåsy-A)[') di-para-nțipati-mandala-pranibaddha-visuddha-kirttih [Ári-Ki]rttivarmma-sprithivivallabha
mahârâja)[] stasy=&tmajas=samara (âtmajasya samara)-samsakta-sakal-6ttarApath-@[áva]ra-Sri
Harshavarddhana-parajay-8på). ['] tta-paramêsvara-sabdasya Saty Aśraya-sri-prithivi va]lla[bha].ma[haraj-Adhiraja-parame)[] śvarasya priya-tanayasya prajñâta-nayasya [kha]d[8]a-má (tra-sahayasya Chitraka)
Second plate; first side. [""], ņth-Abhidhâna-pravara-turangamêņ=aikôn=aiv=ôtsÂrit"-Abêsha-vijigish&r=avanipati-tri["'] tay-antaritam sva-gurôḥ śriyam-ktmasât-kritya prabhava-kulisa-dalita-Pandya-Chôļa[*] Kéraļa-Kalabhra"-prabhpiti-[bh@]bhřid-adabhra"-vibhramasy = án-any-Avanata - Kaichỉpati.
maku["] ta-chumbita-pâd-Ambujasya Vikramaditya-Satyâśraya-sri-prithivivallabha-mahároj-adhi[""] râja-paramêsvara-[bhattâ ]rakasya . priya-sûnôh pitur=ajñayâ Balêndusêkhara[sya) [*] Târakârâtir=iva daitya-balam=ati-samuddhatam trairajya-Kâfchipati-balam=&vashtabhya ka["] ka "radikrita-Kambra"-Pârasika-Simhal-adi-dvi(dvt)p-adhipasya sakal-Ottaripaths-natha
mathan-8[") pârijit-ôrjjita-pálidhvaj-Adi-samaste-pâramaišvaryya-chihnasya Vinayaditya-Satyasraya-bri. F) prithivivallabha-maharaj-adhiraja-paraméévara-bhattárakasya priy-âtmajas=saiba [va év=a)[") dhi[gat-a]śêsh-astra- [sk]strô dakshin-âsa-[vijayi ni pitâmahê samunma[lita-ni]khi
Second plate ; second side. ["] la-kaộtaka-samhatir-attarapatha-vijigishor=ggurð[ræagrata é]v =&hava-vyâpâram=d[") cbarann-arâti-gaja-ghat-Apåtana-vibiryyamåņa-kripaņa-dháras=samagra-vigrah-agro[*] sarag=gat-sahasa-rasikab parâm(ra)mu(imo)khikrita-atra-mandald Ganga-Yamuna(na)
pâlidhvaja-pa["] da( pda )-dal dha )kka-mahababda-chihna-måņikya-matagaj-Adin-pitrisât-karyvan-paraiḥ=
palayamanai. [") r-âsadya katham-api vidhi-[vajúkd=apanitd-pi pratâ påd=&va vishaya-prakópam
&-råjakam=n
* The reading here, which is followed also in l. 9 of No. LXXVIIL and in L. 12 of No. LXXIX, is better than the reading in l. 10 of the Vokkalēri grant at Vol. VIII, p. 93.
10 This is the reading also in No. LXXVIII, 1. 10-11, and in No. Lxxix, 1. 15. The Vokkalëri grant, 1. 12-18, reads aiv - Otaddit-dassha; but, though the rest of the passage is different, utsdrita in the word used in l. 11-12 of the spurions grant of Palikel I. (No. XLIV, Vol. VII, p. 211). In l. 18-18 of No. XXVIII (Vol. VI, p. 76), the ronding in aius prérit-andka-samara-wuk Mahu. In l. 9-10 of the spurious grant of Vikramaditys I. (No. XLV, Vol. VII, p. 319), the reading is aina pratit-andka-samara. makne. In No. XXXIX (Vol. VII, p. 111), Second Part, 1. 84, and Fourth Part 1 74-5, the tracing_reads aiva pratit-aneka-sarh (?) fri () ta (?)trairdjya-Kdyhchépatibalum avashfabhya karadikrita, do. as in 1. 17 of the pregent grant, omitting the intervening matter; the MS. Collection copy omits the passage altogether.. .
11 There are several marks over the la, one of which may be an Anusvdra, or all of which may be caused by rust; bat I do not think that there is any Anusudra. Nos. LXXVIII and LXXIX do not throwany light on this point, is, in the former, 1. 13, the whole word is omitted, and in the latter, 1: 17, the first two syllables, kalo, are omitted. In 1. 14 of the Yokkaldri grant, the lithograph does not show any Anusudra. In No. XXXVIII, 1. 68 (Vol. VII, P. 86), the tracing reads very distinctly dalita-Pathdya. Ohola-Kerala-Kadamba-prabhriti, but it is just possible that Kadamba is a mistake for Kalabhra or Kalabhra on the part of the man who made the tracing; this passage in
No. XXXVIII is omitted in the MS. Collection copy, and it does not occur at all in No. XXXIX. In No. XXIX. l. 16-17 (Vol. VI., P. 88), and No. XXX, L. 16-17 (id... 89), and No. XLVIII, 1. 13-16 (Vol. VII, p. 301), and in Pili, Sanskrit, and Ola-Canarese, Inscriptions, No. 16, 1. 11-13, the text is different, and only the Cholas, Pandyas, and Keralas are mentioned. In 1.21 of No. XLVIII, where the word occurs in a different context, the lithograph does not show any. Amusvara, and though Col. Dixon's photograph does shew & mark which appears to be meant for Amun, yet its position is more over the bhra than over the 14. Having regard to the fact that the early inscrip tions generally follow the correct practice of using, in the middle of a word, the nasal of the class of the following consonant, in preference to the Ansudra, the probability is that Kalabhra is the real word.
15 In No. XXXVIII, 1. 66, I have read, and translated udagra. This should be corrected, as the tracing, on reexamination, clearly shows adabhra.
15 This repetition of the syllable ka is a mistake.
"The reading is quite certain here, and in No. LXXVIII, 1. 16. It is equally certain in l. 19 of the Vokkalëri grant, and is there Kavera. In No. XXXIX, Second Part, 1.84 85, and Fourth Part, 1. 75, the tracing very distinctly shows karadfkrita-Kerala-Paral(81) ka-Sithhol-adi bat curiously enough, in the Second Part the MS. Collection copy reads Kamard, instead of Kerala. The river Kavert undoubtedly takes its name from Kavēra, the name of
country or of people. It is probable therefore that the Kavera of the Vokksleri grant is more correct than the Kaniera of this grant and of No. LXXVIII.

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128
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[MAY, 1880.
["] tsarayan-Vatsarâja i[v=ân-apê]kshit-para-sâhâyakas-tad-avagrahân=nirggatya sva-bhaj.
& vashta["] mbha-prasadhi(di)t-abesha-visvambharah prabhur-akhandita-sakti-trayatvách=chhatru
mada-bhañjanatvâd=udara["] tvân=niravadyatvâd=yas=samasta-bhuvan-kórayas=sakala-pâramaiśvaryya-vyakti-hêtu-pâli(li).
dhvaj-âdy-ujva(jjva). [*] la-prajya-rajyo
Vija[yâditya-Sa]tyåóraya-sri-prithivivallabha-mahârâj-adhirajaparameávara-bha[""] ttârakas=sarvvân=êva[m=ājõâpaya]ti [lo] Viditam-asta vô=småbhir-dva-vimsaty-uttara
shat-chhatêshu Saka-varshe. [*] shv-atitéshu pravarddhamâna-vijaya-rajya-saṁ vatsarê chaturtthô varta(rtta)mânê Råsêna"-nagara
Third plate; first side. {"] m-adhivasati vijaya-skandhâvârê Âshada (dha)-paurpuamasyam Nando" ... ya
vijāâpanaya Va(?)tsa(?). (**) sagðtra(trá)sya(ya) Rêvasvâmi-dikshita-pautrậya Jannasvâminaḥ putrậya Dåsas våmind
Iridi(Pdi)ge(Ppe)["] vishayê Viļi(Phi)ge(Pbhe)-nadi-tata-sthaḥ Baļļâvalligrâma. Sahamyapura-grâmayôr=
mmadhya-sthaḥ Nerd[*] r-nn&må gråmas-sa-bhôgas=sarvva-bâdha (dha)-pariharê dattaḥ [!] Tad-âgâmibhir
asmad-vamấyair-anyais-cha râja[] bhir=&yur-aišvaryy-adinâm vilasitam=achira mba-chamchalam-avagachchhadbhir-a-chandr
arka(rkka)-dhar-ârņņava-sthiti["'] samakálam yasas-chichishubhis=sva-datti-nirv visdsham paripalaniyam=uktañ=cha
bhagavat vêda-vyh[") gêna Vyâgêna [I] Bahubhir=vvasudha bhukta raja[bh]is=Sagar-adi[bhiḥ yasya]
yasya yadê bhůmig-ta["" [sya tasya tajda phala [ll] Svan=dâtum su-maha(ch-chhakyaṁ duhkham
anyasya pâlanan dånam vâ palla[nam) v=ôti då[na]". Translation.
subject to them on the instant at the sight Hail! Victorious is the form, which was that of the sign of the boar, which they acquired of a boar, that was manifested of (the god) through the favour of the holy (god) Nåråyana,Vishņu,-which troubled the ocean, and which was Sri-Kirttivarma, the favourite of the had the earth resting upon the tip of its uplifted world, the Great King, whose pure fame was right-hand tusk!
established in the territories of the hostile kings (L. 2.-The son of the Great King Sri. of Vanavasi and other cities), that had been Pula kesivallabh a-whose body was invaded by his prowess. purified by ablutions performed after celebrating (L. 8.)-His son was Saty Aśraya, the horse-sacrifices, and who adorned the family favourite of the world, the Great King, the suof the Chalikyas, who are glorious; who are of preme king, the supreme lord, who had acquired the kindred of Manavya, which is praised over the title of Supreme Lord' by defeating Srithe whole world; who are the descendants of Harshavardhana, the warlike lord of all the Hâriti; who have been nourished by seven region of the north. mothers, who are the mothers of mankind; who! (L. 10.)-His dear son was Vikramahave attained an uninterrupted continuity of ditya-Satyasraya, the favourite of the prosperity through the protection of the god) world, the Great King, the supreme king, the Karttikêya; and who have had all kings made supreme lord, the venerable one,--who was
15 Gen. Jacob's Pandit reads Rasava. But the second syllable is certainly se, with the vowel long or short; and though the third syllable might be va with the lower part corroded away, I consider it to be na.
16 One consonant and vowel are quite uncertain here. There seems to be visible the letter subjoined to them.
This letter, wd, is broken away at the end of the line and the rest of the plate, containing two or three lines more, has been broken off and lost.

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MAY, 1880.)
SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
129
conversant with the art of government; whose who was in the foremost rank in all battles ; only aid was his sword; who was desirous of who was flavoured with the quality of excellent conquering all people, whom he drove before him impetuosity; who drove back the bands of his by means of only one horse of the breed called enemies; who-while acquiring for his father Chitrakantha2s; who, having acquired for himself the tokens of the (river) Ganga and the the regal splendour of his father, which had (river) Yamunâ and the pálidhvaja, and the been interrupted by a confederacy of three kings, insignia of the dhakka-drum and the mahdsubdued (like Indra), with the thunderbolt sabda, and rabies and elephants, &c.,-having which was his prowess, the mighty tumult of been attacked by his enemies, (who turned upon the mountains which were the Pandya and the him) while they were fleeing, and having been Chola and the Kerala and the Kalabhra" and somehow or other, through the force of desother kings; and who had the waterlilies which tiny, led away into great dinger), -by his were his feet kissed by the diadem of the lord prowess quelled the anarchical disturbance in of Kanchi, who had bowed down before no his country, and, resembling Vatsaraja in not other.
depending on any other for assistance, came (L. 15.)-His dear son was Vina y safely through his obstacles and tranquillised ditya-Satyasraya, the favourite of the the whole world by the support of his own arm; world, the Great King, the supremo king, the who, being then the lord, became the asylum supreme lord, the venerable one, -who, having of the whole world by reason of possessing at the command of his father arrested the in all their integrity the three constituents of extremely exalted power of the lord of Kanchipower, and by reason of having broken the whose kingdom consisted of three component) pride of his enemies, and by reason of his highdominions, just as Târak Aratis (at the command) mindedness, and by reason of his blamelessness; of his father) Bålênduśêk haradid arrest and who possesses the palidhvaja, which indithe power of the demons, cansed the rulers of cates entire supreme dominion, and the other Kamôra" and Parasika and Sinhala and brilliant (insignia of) mighty sovereignty,--thus other islands to pay tribute to him; and who issues his commands to all people :was possessed of the pdlidhvaja" and all the (L. 30.)-"Be it known to you! Six honother mighty insignia of supreme dominion dred and twenty-two of the Saka years having which he had acquired by crushing the lord of expired, and the fourth year of (our) increasing all the region of the north.
and victorious reign being current, and (Our) (L. 19.)-His dear son, Vija y aditya- victorious camp being located at the city of Saty Aśraya, the favourite of the world, R & sê nanagara -on the day of the fullthe Great King, the supreme king, the supreme moon of the month Ashâdha, the village named lord, the venerable one-who even in his Nerur, situated between the villages of Balchildhood acquired a knowledge of all the writ- IÂvalli and Sahamyapura on the bank of the ings on the use of weapons; who, his grand- river (?) Vilige in the (?) Iridige district, has father having been victorious in the region of been given by Us, at the request of Nand8...... the south, aprooted the thicket of the thorn- ya, with the enjoyment of it and with the relinbushes which was the assemblage of his foes quishment of all opposing claims, to Dêvasvâmi (in that direction); who, following the avoca- of the (?) Vatsa gôtra, the son's son of Rêvetion of war even in front of his father who was svåmidikshita and the son of Jannasvami. This desirous of conqnering the region of the north, (grant) should be preserved by future kings, had the edge of his sword worn away by splitting who are desirous of acquiring fame, whether open the foreheads of the elephants of his foes; they belong to our lineage or to other families.
** See para 4 of the introductory remarks to this grant.
** See note 21 above. No. XLVIII, compared with No. 16 of Pali, Sanskrit, and OW-Canarese, Inscriptions, shows that Vinay Aditya's campaign against the Pallavas, Kalabhras, &c., took place in Saka 615-6. .
* Karttikeya.
dhvaja or pali-ketann, at Vol. VII., pp. 111 and 245, but the meaning is still doubtfal. The explanation suggested by Mr. Rics in his introductory remarks to the Vokksleri grant will certainly not hold water.
3. Pada,
3. Samastabhuvand maya. This is, I think, the earliest instance of the use of this title, which became, under the Western Chalukya, one of the perpetual titles of the family.
See note 35 above.
32 Sira.
» See note 24 above. * I have suggested two possible explanations of palli.

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as long as the moon and the sun and the earth attached to his paper, rough as it is, shews and the ocean last, just as if it were a grant that at that time the whole inscription was very made by themselves, bearing in mind that the legible indeed; whereas now, though it is charms of life and riches, &c., are as evanescent sufficiently legible to any one who knows the as the lightning."
text from other similar grants, to any one else (L. 37.)-And it has been said by the holy it would be very difficult, if not impossible, to Vyasa, the arranger of the Vedas :-Land has decipher the greater part of it. The ring, which been enjoyed by many kinge, commencing with had not been cut when the grant came into my Sagara; he, who for the time being possesses hands, is about to thick and 47" in diameter. land, enjoys the fruits of it! It is a very easy The seal is circular, about it in diameter, and thing to give one's own property, but the pre- has, in relief on a countersunk surface, a standservation of the grant of) another is difficult; ing bour, facing to the proper right; a facsimile (if the question is) whether giving or preserving of it is given on the same plate with the (is the more meritorious act),-preservation is Western Chalukya grant of Någavardhana. The better than giving !
characters are of the same type as those of the No. LXXVIII.
preceding grant. This is another of the Nerar plates, trang- It is another Western Chalukya grant of cribed and translated in full by General Le- Vijay Aditya, and is dated Saka 627 (A.D. Grand Jacob as No. II. in his paper.
705-6), in tenth year of his reign. It records My transcription is from the original plates. the grant of the village of Hika! amba They are three in number, about 91' long by or Hikalam bha. I cannot find any name 4" broad; the edges are raised into rims to approaching this on the map; but the inscripprotect the writing. The third plate is eaten tion tells us that it was in the same vishaya or through by rust in a few places. The other two district with Nerur itself, the name of which plates have not suffered in this way. But the seems to have been Iridige, and which, as it is whole inscription was evidently very much called a mahásaptama, appears to have been injured by whatever process was adopted to clean one of the districts constituting the Seven it for General Jacob's Paņdit: for the hand-copy Konkaņas.
Transcription.
First plate. ['] Svasti [ll] Jayaty=ivishkritari Vishọôh vâráham kshobbit-arma(rņņa)van
dakshiņ-Ônnata-damshtr-&gra-viśranta-bhuvanam [3 vapuh [ll] Srimatam sakala-bhuvana-samstûyamåna-Mânavya-sagðtråņam Hariti
putrâņam sapta[] lokamatřibhis=sapta-matsibhir=abhivarddhitânám
Karttikėya-parirakshana-pråptakalyaņa-pa[] ramparâņam bhagavan-Narayaņa-prasada-sama sâdita-varaha-lAñichhan-Okshana-kshana-vasi[] krit-Agêsha-mahibhritam Chalikyanam kulam-alamkarshņ(rishņā)r=asvamédh-avabhritha
snîna-pavitrikrita-gå[°] trasya Sri-Pulakośivallabha-maharajasya sunuh parikram-Akranta-Vanavåsy-Adi-pa['] ra-n ripati-mandala-praņibaddha-visuddha-kirttih Sri-Kirttivarmma-prithivivallabha
mahârâjasta[] sy=&tmajassamara(Atmajasya samara)-samsakta-sakal-6ttarâpath-svara-Sri-Harshavard
dhana-parajay-pâtta-pa['] ramêśvara-sabdasya Satya raya-śrî-prithivivallabha-mahârâj-adhiraja-paraméévarasya
[priya-tanayasya] [O) prajñâta-nayasya khadga-matra-sahấyasya Chitrakaộth-abhidhâna-pravara-turangamên=
aik=aiv=8. ["] [ts&]rit-aśdsha-vijigishor=avanipati-tritay-antaritam va-gar[bo] Briyamsatmasâlt-kri]
The rest of the grant, including the certificate of the minister in whose office it was written, has been broken off aud lost.

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SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
131
1
.
7
Second plate; first side. [" tya prabhava-kulisa-dalita-Pandya-Chôļa-Kerala-prabhritis-bhubhrid-adabhra-vibhramasy=
An-any-ava(1) nata-Kañchỉpati-makuta-chumbita-pâd-Ambujasya Vikram Aditya-Satyasraya-sri-prithiviva[*] llabha-maharaj-adhiraja-paramêśvara-bhattarakasya priya-sûnôh pitur=i (jmaya Balê]ndu[*] sêkharasya Târakârâ tir=iva daitya-[ba]la[m=ati-sa]muddhatam trairājya-Káñchipati
balan=ava167 shtabhya karadikrita-Kamêra-Parasika-Simhal-Adi-dvip-Adhipasya sakal-őttarâpatha-nk["] tha-mathan-Ôparijit-ôrjjita-palidhvaj-adi-samasta-paramaiśvaryya-chihnasya Vinayadi[") tya-Satyasraya-sri-prithivivallabha-mahârâj-adhiraja-paramésvara-bhattârakasya priy
atmajas=sai107 sava @y=Adhigat-Asosh-Astra-Astro dakshin-Ask-vijayinipitämahð samunmülita-nikhi[*] la-kantaka-samhatir=attarâpatha-vijigishôr=ga(ggu)rôr=agrata @=åhava-vyâparam=
ácbarann=a. ["] râti-gajn-ghat-Apåtana-vibiryyamâņa-kripâņa-dhậrag=samagra-vigrah-Agrêsaras=sa["] t-sâ hasa-rasikaḥ parânmukbikrita-satru-maņdal Ganga-Yamuna-påļidhvaja-pada(?da)da(dha).
Second plate; second side. ["] kkÁ-måņikya *o-matangajâdîn=pitrisât-kurvvan=paraiḥ pala amânair=isádya kathamapi vi["] dhi-vasád=apanîtô=pi pratåpád=ôva vishaya-prakôpam=a-râ jakam=atsârayan=Vatsaraja [") iv=ân-apêkshit-para-sâhâ yakas=tad=aiv=avagrahân"=nirggatya Sva-bbuj-Âvastambha
prasa (sk)dhi(di). ["] t-aśêsha-visvambharaḥ prabhur-akhaņdita-sakti-trayatvâch=chhatra-mada-bhañjanatvåd=
ndâratvân=nirava["] dyatvád=yaḥ samasta-bhuvan-Abrayas=sakala-pâramai varyya-vyakti-hôtu-paļidhvaj-Ady-1["] jva(jjva)la-prajya-rajyô Vijayaditya-Satyasraya-sri-prithivivallabha-maharaj-idhiraja["] paramèsvara-bhattârakas=sarvrån=evamajña payati [1*] Viditam=astu vô=smábhi[b]
sapta-vimsaty-uttara-sha[] t-chhatëshu Saka-varshồshv=atîtêshu pravarddhamana-vijaya-rajya-samvatsaré daśamo
varttamânê [""] [sri]mad-Upêndra-vijña panaya maha-saptamê Iridi(?di)ge (Ppe)-vishayê Kumara(?)" ......
pu(?)ra-gra ma[*] gör=mmadhye Hika ambal?mbha)-nama-grâma(m) vêda-vêdêmga-påragêbhya ashta
brahmaņēbhgô [da]ttal [*] [*] Etéshîn=nama-gôtrâny=uchchya(chya)nto [lo] Bharadvája-sagôtra-Dévasvámi Kausika-sago
Third plute. [*] tra-Karkkasvami. Bharadvája-sagðtra-Yajñasvâmi Kauņdinya-sagðtra-Nagammasvå mi
Maudgalya[*] sagôtra-Dåvasvâmi  trêya-sagôtra-Ga(?)rgga(?) svâmi* [Kabyapa]-**sagộtra-Rudrasvâmi
• Vatsa-sasa." [*] gôtra-Dåsavarmmaņd dattah [ll*] [Ta]d=âgâmibhir=asmad-vamsyair=anyais-cha rajabhir=
a yur-ai[éva***]ryy-adinan ("] [vi]lashi(si)tam=achira msa-[chamchallamravagachchhadbhir=A-[cha]ndr-arka(rkka)-dhar
Arņa(rņna)va-sthiti-samakala (*) yasas-chichishubhi[bo] ava-datti nirvvisesha[ paripälanîya*]m=uktam cha bhagavata
vêda-vyåsena Vyåsena [1] Bahubhi. * In No. LXXVII, 1. 13, the reading is Kerala-Kala- were not read by Gen. Jacob's Pandit also. bhra-prabhriti. The Kalabhras are omitted here.
* Garggasvami is tbe reading of Ghen. Jacob's Pandit :
but the letters are now very doubtful. * In No. LXXVII, 1. 24, and No. LXXIX, 1. 30-1, the ** This is the reading of Gon. Jacob's Pandit, but these reading is da(che)kka-mahasabdi-chihna-minikya.
three letters are now quite illogible.. "In No. LXXVII, 1. 26, and No. LXXIX, 1. 84, the s This repetition of the letter, sn, is a mistake. reading is tad. vagrahan, sc. tasmad-aragrahad, instead The hand-copy by Gen. Jacob's Pandit shows part of of tadá eva avograhad.
this letter, eva, in dotted lines; but it is really omitted Three letters are altogether uncertain here. They altogether.
S

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[] r=v[vlasudha bhuktâ râjabhis-Sagar-âdibhir-ya(yya)sya yasya yada bhûmis tasya tasya [] tada phalam [*] Svan-datain su-mahach-chhakyam duḥkham-anyasya pâlanaṁ dânam vâ pâlanam vêti dânâ
["] ch=chhrêyô-nupâlanaṁ [*] Sva-dattam para-dattâm và yê harêta vasundharâm shashtim varsha-sahasrâni
[""]vishthâyâm jayatê krimiḥ [*]
Mahâ-såndhi-vigrahika-Nira[va ]dyapanyavallabhêna
likhitam-i
[""] dam sasanam ||*
Translation.
Hail! Victorious is the form, which was that of a boar, that was manifested of (the god) Vishnu, which troubled the ocean, and which had the earth resting upon the tip of its up-lifted right-hand tusk !
(L. 2.)-The son of the great king SriPulakêsivallabha,-whose body was purified by ablutions performed after celebrating horse-sacrifices, and who adorned the family of the Chaliky as, who are glorious; (&c., as in No. LXXVII),-was Śri-Kirttivarma, the favourite of the world, the Great King, (&c., as in No. LXXVII).
(L. 7.)-His son was Satyasraya, the favourite of the world, the Great King, the supreme king, the supreme lord,-who had acquired the title of Supreme Lord' (&c., as in No. LXXVII).
"
(L. 9.)-[His dear son] was Vikramâditya-Satyasraya, the favourite of the world, the Great King, the supreme king, the supreme lord, the venerable one, who was conversant with the art of government; &c., as in No. LXXVII.""
(L. 14.)-His dear son was VinayadityaSaty Araya, the favourite of the world, the Great King, the supreme king, the supreme lord, the venerable one,-who, having at the command of his father (&c., as in No. LXXVII.)
(L. 18.)-His dear son, Vijay âdityaSatyasraya, the favourite of the world, the Great King, the supreme king, the supreme lord, the venerable one,-who even in his childhood acquired a knowledge of all the writings on the use of weapons; (&c., as,in No. LXXVII"), thus issues his commands to all people:
(L. 29.)-"Be it known to you! Six hundred and twenty-seven of the Saka years having expired, and the tenth year of (Our) increasing and victorious reign being current,
But omitting any mention of the Kalabhras. But omitting the words mahdiabda-chihna.
the village named (?) Hikulamba, between the villages of Kumâra. . . . . . . . and pura, in the mahúsaptama" district of (?) Iridige, has been given by us, at the request of the glorious Upêndra, to eight Brahmans who are thoroughly acquainted with the Vêdas and the Vêdángas. Their names and gotras are declared :-It has been given to Dâvasvâmî of the Bharadvaja gôtra, and Karkasvami of the Kausika gôtra, and Yajñas vámi of the Bharadvaja gôtra, and Nagammasvâmi of the Kaunḍinya gotra, and Dêvâsvâmî of the Mandgalya gotra, and (?) Gargaśvami of the Atrêya gotra, and Rudrasvami of the (?) Kasyapa gotra, and Dâsavarmâ of the Vatsa gútra. This (grant) [should be preserved] by future kings, (&c., as in No. LXXVII)."
(L. 38.)-And it has been said by the holy Vyâsa, the arranger of the Védas :-Land has been enjoyed by many kings, commencing with Sagara; (&c.)! It is a very easy thing to give one's own property, (&c.)! He is born as a worm in ordure for the duration of sixty thousand years, who confiscates land that has been given, whether by himself, or by another!
(L. 42.) This charter has been written by Niravadyapanyavallabha, the high minister entrusted with the arrangement of peace and war.
No. LXXIX.
This is the last of the Nerûr plates, noticed by General LeGrand Jacob as No. IV in his paper, but not published in detail by him,
My transcription is from the original plates. They are three in number, about 71" long by 48" broad; but a good deal of the first plate, including the whole of the first line, has been broken off and lost. The edges are slightly raised into rims to protect the writing; the inscription, however, is here and there so much worn away as to be very difficult to read. The ring, which had not been cut when the grant
lit., the great seventh.'

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133
came into my hands, is about thick and 31" and with the omissions in the following lines, in diameter. The seal is slightly oval, about 1 I am somewhat inclined to doubt whether this by *', and has, in relief on a countersunk surface, is altogether a genuine grant. a standing boar facing to the proper right; a 1 It is an undated Western Chaluky a grant, facsimile of it is given on the same plate with the of the time of Vijaya dit y a, and records Western Chalukya grant of Någavardhana. The the grant of the village of Mala v û r by his son characters are of the same type as those of Vikramaditya II. This village must proNo. XXVIII, at Vol. VI, p. 75. The ortho- bably be looked for somewhere in the Konkan; graphy is very bad; so much so that, coupling but I cannot find any name suggestive of it in this with the peculiarity of style in 11. 38 to 44 | the Map.
Transcription.
First plate. ['] [Svasti | Jayaty=&vishkritam Vishạôr=yvårahan kshobhit-krņnavan- dakshiņ.Ônnata)['] [dańshtr-&gra-viśrânta-bhuvana vapa[b] [i] Sr[imatâm sakala-bhuvana-saṁsta). () (yamâna-Mânavya]-sagôtra(trâ)ņa (ņâm) Ha(hâ)riti(tf)-putra(trâ)ņam sapta-[lōkama][] [tribhis=sap]t[a-mâtri]bhir=abhivaddhi(rddhi)ta(ta)nâ[mo] KAtti(rtti)kêya-parira
ksh[aņa-prâpta] c'] kalya(lyâ)ņa-para[m*]para(ra)ņa(ņâm)
bhagavan-Na(na)ra(râ)yaņa-prasa (sd)dasamas&dita)[*] vara(ra)ha-la (lá)ñchban-êkshana kshana-vasi(si)kpit-a(a)śêsha-mahi(hi)[bhri][!] tâm Chalukyana(na) kulam-alam*]karishņôr=asvamêdh-avabhritha-sna(sna)na
1 pavitri(tr)krita-gåtrasya Sri-Poleksivallabha-mahara(ra) ja[sya®] sana(nuh) para(ra)[') kram-alá)kra(kra)nta-Vanava(vá)sy-adi-para-nra(nri)pati-mandala-praņibaddha-visud[dh]a
ktporttih Sri-K]irt[t Jivarmma-pri(pri)thivivallabha-mahara(ra) jas=tasyritmajasya samara)("] [samsakta-sa]kal-Ottara(ra)path-eśvara-Śri-HA(ha)rshavarddhana-pa[rAjay-Opa). ["] [tta-pa]ramebvara-sabdasya
Satya(ty&)$[r]aya-6[r]]-[prithivi].
Second plate; first side. [**] [va]llabha-mahara[j-adhird]ja-paramés varasya priya-tanayasya prasjñata] ["] nayasya (khadga-ma]tra-sa(hâ]yasya Chitrakanth-Abhidhana-pravara-tu[ranga)["'] [mên=aikê]n=aiv=ôtsa(tsa)rit-eśêsha-vijigishor=avanipati-tritay-a(a)ntari[tâm sva-ga][^] [rh] Sri ya]m-atmasa(s)t-kri(kri)tya prabha(bha) va-kul8(li)sa-dalo(li)ta-Pa(på)ndya
Chôļa-Kêra["'] la- [Kalabhra.-prabhșiti-bhůblisid-ada (da) bhra-vibhramasy = a(8)n-any-a(A)vanata
Kakậ)ñchî-pati-ma[18] kuta-chumbita-pâd-ambujasya
Vikramaditya-Satya(tyâ)śraya-sri-pri[-] thivivallabha-mahara(ra)j-adhira(râ)ja-parama(mê)śvara-bhatta(tta)rakasya [RO] priya-sû[nôh) pitur=a(a)jõaya (ya) Ba(ba)16(18)ndusêkharasya Ta(ta)raka(a)rátir-iva [dai)["] [tya-balam-ati-samu]d[dhatam trê(trai)ra(ra)jya-Ka(ka)ñchipati-balam=avashtabhya ka[*] radikrita-Kamera-Parasika-Sinhal-adi-dvi(dvi)p-a(a)dhipasya sakal-Óttara(rf)pa[tha)("] [nåtha-mathan-Opárjjit-ôrjjita-pâļidhvaj-âdi]-samasta-pa(på)[ramaišvaryya). {"] [chihnasya Vinayaditya-Satyasraya-sri-prithivivallabha-ma]hkra(ra)j-a(s)[dhiraja)
Second plate ; second side. *] paramesvara-bhattárakasya
priyâtmajas-saišava
[v=Adhigat-Asesh-a][] stra-Astro d akshin-ask-vijayini p itâmahê s amunmülita-nikh[ila-ka)["] ntaka-samhatir=uttar&patha-vi[ji[gi*]shor=ga(ggu)rôr=agrata &v=a hava-vy[param=&][*] charann=ara(ra)ti-gaja-Ighat-pâta)na-visiryyama(m)ņa-kra(kri)påņa-dha(dhara[segama)
2.
10 The form of le here is the anmo form that is used in the same word in 1.8 of No. LII (Vol. VIII. D. 41). and in kavileyan, for kavileyuman, in l. 5 of No. LVII (id.,
p. 285), and in kavileyuhin 1. 6 of No. LVIII (id., p. 286) Boo the remarks at Vol. VIII. p. 237. par..
31 See note 81 abovo.

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[] graha-vigrah-a(a) [grê*]saras-sat-sa (sa) ha[sa-rasikal pa[râim]ukhikrita-satru-manda[18] [] Gamga-Yamuna-pâlidhvaja-pada (?da)-da (dha) kka-mahâsabda-chihna-[mâ][] nikya-matamgaj-â[din-pitrisâ]t-kurvvan-paraih-pala (l)yama (mâ)n[air=â]["sa(s)dya kathamapi vidhi-va[i]d-apa[nt]-pi prata(t)pa(pi)d-iva vishaya-[pra][*] kôpam-a-ra(ra)jakam-utsa (tså) rayan-Vatsara (ra) ja iv-a (A)n-apêkshit-a(a)para-sa (sa) [hâ][*] [y]ka-in[d-Ava]grahin=nirggatys sva-bhuj-a(4)vaabtambha-hpra(pra)ca(så)dhi(di)t46aha-vivambhars[b]
["] [pra]bhur aka (kha)udita-sakti-trayatva (tvâ)ch=chhatru-mada-bhaṁjanatva(tvâ)d=uda(dâ)ratva(tv)niravadya[tvid-yab]
[*] samasta-bhuvan-a( a )sraya-sri-s-sakala-pa ( pâ )ramê(mai)śvaryya-vyakti-hêtu-pa(pâ)lidva(dhra)j-[kdy-ujjva]
["]la-pra(priya-rari)jy
Vijayaditya-Satya(ty)éraya-érl-pri(pri)thivivalla
[MAY, 1880.
Third plate.
[*] [bha]-maha (ha)ra (râ)j-âdhira (râ )ja-paramêsvara-bhatta (ttâ)rakas=sarvvân=êvam=âjña(jñâ)payati [1]
["] [Vi]ditamasta vd-sma(små)bhab(bhil) (si)nn[b] Vikra[m]ditya-Satya(tyà)ára[ya*]
árt-pri(pri)thi
[]vivallabha-maha(h)ra(ri)j-a(4)dhira (rk)ja-parambévara[b] sarvva(rvvé)[nam-j
(a)payati [1]
[] Sâkânti datta Malava(va)ra-nâ[ma-grâmah] sa-bhogam(h) sarvva-ba (ba)dha-pari[hârô] da[tab]
[] Kiva(
Bammapasa (ev)mina[b] putra(e. patriya)
bha(cha) tu(tur)-vidya-sama"".
[] dikshita-Sarvva-Aditya(ty) [y] [] niya [] [Bahubhir-vvasudha bhuktâ] ra(ra)jabhih [Sagar-âdibhih] yasya yasya talya)da(d) babhi)mi[b] [y] [tasys] [tad [] lam [*] Satta(sc. sva-dattâm) para-datta (tta) [m] va yô harê [ta*] va[su*]ndharâm [ahaahti-varsha-sahnerigi vishayk jya" [] ma(tê) krimi[b*] [*]
pha]
56
kan)adinys-engůtra(tri)ya
Translation.
Hail! Victorious is the form, which was that of a boar, that was manifested of (the god) Vishnu,-which troubled the ocean, and which had the earth resting upon the tip of its uplifted right-hand tusk !
(L. 2.) The son of the Great King SriPoleksivallabha,-whose body was purified by ablutions performed after celebrating horse-sacrifices, and who adorned the family of the Chalukyas, who are glorious; (&c. as in No. LXXVII),-was Sri-Kirttivarmâ, the favourite of the world, the Great King, (&c., as in No. LXXVII).
(L. 10.)-His son was Satyasraya, the favourite of the world, the Great King, the supreme king, the supreme lord,-who had acquired the title of 'Supreme Lord' (&c., as in No. LXXVII).
This syllable, ha, is superfluous.
This syllable, ért, is superfluous.
Four or five letters are quite uncertain here.
(L. 13.)-His dear son was Vikramâditya-Satyasraya, the favourite of the world, the Great King, the supreme king, the supreme lord, the venerable one,-who was conversant with the art of government; (&c., as in No. LXXVII).
(L. 20.)-His dear son was VinayadityaSatyasraya, the favourite of the world, the Great King, the supreme king, the supreme lord, the venerable one,-who, having at the command of his father (&c., as in No. LXXVII).
(L. 25.)-His dear son, Vijay âdityaSatyâśraya, the favourite of the world, the Great King, the supreme king, the supreme lord, the venerable one,-who even in his childhood acquired a knowledge of all the writings on the use of weapons; (&c., as in No. LXXVII) -thus issues his commands to all people:
(L. 39.) "Be it known to you! By Us, (Our)
ss Three or four letters are quite uncertain here.
56 Two or three letters seem to have been engraved here bat they are quite illegible. If engraved, they were superfluous.

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son Vikramaditya-Satyasraya, the dikshita, of the Kaundinya gôtra, who is .... favourite of the world, the Great King, the .......... the four Vedas, and who is supreme king, the supreme lord, thus issues his the son of Bammaņdasvâmios, .........." commands to all people :-The village named (L. 44.)-[Land has been enjoyed] by [many] Mala vâra has been given .........", kinga, [commencing with Sagara); (&c.)! He with the enjoyment of it and with the relin is born as a worm (in ordure for the duration, quishment of all opposing claims, to Sarvaditya-l of sixty thousand years), (&c.)!
BUDDHIST SYMBOLS, &c. BY E. THOMAS, F.R.S., CORRESPONDANT DE L'INSTITUT DE FRANCE.
(Continued from p. 66.) I have lately availed myself of the opportunity, the attributes of the god of light in reduced of studying the collection of the Amaravati gradations to several of the minor members of Marbles, at present in the India Museum at South the Indian Olympus. Kensington, with a view to determine the nature In India at large the prevalence, if not uni. and bearing of the more popular symbolsversality, in primeval times, of the worship of the and devices appearing on these sculptures, 80 sun is attested by the survival of generic names, closely associated with the old homes of the the concurrent testimony of home tradition and Andhras-in the hope of illustrating and ex- inscriptions, the evidence of travellers, and the plaining the parallel emblems on the series of more material endorsement of sculpture. coins, pertaining to proximate localities, recently We can roughly complete a goodly circle of under consideration.
geographical proof from the earliest Sauras of My first impression, derived from a very Saurashtra, by way of the Temple of the Sun cursory examination of these sculptures, led me to at Multân, to Gaya and Orissa on the east coast, conclude, that whatever extraneous elements and back again to the written testimony of the might have been introduced from time to time, Western copper-plates, and the caste-marks on that the Tope itself had been primarily devoted the foreheads of the women in the oldest to the cause of solar worship. The dominant painting at Ajanta. circular pattern indeed was obviously sugges- To revert to the symbols on the Amaravati tive of such a purpose.
Торе. It need not be reiterated that the sun consti
THE WHEEL. tuted one of the earliest objects of worship among The leading and most important device among primitive nations, as in the ordinary course it the objects of worship is what it has hitherto would present itself to the untutored mind, as the been the custom in modern parlanoe, to designate "natural selection." How many races of men as the Buddhist wheel." To my apprehension intuitively adored the sun, or how many classes those carvings were not designed to represent the of the priesthood have taken "the light of the “Wheel of the Law," or any such fanciful world" as the basis of their religion, it would machine, but represent the conventional symbol be hard to say.
of the sun, in the form of a wheel, as indicating As the Greeks and Romans created many his onward revolution. At times it is difficult personifications of the sun-god, so the Indian J to discriminate the sculptor's intention, as to Aryans recognised its leading representative whether he designed to make the wheel like the deities by the various names of Sürya, Savitri, sun, or the sun like a wheel, but one of the most Aditya and Vishņa, besides assigning many of striking examples of the presiding motive is
sikanti, 1. 41, meaning not apparent, unless the word lines within its circumference, and these again were is a chronogram containing the date of 615. Saka 616, superseded by ornamental double lines with a circular however, was not in Vijay Aditya's reign; and I know of centre-boss. (Rawlinson's Ancient Monarchies, vol. I. no other instance in which a Chalakya date is expressed p. 141.). In this latter form it is figured at Bavian, in by this method.
Besociation with the half-moon and 7 planets (Layard, 5. sc., 'Brahmåndagvåmt.'
Nineveh and Babylon, 1863, P, 211). In Lajard's Culte de Burgess, Arch. Survey: Notes on Ajanta, 1879, Mithra (Paris, 1847), endless varieties of the symbolic forms pls. viii, ix, 1.
of the sun are collected, chiefly of more or less ornamental The earliest Chaldæan type of the sun was formed of patterns, but in one instance (pl. xi. fig. 6), the sun is rea simple ring or circle, like the Indian Sdrya-mandala, presented by a simple six-spoke wheel, with the worshipper but it wm speedily improved upon by the addition of cross- in front and the half moon to the left on a similar pedestal.

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afforded by the parallel figures at Bhilsa. We must now examine, on the other hand, In pl. xliii. Fig. 5, of Mr. Fergusson's work, what title the Buddhists can show to establish the wheel is ornamented on the outer edge of their claim to the worship of the wheel, as an the felly with a succession of arrow points, essential part of their own system, except in so reminding one at once of the "arrows of far as it was borrowed, in the way of an approApollo," or the blaze of the sun's rays, an addi- priation; from the earlier devisers and legitimate tion which, in the solid form, would have sadly employers of the symbol. impeded the roll of a mundane wheel. At A certain amount of confusion has been Amaravati these arrow-heads are replaced by a introduced into this enquiry by the fact that succession of tridents (pl. xcviii. fig. 7), and the the chakra or 'wheel' was not only supposed to multiplicity of the sub-divisions of the wheel represent the sun or the wheel of the sun's itself are far more suggestive of the rays of the | chariot, but it had also a worldly significance sun, than of useful wooden spokes. Again, in one of universal' sovereignty, or the kingdom of instance of the examples of the various designs the entire circle of the known world.' It is in of wheels at Sanchi, we find the spokes con this latter sense that Buddha himself is reported verted into something very like flames of fire. to have used the word, when he says "Bury me
The arrow points are still more marked and like a Chakravartti Raja,"" that is as a "king," directly indicative of their purport in the not as a saint: and, as he contemplated at the numerous instances of the representations of time, no worship of his mortal remains, so we guns on the coins, especially in the Ujjain series, may fairly infer that he did not anticipate the whose mintage locality is determined by the imaginary wheel, he merely claimed in virtue of insertion of the word Újenini, in Lat characters. his royal extraction, would be elevated into one A large number of specimens of these pieces have of the symbols of the faith he taught. been collected and figured in Journal Asiatic Burnouf, Foucaux, and other early investiSociety, of Bengal, vol. VII. plate lxi. These gators were not very clear in their discrimination examples abound in the various symbols and of the contrasted import of the term chakra, enigmatical emblems of the sun, such as the but later authorities altogether discard the local imagination delighted to associate with his claims of the legitimate Buddhists to any such various powers. The barbed arrow points, in piece of machinery as a sacred wheel. Spence these instances, start from the central wheel Hardy, while recognising the Chakrawartti 88 and project considerably beyond the felly. In universal emperor, has no such word as a one case (No. 1) we have confirmatory evidence "wheel" in his index." of the local reverence for the four-fold sun in the Mr. Beal, who has consistently rejected any repetition of that number of smaller rings, idea of the virtue of a wheel, as an aid to Budwithin each of the four circles connected by dhist faith, sums up the relative bearings of the the cross-lines of the standard swastika pattern. question in the following emphatic terms :-"]
Cunningham, Bhilsa Topes, pls. xxxi. 1, xxxii. 1. • The arrow heads are of two kinds, and are made to alternate from the rounded cutting point, depicted in Mr. Ferguson's Sanobi plate exivi, to the simple unbarbed point represented in the combats in plato Ixxviii. See alao arrows in the Rig Veda, v. i. xvi. Wilson. vol. IV. p. 26.
Fergusson, Tree and Serp. Wor., pl. xliii. fig. 5. See also Genl. Canningham, Arch. Report, vol. III. pl. XXI. B., and Col. J. Low, Transactions Royal Asiatic Society, vol. III. plate 3. .
Nos. 2, 11, 16, 26, 30, &c.
Dhammacahkkar, Dominion of the Law. The well known phrase dhammachakkah pavatleti is usually reno dered "to tarn the wheel of the law," but that this was its original meaning I consider extremely improbable. Paraftets does not mean "to turn" so much as " to set going" "to establish," &c. and chakka is probably tased in its Bense of "domain" or "dominion." It is most important to bear in mind that this famous phrase is used not of the whole period of Buddha's ministry, but only of his first sermon in which he "began" or "set on foot" his religion. AjAtasatta is reported to have said in reply to the priesta about the contemplated general council: "It is well, 1 venerable men, you may rely upon me, let mine be the
domsin of temporal anthority, yours the domain of religion."-Childers' Pali Dictionary, 1875; pub voce.
• Journal Asiatic Soc. Bengal, vol. VIII. p. 1005. Prinsep's Essays, vol. I. p. 167.
Burnouf, tom. If. pp. 808, 887-8, 416. 10 Histoire de Bouddha Sakya Muri (Paris, 1848) pp. lxii, 147, 108, &c. Le trésor de la roue divine apparaît Tana la région orientale, avec mille rais, une circonférence et un moyen, toute d'or, non fabriquée par un charron, et de la hauteur de sept talas (cap. i. p. 15). Bábu Rajendralála, in his translation of Lalita-Vistara, is decided in the opinion that "The Legend of the Chakra ratna" is no doubt an after-contrivance intended to adapt the title for a Bauddba prince," p. 28.
11 I conclude that no one has hitherto veptared to suggest the similitade of Wheels of the Lane, to the hand-revolving Buddhist praying-cylinders, or to the larger water-power mills which call nature to aid in the performance of the religious rites of entire village communities, in making the prayer-inscribed drum, attached to the water wheel, speed their devotions to heaven. See General Canningham's Ladak, 1864, p. 875. 1 Manual of Budhism, London, 1858, pp. 80, 126. See also Eastern Monarchison (1850), pp. 87, 82.

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proceed to make some reference to the scenes Undue importance, I think, has been attriof the sculptures on the gates and beams at buted in later arguments on the subject to the Sánchi. But before doing so, I would start the illustrative label attached to one of the scenes at query, whether there is any proof to be gathered | Bårahat; comprising the words Bhagava to dharfrom the character of these sculptures, that the ma chakam. This definition of the purport of the followers of Buddha worshipped either the Tree sculpture would, undoubtedly, be of the highest or Naga ? If they did, nothing in the world importance, if we could only fix the period of its would more effectually destroy the theory of their incision, or if we could pretend to determine religion. The Buddhist convert; theoretically how soon after the death of Sakya Muni, the first at least, acknowledged no superior to himself adaptation and appropriation of "wheel worship" in heaven or earth."18
was received into the Buddhist formula 1 M. E. Senart, who has more recently gone If the Amaravati Tope took anything like over the whole ground of Indian symbolical the three centuries to finish, which is claimed for devices, in bis La Légende du Buddha, ex- its fellow mound at Sanchi," there was room presses his couclusions and convictions in an enough, in all conscience, for the growth and equally positive way: “ Quoiqu'il en puisse interchange of religious and their authorized être, l'expression chakrai pravartayituin forme symbols. Such an inference would, in a meala partie fondamentale et vraiment significative sare, account for the apparent variety of creeds dans notre formule. Tout nous interdit de depicted in the several groups of sculpture, and séparer son emploi dans la légende da Buddha explain, in the plenitude of pilgrim's gifts of de son application, précédemment examinée, au "rails and pillars," the reason for the slow Chakravartin. Dans la roue du Chakravartin progress of, what England irreverently calls, nous avons sans peine reconnu le disque de the preaching-up of a church steeple. Vishņu et les images empruntées à la roue solaire; The 123 nominal rolls, mostly proclaiming la roue da Buddha n'a point à l'origine d'autre small danarns or donations collected as a prelimisens; c'est en sa qualité de véritable Chakra- nary list in Genl. Cunningham's Bhilsa Topes," vartin que le Baddha la met en mouvement sufficiently indicates the law of progress in this (Rig Ved. viii. 5, 8)."14
instance. But we have more direct and material I quote M. Senart, in this instance, on ac- evidence to this end, in the appropriation of a count of his more comprehensive knowledge sculptured stone of ancient date by the Badof Buddhism and Buddhist literature. I have dhists themselves, where they are seen to have ordinarily sought to form my own independent taken advantage of the unadorned back of a opinion from the Indian point of view, of ques- slab of a much earlier period of art, with an tions before us.
original design of a tree and Vishņu padas-to
سال بود تا آنرا عمارت می کردند و رفعت او بقد رصد و پنج گز برد خراب کرد
13 J. R. A. 8., (N.S.) vol. V. (1871) page 168. See also The Travels of Fah-Hian, (London, 1869) pp. 108, 127. Gen. Cunningham, in somewhat the same sense, remarks: "With respect to the title of this last work of Mr. Fergusson,
Tree and Serpent Worship,' I submit that it is not borne out by the illustrations; and farther, that as serpent worship was antagonistic to Buddhism, such a title is not applicable to a description of the religious scenes sculptured on a Buddhist Stupa."- Archeological Reports, (Simla, 1871), vol. I. page xxiv.
1. Journal Asiatique, 1875, vol. VI. p. 116.
15 Since this was written, my saepicions of the authenticity and good faith of these labels has been signally confirmed. The more important ones are, in many casos, obviously after-insertions, cut in at hazard in any vacant space available. Furnishing, indeed, a new proof of the cuckoo propensities of the Buddhists.
10 The sathor of the Tabakat-i-Nasiri, in adverting to the partial destruction of the Bhilsa Tope by Altamsh in A. H. 631, A.D. 1283, adds the information that it originally took 800 years to build, and stood at a height of 105 gaj.
The passage in the Persian text runs as follows (Calcutta Text, 1864, p. 176) :
Major Raverty is inclined to consider that it was the Temple at Dijain, that took 300 years to finish ; bat the text, under his own interpretation, does not sanction such an inference, even if the great elevation of the structure alluded to by the Muhammadan author, was not altogether opposed to the conclusion. Translation of the Tabakat-i Neširi (1875), p. 621; see also Elliot's Historians, vol. II. p. 328.
While adverting to the Bhilsa Tope, I desire to advert to an opinion expressed by Mr. Hall of the solar indications 888ociated with the name and the place:
"I have discovered that, in the middle ages, the sun was worshipped in Central India, under the designation of BhAills,- from bha, 'light, and the Prakrit termination illa, denoting possession. There was a temple to Bhdilla at or near Bhilss, which I take to be a corruption of bhAilla + isa, or bh&illesa."- Mr. Hall, Vishnu Purana, vol. II, p. 150. See also Jour. Asiatic Soc. Bengal, (1862), p. 112. The transcription of the name as Bhaylesan, Mahdbhalesuar, &c. by Reinand, quoting Albirunt, seems to support Mr. Hall's pronunciation. See Elliot's Historians, vol. I. p. 59.
? Bhilas Topes, London. 1854,-plates xvi, xvii, xviii, Pp. 235, &c.
رحمن وشهر بهیلارا بگرفت و بتخانه که سیصد

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figure on the reverse in finer lines and more emblems predominated in the general selection, elaborate treatment, their conventional repre- if not to the exclusion, of conflicting symbols. sentation of the standing form of Sakya Moni. We know what importance has been attached to VISHŅU PADAS.
casto marks in India, from time immemorial, The hollowness of the Buddhist pretensions we have seen that the chinha of the Jain Tirto the origination of this popular symbolic com- thankaras was of more consequence than the bination, was exposed some fifty years ago by outline of the special statue itself;" and the a very competent judge, who examined the question then arises, as to whether these vari. consistency of the faith from the point of view ons devices are not merely the discriminating presented in extra-Gangetic or Siamese localities. sectarian emblems adopted from time to time, Captain J. Low concludes his observations on the by sub-divisions of worshippers of a common subject in these terms :-"To whatever country object? This leads on to the consideration of or people we may choose to assign the original the further query, as to whether all the four or invention of the Phrabát, (foot of Buddha,) five devices engraved on the soles of "the two it exhibits too many undoubted Hindu sym- feet" may not eminate from one and the same bols to admit of our fixing its fabrication upon idea, and carry a like significance? The central the worshippers of the latter Buddha; of whose wheel is many.rayed and sun-like, the closeness positive dogmas it is rather subversive than other- of the spokes or rays seeming to indicate quick wise, by encouraging polytheism."
rotation. The swastika-here repeated over In somewhat the same sense, our latest com and over again, even unto its appearance on the mentator on these matters, Dr. Rajendralála toeg-has already been noticed in its connec Mitra, freely admits that, " on the whole, the tion with the sun, the circle surmounted by the marks on the Buddha-pad bear a closer resem- trilla is found to be a near counterpart of blance to Hindu than to Buddhist religion," the figure of the crude god, in the temple of and I am disposed to accept the authority of the Jagannath." inscription, and to believe that the stone, though It forms a prominent object of devotion placed popularly called the foot of Buddha, was put up at the head of a cone, irvery many of the sculpby the Hindus."
tures at Amaravati," and it will be remembered In this instance, in short, the Buddhists mere that it proves to be identical in form with the ly acted, as other people, before and since, have ornaments which constitute the outside rays of had a tendenny to do, i.e. to follow the sensible, the wheel of the sun in the same series, taking, if not inevitable, course of conciliating the local in effect, the place of the more pronounced arrowraces by incorporating or assimilating the out- rays at Sanchi, but a strange confirmation of ward signs and symbols of s pre-existing faith. its import and direct connexion with the sun
We learn from the collection of Ujjain coins, is afforded by the so-called " Asoka railing," at arranged by Prinsep, above adverted to (J. A. Buddha Gaya," where the lower compartment is S. Beng. vol. VII. pl. lxi.), that in covering their devoted to the chariot and four horses of Surya dies with figures and forms, dharanas and yan- himself, with his attendant arobers; while the tras, the indigenous races admitted in combina- upper storey of the edifice represents a covered tion many and various devices having reference niche or shrine in which the ball or circle with to the manifest power of the sun, and that its the superimposed trišila object stands alone and
" Fergusson, Tree and Serp. Wor., pl. lxxviii, figs. 2, 3, page 201 , India Museum Slab, No. 56.
* Captain J. Low, "On Buddha and the Phrabat," Transactions R. A. 8. vol. III. p. 64, (March 20th, 1880). See also J. R. A. S. (N. 8.) vol. Ix. pp. 65 and 163. 10 Sanskrit Inscription, dated 1280 Saks.
Buddha Gaya (1878), p. 127. 11 The Babylonians are remarkable for the extent to which they affected symbolism in religion. In the first place, they attached to each god a special mystio number, which was used as his emblem, and may even stand for his name in an inscription.
"Further, each god seems to have had one or more emblematic signs by which he could be pictorially symbolized. The cylinders are full of such forms, which are
often crowded into every vacant space where room could be found for them."--Rawlinson's Ancient Monarchies, vol. III. p. 467.
13 Gen. Cunningham Bhilsa Topes, p. 358; J. R. 4. S. vol. VI. p. 450.
". Ferguson, T. and 8. W., plates Livii.to lxxii. page 192; Bhilsa Topes, bl. xxii. figs. 4, 5, 10.
Rjendralala Mitra, Buddha Gaye, (Osloutta, 1878.) pl. l., p. 160. I am bound to add to my interpretation of these soulptures, that the Bibd does not see anything "solar" in the leading figure in the chariot, p. 162. Ho does not seem to have taken any notice of the upper compartment. J. R. 4.8.(N. 8.) vol. III. p. 161.
* The archers appear to be females. The bows are of the same form as those on our coins.

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undivided in its glory," and seems to declare itself as the direct crypto-emblem of the more definite embodiment of the god in the associate sculpture.
The fourth prominent symbol in the order of the general combination, of which there are two examples on each foot, consists of a diagram, which may be reduced into the simple alphabetical elements of # (rva) or a possible crypto (uri). I fear that it would be useless at present to speculate on the meaning of the compound.
It may be the counterpart of a more Chinese looking device, of a square pedestal or box, surmounted by a T, which figures on the leading class of Behat coins, and which General Cunningham pronounces-he does not say on what authority-to be "an emblem of the sun,"28 & conclusion which is, to a certain extent, supported by the new evidence now adduced of the real import of the combination of the central sun and four surrounding tridents, which symbol is found occasionally to supply its place above the back of the deer.
In the Assyrian system a nearly similar device constituted the ideograph of "le nom du dieu de l'onction royale," and at other times stood for the royal sign of Nebo,'80 but it would be difficult to establish any direct connexion between the two. My own later impressions were that it was an early conventional type of the Sacred Tree, for which conclusion the appear. ance, in some instances, of a railing on the lower box seemed to give authority."
Of the minor and subordinate devices which contribute to the filling-in of the general pattern, we may notice the insertion of four dots at the corners of the front Swastika near the toes, and the repetition of four flowers similar to those in the centre of the wheel towards the heels of the feet.
There are two examples of these full size
" Genl. Cunningham in Vol. III. of his Archeological Reports (1871-2) pl. xxvii, has given an engraving of the lower portion of this column. He does not however seem to have noticed the important bearing of the details of the upper portion of the pillar, p. 97. See also Kittoe, J. A. . Bengal, vol. XVI. (1847), p. 337. 1 Bhilsa Topes, p. 854.
Journal Asiatic Soc. Bengal, vol. VII. pl. xxxii. fig. 6; and Bhilsa Topes, pl. xxxi. fig. 10.
30 Menant, Noms propres Assyriens, p. 22. 31 J. R. A. S. (N. 8.) vol. I. p. 481.
* Fergusson, T. and 8. w., pl. lxxviii. fig. 2, India Museum, No. 56.
53 Rajendralála Mitra, Buddha Gayd, p. 126. 3* Transactions R. A.8. vol. III. p. 72. The quotation is from Wilkins's Bhagavat. A Dallastype photograph of a
ornamented patterns in the Amaravati collection in the India Museum. The purely archaic padas seem to have been more simple in outline, and the ornamentation is confined to the central figure of a wheel." Whereas in after times, we find the Vaishnavi Brahmans expanding the number of symbolic signs into nineteen, commencing with the half-moon, but ignoring the more potent sun, except under his typical device of the Swastika. The Skanda Purdna even omits the whool substituting, perhaps, the discus, but the former leading symbol is invariable in the majority of examples. The multiplication of figures on the sacred foot finally reached the extreme Siamese limit of “108, or more" objects of devotion. It is important to observe how these later adaptations of the normal outline invariably recognised the central wheel as denoting the sun, inasmuch as effect is given to the external flames in the revolving manner already noticed, so that we find Captain Low observing "according to some authorities the Hindû chakara was a circular mass of fire, instinct with life, darting forth flames on every side."**
THE HORSE. The coursers of Apollo find equine representatives in the mythology of the Vedas, but their number is, at times, increased to seven, and, at others reduced to a single steed, who is endued with many of the attributes of Sûrya himself.
“The bright red horse” avowedly symbolizes “the Sun," *s as in the Persian system " le soleil, souverain, coursier rapide, ceil d'Ahura Mazda; Mithra, chef des provinces," &c. embodied the same idea. Professor Wilson remarks that "the hymns addressed to Dadhikrâ or Dadhikra van, contemplate the sun under the type of a horse," and Dr. Muir concurs in such an interpretation where U shas (the Dawn) is said to bring the eye of the gods, and lead on the bright and beautiful horse, by which the very elaborate copy of the foot-print of Buddha, near Nopphbary in Siam, was published by Messrs. Trübner some time ago in their Record. This drawing shows the Central San with great distinctaess. The external flames are made to curve, as in Col. Low's example, as if to indicate the rotatory motion of the laminary.
35 Max Möller's "The Sacred Hymns of the Brahmans," London, 1869, p. 9, R-V. i. 6, 1.
36 Barnouf Yacna, p. 851. The Massagetæ "worship the kun only of all the gods, and sacrifice horses to him; and this is the reason of this custom; they think it right to offer the swiftest of all animals to the swiftest of all gods." Herodotas I. 216. Compare Wilson, Rig Veda vol. II. pp. 112, 191, and preface pp. xii. et seq.; Wilson's Collected Works, vol. IV. pp. ii. 353; and Burgess' Arch. Reports, vol. II. (1874-5) p. 37.
3 Rig Veda, vol. III. PP. X. 119.

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sun seems to be intended." The late Prof. Dewa (the great god), who, in other districts, Goldstacker also, in commenting on the facul. is called Bud hål Pen (the old god) ... ties of the Aswins, observed": "Their very name, or Bar Pen," the chief god among the it would seem, settles this point, since asva, Khonds, who is identified in a note with the the horse, literally the pervader, is always the 'l sun-god. Some of the outside aboriginal races symbol of the Inminous deities, especially of the (the Kurs or Kuls) are described as having for sun."** In the Puranas "the sun in the form the "chief objects of their adoration," the sun of a horse," is said to have appeared to Yáj- and the moon, “which take the outward form navalkya, and the version of the Vishnu of wooden pillars, with horse, sun and moon Purana goes on to state, "accordingly the sun set up before the houses of married people."'46 imparted to him the texts of the Yajus called This Association of the two symbols may Aydtayáma, and because these were revealed perhaps serve to explain the juxtaposition of the by the sun, in the form of a horse, the Brâh- Wheel and the Horse's head in the Amaravati mans who study this portion of the Yajus are sculptures, in plates xciii. and xcv. fig. 3, called Vajins (horses)."" The sacred horse regarding which Mr. Fergusson remarks," the is represented in the Amaravati sculptures in horse "is introduced in mid air alongside the various attitudes, but always guarded or over- wheel ag an object of equal reverence; and shadowed by the conventional imperial chhatra, on a piece of sculpture where the wheel just and ordinarily depicted as reverenced or worship- above him is the especial object of worship." ped by the bows and saláms of the surround- It is worthy of remark that the horse reing attendants. In his free form, as issuing from tained his fixed place as the symbol of the 3rd gateways, in associate processions, his mission Jaina Tirtha nkara, and though recognised incimight be taken to indicate the mere arrogance dentally as a power in theology, he is altogeof an Aswamedha sovereign. But when he is ther ignored in the different Paurånik lists found to have special medallions or circular amid the amplified nineteen authorized marks frames in the sculptures exclusively devoted to on Vishnu's feet." his representation, and those bosses are made to P. S.-Since this note on the Horse symbol occupy the apparent place of honour, above the was written, General Cunningham's work on the fellow-circles containing the seated figure of a Bårahất Tope has been published in England. saint, it would seem that the intention of the In the new examples of old devices now artist pointed at higher things than the led- contributed, it will be seen that the Horse takes horse of an Indian Raja. It is very possible, an unusually prominent position, even to the as has been suggested by Mr. Fergusson, that addition of the Wings of the Pegasus of Western the reverence of the horse was derived from the mythology. On the votive table, in front of the same aboriginal source, as that which has led shrine of the Sun, in the lower compartment the Gonds to retain his form in their crude of the sculpture (Pl. Xü. a), may be traced the worship to this day.
exact representation of the head of the Gond There is, however, one peculiarity in this re- clay-horse, who was "offered in lieu of the living appearance of the horse on southern soil, which sacrifice," above adverted to. And further, in has apparently escaped Mr. Fergusson. That the same dedicatory position may be traced is, that we find the animal so closely associated votive flowers-pure and simple-together with with the rites of the worship of the sun and the clay reproductions of the symbols of the Sun moon, as intuitively preserved among many under the various forms of lotus-leaves, wheels, sections of the aboriginal forest tribes.
and the marked coincidence of Swastikas enclosed Mr. Hislop incidentally alludes to “Badu in the simple orb circle of the aboriginal Sol.
» Sanskrit Tents, vol. V. p. 167. See also J. R. A. 8. (N.8.) vol. II. p. 5.
* Journal R.A.8.(N.8.) vol. II. p. 15. and vol. IX, p. 228. * Vishnu Purana, Hall's edition, vol. III. p. 57.
1 Tree and Serpent Worship, Pl. XXV. p. 136; xcvi. fig. 3 ; xcviii ; and p. 223.. '* Pls.lmi., luotii. 43 Page 208.
* Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces. Edited by Sir E. Temple.
* P. 14 notot: Calcutta Review, vol. V. p. 50; and Church Mission Intelligencer.
* P. 26, quoting Mr. Bullock. * Tree and Serpent Worship, p. 215.
** Mr. Hislop observes, in a Note at p. 26 "The Scy. thian origin of Kurs and Gonds might perhape be in. ferred from Kodo Pen and earthen horses, which are offered instead of living sacrifice."
Rajendral Ala Mitra's Buddha Gayd, p. 126. 80 Note 48 above.

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MISCELLANEA.
MISCELLANEA.
PROPER NAMES.
Since my note on proper names given to children whose elder brothers have died, was published in the Indian Antiquary for November 1879 (Vol. VIII, p. 321), I have been in communication with Dr. Rajendra Lâla Mitra, who has kindly furnished me with some interesting information on the parallel custom in Bangal. In Bangal a woman, who has lost several children immediately after their birth, is called maddiché podlé, and two common names for the children subsequently born are Bhuto "The Ugly One," and Gobardhan, "Dung-made."
The corresponding generic word in Maithili (Terhuti) for a child whose elder brothers have died is machhai, which Dr. Mitra has identified with Skr. mrita vatsa, and with the Bangali marchhai: a synonym, however, of machhai in Maithili is marachhod, which I am inclined to recognize as Sk. Mrita Savaka. A Maithili proverb runs, मलैक माय पुत्र सोग सहै, “The mother of a machhai has to bear the pangs of losing her sons."
There is, moreover, a noteworthy custom in Bangal, which Dr. Mitra first brought to my notice; it is that of giving away the children subsequently born immediately after birth, and then buying them back again from the donee at a small cost. The price varies from one to nine cowrie shells, omitting the even numbers, and the children are named according to the price paid; thus: Ekkaudi, one shell; Tinkauḍt, three shells, Panchkauḍt, five shells; Satkauḍt, seven shells; and Nakauḍi, nine shells. Such names are very common in Bangal, and are invariably due to this custom.
In Mithila (Tirhut) the custom of sale, as above described, does not obtain, but the above mentioned names are all used. Moreover, in Mithila the number of shells is not confined to odd numbers, e. g. one of the commonest of these names is Chhakauḍt, six cowries. I am informed, however, that in south Bihar, south of the Ganges, the custom of sale does obtain.
The Bangali meaning of the word Gobardhan "Dung-made" is curious. In Mithila it is a name of good repute amongst Vaishnavas, who use it with reference to the famous hill near Vrindavana. Dr. Rajendralâl Mitra writes with reference to this word that, in Bangal, when used as a proper name it is generally but not invariably explained to mean a dung-hill, but that a good Vaishnava may use it with reference to the hill near Vrindavana. As a common word it means the hill.
Finally, may I ask any one who has any further information to give on this curious custom of
141
nomenclature, to kindly publish it in the pages of the Indian Antiquary.
GEORGE A. GRIERSON, C.S., Madhubani, Darbhanga.
METRICAL TRANSLATIONS FROM THE MAHABHARATA.
BY JOHN MUIR, D.C.L., LL.D., C.I.E.
KINGS SHOULD NOT BE TOO JOCULAR AND GOOD NATURED.
The following is a free translation of Mahábhár. ata xii. 2033ff. The picture is, possibly, drawn from the life, from something that, the writer had observed at the court of an Indian prince; and the like of which may often have been witnessed since :
When kings are weak, and love to joke, They quickly men's contempt provoke. Their courtiers show them no respect, And all proprieties neglect,
With jibes to beard the prince presume, And even against him rage and fume. They make impertinent requests; Delay to do the king's behests; His secrets all contrive to steal, And then to all the world reveal. His master's orders none obeys; They make a jest of all he says. When he is wroth, they only laugh, And hold his favours cheap as chaff. They play with this poor silly king, As with a bird held by a string. Even when their master holds a court, They still pursue their wanton sport; "In this thou failed'st, king," they say, "In that thou wentest far astray." And these presumptuous courtiers boast That they're the men who rule the roast. They fain would all the world convince They've power to influence the prince; "In all affairs our help you'll need; "The docile prince obeys our lead." If charged with public trusts, like knaves, These men, of gold the greedy slaves, With selfish views their power abuse, No proffered bribes will e'er refuse, Will edicts forge to gain their ends, And benefit themselves and friends; Will endless webs of falsehood weave, And so the simple prince deceive; And thus with ruin overwhelm,
His hapless, poor, misgoverned realm. The following is a prose translation: "And thou shouldst not laugh too much with thy servants, O chief of kings. Hear what evil results from this. 2034. From [such familiar] contact, his dependents despise their master and do not keep their proper place, but transgress the limits of propriety (tattuatah). 2035. When sent as messengers, they

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hesitate (vikalpante); they reveal secrets; they ask forthings that should not be asked for, and eat (the king's) food. 2036. They grow angry, and incensed against the king their master; and by bribery (or receiving bribes,) and deceit, they cause affairs to miscarry. 2037. By forged edicts they bring ruin on the king's realm. They attach theroselves to the guardians of the women and adopt the same attire. 2038. In the prince's presence they spit. Devoid of shame, they repeat the king's words. 2039. When the prince is jovial and good-natured, they mount the horse, or elephant, or car, which he likes. 2040. In the assembly his friends speak thus : This, king, was difficult for thee; that wAS & wicked act of thine.' 2041, And when he is angry they laugh; and are not at all delighted when he shows them honour, and they are jealous of each other. 2042. They betray his secrets, and reveal what (he) does wickedly, and contemptuously make sport of his orders. ... 2044. They are not satisfied with their income and seize what should be given to the king. 2045. They seek to play with him as with a bird held by a string,' and tell people that the prince
can be led by them. 2046. These and other evils become manifest when the king is mild and jovial."
A MODEL MAN. The following lines are selected from a number describing the men who "overpase all evils:"
Mahabh. xii., 4056 ff. That man no evil needs to fear To whom all other men are dear, Who ne'er abuse in kind requites, Nor struck, again the smiter,smites, Who neither fears, nor fear inspires, Who nurses no unblest desires, Who can himself endure neglect, But pays to others all respect, Who, though himself by want opprest, Ne'er envies those by fortune blest, Who even in straits, would scorn to lie, And sooner, far, would dare to die, And thus from every weakness freed, Ne'er sins in thought, or word, or deed A model man, who nobly lives, To all a bright example gives.
BOOK NOTICE.
BUDDHA GAYA, the Hermitage of Sakya Muni. By Rajendra
Als Mitra, LL.D., O.I.E., &c. &c. Published under orders of the Government of Bengal. Calcutta, 1878.
Second Notice.
We have in the previous notice dealt with the portions on mythology, and briefly with the architectural and artistic features of this book, and have found them far from satisfactory: we now proceed to the inscriptions. Dr. Rajendraldla Mitra has a reputation for reading inscriptions, and it may seem a bold step to question his authority in such a field. His first inscription in this volumé, however, must attract attention. It is in the Maurya character, and is found repeated on six different pillars of the old rail-four in the monastery, and two in the enclosure of the great temple, and is read by the author (p. 182)
Ayaye Kuragiye dinam. After a long analysis, the Calcutta savant renders this.--"gift to the person named) Kuragi," or " gift to the eater of boiled rice:"-A very odd inscription indeed! But let us examine it. In the sharpest example, the ra of the second word is expressed by & wavy line as at Girnar, and beside it is a distinct anuevdra, whence we read
Aydye Kurangiye ddnam.
Now as dyd is the Prakrit for arya (fem.) and dydye is, in Sans. the sixth case, drydyah, wbile Kurangi is a feminine name meaning a Deer (Dorcas), the inscription can only be read as"The gift of the noble (lady) Kurangi."
If we may trust to the text given in General Cunningham's Reports (vol. III. pl. xxvi) the second inscription is surely of later date than the first, which onght to have been pointed out. The third is correctly read by General Cunningham, but not so by Dr. Rajendraldla. It is in the Museum at Calcutta. The word Tabapanaka with which he has so much difficulty is no great variation from Tambapanaka (with the anusudra inserted) = Sans. Tamraparnaka-a native of Ceylon.
No. 4 (p. 191) is given by Cunningham (vol. III. pl. xxviii.) in letters of the fourth or fifth century A.D. at earliest-not of the second as the author would lead the reader to suppose.
of his transcript of No. 5 (p. 192) we can make no sense : it is evidently misread or misprinted. The first line of the original reads,-Karito yatra vajrdsanabrihadgandhakutiprdedde,-"made where... in the Vajrásanabrihadgandhakuti temple," i.e.in the great temple; gandhakutt is a temple in which is
1 With the view of gaining an entrance into their apart. mente.-Commentator.
Raja-deyam, rdjabhagam.- Commentator.
The commentator explains this thus: Kreditun rajna saha mrigayadi-kridan kartu sasttrena baddhena pak. shind byenena rdjito nirodhakah, i.e. "They wish to engage in sport, hunting, &o., with the king. As with a
bird fastened by a string, with a hawk, controlling the king." I have taken the sense to be, not that they sooompany the king in his sporta (if this is how the commentator understands it), but that they make him the objectof their sport, as if he were a bird held by the leg with & string. The words of the original are Kridituí tena chechhanti susitreneva pakshind.

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an image, not a receptacle for aromatics' as Dr. RajendralAla supposes. In inscription No. 8 (p. 195), the word again occurs, and also in another at the Mahant's Monastery, in which we read-yena gandhakuti pratimatraydnvita vihita," who made a Gandhakuti with three images," where this word must mean a temple.
In No. 6 the first sloka must be incorrectly copied, for it gives no sense, and this can hardly be the fault of the original engraver, for it is beautifully cut. His reading is
इदमतितराचित्र सर्वसत्त्वानुकम्पिने भवनवरमदारजितमारायपतये सु [] द्धात्मा कारयामास बोधिमार्गरती यतिः । बोधिषे [से णो नो] तिबिख्यातो दत्तगलनिवासकः भवबन्धविमुन्यथं पित्रोर्बन्धुजनस्य च । तथोपाध्यायपूर्वाणा माहवामनिवासिनां ॥ eff 11
We read it thus, printing the syllables he has misread in heavier type :
इदमतितर चिचं सर्वसत्वानुकम्पिने । भवनं वरमुदारं जितमाराय मुनये । शुद्धात्मा कारयामास बोधिमार्गरतो यतिः। a far crit a : C a t4 पिस्त्राबन्धुजनस्य च तथोपाध्यायपूष्वोगामाहवामनिवासिनाम्
And we translate, “This most ornamental, excellent and lofty temple, constructed for the Muni compassionating all sentient creatures, and the vanquisher of Mara, by him named Bodhishena, a monk, pureminded, de. lighting in the way of perfect wisdom, an inbabitant of Dattagalla, for the (purpose of unloosing the fetters of the world, of his parents and also of relations and his teachers, &c. inhabitants of Ahava
Samvat 917 Vaisakha vad 14 (or 12P) an inhabitant of the village Jarudhya. . . ... the son of Himakaulla, consecrated an image of Vrisha near to Supåkshi' (or Sushåkshi) Bhattaraka (i.e. Siva) for the merit of his mother, father and self.'
The facsimile plate xl. of inscription No. 8 is a very good one, but the transcript (pp. 194-5) is hardly in perfect accordance with it, and the translation is unsatisfactory.
Inscription No. 9 (pp. 197ff) is not grappled with: in the first place the transcript is erroneous, and then in the original the engraver has arranged it on the different facets of the stone in a way that is somewhat perplexing at first, but if we read it as the sense requires, we find that though the language is not quite grammatical, it can be made out with the exception of some portions which are chipped away. Dr. Rajendralala makes nothing of it. We propose to read it thus:
Ye dharmahetu & c.
Sindhau chchhindánvayajo vallabhardjah briya (yu)tastasya putrotha Debardjastasydyichchotha. tatsutah briman || khydto ..
... payastasyaiva susargatah sanghahi . . . . siddhoparah brinnan | tasya suta!
bri dharmaḥ 6 sdmantastaduitmajastasya Sri púrnnabhadrandma pútromitachandramah kirt. tih | draksha tasya purandhrt yadvadana kamaladvinisrata ....
Acharyo Jayasenal Kumdrasendsanadyotah II srimati Uddandapure yena .....
yamjagati krittikapunjo ....... pameyatam ydid || teneyan gandhakuti pratimdtritaydnvita vihitd wastani Subhamatra........ mbodhilabhakrüjagatal | trišaranakritám prasastira nandantu samantatah sudhiyah.... which may be rendered, Born in the Chinda family, of the Sindh country, was the illustrious Vallabharaja; his son was Desarja ; his son Ayichcha (Aditya); his son, well known in the world, wealthy (was) ..... his son the beloved Sangha ...... illustrious..... his son the illustrious Dharma; his son the illustrious Samanta ;--his son was named Sri Purnabhadra, whose glory is like the full moon, from whose lotus-like mouth came the grapes of ........ (his) Acharya Jayasena, brightening the throne of Kumarasena, by whom, in the prosperous Uddandapura...... whose glory was like a mountain, made this temple (gandhakuti) with three images : may the merit of it be for the attainment of supreme knowledge to
gra."
Let any one compare this with the author's version on p. 193 and see the difference.
No. 7, now also in the Calcutta Museum, he says, records the consecration of a bull in Sam. 781 by Sri Suphandi Bhattaraka son of Bhimaka-ullâ for the purpose of securing progeny.' His reading ig
E samva 781 Vaisdicha vadi 9 sharudhya gramara ... ttama Bhimaka ulldeutena S Suphandi Bhattaraka a(?)gra(?)tta ma-tayd ... a tmandpatyahetoh vrishabhattdraka-pratishthiteti
We read it
Oin samva. 917 Vaišákha vadi 14(12 ?) Jarudhyagrámavastavya... ttama himakaullosutena Sri Supdkshi-bhattdrakt grato mata pitardimana() punya heto vrishabhattdraka pratishthiteti.
See Abhidhanapadipika or 'PAli Synonymes,' where Gandhakuti' is defined as a 'Jina's abode.'
• The second syllable of this word, Supakshi or Surpakshi, may be shy, making it, in the local pronunciation, Sukhshi; both forms may be used, as local names of Siva, beside whom this ball was placed.
• Thun in bloka 1, line 1, for 1 w read fat; In hl. 4, 1. 4 for TETIT E T ; read
HETETTHETSLET ; in il. 7, 1.7 for at योनि read गर्गोपितचिनयोनि-ins1.7.1.8 for प्रभासते read प्रभास्वरो; ins1.9,1. 9 for कामिनीवदनपङ्कज° road TUTTI 16745°; in. 41.9, 1. 10 : 2 is not the reading of the facsimile; in kl. 9. 1. 10 for द्विमूर्तीननवरत rend द्विमूर्तिरनुपरत ; in il. 16, 1. 17 for
a read af .

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anew.
the whole world. ... This enlogy Tribarana made, | तिणानमविसले समन्तातिणलनताmay the learned approve of it.'
["] गच्छगुच्छवनततीनं प्रदक्षिणावर्वाभिमुखं परिवारिते The next inscription No. 11 (pp. 199 ff.) is from
रजतवर्णवालुकाविप्रविकीर्णे भेरितलमिवसमे भूमिभागे बोधिमthe Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal
ण्डसङ्गतस्य बजासनपल्लंकस्य अपस्सयफलकमिव स्वन्धुक्षत्वा vol. VI. p. 657 ff., but the author has not improved on the first version, which can hardly be con
संखा पण्णेहि मणिछत्रमिव पटिछादेत्वा महाबोधिवृक्षःप्रतिष्ठति sidered satisfactory, seeing all the proper names
तस्मिन्पुनर्वजासनपाळके अनमin it are misread.
[१] तपि काले सर्बेपि असलेया सम्यक्सम्बद्धा आणा प्राणThen passing over the Burmese ones we come
चतुस्रज्ञानपादक छत्रिशत्कोटि शतसहस्रविमस्सना ज्ञाणसात to No. 15 (p. 211), of which again we have to find
महावज्जासण भावेत्वा भय मार्गपदष्ठानसर्वज्ञताज्ञाणं प्रतिलभिसfault with the transcript, as not being at all correct. It is an important one, and worth translating
तथाहि सो सणहन्ते कल्पे प्रथम सण्वहितो विनाशन्ते पि?]
-विपश्यन्तो अचलपदेषो पृथुविसारो बोIt is in modern N&gari character and the care- ["] धिमण्डो नाम होति । एवं अतिचरियमन्वश्चरियं महाबोlessness with which it has been transcribed may be | धिवृक्षएकसतो विदित्वा अभिप्रसादमानसो यथा कालिंगचक्रवseen from the following revised copy* :
निसिरिधासोको पस्सेनदि कोसलो मरुभ्यव तिस्सी महाबोधि['] नमस्तस्मै भगवते अरहते सम्यक्सम्बुद्धाय || बो
मभिपूजेसु तथापूजेतुकामो सिरिपवरसुधम्ममहाराजाधिराजामूलधिमूले जिनाः सर्वे सर्वज्ञातो तथा अयं जय तं धर्मराजोपि
भासाय श्रीवरधर्मप्रवरमिक राजारहनाममलबोधिप्रसादतेजसा | पथ्यावर्त्तश्लोक | अयं हि महाधर्मराजा | [1] भूतो अनेकवेतिभप्रतिसरदकुमुदकुन्दइन्दुप्रभासमानअनेकश्वेतभप्रतिच्छदन्तगजराजस्वामि अनेकशतानं आदित्य
वर्णछद्दन्तगजराजस्वामिमहाधर्मराजा पुरोहित महाराजिन्द अग्गकुलप्रतान पितुपितामह अय्यकपय्यकादि महाधर्मराजनं स
महा धम्मराजगुरुभिधानं भूमिनन्दभारिकामात्यंच महाराजाधिम्यदि.
रूप रूपसागरमुरनामकं अनेकशतपरिजनेहि द्विसहस्रविशत[] टिकानं । धार्मिकानं प्रवरराजवंशानुक्रमेन असम्मित्त
पञ्चषष्टिशासनवर्षे एकसहस्से(१) क्षेत्रियवंशजो | सद्धाशीलायनेकगुणगणाधिवासो । दान
["] कशत व्याशीति सकराजे कार्तिकमासशरदकतयं । वागेष्टसन्तोषमानसो । धार्मिको धर्मगुरु धर्मकेतु धर्म
स्वविजित रकंकदेशानुसारजलजस्थलज मार्गेन पेसेत्वा सिध्वजो बुद्धादिरतनत्रये सतत समितं निम्रपोणपन्भारहदयो ।
| रिप्पवर महाराजेन्दा रतनादेवी नामिकाय । अग्महेसिया सद्धि मानाविधानि | शारिरिकपरिभोग उदृश्यकचैत्यानि नानापका
महाबोधिमूले बुद्धनप्राप्त भगवन्तं मुद्देष्य दक्षिणोदकं पातेन्तो रेन नंदति माने
इमं महापृथु विसाक्षि कृत्वा महाये[P] ति पूजेति संकरोति | मारजयनक्लेशविध्वसन सर्वध
| (") हिसाणरोप्यमाणिक्यविचित्रेहि लाजा छत्रध्वजपद्योमविचारन [था] नभूतं महाबोधिम्मि | अभिप्रसादेन पुन
तकलश मालाङ्गलेहि महाबोधि मभिपूजेति संसारोघ निर्मुग्ग पुन मतिं करोति । विमंसति परिप्रच्छति ।
सत्वगणापि बुद्धत्व पत्थनमकासि | मातापितुपितामहअय्यकलेरारंभतो शून्यसप्तपञ्चद्विके गते || वत्सरेत्र बभूवुवै धर्मविझौतमाभिधः।
कपाय्याकादिनं पिसत्वानं पुन्यभागमदासि । यावन्मेरु रविपुरा कपिलवस्तूतः मायादेव्याःसुधोदनी.
ससि यावत्क्षपा तिष्ठति तथापीदं सेलक्षर तिष्ठतं अनुमोदयति [] निक्षमित्वाश्वत्थमूले अमँजि अमृतं पद
इदमनेकधतीभ प्रतिच्छद्दन्तगजराजस्वामि महाधर्मराजपत्नीतेन मुदेसितो धर्मो संघो चास्यानुशासितो
पुन्यसेलक्षरं महाजेयसहस्यनामेन पण्डितामात्येन बन्धितं । इदै दिश्यतेद्यापि लोकहि बोधित्वस्य न दिश्यते ।
सेलक्षर सिरिराजेन्द्र महाराज गुरुनामिकन पुरोहितेन नागरिलेइति हि पुराण तन्वागतानुशयं महाधर्मराजमनास करोन्तो
खाय लिखितं ॥
Were it worth while occupying the space, we विमन्सन्तोपरिप्रच्छन्तो पितामहच्छदन्त गजराजस्वामि महाधर्म
might add still very largely to the already lengthy राज काले मध्यमदेशगतै वाणिजै ब्राह्मणै योगिहि च यथारथ.
catalogue of errors in this volume. Enough has [१] प्रोक्तं मगधराष्ट्र गयाशीर्षप्रदेशे नद्या नीरंजनाय तीरे already been adduced to show in how unscholarमुसमे भूमिभागे वनप्रतिभूत्वा प्रतिष्ठितभावं अर्द्धस्कन्धशाखा like a way the book has been produced. Even in प्रमाणन हस्तशतविस्ताराश्वेधभावं लंकाद्वीपाभिहारार्थगृहण
Bo simple a matter as in quoting (p. 167) from a काले यथाधिष्ठानदक्षिणमहाशाखा स्वयमेव छिन्त्राकार
translation of Strabo, he garbles the passage
where it is opposed to his own theory, and. mernश्यमानभावं बोधिमण्डसंखानवजासनथाने सिरि धर्मासोक.
tions the "walls" of Palibothra but omits the ["] नाम सकलजम्बुद्वीपेश्वरमहाराजा कृतचेतियस्य विद्य- emphatic statement that they were “wooden" मानभाव पूर्व षदशततसप्तपण्णास सकराजे श्वेतगजेन्द्रमहाराजेनत | wails, because his theory requires that they चैत्यमभिसखरित्वा मरम्मभासाय सेलक्षरपमितभावं च धात्वा | should have been of stone. तदेतद्वचनं अनेकतन्वागतवचनेन संसन्हति समोत | यथा तं We cannot understand how the Government of गनोदकेन यमुनोदकन्ति युक्तायुक्तं विचारयि.
Bengal, in a work published at the public expense, [1] त्वा | अवश्यमेष भगवती सहजातो महाबोधीति निसंशयं
should allow the author to make it to so large an सविधानमकासि | यथावत्थानविशेषनियमिते हि मनुश्यानं क्षेत्र.
extent the vehicle of unqualified attack on men of
the highest eminence in antiquarian research, वस्त्वादिकर्म करण ठानतो यथानुक्रममुन्नतुतभावेन सहवी.
while on the other hand, all else in the volume is पुग्वेधे अष्टराजकरीषमाचविस्तारो केषभुप्रमाणानम्पि.
so inaccurate and worthless. • The words in heavier type are wrongly transcribed by Dr. Rajendralala.

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SILVER-WHITE WOMAN."
145
charity,
THE SUTRA CALLED NGAN-SHIH-NIU, i.e." SILVER-WHITE WOMAN.” 1 [Translated from the Chinese, the second part of the Volume indicated by wax
(Buddhist Tripitaka). 1st Sutra.]
BY REV. S. BEAL, B.A. M HUS have I heard. On a certain occasion devour it. At this time the woman called
1 Bhagava was residing in the country of "Silver-colour" in haste addressed the mother, She-wei (Śrâvasti) in the garden of Jeta, the and said : "Sister! what are you going to do"? friend of the orphan, with 1250 great Bhikshus. She replied “I'am famished ! I have no life left
At this time the world-honoured one address in me! I have not what to eat! I must devour ed the Bhikshus in these words :-"Oh Bhik- my child !" Then Silver-colour asked her, sayshas ! if men only knew the merit (religious ing, "Sister! stop a while, this thing is impossimerit) of giving their goods or property in ble! Sister! is there not in all the house a morsel charity, and the reward (phala) of so doing as I of any food fit for you to eat ?” She replied at know the matter-so that at the time of eating, once : "Sister! I had at one time stores of whether it be the first or the last mouthful taken, food which I kept hoarded up with niggard this feeling of charity were always uppermost, care ! and therefore am I now left without a and if not present so as to make men ready morsel to eat." Then Silver-colour said: “Sister! to give all away, then no food were to be taken stop a while, I will run to my house and at all, [-then there would be great profit-). bring you some food." She replied: "Sister! At which time the world-honoured one uttered my ribs are breaking, my back is rending in the following verses :
twain, my heart is palpitating without a mo"If only men of every kind
ment's rest, the world seems all dark about me, Acted in accord with Buddha's words,
before my sister reaches her home I shall be And kept back somewhat from their food for dead!" Then Silver-colour thought thus with
herself: "If I take the child and go, then this Then the result would be a great reward. poor woman will perish; if I do not take it when But whether at the first monthful
I leave, she will devoar it-what expedient is Or at the last mouthful
there then by which I can save these two lives?" If charity be not uppermost in the mind,
She asked therefore: “Sister! is there a knife Then a man should not eat at all!"
in the house I can use?” She answered At this time the world-honoured one having “There is," and taking a knife she gave uttered these stanzas, addressed the Bhikshus, it to Silver-colour: whilst she on her part, and said :-Oh Bhikshus! at a certain time in holding the knife with her own hand, cut off numerable ages (kalpas) ago there was a certain her two breasts for the woman to eat; then Royal capital : the king of which was called addressing her, she said: "Here-eat these two Padma : there was a woman of that city called breasts of mine :" and when she had eaten "Silver-colour," who having all she required at them, Silver-colour again enquired—“Sister! home, went forth to visit other houses to see are you now satisfied ?” She replied “I am," how the occupants thereof were faring. Now Then Silver-colour continued : "Sister ! now this this woman was exceedingly beautiful, with all child redeemed with my own flesh is mine! I the distinguishing marks of loveliness, and her will take it, and keep it as my own, and in my body of a most dazzling whiteness [and hence own house feed it and nourish it as it requires." her name). At this time, approaching a certain Saying these words, the blood flowing down residence, she entered it, and having done so, over her person, and leaving its traces along she found within it & woman just delivered of the ground, shu departed and came to her house. her first-born child ; this child was very fair to Then her relations and friends beholding herthus, look upon, and of a colour surpassingly beautiful. flocked around, and asked her saying, "Who has And now she saw this newly-delivered woman done this?" Silver-colour replied "I with my Beize the child in her hand with a view to own hand have done it." Then they asked
Silver-White, or Silver-colour, is probably corruption would be from the last root to shine, from which comes or upponed derivation from Bivi, and this Satra is there a "white." fore the Northern form of the shiui Jataka. The derivation

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again, "And why have you acted thus ?" Then Silver-colour replied, and said: "I have resolved to cultivate a heart full of compassion, and never to give it up, for thus I seek to arrive at perfection (anuttara samyak sambodhi)." Then all her relatives answered, and said: "Though you give your body thus in charity, and afterwards repent of what you have done, all this will not tend to the completion of the Paramita you desire to accomplish (viz., of dána)." And they asked her again: "When you thus mutilated yourself, had you inward satisfaction, or did you do it with regret ?" Then Silver-colour said: "When I had resolved and vowed to cut off my breasts, there was no feeling of regret in my mind, my mind wavered not for a moment"-and then in proof she said: "and now in virtue of my vow let my breasts be restored as they were at first." Having made this vow, lo! her breasts were restored again as at first. At this time all the Yakshas and so on, in the city of Padma raised a great cry, and said: "The lady Silvercolour has now with her own hands cut off her breasts!" Then the earth-Devas (gods) hearing this cry took it up, and repeated it in the air. The Devas hearing the cry repeated it in the higher worlds, till the news spread even to the Brahma lokas. At this time the Divine Såkra raja reflected thus: "This indeed is an unprecedented event, that this woman Silver-colour from her pity to all flesh should thus with her own hands cut off her breasts. I will go now, and enquire of herself respecting it." So he immediately changed himself into the form of a Brahman, holding in his left hand a golden pitcher, and bearing a golden begging dish in his right hand, and provided with a golden staff, he went thus to the Royal City of Padma. Having arrived, he gradually approached the house in which Silvercolour dwelt, and taking his stand without the door he sang the wonted words of those who begged for food. Then Silver-colour having heard the chant of one who begged for food outside the gate, immediately took a dish, and filling it up with food she went forth. At this time the Brahman addressed her, and said: "Sister (lady): stop a while, I need no food;" on which she replied-"Why not ?" The Brahman then said, "I am the Divine Sakra,
⚫ Vide Sacha Kartyo, Eastern Monachism, p. 273.
[JUNE, 1880.
and I have some doubt in my mind about your conduct. I have come therefore to enquire further of you, answer me then, I pray you." Silver-colour replied in these words: "Great Brahman! you need but ask as you think best, and I will answer you truly." Then the Brahman asked her and said, "Lady! is it true that you cut off your breasts to give as an act of charity to another ?" She replied-"It is true, great Brahman!" The Brâhman then said: "And what led you to do it ?" Silver-colour answered-"My great compassion, and my aim to accomplish the condition of perfect wisdom." The Brahman replied, "This is a very difficult matter, this so-called perfection-for if there be the least vestige of regret mixed up with the deed, then it can never lead to the (completion of the) Paramita (of charity). Tell me, then, when you performed the act, did your heart feel happy or not, and when you felt the anguish consequent on the infliction of the wounds, had you no desire to change your purpose P" Silver-colour replied: "Kausika! I swear that I have never faltered a moment in my purpose to obtain the condition I have named, in order that I may save the world, nor did I falter either when I cut off my breasts, and in proof that I felt no particle of regret, let me now, if what I say be true, be changed from a woman to a man." Then Silver-colour having made this oath, was changed forthwith into a man, and her heart, was filled with joy unutterable and delight without measure."
And now as in this changed form he wandered forth from place to place-he came to a certain tree, and sitting under it he fell asleep. Now at this time the king of Padma died, and as he was childless, there was great distress in the country. Then the great ministers went from tree to tree, from village to village, from town to town, from capital to capital, everywhere seeking one possessed of royal marks whom they might choose as their king. And whilst thus in search they said: "How shall we ever obtain a proper king to reign over us ?" At this time there was a certain powerful minister, who, being worn out with the excessive heat, entered a tank covered with flowers to bathe, and whilst thus occupied he saw there beneath a tree a man asleep of surpassing beauty, and distinguished by all the necessary signs of Royalty,
Vide as before, an explanation of the Sacha Kariya, Hardy, East. Mon. p. 278.

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"SILVER-WHITE WOMAN."
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and he observed that although the sun was verance (virya), of contemplation (ñana), and declining fast, that the shadow of the tree still of wisdom (prajna)." Then having heard this remained protecting him. Then the great they said, we will aim at this. Thus that child minister in a moment caused him to wake, and having led his companions into this condition he when he woke he took him to the "Royal City" reflected thus, "Now I desire to do some small (Rajagriha, i.e. the capital), and performing the act of charity, whether it be for man (biped) or accustomed tonsure, he clothed him in the beast (quadruped)." Having so thought he kingly vesture, and put on his head the jewelled
repaired to a public place of burial (sitavana), crown, and accosted him thus :-"Now you are and forth with taking a pocket knife (li-lih, "a king, act and govern us accordingly!" To whom lenife for use") he began to cut his body till the he answered: "I am indeed unable to act as your blood gushed out, and then smeared himself king." The minister answered: "But indeed | all over with the blood and dust, and lying yon must;" to which he replied: "If indeed you down in the midst of the cemetery, he sang take me to reign over you, then on your parts out the following words : "Come now from you must take on yourselves the ten religious far and near, ye two-footed and four-footed (virtuous) vows (acts)--to which when they creatures all, come here and eat, oh como and agreed, he undertook to govern them as a king eat my flesh from my body." Now among the in righteousness (religion), and he was called birds that frequented that place there was one again “ Silver-colour." Now at this time the whose name was yeou-sheu (“having a hand"), age of the people reached to 70,000 nahutas of this one coming to the hermit perched above years, so that the king having reigned thus his forehead and pecked at his right eye, and for hundreds and countless thousands of years, having pecked at it, he let it go again. at length came to die-and when about to die Then the hermit said: “Why do you peck at my he repeated these words :
right eye, and then let it go !" The bird replied "All things that exist are transitory,
of all parts of a man's body I think the eye They must of necessity perish and disappear, most beautiful (to the taste ?)." Then the hermit Though joined together, there must be sepa- addressed the bird, and said: “Though a thouration,
sand times over you pecked at my right eye and Where there is life, there must be death, still let it go, yet should I feel no anger or All depends on conduct,
resentment in my heart." Then that bird pecked Whether good, or whether bad,
out both his eyes, and the rest of the birds, all All things born,
assembling in the cemetery, came and devoured Are unstable and inconstant."
bit by bit the hermit's flesh, till naught but the Now, after that king's death he returned again bleached bones were left. to be born in the same kingdom, the Royal Having quitted this body he immediately capital of which was Padma. He was born as a came back, and was reborn in that Royal nobleman's child, very beautiful and fair. At city of Padma as the child of a Brâhman, eight years of age with 500 other youths he very beautiful to behold, and incomparable for entered school; whilst there 'he enquired of grace. Having completed 20 years of age, his those elder ones who had already finished their parents addressed him, and said : “My son school course, why they had gone to school, and (Manav), you must now get a home of your own." on their replying they had gone to learn their Then the young man answered his father and letters, he said "What profit is there in learning mother, and said: “What reason is there for me letters, only one thing is necessary, and that is to have a house of my own, I have no desire for a to aim at the unequalled and unsurpassed con- family residence, my only wish is to be allowed dition of heart known as Anuttara-samyak- to enter the deep mountains as a recluse." His sambhodi." And what is the meaning of that parents having given their consent, he left his condition, they said. To which he replied, "you home, and found a home amidst the mountains must above all things aim at the accomplish- and the forests; whilst wandering thus he saw ment of the six Parumitas." And what are the amid the mountain woods two aged Brahmans, BiX :-"the paramita of charity (dána), of moral who were Rishis; coming to them, he asked conduct sila), of patience (kshanti), of perse- what they did dwelling there; to which they

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answered "Manava! we dwell here in order to benefit living creatures, practising all kinds of austerities." He then enquired further : "I also with the saine desire to benefit all living creatures am come here to reside and to suffer all kinds of painful austerities." Then that youth passed on to different places amid the forest glades, making the earth his dwelling place (living in holes ?) and whilst thus practising himself in religions austerities, he obtained, in virtue of his meritorious conduct, the eyes of a Deva (heavenly sight). Then looking round about on the place and its neighbourhood, not far off he saw a tigress who dwelt there, and just about to bring forth her young. Then the youth having observed this, began to think thus with himself: "this tigress not long hence will bring forth her yourg, and having done so, then perhaps she will die of hunger, or in lier famished state desire to eat her young." Having thought thus he then returned and asked the two Brâhmans, and said, "Which of you will divide his body, and give it in food to this tigress P" They answered him: "Neither of us is ready to divide his body for food to give the tigress." Having received this reply, after seven days the tigress was delivered, and having brought forth her young she carried them in her mouth to the den, and agnin came out. The youth having observed this proceeding forthwith went to the place where the two Rishis dwelt, and addressed them thus: “Great Rishis, the tigress has brought forth her young: if now ye indeed seek to benefit all that lives, and for this purpose are suffering austerities-now is your opportunity-ye may now cut up your
body, and give your flesh to the tiger-mother to eat." On this those two Brâhman Rishis immediately went to the place where the tigress was, and having come they began to think thus-" who can patiently endure such pain as this in practising charity ? Who can cut off the flesh from his body that he loves to give to a starving tiger P"Having reflected thus, that newly delivered tiger-mother began to follow them at a distance, seeing which they were filled with fear, and mounting into the air, flew away.
At this time the Mänava youth looking around him spoke to those Brahmans, and said: "Is this your vow and your oath P" Having said this he forthwith vowed, and said: "I now give my body to feed this tiger-oh would that in consequence of this sacrifice I may obtain the unsurpassed and perfect condition of being." Having made this vow, he took a knife, and himself cut flesh from his body, and gave it in charity to the tiger mother! “And now, Oh Bhikshus, entertain no doubt in your minds, it is from compassion to you that I declare this-look no further, but accept my words-it was I who was born in Padma as that Silver-colour who cut off her breasts to rescue and save that child who was no other than Rahula. It was I who gave my body in that Sitavana to feed the birds. It was I who cut off my flesh to feed that hungry tiger, whilst you were the Brahmans, and because of my self-denying charity in bearing sorrow for others, I have now attained Perfection of Being.".
The Bhikshus hearing these words were filled with great joy and exulted mightily."
SUCCESSION OF BUDDHIST PATRIARCHS.
BY REV. S. BEAL, B.A. It is well known that there is an assumed chronological data. The following account is Buccession of Teachers who presided over the compiled chiefly from Taranatha's History of Buddhist Church from the death of the Founder, Buddha, and some Chinese fragments scattered down to Bodhidharma, the last and through various books :twenty-eighth in the succession, who flourished 1 1. Sakya Buddha. in South India about 525 A.D. The list of these 1 2. Kasyapa, presided over the Church for Patriarchs is preserved with some degree of ten years, Wassilief, Bouddhisme, $ 42. accuracy on Chinese and Thibetan works, and 3. Ananda, presided for forty years. it is possible that a complete examination of the 4. Sanakavasa, or Sanavasika; he lived at subject might result in establishing some useful Sravasti and at Varanasi ; at this time the
• The Swi Jataka is pictured in Care XVI. at Ajanta, and perhaps another version also in Cave IX.; they are much injered in both cases, but appear to agree more
closely with the Sinhalese form of the Jataka, than the Chinese. The latter however may throw light on these and perhaps other wall paintings at Ajent&.- ED.

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THE SAIVA PARIKRAMÅ.
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number of mendicants became so numerous that there was a dispersion of the community, and Madyantika, with 10,000 Rabats, proceeded to the north and finally settled in Kashmir. There 1 was a great conversion of the followers of King Sudanu, the grandson of Ajátasatru, under this patriarch.
5. Upagupta ; contemporary with KAlasoka. 100 A.B. Under him the first great division of the Church took place, and the second council was held.
6. Daitika, or Dhitika.
7. Kala; according to Târánátha, this patriarch was principally concerned in the conversion of Ceylon and Orissa.
8. Sudarsana, engaged principally in the conversion of Sindh, and South India.
9. Katyayana. 10. Mahaloma.
11. Párávika, or Pâráva, principally instrumental in the conversion of Asvagosha. (Tárnátha speaks of this patriarch under the name of Nandi.)
12. Mahatyaga (sometimes spoken of as Fana-ya-shi, Wong Puh, 197).
13. Ašvagosha, a very celebrated patriarch (vide his Life, translated by Wassilief, Ind. Ant vol. IV. p. 141). 14. Kabimara (Kia-pi-mo-lo).
15. Nagarjuna, supposed to have been contemporary with Vikramaditya.
16. Åryadeva, or sometimes simply Deva. He was a disciple of Nagarjuna, and an interest
ing anecdote of his zoal is recorded by Wong Puh, $ 188.
17. Ragurata. 18. Sanganandi.
19. Goyasheta (placed 74 B.c. by Julien, vol. II. p. 346).
20. Kumarila. 21. Jayata.
22. Vasubhanda, generally placed as contemporary with Vikramaditya.
23. Manura. 24. Haklena.
25. Sitsi, driven out of Kashmir and north India by the cruel persecution of Mahirakula. This king is the Mehrkul of the Ayin Akbari, vol. II. p. 145. He is placed by Cunningham about 500 A.D., and made contemporary with Baláditya (Arch. Rep. vol. I., p. 12). But Fergnsson places him in the second century (TY. and Serp. Wor. p. 165), which is more probable.
26. Bashiasita. 27. Putniamitta.
29. Bodhidbarma, who arrived in China A.D. 526.
The succession in China was kept up until A.D. 713, when it was finally lost. The names of the Chinese Patriarchs were these :
1. Bodhidharma. 2. Hoei-kho-ta-szu ...died 592 A.D. 3. Seng-lin-ta-zn...... , 606 4. Tao-tin-ta-szu ...... 5. Houng-jin-ta-szu ... , 6. Hoei-neng-ta-szu ... »
THE SAIVA PARIKRAMÂ.
BY BHAGVÅNLÅL INDRAJI PANDIT. Round the old Sivalayas or great temples of the back, with Kârtikgwâmi or Siva at the left Siva we often find a number of smaller shrines. side, and Ganapati with Bhringi at the right. Thus round the Vimâna of the great temple of The next, on the south-east corner, was dedicated Kailasa at Elura, there are five such shrines on to Chanda, whose image is one of the most the same platform. They are now empty, and disgusting in the Hindu Pantheon; he is reprethe visitor may be at a loss to know their desig. sented nude, in lustful excitement, either with nations. At the back of the great hall there is two or four hands, holding the trisula and a A door near each corner leading out upon the jug or a damru, with Siva's third eye in his foreplatform on which these temples stand, and head, and his hair in the jatd or Yogi's style. which forms a pradakshind or ambulatory pas- The refuse of the offerings in a Saiva temple sage round the great shrine of the linga. Passing were thrown to him. Behind the great shrine, out by the door at the right or south end of the or on the east side, the small shrine is for back wall, the first shrine was dedicated to the Pârvati, whose place is just behind her lord's. Mátris, whose seven seats are arranged along The fourth on the north-east is for Bhairava
1 From The Oriental, Sept. 25, 1876.

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or Rudra; and the fifth, on the north side, pro- perly belongs to Ganesa. Through the north wall of the great shrine comes the channel for the water which has been used in washing the great linga, and falls into a trongh: this outlet is called the Somasútra, which it is unlawful for the worshipper to pass in performing his ritual. For the parikramá or pradakshind of Siva is not properly performed by going round and round the temple, as in the case of the other gods, but in accordance with the bloka :
Vrisham Chandan ishan chaiva 8omasútrai punarusisham Chanda cha Somasútrain cha
punaschandari punarusishan. That is the worshipper must first go to the Nandi, which is always in front of the linga shrine, and standing behind it perform his
namarkára to Siva; thence he goes along the pradakshina pasrage to the right, to the shrine of Chanda, and pays his worship there; returns to Nandi and again worships the linga; then round as before, but past the shrine of Chanda to the Somasútra, where he touches his eyes with the water used for washing the god, and worships. Next he returns to Nandi and a third time worships the linga; he returns a second time to Chanda, and having performed his namaskára to him he advances as far as the Somasútra, and looking up he worships the flag on the spire; then returning to Chanda he again does pája to him, and comes back to Nandi to make another namaskara to Siva.
This is the full parikrama; but the custom has almost fallen out of use all over the peninsula of India, and no figare of Chanda is to be found in any temple of modern times.
ARCHÆOLOGICAL NOTES. BY M. J. WALHOUSE, LATE M.C.S.
(Continued from p. 78.) No. XXV.-Rag.bushes in the East. nect the rag-bushes I saw there, and of which One of the most universal of superstitious I could not at the time get any account or excustoms is that of tying bits of rag to bushes planation, with them. In the southern districts or trees at spots held to be sacred or haunted of Madras there is also a prickly shrub, the by any supernatural presence. In vol. VIII. botanical name of which I do not know, but of the Indian Antiquary, at page 219, the wan. the prickles have a stinging quality, which indering trader or pedlar caste, called Banjaris duces fever, and its branches are sometimes or Lambadies, in travelling from Bastar to the seen stack all over with bits of rag by way of Godavari Taluqâs are said "to fasten small propitiation'. In Wales the prickly furze is held rags torn from some old garment to a bush in to fence off evilly-disposed fairies, being there honour of Kampalamma, (kampa = a thicket.)" in such matters held protective rather than On three or four occasions, when going up from injurious. Once near Dindigul in the Madura the Koimbatúr plain to the Maisur frontier by district I saw a solitary mimosa tree by a pool the Gazzalhaçţi or Kavêripuram passes, once in the middle of a wide barren maidun with a famous in the wars with Haidar and Tipa, but great many bits of rag and cloth tied to its now for three quarters of a century hardly branches, and was told that a traveller unknown traceable tracts through wild stony jangal, had some years before been found dead by the I have seen a thorn-bush rising out of a heap pool, that his spirit had become a malignant of stones piled round it, and bearing bits of rag demon, which haunted the spot, and that the tied to its branches; these deserted passes are rags were tied to the tree as offerings to prevent frequented by Lambadies carrying salt-fish, it injuring the herd-boys and cattle pasturing grain, &c. by means of large droves of pack. on the plain. Closely analogous must be the bullocks and asses; whether of the same race custom amongst the GÂros of the deep jangals as the Bastar people I do not know. I have on the Asâm border of raising a bamba arch more than once encountered their encampments decorated with tufts of cotton over each path in the Kåvêri jangals, and am now led to con- leading into a village to propitiate the deities;
* At the temple of Siva-Ganga Kondai, in Tinniveli, there Bir Walter Elliot informs me he has repeatedly seen is & small shrine of " Shendiswara," which is perhaps the nge tied to bashes in the Dakhan, most frequently on the same as Chanda. See p. 119.
Bēr tree (Zizyphus).

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all who enter or quit the village must pass -no unfrequent objects there. The Missionunder these arches; they are also placed over aries Hue and Gabet describe the Oboes, or imthe doors of houses in cases of sickness.
mense cairns, they encountered in Tartary All over India the tombs of Musalman Saints and Tibet as surmounted with branches hung and holy men are surrounded with upright rods over with bits of cloth on which verses are inand canes to which are attached streamers of scribed : these are propitiatory offerings to the many-coloured rags. Mrs. R. Barton, in her mountain-spirits. In China Governor Davis entertaining book Arabia, Egypt, India, notices speaks of the whole population of towns trooping that near Bombay “the barial-grounds were out to the cemeteries at periodical times of full of little flags or pendants like those on mourning, leaving behind them long streamers a lance" (p. 128)". Cossack graves around of red and white paper to mark the fulfilment of Moscow are distinguished in the same way, and the rites. Whole ranges of hills sprinkled with so are the Turcoman tombs between the Caspian tombs may at that season be seen covered with and Mery. In Persia the prevalence of the these testimonials of attention to the departed custom has long attracted the notice of travel fluttering in the wind and sunshine" (Davis's lers. Mr. James Morier, in his second Journey Chinese, vol. I. chap. 8) The foregoing inthrough Persia, Armenia and Asia Minor, in stances demonstrate the wide prevalence of the 1810-20, writes (page 239) :-"Close to the custom in Asia, alike amongst Muhammadan, burial place of a Persian saint grew a small bush, Hindu, and Buddhist populations. Antiquaries upon the branches of which were tied a variety know it was equally prevalent over Europe, where of rags and remnants of garments. The Per- it is indeed now far from extinct. It is there sians conceive that those rags from their vicinity chiefly associated with holy wells celebrated for to the saint acquire peculiar preservative virtues healing qualities. Bushes by such wells are against sickness, and substituting others, they covered with bits of clothing tied there by pertake bits away, and, tying them about their sons who had derived benefit from bathing or persons, use them as talismans." This recalls drinking, just as in Persia devotees tie rags to the "handkerchiefs and aprons," brought from bushes near holy tombe. The custom still exists the body of St. Paul, which banished diseases in Wales and Ireland, and I have seen instances and evil spirits (Acts xix. 12). Brand in his of it near Boulogne in France and in the Black Popular Antiquities refers to a prayer of the Forest. Widely spread as are the rag-bushes, Roman Church used for the blessing of clouts rag-trees and their variants are more universal in the way of curing diseases."
still. Over both the Americaa from the far In further illustration of Morier's account, north to the extreme south the custom may be Mr. Engene Schuyler, in his recent work Tur- traced. In the remote regions of British Columkistan, observes of the tomb of Zang-ata, the bia fragments of the blankets and clothing of patron saint of Tashkend, that "it looks shabby departed Indians wave over their graves by the from the ramshorns and long bits of dirty rags Fraser River. Sir John Franklin describes the which every pilgrim has felt it necessary to tie | sacred tree of the Cree Indians hang all over with there on some stick or tree. These are symbols strips of buffalo flesh and pieces of cloth. Mr. of sacrifice" (vol. I. 138). Mr. J. Romilly Taylor gives an account of the great cypress tree Allen has also informed me that in 1874, he in Mexico, its branches covered with hundreds observed by the Khorzam Pass on the Elburzof locks of coarse hair, bits of coloured cloth, Mountains, at a height of 7000 feet, a great regs, and morsels of ribbon, "probably 80 number of thorn-bushes covered with rags of decorated long before the discovery of America," every colour, which had been left by the male- and Mr. Darwin notices the remarkable singleteers. In Afghanistan our troops have noticed standing sacred tree in Patagonia, reverenced by that it is the custom to tie rags to bushes by all the Indians with numberless offerings such the graves of those who had died violent deaths as cigare, meat, pieces of cloth," &o. suspended
"On the top of the Giant's Mountain near Constanti. pople in the tomb of s dervish called Joshua's Tomb. It in hold very sacred, and the railings round it are covered with tiny bits of rag, hunz there by the superstitious a & sure preventive against fever and ills of every kind."-Sun-
shine and Storm in the East, by Mrs. Brassey, p. 78.
The Rev. A. Williamson in his Journey in Northern China, describes near Taiyuanta en acacia dating from the Thang dynasty (7th to 10th century) covered with yotive tablets.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
to its branches. In Africa Mungo Park encountered a great tree called Neema Taba, "decorated with innumerable rags or scraps of cloth, which none presumed to pass without offering something," and the same custom has lately been reported from Madagascar. Similar observances prevailed amongst the Esthonians in Livonia, and are reported by Sir John Lubbock to be not yet extinct. Confining ourselves, however, to Asia, perhaps the earliest notice of the sort is the story of Hercdotus, that Xerxes, when marching on Greece, encountered in Lydia a plane tree so beautiful that he caused golden robes and ornaments to be hung over it, and placed a guard to watch it. The historian says this was "on account of its beauty," but it was probably also a sacred tree, such as was familiar to the Persians in their own land. Tabari, the Arabian annalist of the 9th century, relates that the people of Najrån in Yemen every year, on a certain day, assembled round a large date tree outside the city, hung it with rich garments, and offered prayers. In our own times Captain Conder (Tent Work in Palestine, vol. II. p. 233) says of the sacred oaks and terebinths named after the Sheikhs their owners, that "they are covered all over with rags tied to the branches, which are considered acceptable offerings". Sir John Chardin, the traveller in Persia of the 17th century, often mentions the sacred trees met with everywhere in Persia, called dirakht-fâzel excellent trees, stuck all over with nails for fastening on bits of garments. One very ancient plane he saw in the king's garden at Shiraz, to which the people used to come to pray under its shade, and hang amulets and shreds of garments on its branches. Mr. Schuyler, at the passage above referred to, also observes:-" Old trees, especially old mulberry trees, seem greatly venerated throughout Central Asia, and the older and deader they are the more bits of rag they have stuck on them." In remoter northern Asia Strahlenberg describes the idols of the Ostiaks on the rivers Irtysch and Obi as "roughly hewn pieces of wood hung over with rags," and the Jakuhti of Eastern Siberia as "hanging all manner of nick
On the East Coast of Africa most settlements have near them large ancient trees much venerated by the natives, who drive votive nails in them and suspend rags. European residents call them devil-trees. It is held highly dangerous to injure them. Capt. R. Burton tells a story of an English merchant who cut down one, and died soon after as well as four others of his family.
I have not met with any form of the custom in Aus
[JUNE, 1880.
nacks on their sacred trees," and Zaleski, in his Life on the Kirghiz Steppes, gives an account of a tree that strikingly recalls the solitary Patagonian rag-tree. He says that on the steppes between the Sea of Aral and the confluence of the Tchoni and Yâtch rivers, a distance of 310 miles, there is only one tree, a species of poplar, highly venerated by the Kirghizes, who go several miles out of their way to hang an article of their clothing on its branches, hence it is called Sinderich-agateh, i e. rag-tree. In the Indian Antiquary, vol. III. p. 35, I have mentioned what seems to me a variant of the custom where the Champaka and other trees round the ancient shrine of the Trimurti at the foot of the Animalei Mountains in Koimbatur, Madras Presidency, are thickly hung with sandals and shoes, many of huge size, evidently made for the purpose, suspended by pilgrims as thank-offerings, or in token of vows accomplished. Another more ghastly variant seems to be the practice of the Nâgås of Eastern India of hanging the skulls of enemies on the great trees in their villages. In China, pieces of gilt paper are hung upon trees in sacred places, and silken streamers are reported to be tied to trees in Lamasaries in Tibet.
This almost universal custom of tying rags to trees and bushes may be due to the desire of making some offering or recognition to an apprehended supernatural power or presence, and in its homeliest form is probably a survival of the gold robes and such costlier offerings as were made by Xerxes and the ancient Arabians. In many primitive nations it was customary to offer splendid gifts at funerals, and bury them with the dead, but such observances have always a tendency to change and lessen in value, and at last to be continued in imitations and temporary substitutes. Thus inferior pottery, evidently made for the purpose, is frequently found buried in barrows of a period when much better earthenware was made, and the Chinese, who once offered gold ornaments at ancestral tombs, are now content to make them in gilt paper. So rags and shreds may have taken the place of
tralia or the South Sea Islands, unless there be something analogous in the consecration by tabu," which is generally marked by small white flags stuck about tabued property." -Jarvis's Sandwich Islands, p. 56.
"Abraham's Oak," which figures much in middle age romance, was similarly decorated; it grew near Hebron, and was affirmed to be green since the days of Abraham. -Vide Lucan's Pharsalia, vol. I. P. 136.

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EXCAVATIONS NEAR MANIKYALA.
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worthier gifte. Moreover, spots of reputed religious ideas. Perhaps some light may be sanctity or haunted by supernatural beings, thrown on this by a passage in Mr. Stanley's whether wells, tombs, shrines, or trees, often march Across the Dark Continent, where when occur in waste and deserted places, and travellers nearing the western coast, at a spot never before or pilgrims passing by, or journeying from long visited by Europeans, he writes (vol. II. p. 453): distances to the spot, might have little that could | “Close to our camp was a cemetery of a village easily be spared to offer, and yet be unwilling to of Mbinda. The grave mounds were neat, and pass without some recognition, however trifling, by their appearance I should judge them to be and a shred torn from a garment would afford not only the repositories of the dead, but the the readiest means of satisfying the impulse. | depositories of all the articles that had belonged Supernatural beings and ghosts, especially of to the dead. Each grave was dressed out with persons who have died by violence, are amongst the various mugs, pitchers, wash-basins, tea-pots, many peoples believed to expect food and clothing, glasses, spirit and beer-bottles. The various and to be malignant if neglected, so once a articles thus exhibited, especially the useful year the Chinese observe a ceremony called "ap- articles, bad all been rendered useless,"-like the peasing the burning mouth," and lay out stale broken pottery of the barrows and the shreds of cakes and worn-out clothes with invitations on the rag-bushes; some analogy between the cusplacards above to the "Honourable Homeless toms does not seem too far-fetched. Curiously, Ghosts," that is, those who have left no relatives, too, this possible European and modern African or whose kindred are too poor to provide the variant of the custom exists in Central and usual offerings, but who are apt to cause epi. Northern Asia. Mr. Seebohm, speaking of the demics and work mischief if quite passed over. remote regions of Central Siberia, says that there, So in many instances it is conceivable that the after a funeral feast, the drinking vessels are rags tied to a bush may be survivals and substi- broken and thrown upon the grave; and the tutes for the garments once left for the shivering correspondent of the Daily News, describing the angry spirit. On this point the chapter headed customs of the Turcoman population on the
Presents,' in Herbert Spencer's recent work Caspian borders, says that in the cemetery at Ceremonial Institutions, may be referred to. Hasan Kouli and Tchikislar the graves are
The traces of a form of this custom may per- markod by poles to which linen bands and haps be discovered even in prehistoric times, and morsels of cloth are attached, and water jars and still existing. Explorers have often been sur- earthen teapots, tributes to the departed, are prised at the immense amount of broken pottery accumulated at the head of the grave. He does found mixed with the mould in cairns and bar- not remark whether they too were always broken, rows. Canon Greenwell, in his exhaustive work but adds that whilst a man who dies in battle British Barrows, often refers to this, remarking is buried in his clothes, any one who dies of old on the very large quantities of potsherds met age or sickness has his clothes hung on the with, which certainly could not have found pole surmounting the grave, and his friends or their way into the barrows accidentally, but relations come occasionally to brush and clean seem as if they had been scattered about when the garments, and sometimes replace them with the mound was being built. Such pottery is new. This institution is named Loyunvuskha. always broken, apparently made for the purpose, These grave-poles may also be regarded as and, he thinks, must have symbolised some variants of the rag-bushes.
ACCOUNT OF EXCAVATIONS MADE NEAR MANIKYALA, IN THE PANJAB.
BY W. SANDFORD, SECUNDERABAD. The excavations, of which a description direction and at the expense of Mr. Alexander follows, were made in the vicinity of Manik- Grant, M.I.C.E., Director of State Railways, yala, a spot well known from the published Western System, and by the consent of the accounts of the explorations of Generals Court head of the Archeological Survey and Ventura of the Sikh service, and those of A general description and map of the vicinity General Cunningham, R.E., Director General of will be found in the second volume of the the Archeological Survey of India.
"Reports of the Archæological Survey of India. The work was done under the personal The village of Manikyala stands about a

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[JUNE, 1880.
mile north of the Trunk Road, near a point, on that road, fifteen miles south-east of Rawal- pindi. The village is therefore about midway between the rivers Jhilam and Suhan (the latter an affluent of the Indus). The entire neighbourhood is studded for miles with topes and mounds, several of which have, as is well known, been explored. The only structure, however, which in any degree retains its original appearance is the huge masonry stupa known as Ventura's tope, which General Cunningham considers was originally built during the reign of Huvishka (one of the Scythian princes whose sovereignty succeeded that of the Bactrian Greeks), about the commencement of the Christian era, but to have been repaired, and made As it now stands, about A.D. 720, by a king of Kanoj (Arch. Reports, Vol. V, page 78). Not far off are the remains of another large tope, known as Court's, which was built by Kanishkn of Kashmir in A.D. 18. Another tope, which was opened by General Cunningham, (that at Sonala Pind), he dates circa 70 B.C. (Arch. Reports, Vol. II, p. 168).
The remains generally about Manikyala are therefore of considerable antiquity, ranging, at least, from the first to the eighth centuries, and prove that the neighbourhood was the seat of a large and important religious community of Buddhists.
The Khangah Mound. The first excavation undertaken by Mr. Grant was at the site known as the Khangah Mound. This mound is General Cunningham's No. 19 (vide map in the Arch. Reports, Vol. II, p. 153). and is described by that officer as "a large, low, mound, 1,500 feet N.N.E. of the village of Sagari, and just half a mile to the southeast of General Court's tope." Its present name is derived from the grave of a Muhammadan Pir, named Jamal, who is stated, by the fakir in charge of the place, to have met a violent death, by means not explained, during the reign of Sikandar Ludi of Delhi (A.D. 1488—1517).
A plan of the mound is given in the accompanying plate. It is roughly square, with sides of 120 feet; it does not rise much above the prevailing level, and is nearly covered with trees and shrubs. There is an artificial pond of water, measuring 43 feet by 38 feet, forty-eight feet south of the mound, and another pond,
about the same size, (not shown in the plan,) stands about 150 yards to the north-east of the fakir's hut. A rough track, leading from the village of Sågari to the katcha road running from Rawat Sarai to Kalar, runs along the south and west sides of the mound.
The plan renders unnecessary any very detailed description of the mound, but as an elevation drawing of it, and sections, cannot be given for want of space, it may be mentioned that the steepest side of it is the north, where the ground rises, by two platforms, from the fakir's hut to the pîr's tomb. This tomb stands on a small square platform of its own, resting against a low stone wall. On the east and west sides the ground falls, with varying graduation, to the prevailing level of the fields; on the south side the descent is stepped (as will be seen from the remains of retaining walls shown on the plan), as is also the case at the south-east and south-west corners.
The surface of the mound is covered with the remains and traces of walls, and with blocks and fragments of stone. There are two Muhammadan graves, besides that of the pir.
The highest part of the mound lies east of, and close to, the pîr's tomb, and is about 12 feet above the level of the pond to the south, but the whole of the mound south of the wall against which that tomb rests, being an area of about 60 feet from north to south and 90 feet from east to west, is not much lower.
The excavations did not disclose anything of interest, but they confirmed General Cunningham's previous supposition that the site is the ruins of a Buddhist monastery. The walls disclosed are not arranged, so far as can be seen, as those of monasteries frequently are, that is, a series of cells around a rectangular open court (vide those of Takht-i-Bahi, Sarnath near Banaras, and the rock-cut examples at Ajantâ and elsewhere), and therefore do not serve to explain the squareness of the mound. As the pir's grave is on one side, the mound cannot have been raised, dressed, and provided with retaining walls for it, nor are there walls everywhere below which could, in the course of ages, have assisted to raise a mound of such regular form. It is only evident that the mound is of much later date than the walls disclosed by the excavations.
There is no direct evidence of the age of the

Page #175

PLAN OF THE KHÂNGAH MOUND naar Manikyala in the Panjab SHOWING THE EXCAVATIONS MADE
in Ibruary 1878.
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MANIKYÂLA EXCAVATIONS
Ind Antiquary
2
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EXCAVATIONS NEAR MANIKYALA.
JUNE, 1880.]
deep masonry remains opened out. There is an entire absence of ornament, even of the simplest kind. Two of the three copper coins found were partly legible, and are described further on, but they do not show that the masonry was of that age, though of course it may be so without any stretch of probability.
The excavations consisted of five cuts. One of them is a large and a regular one, commencing in the west side of the mound and running completely into the centre of it. Of the other four, two were merely pits in the body of the north-east quarter of the mound; the remaining two being cuts, in continuation of each other, from the south side of the mound towards the centre.
The first mentioned of these cuts was the only one which repaid the trouble and expense, as it will be seen, from the plan, that it everywhere opened out walls and floors, and disclosed, more or less completely, four chambers (which are marked A, B, C and D on the plan). This cut was commenced 9 or 10 yards from the fakir's hut, and over the four-inch drain near the south corner of chamber A, and was suggested by an older excavation (made by the present fakir in search for stones), which had discovered several large blocks of stone (among them being one of two supposed doorpivot slabs shown in the plan). Carrying the excavation along the long south wall of chamber (A), another rectangular chamber (B), 10/ 5" x 9' 3", was found in the centre of the mound, with steps leading out of it, on one side, eastward.
The following are the details of each of these chambers, and the pavements near thempremising that the sandstone masonry is mostly a coursed rubble, which in solidity and regularity is almost like block-in-course, and is laid dry, without mortar.
Chamber A.-The west, or outside end of this chamber, was about four feet below the surface of the mound; the rest about three feet. It is 5 feet wide and (possibly) 36 feet long. [This qualification as to its length is given, because only one end of the interior was cleared out, though the exterior of the southern side wall was disclosed for a length of 40 feet.] The north and west walls are 3' 10" thick; the south 2' 0" thick. All are stopped at one level, about 2 feet above the base. Outside the north wall,
155
and close to it, is a drain 4 inches deep. This drain was lined with large blocks of stone, and was more than 18 inches deep; (it was not cleared to its full depth). Beyond (north of) this drain a rough stone floor was partly exposed.
On the south side of chamber A another 4 inch drain was found, but this, instead of being close under the wall (as in the foregoing case). runs diagonally up the middle of a paved passage (5 feet wide) leading to chamber B (though chamber B has no door where that passage meets it). This drain was also more than 18 inches deep.
It is impossible to say what chamber A was, but it resembles that opened up by General Cunningham at Sarnath, near Banaras, in 1835 (Arch Reports, Vol. I, p. 120), being similarly without doors. It also resembles the long chamber in the Ionic monastery at Shah-kidheri figured by Fergusson (Indian and Eastern Architecture, p. 176), though the latter is too large to afford so good a parallel as the Sarnath example.
The absence of doors to chamber A points to the remains found being merely the foundation of a superstructure of wood. The walls are cut off, quite smoothly, at an uniform level, and are not of an irregular height and rough top surface, as they would have been had a masonry superstructure been rudely thrown down.
Chamber B. This is in the centre of the mound, 40 feet from the west outside edge of chamber A, its centre being 64 feet from the southern edge of the mound. It has a door on one side, with two steps leading eastward, and its dimensions are 10' 5" X 9' 3". The walls are of an uniform thickness of 2' 6", cut off level 2' 6" from the floor. The second of the two 4 inch drains runs diagonally through it.
Chamber C.-This was probably 12' x 11' and is roughly paved inside and outside.
Chamber D.-The walls of this chamber (2′ 6" thick) are much ruined and are 3 feet high on the north side and 8 inches on the west side. One of the stones in its west wall is 8' long by 2' 6" broad. Outside the chamber is a flagged floor (of which one of the stones is 4' 3" X 3' 4") which was cleared out for 10 feet westwards.
The floors of all the chambers are nearly at one level, which may be, say, 4 or 5 feet above

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the level of the water of the pond on the south suddenly from this height, but towards the side of the mound.
edges the descent is gradual. With the exception of the wall (3 feet thick) The more important excavations made were found in the pit nearest the pir's grave, the in the form of a St. Andrew's cross, or two above were all the remains of ancient masonry lines intersecting each other diagonally in the found. In the other excavations there were highest part of the mound. Walls were opened merely loose rough stones.
out everywhere, two cells or chambers being The articles found in the mound were as excavated completely. iollows:
The masonry was much of the same kind as Three copper coins.
that in the Khangah mound, that is, of A small earthen pot (plate, fig. 2).
kankar and sandstone, in courses, often of Some fragments of earthen saucers (fig. 3). square blocks, and laid dry. There was not A fragment of pottery ware (fig. 4).
a fragment of ornament of any kind on the The coins are in diameter and all much walls, and the work altogether was disappointoxidized. One resembles figures 19 and 20 ingly uninteresting in its results. Plate xi. of Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, and If the walls discovered are of the same age possesses on the obverse an indistinct coated as the neighbouring topes, General Cunningfigure facing to the left, with two illegible ham's inference before the excavations were. characters, and on the reverse a mutilated made) that they are the remains of a Buddhist erect figure with the monogram *. It may monastery is almost inevitable, as their therefore 'possibly be of the Indo-Scythian arrangement is not roomy enough for any Prince Kanerki of Kabul, of whom other coins known lay purpose, and it is difficult otherwise have been found at Manikyala. The second to explain the existence of these massive coin has on the obverse a coated figure, and on isolated groups of cells over so many square the reverse Siva and the bull Nandi, but both miles of country, near well known topes. sides are very indistinct, and it would be rash General Cunningham has shown that there to attempt to identify it. The third coin is in- was no town in this neighbourhood (Manikyala distinguishable.
itself, two miles off, having apparently never These articles were found from four to five been much more than a large village affording feet below the surface. The saucers (fig. 3) accommodation to devotees), of which this and and fragment of pottery (fig. 4) were found other isolated ruins might have formed part. in chamber A. The former resemble the The various chambers and other parts of the saucers found in the Sarnath tope near Banaras, excavations are lettered on the sketch-plan many of which were still lying about there in fig. 5, A to P, and the following notes follow December 1877.
the order of these letters :The Chaontra Mound.
(A)-A shallow excavation from one to three This is 1500 feet north of the Khangab mound, feet deep, with a wall at one end. and about the same distance from the impor. (B)-This excavation averaged 7 feet deep. tant stupa known as Court's tope. It has been It was full of small rough stones and human briefly described by General Cunningham (Arch. bones (probably Muhammadan) down to the Reports, Vol. II, pp. 169–70), being figured bottom; some of the skeletons were complete, in the map (p. 153 ibid.) as mound No. 20. being protected at the sides and top by slabs of
The mound is quite bare except for three stone. Some fragments of a metal vessel (like small trees, and a number of Muhammadan a lota); a corroded piece of bar iron; an ornagraves. Gold coins are said to have been found mental brick (shown in fig. 6); and several in it. A plan of the mound is given in fig. 5. shallow saucers (like those found in the Khan
The mound, which is roughly rectangular, gah mound), were found. measures 200 feet from north to south, and 120 (C)-This was a brick-paved cell, without east to west, while it rises from 12 to 14 feet, door, the floor of which was 7 feet from the if not more, above the prevailing level of the original surface of the mound, and, being high surrounding fields. At first it falls rather above all the other masonry work, may have been
* These dimensions differ from General Cunningham's,

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much more recent in date. The style of work (L)-This chamber, excepting part of the was however identical with that deeper down. floor, was completely opened out, and was 90' The sketch section given as fig. 7, shows the * 18 4'. The walls were 2 feet thick and 5 position of this cell. The dimensions of the feet high, with a projecting plinth 2 feet high cell were 10' 8" X 11' 6", the floor being of above the floor. The walls were stopped off at red bricks, each 9' X 9' X 2". The floor an uniform level. The floor, where got at, was was opened, but nothing was found below it 8' 6' from the surface, and was hidden beneath to a depth of two feet. About the floor were two or three feet of hard clay, mixed with found several pieces of corroded rod iron, some human bones. These bones, from their posifragments of red and black pottery (none suffi- tion, can scarcely have been Muhammadan. An ciently perfect to enable a sketch to be made), illegible copper coin was found at a depth of and many human bones (certainly Muhammadan, | 7 feet. the centre of the mound being thickly occupied (M)-A shallow excavation, which disclosed by graves). The floor of the chamber is six part of a wall. feet above the bottom of the excavation J and (N)-Another shallow excavation, which chamber L.
turned up a rude stone platform with a raised (D)-This cut was carried down 5 feet edge. through stiff clay, stones, (some large ones) (O and P)-Shallow excavations not carried and human bones (probably Muhammadan). on. The gold coins are said to have been
(E and F)-These are the ends of two cham- found in 0. bers, abutting on each other, 9 feet wide from In this mound were also found two copper north to south; the base of the massive walls coins and the circular stone shown as fig. 11. was not reached at 9 feet from the surface ; The coins were apparently Hindu, but have not excavated mostly in stiff clay.
been identified. They have a lion on one side, (G) An excavation from 3 to 9 feet deep. and an elephant on the other. The coins are Very few stones, and those rough and small. probably Rajput, similar to those figured in
(H)-This excavation, a shallow one, from 1 plate xi, figs. 11 and 12, of Wilson's Ariana to 2 feet deep, disclosed the corner of a cham- Antiqua. The circular stone was 16 inches in ber. In it were found the articles figured in diameter, and looked like the lid of a box. A plate as Nos. 8 and 9. No. 8 is like a potter's square stone box, in which General Court found moulding tool, and is solid, of red brick. No. 9 a relic casket, is still lying in the village of is a small earthenware vessel. The wall bound- Gura not far off. The writer was not present ing this chamber on the east side was at a level when these coins and the circular stone were 2 feet higher than that at the south west corner, found, and was unable to discover where they the ground rising suddenly from H to D. were met with. (I)-This cut was carried from 7 to 10 feet
Pari-ki-dheri mounds. from the surface, through stiff clay mixed with These two mounds have been fully described human bones and large stones. It was a con- by General Cunningham (Arch. Rep. Vol. II, tinuation, at a lower level, of excavation D, pp. 168-9), and are marked No. 16 on that and with D seems to have been a passage officer's map. The mound on which the fakir's between chambers F, E, and H.
tomb stands was only partly uncovered. The (J)-This excavation, 8' 3'' wide between the other, close at hand, said to be & monastery, walls east and west, was carried down 9 feet, was completely opened out, but the writer was nearly to the foot of the west wall of chamber not present and cannot furnish details. The K. A copper coin (figured in the plate as only article found was a small copper coin, No. 10) was found at a depth of 7 or 8 feet. which turned up at a depth of 4 feet. On one It resembles some of the coins of the Scythian side can be traced a long coated figure, in boots, princes of the Panjab, circa A.D. 400.
like those on the Indo-Scythian coins so numer (K)-At this spot a shallow excavation dis- ously found in the Punjab, but the other side closed a chamber, in which the human bones, is illegible, and the coin cannot be identified. found elsewhere, were deposited, and then These were all the excavations undertaken. covered over.
The following notes are added regarding two

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localities which are known, but have not, Ventura's tope only excepted. The masonry apparently, been described.
is in courses, with the interstices filled in The first of these is Kotera-ki-dheri, about a regularly with smaller stones. Some of the quarter of a mile south-east of mound No. 3, blocks of stone are rather large-one being 4 and about a mile from the village of Syudon- 10" long x 1' 7' high: ka-mora, the intervening space being a series Khanda-ka-dhera, the other place, is about a of rugged fissures and denuded ridges of sand- mile in a south-eastern direction from Koterastone. The spot is General Cunningham's No. ki-dheri, a nala being crossed between them. 14, and was examined by General Court, who It is a plateau 200 feet long by 80 or 90 feet found some coins in it. The remains consist of broad, and is the highest point in the entire a tope and monastery, the latter being a large neighbourhood, being conspicuous, with its surrectangular walled enclosure, in good pre- vey cairn, from the village of Syudon-ka-mora. servation, which the people about call a fort. It is surrounded, from 150 to 200 feet below, A plan appears in the plate, fig. 12.
by harsh ridges and ravines, and is covered with The tope is now roughly conical, not allowing fragments of pottery more thickly than the for the partial removal of the upper core by vicinity of Ventura's tope. Numbers of coins General Court, but apparently had a square are said to have been found without excavation. basement. The mound of the tope rises In a few minutes the writer found a small 15 to 20 feet above the level of the pathway, illegible copper coin, a fragment of another, which runs between the tope and monastery. I some beads of coral and lapis lazuli, and several
The facing of part of the tope still remains, pieces of black and red pottery. The only and looks, at a distance, nearly perfect.
remains of masonry are those of two rude butThe walls of the monastery are nearly perfect tresses. The site is apparently however not except at one corner, and they are about 100 ancient, as General Cunningham, who afterfeet above the ravine on the north. The work wards examined it, considered there had been is constructed of large blocks of sandstone, a modern hamlet there; it is therefore probably without mortar, and, so far as it goes, is not worth examination. There is a fine view more perfect than anything about Manikyala, of the Pûnch hills from the plateau.
.
ON MAHAVIRA AND HIS PREDECESSORS.
BY PROF. HERMANN JACOBI, PH.D., MÜNSTER. In the Indian Antiquary, vol. VIII, p. 311, a doctrines of the Niganthas as defined by the paper on the Six Tirthakas by James d'Alwis was Bauddhas. To account for, and clear up, these is reproduced with notes by the editor. One of these my purpose in the first part of this paper. heretical teachers, Nigantha N&ta putta, The word Niga ntha in Pali books, and has lately become of great interest, as he basNiya mtha in Jaina Sátras (e.g. the Sútrabeen identified with Maha vira, the supposed kritánga and Bhagavatt) are neither PAli nor founder of the Jaina sect. The proof of this Jaina Prakrit. For its Sanskrit prototype, identity is conclusive. For the Bauddhas and Nirgrantha, current with the Jainas and Jainas agree not only in the name of the sect, Northern Buddhists, would in both dialects have viz., Pali-Nigantha, Niggantha, Nigandha; regularly become Niggam tha, which form, Sanskrit,--Nirgrantha, and Prakrit,-Niyamtha indeed, is the common one in Jaina Prakrit, but Niggamtha; Sanskrit, -Nirgrantha,---respec
not so in Pâli. The form Nigantha was almost tively; and in the name of the founder Påli,- certainly adopted by both sects from the MâgaNataputta, Nataputta, Sanskrit.-Jñåtipatra,and dhi dialect; for it occurs in the Asoka inscription Prakrit,-- Nätaputta, Nayaputta; Sanskrit,- at Delhi, separate edict 1.5 (Ind. Ant. vol. VI. Jõâtaputra, Jña tiputra respectively; but also on p. 150 note). This hypothesis becomes a certainty the place of Jñâtaputra's death, the town Påva; for the word Nâta putta. As translated see my edition of the Kalpasútra, pp. 4 sqq. Yet in Sanskrit it is Jñâta or Jõâtipatra, the regular there remain some anomalies in the forms of Pâli derivative would be Natapatta with a these names and some obscure points in the palatal n. The dental in its stead is a Maga

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dhism. For, in the Màgadhỉ inscriptions of according to James d'Alwis, held by Nigantha Asoka, we read náti, anna, etc. - Sanskrit jñāti, Nå taputta: "He held that it was sinful to drink anya, etc., which words become ñáti, añía, etc. in cold water : cold water,' he said, was imbued PAli and in the dialects of the Asoka inscrip- with a soul. Little drops of water were small tions at Girnår and Kapurdigiri. The palatal souls, and large drops were large souls." In h appears in Pali in the first part of the name Buddhaghosa's conimentary on the Dhammapawhen used as the name of the Kshattriya clan dam (Fausböll's edition p. 398), the better to which Mabâvira belonged. For I identify Niganthas' who go about naked, say that they the natika living near Kotigâma mentioned in the cover their almsbowls lest particles of dust or Mahávagga Sutta (Oldenberg's edition p. 232), spray, imbued with life, should fall into them. with the Jñataka Kshattriyas in Kundagrama of Comparo Kalpasútra, Samachari & 29, where a the Jaina books. As regards the vowel of the similar rule is given. These naked Niganthas second syllable, the different sources are at vari- need not have been of the Digambara sect, for ance with each other. The Northern Buddhists according to the Acháránga Sútra it was consispell the word with an i,- Jñatiputra in dered a meritorious, not a necessary, penance Sanskrit, and Jo-thi-tseu in Chinese (tseu means for an ascetic to wear no clothes.
son'), the Southern ones with an a-Nâtaput- In the Mahávagga Sutta, vi. 31, 1, Nigantha ta, as do the Jainas, though J ñ â tiputra is not Nataputta is said to hold the kiriyá vádla opposed unfrequent in MSS. The form Naya putta to the akiriyaváda of Gotama Buddha. The proves nothing, for the syllables and are inter- kiriyavada, or the belief in the activity of the changeable in Jaipa Prakrit. M. Eug. Burnouf, soul, is one of the cardinal dogmas of the Jainas, commenting on the name in question, says: and is found in their creed in the first chapter “ J'ignore pourquoi le Pali supprime l'i de l'of the Acháranga. Djñáti;' serait ce que le primitif véritable serait James d'Alwis proceeds after the above Djsiáti et que le Djñáti en serait un prâkritism quoted passage: "He (Nataputta) also declared correspondant à celui du Sud náta, comme djęta that there were three dandas or agents for the correspond à djétri P." That M. Burnout was commission of sin, and that the acts of the body perfectly right in his conjecture, can now be (kdya), of the speech (vdel), and of the mind proved beyond a doubt. For the occasional (mana) were three separate causes, each acting spelling of the word with a lingual Nataputta independently of the other." Compare the shows an unmistakable trace of the original ri. subjoined passage from the third uddesaka of The Sanskrit for Nigantha Nataputta was there. the Sthánúnga, in which the term danda in its fore in all probability Nirgrantha Jñatriputra, relation to mind, speech and body occurs : tao that of the Ķshattriya clan Jñatrika (Ali-| daudá pannatta, tam jaha: mana-dande, vai. Nátika, Prakrit-Nayaga). It is perhaps not un- dande kaya-dande. “There are declared three worthy of remark that Nigantha Nataputta must dandas, namely, the danda of the mind, the danda have made part of the most ancient tradition of of the speech, the danda of the body." Thus far the Banddhas, and cannot have been added to it all agrees with Jainism. James d'Alwis's account in later times as both words conform, not to the of Natapatta's doctrines concludes: "This phonetic laws of the Pali language, but to those heretic asserted that crimes and virtues, happiof the early Mâgadhi.
ness and misery, were fixed by fate, that as We shall now treat of the opinions which the subject to these we cannot avoid them, und Buddhists ascribe to Nataputta and to the Ni- that the practice of the doctrine can in no wise ganthas in general, in order to show that they assist us. In this notion his heresy consisted." are in accordance with Jainism. One of its most As the Jaina opinions on these points do not characteristic features is the unduly extended idea materially differ from those of the Hindus in of the animate world ; notonly are plants and trees general, and as the doctrines defined above are endowed with life, and accordingly are not to be inconsistent with the kiriy dvdda and with 98wantonly destroyed, but also particles of earth, cetic practices I do not doubt that the Baud. water, fire and wind. The same doctrine was, dhas committed an error, perhaps in order to
Preserved however in nattka, if my conjectare about the identity of that word with the first part of Nataputta be right.

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stigmatise the Nigantbas as heretics, who in ments soient enchaînés dans les liens qui le their turn have misstated the Bauddha doctrine retiennent captif, &c." The general drift of this of the nirvana, saying that according to the definition, especially the stress laid on control, Sangata's opinion the liberated souls return to savours of Jainism ; but luckily we are not conthe Sarisdra (punarbhare'vataranti). This mis- fined to such generalities for our deduction. statement occurs in Silanka's commentary on For the phrase chátuyáma sariwara-sariwuto, the Acháránga Sútra (867 A.D.), and can have no translated by Gogerly "well defended in four reference therefore to the Lamas and Chutaktus directions," and by Burnout "retenu par le frein of the Northern Buddhist church, as I formerly de quatre abstentions réunies" contains the opined, for they were not yet in existence in distinct Jaina term cháturyáma. It is applied Siláñka's time.
to the doctrine of Mahavira's predecessor Pår. We pass now to the outline of Nataputta's śva, to distinguish it from the reformed creed of system in the Samaññaphala Sutta, (Grimblot Mahâvîra, which is called panchayáma dharma. Sept Suttas Palis, p. 126). It may be remarked The five yamas are the five great vows, mahathat, according to Mr. Rhys Davids (Academy, vratáni, as they are usually named, viz. ahissa September 13th, 1879, p. 197) the passage in not killing, súnrita truthful speech, asteya not question is not commented upon in the Com- stealing, brahmacharya chastity, aparigraha mentary Sumangala Vildsini. Mr. Gogerly trans
renouncing of all illusory objects. In the lated it thus: "In this world, great king, the Ni- chaturyáma dharma of Mahậvira brahmacharya gan tha s are well defended in four directions, was included in aparigraha. The most importhat is, great king, the Niganthas in the present
tant passage is one of the Bhagavall (Weber, world by general abstinence (from evil) restrain
Fragment der Bhagavati, p. 185) whore a dispute sinfal propensities, weaken evil by controlling
between Kalasa Vesiyaputta, a follower of PAréva it, and are ever under self-government. They
(Påsavachchejja, i. e. Pârávapatyeya) and some are thus well defunded on all sides, and this is
disciples of Mahavira is described. It ends with called - being arrived at perfection, being with Kálása's begging permission : Tujhan anhtie subjected passions, being established in virtue"
chatujjámáto dhummato panichamahavvaiyasi (ibidem, p. 173). All this might as easily have sapadikkamanani dhammash wasanipajjitta pani been translated from a Jaina Sútra, and it would
viharittae : "to stay with you after having be difficult to tell the difference, but unfor
changed the Law of the four vows for the Law tunately this translation cannot be reconciled
of the five vows enjoining compulsory conwith our text. M. Burnouf's translation is more fession." In Silanka's Commentary on the Achiliteral, but less intelligible; it runs thus: "En
I ranga the same distinction is made between the ce monde, grand roi, le mendiant Nigantha est cháturyámadharma of Parsva's followers and the retenu par le frein de quatre abstentions ré- panchayáma dharma of Vardhamana's tirtha unies. Et comment, grand roi, le mendiant (Ed. Cal. p. 331). These particulars about the Nigantha est-il retenu par le frein de quatre religion of the Jainas previous to the reforms of abstentions réunies ? En ce monde, grand roi, le Mahavira are so matter-of-fact like, that it is mendiant Nigantha est entièrement retenu par le impossible to deny that they may have been lien qui enchaîne; il est enveloppé par tous les handed down by trustworthy tradition. Hence liens, enlacé par tous les liens, resserré par tous we must infer that Nirgrapthas already existed les liens; voilà de quelle manière, grand roi, le previous to Mahavira,-& result which we shall mendiant Niganţha est retenu par le frein de render more evident in the sequel by collateral quatre abstentions réunics. Et parce qu'il est, proofs. On this gnnnorition we can understand ainsi retenu, grand roi, il est nommé Nigantha, how the Buddhists ascribed to Nâtaputta the c'est-d-dire libre de toute chaîne, pour qui toute cháturya ma dharma, though he altered just this chaine est détruite, qui a secoué toutes les tenet; for it is probable that the Buddhista chaines," (ibidem, p. 204). And in a note he ascribed the old Nirgrantha creed to Nataputta, adds: "Mais quand la définition dit qu'il est who then took the lead of the community, and of onlacé dans tous les liens, cela signifie qu'il whose reforms, being indeed only trifling, his obéit si complètement aux règles d'une rigour opponents were not aware. And though it looks euge abstention, qu'il semble que tous ses mouve- like a logical trick, the testimony of the Bud.

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dhists on this point might be brought forward as an argument for the existence of Nirgranthas previous to, and differing in details from, the tirtha of Mahavira. But we have not to rely on so dubious arguments as this for our proposition. The arguments that may be adduced from the Jaina Sútras in favour of the theory that Mahâvira reformed an already existing religion, and did not found a new one, are briefly these. Mahavira plays a part wholly different from that of Buddha in the histories of their churches. His attainment to the highest knowledge cannot be compared to that of Buddha. The latter had to reject wrong beliefs and wrong practices before he found out the right belief and the right conduct. He seems to have carved out his own way, a fact which required much strength of character, and which is easily recognised in all Buddhist writings. But Mahavira went through the usual career of an ascetic; he seems never to have changed his opinions nor to have rejected religious practices, formerly adhered to. Only his knowledge increased, as in the progress of his penance the hindrances to the higher degrees of knowledge were destroyed until it became absolute (kevala). His doctrines are not spoken of in the Sutras as his discoveries, but as decreta or old established truths, pannattas. All this would be next to impossible if he had been like Buddha the original founder of his religion; but it is just what one would expect to be the record of a reformer's life and preaching. The record of the fourteen purvas points the same way; for these books, which were lost some generations after Mahavira's Nirvana, are said to have existed since the time of the first Tirthakara Rishabha or Adinatha; they must therefore be considered as the sacred books of the original Nirgranthas previous to Mahavira's reforms. But all these arguments are open to one fatal objection, viz., that they are taken from the Jaina literature which was reduced to writing so late as the fifth century A.D. During the preceding ten centuries, an opponent will say, the Jainas modelled everything in their sacred books on the preconceived theory of the uninterrupted existence of their faith since the beginning of the world. On this supposition the whole of the sutras would be a most wonderful fabric of fraud; for everything is in keeping with the theory in question, and no trace of the contrary
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left. I place much confidence therefore in the Jaina Sutras, being of opinion that they are materially the same as they were in the early centuries after Mahavira's Nirvana, as may be proved to be the case with the Ácháránga, the present disposition of which is already followed in Bhadrabahu's Niryukti. Yet we must confirm the above suggested opinions by evidence from another quarter, open to no objection. If the sects of the Bauddhas and Jainas were of equal antiquity, as must be assumed on the supposition that Buddha and Mahavira were contemporaries and the founder of their sects, we should expect either sect mentioned in the books of their opponents. But this is not the case. The Nirgranthas are frequently mentioned by the Buddhists, even in the oldest parts of the Pitakas. But I have not yet met with a distinct mention of the Bauddhas in any of the old Jaina Sútras, though they contain lengthy legends about Jamali, Gosala and other heterodox teachers. It follows that the Nirgranthas were considered by the Bauddhas an important sect, whilst the Nirgranthas could ignore their adversaries. As this is just the reverse position to that which both sects mutually occupy in all after-times, and as it is inconsistent with our assumption of a contemporaneous origin of both creeds, we are driven to the conclusion that the Nirgranthas were not a newly-founded sect in Buddha's time. This seems to have been the opinion of the authors of the Pitakas too; for we find no indication of the contrary in them. In James d'Alwis' paper on the Six Tirthakas, the "Digambaras" appear to have been regarded as an old order of ascetics, and all of those heretical teachers betray the influence of Jainism in their doctrines or religious practices, as we shall now point out.
Gosala Makkhaliputta was the slave of a nobleman. His master from whom he ran away, "pursued him and seized him by his garments; but they loosening Gosâla effected his escape naked: In this state he entered a city, and passed for Digambara Jaina or Bauddha, and founded the sect which was named after him." According to the Jainas he was originally a disciple of Mahavira, but afterwards set himself up for a Tirthakara. In the Mahaviracharitra of Hemachandra, he defends the precept of nakedness against the pupils of Pâréva, and "gets beaten, and almost killed by the women.

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of a village in Magadha, because he is a naked Sramaņa, or mendicant."-Wilson, Works, vol. I. p. 294, note 2.
Purana Ků sya pa declined accepting clothes " thinking that as a Digambara ho would be better respected."
Ajita Kesaka mbala believed trees and shrubs to have a jiva, and that one who cut down a tree, or destroyed a creeper, was guilty as a murderer."
Kakudha Katya yana also "declared that cold water was imbued with a soul."
The preceding four Tirthakas appear all to have adopted some or other doctrines or practices which make part of the Jaina system, probably from the Jainas themselves. More difficult is the case with Sañjaya Belåtthaputta. For the account of his doctrines in the Sámaññaphala Sutta has been so differently translated by M. Barnouf and by M. Gogerly as to suspend decision. According to the former Sanjaya's doctrine, which is called anattamana. vich, would coincide with the syállváda of the Jainas; but according to the latter it denotes no more than perfect indifference to all transcen.
lental problems, not the compatibility of one solution with its contrary. All depends on the interpretation of the two words me no in the text, about which it isimpossible to form a correct opinion without the help of a commentary.
It appears from the preceding remarks that Jaina ideas and practices must have been current at the time of Mahavira and indepen. dently of him. This, combined with the other arguments which we have adduced, leads us to the opinion that the Nirgranthas were really in existence long before Mahîvira, who was the reformer of the already existing sect. This yranted, it is not difficult to form a tolerably correct idea of the relation between Buddhism and Jainism. The former is not an offshoot of the latter; for Buddha rejected the principal clogmas and practices of the Nirgranthas; it is rather a protest against it. All that has been said to maintain that Buddhism stands in a closer connection with Jainism, is to no effect from lack of proof. The proposed identification of Mahavira's disciple, the Gautama Indrabhûti with the Gautama Sakyamuni, because both belonged to the gotra of Gotama, has been re- futed by Profs. Wilson, Weber and others. It can only be maintained on the principles of
Fluellea's logic: “There is a river in Macedon; and there is also, moreover, a river in Monmouth. It is called Wye at Monmouth, but it is out of my prains what is the name of the other river. But 'tis all one : it is so like as my fingers to my fingers; and there is salmons in both."
Little better is the second argument, that there were twenty.four Buddhas who immediately preceded Gautama Buddha. These twenty-four Buddhas have been compared with the twentyfour Tirthakaras of the Jainas, though their names have little in common. As Buddha rejected the last Tirthakara at least as an heretic, he could only have recognised twenty-three. The only inference which can be made from the twenty-four Tirthakaras and twenty-five Buddhas in texts of recognised authority is that the fiction in question is an old one. Whether there be any foundation for this Buddhistical theory, it is not for me to decide; all authorities on Buddhism have given their verdict to the contrary. But it is different with the Jainas. For, since we know that Jainism was not founded by Mahavira, it follows that somebody else wag the real founder of the sect, and it is possible that many refortners preceded Mahavira.
It is the opinion of nearly all scholars who have written on this question that Pårøv a was the real founder of Jainism. The Rev. Dr. Stevenson says in his Preface to the Transla. tion of the Kalpasutra, p. xii: "From Mahavira upwards, indeed, to the preceding Tirthankara Parsvanath, we have no list of head teachers, but we have only an interval of 250 years, while the term of Paráva's sublunary existence is still bounded by the possible number of a hundred years . . . . . . . The moderation of the Jains, up to the time of Parsvanatha, is the more remarkable as after that they far outstrip all their compeers in the race of absurdity, making the lives of their Tirthankars extend to thousands of years, and interposing between them countless ages, thus enabling us to trace with some confidence the boundary between the historical and the fabulous." Whatever may be thought of this argument, it is at least favourable to the opinion that Parsva is an historical person. This is rendered still more credible by the distinct mention of his followers and his doctrines in the Jaina Sátras. That self-same doctrine, the cháturyáma dharma, is mentioned by the Buddhists, though ascribed to Nataputta.

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INSCRIPTIONS FROM NEPÅL.
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But there is nothing to prove that Parsva was to these myths of the Puranas abont Rishabha, the founder of Jainism. Jaina tradition is un- whether they are founded on facts, or were animous in making Rishabh a the first Tîrtha- merely suggested by the legendary history of kara. Though he is stated to have lived 840,000 the Jainas, it is wholly impossible to decide. great years, and have died something less than Of the remaining Tirthakaras I have little to 100,000,000 oceans of years before Mahavira's add. Su mati, the fifth Tirthakara, is appar. Nirvana, yet there may be something historical ently identical with Bharata's son Sumati, of in the tradition which makes him the first Tir- whom it is said in the Bhagavata that he "will thakara. For the Brahmans too have myths in be irreligiously worshipped, by some infidels, their Puranas about a Rishabha, son of king as a divinity" (Wilson, ibid). Nábhi and Meru, who had a hundred sons, Arisht a nemi, the 22nd Tirthakara, is conBharata and the rest, and entrusting Bharatanected with the Krishņa-myths through his wife with the government of his kingdom, adopted Ragimati, daughter of Ugrasena. the life of an anchorite.---Wilson, Vishnu Purana, But we must close our researches here, convol. II, p. 103 sqq. All these particulars are tent to have obtained a few glimpses into the also related by the Jainas of their Rishabha; prehistorical development of Jainism. The and from the more detailed account in the last point which we can perceive is Pars va; Bhúgavata Purá na it is evident that the fabulous beyond him all is lost in the mist of fable and founder of the Jaina sect must indeed be meant fiction. (ibid, p. 104, note 1). But what value belongs Münster, Westphalia, 18th March 1880.
INSCRIPTIONS FROM NEPAL. BY PANDIT BHAGVÅNLÅL INDRAJI, AND DR. G. BÜHLER, C.I.E. No. 1.-An Inscriptioa of Mánadeva, dated fall, a royal physician, called Chakrapâni, about Sarkat 386.
twenty years ago, had a new capital made for This inscription is incised on the lower partit, consisting of a gilt lotus and a Chakra, and of a broken pillar placed to the left of the door put it up in its present position. In doing so of the temple of Changu-Narayaņa,' about five the Vaid neglected to add a new base. He simply miles to the north-east of Katmandu. The planted the pillar in the ground. Hence a porpillar is abont twenty feet high without the tion of the inscription, which is incised on three capital. Its lower balf is square, half of the sides of the square lower part of the pillar, has been upper part is octagonal, higher up it becomes buried in the earth. In spite of my entreaties the sixteen-cornered, and finally round. Originally priest at Chåriga-Narayana would not allow me it was crowned by a lotus-capital surmounted to lay the buried lines bare. I have, therefore, by a Garuda, about four feet high, shaped like a been obliged to present the inscription in a mutiwinged man kneeling on one knee. The work- lated form. inanship is very good, and the figure shews the The form of the letters agrees exactly with flowing locks, which occur frequently on the that of the Gupta inscriptions. They are sculptures of the Gupta period. The weight clearly and sharply incised. With the excepof the Garuda seems to have been the cause tion of the first part the preservation is good. of the pillar's fall from its old base, which is The language is Sanskrit, and excepting the two still to be seen just opposite the door of the first lines, the whole is in verse. The numtemple, where numerous fragments of its capitatbers of the verses are marked by the ancient and of the Garuda also are lying about. After its figures. .
Transcript. Part I. [1] संवत् ३८६ ज्येष्ठमासे शुक्लपक्षे प्रतिपदि १ [२] [रोहिणीनक्षत्रयुक्ते चन्द्रमसि मुहूर्ने प्रशस्तेभिजिति
This temple stands in the centre of a small village on spur of the hills, at the base of which flows the river Man- mati. Ch&ngu, literally he with a bill,' is in the Nepali
anguage name of Garuda, and the compound' means therefore Garuda and Vishnu. The temple contains an
old composite image of Vishnu riding on Garuda. The present building is new, having been erected in Nepala Sarhvat 814, or 1694 A.D. by Queen Riddhi-Lakshmi, ay is shewn by an inscription : 80e also below.

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164
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1880.
[२] [श्रीवत्साङ्कितदीप्तचारुविपुल]प्रोदृत्तवक्षस्थलः [*] - वक्ष - नपाबाहुरूचिरः स्मर्तृ] प्रवृद्धोत्सवः [0] [6] [त्रैलोक्यभ्रमयन्त्रव ----- - व्यासजनित्योव्ययः ।। [][दोलद्रौ निवसञ्जयत्यनिमि बैरभ्यय॑मानो हरिः॥१॥] ['] --त्ता - - - - - यप्रतापविभ[वैायामसंक्षेपकृत ["] [राजाभूपदेव इत्यनुपमः सत्यप्रतिज्ञोदयः [] [9] ---सवितेव दीप्तकिरणैः सम्यग्ध तैः] सैः सुतैः [१] [विद्वद्भिर्बहुगचितैरच पलैः ख्याते विनीतात्मभिः [1] २ [1] ['"] [त]स्याभूत्तनयः समृद्ध[विष]यः सङ्ख्येष्वजेयोरिभिः [2] [राजा] शङ्करदेव इयप---तिप्रदः सत्यधीः [] [1] --विक्रमदानमानविभिलब्ध्वा यशः पुष्कलम ["] ----ररक्ष गामभिमत ] ये[मगेन्द्रोपमः [0] ३ [m] [1] [तस्याप्युत्तमधर्मकर्मय --------विद्यार्मिकः [1] [धर्मात्मा] विनयेप्सुरुत्तमगुणः श्रीधर्मदेवो नृपः [] ["] [धर्मेणैव कुलक्रमागत -----राज्यं महत्'
Part II. [1] देवी राज्यवती तु तस्य नृपतेर्भार्याभिधाना सती' [*] श्रीरेवानुगता भविष्यति तदा लोकान्तरासङिनी [] [१] यस्यानात इहानवद्यचरितः श्रीमानदेवो नृपः [*] कान्या शारदचन्द्रमा इव जगत्प्रहादयन्सर्वदा [1] . [1] ["] प्रत्यागय सगद्दाक्षरमिदन्दीग्धं विनिश्वस्य च ["] प्रेम्णा पुत्रमुवाच. साश्रुवदना यातः पिता ते दिवं [0] [१] हा पुत्रास्तमिते तवाद्य पितरि प्राणैर्वथा किम्मम [°] राज्यम्पुत्रक कारयाहमनुयाम्यद्यैव भर्तुगतिम् [॥८॥] [१] किम्मे
भोगविधानविस्तरकृतैराशामयैर्बन्धनैः [१] मायास्वप्ननिभे समागमविधौ भर्चा विना जीवितुम् [0] ["] यामीत्येवमवास्थता खलु तदा दीनात्मना सूनुना [१] पादौ भक्तिवशानिपीड्य शिरसा विज्ञापिता यत्नतः [1] ९ [] [] किम्भोगैर्मम किं हि जीवितसुखैस्त्वद्विप्रयोगे सति [14] प्राणान्पूर्वमहजहामि परतस्त्वं यास्यसीतो दिवम् [] [] इत्येवम्मुखपङजान्तरगतैनेंत्राम्बुमित्रैदृढंम् [१] वासाशैविहगीव पाशवशगा बद्धा ततस्तस्थुषी [0] १. [] ["] सत्पुत्रेण सहोईदेहिकविधि भर्तुः प्रकृत्यात्मनः
Part III. [1] अस्त्रापास्त्रविधानकौशलगुणैः प्रज्ञातसत्वोरु [भिः] [*] श्रीमचारुभुजः प्रमृष्टकनकश्लक्ष्णावदातच्छविः []
looka
.Nine lines following line 17are buried in the ground.
.L. 1, read af TVISIT. L. 8, the causative TCT is improperly used for the simple verb. L. 14, rood
प्राण. L.15, read ढप. L.17, the cof भने like . After line 17, seven lines have been lost.
L. 1. read erat .

Page #187

No. I INSCRIPTION OF MANADEVA, PART 1.
(མཾ སན 80 མི པn/ཀྱིསྶ༣ པའི པ233 434 433 N1344ị 3333 སྨན་ཏུན1ཙy༣༥ རྒྱུ ན མ 17: མརྨན པ9E་སྨྲམ* པ ཙྩོ ན མ ༡ ཙམ ཡ ནཱ མ བྱམh A༔ ནྱཡ༔
ན ར མཎྜཡནྱན་མ། མན5): * ཡཕྱིནཔ༣ རྩམ % ཆ་པན
༣ ཀ • PA བyq:༔༥ 3: ༼༣gཏག༔ 2] ༣ ཚེ ནཱནཤི: བྱ《 རྙ ན མ མ༔ མུམ བློ ཨུཛེཚ7l: ༈ n༣1༩༩ f1 ས 3,gzབསྐྱ 0: ༽ ༣ ན མནབ ན41༠ R:༥།
11རྨ0 མནན ཀྱི རྒྱུ 11དེ a ནོ པ༠༦, ན༔ ༠. ༣༢༦ + zx ༣ན མསྦྱིན qzཙནu; ༣༤༩ ཆུ༣ པ གན rsv$ན
W.GRIGGS PHOTO-LITH. PECKHAM

Page #188

No. I INSCRIPTION OF MANADEVA, PART II.
ཡོ
zárgaཏྲིཾན ཏྭསྱནཱ༥ཉརྚ3 11ནྭ1ནནà མྱཞིནཊམནrམཾདཱི8 ཡཿསྱཅཱན྄∶།རྷརྦའྱ།ཨཱཿ∶Śམ་ནཝནྟཔཿ Fནྱ1Łཅ」 ༞1ནུཊཀཱནྟུཏŁམནཱ པཱནྱ0ཏྱམཀརྞཎ1མིཙྱཿ 13 ཉི ཤཱམྱ སྦྲ་༥ནྲ!༤༄མབྷུŁནགཏཿསནྭཉཱཎཾ ཙ ≖ནྲ རྒ སི ཉན ཎྱ པ ནྭ་ི⪜࿄ཞྭ་ཎི་ཏྭམ F5 ལྟ ནྡྲཉཱཊ། ཅམནྭཡཱ སྱཱཉྙཱུན། 3, ༣ལྤ7n& ཥྱན3མIཎྚཉེrAསཡེཪྻ3 ཕཡནྭསྙ☉ཉམཀྭཔཱ'ནིཤནཱརིན€འིམu བ མ ཏྱན པ ནསྐྲུན ༠༐རྐ༤༦མཉྤནམཱནཱན ¤པོཤཉྙིནཧཱཉྙཱུརྱ་ཤི1མ་ཝཔིན ༞Łཔརྞཅུ€ནམཨཻམྷཱ༥༦ཀེམཱནི སཱཉྩ །སཅ༣ སི ས ་ནམཾཡསྱརྨན? 1Øཝ྄ཕཱལཱུཔཱད ཋཱནཱIཀ3རྙེནཽཝཱ≖ཎྞསཱ རྞÃsའྀརྨབཞཎཤནནསམྥཎཾ ལྭ མམཉམལྟ ྂ≖3ཎཱ༣ པིཾ+Å H2རྐྱནྭན:
མནཱནཿ ?
ནཕ
W.GRIGGS PHOTO-LITH PECKHAM.

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Page #190

No,】 INSCRIPTION OF MANADEVA, PART IIL
པ
3
རྐ་
ཤཿསྐབ ད་འུརྷ་རེ་ཤ10ཎཿ⪜སྟུནམཏཱ 12 fugbt:32&aac đó ⊙གྷཾ ཀྶ ་ཎཿ ལ Tནཿ ཟཊཤྲརྨམ༣རྞྞ ས་ྨནཱཔ Iཏྐསནྟུཔཏིཿཎནཱནཱི ཡཱ ལ ཤྩ ཤི ། ཉྪི 3 ནཱཾ རྒ པ ནི ཡནཔཉྩཙདྷཱཏཱ ཚོ3མུoོཔ འཤ ཡོའིཁིནརྨâནྭÊ;
u
ཝནྠ ལཱ
ม
ཨ
པ་
ཡ ན ༥ ནྱ དྭི མ དྷ ཡ ཡ ན ། མཤྩཕཔྲ་ཉིཤྩ 2 སྟ ན ཤཱ ན Å ན ས ས ནྱ པཿ ∶སཾགཱཔལླིནྱསྶི :|ཏྱ རྦ ༣ཉྭ ཆྀ པ ལ ནྭརྐརྐམཾ TFསྲལྱ3 nhung và đang རྐིདྨ ལཱ ན པཉ࿄ མཱཞྲི 0 ཆ རྟ ནྭཊྛཱམཾཝན། ༞ནྱཀྲྀ ཏྭཾནནྭསྭཡཎཿཁནནསྟུནྱཔ∶ལྱེན བྲཡོཎཱཋེནནནྭཤཉམྦྷསྐཉྙཾཏཱཿཤྲཀྭ མན:5ལིབནབན1ཤི19ཀམུ་ེམ མཿ ནནཊྛནཐཱརནཱཧན།པཨཱཿབཾ གཱདྱ ནཨཱན 3īn‘རྟུཙནཱཿང མབཿ ཉྩར࿄3 1 ཎྷཌྷ ལྔ ས པ ན སྱཅན࿄ དཾ མཿ དཱི ཀཾ ཐུརྨཱ'91:ཎཿųཡན ཀྲྀཏྲཾ'ཝཱཎT པཎཾ མཋ ནསྶ མཱ བྷཪྻཉྩན Hཤོ ཡ23ནི བཻརྟུ☁ ཐ ཁཱ?ཤྱ རྒྱŃཔིན ཡཱཿ ཀྱེེ ཀྲྀ ཎཤི ཉི ཏྶ གའི 3:སསྨྱོ པ ཏཿ ཆ ཥྱ ཤེ
་ས
2
༣
,3°s
n
Ar

Page #191

JUNB, 1880.]
INSCRIPTIONS FROM NEPÅL.
165
[२] पीनांसो विकचासितोत्पलदलप्रसर्द्धमानेक्षणः [*] साक्षात्काम इवाङ्ग वानरपतिः कान्ताविलासोत्सवः [1] १३ [1] [] यूपैश्यारुभिरुच्छूितैर्वसुमती पित्रा ममालङ्कता ["] क्षात्रेणाजिमखाश्रयेण विधिना दीक्षाश्रितोहं स्थितः 0]
[] यात्राम्प्रत्यरिसन्याय तरसा गच्छामि पूर्जान्दिशम . [२] ये चाज्ञावशवर्तिनो मम नृपाः संस्थापयिष्यामि तान् [॥१४॥]
[१] इत्येवजननीमपेतकलुषां राजा प्रणम्योचिवान् [१] नाम्बानृण्यमहन्तपोभिरमलैः शक्नोमि यातुम्पितुः ॥] ["] किन्वाप्तेन यथावदस्त्रविधिना तत्पादसंसेवया ["] यास्यामीति ततोम्बयातिमुदया दत्ताभ्यनुज्ञो नृपः [1][]] [1] प्रायात्पूर्वपथेन तत्र च शठा ये पूर्वदेशाश्रयाः [14] सामन्ताः प्राणपातबन्धुराशरम
प्रणिपातबन्धुरशिरःप्रभ्रष्टमौलिस्रजः [1] [1] तानाज्ञावशवर्तिनो नरपतिः संस्थाप्य · तस्मात्पुनः [1] निर्भीः सिंह इवाकुलोत्कटसटः पश्चादुवजग्मिवान [1]१६[1] ["] सामन्तस्य च तत्र दुष्टचरितं श्रुत्वा शिरः कम्पयन [19] बाहुं हस्तिकरोपमं स शनकैः स्पृष्टाब्रवीद्गावितम् [0] [१] आइतो यदि नैति विक्रमवशादेश्यत्यसौ मे वशं [2] कि वाक्यैर्बहुभिर्विधातृगदितैः संक्षेपतः कथ्यते [1]१७[1] Translation.
inconquerable in battle by his enemies, and who On the first day of the bright half of the gave . . . . . Through valour, presents, month Jyeshtha of Samvat 386, while the moon | honours bestowed (on his servants), and riches, stood in the constellation Rohini, in the ex. he gained great fame; comparable to a lion cellent Muhurta called Abhijit.
. . . . he protected the earth through 1. Hari conquers, whose resplendent, beau- approved ministers . . . . . . . . . tiful, broad and high chest is marked by the 4. His son also, illustrious king DharmaSrivatsa, . . . whose lotus-arms shed radiance, deva, who knew the most excellent doctrine, who increases the happiness of his worshippers, works, . . . . . who was righteous, virtuous, who is constantly busy with ..... the fond of modesty, possessed of excellent qualities machine for moving the three worlds, who is | . . . . . . according to the hereditary eternal, who dwells on Doladri,' and who is law . . . . . agreat kingdom. worshipped by the immortals.
2. There was a king called Vrishadeva, 7. But that king's faithful wife, Queen who . . . by his valour and wealth lessened | Rajyavati by name, was doubtless heavenly trouble, who was incomparable and prosperor's Sri, who had followed (her husband into this because he kept his word. As . . . . the entis world). From her was born illustrious king encircled by brilliant rays, so he was surrounded Månadeva, whose course of life in this world by his learned, proud, constant, famous and is unblamable, und who always gladdens the obedient sons.
world by his beauty, like the autumnal moon. 3. His son was truthful king Sankarn- 8. Approaching and sighing deeply, her dova, whose country prospered, who was eyes filled with tears, she (Rajyavatt) affec
•L. 19, read 'देष्यत्यसौ.
• The day is divided into fifteen Mahartas, the eighth of which is Abhijit.
"DolAdri or Dolaparvata is the name of the hill on which the temple of ChangunArdyans is situated.
• The meaning of this mutilated p&de probably is that his wealth and valour made his enemies keep quiet, and the his own and his subjecta' troubles were small.
. Probably the preceding verse 6 contained an identi. fication of the king with Vishnu.

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166
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1880.
tionately spoke to her son, with faultering accents : " Alas, my child, thy father is gone to "heaven. As thy father is now dead, why "preserve my useless life! Reign thou, dear son; "to-day, even, I follow my husband on his "road.
9. "Of what use are the fetters of hope that "are lengthened for enjoyment, and that bind me "to a widowed life in a world similar to a lying "dream ? I will depart." While thus, forsooth, she was resolved, her sad son reverentially pressed her feet with his head, and anxiously spoke thus to her ;
10. “What are joys to me, what the pleasures " of life when I am parted from thee! First I "will give up my life; thereafter thou mayst go "hence to heaven." Thus she stood like a snared bird, firmly bound by the word-bonds, that, mixed with tears, Jay in (his) mouth.
11. Then together with her virtuous son sbo performed the last rites for her own husband . . . . . . . . . . . . .
his mother, whose sorrow fled, he continued in this wise): "Mother, I cannot pay the debt "due to my father by pure austerities; but "I shall attain this end, worshipping his "feet by true and rightly performed feats of "arms."
Then the king received the consent of his overjoyed mother;
16. And he set out on the road to the East. Having reduced to obedience those roguish feudal chiefs of the East, from whose heads bent in prostration the diadems fell, the prince, like a fearless lion with thick and bristling mane, (returned) thence, and marched to the Western districts.
17. Hearing there of the evil doings of a chieftain, shaking his head and slowly touching his arm that (in strength) resembled an elephant's trunk, he proudly spoke (thus) : "If he does not come at my command, then he will be conquered by my valour. What is the use of saying much? Shortly I tell him) in the words of the Creator .......
13. The prince (Mánadeva), whose strength is known to (his) enemies, though they are clever in the use of weapons of offence and defence, whose arm is beautiful and lovely," whose complexion is pare and bright like burnished gold, --whose shoulder is strong, whose eyes rival (in beauty) full-blown blue lotuses, --who is visibly an incarnation of Cupid, a festival of dalliance for the fair ones, (spoke thus to his mother) :
14. “My father adorned the earth with "beautiful, high rising (pillars of victory, resem. “bling) sacrificial pillars. Here I stand initiated " in the rites of the battle-sacrifice offered by "Kshatriyas. Quickly I shall depart on an ex"pedition to the East, to crush my foes. (There) " I shall instal those princes who will remain "obedient to me."
15. Thus the king (spoke and) bowing to
No. 2.- An inscription of Jayavarman, incised during the reign of Manadeva Sahvat 413.
This inscription is incised on a square stone, which originally formed the base of a Linga, and is placed opposite the northern door of the temple of Paśapati." At present the stone supporta
composito trident, about twenty feet high, which according to the Vasisavalt was dedicated by Sankaradeva, the grandfather of MÅnadev a. It would seem that Jayavarman's Linga somehow or other was destroyed, and that at one of the restorations of the temple, Sankaradeva's Trisula was transferred to its place.
The letters of the inscription belong to the Gupta period. Owing to the daily ablutions of the Triáůla they have suffered very considerably. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit.
10 Rather that are lengthened by enjoyments.'-GB.
11 Rather whose beautifal arm holds the goddess of Fortune.-G. B.
"The famous temple of Pasupati is situated in Devapit. ana, an old town, mostly in ruins, on the river Vagmatl, three miles north-east from Kågmándu. The present temple has three stories fifty feet high, and is built in the modern Nepalese style. It is of brick and wood. Accord ing to tradition Queen Gang erected it in Nepali Samvat 705 or 1585 A.D. The temple consists of an adytum, surrounded by cloisters, and has four doors. In the centre of the garbhagriha stands & Linga of hard sandstone, about three feet and a half high, from which four faces and four pairs of hands jut forth. Each right hand holds
Rudraksha Mall, and each left a Kamandale. Similarly ornamented Lingas, dating from the Gupta period, are found in Mathura and in Udayagiri near Bhilsa. The base of the Linga is about a foot and a half high, and four feet in diameter, and covered with thick silver plates. Ordinarily the-Linga is concealed under & mass of gold and silver ornaments, which are taken off at the time of worship. In the court of the temple stand many statues of other deities, as well as of kings and private persons, who gave endowments to the temple. The name for those figures is silika. There are also many modern inscriptione, which, I regret, I neglected to copy.
13 Wright, Nepal, p. 123, and below.

Page #193


Page #194

No. 2. INSCRIPTION OF JAYAVARMAN, SAMVAT, 413.
1. FACSIMILE OF CLOTH COPY.
མཐཱ། ༥ འ༩ = _ཐོནct ནུ པའ919 ཚ ་ད ན རྩdau༔ པ༣ནE & a uཆ ༧ ད ༣ སྨཤཱ་པིa ya༣ ཀ ༣ སཾ གལ༑ པ༣ ཙྩོ ག ༢ཙིཀu༽ནུ ཀ ཀམྱ༧ h༡ T» ས#1 : : ཚུ འཛ མ་༧ ', ་ ཡ ཎ ནྟི ༧ ནསྶ༔, 2:
2. FACSIMILE OF RUBBING.
ས བ ཡཱ ༩ =e # ༄༅ ན་པཏྟཾ ༔ ༴
28 ར པ༣ འུTuཙ• ན རྒྱ་ wསནུག ཡ 4ཀརིན་? ཎཨཱིཏྟཱya d
ཀ ཀ ཀ་3.8 འབxབE:: པ ༼མཉྩནཱ༧2,ཟs
ཀ་
- ཏ•

Page #195

JUNE, 1880.]
INSCRIPTIONS FROM NEPÅL.
167
।
।
।
।
36365
।
Transcript. [1] संवत् ४१३ श्रीमानदेवनृपतेश्वरणप्रसादात् भक्त्या विशुद्धमतिना जयवर्मनामा लिङ्ग जयेश्वर
मिति प्रथितं नृलोके [१] संस्थापितं सनुपतेर्जगतो हिताय १ भगवतोस्य लिङ्गस्य कारणपूजा[यै] ----- तायव
---यनार्थन्दत्तमक्षय[नीवी-] Translation. | [१] --
--- रणाय Samvat 413. By the favour of the feet of the illustrious king MAnadeva, a pure-minded
["]. --
---हारक(man) called Jayavar man has erected a
--शप्येत्तेषान्त्रLinga, known in the world of men, as Jayesvara for the welfare of the people and of the
-दिकार्येषु सद्विking. A permanent endowment" has been
----मयापि तेषां assigned for (defraying the expenses) of the
----(मो)चित-- occasional worship of this worshipful Linga.
[6] ------------- . No. 3.-An inscription of king Vasantasena, dated Sarnvat 435.
["] ---त्पादोपजीविभिरि-------- This inscription is incised on a narrow oblong [19] --यश्थेमामाज्ञामुलं[ध्य] ----- slab of sandstone about six feet high with a semi
[2] ---द्वा तस्याहं दृढं मर्या----- circular top, adorned by a relievo showing a Chakra and two Sankhas. The stone lies
[१] इति समाज्ञापना संवत् ४३५ [आश्व] near the sanctuary of Lugal Devi, not far from | [1] युजि शुक्ल दिवा १ दूतकः सर्वदण्डनाthe temple of Jaisi, Lagantol Kitmanda..
[29] यकमहाप्रतिहाररविगुप्त The inscription originally contained twenty
इति three lines, the greater part of which has [2] ब्राझुङि च महीशीले व्यवहरतीति. however been destroyed by the influence of rain and weather. The remaining letters are very
Translation. distinct and well cut, and show the forms of the
Om. Fail! From Managriha,the lord Gupta period. The language is Sanskrit.
and great king, the illustrious Vasantasena, Transcript.
who meditates on the feet of the illustrious lord [] ई स्वस्ति मानगृहात्प[रमदैवतबप्पभ
and great king Bappa (an incarnation of the ["] टारकमहाराजश्रीपादानुध्यातः श्रुतन- supreme deity,"-whose brilliant fame has ex
panded as a flower through his learning, policy, [१] [यदया दानदाक्षिण्यपुण्यप्रतापविकसितसि
compassion, liberality, affability, holiness and [] तकीर्तिर्भट्टारकमहाराजश्रीवसन्त
valour,-being in good health. . . . . . . [] सेनः कुशली]---ध्यधिकरणेषु धर्म
This is the order; Samyat 435, on the first day [७] स्यान]---------काश्चंकुश
of the bright half of the month Asvayuja. The ----------विदितमस्तु वो मया
executive officer (ddlaka) is the chief prefect [9] - - ----------लिडल
of police and great chamberlain Ravigupta.
He is transacting business in Brahmung [] ------------ कथेर
Ma hisila.
[]
1. The expression akshayanfvi, a permanent endowment, is very common in the Buddhist inscriptions of the Western Caves, see Bhandarkar, Nasik Inscr., Transact. Or. Congress 1874, passin.
15 Karanapůj, translated by occasional worship,' is probably an equivalent for naimíttikapuja, and refers to the worship on the days of the new and full moon and other feative seasons.
16 The first five and the last four lines only admit of a translation. The few words readable in the middle
permit the inference that the inscription recorded & grant to somebody. Anagribs, from which all the inscriptions of the kings of this dynasty are dated, appears to have been the capital or the royal residence.
"I am unable to say who this Bappa BhatAraka was. But I think that it is a general title used by chief priests; for the Valabht kings and those of Vengf (Jour. Bo. Br. R. A. S. XI. 855) also declare their devotion to the feet of this Bappa Bhattfraka. Acharyas or chief priests frequently bear the same titles as crowned kings.

Page #196

168
THE INDTAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1880.
।
।
No. 4.- An inscription dated Sasivat 595. of the medial i is drawn deeper down between On a broken slate-slab, lying in a street of the lines, and the left hand stroke of the va Lagantol, Katmandu, near to some stones becomes round. Preservation bad. Greater part ameared with red paint.
defaced, and seven or eight lines at the top are Characters,-Gupta, but the carved stroke ' lost.
Transcript. ---देव------- ----पुण्यो ----
रायावः प्रसादीकृतः] - -ज्ञा पृथक्षेत्रम् पूर्व-लस्य क्षेत्रम् ततो भरतश्च
-तुलाक्षेत्रम् ततस्तेग्वल्पा -- -----आदित्यगुप्तस्य क्षेत्रम् । पूर्वद -- [७] ---क्षेत्रम् ततस्तेग्वलनारायण ---- [१] -स्तेग्वल प्रदीपगौष्टिकानाम् तस्या भूमेर्दक्षिण --- [१] ---[दक्षिण राजकुलस्य दक्षिणपश्चिमेन--- [1] ---पञ्चालिकानाम् पश्चिमेन पर्वत ---- [14] -----[पश्चिमोत्तरेण . पर्वतभूमि------ [1] ----- [परि]क्षिप्तेयं भूमिरित्यवगम्य न कैश्चि[दप्य] [1"] स्मत्पादोपजीविभिरयं प्रसादोन्यथा करणीयो यः-- [15] -माज्ञामनादत्यान्यथाकुर्यात्कारयेद्वा तमह मुत्पथ गा] [७] [मिनं नियतमनुशासितास्मि भविष्यद्भिरपि भूपति[भ] [1] - - कृतप्रसादानुवर्तिभिरेव भवितव्यमिति दूत को] [19] त्र राजपुत्रविक्रमसेनः संवत् ५३५ श्राव
[1] [M] शुक्ल दिवा सप्तम्याम् ॥ ४ ॥ A translation of the main part of this inscrip- masena, and the date the seventh day of the tion is impossible. It appears, however, that bright half of Sravana Samvat 535. it refers to the grant of a piece of land, the No. 5.-An inscription of Sivadeva. boundaries of which were accurately described. On a broken slab of hard sandstone fixed In the last lines, which are tolerably well | in a wall near a boll at Budda Nilkanth, near preserved, the king declares his determination the Sivapuri hill, five miles north of Kat. to punish persons interfering with the donees. måņdu. The characters closely resemble those of We also learn from lines 17 and 18 that the the procoding inscription. The language is Dataka or executive officer was Prince Vikra- I Sanskrit.
Transeript. [1] स्वस्ति
__ मानगृहाच्छूतनयविनयशौर्यधैर्यवीर्य्याद्यशेष[१] सणगणाधारो लिच्छविकुलकेतुर्भट्टारकमहाराजश्रीशि
["] वदेवः कुशली ---- पिता नरसिंहो भय ---- 19 Budda Nilkanth is a small tank about forty feet square, the name of the place is Budda Nilkanth, i. e. 'submerged fed by a spring which passes through three stone sankhus Siva,' and as the name of the brook which flows from the held by three images, which are placed in ita north-eastern
tank is Rudramati, it seems probable that the tank originally corper. In the middle of the tank lies an image of Vishnu; contained a Linga, and that one of the later Vaishnavs reclining on the waters,' made of black stone. According kings placed the image of Vishnu in it. In support of to the chronicle of Nepal this image was dedicated by
this conjectare I may also adduce the fact that the neighkine Harivarman of the Solar race. But from its appear b ouring village is called Sivapurt. ance and workmanship I conclude that it is not so old. As

Page #197

No. 4. RURBING OF INSCRIPTION 01... .
? SAMVAT 535
W
.
பா
-
*
-
-
-
*
*
Si+
MY
Sir:4 HAIRS R AERA
சக்கரா நான்
பக்க
கொம்
14
-
--
-
தத்தாத
இருப்பாராக
சேயாக - இது போல
SK

Page #198

No 4. INSCRIPTION OF
? DATED SAMVAT 535.
ཡAཕུག
པཱཋ ཌེཀta མྱམ༡ ནཀཱནཱIཀ ཤུ་ ནབ མནཾ ག ༡ ༡༥]ལྔག ཀན་ཡམྱ། མAuft
ཤུ ༡༢༥༡ དT ཡ༠) dgagurཏན༔ ནམྱལ༔ ༑ * ta) T ཋ ཚུd zལྷགཔ(az་
ཚེས དཀzཔ(ཧྥེuཆufz་་་ lig PA7oཔནོར (
q(3( མ ༢ ༣ ཀྱཊ་ 9 ན ༩ལ་རྗེ28 jཡཾཕྲུགzཅུག ༼cf-m: ཀIནg ) ཀཅུ རྨ ཀ】མིz ནut༠༥ན་ ན8ཡནu ནག་ལ༼ ཀa མྱ iu Mu
ཕུམནཾ ༩Xf14༣ ན། ལན | ]1sqནའི ནས སཾམ༔ Eས 6 Z# ༧ ན?ཀམ༥ཕྱི་ལ7T 3 7f nc

Page #199


Page #200

No 5. INSCRIPTION OF SIVADEVA.
#w t
hਲਾ 11 -
ਆਮ ਪਾ ਮਾਰੂਨ, ਪ੪ ਸd&ਸੇਮ * y qur Taਓ ਨੂੰ ਸਮੇਂ ਇ774 ਯTEਥੇ ਸੇ dਟa: ੮, 5 ਨਲਾਯੋut 3 ਨਾ ਮਿਸ ਪੂਲ ਪ5 :3Rਹ ॥ 24 guu (d? ਨੜ ਨੂੰ 44
ਸਾਲ : : 73 song ਸੇਪੁਨਾ 787
Jਸ 4 % ਪੁਰ ਲਉ ੪gu Jhu(@nਾਏ ! 7 99 ਦੇ ਸੈ134 | 21 y z @ਧਾਰਤ ਘ@guxuaur ਨ .
- 1 1 1 ਏa874ukh
W GRIGGS PHOTO-LITH
PECKHAM.

Page #201


Page #202

No. 6. INSCRIPTION OF ANSUVARMAN, DATED SAMVAT 34.
-3
.
E
*
F་
་
,
ར
,
ཟླ
**
།
-
。་
,:
་
ལ6
1:|ཀ argersgrཤིས་མདམ་ཀ
ཀsilve 3ru gyg#usus
7: :surf°i༧༥t 1:|: ཀ garx་ག03-18
11e །phr@།
1:4ནE
*15 ཟླ
,
•
yt-1:| སྨནི མཚོ

Page #203

JULY, 1880.]
[2] निवासिनो
यथाप्रधानङ्ग्रामकुटुम्बिनः विदितम्भवतु
[5] समाज्ञापयति
[] मरसम्पातविजयाधिगतशैय्र्यप्रतापापहलसक
INSCRIPTIONS FROM NEPAL.
[] लशत्रुपक्षप्रभावेन
[] तशुभ्रपशोभिव्याप्तदिग्मण्डलेन [9] णा युष्मद्धितविधानाय
[10]
Translation.
Hail! From Mânagriha. The illustrious lord and great king Sivadeva-who is the abode of all good qualities such as learning, policy, modesty, bravery, constancy and heroism, who is the banner of the Lichchavi race, being in good health, addresses greeting to all the cultivators residing in... according to their rank, and gives (these) orders: Be it known to you that I, being advised for your welfare by the illustrious great feudal chief A mén varman, who has destroyed the power of all (my) enemies by his heroic majesty, obtained by victories in numerous hand-to-hand fights,-whose brilliant fame gained by the trouble of properly protecting (my) subjects, pervades the universe... 0 No. 6. - Inscription of Anśuvarman, dated Sriharsha Samvat 34.
This inscription is incised on a slab of sand
[7]
[#]
[2]
[10]
["]
[["]
भवतां
कुशलमाभाष्य यथानेकप्रस
सम्पदप्रजापालन परिश्रमोपार्जि श्रीमहासान्तांशुर"
10 L. 8 read सामन्तां .
10 From the epithet given to Amhsuvarman it appears that he occupied the position of a major domus, who wielded the real power, while the king was ruler, only in
name.
Transcript.
[1] स्वस्ति
कैलाशकूट भवनाद्भगवत्पशुपति भट्टारकपादा
[4] नुगृहीतो बप्पपादानुध्यातः श्रीमहासामन्तांशुवर्मा कुशली [5] नुगामीया [म] निवासोपगता [न्] कुटुम्बिनो यथाप्रधान कुश[4] लमाभाष्य [ समा] ज्ञापयति विदितम्भवतु भवताङ्कुक्कूटसूनां मत्स्यानाञ्चावाधनेन परितुष्टैरस्माभिप्रसादः [कृ] तो युष्माभिरप्येच पुनर्धर्मसङ्कराणि
[5] कराणा
[5] र्भ
विज्ञापितेन मया तगौरवा न्यधिताना समुचित
'यदा [[]] दा राजकुलं
stone in the neighbourhood of a large village, called Bung mati, four miles to the south of Katmandu between the rivers Nyekhu and Vâgmati. Its sculptured top shows Bauddha symbols, viz., ' the wheel of the law' between two deer. The stone lies ordinarily buried in a field to the east of the village, and is taken out every twelve years on the occasion of a great festival (rathayátrá) of A valô kitêsvara" at Bangmati. The reason of this custom is not known. I found considerable difficulty in obtaining a sight of the stone, though I had an order from the Nepalese Government.
19
The characters are the same as those of the preceding two inscriptions. Regarding the era in which it is dated, an explanation will be given below.
स्वयम्प्रविचारप्रसादस्म
लिचान्यथा
नो नियतम्पुष्कला मर्यादा ब*भिः पूर्वराजकृतप्रसादा
169
31 The temple of Avalokitesvara, called Matayendranatha by the common people, is situated in the centre of the village. The image which it contains is made of mud and covered with silver plates. It remains half the year only in this temple; during the other six months it is kept at Lalitapattana.

Page #204

170
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1880.
[1] ------------- दूतकश्चात्र , महासर्वा[*] -- यकविक्र ----संवत ३४ ज्येष्ठ शुक्ल दशम्याम्" Translation.
Vikra (masena). ... On the tenth day of the Om. Hail! From the palace, (called) Kaila bright half of the month of yesn
bright half of the month of Jyeshtha, Samvat 34. sa k û ta." The illustrious great feudal chief | No. 7.-An inscription of Avahuvarman, dated A su var man, who is favoured by the feet of
Sriharsha Sarhvat 39. the lord, the divine Pasupati, and meditates On a glab of Blate, standing near a small on the feet of Bappa, being in good health, ad- temple of Ganesa, in the high street of Devadresses greeting to the inhabitants of the village påtana, not far from the temple of Pasupati. of Bugâ y a mi according to their rank and is- It bears at the top the representation of a sues (these orders) : Be it known to you that We reclining bull, facing the proper right. rejoicing at the preservation of the cocks, pigs The characters are like those of the preceding . . . . . and fishes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . inscriptions. The executive officer is here. . . . . . . . . .| Execution and preservation good.
Transcript. ['] स्वस्ति कैलासकूटभवनादनिशि निशि चानेकशा[9] स्त्रार्यविमर्शावसादितासदर्शनतया धर्माधिका[] रस्थितिकारणमेवोत्सवमनतिशयम्मन्यमा[*] नो भगवत्पशुपतिभट्टारकपादानुगृहीतो बप्प[१] पादानुध्यातः श्यंशुवर्मा कुशली पश्चिमाधिक[१] रणवृत्तिभुजो वर्तमानान्भविष्यतश्च यथाई[?] कुशलमाभाष्य समाज्ञापयति विदितम्भव[१] तु भवताम्पशुपती . भगवाञ्च्छूरभोगेश्वरोस्मद्भ[१] गिन्या श्रीभोगवर्मजनन्या भोगदेव्या स्वभर्तृ राज[10] पुत्रशूरसेनस्य पुण्योपचयाय प्रतिष्ठापितो ["] यश्च तदुहित्रास्मदागिनेय्या भाग्यदेव्या प्रतिष्ठा['"] पितो लडितमहेश्वरो यश्चैतत्पूर्वजैः प्रतिष्ठापि[1] तो दक्षिणेश्वरस्तेषामधःशालापाञ्चालिकेभ्यः प्रतिपा[*] लनायातिसृष्टानामस्माभिः पश्चिमाधिकरणस्याप्र[1] वेशेन प्रसादः कृतो यदा च पाञ्चालिकानां यत्किञ्चन [16] कार्यमेतद्गतमुत्पत्स्यते यथाकालं वा नियमितं व["] स्वु परिहापयिष्यन्ति तदा स्वयमेव रानभिरन्तरा[19] सनेन विचारः करणीयो यस्त्वेतामाज्ञामतिक्रम्यान्यथा [1] प्रवर्तिष्यते तं वयन मर्षयिष्यामो भाविभिरपि भूप[१] तिभिर्धर्मगुरुतया पूर्वराजकृतप्रसादानुवर्तिभि[५] रेव भवितव्यमिति स्वयमाज्ञा दूतकश्यात्र युवरा[29] जोदयदेवः संवत् ३९ वैशाख शुरू दिवा दशम्यां
55333333333
* L. 14 read ज्येष्ठ.
13 Kailan kata is at present the name of a large mound about forty feet high situated to the north of Putapata'
s
temple. It is covered with ruins, and no doubt is the site of the palace mentioned in this moription and the follow ing ones.

Page #205

No. 7 RUBBING OF INSCRIPTION OF ANSUVARMAN DATED SAMVAT 39.
བོQམq3 ཚུr d t 4༣ ཚཔ་ ༡༤,33 ཤུ་མཱ མྱ་
pན : 1 པ་ ག 3 :༢༢ པས ནཱ། ཀཱམམྨེཔ འua ༦ནུ༥
ནaj mནི་ནཱག གཤ 1ཧཱཤུདོ བླpན་ཀཱནཤུནpནུག། མཱ ི ༤ * ཨyu པ Y ༣ ན ( - Gius,
etc 7
འོ་ལེ་ཆུ་སྡུqགr|:
: སྤུན་
སོ་ན་
W GIGGS PHOTO-LITU PECKHAM.

Page #206

No 7. INSCRIPTION OF ANSUVARMAN DATED SAMVAT 39.
༡ ལསྙཤེགམཆུ༔ ནཱ༩ ན38ཞཉཞཀ ན རྒྱུན ཨུ་(a མནཾ ན (? ནཱ་མ༔ ཆན ཡ་ ni0 ན་ j(མཱ༽ 1ག ལ འོ་སཱན པ (༣ཤ ཡ ༥མས་ གན] ༣ ར ཤJu༣ ན པ 1༣ ནpན་བu 7འུ ནུ གན༔ u ༤ ༦ ཚུ ཤུ པཉྩ rch འོ ག z (༣w པཎཱནཾ མཎ ནཱཝཾ མྱ ནཱཤྩ ལ ག ཤུ ཤཱ མ མཁནཱམྱམ ཀ མཱུ པ ཨ༩༣༣ 3, ནཱམཱན : ནཱ། ནཱ རྣ] བJཔཏཱནཱགནཉྩ1 ཀ ཤེཤཱ མ ཀpནཱ་ ༡ ན མཾཛམཆནེ ༡༩ཀྱ་མུའུ ( 7 y ནུ་མསྤྱ༥༧ ༥༡ wr ཡ ཕུནཱwལཀོ ཨ ཀྵ ན ༢༩ ཀ མgq3) ནུ། ( (༣ མཱ་ པ ནུབ(3 ནས ཤཱ ཀཾ ཡ9 ཏf5:ཡུ(སྐུ༥ zལོarསྟགugqགund+y པན ག བ ན་ མ་(༣ལཱ ར ལ 3: པཉྩ r0 + 1 མྱསུ ༈ ཤན9ག རྦ ནོ ཡབས་23ནཱ་ནཾ ཡ༣ ན
& སྨན ༡༥ ། སྐྱད a Frཉཡ(ཀཾw མJu1nu(ཆ མནའ མཱཡ། 47ཊ(༣17 མཉེ 4 *1:ན1 ཚེའ ཡ ། སཥམ(༣ རྐུ་མིག ga མྱ ཉེ ནཾ ན མནམ ཆོལ མ ཀ ན (༣༣i(མy༥ 33g ། ལན པྤ7 ཛ ཎ ནུ9 ན 33 ༡ ༡༣ ན །རྩ༣ སཱ མ པ་ བྷཔུན ཏུ ཐུ ནུ ཨཱ ཙ T s?མ 1a• མd:༣ ལེག འ ཤ1 རྒ3 ༩3.ཤུས

Page #207


Page #208

No. 8, INSCRIPTION OF ANSUVARMAN, DATED SAMVAT 45.
খান ও চমক। বgঝনঃশষত্ব মম’ বরষ0 -

Page #209

JULY, 1880.]
INSCRIPTIONS FROM NEPAL.
Translation.
Om. Hail! From the palace, (called) Kailasakûṭa.
The illustrious Améuvarman, who has been favoured by the feet of the divine lord Pas upati, and meditates on the feet of Bappa, who, having destroyed his (former) false opinions by pondering day and night over the meaning of various Sástras, considers the proper establishment of courts of justice** his greatest pleasure, being in good health, addresses greeting to the present and future officials of the Western (province) according to their rank, and issues (these) orders: "Be it known to you that the (three Lingas), viz., the divine Śûra bhogeśvara dedicated at (the sanctuary of) Pasupati by our sister Bhoga de vi, the mother of the illustrious Bhogavarman for the increase of the spiritual merit of her husband prince Surasena, Laḍita mahêévar as dedicated by her daughter Bhagya dê vî, our niece, and Dakshinêsvara dedicated by her ancestors, have been made over for protection to the Adhaḥsâlâ-Pânchâlikas, 20 and that we have favoured them by forbidding the interference of the officials of the Western (province); and when any business referring to these (Lingas) arises for the Pânchâlikas, or when they neglect to do in time anything appointed (for them to do), the king himself shall privately investigate (the case). But we shall not suffer it that any one violates this order and acts otherwise. Future kings also, as they are teachers of justice, should continue the favour shown by their predecessors (to the Pánchálikas). (This is our) own order, and
2 The translation hardly covers the entire meaning of dharmadhikara, which includes both the civil and criminal courts, and the authorities dealing with religious and charitable institutions.
the executive officer here is the Yuvaraja Udayadeva. On the tenth day of the bright half of the month of Vaisakha Samvat 39.
35 Laditamahêávara is the northern form for Lalitamahêávara. Neither the Nepalese nor the Kasmirians possess or can pronounce the southern la ; they always substitute da for it.
se The word Panchalika seems to be a technical expression corresponding to the southern Panchakulika and the modern "Panch." At present also temples and endow
171
On the side of the mouth of the spout of
a watercourse, on the road from Katmandu to the Residency near the Rânîpokhri tank. The place is called S atdhârâ, (i. e. saptadhára,) because the water issues from the spring in seven streams.
[]
[]
[5]
No. 8.-Vibhuvarman's inscription, dated Sriharsha Samvat 45 (?).
Characters as those of preceding inscriptions. Preservation good.
Transcript.
Transcript.
संवत् ४५ (१) ज्येष्ठ शुभ
श्रयंशुवर्म्मप्रसादेन पितुः पुण्यविवृद्धये कारिता सत्प्रणालीयं वार्तेन विभुवर्मणा
Translation.
On of the bright half of the month Jyeshtha, Samvat 45," by the favour of the illustrious Am suvarman, this conduit has been built by Vartta Vibhuvarman?" for the increase of his father's spiritual merit. No. 9.-Jishnugupta's inscription, dated Sriharsha Samvat 48.
[1] उ स्वस्ति
भट्टारकमहाराजनिरवदावृतः
[] श्रीभुवदेव [स्य ]
प्रजाहितैषी
[] पुण्यान्ववादागतराज्यसम्पत्समापी ( रात्रि तशा सनो यस्स कैलासकूटभ [*] वनाद्भगवत्पशुपति भट्टारकपादानुगृहीतो बप्पपादानुध्यातः श्रीजिष्णुगुप्तः [2] [कु]शली धम्बुगाकुन्मूलवाटिका ग्रामेषु निवासमुपगतान् कुटुम्बिनः कुशल
20
On a slab of black slate placed upright in the ground near the temple of Mummura or Chhinnamastika Devi in the Tavjhâ Mahalla (ward) of Lalitapattana. The letters are well cut and the inscription well preserved. The characters if compared with those of Amsuvarman's inscriptions, show slight changes. The medial i goes down a little deeper, the pa shows an ornamental notch in the lower line.
ments of temples in Nepál are administered by committees called gutthf. The second figure is doubtful.
25 Varta I take to be the name of a family, as a country called Varta is mentioned in the Mahabharata. It may, however, be also derived from vritti livelihood,' and indicate that Vibhuvarman held a vritti from the king.
39 Lalitapattana or Pâtana is situated one and a half miles east of Katmandu. Its NevArt name is Tinyala, i.e. on the road (la) to Katmandu (Tinya), because in ancient times the road from Bhatgam to Katmandu went by Lalitapattana.

Page #210

172
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[] [मा]भाग्य समाजापयति विदितमस्तु भवताम्भट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजशु [] प |र्गुष्मदीयमाणामुपकाराय योसो तिलमक
आनीतोभूत्
[] विसंस्काराभावाद्विन मुदीक्ष्य
सामन्तचन्द्रशिरस्माभिस्तस्यै [] व प्रसादीकृतस्तेन चास्पदनुज्ञातेन युष्मद्वामाणामेोपकाराय [1] [प्र ]तिसंस्कृतोस्य चोपकारस्य पारम्पर्ण्यविच्छेदेन चिरतरकालोद्वहना[] व युष्माकं वाटिका अपि प्रसादीकृतास्तदेताभ्यो यथाकालपिण्ड[12] कमुपसंहृत्य भवद्भिरेव तिलमक प्रतिसंस्कारः करणीय एतनामलभ्यतेस्पच
[15] त्रयव्यतिरेकेण चान्यग्रामनिवासिनाम के पा [14] प्रसादस्य चिरस्थितये
शिलापट्टकशासनमिदन्दत्तमेवंवेदिभिर्न
चात्र
[15] केविदयम्पसादोन्यथा करणीयो यस्वेतामातामतिकरयान्यथा तिलम[10] [[ ] [ ये] तस्यावश्यन्दण्डः पातयितव्यो भविष्यद्भिरपि भूपतिभिः पूर्वरा[T] [ज] कृतप्रसादामुनिभिरेव भवितव्यमिति अपि चाप वाटिकानामुद्देशः [18] [थंबू ] ग्रामस्य दक्षिणोद्देशे पूर्वेण रामवि मा २ तिलमकस्य पश्चिमप्रदेशे मा १ [+] - कुलं पूर्वेण मा ४ मूलवाटिकायामयेोत्तरतः अशोपदेशे मा ८ [20] -- प्रदेशे मा १ मा पश्चिमेन कडमिपदेशे मा ४ ककुलप्रदेशे ["] मा ४ स्वयमाज्ञा संवत् ४८ कार्त्तिक शुक्ल २ दूतको युवराजश्री विष्णुगुप्तः
———
Translation.
Om. Hail
(of the) illustrious lord and great king Dhruvadeva. .
..... The illustrious Jishnugupta, who desires the welfare of his subjects, who is of pure conduct, who, sprung from a virtuous family, has obtained a prosperous . kingdom, whose orders are obeyed by all citizens, who has been favoured by the feet of the divine lord Pasupati, and who meditates on the feet of Bappa, sends greeting from the palace (called) Kailasakûta to the cultivators residing in the villages Tham bû, Gângul, and Mólavatika, and issues (these ) orders: Be it known to you that, seeing the water-course, which the illustrious lord and great king Amsuvarman led to your villages for your benefit, destroyed through want of repairs, we being addressed by the feudal chief Chandra. varman, have presented it to him; that he, with our permission, has repaired it for the benefit of your villages; and that in order to ensure the constant continuance of the benefit we have presented the irrigable fields (mentioned below) to
30
30 The word tilamaka is not found in any dictionary. But it seems certain, from the context, that it must be some kind of watercourse. Probably it denotes a channel. which leads the water from the hillside over the fields which rise in terraces one above the other.
31 Pindala, which is a synonym of the more common
[JULY, 1880.
you. Wherefore you shall pay an assessment" for these (fields), and repair the watercourse ( hereafter). The inhabitants of other villages except of those three (mentioned above) shall not lead this watercourse elsewhere; and in order to ensure the long continuance of this grant, this edict, engraved on a stone tablet, has been promulgated. Nobody, who knows this, shall alter the grant. But he who, violating this order, leads the watercourse elsewhere, shall certainly be punished. Future kings also ought to act in accordance with the grant made by their predecessors. Moreover, a brief description of the irrigable fields (is given) herewith: south of the village of T ha m bû, east of the fields of Rama two mäs, as west of the watercourse one má, east of... four más north of Mûla vâtika on the site called Asinko eight más, on the site... one md ; west of the village of Gangul, on the site called Kadampring, four más, on the site called Kankulam four más." (This is) our own order. On the second day of the bright half of Kârttika, Samvat 48. The executive officer is the illustrious Yuvaraja Vishnugupta.
33
grås, seems to denote a share of the produce of the field, see below, No. 11, line 15.
33 Vis is probably a Nevârf word, and corresponds with the modern eun u field.'
33 Ma is probably an abbreviation of mána, intended for some reasure. The present Nepalese measure is the rora, see also below.

Page #211

No 9. RUBBING OF INSCRIPTION OF JISHNUGUPTA, DATED SAMVAT 48.
སr,
+
ར ང་
+
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s
*
ལམ་
ལp
*
:
ag་ནས ་ [༥ པ་པོ་ལ་བུ་དུ མ་སུམ་མཁའ་
བན༠༣9པ་ས
་ལ 1
མ་ཡས་འ:38ཀས་པ། བཀའ་གནན་
$
ག་
8ལམ་གྱི
སt:
..
མིན་
འོལ་བ། ན Wན་ཀ།། ཝཱ ཉཡཱམgerལpལོ་པཚjperས མ མཱ་ ནི པརjསྤྱrtraiཝ 3883ནཱ་ལུ་
ག ཙང་ ༥ (crwཔརྣམཱzནpབ་ ཏུa 1:|:ཀའ་ནན མ
བfor : ''༣་ ཀམྱnལ་གསཨུཏུ ཏུ ཚུལ་ ༧སཟ37.༔ ནཱམ་འགབ་པའི་ཀམ་ཆ?t བཀག་ ཏུ
ལུབའི34. ན་
བྱཱ་
S
H
ཤེག
ཝིལནནgya པ ན་རྒྱུ་ཙ་བའི་

Page #212

No. 9. INSCRIPTION OF JISHNUGUPTA, DATED SAMVAT 48.
EGOSOCན་ཞིག མི་COcogc - g° T_2@ g
༠༥༧༩་་་ 1: wནཎ1༩ ”འpཎ { 4g༡༢ འ སྒྱུ བྱ , ༼༦ F་ཀུ་, ust 414 ( 4, x
ཡུ9༧ ནཱ 4%755:སguat ༩ འ ི ནཱཤུ་མན.ཡམཱ ཀྐཱ ཎ ན ་ ༠ ནནུག ༢ ཆ Jཔ(༣*1༣པz་ནུnཙཀ བuu*ནg 3:ཝཀེ 30 : རྩཤཱ༧ བུཔཱག །སྤྲུལr༤ར་གལམཆཀུམ ༥༥ ནུ དུ ཝུ ༡༽ཚུ ]; མ་ ཀམྱསཾ པ་ཐུ ༦མ{༣ (t? ནཱཔ འབྱ ཀཱ པུ༩༣པཚུTཔprཊ ༡༧.n! བསཾཡུམ། མག0༥པ FTwa (8111ཎསུ6 ༣ མཾ (ནཱམཱ ༥ ། ས པ ན ན ནུ བུ མི ༣ ཎ ༥1 མr(ནཱ མཱ བྱཡུགནནཱ ༢༡ ནུ བྷ ནོ རྩ ཡཱ མ རྒྱུ ཁwཅོ ཆོ ཡ ཎr (ནཱ ལཾ སཱ ཀོ མྱན་པp: རྒྱད སོ༑ །ཡཾ་༧ སྐྱེཆ(31ནཱ】 ཀe ༔ཏན་ ཡ ཡཱ ཨ ཀཾ ཀ (༩ Fམཱལཡུམ་?ཎ། མཱ༢ ་ རྒྱ ཡ ག ཏཱg(༧། ༩》
པུས མཾ» ༡༡ན འ(བཙ (11ནུཔཏིསཾ ག 1ནichཡབཀུpཔ ན ཡ མྱ47༣༠ མྱགva མནན ༣ © ཆེ ནཾ། ༧ ༽ མྱ ༧ ཕུམཀ《 མྱj9jཆ་ ༣ ཡ་(Acཔ ༩༩ བ་ མནལ 《 ནཱ ནཱལ ཀཾ བ Q (Q ནི 2à 5ཡ ར ༣༩ཁམྱབ་ཏུjcམེཡསཱི ནཱ ཡྻཔ༣ ན། མྱ གཞྭཔ
མྱ ན ༡༡ ནུ :གནམ ན ཀྱནཱན སྐྱ3 ༥ པ༣4:ཕྲf ཏྟཱནཾགཏུ ནཱ ༠ ༤ཞཀཱནཾ ནཝཾ ན 》ལ(ན པ ན ༩ (ས ༼ཅུག གསདསྨིugཤེudd Tཔའི ཁང3པརྣམ་པ(༦༡ ཤེ
9,ཅུསgden ༥ པྲལགt ངག་པ ༽ 1 ནུ༥ཞུ རཱ༦༢ ཤེས་ ་ ཤོག ཀ J་སཾཔཤུལ ནན (༢ཥཱ ༥ རྒྱུ རྒྱུ ༸པ? མ། མ ཙྪཱ ལཾ བ ༥5 F༣ ཏཱ / རྒྱུ ༤ 4, ན ༼ ༥ ན ་བཤིའི u༥:
W.GRIGGS PHOTO-LITH. PECKHAM.

Page #213


Page #214

No 10 INSCRIPTION OF JISHNUGUPTA.
6'
OQOOO ཀབུདྨཝ་ད་ ལོ་༣༥j༠༧ ན
-
སུ 24: བ
ནf m
མ ཉ མ :མུན་སཔནཙམཱུ ལ ཤ r མཁན
3 34: མ ན,3 da ཅུ མ་༣ མནལ 1 ན ་ཙཐོབུ༠༢༧ ཡཱ14:/qམནཱ མཚན་ཉིདུuཀ པཨd ༩ ནa' ཉམ:༣ གམ ནུy ནཱ ཟམག་ auཔཉིནུ/༔ ནཱཡཀྵ ནཱ ཤཱཙཱ་བu༎ ༩ནཱཀྱུ :༄༅མ ལ༥: རྒྱུ ༔༠ ནཱཐིགjo༩ཀྭ འི ་
ཀ མཱུ ཤུ་ན ཀ མལན༴ ཧཱུཾཡཞ༢༣ ཀུཡུན་སཉན ཀ་ མ ་ a@ན ་ནཱ ཡ་ནི་རྩཡ༧ནུཔ་ ru
:1 》 ཐ ཀཱ(d ཙལa:ཝ ཡ?ན པུ ༧༢ 3 : Hàn 4 5:
4 7 4484 མེ ་ ནི་ ནཱཙ༧,༣ ན ༡༩ ཀཱ ཡ༩
གཙམ ག ནཱ16 94 ༡ པའ ག། * ག གོམཉིཝཾ་ག་ ་ ཀ ལ ཁྱོད ག་པཀཀ ༩ ནf 《ལཝ རྐུ,ཤཱན 41 སུ ཀྱི ནཱ ཙ སྤྱནQ སཾt, f #,
1མཁལ 8 9 པྲཀཱ ཉེ ནྟནཉྩ?a མཉིམ༔ ན མི་ཚོས ཆ་ཕྲནེ མཾ ཨཱ1ཤཱ ཎཱཁོ ན ནི རྒྱུ ཀ འི་ བ ཎ མཾ་སྐྱ ཚེས ༧༥ལ (d ཎ ཏེ་ སྱ བ ན ཎམཱ མ ་པa 3 པཎཾ ནཥཱཉྩི་ J go og at 44 FT 8 48 g F 4 piều ན མྱུ ན པ ཎ གན བྱjལ བ ར ལ ཝ ག ༣ བྱེ ཚེ པྱ། མུ་
ནུཝ མ༣31y& མ:1པ ༧ ༼དེ༔ ༣༩

Page #215

JULY, 1880.]
INSCRIPTIONS FROM NEPÅL.
173
-
|
।
|
।
|
| ।
No. 10.-An undated inscription of close to the Bhairava-dhokâ or southern gate of Jishnugupta.
Katmanda. Its top is decorated by a chakrit. On a slab of black slate, standing near a Parts of the inscription have peeled off. The temple of Vishnu, called Mina-Narayana, ] remaining portions are in good condition.
Transcript. [१] उं देवा -- ------ यावस्थितो ---त्मा पौरस्त्ययन[] तिमुख -- -डेराविम् एतच्चान्यचिरहस्त्वयि परवश[] न्दनीयो -
- लैवः स्वकरमपहरन्त्य द्विजा सेश्वरा श्री.] [*] स्वस्ति मानग्र हा] ----- दितचित्तसन्ततिलिच्छविकुलकेतुभट्टारक[] राजश्रीध्रुवदेवपुरस्सरे
सकलजननिरुपद्रवोपायसंविधानार्पित मा][७] नसः कैलासकूटभवनाद्भगवत्पशुपतिभट्टारकपादानुगृहीतो बप्प['] पादानुध्यातः श्रीजिष्णुगुप्तः कुशली दक्षिणकोलीग्रामे गीटापाञ्चालिका - [9] ---- गान्कुशलेनाभाष्य समनुदर्शयति विदितम्भवतु भवताम --
---विधिज्ञानादुपात्तायती रूपेणानुपमो गुणी ----इत्येवम्प्रथितोपि यः प्रियहितम्प्रत्याद - --बलवतः शत्रून्बभन
स्वयमित्थं-- [19] ---ष्ठे--------स्मदनुमोदितेन तदात्वायति -- [1] ----व्याप्रियमाणो----नुग्रहप्रवृत्तचेतसा महासा मन्त
- देवेन यथायन्तिलमको भवतामन्येषाञ्चोपकारायाक-- ---पिण्डकदशभागम्प्रत्याकलय्य
भवद्विरेवोपसंहर्तव्यः-- [1] ---लेश्वरस्वामिनः पूजा पाञ्चालीभोजनञ्च दिवसनियमेन -- ["] -य तिलमकप्रतिसंस्कारश्य कालानतिक्रमेणैव कार्य इत्येषो[10] स्य पुण्याधिकारी व्यवस्था चास्मत्प्रसादोपजीविभिरन्पर्वा न कैश्विदाप्य] [19] न्ययाकरणीया यः कश्चिदेतामाज्ञामतिलध्यान्यया कुर्यात्कारयेद्वा [°°] -----क्रमकतावश्यमेव दण्डो विधातव्यो येप्यस्म[21] ----संभविष्यन्ति तैरप्यात्मीय इव ---धिकारेस्मत्कृतव्र
रक्षायामनुपालने च ---- हितैर्भवितव्यं] [9] ---स्य देव ---------- [24] --त्र इति -- Abstract.
dered in the transcript by purassare is not certain. The first three lines probably contained a verse Jishņugupt a dates from the Kailasakâta pain honour of Lakshmi and Vishnu. On this sup- | lace, and addresses his edict to the Gita-Panchali. position it is necess. ry to read abdhijd instead of kus, apparently a committee thus named, residing adrija. The fact that a Chakra adorns the top of in the village of Dakshiņa koli. The contents the stone makes it probable that the grantee was a of the body of the inscription (11.9-24) seem to Vaishnava. Lines 4-8 contain the preamble of the have been very similar to those of No. 9. They grant, and show that Jishnugupta acknow- refer to the repairs of a watercourse (tilamaka). ledged Dhruva de va, of the Lichchhavi which had been first dug by some person race, who resided at Maņagriha as lord whose name ended in ... deva (line 14), and paramount. Unfortunately the word following the cultivators using it are ordered to pay an Dhruvadeva's name, which has been ren- I assessment (pindalca) of one-tenth of the pro
"L. 8, read °न्त्यधिजा.

Page #216

174
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1880.
ब्रह्मादिर
duce (line 16), to feed the Panchalf or Panch | [21] पागुमके मा ५ पोयामे मा २ खworshipping a deity whose name ended in
[2] लप्रेकामे मा ९ भूयो मा १५ वि... lesvarasvdmin, and to provide for the repairs
[3] -- कयैते अथान्याश्चतुबितिकया of the watercourse. No. 11.-An undated. inseription of [24] -- यच्चके ---अत्र विशतिमानिका Jishnugupta's reign.
|-----शेषाः Ona stone supporting a parasol over an image
शृङ्गलिकपाof Chandesvara,ss which is placed on a | [26] - - - - - [वाराहस्वामिप्रभृतिभिquadrangular base in the south-eastern corner of
Translation. the enclosure of the great temple of Pasupati.
May Chhattra-Chand esvara graciThe inscription originally consisted of thirty
ously protect you, he who burned the body of lines, twenty-five of which have been preserved.
Cupid, who is possessed of true knowledge and Characters as those of the preceding inscrip. so forth, who, stirring the primary germ which tions.
contains all the (three) fetters, produced this whole Transcript.
multiform creation from Brahmå to inanimate [१] सम्यग्ज्ञानादियुक्तः
सक- objects, who uniformly (everywhere) creates the [१] ल]गुणगणं क्षोभयिखा
forests and the mountains on which all men live. प्र.
Hail! During the prosperous and victorious [२] धानम्
ब्रह्मादिस्थावरान्त
reign of the illustrious Jishnugupta [+] जगदिदमखिलं
योसृज- Acharya, the worshipfal Pranardanap rân.
a ka usika" has given to Vå rå ha svå min, [] द्विश्वरूपम् आजीव्यं सर्व
Dharma . . . . . and to the so makhad[] पुंसां गिरितरुगहनं यः करो
dukas" in the congregation of the Munda[१] त्वेकरूपम् पायात्सोद्य प्रस- ś rinkhalika Pasupata Acharya,
fields of eighty . . . . . . . measures for repair[9] नः स्मरतनुदहनच्छचच
ing (the sanctuary of) the divine Chhatrachan. [१] ण्डेश्वरो वः ॥ स्वस्ति श्रीजिष्णुगुप्त- qeśvara and the spout of the watercourse in [19] स्य प्रवर्द्धभानविजयराज्ये आ
Kûgrama. The sites of the fields are described
(as follows): In the village of Pikh a ten más, [1] चार्यभगवत्प्रनईनप्राणको
in Sa ma nodülaka twenty más, in På gu[14] शिकेन भगवतश्छत्रचण्डेश्वरस्य ma ka five más, in the village of Po two más, [11] कूग्रामे प्रणालिकायाश्च ख- in the village of Khalapreng nine mds,
further fifteen mas. . . . . . . . . [*] [ण्ड] स्फुटितसमाधानार्थमुद्दि
No. 12.-Inscription of Sivadeva, dated [] [श्य] मुण्डशृङ्गलिकपाशुपताचा
Sriharsha Sanvat 119. [6] र्यपर्षदि
वाराहस्वामिधर्म
On a slab of black slate, leaning against the
wall of a small modern temple of Vishna, situated ["] - - - - सोमखड्रडुकानाञ्च अशी
in Lagantol Katmanda. The top of the stone [१] [ति]-पिण्डकमानिकानां भू. प्रतिपादि-" shows a well carved relievo, which represents
Nandi reclining on Kailåsa. [19] ता: तासां प्रदेशा लिख्यन्ते पिखू
Characters as those of preceding inscription. [२०] ग्रामे मा १० सामानादूलक मा २० | Execution and preservation in general good.
Transcript. [1] उ स्वस्ति श्रीमत्कैलासकूटभवनात् लक्ष्मीलतालम्बनकल्पपादपो [] भगवत्पशुपतिभट्टारकपादानुगृहीतो बप्पपादानुध्यातः
परमभट्टार 35 It was an ancient custom to place an image of । ३. Line 18, rend भुव:Chandesvara to the south or south-east of Saiva templos, The meaning of this name seems to be equivalent to and to offer to it the remainder of the materials used for tho the modern Sivaprasida or Sivaldla, and to mean 'dear as worship of Siva. The images of Chandeávara resemble life to the rosrer' (Rudra). . those of Siva and hold the same attributes. In addition
_an Khaddaka occurs on other inscriptions as a name of they show the same peculiarity as the Greek deity Priapos. certain priests of siva. Hence the common people cali them Kamadeva. Such _ Mundasrin.khalika literally "wearing a chain of images are also found in the rounds at Mathura.
skulls" is the name of a sub-division of the Pasupatae.
EEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEE
ar to it the the images
attribateracity Priapuca

Page #217

No. 11. INSCRIPTION OF JISUNCUPTA.
NUDE
配列で南海の
さて
打するお
イケ
きみで
かるおすす
本
お
そ

Page #218


Page #219

No 12 INSCRIPTION OF SIVADEVA, DATED SAMVAT 119.
༡༥ (༥ ཀྲྀlཔ , ༩ས རྒྱུzནཱཎ་ ཀd ༧ ནུབ༔ གྱི ༣al n༢ ཁོ ནག༔ མAuའ༧)ནu༩ནqཀ ན ནཱ pན༔ u1-16]
ཆོལnཎ༩ ཁ ག]e 4༢ བརྟགཙཞེསྦྱགzནཱ། མ ་མ ནས་ { (৪ব ও খুত wধ সামৰি অম মgযঅ৫ ৫৫ম ম্য।
ཀཾ ཡ ༤༧ སྐྱེས:ཤ11༽6 པ ་་་ ་ ནc༤ཉལསཱ་ལ་ ༧ ནཱ༡ ནྟ། •ཞrd ཎ ནུgམQ མྱ་ན| =1ནས་ལག ཏཱ་༥བཀན ན ཤཱ(༥༠༥
པuཙ མ་ཧ71 (4: མཱ (d ན གྱི་ཞི ༢༣ ཤཱ 11༧༣་༣༢༧ ནྟི རྒྱུ ན༣༠ ཚུབའ ཐཱསཱ, ནམཾ ཀཱ 1 ན Im Puཤག J༥ག ཀ༧):བུ( u《 ༡༢ པའ ག ཀཚེ ན :མསd ནལཨ ནཱ ག:མོག ཆi@1p ༢ མཐོས ཀྱ ཀ3 ལ ༥ པrv《781 ནུ7༄༅།གཉིY༔ ཏ ཡ ཨཱ ཎ སཾ ནཱa rmedཞུ ན ་ རྒྱ མ མ ལཱསིམ rལ ཤ ག(d d aཀཱ ༡༢ པ ན ན ཎ མིn ༩༧སཱ ༧ ༣% ནrdxལྷག ཏཐཱ ཤི fu༤) བལ་ ག༽༡༧ ql: 9ནཱ; ༢(ཁ༽ ཤཱ ཏ:ཁྲུལ r:5,
1པལ 4@ 1 ཝཱ81 ༈ (༣༣ ga ནག Q། མ (༩ས པ༣ བ མུམ། ཀ ཁ ན མབ བ ནུ༽ནཱ6:1བ མིr ན ནཱཡཱམག གའུ ནc༡༣& ༢་ལ:yཉིན ཆེ ནd ༣ ༤ ༡:༥༡༧ )ཐོ་མིu4 d
ན རྒྱ: ཨནཱནཊྛཱམཱ, (Q 23: :ཎཱ་ལwཊོ ན གཉ ན, , ས9, ཨ ཀམ༔ ཤྲཱིལཱམ་ གསཱགugud rཊ ཊན ཡཾབ སཾ༔ མ ཀ (8
ན ་ ཆ | ༧ ༣ རྨའགོ་ ཨགྷཙཀ ༣ ཡཱ༔ ཛ ཀླུ རྩ་རྨ w(༩ ་ན ལཾཚུ མུ • 3,ནཱ བ ནི i མ4ན ་ མ ,སུ་《ག སཱཧིཏྟཾ་
མ: སུ ཀ ནས ། ན ན1 ༣ ནི མ ཀེ ཀ| 3 ཞེ ས པ འི ་ ! , ༔ ན ཎ ན T ཎ ༥ རྡ ཨ ༣༠:རྨ ཤཱ ཨཱ༣༩ ན་

Page #220

No 12. RUBBING OF INSCRIPTION OF SIVADEVA, DATED SAMVAT 119.
ক.
'
=
=
ধর, এই
দেশ ও খ
; .
রুষ
w;
b
*
করুit;
;
;
;
এই

Page #221

JULY, 1880.]
INSCRIPTIONS FROM NEPÅL.
175
[] कमहाराजाधिराजश्रीशिवदेवः कुशली । वैद्ययामके प्रधानाग्रेसरान्सकल[*] निवासिकुटुम्बिनो यथाशलमभिधाय समाज्ञापयति विदितमस्तु भव
तां यथायडामः शरीरकोट्टमर्यादो पयुक्त श्याटभटानामप्रावेश्येनाचन्द्रार्का[] वनिकालिको भूमिच्छिद्रन्यायेनाग्रहारतया मातापित्रोरात्मनश्च विपुलपु. [] ण्योपचयहेतोरस्माभिः
स्वकारितश्रीशिवदेवेश्वरं भट्टारकनिमित्तीकृत्य" [9] तदेवकुलखण्डस्फुटितसंस्कारकारणाय वशपाशुपताचार्येभ्यः प्रति[१] पादितस्वदेवमवगतार्भवद्भिः
समुचितदेयभागभोगकरहिरण्यादि[१] सर्वप्रत्यायानेषामुपथ[च्छ]द्विरेभिरेवानुपाल्यमानैरकुतोभयैः
स्वक["] मानुविधायिभिरितिकर्तव्यताव्यापारेषु च सर्वेष्वमीषामाज्ञाश्रवणविधे[१] यैर्भूला सुखमत्र स्थातव्यं सीमा चास्य पूर्वेण बृहन्मार्गो दक्षिणपूर्वतश्च ["] शिवी प्रणाली तामेव चानुसृत्य स्वल्पः पन्था दक्षिणतश्च तेलूः पश्चिमे["] नापि तेलः उत्तरतस्यामपि चिशिमण्डातिलमकः उत्तरपूर्वतश्यापि सहस्र[2] मण्डलभुमिस्ततो यावत्स एव . बृहन्मार्ग इत्येवं सीमान्तर्भूतेस्मिभय[७] हारे भोट्टविष्टिहेतोः प्रतिवर्ष भारिकजनाः पञ्च ५ व्यवसायिभिर्य["] हीतव्याः ये बेतामाज्ञाम्व्यतिक्रम्यान्यया कुर्युः कारयेयुर्वा तेस्माभिर्भशन [18] क्षम्यन्ते ये चास्मदूर्ध्वम्भूभुजो भविष्यन्ति तेपि पारस्वहितापेक्षया पूर्वराज[१] कृतोयं धर्मसेतुरिति तदविगय] --- रवा --- संरक्षणी[१] यस्तथा चोक्तं पूर्वदा द्विजातिभ्यो यत्नाद्रक्ष युधिष्ठिर महीं महीम-] [1] तां श्रेष्ठ दानाच्छ्योनुपालनं ॥ षष्ठि वर्षसहस्राणि स्वर्गे मोदिति भू-] [*] मिदः आक्षेप्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेत् ॥ इति स्वयमा[22मा दूतकश्चात्र राजपुत्रजयदेवः संवत् ११९ फाल्गुन शुक दिवा दशम्याम्
Translation
|.the grant to last as long as the moon, the sun, Om. Hail! From the famous palace (called) and the earth endure. You, understanding this, Kail&sakata ! The supreme lord and great giving to him (the Acharya) all the income, king of kings, illustrious Sivadeva, who viz., the proper share (of the produce) and the resembles a tree of Paradise to which the taxes in gold and so forth, being protected by creeper, Fortune, clinge, who has received favour | him (the Aoharya) alone, fearlessly following froin the feet of the lord, the divine Pasupati, your occupations, and obeying him in respect to and meditates on the feet of Bapps being all work that may have to be performed, shall live in good health, sends due greeting to the there in peace. And the boundaries of this headman and cultivators residing in the village (village are as follows) : To the east the highof Vaidyaka, and issues (these) orders :- road, and to the south-east the sivt water-con"Be it known to you that this village, including duit and the little footpath along it, and to the the land, the sky above and the nether regions Bouth Tenkha, to the west also Tenkha, further below, together with . . . . has been given by to the north the Chisimand watercourse (tilaus in order to gain much spiritual morit for our inaka); and further to the north-east the parents and ourselves, as an Agrahara to the Sahasramandala field, thence as far as the Vansapdbupatáchárya for the sake of the lord (above-mentioned) high-road. From this AgraŚribivadê vê svara, dedicated by ourselves, hårs, which is enclosed by the abovementioned in order to repair his temple, the village being boundaries, the authorities shall take annually not to be entered by our police officers, and five (5) load-carriers for the Thibet service. - L. 7, rond 4 ° ; 1. & road 4°; L. 21, rend
"I take chafabhata to stand for chafan prati bhata, lit. soldiers against robbers, and to be name of the royal police, 100 Aloo the Kumdrapdlacharita.
पार्ट

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176
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1880.
But those, who violating this order act other- impression from which the photozincograph has wise, or inoite others to act otherwise, will | been prepared. certainly not be pardoned. And the kings 1 The inscription is very badly mutilated. But who may come after us should protect this it is clear that it contained a grant of a village, grant, understanding that it is a bridge to which was given to the fraternity of Buddhist heaven' built by a former king for his own and monks residing in the sivadeva-vihara. others' welfare. And it has also been de- The name of the donor in line 3 is not distinct. clared (in the Mahabharata), 'Oh Yudhishthira, It seems to me, however, that the faint traces of zealously protect the (grants of land given to letters visible point to the reading given in the
Brahmans by former kings; oh best of kings, | transcript. In favour of this reading the followprotecting is better than giving. The giver ing additional reasons may be adduced. of land rejoices in heaven during sixty thousand Firstly, the letters exactly agree with those years; he who interferes with a grant of of the preceding inscriptions. Secondly, the land), and he who permits it, will dwell in hell grant is in favour of a monastery founded by for as long a period.' (This is my) own order, Sivadêva. Thirdly, that the dá taka (1. 36) is called and the executive officer here is prince Jaya Sivadeva-bhattaraka, the lord Sivadeva. On the tenth day of the bright half of dê va. The epithet bhatta raka is only given to Philguna Samvat 119."
a king or to a high priest. It is not known that No. 13.- Inscription of Sivadeva, dated a priest ever exercised the office of dataka, Srsharsha Saavat 143.
while we have several instances where the king This inscription is incised on & stone just is his own ddtaka. outside the southern gate of the enclosure of the | As to the date, the figures for 100 and for temple of Pasupati. I have not seen it myself. three are, though faint, distinctly visible. The A friend in Nepal, who used to go about with middle figure I take to have been 40. But I will me, and to assist me in my work, sent me the not dispute that it may not have been 20 or 30.
Transcript. [1] --भद्राधि---------------
--- [पशुपतिभट्टारकपादानु
- [2] गृहीतो बप्पपा दनुध्यातः] ------- परममाहेश्वरपरमभट्टा[] रकमहाराजाधिराजश्री शिवदेवः कुशली] - अतग्रामे प्रधानपुरस्सरा[*] न्सर्वकुटुम्बिनः कुशलमाभाष्य] --- गुप्तवभु ---- धयि[5] कामो भगवत्पशुपती सुरितसु --- --- न सर्वे विना --- ["] मनुरोधार्थ
---------------- [] ह्यपर
वि [9] ष्टिरहितो
-------------------- [१] भयच
----------- [10] पञ्चापराधकारिणां ------ राजकुलानाम् -- -- कल्पत्रादि सर्व-य[1] स्यार्यसञ्जस्य ------ शिवदेवविहारचतुर्हिगार्यभिक्षुसकायास्मा[1"] भिरतिसृष्टः सीमा चास्य पूर्वोत्तरेण श्रेष्ठिनुल्मू-श्रीगुप्तमध्यमाली तस्याः किञ्चित्पू. [] वेण बृहदाल्या दक्षिणमनुसृत्य [बृह] हा- मिम्पूर्वदक्षिणेन वेष्टयित्वा ---म[14] मार्गस्तदक्षिणमनुसृत्य सरलवन [ग्राममार्ग स्त------सृत्य --- [1] लिकक्षेत्रपश्चिमकोणादक्षिण पश्चिममनुसृत्य श्रीविदूरिकविहारस्य सन्धी [16] मरिमक्षेत्रपश्चिमाल्या दक्षिणात्वा] - - छम्भूदक्षिणेश्वराम्बतीर्थक्षेत्राणां सन्धिः ["] --------------दक्षिणकोणात्किञ्चित्पश्चिमङ्गत्वा मित्तम्भूमे[19] दक्षिणमनुसृत्य तत्पूर्वदक्षिणाल्या : पश्चिमङ्गत्वा किञ्चिदुत्तरञ्च ततः पश्चिम- . [१] मनुसृत्य च निभूदक्षिणपश्चिमकोणादक्षिणकता लोप्रिड्जामकगोष्ठिकक्षेत्रम्
।
। ।
।
। ।
। ।
। ।
I
।

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No 13. INSCRIPTION OF SIVADEVA, DATED SAMVAT 143.
inftཙེajསt43E 5 (t།ཅནurr
2
ག
མ
།
ཀི་
ད
ག
ལན་
1d4fs:y * "༧༤ ན ཤུ བས13;:རབ་བཏུས་
1:1: ༔ ཀཀིསust:14 ། '' སཱཀྱ་མུ་ 1:: རྒྱུནས་(ཡནི ༥༥ 3, 25 3| 1.sk 1:1 ན པn:1a83%
iz44ཨ4 1:2:རྒྱུག ༧བརwwས(༣༥ རྒྱུ་མཏཱ31 313 1:14 j•ཕw༨༥ ནི རྣg ༢༽ ཙ ༡༣
༣༩ 3་ཨནྣཏྭཱལུཀསa ཛྷuz་གནོs རྒྱུ་
ཀin༧ནutཅུས༥ ཟླ J་ནི༡༩ 14, ༣ འས་པ་འ11:|:ཙ་མི ་སླ
f༧༣ བ ས པ ཤུ བུ བུ ་ རྒྱུ ་
# :
1
།
ས • “An༥༠ ནrd ཙ བཙུ ༧༣༠པཊ ''༢1:༥། ༣ཀརྨསuq 1 2
' '''' ti zབ་ནས | F] A%: ་ ; arizལེ་ཙdi༢j41:31 : 4 :ཝ ས3 juཅན 3@ Jཆ(
༣༡༢ཚོང་མ 194 བ བ :《་ སཱིས་ནུརྨ༡ f8འགག་ལམ་ Aག -jཉལ་བ་མ ༣ གན གasའང་ཤུ་དབྱ

Page #224

No. 14 INSCRIPTION DATED SAMVAT 145.
•༥)
མག་ཉམས་པའི་ 24 ལྟ་ཡུན? ཀབ ལ ་ བ ས ཀྱིས་བྱས་པར་རིས་ལན:
*
ས peraགསs : པས 1:ཝཱ་༧texs '༩: 1: ཞེས་6ན་ཟླ་(རྣལཔvyqc3as{རྣazགས་ ༩ ལ་ཧོའིn:བཅད 31 བཀ42{ ད དྷ 1:ལམ R ic/43 1:36zq་པlaninwཔ། ཏེ ཙི་ ༣ , G / དཀsdude: ནད
13:༥༥ ནུ བ(ཏན་བརྒྱུ དུ 1 པཱ་དྷག 3 ཤོག ༑ (,ན་ ༩༩༠ ༥༣:43 ནས ལ ཀྱི ཚན 149:། 4 ས ས a + 1|:
པའ༩ st *
ནAs
W.GRIGGS PHOTO-LITH PECKHAM.

Page #225

AUGUST, 1880.]
INSCRIPTIONS FROM NEPÅL.
177
।
।
[26]
।
।
।
।
[°°] दक्षिणको प्रकिञ्चित्पश्चिमङ्गत्वा ह्युप्रिपाञ्चालिकक्षेत्रम् ----ल्या दक्षिणमनुसृत्य [21] ----राभूमेरुत्तरपूर्वकोणे मुप्रियामी बृहत्पथस्तत्प[श्चिममनुसृत्य मुप्रि-- [2] ---स्त - रोधोनुसृत्य मेकणि - [स्तिलमकस्तद्वाम----मधिरुह्य --- [23] - - कसारणोत्तरपश्चिममनुसत्य - नी --------- [4] - - - - - [श्वरक्षेत्र पूर्वदक्षिणाल्याः पश्चिमङ्गत्वा लोप्रि ---- तक्षेत्रन्ततः [5]
स्तस्योत्तरञ्च बृहदारामस्य पूर्वमुखे महापथः----ङ्गत्वा बृह
----कोणादधोवतीर्य वनपर्यन्तमुपादाय ----तस्त[7] --स्तस्रोतोनुसारेण
श्वभ्रतीर्थ--गग्व-र्य [28] -- - दाराग्रानुसारेण
श्रेष्ठि-------लिन्या [१] -- -ग्रहारो यदि कदाचिदार्यसङ्घस्य शि--र्यस --- [३०] तदा -मा ---- - वारणीयमापणकराधिकमा-------एवा[1] र्यभि-----त्येवमवगतार्थैरस्मत्पादोपजीविभिरन्यायम्प्रसादोन्यथा न [३१] ------माज्ञामुलध्यान्यथा कुर्यात्कारयेद्वा ---स्सुतरान मर्षणीयो [3] ग्रे----- भूमिपालास्तैरप्युभयलोकनिरवद्यसुखार्थिभिः
पूर्व["] राजविहितो विशिष्टः प्रसाद इति प्रयत्नतस्सम्यक्परिपालनीय एव यतो [5] धर्मशास्त्रवचनम्बहुभिर्वसुधा दत्ता राजभिस्सगरादिभिः यस्य यस्य यदा भूमि[३०] स्तस्य तस्य तदा फलमिति । स्वयमाज्ञा । दूतकश्चात्र भट्टारकश्रीशिवदेवः ।
["] संवत् १[४] ३ ज्येष्ट शुक्ल दिवा त्रयोदश्याम् । No. 14.-An inscription dated Sriharsha The name of the king who issued the edict has Sanvat 145.
been lost. The dútaka is the Yuvarâja, or heir Location: a stone placed near a water conduit apparent, the illustrious Vijayade va, and the close to the temple of Manjaghosha or Mina- date, the third day of the bright half of Pausha, natha Lalitapattana. It is very badly mutilated, Samvat 145. The letters closely resemble those and has lost a great many lines at the top. It of the preceding inscriptions, and leave no doubt would seem that it refers to the repairs and to that it most probably belongs to Sivadeva himthe right to use a water-course (tilamaka). self.
Transcript.
EEEEE
।
।
।
-स्त्रस्वान्तरेप्यमुं
जानद्विरस्माकमन्यथा------ [] ------प्यसपल
--प्यमुपलपनं च कुमार्या प्रसाद वि----सास-यूपयामे यूचि ---मा . प्रतिपादित------ --गायोरगनस्तस्यान्तरे चागतम्वनेत्पत्तिका चाघाटा--
-पिध---मपराधं कृला प्रपलायितः कोट्टस्थानम-- ---निवेद्य यथापूर्वमनुष्ठातव्यं तिलमकसमीपे
----त्रौ दिवा चा---कैश्चित्तत्परिपन्थिभिरन्यैर्वा न विरोधनीयस्तद्विरोधक [१] ---- [दिरेवं] गृहीवा राजकुलमुपनेतव्याः तिलमक---कार्यञ्च यदुत्पद्यते ---- [10] [ते] नैव विचार्य निर्णेतव्यं तिलमकश्च सप्तधा विभज्य परिभोक्तव्यो गिग्वल्पाञ्चालिकैरेको भा-] ["] [गः व्यासाजापाञ्चालिकैरेको भागस्तेग्वल्पाच्चालिकैरेको भागो यूग्वल्पाच्चालिकैस्त्रयो भागा [14] --पाञ्चालिकैस्वेको भाग इत्येवमवगतार्भवद्भिरनुमन्तव्यमेतच्छासन --- [म-] [1] नागपि न लडनीयो ये खेतामस्मदीयामाज्ञामतिक्रम्यान्यथा कुर्युः कारयेयुवा]
।

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178
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1880.
लोकीत्राता बेताको यस्योत्तुज त्रिशालश्रेणीसङ्गति
[१] [स्माभिर्दृढं न क्षम्यन्ते ये चास्मदूर्ध्वमवनिपतयो भवितारस्तैरपि पूर्वराजस्थितिपरिपाल[1] [ने व्यवहितमनोभिर्भाव्यं [य]था चाह ये प्राक्तनावनिभुजां जगतीहितानां धयाँ स्थिति
स्थितिकृता[म [16] नुपालयेयुर्लक्ष्म्या समेस्य सुचिरनिजभार्ययैवा प्रेत्यापि वासवसमा दिवि ते वसेयुरिति शुभमस्तु ["] दूतको युवराजश्रीविजयदेवः । संवत् १४५ पौष शुक्ल दिवा तृतीयायाम् । No. 15.- Inscription of Jayadeva, dated Sriharsha stone is ornamented with a lotus and buds. Sanhvat 153.
The character is a modified form of the Gupta Location: a slab of black slate 4' 4' by 3' 4" alphabet. placed behind the bull or Nandi, opposite to the Execution : good. Preservation : in general western door of the temple of Pasupati. The excellent.
Transcript. [] व्यक्षस्ल्यय्यव्ययात्मा त्रिसमयसदशस्त्रिप्रतीतस्त्रिलोकीत्राता त्रेतादिहेतुस्त्रिगुणमयतया त्र्यादिभिर्च
र्णितोलं । त्रिस्रोतोधौतमूर्धा त्रिपुरजिदजितो निर्विबन्धत्रिवर्गों य[स्योत्तुज]स्त्रिशूल[2] त्रिदशपतिनुतः---तापनोभत् ।। [२] राजद्रावणमूर्द्धपतिशिखरव्यासक्तचूडामणिश्रेणीसङ्गति
निश्चलात्मकतया लङ्काम्पुनानाः पुरीं । --द्वन्ध्यपराक्रमा]--- [] ----सङ्गताः श्रीबाणासुरशेखराः पशुपतेः पादाणवः पान्तु वः ॥ [२] सूर्याब्रह्मप्रपौत्रान्मनुरय
भगवाज्जन्म लेभे ततोभूदिक्ष्वाकुश्चक्रवर्ती] नृपतिरपि ततः श्रीविकुक्षि[र्बभूव । ['] जात -------विदितो भूमिपः सार्वभौमो भूतोस्माद्विष्वगश्वः प्रबलनिजबलव्याप्तविश्वान्त
रालः । [३] राजाष्टोत्तरविशतिक्षितिभुजस्तस्माह्यतीत्य कमात्सम्भूतः सगरः पतिः --- ------[सागरायाः पितेः । जातोस्मादसमञ्जसो नरपतिस्तस्मादभूदमान्स श्रीमन्तमजी___ जननरवरो भूपं दिलीपाह्वयं [४] भेजे जन्म ततो भगीरथ इति ख्यातो नृपोत्रान्तरे भूपाला--- [७] ------[जातो रघोरप्यजः श्रीमत्तुगरयस्ततो दशरथः पुत्रैश्च पौत्रैस्समं राज्ञोष्टावपरान्ति
हाय परतः श्रीमानभूलिच्छविः॥ [५] अस्त्येव क्षितिमण्डनैकतिलको लोकप्रतीतो महाना[1] ---प्रभावमहताम्मान्यः सुराणामपि । स्वच्छं लिच्छविनाम बिभ्रदपरो वंशः प्रवृत्तोदयः श्रीमच्चं.
द्रकलाकलापधवलो गङ्गाप्रवाहोपमः ।। [६] तस्मालिच्छवितः परेण नृपतीन्हित्वा प[9] ---रं श्रीमान्पुष्पपुरे कृतिः क्षितिपतिर्जातः सुपुष्पस्ततः । साकं भूपतिभिस्त्रिभिः क्षितिभृतां त्य
त्वान्तरे विंशति ख्यातः श्रीजयदेवनामनृपतिः प्रादुर्बभूवापरः ॥ [७] एकादशक्षिति[१] -------- [त्यत्वान्तरे विजयिनो जयदेवनाम्नः । श्रीमान्बभूव वृषदेव इति प्रतीतो राजो
तमः सुगतशासनपक्षपाती ॥ [८] अभूत्ततः शङ्करदेवनामा श्रीधर्मदेवोप्पुदपादि तस्मात् । [१] श्रीमानदेवो नृपतिस्ततोभूत्ततो महीदेव इति प्रसिद्धः॥ [९] वसन्त इव लोकस्य कान्तः शान्तारि
विग्रहः । आसीद्वसन्तदेवोस्माद्दान्तसामन्तवन्दितः ॥ [१०] अस्यान्तरेप्युदयदेव इति क्षितीशाज्जा
तास्त्रयो["] दश ततश्च नरेन्द्रदेवः । मानोन्नतो नतसमस्सनरेन्द्रमौलिमालारजोनिकरपांशुलपादपीठः ॥ [११]
दाता सङ्कविणस्य भूरिविभवो जेता द्विषत्संहतेः कर्ता बान्धवतोषणस्य [12] यमवत्पाता प्रजानामलं हर्ता संश्रितसाधुवर्गविपदा सत्यस्य वक्ता ततो जातः श्रीशिवदेव इत्यभिमतो
लोकस्य भर्ता भुवः ।। [१२] देवी बाहुबलाध्यमोखरिकुलश्रीवर्मचू[] डामणिख्यातिहेपितवैरिभूपतिगणश्रीभोगवर्मोद्भवा । दौहित्री मगधाधिपस्य महतः श्यादित्यसेनस्य
या व्यूढा श्रीरिव तेन सा क्षितिभुजा श्रीवत्सदेव्यादरात् ॥ [१३]
IEEEEEE E E

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No. 15. INSCRIPTION OF JAVADEYA DATED SAMVAT 153
ANS
न
यामध्यमरममा 37 Mबाय2011 अन84RTANयपू मुरमप404752 TERAMMAdयामिमममलिलोमMARATrयरपरका-JEETuraj -- मRialamमामामुपनाम:
५२ अनुगमनमानाT60444 पिन मुतrtACTS: सामोअन सबलaar: PRATA5040JRysअभूममा गया या: कारमयभायलिम
स
मयम14THunu नरप्यमनमा 30527TV MEAU35समानरम 3
vur मालमHAMARNayीपमा Yनम्यकममा भrwill attar जरयनस्याम बाइकल कलपपयलाग समपानमाविलन107047 यमापोल:0AURE:मपभामनामानुयल ललि:007470041: यमल:4157uTOPA0A
190FURelar4:04754१५६३४ लयीमा भगतमा मनपाम:मरममावीपर व थ.PARE मीभारत-
मनमनप213०पमा दमकम्यकत:2004मरमरकाम्यामा यसमथरथरीमा भूप "148:पापमपम31R4कामवपारगमMJ500 PR41418017M HuuuNu1440109140 एमJARATE:
1434500UTUAj4:
044100ftatu प्रपल30002040MTी5470GUJ4:शशुभशयास्मी017-
मावशTMA नायि सुखस्यमहFU:017 यी यावर
TaTaयह सलग IMillम
म५८4444600407 TRमवयलबीघदवारीRATARAMAYA इलेषनगरपETNMOREसामगलिया परीकसक य५५:कारविमलयाथान भएपीपलकलयमा यसको कल गरभवा AAFETEREOमि माविलापपुरू1044844014मुखमा
TAIकलियर 4700:मनीमायबरयापममुपएममायः॥1517पय मुले. भPHONE के पायलमपथका मनायगायकमायामीasiyaनभमभी अहम यमबलमपरपनुपपुक पोल:किसयममारयल) मानपालाम मेguनयमन:किम गरम FU0पी0F: ॥
TOमयल: Nonkoad मामा NIOAधनव014uiaugमरrtueng:HauAgबीमयभूरपथ मापिmareralNEERUTमhिinbI44010145
R T TET PET44444441617मयमा.yावसायभायमममममययनरमTATी halawentu ryARAT परमपम ।
पON:यानपाव्यमंम0101ARसपर Q7411BUUP4(भपया यTU14वीक 14507:खय-remAYYARABAपमेयर ZymarMG4uqasmयम1041:14:भस्य-r00मक (
F
arul427044भा मामिलामममियममा U11ममायालल:areRomaa PaurE: पब PUNayasamisiTTERupपनि पहा प्रशUNguyeणयामपyuryाय 4. TETyuosममविलयनयभकामययमवर
गमकलTauruchnowTUN agniuTE: भाय:य
बाणकालयबा यापयामा मधुमANgAHAधन afa4MAP विभाथ42423
r uwunil70404 :00-14jianायल 4jvisभययन:
पक्या मामी वर M4MARATHEMATLAgruRYAरये ॥ कुय PAREVEMSणयविझीयासमति
माय मकवयमापन पाएमयंकाRAur neगस्यमा HoयाIs43थमलनधनगरपाध्य010 ruयवYear: 44gy AI
R RARRANI

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AUGUST, 1880.]
INSCRIPTIONS FROM NEPÅL.
179
[1"] तस्मामिभुजोप्यजायत जितारातरजय्यः परै राजश्रीजयदेव इत्यवगतः श्रीवत्सदेव्यात्मजः ।। त्यागी
मानधनो विशालनयनः सौजन्यरत्नाकरो विद्वान्सक्त]चिराश्रयो । [15] गुणवतां पीनोरुवक्षस्थलः । [१४] माद्यद्दन्तिसमूहदन्तमुसलक्षुण्णारिभूभृच्छिरोगौडोड्रादिकलिङ्ग
कोसलपतिश्रीहर्षदेवात्मजा ।। देवी राज्यमती कुलोचितगुणैर्युक्ता प्रभूता [१] कुलैर्येनोढा भगदत्तराजकुलजा लक्ष्मीरिव क्ष्माभुजा ।। [१५] अङ्गश्रिया परिगतो जितकामरूपः
काच्चीगुणाढ्यवनिताभिरुपास्यमानः कुर्वन्सुराष्ट्रपरिपालनकार्यचिन्तां यः सार्व[11] भौमचरितं प्रकटीकरोति ।। [१६] राज्यं प्राज्यमुखोजितद्विजजनप्रत्यापिताज्याहुतिज्योतिर्जात
शिखाविजृम्भणजिताशेषप्रजापद्रुज । बिभ्रत्कण्टकवजितं निजभुजावष्टम्भविस्फूजितं [18] शूरत्वात्परचक्रकाम इति यो नाम्नापरेणान्वितः ॥ [१७] स श्रीमाजयदेवाख्यो विशुद्धबृहदन्वयः ल
__ब्धप्रतापः सम्प्राप्तबहुपुण्यसमुच्चयः ॥ [१८] मूर्तीरष्टाभिरष्टौ महयितुमतुलैः [] स्वैईलैरष्टमूर्तेः पातालाहुत्थितं किं कमलमभिनवं पद्मनाभस्य नाभेः । देवस्यास्यासनायोपगतमिह
चतुर्वक्त्रसादृश्यमोहाद्विस्तीर्ण विष्टरं किं प्रविकसितसिताम्भोजमम्भोज[20] योनेः ॥ [१९] कीर्णा किम्भूतिरेषा सपदि पशुपते यतोत्र प्रकामं मौलीन्दोः किम्मयूखाः शरद
मभिनवां प्राप्य शोभामुपेताः । भक्त्या कैलासशैलाद्धिमनिचयरुचः सानवः किं से[21] समेता दुग्धाब्धेरागतः किं गलगरसहजप्रीतिपीयूषराशिः ॥ [२०] राज्ञः ॥ देवं वन्दितुमुद्यतो
द्युतिमतो विद्योतमानगुतिः किं ज्योत्स्नाधवला फणावलिरियं शेषस्य सन्द्रश्यते । [22] अन्तर्दूररसातलाश्रितगतेदे॒वप्रभावश्रिया [:] किं क्षीरस्नपनं विधातुमुदिताः क्षीरार्णवस्यो
र्मयः ॥ [२१] विष्णोः पातालमूले फणिपतिशयनाक्रान्तिलीलासुखस्थादाज्ञां प्राप्योत्प[23] तन्न्यास्त्रिपुरविजयिनो भक्तितोभ्यर्चनाय । लक्ष्म्याः संलक्ष्यते प्राकरतलकलितोत्फुललीलासरोज किं
वेतीत्थं वितर्कास्पदमतिरुचिरं मुग्धसिद्धाङ्गनानाम् ॥ [२२] नाली नालीकमेतन्न खलु समु
दितं राजतो [24] राजतोहं पद्मा पद्मासनाब्जे कथमनुहरतो मानवा मानवाभे पृथ्व्यां पृथ्व्यान्न मादृग्भवति हतजगन्मा
नसे मानसे वा भास्वान्भास्वान्विशेषं जनयति न हि मे वासरो वा सरो वा ॥ [२३] इतीव [25] चामीकरकेसराली सिन्दूररक्तातिदन्तपङ्कया । राजीवराजीम्प्रति जीवलोके सौन्दर्यदप्पादिव स
प्रहासं ।। [२४] एषा भाति कुलाचलै : परिवृता प्रालेयसंसर्गिभिर्वेदी मेरुशिलेव काञ्चनमयी
देवस्य [267 विश्रामभूः । शुभैः प्रान्तविकासिपङ्कजदलैरित्याकलय्य स्वयं रौप्यं पामचीकरत्पशुपतेः पूजार्थमत्यु
ज्वलम्" ।। [२५] राज्ञः ॥ यं स्तौति प्रकटप्रभावमहिमा ब्रह्मा चतुभिर्मुखैः यच्च श्ला[1] घयति प्रणम्य चरणे षडिर्मुखैः षण्मुखः । यन्तुष्टाव दशाननोपि दशभिर्वक्त्रैः स्फुरत्कन्धरः सेवां
यस्य करोति वासुकिरलं जिह्वासहौः स्तुवन् ।। [२६] ख्यात्या यः परमेश्वरोपि वहते वासो [28] दिशाम्मण्डलं व्यापी सूक्ष्मतरश्च शङ्करतया ख्यातोपि संहारकः। एकोप्यष्टतनुः सुरासुरगुरुर्वी.
तवपो नृत्यति स्थाणुः पूज्यतमो विराजति गुणैरेवं विरुद्वैरपि [२७] राज्ञः। तस्येदं प्रमथा[29] धिपस्य विपुलं ब्रह्माब्जतुल्यं शुभं राजद्राजतपज प्रविततं प्रान्तप्रकीणईलैः । पूजार्थं प्रविधाप्य
तत्पशुपतेर्यत्प्रापि पुण्यम्मया भक्या तत्प्रतिपाद्य मातरि पुनः संप्राप्नुयानिवृतिम् ॥ [२८]
राज्ञः॥ [39] किं शम्भोरुपरि स्थितं ससलिलं मन्दाकिनीपजं स्वगर्गोद्भिन्ननवांवुजेक्षणधिया सम्प्राप्तमम्भोरुहम् । देवानां किमियं शुभा सुकृतिनां रम्या विमानावली पञ किं करुणाकरस्य करतो
"L. 26, rend अत्युज्ज्व लं.

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180
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1880.
[1] लोकेश्वरस्यागतम् ॥ [२९] राज्ञः ॥स्रोतःस्वर्गापगायाः किमिदमवतरलोलकलोलरम्यं किं ब्रह्मोत्पत्ति
पञ तलकमलवरप्रेक्षणायोपयातं । सम्प्राप्तं चन्द्रमौलेरमलनिजशिरश्चन्द्रबिम्बं किमत्रेत्येवं [*] यद्वीक्ष्य शां वहति भुवि जनो विस्मयोत्फुल्लनेत्रः ॥ [३०] श्रीवत्सदेव्या नृपतेर्जनन्या समं समन्तात्प
रिवारपरौप्यं हरस्योपरि पुण्डरीकं तदादरैः कारितमत्युदारम् [३१] पुण्यं पुत्रेण दत्तं शशिकर
विमलं [] कारयित्वाब्जमुख्य प्राप्त शुभ्रं शुभञ्च स्वयमपि रजतैः पद्मपूजां विधाय । सर्व श्रीवत्सदेवी निज
कुलधवलाञ्चित्तवृत्तिन्दधाना प्रादात्कल्याणहेतोश्चिरमवनिभुजे स्वामिने स्वर्गताय [३२] कः
कुर्यात्कु[*] लजः पुमानिजगुणश्लाघामनिर्दीच्छया राज्ञा सत्कविनापि नो विरचितं काव्यं स्ववंशाश्रयं । श्लो
कान्पच्च विहाय साधुरचितान्प्राज्ञेन राज्ञा स्वयं स्नेहाभुजि बुद्धकीतिरकरोत्पूर्बामपूर्वामिमाम् ।।
[३३] योगक्षेमविधानबन्धुरभु[3] जस्संवयन्बान्धवान् स्निह्यत्पुत्रकलत्रभृत्यसहितो लब्धप्रतापो नृपः दीर्घायुर्वितरानिरामयवपुन्नि
त्यप्रमोदान्वितः पृथ्वीम्पालयतु प्रकामविभवकीतानुरक्तप्रजाम् ॥ [३४] संवत् १५३ कात्तिक शुक्ल नवम्याम् ।। Translation.
was Vish våga éva, who with his mighty 1. He is the three-eyed one, the three | host overran the universe. Vedas are his imperishable essence, he remains | 4. Twenty-eight (other) kings passed by, the same in the three divisions of time, he is then Sagara, the lord of the earth.... felt in the three conditions (of waking, sleep, was born. His son was king As a manjasa%3 and dream.), he is the protector of the three | from him descended A sumat. That best worlds, he is the primary cause of the triad (of1 of princes begot an illustrious king, called Disacred fires); he is fully praised by the three | lipa. (deities Brahman, Vishnu and Rudra) and 5. From him Bhagiratha, a famous lord others, because he contains the three fetters of men, drew his origin. Then . . . . . . (goodness, passion and vice); his head is laved | kings (ruled). . . From Raghu, Aja was by the tripartite stream, (Ganga), himself un- born, from him Dasaratha, who rode on a conquered he conquered (the demon) Tripnra, | lofty chariot. After eight other kings together through him the three objects of human life- with their sons and grandsons had passed, merit, wealth and pleasure). are accessible. He illustrious Lichchhavi was born. wields the mighty trident, he who is wor- 6. A new great race, famous in the world, shipped by the lord of the thrice ten gods the chief ornament of the earth, increasing in (Indra) became the destroyer of . . . . . | prosperity, brilliant like the beautiful full moon,
2. May the particles (of dust) from Pasu-] and similar to Ganga's flood, which is to be pati's feet protect you, which sanctify Lanka's hononred even by the gods that are great in town, because they firmly cling to the multitude majesty, and which bears the pore name of glittering crest-jewels fastened to the top of | Lichchhavi. . . . exists even now. Ravana's row of heads' . . . . . . . . ___7. . . . . . kings following after that and which form a garland on famed Båņai Lichchhavi are passed over; then an illussura's head.
trious holy prince, called Sapushpa was 3. Now from Surya, the great grandson of born in Pushpa pura". No account is taken Brahman, was born divine Manu, from of twenty-three kings succeeding him ; then him sprang Ik shv å ku, from him king Vi. another famous king called illustrious Jay & kukshi. A king who ruled over the whole | devaarose. earth . . . . was born from him ; his son 8. After the victorious Jayad ê va eleven
* This line refers to the Pauranio story, according to which Ravana shook Kailia, taking it into his hand, and
afterwards received a boon from Siva.
"ie. Pataliputra or Patna.

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kings ..... are passed over. Then 16. He, clothed in beauty, surpassing Cupid, came a famous king, a follower of Sugata's worshipped by females adorned with beautiful doctrine, known as the illustrious Vrisha- girdles, and giving his mind to the duty of prodeva.
tecting his beautiful kingdom, lives the life of a 9. From him was born Sankarad & va, universal emperor. from him also Dharmadê va sprang. Then 17. He holds a kingdom where all the subhis son, the illustrious Månad ê va, became jects' misfortunes are conquered by the spreading king, after him he who is known as Mahi. flames rising from the offerings made by Brahmans dév &.
who have received great happiness (from him), 10. From him descended Vasanta dê ve, which is free from internal enemies, and which dear to the people like spring (vasanta), who has been extended in consequence of the supfinished the wars with his enemies, and was port of his arm, and by reason of his heroism praised by his subdued feudal chiefs.
he has received a second name Para chakra11. Afterwards came thirteen (rulers), kama (greedy of the kingdoms of his enemies). sprung from king Udayadê ve, and then 18. That prince named $ r 1-J a ya dê va is Narendradê va, who was proud, and whose descended from a pure and great race, has obfootstool was covered with the dust from the row tained greatness and acquired a large store of of diadems worn by numerous prostrated kings. spiritual merit.
12. Then illustrious Śivad êva, honoured | 19. "Has a new lotus risen from the nether by men, became the husband of the earth, he who regions in order to worship with its eight gave wealth in charity, possessed great riches, petals the eight bodies of eight-formed (Siva)? conquered his numerous enemies, gladdened Or has the broad lotus-seat of lotus-born Brahman his relatives, like Yama protected his subjects, come from the navel of Vishnu to be the throne greatly relieved the sufferings of pious men of this deity (Pasupati), because it mistook him depending on him, and spoke truth.
for four-faced (Brahman)?"*5 13. That prince respectfully took illustrious 20. “Have the ashes (covering) Pasupati's Vatsa de vi to be his queen, as if she were (body) been scattered, while he violently danced Fortune, her the daughter of illustrious Bho- according to his heart's desire? Or has autumn gavarman, who was the crest-jewel of the returned imparting brilliancy to the rays of the illustrious Varmans of the valorous Mau. moon on Siva's crest? Or have the table-lands khari race, and who by his glory put toglittering with masses of snow, leaving Kailasa's shame (all) hostile kings, and the grand-daughter mountain, collected here ont of devotion (to of great Ådity&sena, the illustrious lord Siva)? Or has a flood of Amrita lovingly come of Magadha.
from the milk ocean oat of affection for its 14. The son of that prince, the subduer of his kindred, the poison on Siva's throat P" foes, and of illustrious Vatsadev i is known (The above verse is) the king's (own composition.) as illustrious king Jayadeva, unvanquished | 21. "Does the resplendent row of heads, by foes. Liberal he is and keeps honour as his brilliant like moon-light, belonging to shining only riches, far sees his eye. He is an ocean of Sesha, who dwells in the furthest recesses of politeness, he loves and long protects virtuous the nether world, and has risen to worship men. His chest is strong and broad.
divine (Siva), appear here? Or do I see the 15. That king wedded, as if she were For- waves of the milk-ocean that have come up to tane, queen Rajyâmeti, possessed of virtues bathe in milk the majestic beauty of the Lord ?" befitting her race, the noble descendant of 22. "Or isit the full blown toy-lotus formerly Bhagadatta's royal line and daughter of held by the hand of Lakshmi, who, with the Śriharshad é v a, lord of Gaude, odra, permission of Vishņu, enjoying his ease in Kalinga, Kosala and other lands, who Patala on the couch formed by the king of sercrushed the heads of hostile kings with the pente, is hastening up devoutly to worship the club-like tasks of his rutting elephants.
conqueror of Tripura ?" Thus (uttering various *This and the following verses contain a description of * The poet wishes to describe the brilliancy of the lotas the gilt lotus dedicated by Jayadeva in Pasupati's temple. dedicated by Jayadeva, and compares it with various subThe Langs of Parupati has, a stated above, four face, and stances, possoning or supposed to possess extraordinary might, for that reason, be mistaken for Brahman.
'whiteness' as the Hindu poeta say.

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questions) the young wives of the Siddhas (made Pramathas, this great, beautiful, brilliant the lotus) a pleasant object of their guesses. silver lotus, which resembles the lotus forming
23. "Forsooth this is not a lotus composed of Brahman's seat, and wide extends its expanding (common) fibres; I am made of silver by the petals, and as out of devotion I have given to king. How, oh men, can the two lotuses of my mother that merit, which I obtained (thereby) Sri and of Brahman, which do not possess a from Pasupati." fresh brilliancy, rival me? On the broad earth (The above is) the king's own (composition.) not one (flower) like to me is found, neither 1 29. "Is this a lotus from Ganga's stream, in the delighted hearts of men," nor in (lake) which was growing in the water on Sambhu's Man asa; neither the brilliant sun, nor the head ? Or is it) a lotus that has come desiring day nor the lake produces any difference in me." | to see the water-roses, newly opened in beaven?
24. Thus the lotus spake as if it were proud Or is it a beautiful, lovely row of cars of the of its beauty, showing, in derision, its golden blessed gods? Or is it the lotus descended stamina, comparable to a row of teeth dyed bril. from the hand of compassionate Loke svara liant red with minium, to all lotuses in this (i.e. Aralókiteśvara)?” world.
(The above verse is the king's (own composi25. "Thinking that this throne on which tion.) the deity rests, golden like Mount Meru, was sur. 30. “Is this the descending stream of rounded by the imperishable (seven) primeval heavenly Ganga, beautifal on account of its mountains covered by snow (the king) himself restless waves ? Or is it the lotus from which caused an exceedingly resplendent silver lotus Brahman sprang, come to see the best of earthly with brilliant, wide-opened petals to be made lotuses? Or has the pure moon placed on Siva's for the worship of Pasu pati."
forehead approached this spot ?" Such doubts (The above verse is) the king's (own composi
arose in the minds of the people, when they tion.)
gazed on it with wondering wide-opened eyes. 26–27. "That most worshipful Sthâņu,
31. This very precious silver lotus, placed whom Brahman, possessed of manifest glorious
over Hara's (Linga), together with the lotuses. majesty, lauds with his four months, whom which on all sides surround it to do it honour, six-faced (Kumára) bowing at his feet, praises
has been dedicated by illustrious Vatsad evi, with his six months, whom ten-headed (Ravana) the mother of the king. eren glorified by hymns from his ten mouths, 32. The merit (which her son gained) by whom Vásuki with glittering necks worships
dedicating the chief lotus, that is resplendent devoutly, singing his praise with a thousand like the rays of the moon and presented to tongues, shines even through qualities that are her, as well as the merit which she herself opposed to each other. For though, according obtained by worshipping the lotus with (gifts of) to report, a supreme lord, he wears the sky silver, illustrious Vatsad evi, who is pure in As his garment, he pervades (the universe), thought as becomes her race, has presented to and (still is) exceedingly small; though praised her husband, the deceased king, for his welfare. as the giver of welfare, he is the destroyer (of 33. What man of noble race would shamethe world); though he is one, he possesses lessly praise his own virtues ? Though the eight bodies; and though he is revered by gods king is a true poet, he has not composed the and demons, he dances shamelessly."
verses in honour of his own race. With the (The last of these two verses is) the king's (own exception of five verses, which the clever prince composition.)
himself composed right well, Buddhakirti, 28. “May I obtain salvation, as I have out of affection for the king, wrote the above caused to be made in honour of that Lord of the original (eulogy).
"Hindus always speak of the lotus of the soul, which has five petals of various colours, symbolical of the pas. sions.
The poet tries to prove that the lotus resembled the shrine of Pasopati. As the latter is of gold, so the centre also of the lotus is golden, and as the temple is surrounded by snowy mountains, so the petals of the lotus are made of silver,
" At preeent, too, a iarge silver lots in a square frame is suspended by a chain from the ceiling just above the Linga of Pasupati. In shape it exactly resembles the picture at the head of the inscription. It is possible that it dates from Jayadeva's time, and is identical with the one described in this inscription.
50 See above v. 28.

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% 3D
34. May the king who is able to ensure No. 16.-An inscription of Jyotimalla, dated security and welfare, who takes care of his
Nepála Sarnvat 533. relatives, who is surrounded by loving sons, A slab of sandstone to the left of the western wives and servants, and who has obtained great- | door of Pasupati's temple, inside the court. ness, long protect, in good health and joyfully Characters Nivårî. Ornaments on the slab a the country whero subjects are rich according to trident between two Nandis. Preservation good, their desire, and loyal.
but lower portion damaged. Language very On the ninth day of the bright half of Kår. incorrect Sanskrit, and towards the end Nivari. ttika, Samvat 153.
Nivari portion not copied.
____Transcript. श्रीश्रीनेपालखण्डे सकलमलहरे व्यापिनं पुण्यभूमौ शंभु श्रीवत्सलेशं परमपशुपति पञ्चवक्तस्वरूपं । श्रीवाग्मत्यास्तटाले वरुणदिशि वरे वासुकीनागपूज्यं [तं चाहं नौमि नियं मुनिजनसकलैवेदितं
पादयुग्मं ॥ [१] । श्रीसूर्यवंशप्रभवः प्रतापः श्रीपट्टवन्तः स्थितिमलदेवः । राजलदेव्याः पतिरिन्दुमूर्तिस्तस्यात्मजः श्रीजयधर्मामलः ॥२] विद्वज्जनाम्भोजविकाशभानुर्विपक्षराजोन्नतचित्तहारी। श्रीवीरनारायणमूतिरेष श्रीधर्ममलो युवराजसिंहः ॥ [३] तस्यानुजो गुणनिधिः सुकृतैकसिन्धुश्चिन्तामणिः क्षितिरुहोपमदर्शनानाम् । भूदेवदेवपरिपूजनसाभिलाषो भ्राता तु मध्यजयरो जयजोतिमलः ।। [४] तस्यानुजो मदनरूपसमानदेहः सत्सुन्दरीहृदयपताजभानुमूर्तिः ।
सन्मानदानगुणलक्षणभूषिताङो भ्राता कनिष्ठरूचिरो जयकीर्तिमलः ॥ [] उद्दण्डक्षितिपालमण्डनमाणिः समीतिरत्नाकरो धर्माधर्मविवेकचारुचतुरः श्रीशंभुभक्तः सदा ।
पुण्यानामभिलाषचित्तसततं वाञ्छाप्रदो धार्मिको देवश्रीजयजोतिमलनपतिः संसारदेवीपतिः [६] - स्वस्तिश्रीश्रीपशुपतिचरणकमलधूलिधूसारतशिरोरुहश्रीमन्मानेश्वरीवरलब्धप्रसादितप्रणमदवनिपतिमुकुटकोटिपत्रांकुररुचिरचरणपलवचानक्यप्रभृतिविद्यावदातसमस्लराजनीतिरत्नाकरनिखिलगान्धर्वविद्यागरुपरममाहेश्वररघुकुलकमलवनप्रकाशनकभास्करदेवद्विजगुरु चरणाराधनैकस्वभावषडदर्शनाराधनकचित्तसकलार्थिजनकल्पतरुसर्वगुणैकनिधानदैत्यनारायणावतारश्रीपमाचलशिखरोपरिधालयस्थानाश्रितश्रीधर्मधातुवागीश्वरमूर्तिसयंभुचैत्यभमस्थापनमहाकीर्तिभारनतविविधविरुदावलीसमलङ्कतश्रीश्रीरघुवंशावतंसमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरपरमभट्टारकश्रीमतश्रीश्रीजयजोतिमलदेवेन लक्षाहुतिमहायज्ञपूजाभिर्गणगुरुमातगणदेवताः समाराधयित्वा श्रीदेवपट्टनमहास्थाने श्रीश्रीपशुपतिभट्टारकस्य प्रासादोपरि सुवर्णकलशावरोपणप्रतिष्ठा कृता ।। तस्य राज्ञः ॥
जामाता जयभैरवेति नृपतिर्भूपालचूडामणि नाशास्त्रविचारणकनिपुणः सद्धारतीभूषितः। दाता धैर्यगुणेन भूषिततनुः सत्येन भीष्मोपमो लोके प्रीतिकरः परार्थरसिकः श्रीजीवरक्षापतिः ।।
श्रीजोतिमलहृदयनन्दनयक्षमलः सर्वाङ्गसुन्दरवपूरतमजुवाणिः । भक्तापुरीनगरवासितसौख्यकारी दुर्भिक्षदुःखभयहारणदेवमूर्तिः ।। जयलक्ष्म्याः सुतः श्रीमान् सुनयः पुण्यवत्सलः । जयंतराजेति विख्यातो जयलक्ष्मीपतिः सुधीः॥ अनेन पुण्येन च तस्य भूयात्सहस्रवर्षायुरहार्यकीर्तिः। नरेश्वरः श्रीजयजोतिमलः सत्पुत्रपौत्रैः सहभृत्यवगैः ।। संवनेपालकाख्ये त्रिभुवनदहने कामबाणे प्रयाते माघे शुक्ने च कामे तिथि विदिते प्रीतियोगे च पुण्ये
.
.
1

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वारे पूषाभिधाने मकररविगते युग्मराशौ शशाके शम्भोः प्रासादशृङ्गे कनकमयध्वजं तत्र संरोहणं स्यात्
संवत् ५३३ माघ शुक्लत्रयोदशी पुनर्वसुनक्षत्रे प्रीतियोगे आदित्यवारे Abstract.
intent on worshipping the feet of Brahmans', I. Invocation addressed to Pasupati.
gods, and of his Gurus', 'he who is exclusively
engaged in studying the six kinds of philosophy', II. Vamédrali, Súryavassa :
"he who is a tree of Paradise for needy men', 'he Sthitimalla married to R JALLADEVI
who is the only vessel of all virtues', 'he who is an incarnation of Narayana for the destruction
of) the Demons', 'he who is bending under the YAYADHARMAMALLA, JOTIMALLA KIRTIMALLA
load of fame gained by the restoration of the Yuyarâja md. Samsåradevi
Tope of Svayambh û and of the image of
glorious Dharmadhât u-Vagisvara" Yakshamalla
daughter
(Manjusri) placed in the sanctuary on the top
of famous Padmachala'." Protector of Jayantaraja Jivaraksha
IV. Object of grant: to record the dedication Bhaktapuri
married to
of a golden Kalasa on the temple of Pasupati (Bhatgâm)
Bhairava
at Deva pattana, on which occasion a KofIII. Description of Jyotimalla
yáhuti was offered to Ganesa and to the The ornament of the race of Raghu, supreme Mothers (Mátrigana). king of great kings, great lord and sovereign, the V. Date: Nepála Samvat 533 (tribhuvana illustrious, famous Jyotimalla, who is adorn- dahana, kamabána) on the 13th lunar day ed by the various honorific titles (biruddvali), viz., (Kámatithi) of the bright half of Magha, on a
he whose head is covered by the dust of glorious Sunday, under the constellation Panarvasu, Pasupati's lotus feet', 'he who has obtained while the sun stood in Makara (Capricorn) favour through a boon granted by glorious and the moon in Gemini, during the conjunction Månesvari'," "he whose tender feet are made re- called Priti. splendent by the crests of the diadems of bowing No. 17.-An inscription of Siddhinsisisiha of princes', 'he who is an ocean of all kingcraft Lalitapattana, dated Nepala Sarvat 757. (taught) by Châņakya and other learned men', A slab in the wall of a templo of Radha ho who is master of the whole science of music', and Krishna, standing opposite the palace in he who is the ardent devotee of Siva', 'he whois Lalitapatana- Characters Nepalese. the only sun able to unclose the flowers) of the Language Sanskrit, and in the last portion lotas-thicket of the race of Raghu', he who is Nivari. Preservation good.
Transcript
| 3THI THI || ब्रह्मत्वे सुजते विश्वं स्थिती पालयते हरे । रुद्ररूपाय कल्पान्ते नमस्तुभ्यं त्रिमूर्तये ॥ १ ॥ प्रावीण्यप्रथितः प्रतापमथितप्रत्यर्थिपृथ्वीपतिप्रोद्दामप्रमदौघलोचनपय प्रारब्धवारांनिधिः । जातः श्रीहरिसिंहदेवनपतिर्दाताऽवदातान्वये सम्प्राप्तः पृथुना नूपेण समता यो वृत्तिदाता सताम् ॥२॥
यस्यान्ववायजलधावुदियाय राजचन्द्रो महेंद्र इव तत्र महेन्द्रमलः।
येनार्थिकल्पतरुणा गुणसागरेण राजन्वती वसुमती महती बभूव ॥ ३ ॥ यत्प्रौढप्रभवत्प्रतापपतिताः प्राकम्पिताः शत्रवो भेजुः शैलदरौं विहाय नगरीं त्यक्त्वा पुरे सुन्दरीम् ।
1.6. Tulajdevt, who seems to have been Jyotimalla's 1 " Padmachala is a hill to the south-west of Kempdo, Kuladevata.
| on which the Tope of Svayambhd is situated, see Wright, * A sanctuary of Manjusrl is found bebind the Tope of Nepal, p. 28. Svayambhu, on a small separate head of the hill.

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यस्याचारविचारपौरुषरवव्यग्रास्समग्रा गिरस्तस्य क्षोणिपतेः प्रसिद्धमहसः केनोपमेयं यशः ॥४॥
अस्यात्मजोजनि महीतलकल्पवृक्षो राजा विराजितयशाः शिवसिंहदेवः । . भूमीभुजा समरसीम्नि महाभुजेन क्षेमं क्षणेन रिपवो बहवो विनष्टाः ॥ ५ ॥ येन क्षोणिभुजा प्रयाणसमये पादातसैन्योच्छलझूलीजालसमुत्थितेन तमसा व्योमान्धकारीकृतम् । कूर्मो मर्मणि चूर्णितोपि नितरां धत्ते कथंचिद्वरां शेषःशेषदशाजगाम सहसा सर्वसहा निःसहा ॥६॥ तनयोस्प विनयपूर्णो बभूव कर्णोपमो भूमौ । हरिहरसिंहनरेन्द्रो वसुधाचन्द्रो बभूवा सौ ॥ ७ ॥
अरीणानिहन्ता यशःपारगन्ता सुशीलः समन्ताज्जयन्ताधिकश्रीः।
स्वतातानुरूपोतितेजःसुरूपो बभूवावनीमण्डले चण्डरोचिः॥८॥ इन्द्राणीव सुरेश्वरस्य दयिता पनेव पनापतेः वैदेहीव रघूत्तमस्य गृहिणी गौरीव गौरीपतेः । तस्य क्षोणिपतेर्बभूव महिषी भव्या भवानीसमा राज्ञी लालमती सती गुणवती प्रायो रतिभरती ॥९॥
पौरन्दरी दिगिव नूतनभानुबिम्बं सौन्दर्यकाननगजाननमम्बिकेव ।
पुत्रं पवित्रमथ सिद्धिनृसिंहमलं सा राजपुत्रतनया जनयाम्बभूव ॥ १० ॥ येनाकारि विपक्षपक्ष्मलदशां दृग्वारिभिर्वारिधिर्येनाधारि जगत्त्रयोपरि शरच्चंद्रावदातं यशः। बाल्योपक्रम एव विक्रमवतस्तस्याधुना पौरुषे श्रीमसिद्धिनृसिंहमलनृपतेयुद्धे समर्थो हि कः ॥ ११ ॥ यद्भूमीपालगङ्गाजलविमलयशःपूरकर्पूरपूरैः ब्रह्माण्डे पाण्डुरेऽस्मिन्समजनि रजनीनायको निष्कलकः । तकि भूसेवकोभून्मुखकमलमिषादेष यस्यामृतांशुः सोयं दीर्घायुरास्तामधिधरणिमणिः सिद्धिपूओं
नृसिंहः ॥१२॥ दानाल्पीकृतकल्पवृक्षगरिमा सीमा च तेजस्विनां श्रीमानदुतकीर्तियुक्तमहिमा भीमानुजः साहसे । दोर्दण्डद्वयचण्डिमान्तगलितप्रत्यार्थपृथ्वीपतिः श्रीमत्सिद्धिनृसिंहमलनृपतिर्ववर्ति सर्वोपरि ॥ १३ ॥ प्रातिष्ठयं च युधिष्ठिराधिकतरं निष्ठा वसिष्ठाधिका कीर्तिः कार्तिककृत्तिकापतिमतिस्तस्याधिका वर्त्तते । वाणी व्याससमा रमा स्थिरतमा रामाभिरामाकृतिःश्रीमत्सिद्धिनृसिंहमलनृपतेः किन्नाम यनाडुतम् ॥१४॥
कदाचिदेतेन महोत्रतेन मठः कृतः कोपि धनैरनेकैः।
श्रीबालगोपालविरामभूमिर्विकुर्वतामर्यधरा जगत्याम् ॥१५॥ यो मेरुमन्दरमहेन्द्रहिमाद्रिविन्ध्यकैलासशैलशिखरभ्रममातनोति ।
किच्चास्य हेमकलशानवलोक्य देवैः सन्दिह्यते कनकधामनि पर्वतेन्द्रे ॥१६॥ हर्षानेपालवर्षे स्वरशरतुरगैरतिते फाल्गुनीये पक्षे प्राप्ते वलक्षेमरगुरुदिवसे शङ्करवॆ दशम्याम् ।
चक्रे जाम्बूनदीयैर्गुरुतरकलशै स्वरैरेकविंशः नेपालशोणिपालः प्रथितभुजबलो भूषणं तन्मठस्य ॥१७॥ युद्धारम्भः कृतोस्मिन्नपि शुभदिवसे शत्रुभिर्युदशौण्डैर्दुष्टैःकोटोवरुद्धः कुटिलनृपभटैरदुतैः कोटिसंख्यैः। लीलामात्रेण शत्रूनपनयत तदा पार्थिवः पार्थतुल्यः कोटं निर्मोचयिला नमुचिरिपुरिवानन्दसन्दोहमाप ॥१८॥ राजसूय इवारब्धो मध्यस्थेन महीभुना । विशिष्य शेषनागोपि न शक्तो यस्य वर्णने ॥१९॥ आचार्यो यत्र मर्यादाधादार्यदयानिधिः । विश्वनाथ उपाध्यायो विश्वनाथ इवाभवत् ॥ २० ॥
यो मेरुभूधर इवातिगुरुर्गरिम्णा योसा महार्णव इवातिमहान्माहिम्ना । यो व्यासवद्विविधवैदिकमन्त्रपाठे यो निष्ठया भुवि वसिष्ठमहर्षिकल्पः ॥ २१ ॥
यात्रायाता मञ्जयंतः कियन्तो विद्यावन्तो जजपूकायिवन्तः । नानादिग्भ्यः पण्डितैरभ्युपेतं सत्रे तस्मिन्मंडपं मण्डितं यैः ।। २२ ।। द्वास्थातारौ कल्पिती तत्र सत्रे द्वौ द्वौ द्वारि द्वारि देवर्षितुल्यौ।
भूषाभूतो विद्विषां दर्पहन्ता नेता तेषां विश्वनाथो मनीषी ॥ २३ ॥ आरब्धे शिबिना नृपेण विधिना सत्रे पुरा गौरवादः खाण्डवखण्डनं समतनोहाण्डीवकोदण्डवान्।

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[Arousr, 1880.
अस्मिन्सिद्धिनृसिंहमलनृपतेः सत्रे घृताजीर्णतः किम्भूयासमितीव मुम्बति शिखी बाष्पानि धूमच्छलात् ॥२४॥ चत्वारिंशद्दिनान्या सीन्महासोमो महोत्सवः । श्रीमत्सिद्धिनृसिंहेन कलिकर्णेन कारितः ॥ २५ ॥ सम्भारः सर्व्ववस्तूनां राजसूये यथा श्रुतः ।
तथैव तत्र सत्रेपि जातस्तदधिकोपि वा ॥ २६ ॥
रत्ने स्वर्णे गवादौ करितुरगधने भूषणे दिव्यवस्त्रे दासीदासे निवासे विविधरसमये भक्ष्यमात्रे पवित्रे । चत्वारिंशद्दिनानि क्षितिपकुलमणेरास्यपये प्रसन्ने वाणी तत्रोललास प्रतिपलमधिका देहि देहीति मात्रा ||२७॥ पामरीवलयकुण्डलादिकं दृष्टपूर्वमपि येन न कचित् ।
तेन तत्र नृपतेः प्रसादतो भिक्षुणा निजतनौ समर्थितम् ॥ २८ ॥
दिव्यान्यव गृहाणि दिव्यवसुधारत्नानि दिव्याम्बरं दिव्यान्येव विभूषणानि सदयो दिव्यानि रत्नानि च । नेपाले प्रचरन्ति यानि वसुधावस्तूनि दिव्यान्यसौ श्रीमत्सिद्धिनृसिंह मलनृपतिः सर्वाणि तान्यार्पयत् ॥ २९ ॥ यानि दृष्टानि वस्तूनि न श्रुतानि कदाचन ।
तानि दत्तानि सर्वाणि तत्र सत्रे महीभुजा ॥ ३० ॥
येनाकारि जगत्त्रयोपरि मठो होमोपि कोट्याहुतिर्दत्ता स्वर्णशतद्वयी प्रतिदिनं किंकिन्न दत्तं धनम् । दत्तस्तण्डुलपर्वतोपि विधिना कल्पद्रुमोप्यद्भुतः श्रीमत्सिद्धिनृसिंह मल्ल नृपतिः कर्णावतारो ध्रुवम् ॥ ३१ ॥ विद्यावन्तः कियन्तो विविधगुणभृतः केपि विद्याविहीना नानादिग्भ्यः समेताः श्रुतनृपतिगुणा भिक्षवो लक्षसंख्याः ।
तेषामन्त्रैः सुवर्णैः सुललितवसनैर्भूषणाद्यैर्द्धनैौधैर्दारिद्र्यं वारयित्वा नृग इव मुमुदे देवकल्पोवनीन्द्रः ।। ३२ ।। कर्णः कन्यातनूजो बलिरपि विदितः किन्तु दैतेयजन्मा पाषाणो देवतानां मणिरजनि महादारु देवदुमपि । भ्रान्तो राजा नृगोपि प्रथितभुजबलो भार्गवो मातृहन्ता कोन्यो धन्यो वदान्यो जगति विजयते सिद्धिपूर्वानृसिंहात् ॥३३॥
186
नृत्यानि गीतानि मनोहराणि वाद्यानि हृद्यानि च कौतुकानि । भन्नानि वस्त्राणि विभूषणानि सर्व्वाणि जातानि च तत्र सत्रे || ३४ ||
यावच्चंद्र दिवाकरावुदयतो यावन्महीमण्डलं यावत् पर्वतनन्दिनी पशुपतेरुत्सङ्गमालिंगति यावज्जन्हुकलिन्दयोरपि सुते तावद्वरीवर्त्ततां श्रीमत्सिद्धिनृसिंह मलनृपतेरेषा यशोवलरी ॥ ॥ श्रथ नेपालभाषा लिख्यते ॥
सम्वत् ७५७ फाल्गुणमासे शुक्लपक्षे दशम्यां तिथौ आर्द्रापरपुनर्वसु नक्षत्रे आयुष्मान् योगे बृहस्पति वासरे थ्व कुन्हु कोट्याहुति यज्ञ याङन देवता स्थापन याङन नियछपु गजुरि छास्यं देवो दयकाव आयप्रत्याय दुता । रोव ७ पोवि वूं रोव न्हेस पविखं ३ खोरागार दूं रोव श्लेपि १४ तवधर वूं करख छि १ ग्रंथ छे बाटिका थ्व तेया वरसानन नित्यपूजा निश्रावहोम याङन बुंसाधन वुगंयातन इंद्रयातन मतं छोपके स्वन्हतो धारे कार्त्तिक लछि घेर ल छि धारेण जलदेवा छोयके कृष्णाष्टमी कुन्दु चाक्रमतं छोयके ध्वते
भूय रोव गुं ९ प्याको वूं रोव च्या ८ काका पलि रोव श्लनछि १२ गुस्तलको यूं रोव न्हेस ७ खोमोर वूं वतवूया वरसानन फाल्गुन शुक्ल पूर्णमासीप्रतिपत्संधिसं दोलयात्रा ज्येष्ठ शुक्ल पूर्णिमा कुन्हु स्नानयात्रा आषाढ शुक्लद्वादशी कुन्दु शयनपूजा देवशयन याचके श्रावण शुक्रद्वादशी कुन्हु पवित्रारोहण श्रावण कृष्णाष्टमी कुन्हु जन्माष्टमीपूजा चाक्रमतं छोयके कार्त्तिक शुरुद्वादशी कुन्हु उत्थान पूजा वारी

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AUGUST, 1880.]
INSCRIPTIONS FROM NEPÅL.
187
ब्राह्मनेयातं दंश गुये फं ९० जाक्य विय व छपतक जुरो । भूय रोव श्लंखू १६ वे वू रोव व वां वू घतेय वरसानन कार्तिक लछि चेकन कुड षुन ६ | श्लंछिनियपात १२० चाकमतं च्छोयके माल भूय निश्राव दछिना यात मगाडाव तंडा रोव ङा ५ न्यंखुवंAbstract.
Ghi during the month of Kárttika, of illuminatI. Invocation to Gopala (vs. 1.)
ing the temple on the Krishnajanmashtami II. Varnsdvali (vs. 2-14.):
(Śrávana vadi 8). Harisimha
Further;
1. A field (vuri) called Yampyáko of nine ro. Mahendramalla
2. A field (vu) called Kákápali of eight
ro. Śivasimha
3. A field (vui) called Gustalako of twelve
ro. Hariha rasimha married to Lalamati 4. A field (vu) called Khomor of seven ro,
for the purpose of swinging the image of Siddhinrisimha (N.S. 757 Krishna (dolayátrá) in the interval between the
A.D. 16371 15th lunar day of the bright half and the 1st of III. Object of inscription, to record the dedi- the dark half of Phâlguna (March), of bathing cation of a temple (matha) of Bala-Gopala the image (snánayátrá) on the full moon of (Krishna), which was ornamented by twenty- Jyeshţha, of putting the image to bed and one spires and kalasas (vs. 15-17). On the of worshipping his bed (sayanap dja) on the 12th day of the dedication the king fought certain of the bright half of Ashadha, tying the unnamed enemies, who besieged the fortress (of Pavitras or three hundred and sixty threads Lalitapattana), and drove them off (vs. 18). round the neck of the image on the 12th of These two auspicious events were celebrated by the bright half of Śrávana, of worshipping and offering a Koty dhuti (Tantrika) sacrifice (vs. of illuminating the temple on the Krishnajan31) under the superintendence of Visvanatha, mashtami, and of giving to the Brahmaņs who the king's Upadhyâya (vs. 20), and by giving perform the ceremony of Utthana (waking the daily two hundred gold mohars (svarna) (vs. 31) god) on the 12th of the bright half of Karttika during forty days (vs. 25) to the priests, by ninety phanh (or path(s) of rice. presenting a mountain of rice'"(tandulaparvata)! Moreover : and 'a tree of paradise'" (kalpadruma), food! 1. A field (vuil) called Thve of 16 ro. and other gifts to Brâhmans and beggars. The 2. A field called Thudih of 3 ro, for the purNivari portion mentions the details of the pose of expending in the month of Karttila grants and allowances made to the temple, viz.: daily six kudas of oil, and of providing with that
1. A field (vun called Povi of seven Ro or quantity 20 lamps; It of a Biga," about one-third of an acre.
Finally, a field called 'Nyakhu of 5 ro, for the 2. A field (vu) called Pavikham of seven purpose of giving fees and food to the Brahmaņs. Ro.
IV. Date, the tenth lunar day of the bright 3. A field (vu) called Khorágár of three Ro. half of Phålguna, Nepala Samvat 757 (A.D. 1635), 4. A field (vu) called Thavadhara of 14 Ro. a Thursday, conjunction Ayushman, under the
5. An irrigable field of inferior quality (kha- Ärdra and Punarvasu constellations (vs. 17 and rakha chhi vatiká) called Thanthachhe for the beginning of Nivari portion). purpose of the daily worship of the Niśrava homa, of illuminating the temple (chákramatam)
No. 18.- An inscription of Pratápamalla of for three days every year on the occasion of
Katmandu, dated Nepála Savat 769. the festivals (yatan) of Matsyendran â tha On a slab in the wall near the southern and Indra, of burning daily one Pala (pla) of door of a temple of Vishnu close to the royal
** Hemdri, Dánakhanda. 05 See Matsyapurana, adhyâya 277.
5 At present the Nepalese reckon 25 Ro to a Biga, but in olden times a Big contained 16 Ro only.
57 The Nepalese pâthis holds, according to Wright (p. 298), 8 pounds avoirdupois, according to Pandit Bhagvanlal 3 shers of 76 tolas each.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1880.
palcce in Katmandu. This temple is apparently Characters Nepali; language Sanskrit, and the building mentioned in the inscription. It Nivårt in the concluding portion, which has not is an octagon, and has three stories.
been copied.
Transcript. भासीच्छ्रीसूर्यवंशे रघुनृपकुलजो रामचन्द्रो नृपेशः तद्वंशे नान्यदेवोवनिपतिरभवत्तत्सुतो गङ्गदेवः । तत्पुत्रोभूनृसिंहो नरपतिरतुलस्तत्सुतो रामसिंहस्तज्जः श्रीशक्तिसिंहो धरणिपतिरतो भूपभूपालसिंहः ॥ १॥ तस्मात्कर्णाटचूडामणिरिव हरयुनिसहदेवोस्य वंशे भूपः श्रीयक्षमलो नरपतिरतुलो रत्नमलोप्यमुष्मात् । तस्माच्छ्रीसूर्यमलो जवनिपतिरभूत्तलनूनोमराख्यो मलोभूत्तस्य पुत्रो रिपुगणविजयी श्रीमहेन्द्राख्यमलः॥२॥ तस्माच्छिवसिंहोभूदरिहरसिंहसुतस्तस्मात् तस्मालक्ष्मिनृसिंहो नरसिंहपराक्रमः --- ॥ ३ ॥ तस्मात् श्रीमत्प्रतापो नरपतिरभवद्भूपभालावलीषु न्यस्यत्पादारविन्दद्वयरसविलसद्रेणुभिर्भूषणानि । योकार्षीकूतिखासाकिरमिति स्ववशे भोट्टभूपस्य देशाज्जग्राहेवावदीनं प्रतिदिनमपरे यं भजन्ते नरेशाः॥४॥ भक्तग्रामनरेशमलनृपतिर्दत्वेभमेनं भिया भेजेसौ वसुधां जहार सुदृढं सं [धार्य] दुर्ग पुनः । श्रीमडम्बरशाहभूपतिबलं विध्वस्य हत्वा बलं श्रीमत्सिद्विनृसिंहमलनृपतेर्जग्राह दुर्गावलीम् ॥५॥ भास्ते काप्यमरावतीव विलसद्दन्तीन्द्रदिव्यांगना युक्ता स्वर्णमयी विहारनगरी सा राजधानी परा । श्रीमच्छ्रीकमलाधिका मधुपतेरिन्द्रेण तुल्यस्य च प्रत्यर्थिवजनिर्जितस्य नवपुनारायणस्यापि च ॥ ६॥ लक्ष्मीनारायणस्तस्माद्वीरनारायणस्वतः पुत्री रूपमती तस्य प्राणनारायणः सुतः ॥७॥ सेयं रूपमती सती गुणवती स्वर्णातिः सन्मतिर्माद्यत्कुञ्जरगामिनी प्रणयिनी साक्षात्परा रुक्मिणी । आसीत्सर्वगुणा पितुर्नरपतेः श्रीमत्प्रतापस्प सा पत्नी प्राणसमा यथा जलनिधेः पुत्री जगत्पायिनः ॥ ८ ॥ कर्णाटी रजघाटी कुचकनकघटी कामलीलैकवाटी वलकारकोटी हरिसदृशकटी चारुदेहा नुपाटी । नामा राजमती महारसवती भूपप्रतापस्य सा भूता भोगवधूटिका किल हरेभीमेव जीवाधिका ॥९॥ स्वर्गीयं कृतवान्प्रतापनृपतिः सद्योषितोरेतयोः प्रासादं वसुपत्रपग्रसदृशं श्रृङ्गाष्टकैः शोभितम् । नानाचित्रविराजितं सममिदं सद्वैजयन्तेनं वै होमाद्यैरकरोच्छतिस्मृतिमतेरस्य प्रतिष्ठाविधिम् ॥१०॥ संवत् ७६९ फाल्गुन शुक्ल षष्टयां तिथी अनुराधानक्षत्रे हर्षणयोगे बृहस्पतिवासरे, Abstract.
In his family was bornI. Vamsavai. In the Solar race, in the
Yakshamalla family of Raghu, was born RÂMa. In his
Ratnamalla family was bornNânyadêva
Suryamalla
Gangadêva
Amaramalla
Nrisimha
Mahendramalla Râmasimba
Sivasimha
Hariharasimha Saktisimba
Lakshminrisimha Bbúpálasimha
Pratapa. Harasimhas
married to Rûpamati and Rajamati. ** The name is given as Harayutsimha, which for metrical reasons has probably been used for Harasimha.

Page #239

ATGUST, 1880.]
INSCRIPTIONS FROM NEPÅL.
189
Pratapa took (vs. 4-5) the province of Kat- | Pratapa's second wife Raja mati came from kbâsâkiram from the Bhottas, i.e. the Thibetans, & Karnata family. he took E va vadîn prisoner. The king of Bhât- II. Object of the inscription, to record the gâm Naresamalla (Narendramalla) present- consecration (pratishthá) of an octagonal ed him with an elephant. He defeated the army (vasupatrapadmasadpisa) temple with eight of Dambarash â h, an ancestor of the present Sikharas (sringa) built for the sake of the two Nepalese Gorkhâ line, who ruled over Gorkhå in queens, on which occasion the nsual Homas were 1633-42 A.D. He defeated the army of Sid. offered. dhinrisim ha (inscr.XVII.) of Lalitapattana, ___III. Date, the sixth lunar day, of the bright and took his fortresses. Rapa ma tiwas de- | half of Phālguna (Nepala) Samvat 769, . scended from the Rajas of Vihara (Behar), whose Thursday, under the constellation Anuradha, line is given as follows:
conjunction Harshana. Narayana
No. 19.-An inscription of Pratápamalla, Lakshminarayana
dated Nepála 778.
On a slab of black stone, 49" by 2 6", Viranåráyaņa
standing in the court of the temple of Pasupati, decorated by a tristal between two Nandis.
Letters Nivari, language Sanskrit. PreservaRûpamati
Prananarayana. I tion good.
Transcript.
श्री ३ भवानीशङ्कराभ्यां नमः नवा गिरीन्द्रतनयां प्रलयानलाभां भालोलसललितचन्द्रकलाभिरामाम् । मल्लप्रतापनृपतिः स्वकुलप्रकाशां वंशावली सुतनुते विमलां कवीन्द्रः॥१॥ श्रीविष्णोनयनाम्बुजात्रिजगतीपापान्तकर्ता रविः प्रोद्भूतस्तिमिरौघवारणघटाविद्रावणः केसरी। कालाकाशदिशां प्रकाशनिपुणः कन्दर्पदोपहस्सानन्दं सरसीरुहेषु तनुते मैत्री विचित्राकृतिः ॥ २ ॥ गाम्भीर्यादिगुणेन सागरसमो धैर्येण विन्ध्याचलः सौन्दर्यप्रकरण दैत्यदलनी रूपेण कामोपमः। जातो भूमितले ततोतिविमले वैवस्वताख्यो मनुर्मर्यादा रचिता सतां समुचिंता कीर्तिप्रदा येन वै ॥ ३ ॥ तद्वंशे विमले बभूव धरणीचन्द्रो दिलीपो हि यो देवेन प्रमथाधिपेन तुलनां प्राप प्रचण्डे रणे । यस्य प्रौढतरप्रतापदहने नित्यं द्विषः शेरते दृष्ट्वा तस्य कलेवरं सुविमलं कामेन दग्धं वपुः ॥ ४ ॥ जातस्सन्नृपसत्तमो रघुरिति ख्यातस्ततो वीर्यवान् बाणाः परिमथ्य शक्रहृदयं कीर्तिः स्थिरा स्थापिता। यस्य प्रौढतरप्रतापतपनवासेन सद्यः कृता वृष्टिस्तेन धनेश्वरेण ललिता कार्तस्वरी भूतले ॥५॥ जातो भूपवरस्ततः कलिहरः श्रीमानजो वीर्यवान दुष्टानां किल दर्पणहारणविधौ प्रोद्भुतकण्ठीरवः । सिष्टानां प्रतिपालकः प्रतिपलं दानैः ---म्मनः पश्यादिन्दुमतीवियोगजनितक्लेशाब्धिमध्येपतत् ॥६॥ जातो देवतनुस्ततो दशरथः कन्दर्पदोपहः सेनापत्यमुपेत्य पङ्कपतितः शत्रुः कृतो निर्भरः। क्रूरः कोपरतः प्रसारितभयो भेनुं गतः कृत्तिका पापे संसक्तचित्तःशनिरपि सहसा स्तंभितो येन मार्गे ॥७॥ जातस्तत्तनयो महानययुतो रामोभिरामाकृतिः दानेन प्रचुरेण वर्द्धितगुणः ख्यातत्रिलोकीतले । बध्वा यो जलधि निशाचरभटानिजित्य लङ्कापुरीं गत्वा रावणराक्षसं कलिकरं हत्वा वशे लब्धवान् ॥८॥ तत्पुत्रः सूर्यतुल्यो लव इति विदितो प्रोलसदानपुण्यर्जातो भूचकशकः प्रथितगुणचयः सम्मतस्सज्जनानाम् । शत्रूणां शासकोसी प्रबलरणधराधारणादत्तभारो धर्मात्मा देवतुल्यो दशरथतनया निर्जिता येन संख्ये॥९॥ जातः श्रीहरिसिंहदेवनृपतिः प्रौढप्रतापोदयः तद्वंशे विमले महारिपुहरे गाम्भीर्यरत्नाकरः। कर्ता यः सरसामुपेय मिथिला संलक्ष्य लक्षप्रियो नेपाले पुनरायवैभवयुते स्थैर्य विधत्ते चिरं ॥१०॥
"Vs. 6 read शिष्टाना.

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190
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1880.
मानिक्यप्रतिमप्रतापपटलैरादीप्तलोकत्रयो मुक्तापंक्तिसहस्रशोभनयशोवृन्दन संशोभितः । पक्षयाकृतिकर्णवारणगिरियामावनव्याकुलः पारावारमिवेह यः परिहसत्याधाय चित्तेच्युतं ॥ ११ ॥ तत्पुत्रो यक्षमल: प्रबलरिपुहरः कर्णतुल्योवनीशः सर्बास नागरीणां नयनसुखकरस्सर्बदस्सज्जनानाम् । प्रोद्यहोर्दण्डचण्डाहृतनिशितमहाखड़पातैर्विपक्षान क्षिप्त्वा सद्यः क्षितीशान्क्षितितलविषये प्रोलसत्की
तिचन्द्रः॥ १२ ॥ तस्माच्छ्रीरत्नमलः समजनि विबुधाराधने दत्तबुद्धिईन्तीनां दानकर्ता प्रबलरिपुकुलोत्सादने पार्थतुल्यः । यद्दानाम्बुप्रवाहप्रकरविकसितां वाहिनीं वीक्ष्य नूनं गंगासंगात्प्रवृद्ध प्रचलजलनिधिःप्रेमगर्वम्मुमोच ॥१३॥ योनु प्रौढतरान्निहत्य धरणीपालान्महासङ्गरे गत्वा कान्तिपुरं चकार विमलं राज्यन्तु स्वर्गोपमम् । श्रीसिद्धिर्हरपूर्विका हरवधूराराधनस्तद्वशे जाता भावहता मुदा सुविदिता चाद्यापि या तिष्ठति ॥ १४ ॥ प्रोद्यत्प्रौढप्रतापप्रचुरपरिलसकुंकुमक्षोदपूर्णः कीर्णः पाटीरकैः सितकरकिरणाकारकीर्तिप्रतारः । मित्राणामत्र शैयं किमपि विरचयपूर्वपूर्वागतानां तत्पुत्रः सूर्यमलो नरपतितिलकः प्रादुरासीत्प्रवीरः॥ १५ ॥ तस्मान्मल्लनरेन्द्रनामधरणीपालो बभूव प्रभुः प्रोदूतप्रबलप्रतापदहनज्वालावृताहस्करः । यस्यारातिनितम्बिनी सुचकिता शुष्यन्मुखाम्भोरुहा स्थित्वा पर्वतगव्हरेतिविषमे दैन्यं सदाभ्यस्यति ॥१६॥ पुण्योधैर्जपयज्ञदानविपुलैौरीपदार्चाफलैः संजातस्तु महीन्द्रमलवसुधारत्नं ततस्तत्सुतः । येनेमां किल काश्यपी वसुमती रत्नेन पूर्णा वरां दत्ता भूमिसुराय स्वर्गभवने कीर्तिः स्थिरा स्थापिता ॥१७॥ श्रीमामे भक्त पूर्वे विनिहितसहसावासरूपप्रतिष्ठा भावनिर्जिय देवीं कलिकलुषहरी दैत्यदोपहन्त्रीम् ।। आनीय स्वर्गतुल्ये रचितगृहवरे स्थापिता येन पूर्वे नित्यं तत्पूजनेन त्रिभुवनललितां सिद्धिमुग्रामवाप ॥१८॥ तस्माच्छ्रीशिवसिंहनामनृपतिर्जातो धरामण्डले नेपालक्षितिपालभालतिलकः कन्दर्पदोपहः । संसारार्णवतारणाय सततं नित्यं भवानीपदध्याने दत्तमनाः समस्तविदुषां मध्ये प्रसिद्धक्रियः ॥१९॥ वैरिस्त्रीनयनाब्जनिर्गतजलधाराम्बुभिर्येन वे शस्ताः सान्द्रकबन्धरन्ध्ररूधिरैर्नद्यः समासादिताः। तासां संगमसंभवं सुविमलं तीर्थ प्रयागाह्वयं । यत्र स्नानकृता प्रलब्धमनिशं शत्रुक्षयं सफलम् ॥ २० ॥ तस्मादरिहरसिंहो नरपतिसिंहो बभूव भूपालः | गच्छति जलनिधिपार कीतिरेकाकिनी यस्य ॥ २१॥ धत्ते गैरिकरागविभ्रमभयं यस्य प्रतापोत्करो यत्कीतिर्गुणपर्वतोपरिसरी कौतूहलं यच्छति । एतेनैव तु हेतुनास्य तु गुणान्विज्ञाय शैलोत्तमान दूरस्थाः प्रपलाय्य सन्निधिममी कुर्वति यद्वैरिणः ।। २२ ॥ श्रीलक्ष्मीनरसिंहनामनृपतिस्तस्मादभूत्सन्मतिः बाणायैः परिपन्थिमन्थनकरः कारुण्यपुण्याकरः। यन्दृष्ट्वा खलु वैरिवर्गवनिता कम्पाकुला सर्वदा प्राणेशस्य सुजीवितं मम विभो देहीति संयाचते ॥ २३ ॥ अष्टाशास्वपि यत्प्रतापतपनस्यालोक्य नियोदयं दीप्तात्मापि दिवानिशं भृशमहो विश्वान्धकारापहम् । आत्मानं सहसा समीक्ष्य मनसा हीनं हठाद्गर्हयन सायं सायमयं स्वयं दिनमणिर्दीनोम्बुधौ मज्जति ॥ २४ ॥ श्रीलक्ष्मीनरसिंहभूपतिदिवप्रस्थानकालोद्यते देवैः शंखमृदंगभेरिपटहध्वानर्दिशः पूरिताः॥ प्रौढाः शूरतराः प्रदारितरिपोर्ब्रह्माण्डचण्डोलसन्मार्गेणैव विनिर्गताः सुयमिताः प्राणास्त्रयोस्यामलाः ॥२५॥ तत्पुत्रोसौ कवीन्द्रः क्षितिपतितिलकः श्रीप्रतापाभिधानः संग्रामे वैरिवर्गप्रबलतरलसर्पदावानलाभः । तर्कालंकारकोशादिकसकलमहाशास्त्रमार्गप्रवीणो नानागद्यानवद्यासुललितकवितानर्तकीरजभूमिः॥२६॥ मेदिन्यामुदधौ सरस्सु सरिताम्मध्ये गिरी कानने यस्य प्रौढतरप्रतापतपनस्यालोक्य दीप्ति पराम् । अत्युत्कर्षमदेश्य संप्रति समासाद्यापकश्चिरादौर्वः खर्वयशाः प्रशाम्यति हठान्ममः समुद्राम्भसि ॥ २७ ॥ दृष्टा तस्य प्रतापं तपनमनुपमं हन्त दृष्टो विवस्वान्मने ब्रह्माण्डभाण्डभ्रमणविधिकृतं श्रान्तमेव श्रमोघम् ।
60 Vo. 11 read माणिक्य:- on account of the metre.
.. 18, दन्तिनां in the recorrect form which the royal poet probably found inconvenions

Page #241

INSCRIPTIONS FROM NEPAL.
व्यस्ता होरात्रिभेदं त्रिभुवनभवनं व्याप्तमेनं विदित्वा किञ्चायं चक्रवाकः शिथिलयति शुचं सर्वतः सर्ववीजं ।। २८ ।।
AUGUST, 1880.]
शस्त्रे शास्त्रवरे सदा सुखकरे सङ्गीतविद्यावरे सानन्दं किल केलिकम्मैकुशलव्यापारकण्ठीरवः । स्वर्गे भूमितले तथा दशदिशाम्यान्ते गिरी कानने कोप्यस्तीति निगद्यते मम समो राजेन्द्र चूडामणिः ।। २९ ।। नेपाले संवतस्मिन्हय गिरिमुनिभिः संयुते माघमासे सप्तम्यां शुक्लपक्षे रविदिनसहिते रेवतीऋक्षराजे । योगे श्रीसिद्धिसंज्ञे रजतमणिलसत्स्वर्णमुक्ताप्रवालैरेकीकृत्य प्रदत्तं हयशतसहितं येन दानं तुलाख्यम् ॥ इति श्रीमहाराजाधिराजश्रीश्री राजराजेन्द्रकवीन्द्र जयप्रतापमल्ल देवंविरचिता निजवंशावली समाता माधुर्यादिविचित्रताखिलपदन्यासेर्मनोहारिणी संक्षिप्तेन कवीन्द्रभूमिपतिना वंशावली निर्मिता । प्रत्येकं किल कीर्तिशीर्यनिखिलप्रौढप्रतापादिकं भूपानां रचितुं विमृश्य निपुणं शक्तो न वा वाक्पतिः ॥ ३० ॥
Abstract.
I. Invocation to Bhavânî and Sankara. II. Vanisdvals, composed by king Prata pamalla, a prince of poets:
Vishnu
Sûrya
Manu Vaivasvata,
From him were descended :
Dilipa | Raghu
Aja Dasaratha
Râma
Lava.
In his race were born :
Harisimha, who dug tanks in Mithilâ and settled Nepala. Yakshamalla, (falsely here called his son)
Ratnamalla
Sûryamalla
Narendramalla
Mahindramalla
who brought an image of Devi from Bhâtgåm
Sivasitha
Hariharasimha Lakshminarasimha
191
Pratâ pamalla.
III. Object of inscription, to record the presentation of a Tulápurusha, i. e. the king's own weight in gold, silver and pearls, together with one hundred horses.
IV. Date, the 7th day of the bright half of Magha, Nepila Samvat 778, & Sunday, constella tion Revati, conjunction Siddhi.
No. 20. An inscription of Riddhilakshmi, dated Nepala Sanñvat 810.
On a slab in the wall of a great temple of Siva, close to the palace in Kâṭmâṇḍu. On the upper portion of the same stone is found a hymn to Siva, in the Bhujanga metre, composed by Sri-sri-jaya Bhupâlendra malla, who describes himself as follows:
Srimat pasupaticharanakamala dhûlidhúsari tasiroruha-érimánesvarishtadevatávaralabdhaprasdda - dedipyamasamduonnatairlraglurusávatāra—ravikculatilaka hanumadddhvajanapálekara makúrájadkórája,-sakalaréjachakradhisvara.
Letters Nivårî, language Sanskrit. Preservation good.
Transcript.
देवी श्रीऋद्धिलक्ष्मी विमल कुलभवा नीतिमार्गे निविष्टा शिष्टाचरिकभूमिखिभुवनजननीपाद लब्धप्रसादा। शंभारम्भोजजन्मप्रभृतिभिरमरेः सेवितस्याति
विख्याता व्यक्तकीर्तिर्जगति विजयते सत्यजानन्ददात्री ।। १ ।।
नेपालचितिपालभालतिलको विगुणालङ्कृतो दानोद्रेककृतातिरेकमहिन प्रौढप्रतापीमतः ।

Page #242

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1880.
देगे यनयो नयोदयलसत्कीर्त्तिप्रचारः श्रिया भूपालेन्द्र इति प्रथामुपगतो भूपो वरीवर्तते ॥ २ ॥ नेपालान्दे गगनधरिणीनागयुक्ते किलो मासे पक्षे विधुविरहिते सुद्वितीयातियो सा कुला देवालयमपि रखो ऋद्धिलक्ष्मी प्रसभा चके देवी सुनिधिनिदितां शङ्करस्य प्रतिष्ठाम् ॥ ३ ॥ Transcript. यन्नाभीसरसीरुहे समजनि ब्रह्मा जगत्सृष्टिकृत् य. पादाम्बुजतो वह जगतामालम्बिनी खर्णदी | येनाधार धरा वराहवपुषा दंष्ट्रायके नोचकैः प्रत्युदानवनीरदाविरुचये तस्मै परस्मै नमः ॥ १ ॥ सजलजलदनीलः कामिनीप्रेमशीलः कलितभुवनलीलः कंसचानूरकालः ।
II. Date, the 2nd lunar day of the dark half of Karttika, Nepála Sarvat 810 (1690 A.D.).
No. 21.An inscription of Srinivasa, dated Nepála Sanñvat 792.
On the lintel of the doors of the temple सुललितवनमालः मोक्षमार्गैकसालः भवतु मम मुदेसी
of Avalokitesvara in Bungmati (see above No. 6).
सर्वदा नन्दवालः ॥ २ ॥
192
Abstract.
I. Object of inscription : " to record the consecration of a temple of Siva, built by Queen Riddhilakshmi, the mother of king Bha pâlendramalla.
servation good.
Letters_Nivar_language Sanskrit. Pre- आसीत्सिद्विनृसिंहमलनृपतिः सूर्यान्वये कीर्तिमापाले ललिताभिधाननगरे पोरान्सदा पालयन् । गोपीनाथपदारविन्दमधुपो वाचस्पतिर्द्वीवरः संसारं जलनुहुदोपममसी हिला गतो जान्हवीम् ॥ ३ ॥ तस्यात्मनो भूपतिरेष जातः श्रीश्रीनिवासो ननु श्रीनिवासः ।
Transcript.
श्रीलोकेश्वराय नमः
।
मत्स्येन्द्रं योगिनां मुख्याः शाक्ताः शकिं वदन्ति यम् बौद्धा लोकेश्वरं तस्मै नमो ब्रह्मस्वरूपिणे ॥ १ ॥ नेपालाब्दे लोचनच्छिद्र सप्ते (३) श्रीपञ्चम्यां श्रीनिवासेन राजा
स्वर्णहारं स्थापितं तोरणेन सार्द्ध श्रीमलोकनायस्य गेहे.
Translation.
* Praise to (that Deity), bearing the form of Brahman, whom the Saktas, best of ascetion, call Mater on dranatha and the
Bauddhas Lokesvara!
On the fifth day of the bright half of Magha (sripanchami) king Srinivas a placed a golden door and torana in the temple of glorious Lokanatha."
तापानलो वैरिमहीरुहाणां स राजतेतीय सुधाकरेन 11 8 11
तस्यात्मजो योगनरेन्द्र मलोमलेन्द्र चानूरहतुल्यवीर्थः । कन्दर्पसौन्दर्यविनिन्दिरूपः रराज भूमाविव देवराजः || 9 || दोलपर्वतमसाभिगम्य तत्र विष्णुभवने सह ताभिः एकविंशतिसतीभिरगच्छत् केशवं प्रति समाहितचित्तः ।। ६ ।।
तस्यात्मना योगमती बभूव निमेषचिरा लक्ष्मीरिवापरा ।
सुवर्णकुम्भाला नागरस्त पशान्तरे स्नानकृतेन पूता ॥ ७ ॥
तस्याः प्रसूत इव शक्तिधरोम्बिकायाः लोकप्रकाशनृपतिर्विरराज धीरः ।
No. 22. An inscription of Princess Yogamats, dated Nepala Sanñvat 843.
On a stone in the inner wall of a small temple of Radha and Krishna situated close to the palace in Lalitapattana.
Letter Nivari, language corrupt Sans. विष्णोः पदं स गतवानमणीयरूपः हाहेति लोक
krit.
मसकृज्जननीं निहाय ॥ ८ ॥
The door is made of gilt brass plates, and adorned by relievos. The arch or torana above the door, which is
likewise made of brass, encloses three images of Lokes
vara.

Page #243

INSCRIPTIONS FROM NEPAL.
AUGUST, 1880.]
लोके किन्न विलक्ष्यतेऽद्भुतरुचिः प्रासादराजो महानानातोरणमोहनावलिभरो जीमूतलेहायुतः । शृङ्गं हेममयैर्मनोज्ञकलशैः सज्ज्वालयैवो --
- वसमीरणेन च भुवि श्रृंगं सुमेरोर्बभौ ॥ ९ ॥ अब्दे रामप्रजेश्वरास्वसुभिर्माघे सिते पक्षके शूले चोतरफाल्गुने शशधरे वारे द्वितीयातिथौ । [पुत्रार्थं] कुरुते सुधांशुवदना पाषाणदेवालयम् कृष्णं राधिका सहाय कृब्बा प्रतिष्ठाकरोत्
Abstract.
I. Invocation to Vishnu--Krishna. II. Varisávali,
Siddhinxisimha malla, king of Lalitapattana, became an ascetic, and went to dwell on the banks of the Gangá (Benares ). T Srinivasa
Yoganarendramalla went with his
193
twenty-one wives to Dolaparvata, and died in the temple of Vishnu.
| Yogamati
Lokaprakasa, died before his mother.
III. Object of the inscription, to record the consecration of a temple of Rådhâ and Krishna, built by Princess Yogamati in memory of
her son.
IV. Date, 2nd lunar day of the bright half
of Mágha, Nepala Samvat 843 (1723 A.D.), &
Monday, constellation - Uttaraphalguna, conjunction—Sala.
No. 23. -- An inscription of Queen Lalitatripurasundari, dated Vikrama Sanivvat 1878.
On a pillar, supporting a Nandi, placed opposite the western door of a temple of Tripuresvara on the road from Katmandu to Lalitapattana, close to the river Vågmati.
Letters Devanagari, language Sanskrit. Preservation good.
Transcript. श्रीगणेशाय नमः
स्वस्ति श्रीमगिरिराजचक्रचूडामणि मरीचिनीराजितचरणतल तुहिनगिरिवर। सनमहाचीनसी मपर्यन्तनेपालदेशजयजनितयशोराशिविशदिताशामण्डलस्य श्रीगोरक्षाचलाधीशश्रीमन्महाराजाधिराजश्री पृथ्वीनारायणशाहदेवस्य पौत्रो दयादाक्षिण्यादिप्रधान गुणनिधानश्रीमन्महाराजाधिराजश्रीसिंहप्रतापशाहतनयो निखिलमहीपाल मौलिमालालालितपादपीठः श्रीमन्महाराजाधिराजश्रीरणबाहादूरशाहदेवः शतरुद्रावर्णवतीतरङ्गिणीपर्यन्तवारुणैन्द्रदिग्भाग साम्राज्यविख्यात मूर्त्तिरभूतपूर्वः समजनि
युद्धे रुद्रः प्रतापे रविरखिलभुवो रक्षणे वासुदेव- स्यागे कर्णः क्षमायां क्षितिरखिलजनानन्दने पूर्णचन्द्रः । सत्ये धर्म्मः सुरूपे रतिपतिरपथस्थायिनां दण्डधारो नानादेवस्वरूपो जयति रणबहादूरशाहो नृपेन्द्रः ॥
तस्य पुत्रः सकलगुणगणाभिरामप्रजारञ्जनानुकृत रामावतारः श्रीमन्महाराजाधिराजश्रीगीर्वाणयुद्धविक्रमशाहदेवः प्रतीतस्तदात्मजे सकललक्षणशोभिते श्रीमन्महाराजाधिराजश्रीराजेन्द्रविक्रमशाहदेवे मेदिन्यां पालयति श्रीमद्रण बाहादूरशाह देवपट्टराज्ञ्या श्रीमललितत्रिपुरसुन्दरीदेव्या स्वभर्तुः स्वर्गसाधनप्रयासोत्कया वेदविद्यानिपुणनानाविद्वन्मण्डलीप्रार्थना सञ्चारितविचारनिश्चितधर्म्मप्रधान शिवालेङ्गादिदेवप्रतिष्ठादि कर्म्मतया स्वपौत्रानुमत्या तत्कार्यनिर्वाहानु गुणसामग्री सम्पूर्तिसम्पादनक्षमं भीमसेनं मंत्रीवरं तत्साधने नियोज्य सांप्रतं तत्कर्म्मविधानं नियुक्ताः श्रीगुब्बदिब्राह्मणा वेदसप्तगजेन्दुमिते १८७४ वैक्रमे शाके शुचिशुक्ल नवम्यां सोमान्वितायां शिलाधिवासनः कर्म्म यथाविधि सम्पाद्य तस्मिन्नेव शके भाद्रकृष्णनवम्यां शुक्ले शिलाप्रवेशं विधाय बाणस्वरनागभूमिते १८७५ शके माघमासि तृतीयायां गुरौ शिवलिंगादिदेवप्रतिष्ठाकर्म्म समाचरन् मध्ये श्रीत्रिपुरेश्वरो यमदिशि द्वारे स्थितो भैरवो ज्ञेयाः शङ्करभागतो हरिरविद्वैमातुराम्बांस्ततः । दक्षादिक्रमकोणगा अथ महाकालादिनन्दी तथा भृङ्गी श्रीगणपश्य दक्षिणदिशो देशकमा दिग्गताः ॥ १ ॥ तद्वाह्ये स्वदिशि स्थिताः सुरपतिर्व्वन्हिर्यमो निर्ऋतिः पाशी वायुकुबेररुद्राविधयो नागाधिपोतः क्रमात् ।

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ईशाने बलिशेषभागभिमतश्चण्डेश्वरः पश्चिमे विख्यातो वृषभश्च मण्डलगता देवा इमे सम्म... ॥ २॥ रम्भापत्रफलप्रसूनललिते सत्तोरणाच्छादने नानावर्णपताककेतनलसत्प्रान्ते महामण्डपे । कुण्डानां नवकं विधाय्य विधिवद्विविधानक्षमैः कर्माश्चर्यकरं समापयदिदं श्रीरङ्गनाथो गुरुः ॥ ३ ॥ दोषोन्मोषवृषप्रघोषदिविषत्सन्तोषपोषक्षमः संयातातुलतीर्थभूतपरिषत्सत्कारकल्पद्रुमः। नानामङ्गलदिव्यवस्तुनिभृतस्तार्यत्रिकोलासितो हृद्यः कोपि स वासरः समभवलोकप्रमोदोज्ज्वलः ॥ ४ ॥ ततस्तस्मिन्नेव शके मार्गकृष्णपञ्चम्यां बुधे देवालयप्रतिष्ठामकुर्वन् दिग्भागान्तरसन्निवेशितचतुर्दारः सुखारोहणः पश्चादम्यसुवर्णकेतनतलन्यस्तत्रिशूलोन्तरः। सौवर्णोज्ज्वलकुम्भपत्रपटलप्रोद्भासिताशामुखः प्रासादो दिशतादभीप्सितसदावासप्रसक्तो मुदः॥ ततः पाताललोकवसुवसुमती शके ज्येष्टकृष्णदशम्यां रवी श्रीवाग्मतीजलावतारसोपानारामघण्टाधर्म
शालाप्रतिष्ठाकर्म समापयन् । सोपानालिरियं विदग्धरचनासुश्लिष्टचित्रोपला रम्या वायुसताधिवासविहितप्रोदामविघ्रावलिः। सम्पाद्यान्हिकसक्तलोकविहितस्वेच्छावकाशस्थला स्नानध्यानहिता सुधाधवलितप्रान्ता चिरं राजताम् ॥१॥ नानादेशप्रभवसुफलव्रातभारातिनम्रवृक्षश्रेणीनियमखचितः शालसंगुप्तमध्यः। आरामोऽयं सुरभिसुमनोराजिसराजमानः नानावीरुल्ललितसरणिः पूर्णकामः सदास्ताम् ॥ २॥ घण्टानिनादकृतकर्णसुखातिधीरा पूजाविधानविहितध्वनिमादधाना । देवप्रसादपरिपूरितहीनभागा सर्वोपचारपरिचारकृतां विधेयात् ॥ ३ ॥ शालेयं विविधप्रवासिमनुजप्राज्योपकारक्षमा रथ्याचबररम्यकोष्टविलसद्वातायना श्लक्ष्णभूः। नानादेशसमागतान पथिपरिश्रान्तान्नसङ्घाहिणो नियं भोजनवासदानविधिना कामानुगन्तोषयेत् ॥ ४ ॥ तदिदं साङ्गोपाङ्गकर्म सम्पूर्तिम्प्रापितं यजमानसङ्कल्पसिद्धि सम्पादयति चिरं श्रीशिवादिदेवप्रीतये भूयात् धर्मोयं कुलसन्ततिप्रचयदो लोकद्वयानन्दनस्तद्रोधे निरयादिदुःखजनका दोषाः परं कीर्तिताः । ज्ञात्वैवं नृपमन्त्रिविप्रमनुजैरेतस्य संरक्षणे नालस्यं श्रयणीयमित्यभिहितं रक्ष्यं श्रुतेः शासनम् ।
शुभम्भूयात्
Abstract.
ceased husband. She employed, with the perI. Invocation to Ganesa.
mission of her grandson, the minister Bhim &. II. Varnsdvali, -
sena, the Upadhyâya and other Brahmans for Prith vinaragana Shâ,
the execution of this work and for the ceremonies lord of the Goraksha hill (Gorkha), master incidental thereto. On the 9th of the bright half of all Nepál up to the frontier of Mah â china.
of Ashidha, Vikrama Samvat 1874, Monday
the silddhivdsana, the worship of the stones for Simhapratâ pa Shâ
the building was performed. The cornerstone Rana bahadar sha,
was laid (silápravesi) on the 9th day of the dark
half of Bhadrapada of the same year, and on who ruled in the west up to the Satarudra
the 3rd day of the bright half of Mâgha, of river (Kali?) in the east up to the river
the following year, a Monday, the Liga of Siva Svarnavati.
was consecrated. At all these ceremonies the Giry anayuddha vikrana Shâ royal Guru, Ranganatha, presided. On the 5th
day of the dark half of Margasirsha v.S. 1875 Rajendra vikrama Shà the temple itself was consecrated, and finally on III. Object of the inscription, to record the the 10th of the dark half of Jeth 1877 a Dharconsecration of a temple of Siva, built by Queen masala and a staircase leading to the river Vág. Lalita tripurasundari, the widow of mati a garden and a bell were made over to the Rana bahadarsha, in memory of her de- I temple.

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BUDDHIST INSCRIPTION AT KEU-YUNG-KWAN.
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THE BUDDHIST INSCRIPTION AT KEU-YUNG-KWAN.
BY REV. S. BEAL, B.A. Attention has elsewhere been drawn to the an- the Assembly of the Saddharma Hall, called cient Buddhist inscription at Keu-yung-kwan, Shen-chu. This Déva, whilst wandering to and a small village about five miles to the north of fro in the celestial gardens, with the company the Nankow Pass. This inscription is engraved of Devis who attended him, had heard a voice in the characters of six different nations, viz., proceeding from space, and warning him that Mongol or Båsh pah, Uighûr, Nyuchih, Chinese, in a few days hence he should be called to give Devanagari, and Tibetan. On examination it is up his heavenly estate and be born in hell, found to contain certain Buddhist dhárani or in- after which he should receive a succession of cantations, which in the paper alluded to (Jour. births all more or less miserable and painful. R. A. Soc., vol. V. pp. 14.ff.)' have been translat- On this, the Deva hastened to Sakraraja, and ed by Mr. Wylie and Dr. Haas for the benefit of with doleful voice and many tears laid the case the English reader. These dharanis are found in before him, asking and beseeching for advice various Buddhist works, and are supposed to and escape. Then Sakraråja, having heard the represent the highest and most potent charms words of Shen-chu, at once entered into a state which words proceeding from the top of the of profound abstraction, and, perceiving that illustrious diadem (chuda) of Buddha's head are the case was to be with Shen-chu even as the able to convey. This "honoured diadem of voice had declared, he resolved at once to repair Buddha's head" refers to the well known conceit to the place where Buddha was residing, even of the Buddhists that from the top of the to the garden of Jeta, and there having presentcranium of their master proceeded an elongated ed him with suitable gifts, to seek his counsel excrescence (ushnish), the top of which reached and advice on the point. Accordingly having to the highest heaven. In all probability this done so, and having salated the foot of Bhagaimaginary formation is pictured in the Amara- vat and seven times circumambulated him, he vati sculptures as the pillar of glory surmount- stated the circumstances of Shen-chu's destiny, ed by Om" proceeding from the throne sup- and humbly asked the advice of the World posed to be occupied by Bhagavat (see parti- honoured one." cularly pl. lxxi, figs. 1 and 2, Tree and Serpent Then Buddha caused to proceed from the Worship). These pillars of light are also top of his head every kind of glorious light, referred to by Spence Hardy (Manual of Bud- which spread itself from world to world through dhism, 1sted.pp. 180, 207), and perhaps originated all space. Then this light again returned to the in the idea of the Linga and its worship. Be presence of Buddha, and having revolved around this as it may, it is curious to trace as far back him three times entered through his mouth. as we can the origin of such a peculiar idea; Then the World-honoured gave a gentle smile, and for this purpose we have appended the and addressed Sakraraja as follows: Heavenly translation of a Sútra attributed to the Shaman king, there are certain dharani called the Buddhavara (Fo-to-po-li) of the Yang dynasty. honoured diadem of Buddha's head,' which are
able to deliver from every kind of evil birth, The Sútra of the Dharani of the Illustrious
and to destroy every possible sorrow. If a man Diadem of Buddha's Surmounting Head. once hears these, and if they once pass through
“Thus have I heard. At one time Bhaga- his ears, then all the evil deeds he has ever done vat was residing at Srâvasti, in the garden of shall be cancelled and their punishment remitJeta, the friend of the orphans, together with ted; if he writes them on a wall, or reads them, 1250 great Bhikshus, his disciples, and with 80 written, to others, then shall the same conseupwards of 12,000 great Bôdhisattwas and quences follow and full deliverance be obtained." priests. At this time there was amongst the On this Sakrarâja entreats Buddha to repeat Dévas of the Trayastrinsas Heavens, one in these charmed words, on which he did so.
It belongs to the Mongol age, cir. 1845 A.D.
See also Yale's Marco Polo. vol. I, pp. 29, 144.-ED. 3 The word ushintsha usually means a 'turban, but is used by the Buddhists as a technical term for the top-knot
on Buddha's head, by which all figures of him are distinguisbed; he is never represented in Indian sculpture with any sort of covering on his head.-ED.

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The dhárani are much shorter than those empire, and doubtless were glad to be so easily on the Keu-yung gate, but contain the same assured of deliverance by the repetition of the leading words; we do not repeat them, our words. object being merely to show the purpose of "Sakraraja, having heard these words, thank. their being placed on this barrier gate, through fully received them; and having saluted the which Mongols and Thibetans must enter the World-honoured one, forth with departed."
NOTES ON THE KURRAL OF THE TAMIL POET TIRUVALLUVAR. BY REV. G. U. POPE, D.D., M.R.A.S., AND OF THE GERMAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY, AND
FELLOW OF THE MADRAS UNIVERSITY.
(Continued from Vol. VIII. p. 309.) No. III.
the attempt to pronounce & compound consonant It may seem strange that the introductory such as ts. Chapter on God is followed by one on Rain.
The chief words for 'rain' or 'sky' in the The connection, however, seems evident, as in Drâvidian dialects aredets xiv. 17: Nevertheless He left not Him
Tel. Kan. Mal. Tam. self without a witness, in that Ho did good, and
vấn. bân. vân-am. vấn-am, in. gave us rain from heaven, and fruitful seasons,
varsha-mu varsha v arsha. Varsha. filling our hearts with food and gladness.'
ma-le. mara. marai, mâri. In the Bhagavatgitá, III. 14: 'All things
(Tada: m?A) which have life are produced from bread
I cannot help thinking that the Dravidian which they eat. Bread is produced from rain:
van (both as a verbal root = 'fashion' and as a rain from divine worship, and divine worship
noun = 'sky,' 'rain') is connected with S. from good works.' The title of the second Varuna, 'the investing sky' in the old Aryan chapter, or collection of 10 Kurrals, is van mythology. sirappu,' the specific qualities, or excellence of
Couplet 1. rain. The words for 'rain' in the chapter are vá'nindr' ulagam | varangi varuthalát ván and marai; those for cloud' are puyal, erili; I tanam,rtham | endr'unarat | pattu." those forsky' are vánam, vin, visumbu. Scanning:
A consideration of these words will prepare tema pățima pūļimā pūļimāngai the way for the analysis of the chapter.
kūviļăngäi kūviļăngāi | kăsă. 1. Van and vanam are the same word. By "Since by the continued existence of rain the apocope ván is used for vánam in poetry, and world preserves its course, it (rain) is to be may signify the sky,' or the rain that falls from regarded as partaking of the nature of nectar." it. In common Tamil vanam is often pronounced The idea of this couplet is an obvious one: mánam : thus, a district which, having no rivers, rain gives life to all creation, revives the dying is wholly dependent on casual rains, is called vegetation, restores life to what seems dead.' manam pártta simai,' a district that looks to the Any one who has seen an Indian district suffersky. 2. Vin is, I suppose, a poetical variation ing from drought, and noted the instantaneous of the same word. 3. Visum-bu (S. visva + bu; change in the aspect of all living things when the the postfix bu is added to many stems in Tamil long-expected rain has fallen, will understand to form a noun, with an idea of existence.' the poet's feeling: rain is the elixir of immorS. bhr. means 'coelum' and by metonomy 'a tality to the whole earth.' cloud.' 4. puyal (also pusaland pisal)-nimbas'. Nindru (having stood) is past adv. parti. 5. erili (from er, arise': Lat. or) is that which ciple of R. nil. [con. S. ni in nishtita.] vánindru arises.' 6. marai is the ordinary word for 'rain.' is, in fact, a nominative absolate. It appears also as mari; and vári = 'water Ulagam, Tam. form of S. láka. Comp. Ch. I. 1. (comp. S. vrish and vari). I regard the cerebrals Varangi, 'having gone on its way.' In Tamil in Tamil (and especially r) as resulting from a very large group of words from stem var is
• The Oriental, Oct. 9, 1875. 1 'over a letter indicates omission of a letter according to
the Tamil laws of euphony. th is always flat in Tamil, as in this indicates a very short u, hardly audible.

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found. Some of these are hore given. (1). var-akku, var-akkam, 'custom.' This is also written with p for v. It is probable that var and par are only variations of the same stem. (2). var-angu, be in use,' 'pass current,' this is the word in the stanza. The transitive is not found; but par-akku to habituate, render common,' takes its place. This has an intransitive, par-agu. (3). vari, a road, way, what is old, antiquity, succession.' Here we find para, 'old' ; and pari, 'guilt,' the transmitted liability to punishment, a man's old sin. Param is fruit, result of actions.' I suggest that varpar : S. phal. The cognates would be Gr. peλ-; Lat. flor-; Goth. blom. In ancient Kanarese this is hula. Here may be an example of the law which I spoke of in my Dravidian notes, No. I. vol. V, p. 158. Other forms of the same stem are pal, pan, pand, illustrating the important fact that in the Dravidian languages cerebrals are interchangeable; and the original seems to be !.
=
Tamil possessed originally very few stems, and these were mostly, if not altogether, monosyllabic. These the poets, and especially the Jainas, (who were anxious to obliterate all traces of Sanskrit; to introduce a new language, as they had introduced a new religion,) varied in every possible manner, especially softening every harsh sound, and promoting assonance. Tamil and Telugu are, therefore, highly artificial languages, and in them the Aryan element has been designedly put out of sight.
NOTES ON THE KURRAĻ.
Varuthalat: here final 7 is followed by initial t (dental), and both are changed into palatal. This is in accordance with the law that two consonants coming together must be of the same organ,' and assimilation: dental t becomes palatal, and I is assimilated. Vá, in inflection var or van = 'come' or 'go', 'proceed.' varuthal, is a verbal noun the proceeding,' and ál is the sign of the instrumental ablative: 'by the proceeding,' because it proceeds.' or added to a stem, with or without euphonic insertions, form a Dravidian noun. This is sometimes changed into n, and equals r and s, in Aryan languages. Vá is in Kanarese bá. We may compare Oscan and Umbrian ben with Latin ven. tán is 'ipse.' Sva is the root of the reflexive pronoun in Aryan languages. Tamil would write this ta, having no sibilant and using t for 8 habitually.
Amirtham (S. amrita, Gr. ambrosia)='immor
=
197
tal; a medicine prolonging life,' 'the food of the gods. Other forms are amirutham, amirtham, amiṛthu, amutham, and amuthu. Thus the S. ri is rendered by iru, ir, ir, and u. The Kan, has also amudu.
The use of enru for Gr. hoti, hos has been referred to before.
Unar al the perceiving, understanding.' This is a verbal noun, or infinitive mood, though very often the final l is omitted. The Latin suffix is rors (see Roby), the Greek n, or sth. The verb-stem unar is from u! or un = 'within,' 'internal.' ar = 'know' as a separate verb arri. u is much used (in cognate dialects = o!, ol). It is a case inflexion='in,' ' inter.' It is also the root of a verb= 'to be, exist.' It forms a verb un- eat,' 'suck in.' It forms a noun un-mai = 'reality, truth.' The equivalent root in the Ursprache' is rá (see Fick).
Pattu is a form like muthattu in Ch. I. 1.. (see Notes on Kurra! II, vol. VIII, p. 307). The noun is pal (for pag al: S. bhag: Fick.) = essential property.'
Couplet II.
tuppárkka tappays | tuppåkki | tuppárkku | tuppay a thú um | marai.
Scanning:
tēmāngai tēmāngai | tēmāngai | tēmāngāi tēmā půlimă mălăr. "For the eaters sweet food making, To the eaters itself food becoming: such is rain." The root tu (1) eat,' (2) enjoy,' (3) 'experience.' Hence the noun tuppu (1) 'food,' (2) enjoyment,' 'sweetness.' [S. duh (1) milk, (2) enjoy].
There is a peculiarity in old Tamil, which is called alab'eḍai (= lengthening), by which in this case, short u is lengthened to 4, and then a short u is added, making u out of u. Thus athum is made äthium. Hiatus is here allowed. This resembles the process by which Ionic Greek writes héelios for helios.
The idea is here, that rain causes fertility and is itself necessary to quench the thirst of men and cattle. The punuing and alliteration are thoroughly in accordance with Tamil ideas. Couplet III.
Vinnindru | poyppin | virinir | viyanulagat'! tunnindr' | udaṭṭum pasi.
Scanning:
tēmāngāi | tēmā | pūļīmā | kǎrru viļǎngâi | tēmā pūļimā mălăr.

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"If the cloud standing (in the sky) deceives (by not falling in rain to the earth), hunger will afflict, standing in the midst of the widespread earth, though (this earth is) surrounded by an expanse of waters."
The clouds charged with moisture stand over the hills, big with the promise of fertilizing showers. If they remain there, and do not fulfil their promise, the earth, though surrounded by vast oceans of water, must fall a prey to all the miseries of famine.
During the late disastrous droughts, each day heavy clouds collected and hung over the Maisûr province; but winds arose and bore them away in the direction of the sea, leaving the broad fields dry and parched, and abandoning multitudes to misery and death by famine. Those who have seen this can understand the force of the poet's lines.
The compound viri-nir-viyan-ulagam is interesting. It is verb + noun + adjective + noun, extend+water+broad world. The wide world around which the ocean spreads.' Observe the alliteration. Perhaps Sanskrit grammar would divide this into two compounds (1) Viyan-ulagam, being a 'Karmadharaya,' where viyan (S. viyat) is descriptive of ulagam the wide world; (2) viri-nir being a 'bahu-vrihi.'
Viri is the stem, or crude form, used in Sanskrit (Comp. S. vri, vi-vri, vi-vrita.) The Tamil grammarians see here only ellipsis (togai) of inflectional particles and of connecting words. Couplet IV.
érin | uráar | uravar | puyalennum vári | valam kundri | kál.
Scansion :
tēmā | půlimâ pulimā | půlimāngāy tēmā pūlimänguy | nāl.
"The ploughmen plough not with the yoked oxen when the abundance of the cloud-deluge is diminished."
Agriculture is the great employment of the Tamil people; it ceases when the rains are not abundant.
The roots ér and ur are very remarkable.
ér is the plough with its yoke of oxen.' It is found in all the S. Indian languages. ĕr-uthu is 'a bull,' er-umai is a buffalo', érru is the male of any animal.' (Tuda, er and esht.) Here we may compare A. S. ear-ian, (Eng. ear), Lat. ar-are,
[AUGUST, 1880. aratrum. (See Fick), arman,' Lat, ar-mentum. (See also Fick, ardya).
The Kanarese has ul for ur (cerebrals interchangeable) and had. The Tamil has pur-uthi for 'pulverised earth,' this in ancient Kan. is hudi.
It is curious that the Sanskrit and Telugu words for plough' are quite different from each other, and from Tam., Kan., Mal., &c. Couplet V.
Keḍuppathúum | keṭṭárkku | sárváy matt' | angê eduppathium | ella' | marai.
Scansion:
kărăvilǎngay te mängãi | te mängãi | tēmā kărăvilăngay tēmā | mălăr.
"That which will ruin, that which will uplift, becoming a help to the ruined: all this is rain."
The destructive violence of tropical storms, and the life-giving effects of the first burst of the monsoons in India, are referred to here.
Ked destroy,' 'perish.' [S. skad. chid. Fick. another form is serru.]
Sár vu' support. The root édr= 'lean, recline against. Hence the idea of 'prop,' 'support.' éér='approach.' Comp. S. char.
Edu take up,' lift,' 'assist.'
=
Roots with d as the significant letter, preceded by what seems to be a prefix, are many in Tamil.
Thus :
1. ko-du 'give.'
2. i-du'give,' 'place.'
3. vi-du leave.'
4.
=
4-dumove about.'
5. po-duput.'
6. e-du 'take up.'
7. ta-du hinder.'
8. na-du='middle,' 'plant.'
9. a-du='cook.'
10. ka-da'cross.' 11. na-da'walk.'
12. u-du clothe."
13. 6-durun.'
14. pa-du, suffer,'' sink.'
Whether these are not compounds of a root like
dd or dhd of the Sanskrit, and be of the Greek, is an interesting question.
A parallel list with as the significant letter, which may be formed from a root like yi or ar, or eru of the Sanskrit is:
1. ko-ru, soft,' 'grow fat."
2. ka-ri, pass off.'
3. vi-ru, 'fall.'
4. a-ri, perish.' 5. va-ri, 'way.'
6. i-ru, 'draw.'
7. po-ri, 'pour forth.'

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8. e-ru, 'rise up.'
9. a-ru,' weep.' o-ri, 'cease.'
10.
11. ki-ri, tear.'
A comparison of e-du with e-ru suggests that e is a prefix up;' vi-du with viru suggests that vi down,' 'away,'' off.'
The Tamil seems to me to contain just such traces of these compounds as the Keltic dialects do: e. g. cy in Welsh answers to ko or ku in Tamil. [Cy-dio (W.) kú-du (T.) = 'join;' dad in W. is re, un- dis-, back, comp. Tam, ta-du, ta-dai.]
=
In regard to such compounds, is it not possible that S. krap (Fick) Gr. klep, are made up of ka= com, and a stem signifying 'take,' (ra or la)? Thus Varro says 'corripere='klepere.' In Tam. ka-steal.'
Ellâm=‘all.
Couplet VI.
Visumbil tuli virin | allanmaṭṭ | 'ángé pasumput talai kánb' | arithu. Scansion:
pălimă pălimăngay temangay | tēmā
pūļīmā pūļīmā pirrǎppů.
"Unless the drop of rain falls from the cloud, scarcely may you see the green grass putting forth its head."
Something of the effect of the rhythm may be seen in the following literal rendering, where the rhyme is preserved :
'If the drops of thè ráin fáll | not, then thé | gréen shoots of the crops are not séen | putting forth.'
Couplet VII.
nedum kadalum tannirmai | kundrum | taḍinth' erili tá 'nalgath' | dgi | viḍin.
Scansion :
kǎrúviļāngāi | tēmāngāi | tēmā | karuvilangai tēmāngai | tēmā | mălăr.
"The broad sea even will diminish in goodness, if the cloud do not swell and pour down its gifts."
Kad-al-' sea': from kad, 'cross over'; for epithet ne dum 'long' comp. Gr. 'euruporos.'
Couplet VIII.
Sirrappoḍupusanai | selláthu | vánam varrakkumêl | vánôrkkum índu.
CORRESPONDENCE
DISCOVERY OF SAYANA'S COMMENTARY ON THE ATHARVA-VEDA.
I trust you will kindly allow me the use of your columns to announce the discovery of Sayana's
199
Scansion:
kărăviļām kuvilām tēmāngai | temā kărăvilám tēmāngai | kāśů.
"If the heaven dry up, worship to the heavenly ones with due solemnity on earth will not be paid."
Varr, 'dry.' co. Lat. ar-idus. Sel='go,' 'go on,' [S. char. chal.] élif,' a contraction from en-il if you say.' ván-am heaven.' Thence vdn-on, 'a heavenly one,' plur. vân-dr. Comp. Greek, on in participles. avan='he,' in Tamil, comp. Welsh, af.
Couplet IX.
dánam | tavam irandum | tangá | viyanulagam vánam varangath' | enin.
Scansion :
tēmā kărăvilǎngāi tēmā kărăvilăngãi tema pălimă mălăr.
"Neither alms-giving nor ascetic practices will abide in the wide world, if the sky dispense not its gifts."
Asceticism, always an important subject in Oriental systems, is the subject of the next chapter Viyan-ulagam: comp. notes on coup. III. and Greek, 'euruchoros.'
Couplet X.
nr indramaight slag-enin | yårgår ván indr' | amaiyath' orukku.
Scansion:
tēmā pūļīmā kărăvilăm | temangai tēmā pūļimā pirrǎppů.
"If the world's work to none goes on without water, without rain the prescribed order cannot be preserved."
Yar is plur. of yd-van'who'? here it is doubled and um 'and' is added to any persons whatsoever.' ya S. Ka. comp. Lat. use of que in quis-que.
Amai is found in the form bamai. Another of the group is amar. Initial s. is often omitted in words from Sanskrit (avai sabhá; aravam = sarppam; amaiyam samayam.)
=
The S. root is keham, Gr. kom-izó. Oru-kku-see var under coup. I.
This ends the second chapter. The importance of rain as necessary to the subsistence of all living creatures, and to the observance of piety, is its topic.
AND MISCELLANEA.
long-sought Commentary on the Atharva-Veda. Hitherto scholars had almost given up all hopes of finding the Commentary, which there was reason to believe did exist. And as all attempts to

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(AUGUST, 1880.
find it made throughout the length and breadth of India had failed, and no trace had been found of it, scholars had already begun to say that it was never written by Sayaņa, or, at any rate, that it had perished, like numerous other books which one hears so much about in Indian literature, and which, if found, would go very far to solve some knotty questions connected with Sanskrit literature.
The MS. of which I am now in possession contains Sayana's Commentary on the Saunaki Śskha of the Atharva-Veda, and was discovered in the south through the kind offices of an enlightened friend, himself & Sanskrit 'scholar, Mr. V. N. Narasimaiyengar, of the Mysore Commission. It is written on palmyra leaves, in what I suppose is called the Nandi-Nagari character, a form of Devanagari still in use in some parts of the Madras Presidency, especially on the Malabar Coast. Many in India had no doubt that the Commentary did exist; and as Shyana, the great Vedic interpreter, lived in the South, and as that part of the country is still celebrated for Sanskrit lore and the preservation of ancient Sanskrit MSS., I directed my enquiries to centres of Sanskrit interest in that Presidency, and it is a matter for congratulation, in the interest of Vedic philology, that the long-lost thing has been found at last.
It is a pity, however, that the MS. does not contain the whole of Sayana's Commentary on the Atharva-Veda. Of the twenty Kandas, or chapters, into which the Atharva Samhitá is divided, the MS. contains the commentary on nine Kandas, viz., the first four Kandas, the three Kåndas from 6 to 8, and the four Kåndas from 17 to 20. We have thus three fragments of the Commentary, but put together they form about two-thirds of the whole. I am in hopes of getting some portions of the Kåndas that are missing, as some have been already traced; but I may not be sure of completing the Commentary without waiting for an indefinite length of time.
The MS., so far as it goes, is correct, and it will be possible to edit the Commentary from it even if no other copies are obtained. And I have already been working at the Sanhitd and the MS. with a
view to place before scholars the results of this happy find of the year 1879.
It is fortunate that the first portion of the Commentary has been found. We have there S&yana's usual introduction. And here we learn some interesting facts. The author says that he was ordered to write the Commentary by King Hari. hara, the son of King Bukka, with whom Sayaņa's Commentary on the Rigveda edited by Prof. Max Müller has acquainted the students of the Veda. From the introductory verges, when taken with the opening of the Commentary on the Rigveda, it would appear that Sayana and MSdhava are one and the same person. For, accord. ing to the present Commentary, Haribara commanded Skyanacharya to compose--and it is Såyaracharya that composeg--the Commentary ; and the author, farther on, says that he proceeds, therefore, to write his Commentary, having already written his Commentaries on the other three Vedas. In Sayana's Commentary on the Rigveda it is Bakka who commands Madhavacharya to explain the Rigveda, and it is that Madhavacharya who composes the Commentary. The qnestion, therefore, whether Madhava and Sayana were one and the same person, or, as has been supposed by some, different individuals, may be said to be set at rest by the Commentary now found.
The Preface distinctly says that the AtharvaVeda Commentary was written after three other Vedas had been explained by the author by commentary.
Sayaņa quotes an authority which says that the Atharva-Veda has five "upavedas" or Veddngas, which are Sarpaveda (the Veda about snakes), Pildchaveda (the Veda about ghosts and devils), Asuraveda (the Veda about demons), Itihdsaveda the Veda of legends), and Purdnaveda (the Veda of the Purdnas).
According to Sayana, there are nine branches, or Sakbâs (he calls them bhedas), of the AtharvaVeda, which he enumerates as follows:-(1) the Paippaldas, (2) the Taudas, (3) the Maudås, (4) the Saunakiyås, (5) Akshalás, (6) the Jaladas, (7) Brahmavadas, (8) the Devadarkas, and (9) the Chårannvaidyng. And he goes on to say that the ritualistic use of the verses of the four Sachês of
The introduotory verses are as follows: VagisAdyah emanaaah sarvarthApAm apakrame Yam nat & kritakritykh syus tam namAmi Gajananam || Yasya nisvasitam vedd yo vedebhyo'khilam jagat Nirmame tam ahami vande Vidy&tirtha mahevaram || A vidyCbhausantapto Vidyaranyam Bham bhaje Yadarkakarataptin&m arányam pritikAraram Tatkatékshena tadråpan dadhato Bukkabhupateh Abhaddharibaro Rij& kabirabdheriva chandramah Vijiteritivrfito virabri Haribarah kshamedhisab Dharmabrahm&dhvanyah Kalit svacharitena Kritayugam
karate Sidhayitva Mahim sar dan sriman Hariharesvarab
Bhunkte babuvidbAn bhog a asakto Ramavat sudhib Il Vijayi Hariharabhūpah samudvahan sakalabhbharam Shodaka mabinti dinânyanisath sarvasya tushtaye kurvan Tanmalabhūtam slochya vedam AtharyanAbhidham | Adisat Sayan charyam tadarthaaya prakAsanell Ye purvottaramiminse te vyakhylly&tisaagrah At KripAluh Sayan Acharyo Ved arthath vaktam udyatah | VyAkhyys vedatritayam Amushmikaphal pradem Aibikkmushmikaphalam chaturthamo vyAchikirshatí)
It will be observed that the reading of tatkatakshona trdnipaih in line 7 gives a better sense than yatkatakshena, &c., as found in Prof. Max Müller's most valuable edition of the Rigveda-Commentary.

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201
the Saunakiyås, the Akshalás, the Jaladás, and the Brahmavadås is given, in accordance with the Gopatha Brahmana, in five Kalpasútras, which he names as (1) the Kaubikam, (2) the Vaitanam, (3) the Nakshatrakalpah, (4) the Angiraskalpah, and (5) the Santikalpah.
SAyana shows how the Kaufika Satra is the chief of the five Kalpa Sátras, and promises that, though he will give the substance of the other Satras in explaining the Viniyoga of the AtharvaVeda-Samhitd, he will chiefly and largely quote from the Kausika.
As for the object and the use of the AtharvaVeda-Samhita, according to the author of the Kalpa-Sutras, Sayaņa summarises the Kaufika as follows:-The performance of the fortnightly sacrifices; the creation of brain; obtaining success of the vow of celibacy; the acquisition of villages, towns, forts, and kingdoms; the acquisition of sons, cattle, wealth, corn, subjects, wives, elephants, horses, chariots, sedan-chairs, and other means of comfort; the acquisition of unity among the people; acquisition of good feeling; frightening away enemies and elephants; acquisition of victory in battles; the fencing away of shafts; the fencing away of swords and other weapons ; the stupefying, routing, stopping, and destroying of hostile armies; the inspiring with bravery and the protection of one's own armies; finding out whether victory or defeat is to attend a given battle; the destruction of the commander of an army and similar high men; the throwing, in tracts travelled over by hostile armies, of charmed nets, swords, &c.; the mounting a chariot by a king desirous of victory; the beating of drums and all other instruments which have been charmed; the destruction of enemies; the restoration of a king dethroned by an enemy; the coronation of a king; the destruction of sin ; about calamity; about fattening; the fattening of cows; the acqui. sition of prosperity; the tying of a talisman; the prosperity of cattle; the enriching of houses; the building of new balls; the letting-off of a bull; the application of medicinal remedies to curable diseases caused by sins committed in former existences; modicine for all diseases; medicines for fever, looseness, diabetes; stopping of blood flow- ing out from wounds made by weapons; the laying of devils, ghosts, demons, paroxysms, Brahma rdkshasas, and evil spirits haunting children; medicines for bile, cough, and wind; removal of heart diseases and jaundice; the curing of intermittent, diurnal, and remittent fever, of consumption and dropsy; destruction of worms; curing of vegetable, snake's, scorpion's, and other poison derived from immoveable or moveable things; medicines for diseases of the head, of the
eyes, of the nose, of the ear, of the tongue, of the throat, &c.; antidote against the curse of Brahmans and others; medicines for various diseases, such as carbuncles, easy parturition, consumption, and formation of the fætus; appeasing of the ire of kings and others; the knowledge of the meany of obtaining what is desired; the warding off storms, lightning, and excessive rain; victory in meetings, in disputations, and reconciliations ; making the rivers flow according to one's own desires; digging up of treasures; victory in gambling; reconciliation between the cow and the calf; obtaining peace to horses; obtaining profits in trade;" liberating a woman from sin ; entering a new house ; purification of a house defiled by a dove, a crow, &c.; the warding off the effects of improper receipts of largesses; of improper sacri. ficing and officiating; warding off the effects of an evil dream; warding off the effects of a boy's birth under inauspicious stars ; the repaying of debts; warding off the evil effects of bad aus. pices; warding off the effects of magic practised by others; performance of ceremonies connected with the birth, the naming, the saving, and the initiation of children; the performance of petty sacrifices; pacification on the occasion of many accidents, such as bleeding, the meeting with a demigod (Yaksha) and demon, an earthquake, the sight of a comet, lunar and solar eclipses, &c.
Then follow similar bat shorter summaries of contents of the other four Kalpa Sátras;
As might have been expected, the Commentary (which contains both the text and the explanation) comes to the help of the reader of the edition of the text published by Profs. Whitney and Roth by supplying more correct and intelligible readings. This is especially the case, so far as I have hitherto seen, in the last two Kandas. In many places the readings of the MSS. relied upon by the editors are confirmed, and in some places their emendations are shown to have been correctly made. Thus in Kanda xix. 1, 3, SAyaņa reads and explains gambhfreapasah instead of gambhiravepasah of the printed edition. In xix. 4, 1, 8, Sayana reads and explains ma mrityorudagd vabam instead of md mpityorupagd vašam. In xix. 4, 2, 2, Sayans reads and explains dvishatastdpayan..ivabhiri santapayan instead of dvishtastapanan . . . ivdbhisantapaya, which appears to bave been substituted as an emendation in the printed edition. In xix. 7, last verse but one, instead of vandamand Sayana correctly reads and explains vadamdta, which is obviously the proper reading.
From the Commentary on the Rigveda we learn that SAyana was the minister (dhurandhara) of King Bukka; here he calls himself the minister of King Harihara (Srimadrajadbirljnparames

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varasri-HariharamahArijasAmrajyadhurandharena again what I said the other day, when I had to Sayanacharyeņa virachite madhaviye Atharva- announce the discovery of Sanskrit texts in Japan, vedasamhitâbhâshye vedårthaprakåbe, &c., &c.). “It never rains but it pours." After we had been
The MS. is not very old, but may have been looking for years for a single MS. of Sayana's written within the present century. This justifies Commentary on the so-called Fourth Veda, the us in hoping that the missing portions of the same week brings us tidings of the discovery of Commentary may yet be found. But the portions two MSS. That a Commentary by Sayana or in hand being on the most important parts of the Madhava on that Veda had once existed could Atharva collection, I propose editing the Com- hardly be doubted, but in reply to repeated enmentary, incomplete as it is.
quiries addressed by me to my friends in India I From Sayana's introductory verses already always received the same answer, Non est inventum. quoted it also appears that he was different from The reason why I did not give up my belief in the Vidyaranya. Popularly SAyana and Vidyaranya
existence of such a Commentary was because, 80 are believed to be one and the same individual, far back as 1846, in some statistic accounts of Vedic and Sayana's Commentary on whatever work is literature sent to Mr. J. Muir, and published by called Vidydranya-bhashya. Sayana's respectful him in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, mention of Vidyaranya made in these verses now not only the name of the author of the Commenshows that the latter was a different individual tary, scil. Madhava, but the number of lines of his from Sâyana, and different again from Sayana's Commentary on the Sanhita and on the Brahmana Guru or Teacher, whom Sâyaņa constantly men- was mentioned-viz., 80,000 for the former, 20,000 tions and refers to in language worthy of the for the latter. That information seemed to me Divine Being only, under the name of Vidyâtîrtha- so important that I thought it right to call the Mahesvara.
attention of Sanskrit scholars to it afresh, parSHANKAR PANDURANG PANDIT.
ticularly of those who were exploring India in
search of MSS., and had it published therefore With reference to the above, we have received
once more in my Introduction to the Science of the following communication from Mr. S. P.
Religion, 1873, p. 109. But though my friends Pandit:
Dr. Bühler, Kielhorn, Burnell, and others have Since I wrote to The Academy, I have been follow
kept a keen look out for "S&yana on the Atharvaing various lines of search after the missing
Veda," and though rumours of its existence portions of Sayana's Commentary on the Atharva
reached them from time to time, nothing tangible Veda Samhitd, but regret that I have not yet
has ever come to light. So late as March 10, 1874, succeeded in obtaining any of the portions which
Dr. Burnell, that most indefatigable explorer of are missing in the MSS. already in my possession,
the ancient literature of India, wrote to me from except that on Kánda xi. This was obtained from
Mangalore :-"For the same reason I doubt the one of the sources which yielded the fragments
report of the Benares Brahmans to Dr. Muir about described in the letter given above. Further
an Atharva-Veda Commentary. I have so often search in the same places, thongh made with care
had tales told me quite as precise which I have as. and attention, has only made the hope of getting the
certained afterwards to be untrue that I am very needed portions of the Commentary less than ever
little inclined to believe mere assertions." (See likely to be immediately fulfilled. "It appears,"
Preface to the sixth volume of my edition of Rigsays my esteemed friend Mr. Narasimaiyengar,
Veda, p. xvii. note.) Now, at almost the same of the Mysore Commission, to whom I owe the dis
time that Mr. V. N. Narasimaiyengar discovered covery of the Commentary," heaps of Cadjan MSS.
the MS. in Nandi Nagari described by Prof. get spoiled and are thrown away into the Tunga
Shankar Pandurang Pandit, Dr. Bühler writes to bhadra river periodically! It is possible the
me that he had an offer from a learned Brahman missing parts were lost in the same way." I am
at Madras of a copy of Sayana's long-sought-for nevertheless hopeful that my enquiries in other
Commentary on the Atharva-Veda, written in the quarters may yet succeed, and we may some day come into possession of the whole Commentary.
Grantha alphabet. While the copy in Nandi SHANKAR P. PANDIT.
Någari is incomplete, that in Grantha is said to be Poona, 27th August 1880.
complete, so that Dr. Bühler hopes we may at last
obtain, not only the missing Kunt&pa hymns, but I have just read Prof. Shankar Pandurang also a more readable text of the nineteenth book of Pandit's able and interesting letter on the dis- the Atharva-Veda than that hitherto buccessible. covery of a MS. of Sayana's Commentary on the In the same letter (dated Ahmedabad, May 7, Atharva-Veda-sanhitd, and I feel tempted to say 1880) in which Dr Bübler informs me of the dis
The Academy, 5th June 1880.

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CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA.
covery of the Grantha MS. of Sâyana, he sends me several other items of information which may be of interest to Sanskrit scholars, and which I feel at liberty to publish. Among our new finds," he writes, "you will see a long list of Vedica. There is a Pada-pátha of the Mantras of the Maitrdyaniya Samhitd which is unique. It seems most opportune, as Dr. Schroeder intends pub- Oxford, June 5, 1880.1 lishing the book. I found that in Gujarât, north of the Narmada, there are still many Maitrayaniyas, among them three so-called Suklas, who recite the whole Samhitd from day to day. The others know little of their sacred writings. The Northern Atharvavedins are really, as the Charana vyúhabháshya asserts, all Paippaladins. But as they have lost their books they study the Saunaka Samhitá or the Samhita of any other Veda." "What I have bought this year of Vedica consists of nearly one hundred numbers. For the other Sastras there is also some new material, even some historical texts, and such scarce works as the Pañchasiddhantiká of Vardhamihira. The Sasvata Kosha, according to Aufrecht the oldest Kosha, has been found. A little time ago a portion of a very old MS. of Sayana's Commentary on the Rig-Veda- samhitd was brought to me. It is written initio saec XV! I collated some passages with your edition, and found that the MS. belonged to what you designate as the O. family. It is wonderful that that family should be so old. I shall go on collating some more of it."
The same letter contains some very important information about the discovery of new inscriptions and their bearing on the date of Buddha's death in 477 B.C.; but in regard to these matters I do not like to anticipate Dr. Bühler's own
statements.
What is a matter of real congratulation in these discoveries is that they have been made on the very spot where they were expected to be made, and that hope deferred has at last been rewarded. We seldom find what we are looking for in exactly the place where we think it ought to be, and therefore the discovery of Sâyana's Commentary on the Atharva-Veda, after thirty-four years of search, in the South of India, i.e., in exactly the locality where it ought to have been, like the discovery of Sanskrit texts in Japan, is the best encouragement that could have happened in this field of research.
I cannot close this letter without stating that not only Japan, but China, too, is at last surrendering some of the literary treasures which, beginning with the first century of our era, and not
1 From The Academy, June 12, 1880.
See Mem. sur les Cont. Occ. tom. I. p. 43n: also pp. 30, and 319, tom. II. p. 224.-ED.
203
with the seventh, were poured into it from India. I have now the Sanskrit text of the Vajrachchhedika and some other Sútras published in China, and I hope soon to find leisure to report more fully on those new trouvailles.
F. MAX MÜLLER.
CINDERELLA-HEPHAESTUS-KUVERA.
Rev. S. Beal writing to the Academy (July 3, 1880, p. 11) thinks "we may find a probable explanation of the story of Cinderella in the far East. If we take the Russian variant Chornushka, which according to Ralston is derived from chorna, 'black,' her connexion with the figure known in Japan as Dai Gakf-the Great black one' is at once suggested. Dai Gakf' is worshipped there as the god of riches. He is represented as a little man with a large sack on his shoulders and a hammer in his hand. His proper place is in the kitchen, and he is always found placed near the hearth." Hwen Thsang mentions him as Chinwang, and he is described "as a little black figure seated on the hearth and called Mahakâla (the mighty black one)." "In every case he is represented as a little dwarf, two or three feet high." Now in Smith's Dictionary of Biog. and Mythology, art. Hephaestus,' we find that "the Greeks frequently placed small dwarf-like figures of this god near the hearth, and these dwarfish figures seem to have been the most ancient." Hence, adds Mr. Beal, "in Aristophanes, Aves 435, we have the expression Anoiov Toù énioráтo, where émiorárns is thus described by the scholiast: simulacrum luteum Vulcani quod prope focum collocari solebat, idque sic dictum fuisse quod Vulcanus esset émiorárns, i.e. praeses et inspector ignis sive foci' (vide Suidas sub eriorárns, and Spanheim ad Callimachum, p. 172). And now, taking Max Müller's derivation of Hephaestus from yavishtha, i.e. the youngest, we have some light let in upon the question why Cinderella, who answers to the Norse Boots, is described as the youngest child and always sitting in the hearth among the ashes."
"But again, as to the connexion of Cinderella, or rather Cendreusette and the other variants, with the cow. This is at once explained by the myth that Bera was the mother of Vulcan. In the later form of the myth she was his husband-less mother, and under this form she is represented as disliking him on account of his deformity. This appears to be the origin of the idea of the step
See Mr. Lang's paper in The Academy, June 26, 1880,
p. 474.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1880.
mother's dislike to the cinder wench. But Hera under the form of Io, and in other ways, is figured as a cow. The cow spinning the kilo of cotton refers plainly enough to the moon threading her course through the stars at night, while her death is explained by her monthly disappearance. Instead of light' then, I would take Cinderella to denote
fire,' or 'flame,' which dies out and becomes black in the form of cinders, but when revived is beauti-
ful in its golden dress; and as the deformed Vulcan becomes the husband of the lovely Aphroditê, so, by an easy change of sex, Cinderella is chosen by the beautiful prince to be his wife.
"The identity of the Indian Vaidrduana with the Greek Hephaestus, is proved by the derivation viérdvas'the renowned,' which is identical with the Homeric epithet, epekAutós, always applied to Vulcan."
BOOK NOTICE
LITERARY REMAINS OF DR. THEODORE GOLDSTÜCKER, 2 The first volume contains contributions to the vols. 8vo. W. H. Allen & Co. London: 1879.
Encyclopaedia Metropolitana and Chambers' EncyGoldstücker's premature death on the 6th
clopedia, and consists of sixty-eight articles, some March 1872, was a heavy blow to the progress of
of considerable length, especially one on the Vedas. Sanskrit studies in England; his conscientious
The Editor has carefully annotated these, and ness and energy impressed all those in communi
drawn attention, where necessary, to the results of cation with him, and his disinterestedness had
more recent research; it thus constitutes a small much effect in raising the tone of Oriental studies
Indian Encyclopaedia. in England, where selfish motives, not love of
The second volume contains six longer Essays, scientific truth, are too often the inducements to
and a philological note. Among these are the follow unattractive courses of study: the results
famous Essay on Hindu Epic Poetry, originally of this offer a sad contrast to the work done in
published in the Westminster Reviero, and the other countries.
remarkable pamphlet on the Deficiencies in the The views Goldstücker adopted in respect of
Present Administration of Hindu Law, which is the value of the work of the native commentators,
just as true now as when it was written ten are already quite obsolete, and it would be difficult
years ago. But if slow in coming, ite result is now to find a single scholar who falows him.
certain. He held the native commentaries far above the
It will thus be seen that a really excellent work results attained by means of scientific philology,
has been done in bringing together papers of such and said (e.g.): "when modern Sanskrit philology
value, and which were so inaccessible before, for affords the spectacle of writers haughtily exag
the most part. But a little more might have gerating these shortcomings, and combining with
been found ; in Trübner's Record (e.g.) there their would-be criticisms the pretence of este are several summaries of papers which Goldblishing the true senge of the Vedas without the
stücker read before the Philological Society, but assistance of Madhava, a mere comparison of the
never published, and there is, also, his most recommentary of the latter with what the European
markable review of Max Müller's Prātiçakhya publio is called upon to accept as its substitute,
of the Rigveda, printed in the Academy of July adds a new testimony to the vast superiority of
9th 1870, which might well have been included. the Hindu scholar over his European antagonists"
The biographical notice prefixed (16 pp.) is excel(vol. I. pp. 101-2). The results already attained
lent; it is no secret that it is by the sympathetic by European philologists are decisive on the
and most competent pen of Dr. R. Rost. question, and Goldstücker, if now alive, would,
An occasional error remains to be corrected here probably, materially modify the strong views he
and there, e.g. the statement (I, p. 276) that the held. Bat his opposition did much good in its
Adbhuta-Brdhmana is probably recent, and that way, as the philologists had to look earnestly to
it is not mentioned by Sdyana; it is part of the the solidity of their work, and thus it happens
Shadvimpa which Sdyana does mention. that the dispute has been finally decided on really
All Sanskritists will welcome these volumes as solid grounds. In this respect, Goldstücker's
a worthy memorial of a true scholar, and it is to papers are rather valuable as materials for history
be hoped that Mr. J. F. Fleet will now see his of the past than as helps for the present.
way to bringing out Goldstücker's Sanskrit In other respects, every Sanskritist will wel.
Grammar. come these two volumes as valuable belps in
. A. B. present difficulties.
• In the Mentone version given by Mr. Lang.

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FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB.
205
FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. COLLECTED BY MRS. F. A. STEEL, WITH NOTES BY LIEUT. R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C.,
F.R.G.S., M.R.AS., &c. No. 1.-FOLK-TALE.
I just as Bôpô Lüchi had said. He told her that The Story of Bôpå Luchi or Bopo the Trickster.
S he was her father's brother who had been ONCE upon a time, five or six marriageable away in another place for years, and now had girls went to the well to draw water, and
come back to make her marriage with one of began talking of their betrotbals and weddings.
her cousins, his sons. Said one, "My uncle is coming soon, and he will
Bôpô Lûchi was ever so much pleased, packed bring me the finest clothes imaginable." Said
up her belongings in a bundle, and set off with
up her belongings in a bundle, and set another: "My uncle-in-law is coming soon, and
the thag. But when they were on the road a will bring the nicest, most delicious food you can crow sat on a branch, and croakedthink of." Said a third, “Well, my uncle is
Bopó Lúch! coming, I know, and is sure to bring the rarest
Aqlon ghuthi, jewels in the world."
Thag nál hagi gaye. But Bôpô Lâchi, the prettiest of them all, was
Bộ pô Luchi! silent. She was an orphan, and had no one to
You have lost your wits, make a marriage for her. But she was proud,
You have been deceived by a thag." so she said gaily," And my uncle is coming too,
“Uncle," said Bôpô Lûcbî," that crow croaks and will bring me fine dresses, fine food, and funnily, what does it say?" "Oh," answered fine jewels."
the thag, "all crows make that noise about here." Now a wandering pedlar of the kind called | A little further they met a peacock. As soon Wanjára who sell Surma' and sweet-scented as it saw pretty Bôpô Luchi it began to screamoils, wax and cosmetics, was sitting near the
Bópå Lúchí! well, and heard what Bôpô Lûchî said. He was
Aqlon ghuthi, a thag' in reality and was very rich. The very
Thag nál thagi gayi. next day he disguised himself, and came to Bôpô
Bôpô Lịchí ! Lachi's house, bringing with him fine dresses,
You have lost your wits, fine food and fine jewels. Everything was there
You have been deceived by a thag.10 Notes, criticisms, or remarks will be gladly received by the compilers.
and Panj. a thief, rogue, fem. iki thagni. Cha thagi, This story is not very common or well known. It was w thagat the practice of murdering by thags, deceit ; told by an old peasant from the Kasur district near Lahore.
like thagna, to deceive, with cansative U Bus thagand and Panjabi adjective signifying "wicked, worthless, unlucky." !!! 6868 or us!! bobf' sister, mother,' Panj. term of
thagand to be deceived; Sansk. PTT sthag & rogue. In endearment. Ju
the Indian Penal Code a thag is defined as being a person böpdl common girl's name, Panj. In habitually associated with others for the purpose of Hindi af 10 babe, bbt or bobs is an elder committing robbery or child-stealing by means of murder.
-R.O.T. sister, lady, a bobo also the breaste. According to the school girls, Firozpur, bóp means a babbler and with the addition of lacht would mean a trickster.-R.C.T.
y lo mand, mother's brother.-R.C.T.
|
لر چا;B3p0 Lacht بربر لوچی adeh لرچي .use hd, fem
haga jand and ٹھگا نا dصه نگا جا نا ; Maguodna ٹھگوا نا
بوبو لرجي" عقلون گیڈوي .. ٹھگ نال تهكي گئي
بتيررا or پتیمورا | و'Patiauhra or Patiaurd, haaband
or father-in-law's younger brother, Panj. pati is husband, master, lord, Panj. - Sangk.-9 pati, husband lord, etc., V97 pat, to share, to rale.-R.O.T.
بلجا را or وجاراة
و .Wanjara or Banjara, Panj
Wandering pedlar dealing in spices; also a seller of grain. e, or wanaj or banaj ir . bargain, trade.-R.C.T.
A surma, antimony used for blackening the eyelide.
Hi Thay Hindi and Panj. deceiver, whence that class of robbers who deceive and strangle travellers. The Hindi and Panjabi connected words are yra thagyd Hind.
ÅRS Ghuthe, second person singular "past tense, local Firozpur pronunciation; Lieses ghuthna Panj. to fail. GL ghatha jand to be lost. Proper Panj. form is Limaps ghusna to fail. Limas ghusna in Hindi is to thrust oneself in, to enter. 3 thagi gayt you have been deceived. See note 8. Juli thag nal, Panj.-Hindi, thag s8 with or by a thief. Dr. Fallon, New Dict. Hindust., says nal is of Hindi origin, but I cannot find the word in Kellogg's Hindi Grammar.-R.C.T.
10 See Note 9.

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"Uncle," asked Bôpô Lüchi," that peacock On the road she met the shag who was returnscreams funnily, what does it say?"
ing with a stolen mill-stone on his head. She “Oh," answered the thag, "all peacocks make was dreadfully frightened, so she slipped behind that noise about here."
the hedge so as not to be seen. The thag did A little further they met a jackal-no sooner not know her in his mother's dress, but thought did it see pretty B pd Lüchỉ than it began to she was some strange woman from another howl
village, so he slipped behind the other hedge so Bðpð Lúchí!
as not to be seen. And so it was that Bôpô Aqlon ghuthi,
Lûchi ran away home safe. Thag nál thagi gayi.
When the thag came to his house he saw the Bôpô machi!
figure in bridal scarlet" sitting on the bridal You have lost your wits,
chair spinning, and thought it was Bôpô Lüchi. You have been deceived by a thag." So he called to her to help him down with the “Uncle," said Bôpô Lûchi," that jackal howls mill-stone. But she didn't answer. So he funnily, what does it say?"
called again, but still she didn't answer. Then "Oh," said the thag," all the jackals make he got angry, and threw the mill stone at her that noise about here."
head. The figure toppled over, and lo! it was Then they arrived at the Thag's house, and not Bôpô Lüchi but his own mother! Then he told her who he was, and that he intended the thag wept and beat his breast, for he to marry her himself, and she wept and cried. thought he had killed her. But when he found Then the shag went out and left her. in charge out Bêpô Lâchi had run away, he determined of his old, ever so old, mother. Now, Bôp to bring her back somehow. Lüchi had such beautiful hair that it reached
Now Bôpô Lâchỉ felt sure the thag would try down to her ankles, but the old mother hadn't and carry her off, so every night she begged a a single hair on the top of her bald old head. night's lodging in a friend's house, and so her "Daughter," she said, as she was putting the
own little bed in her own little house stood bridal dress on B&p8 Lüchi, “how did you get empty. But at the end of a month she such beautiful hair P"
slept in every friend's house for a night, and "Well," said Bôpô Lúchí, my mother made was ashamed to ask any of them again. So it grow. She pounded my head in the mortar" she determined to sleep at home whatever for husking rice, and at every stroke she gave happened, but she took a bill-hook to bed with with the pestle my hair grew longer and longer. her. In the middle of the night four men came It is a plan that never fails."
and lifted up her bed, and the thag was behind "Perhaps it would make my hair grow," her head. Bôpô Lâchf pretended to be fast said the old lady.
asleep till they came to a wild deserted spot, and "Perhaps it would," said Bôpô Lûchi. then she whipped out the bill-hook, and in a
So the old woman put her head in the mortar, twinkling cut off the heads of the two men at the and Bôpô Lüchi pounded it so hard that the foot of the bed. Then she turned round quickly, old woman died.
and cut off the head of one of the men at the Then Bôpô Lüchi dressed the dead body in her head of the bed, but the Thag who was the fourth scarlet bridal dress, seated it on the low bridal | ran away, and scrambled up a tree like a wild chair, and put the spinning wheel in front of it. cat before she could cut off his head. Then she drew the veil well over the dead "Come down," said Bôpô Luchi, "and fight woman's face, put on the dead woman's clothes, it out." and taking her bundle of things stepped out of
But he wouldn't come down. So Bðpð Lachi the house as quickly as possible."
gathered all the sticks she could find, piled them 11 See Note 8.
The Sansk. form is free pith a seat. The diminutive perhe "shes,lukhu Hind. a mortar, and Uue yo masala also means the pangs of childbirth, eto, but this is probably pestle. Hind.-R.C.T.
quite a different word connected with the Sansk. V 196 1. The word used for the bridal chair is 4to pirha, this
pidh, to be afflicted, suffer pain.-R.C.T.
1. The bridal scarlet, & universal custom among all with ita diminutive fat M is a low seat or stool with a Panjab tribes and classes. Every bride, however poor, back like a chair used by women. The word is universal in wears a dress of scarlet and gold for six months, and if many forms in Hindi and Panj. as pidha, pido and pishiya. rich for two years.-R.O.T.

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round the tree, and set fire to them. Then the tree caught fire, and there was so much smoke that the Thag was obliged to throw himself down and was killed. Then Bôpô Lûchi went to the Thag's house and carried off all the gold and silver jewels and clothes. And after that Bôpô Luchi was so rich that she could marry any one she pleased.
No. 2.-FOLK-TALE.
The Sparrow and the Crow.
This is a very common tale among Hindus and Muhammadans in the Firôzpûr, Sialkot, and Lâhôr districts.
A sparrow and a crow once agreed to cook Khijr for their dinner. The crow brought pulse" and the sparrow rice, and the sparrow cooked the khijri. When it was ready the crow came to claim his share. "No," said the sparrow, "you are dirty, go and wash your beak in the tank yonder, and after that sit down to dinner."
So the crow went to the tank, and said
Tú Chhappar Dás,
Main Kang Dás, Deô paneriya, Dhowén chucheriya, Khawen khijeriya, Dekh chiriyá ká chúchla, Main kang sapariya."
khichit, a dish of rice کهچي hijrt properly كهجري ،
and dal (JIS the peas of various pulses prepared for cooking, etc.). Khichrt is usually prepared from mang pulse (Panj. mungt), but some versions of this tale make it to be made from the manh (Panj. Hind. ma'ash) pulse.-R. C. T.
or
emang or ma'ash kt dál,
مونگ کی دال •
FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB.
see note 1.-R. C. T.
تو چه پر داس : مین کانگ داس
د بو پتریا
د هووین چوچر یا گها وبن کھچر یا
دیگر چڑیا کا چرچله
مین کانگ سپریا
chhappar Panj. a tank. ik kang or kan Panj. a crow- Hind. I kawwa. 4. paneriyd and the
khajeriya are کوریا chucheriya چرچر یا other words
You're Mr. Tank, I am Mr. Crow, Give me water
That I may wash my beak, And eat my khijrî.
See the bird's playfulness, I am a clean crow.
But the tank said: "I will give you water if you will go to the deer, break off one of its horns, and dig a hole in the ground close by me, and then I'll let my water run in clean and fresh. So the crow went to the deer, and saidTú Hiran Dás, Main Kang Dás, Tú déo singarwa, Main hhôdún chalarwa, Nikálun panarwa, Dhowên chunjarwa, Kháwên khijarwa, Dékh chiriyá ká chúchla, Main kang saparua.*
You are Mr. Deer, I am Mr. Crow, You give me a horn, And I will dig a hole, And take out the water, That I may wash my beak, And eat my khijri.
See the bird's playfulness, I am a clean crow.
merely made to assume this form for the song and represent respectively pant, water, chonch (Panj. chun), a bird's beak, and khijrt, while the final word sopariya represents the Arab. adj. jo saf, clean.-R. C. T.
تو ہرن داس “ مین کانگ داس تو دیو سنگروا
گهر دوی چاروا
نگالون پنروا دهوین چاروا
207
کها وین کهجروا دیگر چڑیا کا چرچام
مین کانگ سپروا
In this song and those following it the rhyming fanciful termination is larwa, the terminal words being. sing, Panj.-Hind. sing, a horn, Panj. a hole, and the remainder as before.-R. C. T.

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But the deer said "I'll give you my horn if you will give me some buffalo's milk, for then I shall grow fat, and breaking my horn won't hurt me." So the crow went to a buffalo and said,
Tu Bhains Dás, Main Káng Dás, Tu déo dudharwa, Pildwén hirnarwa, Tosén singarwa, Khôdén chalarwa, Nikdlén panarwa, Dhôuen chunjarwa, Khdwén khijarwa, Dékh chiriya ka chúchla.
Muin kang saparwa." You are Mrs. Buffalo, I am Mr. Crow, You give me milk, That I may give it the deer to drink, And break his horn, And dig the hole, And take out the water, And wash my beak, And eat my khijri. See the bird's playfulness,
I am a clean crow. But the buffalo said "Bring me some grass first, and I'll give you milk." So the crow went to some grass, and said
Tú Chás Dás, Main Kang Dás, Tú dêo ghasarwa, Pawéi bhainsarwa, Chowen dúdharwa, Pilawén hirnarwa, Tórên singamwa, Khôden chalarwa, Nikalén panarwa,
Dhôwên chunjarwa, Kháwen khijarwa. Dekh hiriya ckd chuchla
Main kung saparwa.o You are Mr. Grass, I am Mr. Crow, You give me some grass, That I may give it the buffalo, And take her milk, And give it the deer to drink, And break his horn, And dig the hole, And take out the water, And wash my beak, And eat my khijri, See the bird's playfulness,
I am a clean crow. But the grass said—“Get a spade first, and then you can dig me ap." so the crow went to a blacksmith, and said
Ti Lohár Dás, Main Káng Dás, Ti déo phaswa, Main khôdún ghasarwa, Khildwen bhuinsarwa, Chôwen dúdharwa, Pilkwén hirnarw, Tosén singarwa, Khôdên chalarwa, Nikálen panarwa, - Dhówén chunjarwa, Khẩuôi khijara, Dekh chiriyá ká chúchla,
Main kung saparwa.' You are Mr. Blacksmith, I am Mr. Crow, You give me a spade, And I will dig the grass,
That I may give it the buffalo to eat, remainder as before. Terminal words are 43 ghas, grues,
دو دهم ,bhains a bnfalo بهينس dadh, milk, page
تر بهینس دا سه مین کانگ داس تو دیو دود هررا بلا وين رنر را توزین سنگروا
bhainsarwa--that the buffalo may obtain it. U pand to obtain. w chowen Panj. (Hind. Lydohna) to milk, chund Hind. is to ooze.-R. C.T.
remainder as before. In this the new terminal words are
Asys dadh, milk, and we hiran, a deer.-R.C.T.
تو گهاس داس • مین کانی دس تر د يو گهسررا با وین بهینسروا چووین دود هررا
تو لوار داس ' مین کا نگ داس تو دیر پژوا مین هو دون گهر را كهلا وين بهينسروا
remainder as before.-R.C.T.

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FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB.
209
And take her milk, And give it the deer te drink, And break his horn, And dig the hole, And take out the water, And wash my beak, And eat my khijri. See the bird's playfulness,
I am a clean crow. “With pleasure," said the blacksmith, "if you will light the fire and blow the bellows."
So the crow began to light the fire and blow the bellows, and in so doing fell into the middle of the fire and was burnt.
So that was the end of him, and the sparrow ate all the khijri.
No. 3.- FOLK TALE.
The Lord of Death." Told by a North-West' boy, who heard it from his grandmother :
Once upon a time there was a road, and every one who travelled along it died. Some said they were killed by a snake, and others said they were killed by a scorpion.
Now a very old man was travelling along the road, and he sat down on a stone to rest, and on the stone beside him he saw & scorpion as big as a cock, and as he looked at it, it changed into a snake. He was wonderstruck, and determined to follow it to see what it really was. So he followed it at a little distance.
One day it went into an inn and killed several travellers; another day it crept into the king's house and killed him. Then it crept up the waterspout to the women's rooms, and killed the king's young daughter, and always when the sound of weeping and wailing arose, it went
its way. All this time the old man followed it, but never spoke, so it took no notice of him.
Then in the road came a broad deep river, and the snake changed to a handsome buffalo with brass necklace and bells. Now on the bank of the river sat some poor travellers who had no money to pay the ferry; when they saw the buffalo they said, “This beast is going to its home across the river; let tus get on its back and hold on to its tail, and so get over the stream." So they got on its back, and
I w i sho Malik-ul-maut-the Lord of Death, common object of belief.-R.O.T.
held on to its tail, and the buffalo swam bravely with them to the middle of the river. Then it began to kick till they had to let go ; so they were all drowned, but when the old man who was following in a ferry boat got across there was no buffalo to be seen, only a beautiful ox. A peasant saw the ox wandering about, and being struck by covetousness, lured it to his house. It was very gentle, and suffered itself to be tied up with the other beasts; but in the middle of the night it changed into a snake and bit all the cattle till they died. Then it crept into the house, and killed all the sleeping folk. After that it escaped. The old man followed it, but never spoke, so it took no notice of him.
Presently they came to another river, and then the snake changed into the likeness of a beautiful young girl covered with jewels and fair to see. Now two brothers, soldiers, came that way, and as they approached the girl began to cry. "What is the matter," asked they, " that you so young and beautiful sit by the river alone ?"
The girl answered—“My husband was even now taking me home, and there was no ferry boat, so he went down to the stream to look, and fell to washing his face, when he tumbled in, and was drowned. I have neither friends nor relations left." Said the eldest of the brothers, who was enamoured of her beauty,"Come with me, and I will marry you." "On one condition," said the girl,"you must never ask me to do any household work, and whatever I ask for, you must give me." "As a slave will I obey you," cried the elder brother. "Then go and fetch me a draught of water from the well," said the girl," your brother shall stay with me."
The elder brother did as he was bid, and went to the well. Then the snake girl said to the younger, "Fly with me, I love you. I don't care for your brother. It was only a trick to get him away." "Nay," said the younger, "you have promised him, and are now as my
Then the girl was angry, and began to weep and wail, and when the elder brother came back with the water, she cried "Oh! what & villain
Parbid-properly Eastern, bat applied in the PanjAb to the inhabitants of the North-West Province.-R. C. T.

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this is. Ho asked me to fly with him, and bid me leave you, my husband." Then there was great anger in the elder brother's heart, and he drew his sword and fought all the day long with his brother, till in the evening they both died.
Then the girl changed to a snake again, and afterwards to an old, old man with a white beard reaching to his waist. At last the old man who had followed the snake so long took courage, laid hold of him, and asked—“Tell me
who you are." The old, old man said: "Some people call me the Lord of Death, and I go about to bring death to the world." Then said the old man-"Give me death, for I am old and have followed you far.” But the Lord of Death said: "Not so. I only give death to those whose years are full, and you have yet sixty years of life before you." Then the old, old man vanished, but whether he was the Lord of Death or a devil, who can tell P
Pondu
Pendâţi
Pêtti
THE YERAKALA LANGUAGE.
BY THE REV. J. CAIN. Whilst staying a few days in Rajamahend. | English. Erakala. Tamil. Telaga. rivaram (Rajahmundry) in 1879, I was asked Wife
Pendlamu
Pondu Pendu to help in drawing up a vocabulary of the Husband Monagam
Mogadu Erakala language to be sent to the Director of
Tata
Grandfather Tâtam T&tan Public Instruction, Madras. Two of the As
Tatayya
Son Moganu Magan sistant Masters of the Provincial College did
Daughter Mogulu Maga! most of the work, my part being chiefly that of
Brother-in-Mechchunu Machchinan suggesting the line of questioning the intelli
law So gent Yeraka brought to us. These two Masters Father-in- Mama Mâman Mama afterwards drew op an interesting paper, which law S was sent to the Dir. Pub. Instr., Madras. Pro- Son-in-law
Merumo- Marumagan
" ganu bably the information we gleaned on that
Daughter- Merumogu- Marumaga! occasion may be of use to some of the readers of
in-law S lu the Indian Antiquary. For other notices of these Grandson Pétam Pêran people see vols. III. p. 151, V. p. 188, and VIII. Grandpp. 106, 219. They must not be confounded with daughter another class-the Elaka lavandlu, a people Uncle Sottam who eat rats, hence their name; elaka = a rat; Sister-in
Nanga Nangai
law although the Erakalavandlu will not disdain
Person Keruvu Per the flesh of the mangoose and cat.
Boy Guntam Amongst themselves they call each other
Karagada Kuluvaru,' but the Telugu people call them
Ear Kådana ΚAθα Erakavaru or Erakalavaru, and this name has
Kan Kan Kanna been derived from the Telugu word eruka, Mouth Vải Vai Vai (Nora) which means knowledge or acquaintance, as Nose Makana Makku Mukku they are great fortune-tellers.
Hand Kei Kai Kai (Cheyyi) English. Erakala Tamil. Telugu. Leg ΚΑΙ ΚΑΙ
Kalu Father Tåpan Tagappan
Tongue N&K Nakk Naluka Mother Tải Tải
Tooth Pelu Pal Pallu Father (fa-
Head Ondu Appan
. miliar term) 3
Finger
Elu Mother (fa-2
Neck Kegan miliar term) SA Amma Ammai Amma
House Údu Viều Vida (a city) Elder bro
V&sali Vagal Vakill Annan Anna thers
Ox Madu
Madu Sheep
Adu Adu brothers! Tambi Tainmadu
Pig Pandri Pandri Pandi Elder sister Akka Akla Akka Cat
Pane
Panai Younger 2 Tengachchi
. Fish Mina
Minama sister is Tangai
Crane
Kokku Kokku Konga
King
Eye
Velu
Younger
Te

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THE YERAKALA LANGUAGE.
211
Dog
N&i
English. Erakala. Tamil.
Telugu. Crocodile Modala Modalai
Nai Mongoose Kiri Kari Squirrel Ani Ani Rat Eni
Eli
Elika or Eluka Bird Kunzu Kurruvi Snake
Tôna Hair Mogaru Mayir Stone
Kellu Kallu Kallu (Rai) Tree.
Maram Maram Leaf Ela
Ilai Branch Kommu Kombu Kommu Unripe Lêtakapana
Leta (young) fruit ) mu Fruit Pagam Param Bark Beradu
Beradu Toddy Odu Palmyra Panjeţi Panaimaram
tree ) Panamaram Grass Gadài
Gaddi Rice Erise Arisi Rice(boiled) Sôru Sôru Cholam Cholam Chôlam Ragi. Kêvuru Kevuruku Plough Nagali
Nagali Salt Nonan Knife Kolle Sun Proddu Posudu Proddu Sunshine Moon
Nela Nil& Nela River År Åru Eru Tank Eri Eri Well Gendra Kindru Water
Tanni Tannir Earth Terra Tarai Footstep Adugu Adi
Adugu Mountain Konda Kundra Konda Stream Rain Mags
Marai Mat Tsápa
Ts&pa Sweetness Tipu
Titippu Sour Puli Puli Puli Bitter Kechcha Kasappu Whiteness Valapu Veluppu Vali (Tella) Black Kar Karu Kar (Nalla) Great Beru Peru Peru (Pedda) Small Chiru Chinna Chiru(chinna) Yellow Manza
Manza! Red Erra
Erra Male Avala Å!, An
Nouns.
Plural number. The plural terminations resemble the plural terminations of Tamil nouns far more than those of Telugu nouns. The principal plural
endings are galu, g, lu, maru, and ru. Galu, 9, and lu seem to be pluralising particles of the neuter and maru and ru epicene pluralising particles.
Kegan, adu, kapanam, and madu all form their plural by the addition of golu. [Tamil ga!).
Udu, kunzu, modala, nal, pellu, ondu, elu, and kalu by the addition of g only. [In common Tamil the ! of ga! is little heard.]
Kei vai, pune, pandri, ar, er, vasili, kari, ani, and eni by affixing lu, as in Telugu.
Tapan, ava, tembi, annam, tatam, appa, akka, tevise, pondu, monagam, maganu, and magalu, by the epicene pluralising particle maru.
Gender. There seems to be "no mark of gender inherent in, or inseparably annexed to the nominative of any noun." The prefix avali is used to denote the masculine gender.
Oase. “All case-relations" seem to be "expressed by means of postpositions or postpositional suffixes." With the exceptions of keili, Loovi and mudu most of these suffixes are the same as used in Telugu. This may perhaps be due to local influence, and further south other forms may be used. One paradigm is given :Nominative. Sedi. Accusative.
Sedive. Instrumental. Sedikeili. Conjunctive. Seditoti. Eodu. Tam.] Dative.
Sediki. [ku. Tam.] Ablative of motion. Sedinunchi. [nindu. Tam.) Genitive.
Sedimudu. [udaiya. Tam.] Locative.
Sedikoli. [u! Tam.] Vocative.
Sedí. The neuter demonstrative gentives are ad and ayyalu. As will be seen below ad is he, and ayyalu they.
Oga
Någ
Тіра
The Adjective. The two Assistant Masters above mentioned thought that "adjectives generally appear to be formed by adding a and i either to the crude form or the crude form modified by doubling the final consonant, or by adding some inflexional increment as ttu." But I think I should prefer seeing a larger vocabulary of adjectives before coming to a decided opinion.

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212
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1880.
Eindu? Eidu
Elu
na
The Numerals. English. Erkala. Tamil Teluga. Canarese. One Ondu Ondru Oka Ondu Ondu Two Rendu Irandu Rendu Eradu Three Mudu Manru Mudu Mura Four Naluga Nálu Nalugu Nalku Five Anja 3
Eidu AnjuS Six Aru Aru Aru Aru Seven Ogu
Eru
Edu Eight Ottu Ettu Enimidi Entu Nine Onbadu Onbadu Tommidi Ombhattu Ten Pottu Pattu Padi Hattu Twenty Iruvadu Irubadu Iruvai Thirty Muppadu Mappadu Muppai Forty Naluvadu Nárpadu Nalabhai
The Pronoun. English. Yerakala. Tamil. Teluga.
nenu vấn, nân nenu My
nanga en Me nanna enne
nannut We (exclusive) nangal nêm
memu (inclusive) nangal nânga! manamu Our (exclusive) nambar nammadaiya ma (inclusive) nambar nam
mana Us (exclusive) nangalva namme mammunu
(inclusive) nengalva nengaļai Thou ninu ni
nivu ninga unnodaya Thee
ninna unnai ninnu You
ningal ningal miru Your ningal ungaļodaya mi You
ningalna ungalai mimmunn He ad svan
vadu His
asaga avanudayya vani Him atta avanai
vani ayyala Avar, or varu
avargal Their
asaga avarudayya vari Them
asal, or avarai varini
asalgalna The Demonstrative Pronouns are ad and id, the Interrogative ed.
Past Tense. English
Yerakala. I saw
nenu pate Thou sawest ninu pata He saw
ad patchu We saw
nangal pato You saw
ningal patanga They saw
ayyalu patchum
Future Tense. I will see
nenu pakke Thou wilt see ninu pakka He will see ad pakoka We will see nangal pakko You will see ningal pakkanga He will see ayyalu pakakum
To eat.
Present Tense. I eat
nenu unduketikkire Thou eatest ninu undukeţikkira He ents
ad unduketikkiru We eat
nangal undukeţikkiro You eat
ningal unduketikkiranga They eat
ayyalu undukeţikkirum
Past Tense. I ate
nenu unde Thou atest
ninu unda He ate
ad undchu We ate
nangal undo You ate
ningal undanga They ate
ayyalu undchum
Future Tense. I will eat
nenu unke Thou wilt eat ninu unka He will eat ad ungaku We will eat
nangal unko You will eat ningal unkanga They will eat ayyalu unkakum
The Infinitive seems to be formed by adding a to the root, and the verbal noun by adding tam or dam to the infinitive, as in Telugu.
Having seen= pati ; seeing=patiketi.
The similarity of the termination ikkir to the Tamil cannot but strike the most careless listener. The addition of k to the root in form ing the future is said to be not unknown in some old Tamil words. It is not-alla, there is not-illa. (In old Tamil, ungu-'I shall eat, ungumw e shall eat'.]
The Adverb. This is generally formed as in Telugu by adding ga to adjectives and nouns.
Probably vocabularies gathered from districts farther south might give slightly different results.
Thy
ni
They
English. I see Thou seest He sees We see You see They see
The Verb.
To see. Present Tense.
Yerakala. nenu patikkere ninu patikatikkira ad patikeţikkiru nangal patikeţikkiro ningal patikeţikkiranga ayyalu patikeţikkirum

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS.
213
CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS.
BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from p. 95.)
sons, who began to talk together, and to suggest Having discarded the earlier part of the that their guest, the boy Makhali, might know genealogy of the Mongol Imperial house as something of the paternity of the new arrivals; really belonging to the Turks, we will resume whereupon their mother, who was cooking some our story at the point where we showed there hard-frozen mutton, summoned them to her, and was an actual break in the legendary descent. explained how during several nights a man of As we have seen the Saga makes Dobo Mergen a blonde complexion had entered her yurt or marry Alun Goa.
tent through the hole in its summit, and that The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi goes on to say that a ray of light which came from him penetrated once when Dobo was hunting on the hills
her womb, after which he disappeared in the Tokhochakh,' he met a man of the distriot Uri- sunlight in the guise of a yellow dog. “It is angka, who was cooking a stag which he had quite plain," she added, " that the three boys are killed. Dobo having asked him for some of it, of divine origin, and you cannot compare them he detached the offal for his own use, and pre- to ordinary people. When they become kings sented his guest with all the rest. Dobo tied and princes you will recognise this." Then it on his horse, and wended homewards. On telling them all to cling together, and relatthe way he met a poor beggar with his son. ing to them the world-famous parable of the The former said he belonged to the tribe of bundle of faggots, which when tied together Makhali Bayau. He asked him for the deer, could not be broken, while each individual offering his son in exchange for it. This was
stick was exceedingly frail, she died. This agreed to by Dobo, who accordingly took the is the story as told in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi. boy home with him, and brought him up in The story, it will be seen, makes Budantsar, his house as his attendant. Ssanang Setzen, who is treated as the stem-father of the who mentions this boy, calls him Makhali of
Mongol Imperial house, the son of Alun Goa, the race or tribe Bayagod. The Bayagod and a divine father, and clearly establishes the are elsewhere named by him. They were fact which we argued in the former paper that doubtless the Bayant of Rashidu'd-din, who the Dobo Mergen and his ancestors are really says they were divided into two sections, the strangers to the pedigree of the Mongol Emperors Jida Bayaut living on the river Jida, doubtless which begins de novo with Alun Goa. The the tributary of the Selinga so called, and the story of the supernatural birth of her sons has Kehrun Bayaut living on the steppe or plain." its parallel in several other Eastern tales. The Abulgbazi has corrupted Kehrun into Mekrin. Siamese story of Sommonasodom, who was born The Bayaut were very probably a Turkish tribe of a maiden who had been fertilised by the According to the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, after the sun, is a case in point. Elsewhere we have in death of Dobo Mergen, Alun Goa had three the sagas of the origin of the royal dynasties sons, named Bukhu Kataghi, Bukhatu Salji, among the northern frontagers of China several and Budantsar-the Bughu Khataki, Bughu parallels. Tan-che-ho-wi, the leader of the Saljigho and Budantsar Mong Khan of Ssanang Sianpi, was conceived by a widow, into whose Setzen.' This posthumous birth aroused the open mouth a thunderbolt entered while she was suspicions of Belgetei and Begontei, her older gazing upwards. A paokhi, the founder of the Probably some part of the Kentei chain.
or Soyots, called Uriangkut-Pisheh by Raabidu'd-din, and This name merely means 'woods'. The name Uriang. Uriangkhai to this day by the Chinese. They live between kut or 'woodmen' was however specifically applied to the Sayanian mountains and the Khanghai and Altai certain tribes, one of these, to which the famous Mongol chains on the river Tes, which flows into lake Ubea, and leader Sabutai Bebadur belonged, was the guardian of the Bachkus which falls into the Altan or Telezkoi lake.Chinghiz Khan's tomb. According to Rashidu'd-din this Asia Polyglotta, pp. 146 and 224. tribe was descended from those who came out of Irgeneh
Op. cit. p. 59.. Kun (Erdmann, op. cit. p. 195) by which, 98 we have seen, he • Op. cit. pp. 89, 183, and 251. means the Turke, and to this day the Turks of the Chulim Kehreh means a plain; Erdmann, Vollstandige Veber. are called Uriangkhai by their neigbbours, from living sicht, etc. p. 155. in woods, but the people referred to in the passage we • Op. cit. Ed. Desmaisons, p. 60. are discussing were probably the southern Samoyedes Op. cit. p. 59.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(SEPTEMBER, 1880.
Khitan dynasty, was the outcome of a virgin who had been impregnated by & ray from the
sun.'
Similar stories are told about Aishin Giyoro, the reputed founder of the present Manchu dynasty, but the legend which has the most analogy with the one we are discussing, and from which the latter was probably derived, is that referring to the early history of the Uighurs, the dominant Turkish race in Eastern Asia, in the earlier half of the ninth century, and who, as I have shown, were identical with the nation called Bede in the Mongol legends. Of this legend we have two rescensions, one of them is derived from an inscription discovered during the reign of Ogotai Khakan, the successor of Chinghiz Khân on the site of Karakorum as reported by Rashidu'd-din. This inscription ran as follows: "At a place called Kumlanju situated at the junction of the rivers Tula and Selinga, which rise in the Karakorum mountains, there were two trees close together, one of them a fistuk tree, resembling a pine, evergreen like a cypress, and with cone-like fruit; the other, a wild pine. Between these two trees a hillock appeared, upon which a stream of light descended from heaven; whereupon the hillock began to grow, and marvellous things were seen about it. Just after the lapse of the period of a woman's pregnancy, the hillock opened, and tive hillocks resembling tents were seen. In each tent was a little boy, and to these boys the people paid the greatest respect. The youngest of them, called Buku-tegin, was very intelligent, and subsequently the Uighurs made him their Khân."
The other rescension of the Saga is preserved in the biography of the Uighur chief Barchu as given in the Yuan-shi. In this we read that there was in the country where the Uighur's originally lived a mountain called Ho lin, from which the two rivers Tula and Selinga take their rise. It happened once in the night-time that a stream of light fell from heaven upon a tree standing between the two rivers, whereupon the tree began to swell like a pregnant woman, and in nine months and ten days gave birth to five sons.
The youngest received the name of Buko Khân; he was afterwards elected king, and subdued the neighbouring countries. The mound or tree which became pregnant when struck with a sunbeam, and bore five sons, is assuredly the proto. type of Alun Goa and her five sons, a conjecture which becomes almost a certainty when we find that two of these sons are given the name of Bukbu or Bughu, which was the very name borne by the stem-father of the Uighur kings.
The two sons whom Alun Goa had by Dobo, I believe to be an importation into the legend, They were perhaps evolved by some mistake out of Belgetei and Bekter, brothers of Chinghiz Khân, to whom we shall refer presently.
The whole tale therefore crumbles into legend directly we apply criticism to it, and the only part of it of any value is the fact which it apparently attests that the Katakins, Saljiut, and Mongols were the three senior tribes of the Mongol confederacy, and that the Mongols claimed a divine origin for their race, whence the name of Nirons or Naranu, i.e. children of light or of the sun, applied by Rashidu'd-din to all the true Mongols who traced their mythical descent from Alun Goa. Rashid treats her as an historical person, and she also heads the genealogy of the Mongol Khans given in the Yuan-shi. The former argues that from the history of Chingiz Khân preserved in the Imperial Treasury," and from the evidence of very old witnesses she lived four centuries before his time, and during the domination of the early Abassides and Samanis. It is more interesting to turn to the Mongol reports as to her origin. Rashida'd-din states more than once that she belonged to the tribe of the Kurulas, but he does not name her father or grandfather."
The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi gives more details. It says that in former times the ruler of Kolbarkuchin, Bargudai Merdan, had a daughter called Bagoljin Goa," whom he gave in marriage to Khorilartai Mergen of the horde Khorita Madun called Khoritai Mergen of the Khoyar Tumed tribe by Ssanang Setzen. Their daughter was Alun Goa. It having been forbidden to capture sables in the district of Khoritu,
Erdmann, Temudschin der Unerschütterlichte, p. 537 * Bretschneider, Notices of Mediæual Geography, &c. p. 126. 10 1. e. the Chinese form of Karakorum. u Id. pp. 120 and 121.
Hi.e. from the Altan Defter. 13 D'Obsson, Histoire des Mongols, tom. 1, p. 24 note. 1. Abulghazi, ed Desmaisons, p. 64, note 8.
15 The Baraghojin Goa of the Altan Topchi and Ssenang Setzen.

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS.
18
Madun Khorilartai had moved with his family to the neighbourhood of the Burkhan mountains, where he had heard they were plentiful, and where the ruler was called Shinchiboyan. Let us now try and analyse this statement. Kolbarkuchin or Gol Barkuchin, i. e. the river Barkuchin, was a famous feeder of lake Baikal, and is still known under the name of Barguzin or Barkujin, giving its name to the town of Barguzinsk, while from it the country south-east of lake Baikal is still known as Bargu or Barakhu. It is called the plain of Bargu by Marco Polo," and is called Bargujin Tugum by Rashidu'd-dîn. Georgi in describing the river Barguzin says it is so called by the Buriats and Tunguses, who are thinly scattered along its banks. It springs from a small lake in the mountains. These mountains also give birth to the Maslen, a feeder of the Angara and the China which falls into the river Witim. The river and its tributaries water a district, part of which is very fertile, and is called the steppe of Barguzin. The district, especially on the banks of the Chirkan and Koluktei, two small feeders of the Barguzin, is covered with traces of ancient agriculture and with graves similar to those on the Argada and Karga. These graves are marked by stone mounds. In these are found weapons, stirrups, etc. The remains of fields shew the Barguts to have been agriculturists. Small ploughshares of cast iron are still found in them, and there is a tradition that they could make cloth out of birch trees. These primitive inhabitants who inhabited the district before the Tunguses are called Barguts in the local traditions. This agrees with the statement of Rashidu'd-dîn, who calls the inhabitants of this district Barguts, and devotes two paragraphs to them," apparently making two distinct tribes out of them. I have little doubt that they were the ancestors of the Bargu Buriats, one section of whom, according to the Chinese geographical work translated by M. Hyacinthe Bituriski, and appended to Timkofski's Travels by Klaproth, lives on the right bank of the Amur (the Argun) in the country of the Solons," while another lives to the north of lake Baikal and on the Lena. This latter speaks a
10
18 Erdmann, Temudschin, p. 189, note 4.
17 Marco Polo, Yule's ed, vol. I., p. 261.
Erdmann, Volst. uebersicht, etc. p. 181; Abulghazi, p. 46, note 2.
19 Georgi, Reisen, vol. 1, pp. 123, 127-8.
30 Erdmann, op. cit. p. 59 and 119.
23
rough dialect, and is still Shamanist, and ignorant of writing, according to Schmidt." The Bargu Buriats are in fact very pure and unsophisticated Mongols. Rashidu'd-din links with the Barguts in one passage the Kurluuts, or as Von Hammer reads the name Kurolewauts or Kolowrats, while in Abulghazi the name appears as Kurlat or Kurlat." This again is a name which has been duplicated by Rashidu'd-din, and no doubt connotes the same class as the Kurulas, a division of the Kongurut. In the notice first cited where he calls them Kualuuts, he says they lived near the Kongurut, the Iljigins" and the Bargut. These tribes were allies, and had the same tamgha or seal. This notice is very curious, and it seems to follow that the Turkish race of Kongurut was at this time divided into two sections, one living, as I shall shew afterwards, near the Khingan mountains, and the other in the country of Barguchin. The passage from the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi therefore means that a chief of the Kurulas, having married a daughter of the chief of the Bargut, became the father of Alun Goa. She was therefore in the legend the daughter of a Turkish father and a Buriat mother. As I said, Alun Goa is made the ancestress of the Mongol Khâns in the official history of the house contained in the Yuan-shi. We must now devote a few more lines to this work, laying Dr. Bretschneider under contribution for the purpose. According to the Mingshi or official history of the Ming dynasty, the Yuan-shi was composed in the year 1369, the year after the Mongols were expelled from China, in which year the records of the thirteen Yuan emperors were brought together, and the composition of the history commenced under sixteen scholars superintended by Sung-lien and Wang Wei. The work was finally completed in the 6th month of 1370." Dr. Bretschneider says the work was very carelessly composed. Several editions of the Yuan-shi appeared during the domination of the Ming dynasty, while three have appeared during the domination of the Manchus, one in 1659, another in the middle of the last century, and a third during the present century. The second of these was
21 Timk. op. cit. vol. II. p. 242.
Ritters, Asien, vol. 11, p. 116.
215
33 Erdmann, op. cit. p. 56.
25 A section of the Kunkurats.
3. Op. cit. p. 60.
26 Erdmann, op. cit. p. 56.
7 Bretschneider, Notices of Medieval Geography, p. 4, 5,

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216
composed during the reign of K'ien-lung, and was in the nature of an eclectic text. Upon it Dr. Bretschneider makes the following remarks:
"A learned committee consisting of Chinese, Manchus, Mongols, Western Muhammadans, etc. was appointed by the emperor K'ien-lung to revise the Yuan-shi, and especially the foreign names of men, places, etc., occurring so frequent ly in that book. These savants, in their reformatory zeal, proceeded on the idea that all the proper names had been incorrectly rendered in the official documents of the Mongols, and had to be changed. They pronounced the same verdict with respect to the histories of the Liao and the Kin. Thus in the new editions of the histories of the Liao, Kin and Yuan, all the original proper names without exception dis* Alan kuo ha L
Puku Hatachi, also called
Po han ka, by Visdelou + Bo han ka
Tsi-nung-Ter khan, called by Visdelou +Ki ua-tul han
+ Hai tu
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Pai sun gur,
also called Pai chu wai, by Visdelou +Bai sim ghur.
I * Tun’pa khai also called +Tun pi nai
Puku tu Salitsi, also called Pu ku tu San li, by Visdelou Po ha kouan salikü
Ko tsi hu, also called Na ko hoe, called by Visdelou + Kho mu hu
P
Ha ki li tsi li ko tan, also called Ko hwo la ki li tan, and by Visdelou + Kho hu la ku li tan
1
Pa ka li tai ha pi tsi, also called
Pa lin si hi la tu kha pi hiu
My friend Mr. Douglas has kindly extracted from the 107th chapter of the Yuan-shi a portion of the genealogical table there given. This contains the names in duplicate, one no doubt in its original form and the other as revised by K'ien-lung's commission. Visdelou apparently had access to this table, or to one similar to it, and he refers to it in his notes to D'Herbelot's Bibliotheque Oriental.
In the following table I have given the names as contained in the Museum copy of the Yuanshi, which I have marked with an asterisk; the variants as given by Visdelou I have given with a dagger :
Mi nan tu tun by Visdelou called Yam li tu tun
[SEPTEMBER, 1880.
appeared, and were replaced by names of a new invention which generally have little resemblance to the original."
* Po tuan cha by Visdelou + Bod ouandgiar
I
Ma ha to tan, also called
Hauchun, also called Ho chan V. id.
+ Jajilai, ancestor of the Jajilais.
Chai pur kan nu nur, also called
Cha la kan ning ur.
Jajilai, who was enceinte when
+ Mon a lun.
Ni ku cha wur tu ti ko, ancestor of the Se chi hw la.
Bod ouan dgiar married her.
Ha ta li tai, also called Kha la la tai + V. id.
+Na chin
Hor shi kwan, also called Hor chi kwan V. id. also Ha ta li chi
Ko pa la khan, also called Ko pu liu khan

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SEPTEMBER, 1880.)
CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS.
217
I will now give the table as reported by Rashidu'd-din, taking the names as read by M. Berezine :Dubun Bayan
Alan Goa
Bulgunut
Buganut Bughun Khataki Bughu Salji
Badanjar
Beli
Buka Datum Menen
Buktai, also called Tukta
Munulun
Nachin
Bai Sankgur
Jerko Lin Gun
Jaujin' Urgun
Sorgodula Chino
Kenduchino
Ulukchino
Hambagai Kaan
1 Joksu 2 Barim 3 Khajuli 4 Samkhajiun 5 Batkülgi 6 Kabul 7 Udur 8 Budanjaz 9 Jiadai, Shiratu
Khan Bayan Doghlan Khaiju The genealogy as given in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi :Doben Mergan
Alun Goa
Belgunetai Begunotai Bukhá Kataghi
Bokhatu Salji
Budantsar
Jajiratai
Baaridai
Barin Shuratu Khabichi Menan Tudun
Khachi Ksiluk Namolun
Khachin Khachiu
Khachula Khachiun Kharandai Nachin Buatur
Kaidu Nayagidai Barulatai Yeke Barula Adardai Budaan
Uchegen Barula or Erdiantu Baruls Adakidai
Todoyan Barula Genealogy in the Altan Topchi :Dobo Mergen
Alan Goa
Urndai Mankhutai
Shizadai Dokoladai
Bughu Khatagi
Bughuchi Salji
Budantsar Kabachi Kuluk Biker Baghatur Makha Duade Khaji Kuluk Baisangar Dokthin

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218
Genealogy as given by Ssanang Setzen :Dobo Mergen
Alun; Goa I
Belgetei
Egemtu Alan
Kamala
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
The variations of these tables prove that the list is an artificial one, and when we criticise it closely, we shall find that it is a mere ethnographic table giving a conspectus of the various tribes deemed of pure Mongol blood, and has no further value. The oldest and most reasonable rescension of the story is contained in the Yuanch'ao-pi-shi, while that reported by Rashidu'ddîn, which is generally followed, is full of inconsistencies. Let us now continue the story. On the death of Alan Goa her four elder sons, who looked upon Budantsar as a weak person, divided the heritage between themselves. He having philosophized on the old text of "vanitas vanitatis," mounted his tawny horse with a galled back and naked tail, which is called Godun Shagali in the Altan Topchi and Uruk Sussuk by Ssanang Setzen, hied along the river Onon, and eventually arrived at Baljuna.""
There he saw a hawk which had seized a
Bauza Munkhan
Sabagai
Sabagar
2 Pallas in his list, obtained from a Kalmuk MS., gives the descents in very corrupt form as follows:
Makhatodon
Genedügen
Barshig Tordong Shing.
Begont si
Saml. Hist. Nachrich, p. 7..
[SEPTEMBER, 1880.
I
Bughu Khataki Bughu Saljigho
Bagharitai Khan isaghortu Khabichi Baghatur Wajirtai, whose 1 mother was a concubine named Budan.
Biker Baghatur
I
Makha Todan
T
Khachi Külük
29 Baljuna the Palitun Alan of the Chinese, is a lake between the Onon and the Ingoda, from which the Tura, a feeder of the Ingoda, springs. Pallas describes it as being very extensive, and bordered by marshy places. It is situated on a wide grassy plain of considerable elevation, surrounded by mountains. Near the lake, and especially on its eastern side, are a great number of ancient tombs made with dressed stones, which Pallas in the evening mistook for the herds of the Buriate.-Pallas, Voyages, t. IV. p. 276. He mentions that similar tombs of a square shape, surrounded by dados, abound on the Chikoi, the Jida, the Shilka near lake Baikal on the Selinga, the Uda and the Ingoda (Id. pp. 268, 269 note). They doubtless belonged to the early
T
1
Shingkhor Dokshin,
Budantsar Mong Khan I
quail; Ssanang Setzen says a kara khuru;0 the Altan Topchi says a Goa-maral (i.e. a fair hind). Having made a noose with hairs from his horse's tail, he caught the hawk, which he trained to hunt for him. He also secured wild animals which had been driven near him by wolves, and appropriated the carcases of such as the latter had killed. In the winter and spring he flew his hawk at the geese and ducks which abounded there, and killed a large quantity of them. He is said to have lived in a thatched hut. Beyond the mountain Duilyan was the river Tunggeli, there there lived a tribe to whom Budantsar sometimes repaired to obtain mare's milk, meanwhile his brother Bugha Khataki set out to try and find him, and made inquiries from the people of the Tunggeli, who said they did not know where he lodged, but that when the north-west wind blew, it sent feathers of geese and ducks
Mongols, and may be compared with those mentioned above as found by Georgi on the Barguzin.
30 i. e. a steppe antelope.
31 The former name is no doubt the Duligun Buldagha near the Onon of Ssanang Setzen where Chinghiz Khan was born, written Tie-li-van-pan-ti by the Chinese. Hyacinthe, quoted by D'Ohsson, vol. I. p. 36, note 1. The place is still known by the same name, and is mentioned by a Russian trader called Yurinski, a native of Nertschinsk, who calls it Dilun Boldak, and says it is situated on the right bank of the Onon, seven versta higher than the island Yeke aral (i. e. great island) and three versts from the Kochuefshian guard house.-Erdmann, Temudschin, p. 572. D'Ohsson says that Bulduk in Mongol means a hill (op. cit. vol. 1, p. 36 note), and Wolff explains the whole name as meaning at molehill.-Wolff. Gesch. des Mongolen, p. 33. The river Tunggali here means probably the Ingoda, one of whose head streams is still called Tanga. (Pallas, op. cit. vol. IV. p. 226.) It is very curious that the Ingoda, which was the very focus of the Mongol country, and which is called Anjida by the Buriats, is never mentioned eo nomine so far as I know in any of the Mongol histories, and I am disposed to identify the Tunggeli of these notices with the Ingoda. It is possible however that the Tunggeli may have been one of the head streams of the Kerulon.

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like snow towards them, and they inferred he must live in that direction. Presently Budantsar himself appeared. As he and his brother were on their way home, he remarked that "it was a good thing when there was a head on a man's trunk, and a collar on his coat." On being asked what he meant, he replied that the people on the Tunggeli had no chief, and that it would be easy to subdue them. On reaching home his brothers put Budantsar at their head, and together they returned and conquered the people on the Tung- geli. We are still clearly in the land of mere legend. Budantsar, according to Munshi, the author of the Tarikhi Mekim Khani, who calls him Buzenjir, means in Mongol a rhinoceros, and he argues that the prince was actually changed into that animal. Whatever the value of this etymology, it seems probable that the stories about his being fed in an abnormal manner during his exile were altered from the same Uighur saga, whence his miraculous birth was derived, where we read that "the reign of Buku Khan was very prosperous, and he was marvellously assisted by three ravens sent by Heaven. They knew all the languages of the world, and brought him news whencesoever it was required."-Bretschneider, p. 127. If the Buku Khân of the Uighur legend be the same as the Pi-kie-ko-han of the Tang Annals, he lived about the middle of the 8th century A.D. That we are still in the land of legend is best proved by the discordant testimony of the authorities as to the children of Budantsar. Rashidu'd-din says he had two sons Buka and Buktai. The latter name is given as Tuka by Abulghazi ;4 the former is another repetition of the name of the stem-father of the Uighur chiefs. The genealogy in the Yuan-shi gives Budantsar but one son, whom it calls Paka-li-tai-ha-pi-tsi, which Hyacinthe gives as Bagaritai Khabichi. DeMailla's authority gives the name as Capitsi Culup Patura.88
The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi calls him Barin Shuratukhabichi. The Altan Topchi calls him Kabachi Kuluk, and gives him a son Biker Baghatur, while Ssanang Setzen calls him Bagharitaikhân Isaghochi, whom he makes the father of Khabichi Baghatur.
These two authors therefore introduce an extra generation into the pedigree not warranted by any
of the other authorities, and we shall be most safe in following the Imperial list as published in the Yuan-shi, and making Khabichi the successor of Budantsar and the father of Makha Todan.
The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi gives Budantsar two illegitimato sons. It says that when he conquered the people of Tunggeli he seized a pregnant female, who said she belonged to the tribe of Jarjium Adankha Uriangka.
Having made her his wife she bore a son Jajiratai, who was the ancestor of the tribe of Jadar. He was the father of Tugu-udai, the father of Buri Balohira, the father of Kara Kadaan, the father of Ja mu ka, who ruled the race Jadal. This illegitimate son of Budantear, Wajirtai, seems to be the same one who is called a little later in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, Jauradai, and who, we are told, was legitimised by his father, and allowed to share in the family sacrifice to the shades of the ancestors. He is called Wajirtai by Ssanang Setzen, who tells us he was the ancestor of the family Wajirtai. These various names are no doubt equivalent to the Juriat or Jajerat of Rashidu'd-dîn, who were the subjects of Ja mu ka as above mentioned, but he makes the race descend from a son of Tumench Khân, to whom we shall refer presently. The meaning of the genealogical puzzle probably is that the Juriats or Jajerats were treated by the Mongols as of doubtfully genuine Mongol blood, and we are in fact told that on their father's death Jauriat was driven out of his house as illegitimate by Badantsar's successor Khabichi.
By a second side-wife Budantsar, according to the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, had another son called Baaridai, who was the ancestor of the tribe Barin. Baaridai's son was called Chedukulbok, who had many wives and children, from among whom was formed the tribe of Menian-barin. Rashidu'd-din, although he names the Barins among the Niruns or children of light, does not trace them to any eponymos like he does so many of the other Mongol clans, and it would seem from this entry in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi that they were not deemed of pare descent.
Buktai, the second son of Budantsar, according to Rashid, is not mentioned by the other authori. ties unless his name be a mere corruption of Bagharitai. The Persian author makes him
32 Senkofski, Suppl. pp. 76 and 77. 33 Op. cit. note 237. s. Abulghazi, p. 66 and note 4.
38 Op. cit. ix. p. 5.
30 Adankha is perhaps the mountain Adakhai north of Urga, whence the head streams of the Karagol flow.

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[SEPTEMBER, 1880.
the great-great-grandsons of Menen Tudun, and not his sons. There is also a considerable variation in the details. They omit the eldest son Khachi-kuiluk. Rashid calls Hachin-Jaksu, the Yuan-shi-Kotsihu. The former author makes him the stem-father of the Nyakins, of the Uruts and Mangkuts. Hachin, Rashidu'ddin calls Barim Shirata Kainju, mixing up his name apparently with that of his ancestor Barin Shiratu Khabichi as given in the Yuanch'ao-pi-shi. To him he assigns no descendants. He is not named in the Yuan-shi. Khachula, is called Ha-ki-li-tsi in the Yuan-shi. Rashid makes him the ancestor of the Barulas. Sam Khajiun, Khachiun of the above list, is called Hauchun in the Yuan-shi. Rashid makes him the ancestor of the Hederkins, i. e. of the Adardai or Adarkidai of the same list. The Kharandai of the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi is called Ha-la-la-tai in the Yuan-shi; Rashid calls him Bat Kulgi, and also makes him the leader of the Budats. He does not name Nachin at all. The Yuan-shi calls the 5th son of Tumena Kor-shikwan. Rashid calls the 6th brother Kabul Khân, the Kôpala Khân of the Yuan-shi, the ancestor of the Kaiats, the 7th Udur Bayan the ancestor of the Jajerats or Juriats. The 8th Budanjar Doghlan, the chief of the Doghlats; and the 9th Jiatai, the leader of the Yissuts, or, as it is read by Erdmann, Baisuts. These three last sons are not named in the Yuan-shi. Again, while the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi makes Kaidu Khân
According to the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi and the Chinese authorities Menan Tudun had seven sons. Rashidu'd-dîn gives him nine, which is no doubt a mistake. Their names, according to the first of these authorities, were-1, Khachi Kailuk, the Kachi Kuluk of Ssanang Setzen, called Tsi-nung Terkhan in the genealogy in the Yuan-shi. 2, Khachin, who had a son named Nayagidai, so called because he liked to dress like a nobleman. He was the stem-father of the Nayakins. 3, Khachiu, who was called Barulatai, because he was big as a child, and ate his food with avidity. He founded the tribe of the Barulas. 4, Khachula, whose sons had a similar failing, and were respectively called Erdiamtu Barula and Todoyan Barula, i.e. the son of Khachi Kuiluk, and therefore the Great and Little Barula, the ancestors of tribes so named. 5, Khachiun, who had a son called Adardai or Adarkadai, who loved trials and litigation, whence his name. He was the ancestor of the tribe Adarkin. 6, Kharandai, who used to seize upon the food belonging to others, whence his name of Budaan, and that of his tribe Budaat. 7, Nachin Baghatur, who had two sons named Urudai and Manghutai, the ancestors of the Urut and Manghut. He had two other sons named Shizadai and Dokoladai.
grandson of Menen Tadun, a relationship confirmed by the Yuan-shi, Rashidu'd-din makes him his son,-in which variations I have no doubt the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi preserves the earlier and more trustworthy legend. There is another variation involved in this adjustment, which is interesting. The mother of Kaidu seems to have been a somewhat truculent person. She is called Monalun in the Yuan-shi, in the Kangmu, and by Rashidu'd-din, while in the Yuanch'ao-pi-shi she is called No-ma-lun. The former is probably the correct form of the name, and may be compared with Altalun and Tumalun, the daughter and sister of Chinghiz Khân.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
marry a Mongol, and become the father of Tajin, whom he in one place makes the ancestor of the Taijut. Elsewhere he confuses this Tajin with Nachin, the uncle of Kaidu. He says however that in the Altan Defter the Taijut are made to descend from a son of Kaidu Khân," which is in accordance with the Yuanch'ao-pi-shi, and there can be small doubt that the former statement is founded on a mistake.
Let us now proceed. The genealogy in the Yuan-shi makes Bagharitai Khabichi be succeeded by Makha Todan, who is so called also by De Mailla, the author of the Altan Topchi, and Ssanang Setzen. In the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi he is called Menan Tudun. Hyacinthe gives the name as Minen Dudun, and Rashidu'd-din calls him Dutum Menen.
38
It is very curious that when we compare this list with those given by Rashidu'd-din and in the Yuan-shi, we should find such a marked discrepancy. The latter authorities mention the names of these worthies, but they make them
51 Vide infra.
38 D'Obsson, vol. I. p. 26, note 2.
Monalun was the heroine of a story which is related both by the Chinese authors and by Rashidu'd-dîn, but not in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi.
Nachin is the Mongol name for a bird of prey (D'Ohsson, vol. 1, p. 28 note). 40 Vide ante.

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Rashid tells us that on the death of her hus their temerity and been killed. The Jelairs band, Monalun, who was very rich in horses followed up their victory, and killed Monalan and cattle, lived in a place whose name is doubt- and such of her family as they could lay their fully read as Nush Argi, also known as the hands upon. There only escaped-Kaida, the Black Mountain, which was very fertile and infant son of her eldest son, who was hidden thickly strewn with cattle. At this time the away, according to Rashida'd-din in a skin Jelairs, who lived along the Kerulon, and con- for making lumis in, and according to the sisted of 70 guraus or 70,000 families, were Yuan-shi in a bundle of faggots, -and Nachin, often at war with the Khitans, who then domi- | Monalun's youngest son, who was then living nated over Northern China. The Khitans among the Bargut, where he was married. having sent a powerful army against them, the When the latter heard of what had happened, Jelairs, who were separated from the invaders he returned to his mother's yurt, where he found by the river, and thought themselves safe, took Kaidu and a few women. Determined to off their caps, spread out their coats, and threw revenge himself, he caught a horse which had ironical jibes at the Khitans, bidding them go been carried off by the Jelairs, and had twice over and carry off their horses and families. escaped, and mounting it went in pursuit of The latter thereupon collected faggots and twigs, them disguised as a herdsman. On his way he and made rafts on which they crossed over, met two men-father and son, who were hawksurprised the Jelairs, and punished them se- ing and some distance apart. Seeing his verely, not even excepting the children. The brother's hawk on the fist of the younger Jelair, survivors fled and sought refuge in the district he asked him if he had seen a herd of horses leil where Monalun lived. There driven by hunger by a big boy pass that way, he replied he had they proceeded to dig for the roots of a plant not, and inquired in turn if Nachin had met called sudusun for food. This M. Berezin with any wild ducks or gecse. Nachin replied identifies with the Mongolian Sudu the sanguis- that he had, and offered to conduct him to orba carnea, whose roots are used as a sub- them. When they had rounded the bend of a stitute for tea." In digging for these roots the river, and wore out of view of the elder hunter, fugitives disturbed the ground where the song Nachin fell upon the younger one, and killed of Monalun were in the habit of exercising him. Then tethering his horse and hawk to a their horses. Monalun, who according to the tree, he went to meet the father, whom he also Yuan-shi was of a truculent and irritable dispo- slew. Going on again, he came across a herd of sition, reproached them bitterly. She drove her horses in charge of some Jelair boys, who were horses furiously over the trespassers, and killed | amusing themselves by throwing stones at a several of them, and injured others. The Jelairs mark. Having drawn near them he killed accordingly made a raid on the horses of her them also, and carried off the horses, with which sons, and harried them. Thereupon they went and the hawks he once more went home. He in pursuit without waiting to put on their now took the young Kaidu and the women armour. When Monalan heard of this, she told to his own yurt in the country of Barguzin, her daughters-in-law to put the armour in carts, being the country of the Bargut already menand to follow after their husbands, but it was tioned. too late. They had already fallen victims to
(To be continued.)
CHAMPANIR AND PAWAGADH.
BY EDWARD B. EASTWICK, C.B. The reason why these two most interesting first, Ayahgåra, which is 10 miles; then second, places are so seldom visited by Europeans, is Jerôl, which is called 8 miles, but is more nearly probably the excessive badness of the road from 10 miles; third, Kengari, which is 10 miles Baroda to them, and the impossibility of and Champanir, which is as nearly as possible getting supplies along it. The direct distance another 10 miles. The road at first passes nearly to Champanir from Baroda is 31 miles, but by due east, by the European soldiers' quarters the road it is about 38 miles. The stages are, at Baroda, and then by the sepoys' lines.
* Soo Erdmann, Temudschen, &c. p. 541, note 1.

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After this the road turns to the north, and becomes a mere village path full of deep ruts and holes, very narrow and passing between thorn-bushes. The first village passed is called Samma, and then the Mâhi river is crossed by a bridge. Cultivation is abundant up to the third stage, when jungle commences and grows gradually thicker up to the ruins. About a mile from Champanir the road passes under an archway, on either side of which is a wall of the fort, which has been carried up the hilis, but is now broken down in many places. Several ruined mandirs and other buildings, one or two of them Maqbarahs of pirs, are passed before reaching the archway. After passing it the road has been paved, but is now in such a ruinous state that a traveller by gári is shaken to death. On the left hand side of the road beyond the archway is seen an inner wall of the fort at from 50 to 100 yards, strongly built, about 25 feet high, and with bastions, but broken down in many places. After a mile from the archway, turn to the left through a double gateway, the first arch of which is 18 feet high. The walls are adorned with the lotus, carved in the stone, and there is an Arabic inscription. Beyond this gateway, turning to the left is the camping ground at Champanir, with some fine trees, and a dharamśAla not fit for Europeans, to the south. The miserable village which still exists at Champanir is to the north of the camping ground, as is alsowhat is called, the Jûma Masjid. This is the principal thing to be seen, and it is indeed well worthy of examination. It is about 250 yards from the camping ground, and is clearly a Hinda temple which has been converted by the Muslims into a mosque. A very handsome dharamsala was included in the wall which surrounds the mosque, but this wall is now broken down in parts.
The dharamsala is to the east of the mosque, and has a large dome, and four smaller ones, one at each corner like those so common in Upper India. The building is 18 feet high to the base, whence the dome springs. The base is 5 feet high, and the dome itself is conjecturally 15 feet more, so that the total height would be 38 feet. The court of the mosque is sepa- rated from the dharamsala by a wall. This wall has 8 arches, a large one 8 feet broad and a small one 5 5' broad alternately. The court of
the mosque measures 187 feet from north to south, and 122 feet from east to west. The principal entrance to the mosque is in the eastern face, and has two minârs of stone, one on either side the door. Each minâr has seven storeys, if the cone at the top be reckoned as one. The lowest storey is handsomely carved, with the flower pattern. The second and third storeys have projecting ruins at top, as has the fourth, but it is much wider. The fifth and sixth storeys have rains supported by the plantain bracket, so common at Bijanagar, only that it has a twist. To the top of the fifth storey is 76, feet, and above that to the top of the cone is 19 feet, making 951 feet for the total height. The carved base of the minars projects from the wall of the mosque with a semi-circle of 21 feet. The entrance arch is 14 10' wide. The hall of the mosque has 88 pillars of Hinda architecture on either side, ard the roof is surmounted by seven large capolas, besides several smaller ones. There can hardly be a doubt that it is one of those halls in Hindu temples, called "halls of a thousand pillars," though in no one case is that exact number to be found. The hall measures 169 feet from north to south, and 79 10' from east to west. In the western face are seven alcoves or niches, handsomely carved. The central one is of white marble, the others of masonry. There is no mimbar or pulpit, and the lotus ornament is carved in relief in the niches. Innumerable bats roost in the cupolas, and the floor below is covered with their deposits. The hall very much resembles that of the temple of Kalchand at Kalbarga, but is smaller. There is no inscription. In the court is the tomb of a so-called pir, Jahân Shah. It should be added that the central cupola of the hall has three storeys from which galleries extend along the roof.
The ascent of the mountain of Pawagadh is the next thing to be done, and it must be made on the north-east side. The height is 2,800 feet, and the summit will hardly be reached under three hours. After leaving the gate close to the encampment, the road from the archway is crossed, and a dense jungle is at once entered upon, which is said to contain many tigers and panthers and a few bears. After crossing a succession of ridges, by a path resembling the bed of a mountain torrent, and paved with jag. ged pieces of rock, the first gateway is reached

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in from 20 to 30 minutes according to the them to the right of the road are nine smaller ability of the climber and the mode he chooses kothárs, called nau lakhas. They are the same to ascend. A. clever pony has ascended and as the lower ones in all respects except being cows have been driven up but with great diffi- smaller. They are used by Europeans as reculty. In about 20 minutes after passing the sidences, but the wind blows with such force as first gateway, a natural scarp 20 feet high is to render them very uncomfortable. To the reached, which is surmounted by a wall 12 feet right of the kothárs is the Champavati palace, high, crenellated in the usual style. Trees, consisting of a series of apartments on different long grass and creepers grow from this wall in terraces descending a long way and commanda most picturesque manner. In one place a ing fine views. As the first syllable in the silvery grass hangs down 8 feet at least from name of this palace is pronounced decidedly the wall in a thick mass. The scarp is crossed short, there seems good reason for thinking that and ascended by gate No. 2, called burhiya. it ought to be pronounced short in the word On the left of this gateway is a small pool of | "Champanir" also. It is true that in the Rás good water which drops from the wall on the Mald and other works it is written as if long, left. Above to the left are seen two semicir- and a story is told of the name being taken cular bastions, about 70 feet in diameter, but from a minister named “Chåmpå" or "Jhâmpa." only 12 feet high. At this place there are 99 But considering how often such stories are steps out in the rock in tolerable repair, while invented by the Hindus, and how unusual the many others have been broken. At the end of name is for a man, it may fairly be supposed these steps is a third gateway, above which, at that this story also is a fiction. "Champa" is
distance of about 80 yards, is gateway No. 4, a common name for a place, and unless the and here the jungle ends for a short space and word should be found written with the long a then begins again, but with larger and hand- in very old writings, the fair supposition is that somer trees. The path now leads between two the city was called from the jasmine plant walls, that on the left being 30 feet high. which was common in the locality. No. After a hundred yards the fifth gateway is gateway is called the Makai Kothêr gate, and reached, and at the same distance the sixth beyond it is a wooden bridge which leads to gateway. No. 7 is a quarter of a mile beyond gateway No. 9, called the Pattanpur gate, at this. On the left is a ruined house of Sindhia's which two-thirds of the ascent are finished. Actime in which three policemen and their families cording to the bearers the whole ascent extends live. They say they never see or hear wild two kos, and from the Pattanpur gate to the beasts. After this the path becomes much summit is one kos. After about 50 minute smore more steep, and the usual mode of ascent the tenth gateway is reached, and this opens is in a manchi, which is simply a cushion upon the great platform, above which is the supported by two long bamboos, with a bit scarped rock which contains the temple of of dirty cloth on which to rest one's feet. Mahakali. There is here a small tank about There is no support for the back, consequent- 100 feet by 80 feet, on the edge of which are ly, the traveller must cling to the bamboos, some temples in rains. One however is roofed, or risk falling out backwards. The path rapidly and has lately been repaired or rebuilt by Hindu becomes more difficult, but the Bhil bearers, merchants. So far, according to the Brahmans, small, thin, wiry men, spring from rock to tigers are known to come, but they do not rock with incredible agility. In some places ascend the steps which lead to the top of the the sides of the mountain are very precipitous, rock on which is Mahakali's shrine. but the jungle veils the chasm. Above gateway The ascent to this crowning platean is by stone No. 7 are three granaries, called mathai kóthars. steps, very steep, and consisting of the following They are domed, and measure 30 feet square. flights :-113+8+6+12+10 +19+3+4 Their walls are 5 feet thick, and they are used +3+3+3+ 4+11+11+3+7=220. as offices by the English officials who go up to The first great flight has a siding 2 feet reside on the mountain. Below them are broad of stone. The last flight leads to gate No. reservoirs for water, and you cross the roofs of 11, after passing which the temple of Mahakali these to enter the kothars. A long way above is seen on the left. This temple is 64 feet

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from east to west, 18' 4' from north to south, and 17' 2' high. Over the vimana is a sort of chamber 7 feet high, which is said to be the shrine of a Muhamadan pir. This holy man was called "Sajjan," and also “Maula Salam," and is said to have been a converted Rajput. There is a female Muslim who attends on the shrine. In the Mahakali temple there are gene- rally two Brahmans present who break up the cocoanuts offered, and receive money from the pilgrims. These Brahmans live in small cot- tages to the east of the shrine. The shrine itself consists of a room with eight pillars, and
paved with marble, where votaries assemble. To the left is a small recess where there is no image but a painting of the goddess. To the west of the temple there is a precipice of about one thousand feet, and on the brink of this is a pillar for lamps, the light of which must be seen at a very great distance. At this point there is a magnificent view. The scarped platform on which stands the temple of Mahâkâli looks as if it were formed by nature to have a citadel built upon it. The scarp is quite 200 feet high, and in the old time when the fortifications were entire, and wellgarrisoned, the place ought to have been impregnable.
STORY OF THE MERCHANT WHO STRUCK HIS MOTHER.
BY THE REV. S. BEAL. "I remember in years gone by, there were 500 boisterous winds, hungry and cruel monsters merchants in Jambudwipa, of whom a certain (fishes), evil spirits, Rakshasis, and ghouls; dear one was the chief, his name was Maitri (Sse-chè). son ! darling Mâitri! all these dangers infest On one occasion, these merchants all assembled the ocean; and now I am getting old, and if together, and began to consult how they might you leave me now, although as you say you best embark on some expedition for the purpose
want to return a rich man to minister to my of getting gain. Having agreed upon a voyage
necessities, still the day of my death is so near, in a certain direction, and settled all prelimi.
that all your pious intentions may be of little naries as to freight and provisioning the ship,
use to me; stay, then, dear son! stay, to be the they separated for a time, returning to their
comfort of my old age! [And so she entreated homes, to take leave of their wives and families.
him three times.]
"Then Maitri answered: Yes, dear mother, "Now at this time, Maitri went to see his mother, to get her permission and blessing ere
but still I must go! think of the wealth I shall he set out on the expedition contemplated. At
bring back, the gold and silver and jewels ! think this time his mother was living in retirement in
how I shall be able to nourish and cherish you the upper portion of the house, exercising her
in your old age, and what gifts I can bestow self in religious discipline [laws of purity and
in religious charity. self-restraint).
"Then his mother arose from her seat, and "MAitri approaching her, addressed his mother
threw her arms round his neck, and embraced thus Honoured mother!
him as she criod: Darling son ! dear Maitri!
[or, honoured * parent'] I am about to undertake a voyage
I cannot let you go ; I cannot give you leave to
risk your life on the ocean just to seek for gain ! by sea for the purpose of getting much profit. I hope to return home with gold, silver, jewels
We have money enough, we have all we need at of every kind, and so be able to minister in every
home! I cannot let you go!'
"Then Maitri thought thus:-My mother is way to your comfort, and also to that of the
cross with me, and does not want me to prosper, members of my family [give me then your per- and so she forbids me go this voyage,' and then mission and blessing).'
he got angry, and pulling his mother to the "Then his mother began to expostulate with ground, he slapped (kicked) her head, and rushed him, and to say, 'Dear son! wby venture your out of the house. life at sea ? Surely you have wealth enough at "Then the merchants having assembled on home, and every comfort and necessary without the coast, and offered their worship to the Sea. stint. You can easily afford to give what is God, selected five men to superintend the various necessary in religious charity; there is no im- departments (as before), and set sail. But sad pediment in the way of your happiness (merit). to say ! their ship was soon overtaken by a storm, Darling son! dear son ! the sea is full of perils, and broke to pieces, and all the merchants ex

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cept Mâitri were lost. But he, having clung to a plank, after tossing about on the waves for a long time, was at length thrown on the shore of an islet called Vaisvadipa [North island or islet]. So Mâitri, having refreshed himself with some wild seeds and medicinal herbs growing on the shore, at length recovered his strength, and began to explore the neighbourhood of the spot where he had been cast ashore. At length, as he went on, he came to a southern division (fork) of the island, and there he saw a path leading right before him. Following the track, after a short distance he saw, from a slight eminence, a city immediately in front of him, shining like silver, extremely beautiful and glorious! it was full of towers and palaces, surrounded by a lofty wall, and in every respect perfectly adorned [with lakes, woods, censers, flags, etc., etc.] and calculated for the unbridled indulgence of love and pleasure. In the centre of the city was a charming palace (called Merry-joy,') built of the seven precious substances, and most exquisite to behold!
"And now, from the inside of the city there came forth four beautiful women, adorned with jewels, and every ornament calculated to please. Ap. proaching the spot where Mâitri was, they addressed him as follows:- Welcome, O Mâitri! let us conduct you within yonder city, there is no one there to interfere with us, and there is an abundance of every necessary for food and enjoyment. See yonder beautiful palace, called 'Joy and Pleasure,' constructed of the seven precious substances! It is there we four live, we rise up and lie down as we like, with no one to molest us! come then, oh Mâitri! enter there with us and enjoy our company without interference, we will nourish you and cherish you with fondest care.' So entering into that pleasant hall, Mâitri enjoyed the society of these women, with no one (man) to dispute possession with him. Thus passed many, many years; nothing to interrupt the current of his happiness. At length, after a long lapse of time, these four women addressed Mâitri, and said, 'Dear Mâitri; remain here with us, and go not to any other city.' Then Mâitri began to doubt about the matter, and he thought 'What do those women mean when they talk about other cities? I will wait till they are asleep, and then go and explore in every direction, and see whether there is good or bad luck in store for me.' So
225
when they had dropped off to slumber, Mâitri arose, and leaving the precious tower, and passing through the eastern gate, he entered the garden which surrounded the city, and then leaving this by the southern gate, he struck into a road, along which he pursued his way. At length he saw before him at some distance a city of gold, most beautiful to look at, and in the middle of it a lovely palace called 'Ever Drunk,' made of the seven precious substances and beautifully adorned. Now whilst he gazed, lo! eight beautiful women came forth from the city to the place where he stood, and addressed Maitri as follows:- Dear Maitri! come near and enter this city in our company, there is a beautiful palace which we occupy, with no one to molest us, there is no lack of any comfort or necessary within its walls; come, then, and enjoy our society, whilst we nourish and cherish you without intermission.' So he went with them, and enjoyed their company for many years, till at last, when they began to talk to him about going to any other city, his suspicions were aroused as before, and he resolved when they were asleep to explore further, and find out what other cities there were. [And so he discovered two other cities, one built of crystal, the other of lapis lazuli, the first with sixteen, the other with thirty-two maidens, who invited him to use their company as before.] On receiving similar hints from these, in succession, he went on further discoveries, till at length he saw an iron city, that appeared to him quite desolate, only he heard a voice constantly crying out Who is hungry? who is thirsty? who is naked? who is weary? who is a stranger? who wishes to be carried?' On hearing this voice, Mâitri began to consider with himself: At the other cities I found agreeable companions, but here I see no one, but only hear this doleful voice. I must search into this." Accordingly he entered the city to see whence the voice proceeded. No sooner had he passed through the gate, than it shut behind him, and he felt that he was alone within the walls and all escape cut off. On this he was filled with fear, his limbs trembled, and the hairs of his body stood upright. He began to run to and fro in every direction, exclaiming, 'Woe is me! I am undone! I am ruined.' At length, as he ran here and there, lo! he saw confronting him a man, on whose head there was placed an iron wheel,

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[SEPTEMBER, 1880.
-this wheel red with heat, and glowing as from a furnace, terrible to behold. Seeing this terri- ble sight, Mâitri exclaimed: "Who are you? why do you carry that terrible wheel on your head ?' On this, that wretched man replied : Dear sir! is it possible you know me not? I am a merchant chief called Govinda.' Then Mâitri asked him, and said, Pray then tell me, what dreadful crime have you committed in former days that you are constrained to wear that fiery wheel on your head?' Then Govinda answered, In former days I was angry with and struck my mother on the head as she lay upon the ground, and for this reason I am condemn ed to wear this fiery iron wheel around my head. At this time, Maitri, self-accused, began to cry out and lament; he was filled with remorse in recollection of his own conduct, and exclaimed in his agony, Now am I caught like a deer in the spare.'
"Then a certain Yaksha, who kept guard over that city, whose name was Viraka, saddenly came to the spot, and removing the fiery wheel from off the head of Govinda, he placed it on the head of Mâitri. Then the wretched man cried out in his agony, and said, 'Oh, what bave I done to merit this torment?' (The Gáthas are to this effect.] To which the Yaksha replied, 'You, wretched man, dared to strike (kick) your mother on the head as she lay on the ground; now, therefore, on your head you must wear this fiery wheel, through 60,000 years your punishment shall last; be assured of this, through all these years you shall wear this wheel.'
«Now, Bhikshus! I was that wicked Maitri, and for 60,000 years I wore that wheel for disobedience to my mother; so be ye assured that disobedience to your religious superiors will be punished in the same way.'"
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. PROF. WEBER AND BABU RAJENDRALALA drinking at his mother's breast': DevaklstanarMITRA
dhaya, (Srikrishnapratimd) Devaklatanan dhava. 1. Letter published in the Academy, Nov. 15, 1879. yanti (better dhayamtí): see vol. VI. 286f; and "To Babu Rajendra Lala Mitra, Calcutta
" (2) at p. 285, vol. VI," yon will read the follow"Ritterstrasse, 56, Berlin, S.W.: Oct. 27, 1879. ing statement :-Here, again, is something very "MY DEAR SIR, I have just received your beau- surprising about this representation. For while tiful work on Buddha Gayd, and my attention has the legend throughout informs as that at Krishna's naturally been drawn first to your polemio against birth there was danger in delay, that his father, my ideas on the influence of Greek,.&c., art on Vasudeva, had to carry the newly-born child imIndia. I shall not attempt to defend them here, I mediately away to escape the dangers that threatas our points of issue are so very different; but I l ened him, the above representation, which shows venture to call your attention to a gross mistake us the mother and child (the former, too, "joyfully which you have committed on p. 178 note, when moved") slumbering beside each other on a couch, you, 'say: 'Pr. W. erroneously calls the mother presents a picture of undisturbed repose, and Dovaki, who never had an opportunity to perform stands, therefore, in such direct contrast to the the maternal duty of nursing her child. Accord legend that it is difficult to suppose that both reing to the Harivansa and the Bhagavata Purana, presentations have grown up on the same ground. the child as soon as born was taken away from her The representation in this place appears as foreign prison abode and left with Yagoda, who reared it as the difference discussed above (p. 283) in reup.... Hindus in this country would never ference to the locality of Křishna's birth. The so grossly falsify the story as to make Devaki nurse passage quoted here runs thus :- It is highly her son.' Now, my dear Sir, you certainly cannot surprising, first of all, that, according to these have read at all my paper on the Krishnajanmish. statements, the stitikágriham (house for a woman tami as it stands translated in the Indian Anti- in childbirth) is to be set up like & gókulam. For quary, vol. III. (1874) pp. 21 f., vol. VI. (1877) pp. the legend itself is quite consistent throughout in 281 f. For there you will find
stating that Devaki gave birth to Krishna in (1) the distinct statement that at the festival of prison. Evidently a transference has here taken Krishpa's birthday he is to be represented as place to Devaki of those circumstances in which
From the Oriental, Oct. 9th, 1976, also reprinted in marked this, and speaks quite earnestly of his having The Romantic Legend of Sakya Buddha.
failed to find in vol. VII. anything about the nativity of In the Academy this was mispriuted' VII'; the Baba, Christ.-A. W. in his reply (Acadenzy, Feb. 28), appears not to have re

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Yasod , who received the newly-born child im- lactans" in my paper on the Saptasatakam of mediately after his birth, on her part gave birth to Hâla, p. 208); but he has no right whatever to say her own child, that magical girl who is exchanged that I have "erroneously" called her. Devaki, with him. The reason of this, indeed, can only be or as he now puts it that I have "deliberately subthat, from the beginning, the celebration of the Jan- stituted Devaki for Yasoda," for in the ritual mdshtami festival stood in close relation to the Devaki too is described as Krishna's nurse. representation of Kộishna's growing up among With reference to the picture, therefore, both cowherds, and consequently this conception en- names are a priori equally justifiable-the one tirely preponderated over the other, according to not more than the other. Nor do I lay any which he was & prince born in prison.'
special stress on the title attached to it in Moor's "(3) These differences between the ritual of work, -not by me,-as may be seen from my Krishna's birthday and between the legends of remarks (Ind. Ant. vol. VI. pp. 350, 351) : "no his birth are the very keystone of my theory of direct reference to the special accounts of the the foreign origin of the first. Thus you read in manner in which the infant Krishna is representthe Indian Antiquary, vol. III. (1874), p. 21:- ed at the festival of the Krishňajanmashtami is • The most difficult point in connection with the found in it; he is neither represented as 'asleep festival of the birthday of Krishna, as we now have drinking at the breast,'nor pressing,' &c." And described it, lies clearly in the description, and when I continue " of the identity of the persons, particularly in the pictorial representation, of him however, there can be no reasonable doubt," I as a suckling at his mother's 'breast, and in the refer to those doubts only which I discuss in the homage paid to the mother, represented as lying | sequel, viz. of Niclas Müller, Creuzer, Guigniauton a couch in a cono-house, who has borne him, tho who on their part conceive the mother to be lord of the world, in her womb. Such a repre- Bhavani or M&y. If therefore the Babu presentation of the god is a strange contrast to the fers to call the mother represented in that picture other representations of him to that of the epos, | Yasod & rather than Deva ki, he is quite for example, in which he appears as a warrior welcome to do so. Whether she be the one or the hero-and is, moreover, the only thing of its kind other matters nothing in the end, and does not in in India (mark the note). Again, the pictorial the least affect the results arrived at in my paper, representation of the festival differs in various which are quite independent of the question about details from the usual legends about Krishna's this picture. birth in a way which it is difficult to explain. My reclamation against him, the "gross misThe enquirer is therefore not surprised if external take" with which I charge him, refers to the grounds present themselves in explanation of this arguments by which he tries to support his own unique phenomenon, which give probability to view of it. For when he states: 2, that "Devakt the supposition that we have in this festival nome- had no opportunity to perform the maternal duty thing transferred from outside, and retained, in of nursing her child," as, 3,"According to the spite of the incongruities it has given rise to, in Puranas Krishna was, as soon as born, taken the form in which it was received. And such away from his mother," I beg on the contrary to grounds are, as & matter of fact, sufficiontly maintain, or rather to repeat, that this is a mere numerous....'
begging of the question. I never questioned at all " PROFESSOR ALBR. WEBER." that such were the legends of the Purdņas, but I 2. To the Editor of the Indian Antiquary.
shewed that the ritual prescriptions for the fesNot having seen The Academy of 28th February tival of Krishna's birthday had a different aspect in till a few days ago, I was not aware that Babu view; and it is just this very difference of the two Råjendralala Mitra bad replied to my letter of representations which serves as the basis of my 27th October last. This may account for the theory of the foreign origin of the latter. Now Dr. delay of this, but I think it my duty not to let RajendralAla may be quite correct in saying that his statements pass without necessary correction. "to the Vaishnava there is no scriptural authority And as the Ind. Antiquary brought out the Eng. higher than the Bhagavata Purdna," as undoubtedly lish version of my original paper, I hope you will he is, when he says that "it entirely contradicta" not refuse to produce in its columns this comple- my position; but he fails to take into account two ment to it.
things-1, that I am fully aware of this inconThe Babu is fully entitled to call the mother in gruity, and have repeatedly noticed and commented the picture in question (Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 350, upon the fact that the Bhagavata does not mention from Moor's Hindoo Pantheon) by the name of this sort of festival (see e. g. pp. 170, 171, 179), Yagoda, for, in the legend, she is the nurse and 2, that we European scholars are not bound of Krishna, (960 also my remarks on "Yaboda to swear by the authority of his scriptures and

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go our way without being fettered by so curious a specimen of human credulity as the Bhagavata appears to us to be.
It utterly astonishes me how he can still maintain, and that too as requiring no commentary, the truth of his fourth statement;-"That Hindus in India would not so grossly falsify the story as to make Devaki nurse her son." From this daring assertion of his, I concluded that he "certainly could not have read at all my paper" on the festival in question in the Indian Antiquary, vols. III. and VI. He now maintains that he had read it, but even at present I venture to say he has not done so. Surely he can only have cast a cursory glance over its contents, but he has entirely failed to understand it or apprehend its purport. Otherwise, how could he, after alluding to the fanciful decoration of the lying-in chamber, and to the scenes which are to be presented there, proceed to add-" had you referred to these, you would have given a correct account of the ceremony"? Now the very things which he demands here, any one who looks into the paper at the pages referred to by himself (vol. VI. pp. 285 ff.) will there find; for it was the very object I had in view in the paper, to collect so many of the ritual texts on the festival as to give a most detailed and minute description of the different stages of it. And so far as I know, I have fairly succeeded in doing so, for till this I have not found much further to add. But, to return to Dr. Rajendralala's fourth statement as given above: it is in distinct contradiction to it, that these ritual texts collected by me prescribe that Krishna is to be represented at this festival as an infant child lying on the same couch with his mother Devaki and drinking at her breast: thus 1, O. C. Sa. K.-paryanke stan a payinam, 2, B. mátur utsange stanapayinah; 3, Ud. Sri Krishnapratimám Devakt atanam dhavayartim (dhavantim P). Are the authors of these works-the Bhavishya (i. e. Bha. vishyottara) Purána, the Nirnaya Sindhu, the Vratárka, the Dharmasindhasára, the Janmashtamtoratodydpana, not " Hindus in India ?" And when the Babu opposes to them his personal family traditions as a Vaishnava, and repeats that neither he nor his coreligionists believe in Krishna's having been nursed by Deva k i, I beg to ask him how he intends to account for these ritual prescriptions? I have to add, moreover, that they are fully corroborated by that excellent standard work on the Vaishnava faith-the Haribhaktivildea of Gopalabhaṭṭa, a copy of the Calcutta edition of which (Saka 1787, A. D. 1845, pp. 716, 4to) I
[SEPTEMBER, 1880.
received a few years ago (1875) through the kindness of my learned friend Dr. R. Rost, with whom I had seen it during my last stay in London (1874). There we not only find on p. 532 the first of the above quotations with the remarkable various reading moreover in the scholium of prasnutá, explained by ksharitastani, but at p. 588 we read still more distinctly of Devaki as lying on her couch with oozing breasts (snutapayodharam) and of Krishna as "sucking at them" (tadutsamge stanam dhayam); and lastly at p. 536 we have Devakt again giving the breast to her son, who while drinking presses the nipple with his hand,-dadamánam tu putrasya stanam | piyamánaḥ (read onam) stanam so 'tra kuchdgre panina eprisan.
I do not doubt in the least the accuracy of the Babu's testimony that at present "the pictorial representation is not deemed an essential part of the ceremony, nor is it anywhere produced in Bengal on the occasion of the fast," but, testimony against testimony, there was a time when this was otherwise, and even that time cannot be very remote, for the ritual texts contain abundant testimony to the contrary. Local and provincial habits can never silence the voice of literary documents.
§1 in vol. VI., pp. 161-180; § 2 in ib. no. 281-801; $3, in vol. III., pp. 21-25 and 47-52; and § 4 in vol. VI., pp. 849-354.
Moreover, the first of the passages quoted above appears to be known to the Babu also from some source independent of my paper; for after quoting it he proceeds: "had you not stopped short in your quotation, you would have added that the child should be four-handed, holding a mace, a discus, &c." and then he adds: "the words of the text: Sanuhachakragada....." Now I would
remark that the sources from which I drew the passage do not contain this verse, as he might have easily perceived himself by comparing p. 286, where the text of my sources breaks off at the first hemistich of v. 33 with p. 289, where it continues with the second hemistich of the same verse: there is no room left for his verse between these two halves. He must therefore have taken it from some other source not used by me. And this being so, he ought certainly to have expressed himself in other terms, for those used by him imply an accusation of my having left out something that might have been opposed to my purpose. This is a very serious insinuation, as in his opinion "the correct account of the ceremony" as contained in this verse and in the other details which he desiderates in my paper, whereas they are described in it with all possible minuteness, "would have seriously interfered with the analogy between the nativity of Krishna and that of Christ," which I
By the bye the Haribhaktivildsa has his verse at p. 533, but with a various reading: mahapûrnam, for his mahapunyaṁ.

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"undertook to establish." With regard to this Amru, and Hareth, besides a selection from the latter point, and particularly to this very inter- well-known Bedawin Romance of Antar, by Asma'i, ference, our views on the subject are really so who was one of the stars of the Court of Harunentirely at variance that it is better I should stop al-Raschid. The most striking passages of the short here.
Moällakdt which have been rendered into English Berlin, 25th April 1880.
A. WEBER. verse by various translators will be given in the
appendix. Professor G. F. Nicholl, M.A., of OxTHE REMNANT OF THE ORIGINAL ARYAN ford University, and King's College, London RACE.
will furnish some critical notes on obscure pas. It is said that Major Biddulph, stationed on the
sages of Sir William Jones' English text of the Kashmir boundary, has prepared a report upon Moällskdt, and Mr. J. W. Redhouse, the eminent the customs, the languages, and the folklore of Orientalist, will contribute an original trawulati the singular communities among whom he has of the celebrated Poem of the Mantle, by Ka'b, son been residing for a long time. From Major Bid.
of Zubeyr, son of Abd Sulma, with critical notes. dulph's peculiar advantages and opportunities may be expected, says the Pioneer, a complete
NOTES AND QUERIES. account of people who are a survival of the old 2. PROPER NAMES.-With reference to Mr. Åryans from whom all civilized mankind of the George A. Grierson's letter in the Indian Antipresent day is probably descended. Surgeon. quary, ante p. 141, I beg to state that in the Major Bellew, meanwhile, has been examining a Mysore Province the custom of boring the right few men from the cantons on the south-west of side of the nostrils of the children whose elder Dárdistân, peopled by a similar race, who in brothers or sisters died soon after their birth one respect are still more interesting, for their prevails. Such children are called country has never yet been visited by a civilized Gunda-rock. Hucha--madman. traveller. But in appearance and language they Kalla-stone. Tippa-dunghill. closely resemble the Dards, and, unlike them, The last name is given after some rubbish from have not embraced the creed of their Muhamma. Adunghill has been brought in a sieve, and the dan neighbours. The tongues spoken in all these child placed in it. hills are, for the most part, Åryan; not descended I learn that this custom prevails in the Madras from Sanskrit, and, indeed, of earlier origin than Presidency also, and that the names given there that classical language. On the northern slopes are Gundan, Kallan, Kuppan (Kuppai being the of the mountains Parsi words prevail; in the Tamil word for dunghill), and Vemban or the southern cantons some of the words resemble Margosa tree. It does not appear that the mother Greek, some Latin, some those of modern Europe. herself changes her name as in Bengal. They make and freely consume) grape wine, As the district in which I now live is close to something like a crude Burgundy. Those who the Southern Marâțba Country, it is probable are not Musalmans believe in one God, but that the custom prevails there also employ the intercession of minor powers, repre.
NARAYAN ALYANGÂR. sented by images. They also occasionally canon- Shimoga, 23rd May 1880. ize great men whom they have lost by death. They are usually monogamous, opposed to divorce, With reference to Mr. Grierson's request at p. 141 and strict defenders of the chastity of their unmar of the current volume of the Indian Antiquary, ried girls. These latter have blue, grey, or hazel I may mention that the custom of calling a new. eyes; black hair is the exception amongst them; born child (after the parent has lost a first-born and when young, they are of such remarkable or more in succession) by an opprobrious name, comeliness as to be in great demand in the slave is common amongst many castes in Southern markets of adjacent countries. Authentic informa- India-including even Muhammadans. tion concerning these interesting races cannot but Any one well acquainted with the customs of be anxiously awaited by all who realize the nature the natives could add much to Mr. Grierson's of the questions involved.-Globe, April 17. information on the subject.
Kuppasvdmi (=Sir Dungheap) is one of the ANCIENT ARABIAN POETRY.-Mr. W. A. Clogg. commonest names for such children, and they ton, of Glasgow, intends issuing by private sub- have the distinguishing mark of a pierced nostril scription a limited edition of A Treasury of Ancient and ear (on the right side) with a knob of gold in it. Arabian Poetry. It will include specimens from Other names are Chatthupullai and Ghurumiydi. Amrulkais, Tarafa, Zohair, Lebeid, Antara, Madras.
B. R. B. * Conf. Ind. Ant. vol. IV. p. 238; vol. VI. p. 168.

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[SEPTEMBER, 1880.
3. BRAHMANI Duck-What is the origin of the the number of the most comely names" has by term "Brahmani Duck" ? It is applied to the no means been confined to any sacred number, bird usually known to natives as Chakw& and such as 77, 99, 101, or 1,000, in spite of the frequent Chakwi, scientific name Anas casarea or Casarca references to the "ninety-nine names of God." rutila. The term Bråhmani as used to qualify In Mr. Redhouse's notes to each so-called name this bird is quite unknown to the natives of will be found several interesting points of Muslem the Panjab, who can make no conjecture why it superstition. The next article is by Sir Henry should have come to be used by the English. On Rawlinson. It is"Notes on a newly-discovered what grounds is the bird held sacred P
Clay Cylinder of Cyrus the Great." In it he gives a Ferozepore.
R. C. TEMPLE. transliteration and translation of a highly interest4. INDIAN ARMS.-No country in the world can
ing inscription, together with a useful historical
introduction. The cylinder records in effect an vie with Hindustan either for splendor or variety
edict issued by Cyrus after his conquest of Babylon in the production of implements of war, as any one
and of the reigning king, Nabu-nahid (the will see by paying a visit to the collection of Arms
Nabonidus of the Greeks). The record gives the exhibited at the India Museum. The Hon. W. Egerton, M.A., M.P., has compiled a "Handbook"
genealogy of Cyrus in the order stated by Herodo.
tus, viz., 1, Akhæmenes ; 2, Teispes (Sispis); of this collection; it is illustrated by coloured en
3, Cyrus (Kurus) ; 4, Cambyses (Kambujiya); gravings of the choicest arms in the collection, and
5, Cyrus (Kurus) the Great. has an introductory sketch of the Military History
Mr. R. Sewell, M.C.S., follows with a note on of India. The thanks of antiquaries are due to Mr.
Hwen Thsang's account of Dhanakacheka, and Egerton for compiling this catalogue, and thus
Mr. Fergusson gives expression to the doubt with bringing together in one volume, matter that forms
which he-very rightly, as it seems to us-regards an important Indian Historical Monograph.
Mr. Sewell's proposed explanation. M. Sauvaire 5. NGA FIGURES.-Friar Jordanus, (cir. 1325) completes, from a newly discovered MS. at Gotha, in the 4th chapter of his Marvels, in speaking of his translation of the interesting treatise on Western India, says-"There be also venomous Weights and Measures by Már Eliya, Archbishop animals, such as many serpents, big beyond of Nesibe. The number closes with a lengthy bounds, and of divers colours, black, red, white, and discussion as to the age of the Ajanta Caves, green, and parti-coloured; two-headed also, three consisting of a paper by Rajendralala Mitra, Rai headed, and five-headed. Admirable marvels !" Bahadar, followed by a note by Mr. Fergusson.
Col. Yule remarks on this,--that "two-headed Dr. Rajendralala argues that certain inrerintions and even three-headed serpents might be sug- in the caves are in an alphabet that assimilates gested by the appearance of a cobra with dilated to that of the Gujarat dated plates, which belong hood and spectacles, especially if the spectator to the 2nd century AD.," and therefore these were (As probably would be the case) in a great | inscriptions fall between the 3rd century B.C. and fright. But for five heads I can make no apology." | the 2nd A.D. But no scholar now holds that any
The Någa stones to be seen in every village in of the dates on plates from Gujarat are earlier the Konkan represent principally three and five- than the 5th century, and they come down at least headed snakes. May they not have given rise to to the 7th. Arguing exclusively from the age he Jordanus's polycephalous marvels P But if so, thus assigns to inscriptions in certain caves, he what gave rise to the Nâga figures having so many concludes that the paintings in others are from heads? There is one at Banavâsi with five heads 1800 to 2000 years old. Mr. Fergusson trusting and a P&li inscription in the 12th year of King | rather to architectural style and details in deterSatakanni Haritiputa.
mining the age of the monuments, where the
evidence of the inscriptions is so unsatisfactory, THE ASIATIC SOCIETIES.
concludes that the paintings in Cave No. 1 may The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. be of as late a date as the first half of the seventh XII, part i. (Jan. 1880) commences with an century A.D. article by Mr. Redhouse on "The Most Comely Part ii. (April) opens with Max Müller's paper Names"-that is, on the various epithets applied on Sansksit texts discovered in Japan, which has by orthodox Mubammadan writers to their god. also been printed separately. The next consists of The author gives a list of 552 such epithets com- Extracts from an Official Report to the Government piled from various previous lists, explaining each of India on the islands and antiquities of Bahrein, epithet, with references, where necessary, to the by Captain Durand. To this are added valuable Kuran. It is abundantly evident, therefore, that and suggestive notes by Sir H. Rawlinson, con1 The Academy, April 24, 1880, p. 310.
See Book Notice, p. 233.

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taining much new and interesting matter relating to the Persian Gulf accumulated since Vincent and Heeren conducted their investigations.
This is followed by "Notes on the Locality and Population of the Tribes dwelling between the Brahmaputra and Ningthi Rivers," by the late G. H. Damant, M.A. The paper is accompanied by tables of comparative vocabularies.
"On the Saka, Samvat, and Gupta Eras"-a supplement to his paper "On Indian Chronology," (N. S. vol. IV. pp. 81-137), by J. Fergusson, D.C.L., &c. takes up, first the dates of the Indo-Scythian inscriptions of Kanishka, Huvishka, Vasudeva, &c. which the author regards as dating from the Saka era established, he believes, "by King Kanishka, who himself was a Saka king." This is supported by the fact of Gondophares, in the first century, being anterior to Kanishka, and coins of the time of Domitian, Trajan, and Hadrian, being found with those of Kadphises, Kanishka, and Oerke in a tope in Afghanistan. Secondly, the Kshatrapa coins, he contends, do not date from the Vikrama Samvat, but from the Saka era, and overlap the earlier Guptas, and that the Vikrama Samvat was not in use till about the year 1000, when it was introduced and dated from 600 years, or ten cycles before the battle of Karur, assumed to have been fought in A.D. 544, in the time of Harsha Vikramaditya; and at the same time the Harsha era, dating 1000 years before the same event, or 456 B.C., was proposed and partially established. The Guptas he regards as dated from A.D. 318-19, and that the "foreign invaders" who overthrew them were the White Huns whom Kosmas Indikopleustes mentions as a powerful nation in the north of India, early in the sixth century.
"The Megha Sâtra" by C. Bendall, follows and gives the text and a translation of this late Sútra of the Mahâyâna school, from the Nepalese MSS. at Cambridge.
The next article is "Historical and Archæological Notes on a Journey in South-Western Persia, 1877-78," by A. Houtem-Schindler; and the last in this number is on the "Identification of the False Dawn' of the Muslims with the Zodiacal Light of Europeans," by J. W. Redhouse, This is a continuation of a paper on the same subject in vol. X.
The third part, for July 1880, contains a second paper by Mr. E. L. Brandreth on the Gaurian compared with the Romance languages, in continuation of the first in vol. XI. In this interesting paper the author carefully developes many striking analogies existing between the forras in which Sanskrit has broken up into the various modern
231
Prakrits, and the way in which Latin broke up into the various Romance languages of modern Europe. These analogies are not only very marked and extend to many details as between one Prâkrit and one Romance language, but what is more strikingly curious even, we find one Prakrit following the precise analogy in its derivations from Sanskrit that Italian does in its derivations from Latin, whilst another is in as close analogy to French. Take as examples Sansk. nar-as' man'; Sindhi, nar-u; Hindi, nar; and compare Lat. annus, Ital. ann-o, Fr. an; or Sans. jihv-d, Sind. jibha, H. jibh, with Lat. ros-a, It. ros-a, Fr. rose; or, again, San. bhitt-is, Sind. bhitt-i, Hind. bhit, and Lat. turr-is, It. torr-e, Fr. tour; &c. The next paper is by Arminius Vambéry, "On the Uzbeg Epos," a poem in 74 cantos containing upwards of 4,300 distichons in the metre of the Mejnun u Leila of Jâmt. It is from a MS. in the Imperial Library of Vienna, and bears date upon the last page of 916 A. H. (1510 A. D.), and must have been written shortly after the death of its author, Prince Mehemmed Salih, the son of Mir Said, formerly ruler of Kharezm. The poem celebrates the glories of his master the great Uzbeg Chieftain, Sheibani Khân, and from its length, the historical events related are brought before us in such detail, and with such episodes, as neither Baber nor Mirkond, nor the Tarikh-i Rashidi used by Erskine, and still less the little Sheibani Námeh edited by the Russian Orientalist K. Berezin, in 1849, can supply us. The narrative commences. with Sheibani's first march upon Samarkand, then governed by Baki Terkhân; then follow his engagements with the Mirzas (as the Timurides are called) in Transoxiana, in which Baber plays a prominent part, particularly in the account of the siege of Samarkand, and of the troubles which the founder of the Mogul dynasty in India had to suffer at the hands of his triumphant rival. After the expulsion of Baber and the downfall of the Mirzas, which led to the defeat of the Mongol auxiliaries of Baber, Sheibani crosses the Oxus (called Öküz or Üghüz by the author), and enters upon the long war with the children of Mirza Husein Baikara, and with Khosru Shah, the lord of Rahistân-comprizing in those days Badakhshan, Khatlan, Dervaz, Roshan, and Shignan. After the defeat and death of this Turkish prince, Sheibani concludes the war against Kharezm, where Chin Sofi, the chief of the great Ada-Turkoman tribe, made a vigorous resistance, and inflicted heavy losses on the Uzbegs, who had to besiege the capital of the said country for eleven months, and only reduced it through the indomitable perseverance of Sheibani. Here the poem
See Beal's Catena, p. 416 ff.; Asiat. Res. vol. XX., p. 529.

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comes to close about 1505 A.D. before the capture of Herat in 1507, and only five years after Sheibani's first appearance before Samarkand in 1500.
The next paper is a translation by Dr. Kern of the two separate edicts of Asoka at Dhauli and Jaugada, to which we shall bave occasion to refer elsewhere.
This is followed by a "Grammatical Sketch of the Kakhyen Language” by the Rev. J. N. Cushing, of the American Baptist Mission, Rangoon. Kakhyen is the Burman name for the Singpho or Chingpau people occupying the mountainous tract stretching from Upper Asåm across Northern Burma into the Chinese province of Yu-nan.
The last paper is "Notes on the Libyan Languages" by Prof. F. W. Newman.
In the Journal Asiatique for February March, April 1880, M Clermont Ganneau continues his notes on "La Coupe Phénicienne de Palestrina et l'une des sources de l'art et de la Mythologio Helléniques."-M. Maspero gives the first part of a study of certain pictures and Egyptian texts relating to Funerals.-M. C. de Harlez gives his fifth paper on the "Origines da Zoroastrisme,"
treating of the Fravashis; the inferior evil genii - Yatus, Pairikas, Kayadhas, Kngaredhas, Jahis, and Ashem-oghas; Mazdean eschatology; and Zoroaster and the legends.-M. Sauvaire publishes the first part of his Materials for the History of Musalman Numismatics and Metrology.-M. le Marquis de Vogué has an interesting note on the form of the tomb of Eshmanazar, king of Sidon, whose inscribed sarcophagus is one of the most valuable remains preserved in the Louvre, with an attempt to translate the l'hoenician legend engraved on it. This is followed by the first part of a masterly study by M. Senart on the inscriptions of Piyadasi, to which we shall refer at length at a later page. The number closes with the Proceedings and Book Notices. In the number for May-June, M. Maspero concludes his study on Egyptian funerary paintings; M. Sauvaire continues his Materials'; and M. Senart his inscriptions of Piyadasi; while M. St. Guyard gives his fifth series of Notes on Assyrian Lexicography, The Proceedings are followed by translations of the Van inscriptions by M. Guyard and several Babylonian records by M. Oppert.
BOOK NOTICES. A COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR OF THE GAUDIAN LANGUAGES,
which the other languages have been grouped with special reference to the Eastern Hindi. By A. F. R. under ench subject in separate paragraphs headed Hoernle. (Trübner & Co.: 1880.)
"affinities" and "derivation," an arrangement In vols. XLI. to XLIII. (1872-1) of the Journal which does not in the least detract from the merits of the Asiatic Society of Bengal Dr. Hoernle brought of the book as a Comparative Grammar of all the out a series of essays on the Gaudian (i. e., Sans- Gaudian languages. As regards the important kritic) languages of N. India, which attracted a linguistical results of Dr. Hoernle's investigations, great deal of attention among oriental philologists. we must forbear following him through the These essays were subsequently expanded and laborious processes and ingenious combinations completed by the author, who by a continued and by which he has been enabled to formulate them. more matured study of the subject was enabled to The historical development of the languages is introduce a number of modifications, corrections, briefly summed up as follows:- Four periods may and additions. The book at the head of this notice be distinguished in the linguistic history of India. is thus the outcome of many years' labour in this First, when the Magadhi tongue in some form particular field of enquiry, and not only contains was the only Aryan vernacular in North India. within a comparatively small compass & vast Secondly, when the Sauraseni tongue existed amount of information, but also shows the trained there beside the Magadhi, the one occupying the philologist by the scientific method and the spirit north-western, the other the south-eastern half. of incisive research by which it is pervaded. Dr. Thirdly, when these were broken up, each into two Hoernle rightly lays great stress on the dialectical speeches, the W. and N. Gaudian, and the E. and varieties of the spoken languages and on the forms S. Gaudian. Fourthly, when these four speeches of speech exhibited by them, and claims a full were subdivided into the several Gaudian lanshare of importance for the fact that "in most guages. The last period is that now prevailing." cases adjoining languages and dialects pass into Concerning their philological classification, Dr. each other so imperceptibly that the determination Hoernle has arrived at the following conclusions :of the limits of each will always remain more "Since Bangali and Oriya are accounted separate or less a matter of doubt and dispute." As the languages from Eastern Hindi, and Panjabi, work was originally intended to be a grammar of Gujarati and Sindhf from Western Hindi, a fortiori Eastern Hindi, this language has been allowed to Eastern Hindi and Western Hindi must be conremain the centre of the author's researches roundsidered as distinct languages, and not merely as

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dialects of one and the same." And further, "the languages divide themselves into two large groups or two great forms of speech; the one extending over the Eastern half of North-India and comprising Eastern Hindi, Bangali and Oriya; the other covering its Western half and including Western Hindi, Panjabi, Gujarati, Sindhi." To the former group must also be added Marathi as representative of the Southern Gaudian speech, and to the latter Nepalf as representative of the Northern Gaudian. By endeavouring to trace the growth of these languages through its successive stages, be it of development or decay, back to the earlier Prakrits, the author has had to grapple with a most difficult problem. While, however, some of his views may perhaps appear hazardous and open to controversy, no one will for a moment question that his work is of sterling value as a solid contribution to Prakrit philology in its widest sense, trustworthy alike for the linguistic materials it communicates, and for the sound principles it applies in analysing them.
R. R.
BOOK NOTICES.
THE VINAYAPITAKAM, Edited by Dr. H. Oldenberg. Vol. I. The Mahavagga, 1879. Vol. II. The Cullavagga. 1880. (London: Williams and Norgate.)
Dr. Oldenberg did well in selecting the Vinayapitaka for publication in preference to any other portion of the sacred canon of the Southern Buddhists. No part of it had ever been published, and but few fragments were known from Gogerly's and Coles' translations. The Vinayapitaka besides, is important not only as containing the ecclesiastical code of the Buddhists, but also as furnishing an excellent insight into the state of Hindu society and civilization in the early centuries of Buddhism upwards of 2200 years ago: and for the history of that period it supplies more complete and more valuable data than may be found anywhere in the wide range of Buddhistio literature. The Editor defines, in the Introduction to the first volume, the peculiar character of the Vinayapitaka as distinct from the Suttapitaka, or ethical code, and discusses the leading questions as to the origin and historical position of the work. The result at which he arrives as to the date of its final revision is that that must have taken place some time before the council of Ves<, or about 400 B.C. His remarks on the school to which the existing Vinaya text belongs, and on the original seat of the Pali language, are certainly full of interest, and if his reasoning does not in every case carry conviction with it, it certainly leads on towards an eventual settlement of the various important questions under discussion. The work is to be completed in five volumes, two of which, comprising the Mahdvagga and the Chullavagga,
233
have appeared. The various Indices, added to the second volume, are most valuable and the care with which the text has been edited reflects the greatest credit on the promising scholar who is making these authentic records of an ancient priestly organization available to his fellowstudents. R. R.
"ON SANSKRIT TEXTS DISCOVERED IN JAPAN." By Prof. F. Max Müller, 1880, pp. 36 and one plate (facsimile). This new pamphlet by Prof. Max Müller is a separate impression (from vol. XII., N. S., of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society) of a lecture lately delivered before the Society, and of which more or less incorrect notices appeared in the papers at the time.
It had long been known that Chinese pilgrims had, in the earlier centuries A. D., taken Sanskrit books to China and the farthest East, but all enquiries seemed fruitless, and the discovery now announced is entirely due to Prof. Max Müller's unwearied exertions: a Japanese pupil at last got him the text now published. All must hope that this is merely the first, and that many others will follow.
The text is of a Mahayana-sutra termed 'Sukhávatívyúha,' and belongs to that later stage of Indian Buddhism when the early simple and grand ideas of that religion had been modified after the usual Indian pattern. It is a mixture of frigid exaggeration with an Indian pretence at exactness, and contains a childish account of a heaven called Sukhâvati, which the Buddhist is supposed to reach by persistent and heartless formalities, and to live there for ever. This twaddle is, then, of no value, and every one will agree with Prof. Max Müller in hoping that the Japanese Buddhists will now begin to "purify and reform their religion, that is to bring it back to its original form, a work that must be done before anything else can be attempted."
Thus, the interest attaching to this tract depends on secondary inferences which may be safely drawn from it: these are important in their way.
:
The first is that these Buddhist treatises, even the latest, existed in recensions of very different lengths, as is the case with a large number of Hindu books even now. But this particular recension, recovered from Japan, seems not to exist now in Nepal.
Secondly, it may be inferred that in all probability it will be possible to find older MSS. in China and Japan than in India. It may safely be said that no MS. written one thousand years ago is now existent in India, and that it is almost impossible to find one written five hundred years ago, for

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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most MSS. which claim to be of that date are And whilst the great field of Mr. Hodgson's merely copies of old MSS. the dates of which are labours lay in Nepal and along the northern fron. repeated by the copyists. The Sukhavatt-vydha tier of India, it must not be forgotten that these is written in a northern form of Nâgarf which essays are by no means restricted to that zone: belongs to comparatively recent period, but the fifth and sixth sections of these volumes is on many of the letters have not been copied exactly, the Aborigines of the Eastern frontier, and the and it is impossible to fix the date satisfactorily. Indo-Chinese Borderers in Burma, Arakan, and
Any one who will take the trouble to compare Tenasserim, while the ninth is on the Aborigines the facsimile plate with the corresponding text on of Central India, the Eastern Ghâts, the Nilagiris, p. 30 will not fail to admire the admirable way and Ceylon. Thus to students of ethnology and in which Prof. Max Müller has restored this almost glossology in all parts of the Indian empire these illegible and very corrupt text.
essays will be of interest. In the notes (pp. 24, etc.) the Professor has The few lithographs that illustrated the original discussed and cleared up the meaning of a num- papers have not been reproduced (except a Map) ber of difficult words which perpetually occur in with these reprints, but a greater defect is the Buddhist texts, and many of which are of great want of an Index of some sort to make the work interest to Sansksit students.
more convenient for reference. On p. 7 the Professor identifies Konkana- We have already (vol. IV. p. 89) noticed the pura with the western coast of the Dekban, but reprint of Mr. Hodgson's Essays on the Languages, the presence of a forest of the Borassus palm there Literature and Religion of Nepal and Thibet : wecould is decisive against this, as it only grows in large only wish that they were re-edited with the same numbers in dry places; Konkanapura is care as these volumes, and issued as a third one. surely Konkana halli, a former chief town in
1. Vie ou LEGENDE DE GAUDAMA le Boudba des Birmans, the Mysore territory.
et Notice sur les Phongyies ou Moines Birmans. Par A. B. Monseigneur P. Bigandet, Evéque de Ramatha, vicaira
Apostolique d'Ava et Pegou. Traduit en Français par MISCELLANEOUS ESSAYS RELATING TO INDIAN SUBJECTS, by Victor Gauvain, Lieut. de vaisseau. Paris : E. Lerode,
Brian Houghton Hodgson, Esq., F.R.S., late B.C.S., &c. 1878. (8vo. Pp. viii. and 640.) 2 vols. London: Trübner & Co. 1880.
2. Tux LITE OR LEGEND OF GAUDAMA, tbb Buddha of the These two volumes of Messrs Trübner & Co.'s
Burmese, with annotations; the ways of Neibban, and
notice of the Phongyies or Burmese Monks. By the Oriental Series' contain a number of papers con- Right Rev. P. Bigandet, Bishop of Ramatha, &c. in 2 tributed principally to the Journal of the Asiatic vols. London: Trübner, 1880. Society of Bengal between the years 1847 and 1853, Bishop Bigandet's invaluable work on Buddha and relating chiefly to the languages and ethnology and Burmese Buddhism first appeared in a single of the aboriginal tribes of India, with some other volume (324 pp.) printed at Rangoon in 1858, essays of a more general character. The first and was favourably noticed in the Calcutta Review Essay on the Kochh, Bôdô and Dhimal tribes
in June 1859. A second edition revised and appeared separately at Calcutta in 1847, the tenth much enlarged (538 pp.) appeared at the same and eleventh on the Route of the Nepalese Mission place in 1866. Both these editions were out of to Pekin, and on the Route from Kathmandd to print when Lieutenant Victor Gauvain prepared Darjiling, with the twelfth, on the Systems of Law his very excellent French translation of the second and Police in Nepál, were published in the Selec- edition, which brought the work again within the tions from the Records of Bengal. The short paper reach of European scholars in a convenient form on the Native Method of making the paper called and clear type.
Nepalese,' is from the Transactions of the Agricul- Messrs. Trübner & Co. now reproduce the same tural Society; and the Letters on Vernaculars, work in a faithful reprint of the second English with which the second volume concludes, are edition in two handy volumes, which will be wel reprinted from the Friend of India, 1848.
come to English students. Buddhism in Burma, "Almost all the papers," says the editor, Dr. R. as in Ceylon, differs markedly from the religion Rost, "more especially the longer Linguistical which passes under the same name in Nepal, Tibet, Essays, have been reprinted from copies revised and China: it knows nothing of the Bodhisattwas, and annotated by the author himself, who has Joana Buddhas, Saktis, Devis, and the multiearned a fresh and lasting title to the gratitude of tudinous pantheon of the Mah@yana sects, and all students of Indian glossology and ethnology on this account alone deserves a special study. by allowing the rare and valuable Papers comprised And no work founded-rather translated-from in these volumes to be made generally available." original sources presents to the Western student
Oply too faithful: for it reproduces even the misprinta,-6.g. Ilahabas' in the note vol. II. p. 266. Gauvain (p. 480) has not overlooked such errata.

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BOOK NOTICES.
235
a more faithful picture than that of Bishop Bigandet.
To the ordinary reader unacquainted with the Burmese representations of Indian names they will at first be somewhat confusing: Thoodan. dana' for Suddhodana, Pounds for Brabman, Radzagio' for Råjagriha, 'Kathaba' for Kaśyapa, Dzewaka' for Jivaka, 'Wethalie' for Vaisali, * Dzetawon' for Jetavana, Adzatatha' for Ajátasatru, Manh' for Måra, "Manta' for Munda,
Nagata-saka' for Någadásaka, Tsandagutta' for Chandragupta, &c. are examples of these Burmese forms. Might it not have been worth while either noting the Sanskrit equivalents in footnotes, or giving a table of them P The want of an Index is a great defect of these otherwise valuable volumes.
1. SELECTIONS FROM THE KUR-AN. By Edward William Lane, Hon. Dr. Lit. Leyden., Cor. Inst. Fr., &c. A new edition, revised and enlarged with an Introduction. By Stanley Lane Poole. (London: Trübner & Co.
1879.) 2. EXTRACTS FROM THE COBAN in the original, with Eng
lish rendering. Compiled by Sir William Muir, K.C.S.1., LL.D. (London: Trübner & Co. 1880.)
These two works are similar, though of very different pretensions. Sir W. Muir's very modest little volume of 64 pages contains thirty-five short extracts in Arabic with English versions. They are arranged according to the existing order of the Koran, and are of that class which exhibit "arguments drawn from Nature and Providence, with a view to prove the existence of God as the Supreme Raler, and enforce His sovereign claim on the obedience and gratitude of mankind. The retribution of good and evil in the world to come, the obligation to follow virtue and eschew vice, the duty and happiness of the creature in wor. shipping and serving the Creator, and such like topics, are set forth in language of beauty and vigour, abounding often with real poetry." "Passages like these," the author considers,"can hardly be obnoxious to the professors of any faith; and there is much in them that should be welcome to all." The collection intentionally avoids the special tehets of Islam, and may thus be useful "as affording a certain basis of agreement and common thought, for those who come into contact with the Muslim world." They might be useful in schools in India, and for the student of Arabic the selection may be found very serviceable. The Arabic type is that of Stephen Austin of Hertford, and is very clear and legible..
Mr. Lane's volume is of a very different character: partly a reprint of his Selections published in 1843, the book has almost been recast by his nephew. The extracts, which occupy the second half of the volume, are given only in English, and are arranged under distinctive heads,--the first part (consisting of about a fourth of the whole) sets forth the doctrines of Islam: the second presents Muhammad's versions of the history of the patriarchs and other personages of the Jewish and Christian writings. To the first Mr. Poole has added considerably, while he has also largely freed it from the commentary with which, in the first edition, it was interwoven.
The original introduction, however, which had been abridged from Sale's Preliminary Discourse, has been discarded, and for it Mr. Poole has substituted an essay of 100 pages giving a sketch of the beginnings of Islam in four chapters-(1) The Arabs before Muhammad, (2) Muhammad, (3) Islâm, and (4) The Kur-en-well written and instructive. The volume is completed by two excellent Indexes. METRICAL TRANSLATIONS FROM SANSKRIT WRITERS, with
an introduction, prose versions and parallel passages from classical authors. By J. Muir, O.I.E., D.C.L. LL.D., Ph.D. (London: Trübner & Co. 1879.)
This volume of Trübner's Oriental Series' is the work of a well-known and conscientious scholar whose services to the cause of Oriental learning will not soon be forgotten. These 248 Metrical Translations, which fill the first 196 pages of this volume, have partly appeared in the pages of the Indian Antiquary, partly also in Religious and Moral Sentiments from Sanskrit Writers' and in three collections of versified translations printed for private circulation. They include also a reprint of the metrical pieces from the author's Original Sanskrit Texts, vols. II. and V.
Besides occasional footnotes the author adds to his metrical renderings an Appendix of 142 pages, containing faithful prose translations of all the passages versified, so that the freedom of the metrical version can be at once judged of; and these latter are interspersed with references to interesting parallel passages in the Greek and Roman Classics, especially the Greek Dramatists. In addition to this, & further supplement of 30 pages more of further references is added, including a new version of the splendid hymn of Kleanthes, of which Cudworth remarks that "it breathes throughout a spirit of true piety and just knowledge of divine things." Though not
II. A. vol. III., pp. 170, 241, 885ff. ; vol. IV., pp. 199ff. 2008. ; vol. V., pp. 152ff. 311ff. 840ff. ; vol. VII., pp. 1874. 2088f. 292, 292, 308 ; vol. VIII., pp. 86ff. 152, 204.821, 388ff.; vol. IX., pp. 29, 52, 87, 141. A notice of the first small collection of these versions was given in vol. IV., pp. 1184f.
Published by Messrs. Williams and Norgate, 1878, and noticed Ind. Ant. vol. IV. p. 118.
Cudworth, Intellectual System, p. 482; conf. Sir A. Grant's Aristotle, Brd ed. vol. I. p. 8274.

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80 literal as Dr. Muir's, Newman's translation of Obedient to which, they might good life enjoy this hymn is so spirited, but a little known that with wisdom. we give it here:
Bat they, in guise unseemly, rush this way and "Almighty alway! many-named! Most glori- that, at random; ous of the deathless!
One part, in glory's chase engaged with ill-conJove, primal spring of nature, who with Law | tending passion, directest all things !
Some, searching every path of gain, of comeliHail! for to bow salute to Thee, to every man ness forgetful, is holy.
Others, on self-indulgence bent and on the For we from Thee an offspring are, to whom body's pleasure, alone of mortals,
While things right contrary to these their proThat live and move along the earth, the Mimic per action hastens. Voice is granted;
But, Jove all bounteous! who, in clouds enTherefore to Thee I hymns will sing, and always wrapt, the lightning wieldest, chant thy greatness.
Mayest Thou from banefal ignorance the race Subject to Thee is yonder sky, which round the of men deliver ! earth, for ever
This, Father, scatter from the soul, and grant Majestio rolls at Thy command, and gladly feels that we the wisdom Thy guidance
May reach, in confidence of which Thou justly So mighty is the weapon, clenched within Thy guidest all things, hands unconquered,
That we, by Thee in honour set, with honour The double-edged and flery bolt of ever-living may repay thee, lightning.
Raising to all Thy works a hymn perpetual, ag For Nature through her every part beneath its
beseemeth impulse shudders,
A mortal soul: since neither man nor God has Whereby the universal scheme Thou guidest, higher glory, which, through all things
Than rightfully to celebrate Eternal Law allProceeding, intermingles deep with greater ruling." lights and smaller.
As an introduction to this volume, Dr. Muir has When Thou so vast in essence art, a king
given a very careful résumé of the opinions of supreme for over.
European scholars, especially Lassen, Weber,
Windisch, Böhtlingk, M. Barth, and Monier Nor upon earth is any work done without Thee, Williams, on the question whether the ideas and O spirit !
doctrines of the Bhagavad Gita are derived from, Nor at the æther's utmost height divine, nor or have been influenced by, the Christian Scripin the ocean,
tures,-a question suggested by the publication Save whatsoe'er the infatuate work out from in this Journal (vol. II. pp. 283-296) of a translahearts of evil.
tion of the Appendix to Dr. Lorinser's BhagavadBut Thou by wisdom knowest well to render Gita. odd things even ;
We heartily welcome the issue of these TranslaThou orderest disorder, and the unlovely lovely tions, &c. in a collected form. They are the moral makest;
gems picked out of the vast and often impure For so hast Thou in one combined the noble stores of Sanskrit literature, and indicate that, with the baser,
though the moral darkness of ancient India was That of the whole, a single scheme arises, ever. dense, there were occasional glimpses of a light lasting,
given to individuals, which may have helped Which men neglect and overlook, as many as some to struggle against the natural progress of are evil;
corruption, and handed them on to times of purer Unhappy, who good things to get are evermore light. They were foundations, as it were, in desiring,
thought and in language for a better ethical While to the common law of God nor eyes nor superstructure; soil for better seed; a poradela eurs they open,
for the reception of the highest truth.
• Part of this introduction appeared also in this Journal, vol. IV., pp. 77.
Dr. Muir characteriseg the Hindu moral and religious ideas as represented in their literature in the words of the Greek poet,--Told per ég á reuypera,
mola di Avypá. “Many good things and many bad mingled."
Clemens Alexandrinus gives much prominence to the importance of snch moral idens in the old religions : See Strom. i. 5, and 17; and 20; vi. 8, 15, and 17; vii. 8; &c.

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OCTOBER, 1880.]
VALABHI GRANTS.
VALABHI GRANTS. EDITED BY DR. G. BÜHLER, C.L.E. (Continued from vol. VII. p. 86.)
TH
No. XV.-A GRANT OF SILADITYA I., DATED SAMVAT. 290. THE plates on which the subjoined grant is written were found some years ago at Dhân k, in Kathiavâd, and are now preserved in the Rajkote Museum. Through the kindness of Colonel L. Barton and Major Ch. Wodehouse, they were lent to me for a few days, and then sent to the Government Photozincographic Office, Punâ, where the accompanying facsimile was prepared.
The preservation of the plates is excellent, and the seal which shows the usual emblem and inscription is still attached to them. The letters, which exactly resemble those of the plates published in the Jour. R. A. Society, vol. XI, p. 360 seq., are deeply and well cut. The number of clerical mistakes which occur is not greater than on other plates of the same dynasty. One, laddha (Pl. I, 1. 2) for labdha, appears to be owing to the substitution of a Prakrit form for its Sanskrit original.
The wording of the first or genealogical part of the grant is almost identical with that of Silâditya's earlier Sâsana of Samvat 286, and contains, therefore, no new information. The kings of Valabhi who are mentioned, are 1, Bhaṭarka; 2, Guhasena, 3, Dharasena II.; and 4, the donor Silâditya I., alias Dharmâditya. It is only to be noted that S i 1 âditya is the first ruler, who omits Bha târka's four sons. The reason probably is that the plates used by his ministers were too small to admit the full list of kings, together with the obligatory eulogy of each. In other respects the grant offers various interesting points.
Firstly, it is dated (Pl. I, 1. 1) vijayaskandhavárád Valabhipradvarahombavásakát," from the camp of victory pitched in or on the homba situated in the open space before the gates of Valabhi." Here it is the curious term homba, which looks like a Desi word, that offers some difficulty. I have not met with it in any other grant, and I have not been able to learn anything about its precise signification by inquiries at Vala. From the context it appears, however, that it must have been either a cantonment or a garden in which the king had pitched his tents.
237
Secondly, the donee Balavarmanaka-Vatapadrasvatalanivishta-Harinathakárita-Mahadevapádáḥ (PL. II, 11. 2-3), "Worshipful Mahadeva, dedicated by Harinâ tha, and dwelling within the precincts of Balavarmânaka-Vatapadra," is very interesting. For, though we possess a full score of decipherable and deciphered inscriptions of the Valabhi kings, who with two exceptions call themselves paramamáhesvara, or 'ardent devotees of M âhesvara,' this is the first grant in which the family deity is mentioned as the recipient of a royal bounty. All the others record donations to Brahmans or to Bauddha Samghas. Our grant affords proof that the devotion of the Valabhians to Śiva went beyond mere words. The place where the Linga, dedicated by Harinâtha, apparently a Brahman, stood, I am unable to ascertain. Vatapadra corresponds with a modern Varodrâ or Baroda. The map of Kathiawâd unfortunately contains more than a dozen places bearing this name, and none of them is surrounded by villages called Bha drânaka, Pushmilanaka, Bramilanaka, and Dinnânâka, which appear in our grant (Pl. II, 1. 6-9). It seems that in ancient times too the name Vatapadra was a common one. For the word Balavarmanaka prefixed to V atapadra in our grant, which I explain to mean either belonging to or founded by Balavarman' (apparently a Kshatriya), can only serve to distinguish this particular village from other homonymous ones.
The passage specifying the objects granted runs as follows, (Pl. II, 1. 4-10):-Vatapadrasvatala evottarasimni vánija-Ghosha-(saska)[satka]vápya aparatah tatha Balabhata-satkavapya dakshinátaḥ tatha Chandrabhatasatkavápyá[h]púrvataḥ Vatapadrádevottarataḥ panchavisatpádávartaparisará Yamalavápî; tathapara-simni Bhadranaka-gramapathaddakshinata Vilakkaṇyd[kkandyda] parata Dinnánaka-gramapatha[tha] duttaratah Baratakamaryáda[da]purvataḥ [pádévartala sárdham tatha dakshinasimni adityadevapúdiya vapyá[h]púrvataḥ Kákinnikimbi ?]-múvaka [múchaka ?] satkakshetraduttarataḥ[to] Bramilanakagramapathadakshinataḥ Pushmilánaka

Page #288

• 238
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1880.
grámasimnisny aparatah [ta] evametatsaha | name of the Dútaka, probably the executive va[vá]pyá pádávartasatadvayari panchanavatyd- officer of the district in which Vatapa dra [tya]dhikan.
lay, and the date of the grant. The Ditaka is called "The Yamala v&pi, covering twenty-Kharagraha, and we know from the later five square feet and situated just within the plates that Kharagraha I. was the younger precincts of Vata padra, on the northern brother and successor of siladitya I., who boundary, west of the well of Vânia Ghosha, during the latter's lifetime carried on the and south of the well belonging to Bala- government. I have no hesitation in identifybhata and east of the well belonging to ing the Dataka with the king, and to assume Chandrabhata; moreover (a field) one that his employment in this responsible posihundred and fifty square feet (in size) on the tion eventually led to his obtaining the real western boundary,south of the road to the village power in the State, and to "his carrying, of Bhadrâņaka, west of Vita khatta, solely intent on fulfilling his brother's) comnorth of the road to the village of Dinn - mands, like a well-broken bullock (carries the n aka, east of the boundary of Barataka; yoke), royal fortune on his shoulders, though (that further (a field one hundred and twenty-five fortune) might have been red by his most square feet in evtent], on the southern boun- respected elder brotherm a gembled (Indra) dary, east of the well belonging to the worship- the elder brother of Upendra Vishnu)." ful deity. Aditya, north of the field of the The date of our inscription is Samvat 290, shoemaker (?) KA kinni (Kakimbi P), south while all the other known inscriptions of Silsof the road to the village of Bramilanaka, ditya I. are Samvat 286. The new date rewest of the boundary of the village of Push mi- duces the gap between $il aditya's and the 1 anaka; thus, including the well, these two second Dhruvasena's grant of Samvat 310 to hundred and ninety-five square feet (of land) twenty years, for which we have two more . .... (have been given).
kings, Kharagraha I. and Dhara sena The purpose for which the grant is made III. It is therefore very probable that our is the usual one, viz., to provide for the temple- grant was issued towards the end of Silsworship and for the repairs of the building. ditya's reign, and that he was shortly after
More interesting than these details are the wards dethroned.
TRANSCRIPT.
Plate 1. [1] ओ स्वस्ति विजयस्कन्धावारालभीपद्वारहोम्बवसकात्प्रसभप्रणता मित्राणामैत्रकाणामतुलबल. [2] संपन्नमण्डलाभोगससक्तप्रहारशतलद्धप्रतापात्प्रतापोपानतदानमानार्जवीपाजितानुरा [] गादनुरक्तमौलभृतश्रेणीबलावाप्तराज्यश्रियः परममाहेश्वरश्रीभटार्कादव्यवच्छिन्नराजवैशान्माता [] पिकचरणारविन्दप्रणतिप्रविधीताशेषाकल्मषः शैशवत्प्रभृतिखगद्वितीयबाहुरेव समदपरगज [3] घटस्फोटनप्रकाशितसत्वनिकषस्तत्प्रभावप्रणतारातिचूडारत्नप्रभाससाक्तपादनखरश्मिसंहतिस्सक [७] लस्म्रितिप्रणीतमार्गसम्यक्परिपालनप्रजाहृदयरन्जनान्वर्थराजशब्दः रूपकान्तिस्यैर्यधैर्यगाम्भीर्य [1] बुद्धिसम्पद्भिः स्मरशशाङ्कादिराजोदधित्रिदशगुरुधनेशानतिशयानश्शरणागताभयप्रदानपरतया [१] तणवदपास्ताशेषस्वकार्यफल प्रार्थनधिकार्थप्रदानानन्दितविद्वत्सुहत्प्रणयिहृदयः पादचरीव सकल[ भवनमण्डलाभोगप्रमोदः परममाहेश्वरः श्रीगुहसेनस्तस्य सुतस्तत्पादनखमयूखसन्तानविस्त
...The measurement of the second field has not been men. tioned, probably in consequence of a slip of the engraver. It may, however, be ascertained by deducting the other two figures from the total given below.
* L. 1, road atr; re; OF T HEIT. L. 2, read #
Th e r, 1997. L. 4, read of f rir;
17° L. 5, read #7°. L.6, read Fufa"; - ar; . L. 8, read so; Create

Page #289

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Page #290

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Page #291

OCTOBER, 1880.]
VALABHI GRANTS.
239
[१] जाहवीजलौघप्रक्षालिताशेषकाल्मषः प्रणयिशतसहस्रोपजीव्यमानसम्पपलोभादिवागृतस्स' ["] रभसमाभिगामिकैगुणैस्सहजशक्तिशिक्षाविशेषविस्मापितखिलबलधनुर्द्धरः प्रथमनरपातिसम ["] तिसृष्टानामनुपालयित धर्मदायानामपाकर्ता प्रजोपघातकारिणामुपप्लवानां दर्शयिता श्रीसरस्व [13] योरेकधिवसस्य संहतरातिपक्षलक्ष्मीपारिभोगदक्षविक्रमोपसंप्राप्तविमलपार्थिवश्री पर [*] ममाहेश्वरः श्रीधरसेनस्तस्य सुतस्तत्पादानुद्धचातस्सकालाजगदनन्दनात्यद्भुतगुणसमुदयस्थगतिसम [10] प्रदिग्मण्डलस्समरशतविजयशोभासनाथमण्डलाग्रातिभासुरतरान्सपीठोदूढगुरूमनोरथमहा [16] भरस्य-विद्यापरावरविभागाधिगमविमलमतिरपि सर्वतस्सुभाषितलवेनापि सुखोपपादनीयप ["] रितोपः समग्रलोकागाधगाम्भीर्यहृदयोपि सुचरितातिशयसुव्यक्तपरमकल्याणस्वभावः खिलीभूत [18] कृतयुगनपतिपथविशोधनाधिगतोदग्रकीतिर्द्धर्मनुपरोधज्वलतरीकृतार्थसुखसम्पदुपसेवा [१] निरूढधर्मादित्यद्वितीयनामा परममाहेश्वरः श्रीशीलादित्य कुशली सर्वानेव युक्तकविनियुक्तकद्रा
Plate II. [] निकशौकिकचौरोद्धरणिक चाटभटकुमरामात्यादीनन्यांश्च यथासम्बद्ध्यमानकान्समाज्ञाप' [2] यत्यस्तु वस्संविदितं यथा मया मतापित्रो पुण्याप्यायनाय बलवानकवाटपद्रखतलनिविष्टहरिनाथ [1] कारितमहादेवपादानं पूजास्नपनगन्धधूपपुष्पमाल्यदीपतैलाद्यव्यवच्छित्तये चाद्यगीतनृत्यायु [*] पयोगाय देवकुलस्य च खण्डस्फुटितप्रतिसस्करय पादमूलप्रजीवननिमित्तय वटपद्रस्वतल एवोत्त [] रसीम्नि वाणिजकघोषसस्कवाप्या अपरत: तथा बलभटसत्कवाप्या दक्षिणतः तथा चन्द्रभटसत्कवाप्या [] पूर्वतः वटपद्रादेवोत्तरतः पंचविंशत्पादावर्तपरिसरा यमलवापी तथापरसीनि भद्राणक [1] ग्रामपथाद्दक्षिणतः वीतखट्टायापरतः दिनानाकग्रामपथदुत्तरतः बरटकमर्यादपूर्वतः {"] पादावर्त्तशतं सार्द्व तथा दक्षिणसीनि आदित्यदेवपादीयवाप्या पूर्वतः काकिन्निमूवकसत्कक्षेत्रादु [9] तरतः ब्रमिलनकग्रामपथदक्षिणतः पुष्मिलानकग्रामसीनि अपरतः एवमेतत्सह वप्या पादा [19] दावतशतद्वयं पंचनवयाधिकं सोदंगं सोपरिकरं सवातभूतप्रत्ययं सधान्यहिरण्यादेयं सद [1] शापराधं सोत्पद्यमानविष्टिकं सर्वराजकीयानामहस्तप्रक्षेपणीयं पूर्वप्रत्तब्रह्मदेयवजितं [1] भूमिच्छिद्रन्यायेनाचन्द्रार्कार्णवक्षितिसरित्पर्बतसमकालीनं धर्मदेयतया प्रतिपादित यतोपरिलि ["] खितस्थिस्या भुज्यमानं न कैश्चिद्यासेधे वर्तितव्यमागामिभद्रनृपतिभिरप्यस्मद्वंशजैरन्यै नित्यान्यै. [*] श्वर्याण्यस्थिरं मानुष्यं सामन्यं च भूमिदानफलमवगच्छद्धिरयमस्मदायोनुमन्तव्य परिपा [1] लयितव्यश्चेत्युक्तं च भगवता वेदव्यासेन व्यासेन ॥ बहुभिर्बसुधा भुक्ता राजमिस्सगरादिभिः य ["] स्य यस्य यदा भूमि तस्य तस्य तदा फलं-यानीह दारिद्यभयानरेन्द्रैर्द्धनानि धर्मायतनीकृतानि ["] निभुक्तमल्यप्रतिमानि तानि को नाम साधु पुनराददीत षष्टि वर्षसहस्त्राणि स्वर्गे मोदति भू [10] मिदः आच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेदिति । दूतकश्चात्र श्रीखरग्रहः लिखितं सन्धिवि[1] ग्रहाधिकृतदिविरपतिचन्द्रभाटिना ॥ सं. [२९०] भद्रपद ब ८ स्वहस्तोमम
1 L. 10, rend कल्मषः, वाश्रित° L. 11, read °कैर्गुणै। •L. 1, read कुमार'; L.2, rond माता. L. 3 read 'ताखिल, dole बल नरपति . L. 12, rond पालयिता. L. 13, पादानां; वाद्यगीत . L.4, rend संस्काराय, निमित्ताय. read रेकाधिवासस्य; संहताराति: परिभोग. L. 14, read L.b, rend घोष सत्क चन्द्रभ टसत्कवाप्याः : L.7, rond 'पसकलजगद्वान . L. 15, read °सनाथ, रास', 'गुरुम . L.
थादुत्तरतः दापूर्वतः. L.8, rend °वाप्याः , perhaps का16, read भारस्सर्च; परापर'. L.17, read तोषः. L. 18,
किम्बिमूचक. L.9, read पथारक्षिी वाप्या. L. 10, dele दा
| in 'दावर्त त्यधिक प्रत्यायं. L. 12, read °पादितं यत rend "ईमानुपरोधोज्ज्वलतरी . L. 10, read नेवायुक्तकी.
उपरि. - L. 16, read भूमिस्त . L. 17, read निर्भुक्तमाल्य: L.19, read भाद्रपद.

Page #292

240
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1880.
CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from p. 221.)
judicious, since they were of such inferior rank Abulghazi tells us that it was the fashion to those whom they had killed, and it was among the Turks, the Tajiks, and other races determined that Kaidu should make slaves of to ascend no higher than the 7th generation, them, and that they should remain in perpetual and that in giving any one's pedigree the Turks servitude to his family. They increased largely were wont to say—" we have been smiths as far in numbers, and as was customary took the back as my seventh ancestor," or "seven of my name of their patrons, i.e. Kiat Mongol. They ancestors have lived in this country," etc. The remained in this condition of servitude till the 7th ancestor of Chinghiz Khan Menen-tudun days of Chinghiz Khân's great-grandson, and was probably the first of his line of whom we each prince of the Imperial stock had 20 or 30 can safely affirm that he was a real personage,
a real personage, Jelair families in his service. and was not borrowed from the traditions and This condition of servitude is what Rashid history of other races. The 7th ancestor was calls Utgubughul.' It applied only to one called Dutakun by the Mongols according to section of the Jelairs, the ancestors probably Rashid and Abulghazi. This is perhaps a of the present tribe Jelaid. The greater part corruption of dolalhun, which in Mongol means of the race remained free, and eventually moved seven.
westward into the Kazak steppes. Rashid tells The Persian writers make Kaidu Khân the us that Kaidu founded in the country of son and successor of Menen-tudun, and not his Barguchin a ferry for the convenience of tragrandson as the Chinese do, and they tell ua that vellers, which from him was called Kaida as the 6th ancestor he was called Murti. The Chunlum. word is also read yurti, burki, murti and murki. The Yuan-shi which refers to this fact calls
Kaidu is a well-known Mongol name, and was it a bridge, and tells us it was built over the borne by a grandson of Ogotai Khan, who be. "little Black river" in the country of Bargu. came a rival of Khubilai Khân. The Sagas Black river is Kara-gol in Mongol, and it is proapparently assign to Kaidu the son of Menen- bable that the Kara-gol, a well-known tributary of tudun, the foundation of an independent com. the Orkhon, is here meant. It is curious that one munity. I have mentioned how his uncle Nachin so prominent in the Mongol genealogy as Kaidu carried him off to the country of Barguchin should be altogether ignored both by Ssanang Tugun, where he became famous for his prowess Setzen and in the Altan Topchi. In the list and skill.
given by Pallas from the Bhodhimer, he is When he grew up his uncle made him the chief replaced by Genedugen, answering no doubt both of the Bargut and of the Cheges or Tsekers, to Genigesy, the grandson of Kaidu as given by which name the people living on the Chikoi, in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi. a tributary of the Selinga, are probably meant. Let us now proceed again. The Yuan-ch'aoHe then determined to revenge himself on the pi-shi tells us that Kaidu had three sons, Jelairs. When he marched against them the Boshinkhor Dokshin, Karakhailinkhu and Jaujin latter tribe, afraid of his vengeance, agreod to Ortagai. Rashidu'd-din calls them Baisangkur, surrender those who had been guilty, and it Jerki Lin Gun and Jaujin Urdeki. In the was found they were 500 in number, who were Yuan-shi which says Kaidu left but two sons, giren up to Kaidu Khân with their wives and the first of them is named Pai-gung-khur and children to do what he liked with them. He the other Cha-la-ka-ning-ur. The latter of then summoned a family council to decide what whom is there said to have married his brother's should be done. At this it was urged that to widow, and by her to have had Ne-ku-cha-wur. exact a blood penalty from them would not be ta-te-ko, who was the ancestor of the Se-chi! i.e. the Persians.
• Abulghazi, 62 and 68. Abulghazi, 74.
+ Erdmann, 543. * Id. • Erdmann, Temudschin, p. 543, note 3.
. Hyacinthe, op. cit., p. 7. • Yuan-shi, Douglas, p. 8; Hyacinthe, p. 7.
10 Erdmann, op. cit., p. 544.
• Id.

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hwa, i.e. the Sijiut. The Altan Topchi and Tunbenai Setzen. The Yuan-shi calls him Tun. Ssanang Setzen only name the first son, the pa-khai, the Altan Topchi Tonbenai, Ssanang former calls him Baisangkur Dokshin and the Setzen Tumbaghai Setzen, and Rashidu'd-dîn latter Shingkhor Dokshin. As I have said, both Tumeneh Khân. As fourth ancestor he was of them omit the name of Kaida, and make Bai. styled Budatu. Tunbenai Khân according to the sangkur the son of Khachi Külük. We will Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi had two sons Kabul Khakan revert to Baigangkur presently.
and Sinshili. The Yuan-shi gives him six sons, The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi tells us that Kara- namely Ko-tsi-ku, Hai-ke-le-tsi-ko-tan, Ho-chun, kailinku, i.e. Jerki Lin Gun had a son Sankun- Ha-ta-le-tai, Hos-shi-kwan, and Ho-po-lu Han, bilge who had a son Anbakhai, who had a son the last of whom is of course Kabul Khâkan. Khadan Taishi. Having married the widow of
Rashidu'd-din gives him nine sons, whom he calls his elder brother, le also had by her a son Begu.
respectively-Jak-su, Barin Shir-batu, Khaija, tai, who was the ancestor of the Besut or Baisut. Kajuli, Sam Khajiun Batkulgi, Kabul Khan, Udur According to Rashidu'd-din they were the Bayan, Budantear Doglan and Jiadai. That is descendants of Jiadai, whom he makes the 9th in the main the same eponymous ancestors of son of Tumbaghai or Tumeneh Khân. Janji various tribes who in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi are Ortagai according to the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi had made sons of Menen Tudun. This variation in six sons :-1, Oronar; 2, Khuankhotan; 3, Arulat; | the genealogy as given by the three principal 4, Sunit; 5, Khabtarkhakhu or Khaturkhasi; witnesses shows we are still in the region of 6, Genigesi. These are merely eponymous
artificial names introduced to explain ethnonames, the father the eponymos of the Urta- graphic relations, and it is probable that the only gans, and according to Rashidu'd-din of the names of actual persons in the list are those Sijiut; Oronar, the stem father of the Urnant ; constituting the main line of descent of the Khuankhotan of the Kunegkiat; Arulat of the Khanate. Let us now turn to Kabul or Khubilai Arulat ; Sunit of the Sanid; Khabturkhakhu Khân, who as third ancestor was entitled Elenjik. of the Kabterans, and Genigesi of the Chinos. We are indebted to Rashidu'd-dîn for preserv
Let us now contrast this story with that tolding us a curious saga about him. He tells us by Rashid. He calls Kaidu's second son Jerki that his prowess and that of his sons having Lin Gun, and tells us Lin Gan, which was oor.
reached the ears of the Altan Khan, i.e. of the rupted by the Mongols into Liku, was a Chinese
Kin ruler of China, he sent envoys to summon title meaning Great prince. On his brother
him to his presence. He accordingly set out, Bai Sangkur's death he married his widow, by
and was received with due honours, and was whom he had two sons, Kenda-chino and
given a grand feast, but afraid of treachery to Uluk-chino, i.e. the male wolf and the female
which the Chinese were much addicted, and wolf. Their descendants, we are farther told,
that the meat and drink might be poisoned, he were called Chinos and also Nokuz, and he withdrew for a while on the plea that he wanted distinguishes them from the Nokuz who came repose, and then returned. Presently when the out of Irgeneh-kun." By another wife Rashid air was cooler, he again withdrew to refresh tells us Jerki Lin Gun had other sons, the eldest himself, and went to bathe in a neighbouring of whom was Surghodul-chino who was the stream. He now returned again, and being - father of Ambaghai Khân, of whom we shall satisfied of the good faith of the Chinese, began have more to say presently. Kaidu's third son to eat and drink voraciously, and without showaccording to him was called Janjin Urguz, and ing any signs of suspicion. His immense he was the ancestor of the Sanjiut and Arikans appetite astonished his hosts, who declared or Ertigans. We will now revort to Bai
that God had chosen him for a great ruler, Sangkur, the eldest son of Kaidu Khân, who in
since meat and drink seemed not to satisfy or his capacity as fifth ancestor was entitled to the
make him drunk. Presently, however, the drink style of Budakur. Apparently no facts are
began to affect him. He approached the Altan recorded about him.
Khan, and laid hold of his beard, and gave him The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi tells us he had a son, a box on the ear. The Altan Khan's minister,
11 Vide in fra. 1 Erdmann, op. cit. p. 217–219, 546; Abulghazi, 6&
11 Erdmann, 1. 6. p. 544; Abalghazi, 68. * Abulghazi, 74.

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who was witness of this, was greatly angered, and was for punishing him then and there, but having become somewhat sober, Kabul apparently apologized, saying that it was his hand which was to blame, and not himself, for his will had not followed his hand. According to D'Ohsson's reading he demanded to be punished. The Altan Khan who thought that if he exacted punishment he would bring the revenge of his people upon himself, dissembled his anger, and having selected from his treasury a silken garment embroidered with gold threads, a crown, a gold decked girdle and other presents, presented them to him on his departure. His minister argued, however, that he had not done well in letting him thus go. He thereapon sent a messenger to recall him, and as he refused to go, a second messenger with a posse of troops was sent to compel him. When they arrived at his camp he was not at home, but one of his wives promised that on his return he, with his sons and daughters, would comply with the emperor's wish. As the messenger was returning home he encountered a man attended by some slaves whom he recog. nized as Kabul, and thereupon seized him and carried him off. En route they put up at the house of a Saljiut, who was a friend of Kabul Khân's. He supplied the latter with a horse which he said was as swift as the lightning or the wind. On this he mounted and fled, and was pursued by the messenger of the Altan Khân, who did not overtake him however till he reached home. There Kabul treated his pursuer with marked hospitality, gave him a beautiful new tent to live in, where he was waited upon by his young wife Meti. Meanwhile, however, he summoned his dependents, his sons being away, and told them that he had become weary of life since he had been pursued by the Chinese messenger. He called upon them to kill him, saying that if they did not do so he would commit suicide. Thereupon they fell on the Kin messenger and slew him. Kabul Khân soon after fell ill and died." Nothing of this appears in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi. On turning to the Chinese annals dealing with the Kin dynasty we find certain obscure notices which apparently refer to these events. In the Ta-kin-kwochi we
are told that during the reign of the Emperor Tai-tsung, whose Tungusic name was Ukunai, and whose reign was in the interval 1123-1137, a great number of the Mongku became subject to him, but in the next reign, i.e. 1138-1140, they became rebellious." De Mailla, who translated the Kang-mu, states that about 1135 the Mongols began to be very powerful and a menace to the Empire. We are told they could see by night as well as by day, and that they wore cuirasses made from the hides of fish which were proof against arrows. Towards the end of that year the Kin Emperor sent his General Hushaku against them."' Hushaku was not successful but had to retire. His retreat was the signal for the advance of the Mongols who captured many of his people, and followed him as far as the district of Hailing, where, having ventured on an engagement, his army was cut in pieces. Another and more formidable army was sent against them. This was apparently in 1139.90 These extracts probably refer to the reign of Kabul Khan and to the feud he had with the Kin Empire. According to Rashidu'd-dîn, Kabul Khån married Goa Khuaku, meaning the Fair Khuaku, who belonged to the Turkish tribe of the Kongurut, of which we shall have much to say presently. By her he says he had six sons, who were called Kiat. Abulghazi says the Mongols call a torrent which comes down from a mountain kian, which word originally meant rapid or impetuous. The plural of kian is kiat, and we are told the sons of Kabul Khan were so called because of their impetuosity. The name Kian or Kaian, however, was doubtless of much older date, and designated in the old legends one of the two primitive stocks of the Turks. One of the two brothers who ruled them in their primitive home in Irgenehkun was called Kian, and his descendants Kiat. Kiat was the special name of the family of Chinghiz Khân.
The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi tells us that Kabul had seven sons, in which it is followed by the Yuan-shi and Ssanang Setzen. These agree generally with the names recorded by Rashid, and are as follows:-Ukin Barkhakh, Bartan Båghadur, Khutuklu Mungur, Khutula Khakan,
16 Erdmann, op. cit., p. 551. 10 Op.cit. » Erdmann, pp. 551-553.
* Schott, Aelteste Nachrichten von Mongolen und Tataren, 17. 1. De Mailla, vol. VIII, p. 518.
* Id. p. 529. 91 Abulghazi, 71.

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Khulan, Khadan" and Todayan Uchigen.28 In the Yuan-shi the names are given as 1, Ughinpa-la-gha-gha; 2, Par-tan; 3, Hwa-tu-lu-mi-niur; 4, Hwa-lu-la-khum; 5, Ho-tan Patur; 6, To-tuanwo-chi-kin; 7, Hwo-lan-pa-tur. The Yuan-ch'aopi-shi tells us that although Kabul Khân had so many sons, he did not leave his Empire to any of them, but left it to An-ba-khai, the chief of the Taijut. This doubtless refers to the "Imperatorship," to coin a phrase ; the Mongols proper no doubt remained subject to their own royal stock.
It was about this time that the long feud commenced between the Mongols and Tartars which had such serious consequences later on.
The Tartars here mentioned, to whom the name Tartar properly belonged, were, it would seem, formerly the suzerains of the Mongols, who were in consequence sometimes referred to as Black Tartars, i. e. subject Tartars. They consisted according to Rashidu'd-din of about 70,000 families, who lived in the neighbourhood of lake Buyur in North Eastern Mongolia. The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi also places them on the river Orshin which connects the lakes of Buyur and Kulon and on the Olkui further south, and they seem in fact to have held the northern part of the Kingkhan range. I have discussed the orthography of the name Tartar in a long note to the first volume of my work already cited." They are first mentioned by the Chinese historian Gheaou-yang-sieou who lived 1007— 1072, and who tells us they were descended from the Mo-ho of whom they were a section, and that their country was situated to the north-east of that of the Hii and Khitans. We are told further that the Mo-ho having been attacked by the Khitans were dispersed; one portion submitted to the Khitans, another sought refuge with the Pohai to the east, while the third took refuge in the In-shan mountains, and adopted the name of Tachê, which was the original form of the name Tartar in the Chinese Annals. The Mo-ho were the Tungusic tribes of Manchuria, from whom the Kin Tartars and the modern Manchus sprang. Hence it follows that the Tartars were in fact very near relatives of the modern Manchus, but we may get even
11 The Kedan Behadur of Rashid. 15 The Tudan Uchagen of Rashid. 1. Vide History of the Mongols, vol. I, p. 700.
25 Visdelou, Supplement to D'Herbelot's Bibliothèque, p. 328.
nearer than this to their real affinity. Their name as I have argaed is equivalent to nomade, and is probably derived from their dwelling in movable yurts or tents. Such a yurt is called Tatara-bu in Manchu, and is derived from the Tungusic word tata or tartar, meaning to drag or pull, and a tent or house shelter is still called tatan or tata." Now the Daurians, who, so far as we know, sprang from the very country of the old Tartars, and thence overspread the district east of lake Baika) called Dauria, have their name formed out of the same element. They are called Da-urs or Ta-gori. Da-ur, we are expressly told, means tho square hut which prevails with the tribe, and I have small doubt that the Daurians are in fact the descendants of the Tartars proper of early Mongol history. Rashidu'd-din tells us they were divided into six divisions, but if this statement is reliable two of the six were probably of subordinate rank, for, as we shall show further on, the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi several times refers to the four hordes of the Tartars.
We will now turn to the fend which aroso between the Mongols and the Tartars. Goa Khuaku Kabul's wife had a brother named Sain Tegin, i.e. the Good prince. The latter having fallen ill, a Tartar Shaman or Kam named Jerkil Buduya was summoned to treat him. The patient died notwithstanding the hocus pocus of the Shaman. The latter was sent home, but not long after was put to death by the relatives of Sain Tegin. A struggle ensued at a place called Beran Segdan. (P) In this fight Kedan Baghadur distinguished himself in single combat with the Tartar leader, Motor Behadur, in which the latter was badly wounded, and remained hors de combat for a whole year. On his recovery the struggle was again renewed at two places named Ula Ilak (?) and Ker Ilak (?) in which the Mongols had the best of it." These struggles were renewed several times by the sons of Kabul Khân." Meanwhile difficulties arose in another direction. As we read in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi the Khakan An-ba-khai, who was the special chief of tho Taijuts, had given his daughter in marriage to a chief of the Tartars, who lived on the river * History of the Mongols, pp. 702 and 703.
* Erdmann calls these two places Buleh Atangenut and Gera Belgonut. I have adopted the orthography of Berezine. 91 Erdmann, pp. 527 and 553-4.

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Orshin. As he was escorting her himself he was seized by the Tartars, who doubtless deemed it a good opportunity for revenge, and by them was handed over to the authorities of the Kin empire, who also had a grievance against the Mongols. Rashidu'd-dîn in reporting this event makes out that An-ba-khai had gone to the Tartar country to fetch home his own. bride. The former authority says that as he was being carried off he bade a man named Barakhashi of the tribe Baisut, who was returning home, go and tell Kutlugh Khân and his own son Khadan Taishi to revenge him, and drawing his illustrations from the use of the bow, he told him to entreat them that even if they had to wear out all the nails on their ten fingers in the work to do so. Rashid reports this part of the story differently. He says that An-ba-khai, as he was being carried off, sent one of his slaves named Bulghachi to tell the Kin Emperor that it was a base thing to put him to death when he had been treacherously captured and surrendered by others, and that if he did so he would draw upon himself the revenge of all the Mongol tribes. The Altan Khan ruthlessly bade the messenger take post horses, and go and tell his people that An-ba-khai was going to be executed by being nailed down to a wooden ass. He accordingly set out, but when he came to the land of the Durbans, 30 they refused to give him the necessary horses, and paid no heed to his reproaches, so that presently his Chinese horses having broken down, he had to go on foot. When he reached home he reported what had happened. The process of nailing people down to a so-called wooden ass, flaying them, and then hewing them limb from limb, was a well-known punishment of State criminals in China (see Stanislas Julien l'Orphelin de la Chine, pp. 127 and 128)."
Beside An-ba-khai, Ukin Barkhakh, the eldest son of Kabul Khân, was also put to death in this fashion, and it was the execution of these two chiefs which was made his chief ground for attacking the Kin empire by Chinghiz Khân. Ssanang Setzen has a curious statement that in a struggle which ensued between the sons of Kabul Khân and of An-ba-khai they were all
Erdmann, p. 555.
30 By the Durbans I believe with Palladius the Tartars are meant. Durban means four, and the word doubtless here refers to the four tribes of the Tartars; the Durbans have been made a separate tribe by Rashid by mistake.
[OCTOBER, 1880.
killed save a son of each. I cannot find a confirmation of this story elsewhere, but it is singular that Kutlugh Khân, the son of Kabul, and Khadan, the son of An-ba-khai, are the only two of the many sons of the two chiefs who occur in the succeeding story, and it would seem that their brothers were in fact dead, while it is very certain that there was a rivalry for supremacy between the two families. Resuming our story, we are told in the Yuan-ch'aopi-shi that when An-ba-khai was carried off and put to death, the Taijut tribe met together on the banks of the river Khorkhon, and elected Kutlugh as their leader, i. e. as Khakan or Imperator. Palladius by this locality understands the low ground on the river Onon, but this is doubtful, for the Onon is very frequently mentioned by its proper name in the Yuan-ch'aopi-shi: but we shall hear again of this name. Kutlugh Khân is so called by Rashidud'-din. D'Ohsson mistakenly calls him Kubilai." It would seem that his elder brothers were now dead, especially Bardan Baghadur, and consequently according to the Mongol law of succession by which brother succeeds brother he became the heir to the throne. He was directly the ruler of the Mongols, and apparently "imperator" of the forces of other tribes, including the Taijut. Kutlugh was a famous hero of Mongol romance. His voice, we are told, could be heard behind seven hills, and was compared to the thunder in the mountains. His grip was like that of a bear, and when he chose he could break a man with his brawny arms like breaking an arrow. He would haul whole trunks to make up his fire on winter nights, and would lie asleep beside it more or less unconscious with drinking, heedless of the cinders and sparks which fell on his naked body, mistaking the burns for the bites of insects, and turn over to sleep again. At his meals he could demolish a whole sheep and a huge skin of kumis or fermented mare's milk, and still was not satisfied." He was in fact the heroic colossus and Hercules of Mongol legend. He headed the army which marched against China to avenge the deaths of his relatives. On this occasion he was accompanied by his nephew Yessukei, the son of Bar
31 Erdmann, op. cit., pp. 555-6.
33 Erdmann, op. cit., p. 527 note.
33 Op. cit., vol. I., pp. 32-35.
Erdmann, op. cit., pp. 554-5.

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dan Baghadur by Khadan Taishi, the son of and increased their power so much that the Anbakhai, and by Khadan's son Tuda. Rashid. general Uchu, who on his return from Pien u'd-dîn tells us that in this struggle the Mon- leang was sent against them, was compelled to gols won a complete victory, and returned with make peace with them, to cede 27 forts north a great booty. As he was retiring Kutlugh of the river Si-ping to them, and to undertake with some of his warriors engaged in hunting, to pay them annually a certain number of and got separated from his companions. cattle and sheep and also grain. He wished When the Durbans heard of this they went to give their chief the title of Mong-fu-kueagainst him, killed his companions, and compel. wang, but he refused it, and himself adopted led him and his horse, which had the speed of the style of Emperor of the great Empire of lightning, to take shelter in a marshy place. In the Mongols, and he was styled Tsu-yuan-wangthis bog he sank, but springing from his horse'
s ti. The Ta-kin-kwo-chi says nothing about back, and gaining solid ground, his pursuers, these events, but merely reports that the it is said, disdained to touch him, remarking Mongku, having obtained many Chinese and " What can a Mongol do without his horse, "86 Khitan boys and girls either in war or other. and thereupon withdrew. He succeeded how wise, who had coalesced with them, had gradualever in recovering his horse, which he draggedly become accustomed to the use of cooked meats, out of the quagmire by its mane, and went on and become a great nation under the name his way homewards. His people there bad of Ta-Mongku-kuo, i. e. the Kingdom of the made up their minds that he was lost, and great Mongols. These extracts seem to me to Rashidu'd-din reports how his nephew Yes. clearly refer to the reign of Kutlugh Khân. sukei prepared the funeral meats, and took The Si-ping of this notice was the Kerulon them to Khadan Taishi and his son Tuda and which now became the frontier between the to Kutlugh's wife. The two former began to Kin Tartars and the Mongols. It would seen wail terribly, but the brave wife on hearing from the Chinese notice translated by Vasilief what the cause of their grief was, bade them that the Kin ruler gave up to the Mongols the not distress themselves that he whose voice fortresses he had north of the Kerulon. He was like the thunder, and who could hug men says he also agreed to pay tribute. According like a bear, was not likely to be undone by the to Vasilief the title which the emperor wished to Durbans, and he did in fact shortly appear confer on Kutlugh was Ao lo Bochielie, which riding on a stallion which he had carried off from he deems & corraption of Du-Bo-chielie, meaning the Durbans, and driving a number of their the great minister." fillies before him. His great boots he had filled According to the above passage it would seem with eggs of the wild geese which he found further that it was about the year 1147 that the in the steppe, and rode barefoot. The funeral chief of the Mongols first adopted the style of feast was now converted into another kind of Mongol Khan.' What then is the meaning festival, and Kutlugh's wife triumphed greatly of this name 'Mongol ?' Schmidt explained it in boasting that she knew her good man would as derived from Mong, meaning 'brave, daring, not be killed by these poltroons.*
bold." This etymology is acquiesced in by On turning to the Chinese notices for con. Dr. Schott," and I adopted it in the first volume firmation of these doings, we find it stated in of my work on the Mongols." But I am not the Kangmu, under the year 1147, that the now by any means certain of this view. In a war between the Kin Empire and the Mongols
recent number of the China Review there is a still continued. The son of Talan who was a note by M. Deveria, which is singularly inKin general named Chinghoa-ta-lang, and teresting. He quotes a passage from the whose country bordered on that of China, Chinese work Liang-pau-tsieun-yu-ngan in the incensed at his father's death, deserted terms following :-" The expression Mung-kuthe side of the Kin, and joined the Mongols, urh is used in the markets to signify silver (cash).
» 4. e. the Tartars.
36 Assuredly a sentence with a singular local force when applied to this race of Centaurs.
31. Id. pp. 556-561. a De Mailla, vol. VIII., p. 545.
3. Schott, op. cit. 17. .
Berezine, Rashid od. din, vol. II, p. 185, note 88. #1 Seanang Setzen, p. 380; Journ. Asiat. let ser., tom III., P. 109. + Op. cit. p. 5 note.
" l'ide op. cit. page 27.

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In the national language Mungku means silver. were silver mines out of which the Nincheners, It is by contradistinction with the Gold i.e. the Kin Tartars and the Mongols, dug great Empire that this title "Silver" was adopted."** quantities of that metal, and great numbers of This is very interesting. There can be no pits in which the metal was melted are at doubt that in Mongol the name for silver is present to be seen." The old traveller tells us Munggu or Monggu. Now it is singularly curious the mines having been long disused had fallen in, that the two dynasties which succeeded one but he took a piece of the ore back with him to another immediately before the Yuan or Mongol Moscow. If he had known of this river it would dynasty, namely, those founded respectively by have strengthened the contention of Banzarof, the Khitans and the Niuchi or Jurchi gave which I do not by any means adopt, that the themselves names derived from two metals. The word Mongol was derived from mon-gol, a former styled their dynasty Liao, i.e. steel, and river, and, as he contended Saljiut was from a the latter Kin, i.e. gold, and it would be consis- Salja-goland Olkhonut from Olkho-gol. The tent if the Mongols were similarly to designate silver mines and graves in the old Mongol their dynasty from the metal silver. There country are described in some detail by other would be even a greater reasonableness in their travellers." These facts make it not impro. doing so, for their country was very rich inbable that the name Mongol is in fact derived silver. As Isbrand Ides long ago stated, "the from monggu, silver,' and that it was applied river Zerebrenski, which falls into the Argun about the year 1147 as stated in the Kangmu. about eight miles from Argunskoi is called by the We will now tabulate the genealogies we have Mongols Monga-gol, i.e. the silver river, because discussed as given by the principal authoformerly about two miles up the stream there rities.
The-Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi.
Khaidu Khan.
Boshing khor Dokshin
Kharakhai Linkhu
Jaujin Ortagai
Tunbenai Setzan
Sankurbilge
Besutai Oronar Khuankhotan Arulat Sunit Khablurkhaku Genigesy.
Kabul Khakhan Sinshili
Anbakhai Chief of the Taijut
Ukin Barkhakh. Bartan Baghatur. Khutuktu Mungur. Khutula Khakan. Khulan. Khadan. Todayan Uchigen.
The Yuan Shi
Hai du
Pai-sung-khur
Tan-pa-khai also called Tun-pi-nei
Cha-la-ka-ning-ur
also called Chai-pur-kan-nu-ur Ni-ku-cha-wur-tu-ti-ko ancestor of the Sijiut.
1 Ko-tsi-ku 2 Hai ki litsi kotan also called also called Na-ko-hor Ko-huo-la-ko-li-tan
3 Hau-chun also called Ho-chan
Hata-le-tai
also called Ha-la-la-tai
Hor-shi-kwan
also called Ha-ta-li-chi
Ho-pu-lo also called Ho-po-lu-han
Hoi-tsin-pa-le-ko Par-ta-ma Hu-tu-ko-la-ma-naur Hor-lar-an Ha-tan-pa-tur To-to-ngo-che-si Hu-lan-pe
also called also called also called also called also called also called also cal Ugh-in-pu-la-gha-gha Par-tan Hwa-tu-lu-mi-niur Hwa-lu-la-an Ho-tan-pa-tur To-tuan-wo-chi-kin Hwo-lan-p * China Review, vol. VII. p. 282.
* Erdmann, Temudschin, etc., p. 513, note 8. * Op. cit., p. 47.
* Ritter, Asien, B. II. pp. 321–338.

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Rashidu'd-din Kaidu Khan
Baisangkhur Jerki Lin Gun Jaujin
Tumenoh Khan Surgħodul-chino Kendu-chino uluk-chino 1 Jaksu 2 Barin Shir : Khajui + Samkhajiun 5 Batkulgi 6 Kabul Khan 7 Udur Bayan 8 Budantsar O Jiadai
Ambaghai Khan
Batu Khaiju
Doghlan
Ukin Barkhakh. Bartar Baghadur. Khutuktu Mangur. Khadan Baghadur. Khutula Khan. Tudan Uchige Altan Topchi
Ssanang Setzen Khachi Kuluk
Khachi Külük Bai sanghur Dokshin
Shingkhor Dokshin Tonbenai Setzen
Tumbaghai Setzen Khabul Khakan
Khabul Khakan Barun Baghatur
Bardan Baghatur
BOMBAY BEGGARS AND CRIERS.
BY K. RAGHUNATHJI. As elsewhere, India gave birth to men of labour, the beggars say, why work hard and get wealth and position, and numbers of these half a loaf, why not follow beggary as a propeople fed, clothed, and even bore hardships onfession? In Banaras, if a boy is told by his account of their beggars. The result was that he parents to go to school, his reply will sometimes who gave most died leaving behind him the be that, if again told to do so, he will join some greatest number of beggars. The practice of of the many alms-houses (annakshatras). And alms-giving has existed from a very early age, at when Khanderão Gâikvad died, an immense least from the time of Manu. Nearly a tenth of the number of faqirs sat lamenting his death : they population have been beggars, and instead of said that the Mahârâja had induced them to beg, being ashamed of this, beggary is deemed a con- and now he was dead, and there was nothing left dition worthy to be sought after and followed. for them whereby to obtain their maintenance. There are even some among this class of people The Bombay beggars may be divided into two who will not go to the trouble of seeking charity, classes, the religious and the non-religious; they because they know they will be provided with may also be subdivided into the Hinda religious the necessaries of life by people who look upon and non-religious, the Musalman religious and them as having sacrificed theinselves for some non-religious, and others. The Hindu religious social end, for
beggars are Vaishnavas, Saivas, and the abomin"Brother, we have become a Gosåvi, and aban- able saktas, adorers of the goddesses. These doned everything.
classes may be distinguished by the kind of Patel build us here a chapel, bring plenty of rosaries they sometimes carry, and by the marke bhang and tobacco,
on their foreheads, temples, arms, chest, and Provide daily food for me, and send a sister abdomen, which they either stamp with a wooden to serve me."
form for the purpose, or burn the skin with Thus these worthless and degraded members heated metal plates; and the Saktas by the apof society are encouraged in idleness by the readyplication of red stuff to their foreheads between supply of their wants. What is the use of the eye-brows. Mr. Gopalrao Hari's Bhikshuks, p. 17.
• Mr. Gopalrao Hari's Bhikshuks, p. 17.

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To give a list, says Beveridge, of the severities | these the last two closely resemble their Hindu practised by the beggars would be to enumerate congeners: they are known by the names of Tarialmost all the imaginable modes of torture; kat, Sharikat, Marphat, and Hakikat, and their keeping the palms of the hands closed till the chief is called the Sarguro. They use rosaries nails grow into the flesh on one side and re- of beads, practise jap tap, and apply ashes to appear on the other; creeping along in twisted their persons. Those of them who do not marry forms till permanent and unnatural distortion are held in high estimation; some marry and is produced; holding the arms upright till have families. The Musalman non-religious they lose their power of motion and become beggars are like those of the Hindus, they sbrivelled; hanging over slow fires; burying in follow the profession of mendicants because a living grave with only a small aperture to their gains from it are large. As an instance prevent suffocation, such are only a few of the the following from the Intian Statesman well modes of tormenting displayed by beggars who illustrates the fact :- A curious instance of the infest the country and extort alms either by the life led by some of the Musalman mendicants commiseration which their sufferings excite, or was revealed by the researches of the officers the desire to be rid of their filthy and disgusting of the Small Cause Court, Bombay. It would presence. Naked bodies smeared with ashes appear that a bailiff executed a writ of possesof cow dung: hair hanging in locks matted sion against a tenant, a Faqir, by name Sayad together with filth; sometimes with living Ebrahim Sahib. The bailiff on entering the reptiles concealed in them; human skulle filled room was nearly stifled by the stench arising with filth; and human bones strung round the from filth in the shape of dead rats, dead neck, are among the devices used by those who fowls, a dead dog which was packed in a tin are ambitious of the honour and greedy of the fiddle-case, and heaps of dust and cockprofit which it too often commands. The follow- roaches, living and dead. Money was found, ing abstract of an account will show how some of in bank notes, silver and copper to the extent these beggars do penance. Atten years of age,' of Rs. 2,500. Surrounded by all this filth, says the narrator, 'Igave myself up to meditation with about nine or ten dogs for company, he and mortification, at twenty I left my home and looked on with a sad eye at the cleaning process, lived in a cell doing penance for twelve years. and begged to have his dead dog restored to Vermin or worms gnawed my flesh, of which the him.' marks still remain. When the RÂja opened the The Bombay beggars generally start on their door of the cell, I said. Either take my curse or business in the mornings, and beg from early prepare for me a bed of spikes, which the Raja morn till one or two o'clock; and in the evenings did, and this is the one I occupy. During the from three till eleven at night. In the inornings four months of winter I travel on this bed, they are given uncooked rice and in a few cases while night and day water is let fall upon my money, but in the evenings money and scraps of hend. For thirty-five years I travel on this food are offered to Mang, Mhår, and Dhed bed, which is pulled by my disciples. At Surat, beggars. These, the most wretched of the class, Collector Boddam built a house for me and pro- beg only in the evenings, after people have had vided me with something to subsist on.'
their meals, for the remains of food. They are not Hindu non-religious beggars of all classes
satisfied with what they get by begging, but are found begging in Bombay-Brahmans and they also rake up the spots where the dinner Sudras, Mångs, Mhårs, and Dhedas, principally plates and fragments of food are thrown, and the lame, the blind, the deformed, the leper lick the plates along with dogs and cats; the and the decrepit, who prefer street-begging dogs barking at the beggar and the beggar because their gains are large, and they have driving away the dog with one hand and eating liberty to rove about and indulge in the luxuries with the other. This is a most pitiful sight to of life.
look at. These beggars go with baskets and The Musalman religious beggars are known as pieces of cloth, in which they collect the Jalals, Madaris, Rafais, Banavas, and Safis. Ofremains, and after eating a sufficient quantity History of India, vol. IL., P. 46.
Mr. GopalrAo Hari's Bhikshuks, p. 16. • Asiatic Researches, vol. V. p. 50.

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BOMBAY BEGGARS AND CRIERS.
249
sell the remainder to their more unfortunate the gains of a season are sufficient to take brethren. The rice which the beggars collect them to their native village, and maintain them they either sell to their customers at their there for some time amongst their relations. houses or in the beggar (bhikar) bazar, where Yet for all this, Bombay has a pauper population they sit in rows with their goods spread on which contributes largely to swell the number pieces of cloth in front of them for disposal. of beggars in her streets. The peculiar views
Parsis, says a writer in the Bombay Quarterly and feelings which the mass of the native comReview, do not allow the infirm, the helpless, munity entertain in reference to the virtue or the indigent, or even the unfortunate of their goodness of alms-giving (dharma), leads them to community to loiter about the streets or to the exercise of indiscriminate liberality; the beg from door to door, but they are cared prejudice in favour of such charity being so for by the Pârsis themselves. No Pârsi knows deep that it can scarcely be eradicated, and experimentally the humiliation of asking alms. hence the attraction of many persons to None deprived of the power to work, none left Bombay from neighbouring and even remote destitute, bas his misery aggravated by the districts. Were it not for the warmth of the apprehension of being reduced to beggary. climate, the simplioity and cheapness of their However helpless, food and raiment at least, diet, this multitude of beggars would often feel and a place to dwell in, he can always find such a want of proper clothing and food that amongst his own people.
they would soon be reduced to conditions of Then there are what may be termed reform- disease often terminating in death. The sum ed beggars-men, women, and children of all required to support life is so very small that it castes and creeds, (of course with the exception can usually be obtained with facility by even of the Parsis,) and sometimes termed lurks.' the aged and infirm. At the Musalman eatThere are the sick-lurk, the fire-lurk, anding houses wheaten cake weighing more petition or arja válás. There is no law as to than half a pound may be purchased for half an who should assume the garb of a beggar. But anna. This cake with a little meat-curry twice any one that wishes may follow the profession a day forms the diet of many a labouring man without restriction. There are young and old, here, --his two meals thus costing him one the poor and some that are well off, the diseased anna and a half. The ordinary meal of a poor and sturdy, impudent, stout healthy fellows Hindu is about a sêr and a half of flour, or who follow this miserable profession with great half a sêr of rice with a little curry, and two pride, and if one, says a writer in the Native such meals a day cost about one anna and a Opinion, has the stump of an arm or of a leg to quarter per day. All who seek alms generally parade, he does so in the most conspicuous obtain as much as this, and so long as a really manner, with the idea that the public is bound to destitute person can go or crawl from door to feed him. Others will lash their bellies, ex- door, and make himself heard, he is sure to claiming in English, Mamma no money, no obtain relief. kháná' ;-showing their naked stonnachs, look
BRAHMAN BEGGARS. belly, mamma ; two eye blind mamma; give poor The Brâhmans, giving up their former thirst man one pice papa.' And again, 'Mamma nurse for knowledge, lead a life of indolence, adducing chhota baba, mamma nurse blind bába.' But of as their plea that as their ancestors once begged, late much of this noisy beggary is put down by and thereby maintained themselves, they now the executive police, and there are not to be make begging as a profession their birth-right. seen now-a-days, as ten years ago, rows of Hindas, whose great weakness is an inordinate beggars lining both the sides of the Esplanade love of praise, are easily induced by Brahman road and other public streets. The number of mendicants, who are apt flatterers, to give as these beggars, says a writer in the Bombay much as they are able; their house and almost Quarterly Review, would inundate Bombay everything they have they will give to a Brahman, but for the longing which they feel individually however wicked or wealthy he may be, as they or in numbers of visiting their homes. Generally think no dán has any other signification than
• Vol. IV, p. 267.
" Vol. IV, p. 254.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1880.
bestowing gifts on Brâhmans, who as a class are wooden box in which is kept the image of 9 designated charity-receiving people,--authorized Hindu god, covered over with a cloth which is to receive alms of every one willing to bestow it. removed only when the bearer is to be paid, or Compared with the vast sums showered upon the inmates of a house wish him to show it to these beggars, the dharma a Hindu makes to them. He pretends to foretell future events. others is almost nothing. Brahman mendicants He is a very quiet beggar, and asks for alms do not, like the other Hindu beggars, go to the in a low tone and humble way. He goes away houses of others than Hindus for alms, for they
quietly if nothing is given him. He generally are never patronized by them.
gives persons a pinch of turmeric to be rubbed ŚRSTRIBÂvas.
on their brows, or touches their, foreheads with Såstribâ v-or the expounder of the
it himself. Sastras-always Bribman by caste, and a
A third kind of beggars from Telangana are well-to-do person, dresses in white clothes, with called Kávadyâs. They carry over their a shawl over his left hand and another wrapt shoulders a Kávad, or a bamboo stick with slings round his shoulders, and accompanied by one or
at each end; in these slings are hung bamboo more followers. One of his followers goes inside
baskets covered over with ochre coloured cloth. a Hindu house, and tells the inmates that the
They say that on that stick they once conveyed Sastribávå awaits and asks for a seat for him. their aged parents to the holy city of Banáras, He then says that the great man is on his way
and as a sign of their having visited Banaras to the holy Banaras on pilgrimage, and requests
they show a small glass bottle containing water to be paid to visit Kåśvishveswar, or the lord
which they say they brought from the sacred of Banâras, and return. This gentleman as
Ganga. Or they say that they are going to sumes a grave demeanour, and seeing his pomp
Banaras to bury the bones of their aged parents he is generally paid in silver.
who died only a short time ago. People believe
them, and give them money to defray their exTELANGAS.
penses on the way thither. Telanga Brahmans go about begging, and also offer for sale the sacred thread of the
HARIDĀSAS, Hindus. They always roll round their waist a These are Hindus, mostly Brahmans, who woollen cloth (dhabli), which they make usedeliver sermons (kirtans), especially during the of to take dinner with, if they happen to see Ganapati and Râmnavmi festivals. Some of a dinner party at which Brahmans are invited to these men are very eloquent preachers, and their dine. They go in uninvited, and if they are manner of delivery is most pleasing. A haridas not allowed to join they will depart, but not is always accompanied by & drummer, mribefore invoking bitter curses on the heads of dangyú, a fiddler, and two or more players on those who refuse them a share in the feast. metal cups. Some of these musicians are
Then there are again others from Telangana, little boys, and as their voices are sweet and whose dress consists of a waist cloth, and pieces musical, their singing is harmonious and very of coloured cloth tied to their arms with the enjoyable. ends hanging loose. They carry a square flat
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA. NOTES AND QUERIES.
more nor less light by night than the half from full 6. LIGHT AND DARK FORTNIGHTS. -Mr. R. A. to new." Nevertheless, though Mr. Proctor is Proctor, writing on the Origin of the Week" right as to the physical fact, Flammariün is right in the Contemporary Review for June 1879, as to the practice. Will more competent persons (p. 410), says with reference to the Hindu explain why this is, how the conventional bright month; "Flammarion.... says, 'the clear half and dark halves of the month do not correspond from new to full, and the obscure balf from with the bright and dark halves of the moonlight full to new;' but this is manifestly incorrect, the Or are bright and dark halves, though very comhalf of the month from now to full having neither monly used both in the vernaculare and English,

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MISCELLANEA.
251
as equivalents for Sudh and Vadya, only conventional mistranslations after all ?
C. E. G. C. The first half of the lunar month is called the Sukla-paksha-the light, bright, or white fort. night, and Sudi is used for in the clear fortnight, while the other half is the Krishna-paksha, or dark fortnight,' also called Vadya-paksha. The first seems to be naturally enough called the bright fortnight, for the simple reason that in the moonlight evenings, especially in tropical climates, people enjoy the moonlight, sitting out of doors chatting, &o. When the evenings are dark, the moon of midnight and early morning is not so enjoyed, and the fortnight is regarded as relatively dark.
J. b.
ASIATIC SOCIETIES. The fifty-seventh Annual Report of the Royal Asiatic Society (1880), has been prepared and published by the energetic Secretary, and is replete with information, chronicling as it does the contents of every publication and paper connected with every branch of Oriental Research that has appeared since last Report. We extract portions from it :
During a tour in the Northern districts of the Madras Presidency, His Grace the Duke of Buckingbam paid a flying visit on the 20th Jan. last, to the Tope at Amaravati. Having sent & working party beforehand, they uncovered, during the Duke's stay there, what appeared to be the foundations of the southern gateway, and a considerable portion of the procession path, that surrounded the monument. During these operations they found also a considerable number of sculptured slabs." Owing to the want of all experience on the part of the excavators it is feared, however, that this rough and ready excavation may have obliterated many traces that would have been of great importance in the eyes of a skilled archaologist :-if so, it must be deplored that the Tope was meddled with under such circumstances. "Meanwhile it is to be hoped, that efficient means will be taken for the protection of the sculptures thus uncovered, as all those that have been hitherto exposed have been removed by the natives for building purposes or burnt into lime." Mr. Sewell has prepared a report ! On the Amaravati Tope,' and on his excavations there in 1877. The famous Amaravati sculptures recovered by Capt. Colin Mackenzie and Sir Walter Elliot, and long in the India Office, have been removed to the British Museum, and are being attached to the walls of the chief staircase.
"In the République Franc (June 20, 1879), M. Regnaud has printed 'L'Avenir des études Sanskrites';-and in the Revue Philosophique,
Études de Philosophie Indienne, l'école Vedanta.' In the Academy of July 5, 1880, is a long and able review by Prof. F. Max Müller, of Kielhorn's
Vydkarana Mahabháshya.' In the Berliner Monatsber (June, 1879) Prof. Weber 'has two articles,
Ueber die Magavyakti des Kfishnadåsa Misralimportant essays on Mithraic worship, with reference, too, to the Indo-Skythic coins; and in che same, Dr. Bühler has printed 'Eine Notiz uber einige Sanskrit MS. aus Kasmir in der Hof. Bibliothek zu Wien.' In Mém de la Soc. de Linguistique, A. Barth has' Formes irregulières dans le Bhagavata Purana.' In the Calcutta Review, Mr. A. E. Gough has continued his study of the Philosophy of the Upanishads."
"F. Bollensen has brought out at Leipzig a scholarly edition of the drama Malavika und Agnimitra ;-Dr. Böhtlingk has added to the valuable labours he carried out with Dr. Roth, some years since in what is known as the great St. Petersburg Sanskrit Dictionary,--the true Thesaurus of Sansksit- new and condensed dictionary which is indeed, not only more than a mere abridgment, but a most important supplement to the former, in that all the addenda and corrigenda of the former are now incorporated into the new Dictionary. It is to be hoped that an English translation of this most useful work, now in contemplation, may be soon accomplished. Mr. Anundoram Boroosh has issued a second volume of his Practical English and Sanskrit Dictionary but this does not, as was anticipated, complete the work, as it only carries it as far as the word oyster.' The author has added to this second volume of his Dictionary a supplementary chapter on what he calls Higher Sanskrit Grammar, or gender and syntax-of nearly 300 pages. The collection of rules and illustrations he has given will be highly appreciated by those who have to teach Sanskrit; but it is to be regretted that he has not thought it necessary to give more complete authorities for his various statements. To say that & word has this or that meaning in Manu or Påņini or Sayana is scarcely enough, without the chapter and verse where it occurs. Professor Weber has completed the third volume of his Indische Streifen. being reviews of curren krit, Páli and Prakrit literature, with an index of forty-six closely-printed three-column pages for reference to the three volumes and a classified bibliographical table of contents. The number of authors mentioned or criticized in this third volume is about 330." "Professor Adolf has also published the second part of his Rigveda, dia

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1880.
älteste literatur der Inder, ein Wissenschaftliche beilage zum Programm der kantons-chule."
Prof. A. Weber has issued an earnest appeal for the constitution of a Sanskrit Text Fund' to take the place of the now moribund if not dead
Sanskrit Text Society. "It is to be hoped that his proposal may be successfully carried out, as no country has so large an interest as England in everything connected with Indian literature."
"Prof. R. Pigchel has completed his edition of Hemachandra's Páli Grammar." He has also "edited and translated the A8saldyana Suttam, the 93rd sutta in the 2nd portion of the Majjhima Nikdya. It describes how the Brahmane, irritated by the promulgation of Gautama's doctrine of the equality of castes, persuaded Assalâyana, a young and distinguished scholar, to undertake to over. throw Buddha's arguments-the result being that he was defeated and became a convert to Buddha's views. Reference is made to the state of things existing among the Yonas and Kambojas,"-and, "if, as seems probable, the Yonas of this passage are the Baktrian Greeks, the date when the sutta assumed is present form cannot be earlier than the 3rd century B.C." "Dr. Oldenberg has published the Dipavamsa, an ancient Buddhist bistorical record.” "Also the second volume of the Jataka and its Commentary, edited by Prof Fausboll, has been published.”
German Oriental Society.-The Society has pub- lished rol. xxxiii. pts. 3 and 4. and vol. xxxiv. part 1. Among the papers they contain is one by M. Vambéry, 'On the speech of the Turkomans, and on Machdumkuli's Diwan;' Professor Spiegel has a short paper on Adar Gusbasp;' J. H. Mordtmann has one entitled 'Die Himjarischen Inschriften in Tschinili Kiosckh ;' Dr. A. D. Mordt. mann one 'Zur Pehlevi Münzkunde, Die ältesten Muhammedanischen Munzen;' and another (vol. xxxiv)--his fourth contribution on the same subject, a very long and important paper on-Die Munzen der Sassaniden,' which has been printed since the author's death. M. Adolf Holtzmann writes on 'Die Apsaras nach dem Mahabharata, and Prof. Aufrecht gives a short paper on 'Eine seltene Verbalform'; J. Klatt has one on Dhanapâla Rishabha panchaśika,' of interest as referring to Jaina worship; and Count Victor von Strauss und Torney, one on the Bezeichnung der Farben blau und grün in Chinesischen Alterthum': Prof. Ethé has one on Nåşir Chusrau's Rasandinama oder buch der Erlauchtung'; MM. Stickel and Tiesenhausen write on Die Weltbezeichnungen auf Muhammedanische Münze;' Dr. G. Saleman
Ueber eine Pehlevisch-Arabische Münze;' and Dr. Fleischer gives a notice of a find of Sassanian coins at Oberlausitz, and suggests that they may have found their way thither by trade from Trebizond.
Asiatic Society of Bengal.-No. 1 of the Journal for 1880 contains, first, & " Description of the Great Siva Temple of Gangai-Kondapuram and of some other places in the Trichinopoli Distriot" by Lieut. Col. B. R. Branfill,-- paper which in another form has already appeared in this Journal (ants pp. 117 ff.); second, on "Rude Megalithic Monuments in North Arcot" by the same, which is also, in a more extended form, already in type for the Ind. Antiquary. The third paper is on the coins of the Maharajas of Kangra, by C. J. Rodgers. Kangra is on a tributary of the Biâs, and the ancient chiefs were called the Rajas of Trigartta-the country of the three rivers, the Bias, Ravi and Satlej. These râjas claimed descent from Susarma Chandra, governor of Multån at the time of the Mahâbhârata. Mr. Rodgers in his remarks follows closely the information collected by Gen. Cunningham (Archæol. Rep. vol. V. pp. 152ff.). The coins seem to be found in great numbers in the Panjab, and range from the middle of the 14th to the middle of the 17th century A.D. Mr. Rodgers gives a plate of twenty-four specimens.
Major H. S. Jarrett has a "Note on an inscription found upon & stone lying near the ruins of a Masjid on Lanka island, Wular Lake, Kashmir." The inscription is in Persian, and reads, May this edifice be as firm as the foundations of
the heavens, May it be the most renowned ornament of the
universe, As long as the monarch Zayn 'Ibåd holds festival
therein, May it be like the date of his own reign,"happy."
The date in the chronogram is 847 A. H., equivalent to A.D. 1443—4 during the reign of Zayn-ul 'Aabidin or Zayn 'Ibêd. This inscription is mentioned in the Persian history of Kashmir by Muhammad A'azam, and thus affords Major Jarrett an opportunity to draw from that work an outline of the history of the country from A.D. 1305 to 1443.
The subject of the fifth paper is a more important one,-" Coins of the Sunga or Mitra Dynasty, found near Råmanagar in Rohilkhand :--the property of H. Rivett-Carnac, Esq. Described by A. C. Carlleyle." R&managar has been identified by General Cunningham with Ahichhatra
* For references to Ahichchhatra, seo Jour. A. 8. Ben. vol. XXX, pp. 197, 198, J. R. 4. 3. vol. IV, p. 88; and
Vol. V, p. 298 : Wilson's Vishnu Pur. (4to ed.) p. 1870., and Moghaddta (Rost's ed.), p. 343.

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BOOK NOTICES.
253
the ancient capital of North Panch &la; and
Kings.
No. of coins found at whatever may be the value of this identification,
Ramanagar. many coins have been found on the old site, and 1. Bhadraghosa .......... also at Bhuila, the supposed site of Kapila
2. Suryamitra ...................... vasta, in the Basti district. Mr. Carlleyle assumes 3. Anumitra .......... that "from the numerical proportion in which 4. Bhânumitra ................ the coins of various kings are found in a hoard, we 5. Agnimitra...................... can generally make a pretty good guess as to who
6 Phâgunimitra ................... were the earliest, and who the latest of the series.
7. Bhumimitra ..................... Thus the king of whom the greatest number of 8. Indramitra ..................... 1 +1? coins are found in a hoard, may be accepted as
9. Vijayamitra ................ either the latest, or the contemporary king of the
10. Satyamitra ...................... dynasty at the time when the hoard was buried 11. Sayamitra........................ or lost; while the king of whom the fewest and 12. Ayumitra ................ most worn coins are found may be accepted as Gen. Cunningham has also a coin of Dhruvathe earliest, in point of time of the series." This mitra, which belongs to the same dynasty. Of the rough rule may be of some help in arranging a later kings in this list, Ayumitra's name is found
oard buried all at once; but is utterly valueless on a single coin of Mr. Rivett-Carnac's, and this for collections of coins buried at various timesking must have been one of the latest of the accidentally and otherwise, in which numerical dynasty, as the letters of the legend belong to the superiority could only indicate the largeness of later Gupta period." The coins of Vijayamitra, the mintage of any particular king, and hence, Satyamitra, and Sayamitra are from other localities probably, of his greater length of reign. All and "Are of quite a different type." The author these coins bear over the legend three symbols, places Push pamitra at the head of his lists, which Mr. Carlleyle describes as the Bodhi tree on though no coins have been found of his, nor do the left, two snakes intertwined to the right, and any of the names derived from his coins, except in the middle a punch-marked depression contain that of Agnimitra, coincide with those of the ing a symbol, which in one case he calls 'a Linga,' Pauranik lists of the Sunga dynasty founded by and in others, 'a linga guarded by two Nagas Push ya mitra. which rise on each side of it. Might not these | The last paper is by O. R. Stülpnagel on coins be the symbols of the Buddha creed-of Buddha, of Ghiâs-ud-din and Mu'az-ud-din bin Sâm, Dharma, and Sangha ? The symbols on the ob. describing eight dirhems of the two brothers whose verses are generally but poorly preserved in the names are joined on them, and dated in 596, 597, examples represented, but we can hardly accept and 598 A. H. The paper is illustrated by a plate them as "Buddha standing, with right hand raised of three specimens. and radiating from his head," and "on a Buddhist The Society has also published as an extra part railing between two trees."
to vol. XLVII., "A Sketch of the Turki Language The series of names represented by these coins as spoken in Eastern Turkistan," by R. B. Shaw,are arranged by Mr. Carlleyle as follows:
a vocabulary of 226 pages.
BOOK NOTICES. ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA, Vol. IX. : Report of of the Gupta ere, on the 5th Phálgun sudi, at the a Tour in the Central Provinces in 1873-74 and 1874-75. By Alexander Cunningham, C.S.D., C.I.E., &c. Cal.
| time of a solar eclipse," and (4) "the name of the cutta : 1879.
12-year cycle of Jupiter in five different inscripIn this ninth volume of his Reports, General tions added to the date of the Gupta era." These Cunningham takes occasion to discuss the start- five are-Mah.Vaisakha in Hastin's inscription of ing point of the Gupta era. For fixing the 156; Mah&-Aswayuja in another of 173, and epoch of this era he adduces the following Mah&-Chaitra in a third of the same king dated data :-(1) the "date of Budha Gupta's pillar 191; the fourth Maha-Magha is on an inscription inscription at Eran in the year 165, Thursday 12th of Hastin and Sarvanatha, and the fifth is Mab&Ash&dha sudi"; (2) the “date of Dhruva- Aswayuja on one of king Sankshoba dated in the bhata in Samvat 447, he being presumably the year 209. king of that name who was reigning at the time General Cunningham points out, as had been of Hwen Thsang's visit in A. D. 640;" (3) the done before him by Dr. Bühler (Ind. Ant. vol. VI, "date of the Morvi copperplate in the year 5851 p. 80), that if the sixth Siladitya of Valabhi, who

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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bears also the name of Dhruvabbata, be the l or A.D. 478-9, we obtain A.D. 194-5, as the epoch. king of the same name visited by Hwen Thsang, Tho forgery was fabricated of course later than then tho date on his copperplate of Sam. 447 must Saka 400, but not so late as that the date of relate to some era commencing about 190 to 200 A.D. Dharasena was not known at least within a few He says-"Of course, Dhruvabhata's inscription years. The assumption of the round number 400 may be some 25 or 30 years either earlier or later as the numeral, may itself be due to some slight than the pilgrim's visit." This we cannot quite uncertainty as to the exact date to be fixed upon; agree to, as we have a published inscription of Mila: but otherwise, if we allow that the forgery was ditya V., the father of the king in question, dated made within a century or so of the date it presents, in Sam. 441,-80 that 6 years is the utmost limit this plate is corroborative of the theory as to the on one side, and thus the epoch cannot be placed initial date of the Gupta era which Dr. Bühler first much lower than A.D. 200.. He then compates suggested. that 12th Ashadba sudi fell on a Thursday, on 24th General Cunningham then attempts to show June (О. S.) 359 A.D., and if this correspond with that Dronasiz ha may have begun his reign as Budha-Gupta's date in 165, the initial point of the early, according to this reckoning, as A.D. 365 or 370 epoch must be in 195 A. D., he also finds that (that is 171 or 176 of the Gupta era), and so have there was a solar eclipse on 14th Magh vadi or been contemporary with Budha Gupta. Now 10th February 780 A. D., and considering this as as his elder brother reigned before Dronasimha, the eclipse mentioned in the Morvi plate (Ind. his father Bhatarka can hardly, on this supposiAnt. vol. II, p. 258), he arrives at A. D. 195 as the tion, have died before 166, and Dharapatta, the 1st year of the Guptakål. We have had these fourth son of the latter, reigned for some time computations performed, and find that in E. long. between 216 and 286. This makes the son survive 71° and lat. 23° N. (near the position of Morvi), his father by about 65 years, which is somewhat there was a solar eclipse on 10th Feb. 780 A. D. (15 unusual. This difficulty is in no way, however, Magh vad), which lasted about 2 hours 50 minutes, connected with the initial epoch of the Gupta era, the greatest obscuration being at 2h. 21m. P.M. for the same thing must occur wherever we fix and extending to fully half the sun's diameter at that epoch. But if we assume, as we may do the assumed locality. For the other date, we find without any forcing of the ages, that Bhatarka lived the 12th tithi of Ash&dha sudi began 30 g. 20 v. till 176 or 180, that Dharasena was Senåpati 35 p. after sunrise on 23rd June 359 A.D., but if we till about 190, and that Dronanimha then acfollow the rule that when & tithi begins after
quired power, he might still be contemporary with Bunrise, it is held to concur with the following day, Budha Gupta, during the last year of that king's we find the date to be Thursday, 24th June, as reign (if he lived to 190“), and have been crowned the General states. Too much weight, however, by him. But it is more natural to suppose that should not be ascribed to this latter conicidence.
he was crowned by Bå nugupta, in whose reign The names of the years in the Jovian 12-year we have the date 191 on an inscription at Eran. cycle do not strengthen the argument; for, if we This clears away the objection which arises from assume any one of them to be correct, the others assuming that Dronasimha had a very long must fall into their places. What is wanted to
reign. render them of any value for this purpose is 'dis- General Canningham next assumes that the tinct and authoritative information as to the use Gupta kål dates from the commencement of Chanof this cycle and the date from which it starts. dragupta's reign; but as we have Chandra
As to the initial date, however, an additional gupta II. dating in 82 and 93, and his son argument might be added. The suggestion we Kumara gupta from 96 to 129, there seems no believe is due to Dr. Bübler that the forged grant necessity for extending the four reigns over 130 of Dharagena II. dated Saka 400$ is approx- years. With an average of nearly 22 years to each imately correct in its date. Now Dharasena must king, this period would include the six kings of the have died beween 272 and 286 of the Valabhi era, dynasty from its rise under Sri Gupta, who and if we assume 284 as the date, and as coinci. would thus be placed 60 years later than General dent with the year in which the plates are dated, Cunningham assumes.
1 In 1878 I was led on the same grounds "to place the The latest date we have connected with Budhagupta initial date of the Valabhi era about A. D. 195," but not is 182. regarding the point as sufficiently proved no further use was Mr. Newton (Jour. B. B. R. As. Soc. val. VII, p. 11) made of it (Descrip. Account of the Rock - Temples of has read this name Bakragapta; from another very clear W. India, p. 11); also Cave Temples of India, P. 191. example, however, it appears to be plainly Banugupta. -J. B.
General Cunningham regards Mr. Newton's and Sir E.C. This eclipse would be central at noon in about lat. Bayley's readings as imperfect renderings of Chandre18° 28' N. long. 55° 26' E.
gupta (p. 23); the occurrence of the name Bloggupta, Ind. Ant. vol. V, p. 110; vol. VII, p. 68; vol. VIII, with the date 191, however, places this matter beyond p. 801; and Jour. Bo. B. R. As. Soc. vol. VIII, p. 344. dispute.

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BOOK NOTICES.
255
It is to be regretted that General Cunningham factory as he expected, but the difference of a is so sparing in the citation of his authorities : single day in three cases, he regards as "an thus, though founding his argument largely for the amount of deviation which is not uncommon in fixation of the Gupta era on Dhruvabhata's grant Hindu dates,"-yet the Budhagupta date (p. 17) and the Morvi plate, he gives no reference to where is regarded as incompatible with the usual they are to be found; and one is a little startled Valabhi reckoning because it differs just one day to find him referring to "an inscription of the from that computed. We think General CunChâlukyas as early as the reign of Mangala, orningham is probably very nearly correct in the Mangalisa, the son of Pulakesi before A.D. 550" important conclusion he arrives at regarding the (p. 101), and the further statement that "the epoch of the Chedi era, though, to be consistent, inscription of Mangalisa is dated at full length, he must minimise the value of the Budhagupta but the numeral word is unfortunately doubtful. dato in fixing the Guptakål era. But the synobroIt was read chahatawa by General LeGrand Jacob, nisms given long ago by Dr. Fitzedward Hall but I think it must be intended for Chaturtha (Jour. Amer. Orient. Soc. vol. VI. p. 501) distinctly Samvatsara, the 4th year, which would be about indicated 250 A.D. as the first year of the Chedi A.D. 533" (p. 102). Now the inscription here re. era. The volume is illustrated by thirty plates ferred to is evidently the third Nerur grant, of inscriptions and drawings. published in the Journal Bom. B. R. As. Soc. (vol. III., pt. ii., pp. 2098.) and, with a facsimile, in
Die NACH POLOER ALEXANDERS DES GROSSEN in Baktrien the Ind. Antiquary (vol. VI, pp. 1618.), and the
und Indien, von Alfred von Sallet. (Berlin; Weid. platos being in excellent preservation, there can mannache Buchhandlung, 1879.). be no doubt about the word referred to ;-the On the death of Alexander the Great in 323
rant is not dated, and both General Sir G. B.C., as is well known, his vast dominions were par. LeGrand Jacob and Mr. Fleet read the whole celled out among his principal officers. Stasanor, phrase alluded to as-Sámi-rdjan cha hatua who had been appointed to the satrapy of samvatsara-pujyatamdyam keartikkadvadasydri, &c. Drangiana by Alexander himself, retained it after The only dated inscription we have of Mangalia his death, but in the subsequent division at is that at Badami, of Saka 500, A.D. 579' in the Triparadeisos (B. c. 821), he exchanged it for the 12th year of his reign, which places his accession government of Baktris and Sogdiana. Here he in A.D. 567 or about 38 years later than General established himself so firmly that Antigonos Cunningham assumes. And the grant in question prudently left him in undisturbed possession is evidently later than that of Badâmi and may be B. C. 316. In India, Eudemus had been left in even 60 years later than the General suggests. Then command of the troops with Pithon, the son of the dates of the inscription of Pahews and on a Agenor, and Philip son of Makbatas, as satraps. Banaras copperplate of Mahendrapela Deva are The latter was murdered in 326 B. c. Pithon was referred, without remark, to "the era of Harsha- removed to Babylon in 316 B. C., and Eudemus vardhana of Kanauj," whilst no sufficient evidence went to the assistance of Eumenes in 317 B. C., and is adduced or referred to that any such ers was was put to death by Antigonos. Seleukos Nikator, really in vogue.
to whom Babylon had been at first assigned, after These statements have reference to the principal various changes of fortune, rose to great power, other chronological point discussed in this and between 311 and 302 B. C. extended his rule volume-the era of the Chedi dynasty. Now towards the east, and even invaded India, where there are eight inscriptions of the Chedis, he formed a matrimonial alliance with Chandradating from 793 to 928, and General Cunningham gapta. Under his grandson Antiokhos Sôter B. c. gets himself with his usual sagacity to determine 261-246, when his kingdom was weakened by his the epoch from which they date, from the days of long war with Ptolemy Philadelphos, Arsakes the month and of the week mentioned in each. established the Parthian kingdom B c. 250, and Aided by these and several approximate synchro- shortly afterwards Diodotus, governor of Baktria, nisms--some of which, ss has just been indicated, revolted, and made Baktris an independent state. may be questioned or modified, -he fixes on A.D. Seleukos Kallinikos (246-226) undertook an ex250 as the initial date, and then finds that in pedition against the Parthians, and seems to have four cases out of the eight the week days would entered into an alliance with Diodotos to secure coincide with those of the inscriptions, while in his co-operation, but he was totally defeated by two cases they would fall on the day following, in the Parthians. one on the day preceding, and in one on the The successors of these Graeco-Baktrian kings second day before. This result is not so satis. I are known to us almost wolely from their coins;
• See Ind. Ant. vol. VI. pp. 883f., and vol. III. pp 806fF.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1880.
these have been discussed by several authors, Euthydemus from Magnesia follows him or and A. von Sallet has done a service to science his dynasty in Baktria-as appears from the by the preparation of this modest little work of coins, peaceably; but--according to Polybius-after 232 pages and 7 plates, on the coins known up to setting aside the "grandchild of the rebel." War the present.
with Antiokhoy III. of Syria. Treaty of peace. The historical résumé, with which the book Antiokhos promises (and afterwards gives P) his opens, occupies about a third of the whole. Plato, daughter (Laodike P) to Demetrius the son of who reigned towards the end of the lifetime Euthydemos. Euthydemos dies in old age. of Eukratides (cir. 165 B. c.), and of whom Demetrius, son of Euthydemos, follows there is a unique tetradrachm of the Attic charac- him, and extends his dominions as far as India. ter, had not begun to use Aryan inscriptions on Bilingual coins appear. Demetrius makes war his silver coins, whence the author assumes that withthe reduction of the monetary standard and the Eukratides, king of Baktria, who reigns in use of the Aryan alphabet in the Baktro-Indian the time of one of the earliest Arsakidan kings, kingdoms (of Eukratides, Heliokles, and Antial- therefore probably about 200 B. C. A treaty of kides) must have been introduced after 165 B. C. peace (according to authors the overthrow of in the last years of Eukratides, and that his reign Demetrius and occupation of India) with favourmust have terminated at latest about 150 B. C. able conditions for the victorious Eukratides (P); After Heliokles, Plato and Antialkides all certain Demetrius gives his daughter Laodike to the son indications of dates fail us and the author at this of Eukratides, Heliokles (). Coins of Eukratides point sums up in tabular form the numismatic struck at the wedding of his son Heliokles and results obtained thus (p. 29) :
Laodike The established dates of Greek rule in Baktria Heliokles coins as co-regent (socius regni, and India.
according to Justin) with his father. Alexander the Great coins square copper Euth y demos II., son of Demetrius, a boy, money in India or Baktria P
coins (as co-regent with his father P) Sophytes, an Indian prince and vassal of These coins of Euthydemos II. are of the same Alexander the Great, in the neighbourhood of the date as those of modern Lahor coins Greek money about the year Pantaleon
Antimakhos (bebs), 306 B. C., imitating the head of Seleukus I. of Agathokles. Syria.
Pantaleon and Agathokles belong to the same Antiok hos II. of Syria issues (about 256 or kingdom, possibly Pantaleon's is a short reign 250) Baktrian coins with the name of Antiokhus immediately preceding that of Agathokles. Agaand national Baktrian type. Diodotos, called thokles and Antimakhos strike the coins of their Soter by the later kings, about 256 or 250 predecessors: among these,' as predecessore on becomes independent king of Baktria (revolted the Baktrian throne are thus honoured : or was acknowledged by Antiokhus). His son
Antiok hos Nikator (II?), Diodotus II. mentioned by Justin is not proved by
Diodotos Soter, the coins and doubtful.
Euthydemos Theos. The following reigns stand side by side. Demetrius Eukratides | Agathokles | Antimakhos | Antialkides Euthy demos II. | Heliokles Pantaleon
θεός
(perhaps someduring the later (or in inverted
what later) nominal part of the order) reign of Eukratides. Plato 165 B.C.
Bayer, Historia regni Bactriani (Petrop. 1788) Mionnet, Supplement, vol. VIII. (1837); Lassen, Zur Geschichte der Greichischen und Indoskythischen Könige (Bonn, 1838); the same translated by Dr. Roer and H. Torrens in Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol IX, pp. 251, 339, 449, 627, and 788 ff, Grotefend, Coins of Greek, Parthian, and Indoscythian King of Bactria and the countries on the Indus (Hannover, 1839); H. H. Wilson, Ariana Antiqua (Lond. 1841), and papers in Asiat. Res. vol. XVII, pp. 559 ff., Jour R. As. Soc. vol. III, p. 881, Numismatic Journal vol. I, p. 144, &c., H. Torrens in Jour. A. 8. Beng. vol. IX, p. 70; vol. XI, p. 137 ; vol. XX, p. 187; Cunningham, J. 1. 8. Beng. vol IX, pp. 893, 581, 887, 1008, 1217; vol. X, p. 570; vol. XI, p. 130; vol. XXIII, p. 379; Numismatic Chronicle, vol. VIII, p. 175, also in vol. IX, X, XII, XIII;
Tod in Trans. R. As. Soc. vol. I, p. 813; J. Bird, in J. Bom. B. R. As. Soc. vol. I, p. 293, and Histor. Researches; M. E. Jacquet in Jour. Asiatique, 3ème Sér. t. I. (1836), p. 122 ; t. II, p. 234; t. IV. (1837), p. 401; t. V. (1838), P. 163; t. VII (1839), p. 885 Longperier, Rev. Num. Blois (1889) p. 81; M.Raoul Rochette Jour des Savants, 1834, pp. 338, 385; Supplement, 1835, pp. 514, 577, 640, 765 2me Suppl. 1836, pp. 85, 129; 8ème Suppl. 1838, p. 736, 1889, p. 80, and 1844, p. 108; Lassen, Alterth. Bd. II. SS. 389 ff. Prinsep, Antiquities (ed Thomae,) vol. II, pp. 125 ff, Thomas, in Jour. R. 1. Soc. vol. XX, p. 99, in 1.4.8. Beng. vol. XXVII, p. 251, Num. Chron. vol. XIX, p. 13, and N. S. vol. IV, p. 108; W. S. W. Vaux, in id. vol. XVI, p. 108, and N. S. vol. XV, p. i.ff.

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The reduction of the coin took place in the later years of Eukratides; the change being from the Attic standard hitherto in use.
Eukratides
Antialkides
Heliokles
From this period all the princes coin according to the reduced standard.
In the later days of Eukratides:
Apollodotos. Heliokles.
follows Eukratides.
Strato contemporary of the latter part of the reign of Heliokles. Agathokleis
Strato's wife.
Strato II." the beloved of his father," Strato's Son.
So far all is certain, or, according to the coins, in the highest degree probable. With the death of Heliokles, or more correctly with the reduction of the coin in the later years of Eukratides, there begins suddenly large series of other Greek coins of the Indo-Baktrian kings so very like one another in style that it is quite impossible, as before, where writers still help us a little, to arrange them chronologically. Antialkides, Lysias, Apollodotos, Strato, have already been spoken of so far as they reach into earlier times, but from the joint character of their coins the greater part of their reigns, also stretch into the time of these later Greek Indo-Baktrian kings, whose names the author arranges here in alphabetical order before giving them chronologically.
Names.
Surnames. Agathokleia (Strato I.'s Theotropos
wife).
Amyntas Antialkides
Antimakhus (II.)
Apollodotos Apollophanes
Arkhebius
Artemidoros
Diomedes
Dionysius Epander
Hermaios
and Kalliope
[Sy-Hermaios Hippostratos
Antialkides's successor, perhaps not contemporary: Lysias
Lysias
Menander
BOOK NOTICES.
Nikator
Nikephoras Nikephoros
Soter, Megas,Philopator
Soter
Dekaios, Nikephoros Aniketos
Soter
Soter Nikephoros Soter
Soter] Soter, Megas Aniketos
Soter, Dikaios
Prepared by Mr. E. Rehatsek.
3 "For this purpose I chiefly use the list of Vaux and the
Names.
Nikias Philoxenos Strato I.
Strato II. Strato's Son
Telephos Theophilos
Surnames.
257
cesses.
Soter
Aniketos
Soter, Epiphanes, Dikaios
Soter, in the Aryan transcript still "loving his father" Euergetes Dikaios
Soter, Dikaios
Zoilos
We now pass on to give a translation of a later paragraph (p. 42) of this resumé :
"On the occasion of the publication of the tetradrachm of Plato, Vaux made the striking remark, that a comparatively large number of the names of the Baktrian kings occur again in the army or companions of Alexander the Great, and that we may therefore appropriately recognize in the Baktrian kings, the descendants of those companions of Alexander, who remained behind in Baktria or India as a kind of Emeriti. Although, considering our fragmentary knowledge of the statistics of ancient names, we can here prove but little, it cannot be denied that an examination of the Baktrian royal names in the sense indicated by Vaux, leads to surprising results. Following Vaux, I give the list of all the Baktrian kings, with remarks on the names which appeared in Macedonia, especially in the surroundings of Alexander and of the Diadochei."
Diodotos is the name of the Syrian usurper, later called Tryphon after Antiokhus VI. (Diodor). Euthydemos from Magnesia.
Demetrius, a frequent name, especially in Makedonia. One of them belonged to the Hetairoi (the mounted body-guards of the Makedonian kings were thus called) of Alexander the Great; commander of Cavalry under Alexander.
Eukratides.
Heliokles.
Laodike.-A frequent name of Syrian prin
Agathokles-a Thessalian flatterer of Philip; Eparch of Parsis under Antiokhus II. (but this is dubious. See Droysen's Epigonen. 361, 367). Pantaleon-a Makedonian from Pydna
(Arrian).
Antimakhos-a Makedonian, (Polya b. 29. 1, c) in the time of king Perseus (Didot's edition the Index of the Latin translation has erroneously "Antimarchus").
Plato-an Athenian, cavalry officer of Alexander (Curtius).
Agathokleia.
Namen-lexicon by Pape-Benseler. I make some slight additions."-Author's note.

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Amyntas-a frequent Makedonian name, also of several companions of Alexander, one of whom was Satrap of Baktria (Arrian, Justin). Antialkides. Antimakhos (II).
Apollodotos or perhaps Apollodoros, a Satrap of Babylonia, strategos of Susiana. Apollophane s-Satrap of the Orites or Gedrosians (Arrian).-A Pydnaan. Arkhebios. Artemidoros.
Diomedes.
Dionysius-a frequent name also in Makedonia. A friend of Ptolemaios Soter.-A Dionysius is sent to India during the reign of Ptolemaeus II. Philadelphos.
Epander.
Hermaios.
Kalliope:-town in Parthia.
Hippos tratos-a Makedonian Arrian); a commander of Antigonos in Media (Diod. and others); Governor for Lysimakhos in the Ionian towns. (Recently found inscription.)
Lysias-oftener in Syria; officer of Seleukos (Polyæn.) Guardian of Antiokhos Eupator, and others.
Menander-a Menander of Magnesia (hence like Euthydemos) one of the Hetairoi and officer of Alexander and after his death in Lydia (Arrian, Justin); another companion of Alexander (Plutarch).
Nikias-one of the officials of Alexander (Arrian). A relative of king Ptolemaios, and of others; a Makedonian.
Philoxenos,*-Alexander's
Governor in Fonia and Susiana, &c. (Arrian and others); Alexander writes to a Philoxenos (Arrian); son of Ptolemaios Alorites (Plut).
Strato-son of the prince of Aradus ; prince of Sidon; a historian who describes the war of Perseus. Telephos-a Makedonian, one of the Hetairoi of Alexander (Arrian).
Theophilos.
Zoilos-a rhetorician who lived at Amphipolis in Makedonia; a coin-engraver or official of king Perseus; Zoilus from Beroea (in Makedonia ? -Arrian.)
"We have 28 names in all (besides women); eleven of these are stated to have been names of companions of Alexander, natives of Makedonia and of other provinces; some to have been even satraps in Baktrian districts, whilst others occur among the Diadochoi and in Makedonia. As already observed, nothing can be proved, but nobody will
This king is thus properly called: Philoxenes, as the word is almost everywhere spelt, is nothing. We find in books even Lysius instead of Lysias, also transcripts such as Menandrus, Alexandrus; Antialkidas, Azas &c.,
[OCTOBER, 1880.
deny that an examination like the above is important, especially as rare names, such as Telephos, occur, which is a genuine Makedonian name, and Herakles, the Makedonian chief god, is the father of Telephus. Also the coin of Zoilus with Heracles' head, club and bow, resembling the copper-money of Alexander, may point to Makedonia, and perhaps even to Alexander."
Again (p. 51) he remarks:-"The close connection with the adjoining Parthian realm appears from the Parthian names of many, sovereigns, such as Vonones, Abdagases (in Tacitus the name of a Parthian dynast), Pakores (sic), and lastly even an Arsakes who belonged according to the coinage also to the Azes kingdom. Different from this is the unique coin (a square copper coin) of the Berlin collection, with the Arsakidan typical horse, bow and quiver, used precisely in the same manner already by Maues, and which I ascribe with confidence to a Bactro-Indian Arsakes feós who uses only Greek, not Aryan, and may in spite of the w, e and C belong to a tolerably good ago. The king Yn dopheres, also Gondophares, &c. is the only one of these Partho-Baktrian reigns known to us with certainty from an Aryan inscription, which is to be examined more particularly.
"This inscription is from Takht-i Bahinear (a little N. E. from) Peshawar on the Indus, and begins with the words: Maharajasa" G....pharasa, and means:-"In the 26th year of the great king G....phara, in the Samvat year 100." If, as is most probable, this somewhat longer royal name is identical with that on the coins, we obtain, besides the information that this king reigned at least 26 years, also the date of a year. Samvat means only "era," and would therefore demonstrate nothing, if the Turushkas had not used this identical Samvat-era on their inscriptions in various regions, as well as in the vicinity of the spot where the Gondophares inscription was found. Accordingly Gondophares would fall into the time of, or perhaps even after, the last Turushkaprince Bazodeo whose Samvat years reach as far as 98. In my opinion this is numismatically scarcely possible, because Bazo dê o cannot be very far from the time of the Sassanians while Yndopheres or Gondophares seems to be earlier. If therefore different eras were not used by Gondophares on the one part and the Turushkas on the other, and if the inscription really contains the name of the Gondophares of the coins, where it has 3 letters more, a difficulty presents itself here, the solution of which is referred to Indoinstead of es.
See the inscription published by Dowson in the Jour. R. 1s. Soc. N. 8. vol. VII, p. 376. A photograph is in the Jagor collection of the Berlin Museum.

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logues. I would, however, perhaps place Gondophares after Chr. but before the Turushkas. That this Yndopheres (Gondophares &c.), the uncle of Abdagases, coined also pure Greek silverdrachms with βασιλέως βασιλέων μεγς (sic) Υνδοφέρης AUTOKρáTO, like those of Sana barus, and almost exactly resembling those of the Parthian supreme king, is one of the more important results of my researches.
"Might not Sanabarus perhaps be identical with the Indian king called in the Feriplus maris Erythraei-Μάμβαρος and ’Ακάβαρος P The marks purporting to be Seleukidan numbers on his drachms (Num. Chr. N. S. vol. XI. p. 217) are not at all years, as the Berlin specimens show. The pretended гIT is once quite plainly TT and once the signs TTT go round the throne like ornaments. If the time of the composition of the Periplus and the identity of the name were quite certain, we should here obtain most important data, because Sanabarus and Yndopheres are certainly almost contemporaries. Abdagases is the nephew of Yndopheres, &c. But so long as all this is not perfectly certain, no further combinations can be attempted. A contemporary of Yndopheres is also Orthagnes (P), who places in Aryan characters the name of this his contemporary upon the coins, as king, resembling Pakores, and dressed according to the Parthian fashion. Some ephemeral dynasts,such as Zeionises, and two which cannot yet be named with certainty, among whom is also one whose Aryan superscription I read according to clear specimens as "mahárájasa mahatasa kashanasakuyala....." and who yet belong to the Azes series-present but little historical information; nevertheless the Greek title' satrap' which occurs, according to the readings of Prinsep, on the coins of Zeionises, is settled and important.
"A king resembling the Arsakides in his bust, and made known by Gardener from a unique coin in the British Museum, is certainly, according to the inscription, a king of the Saka-Skythians; because the curious inscription of this tetradrachm is in later characters--τυραννοῦντος Ηράου Σάκα KOLрávov. How remarkable, that just in non-Hellonic and half Greek regions Homeric reminiscences present themselves in the popular language! Thus, in the Cyprus dialect the Homeric kariyηroS stands for brother, and in the distant Indo-Skythian east we find the ancient koipavos for ruler! The forme of the participle βασιλεύοντος, τυραννοῦντος are from the oldest times (Agathokles, Antimakhos) at home in those regions."
The author concludes this part of the book (p. 65) with the series of Bactro-Indian kings who used the Greek alphabet, but whose names were
not Greek, arranged according to the order developed by him, generally current, and but little differing from it except by a few additions of years which are determined conjecturally:
1, Ranjabala (Greek PAZY or like it). 2, Maues. At least 100 B. c. The Azes Series.
259
3, Azes, successor (and son ?) of Maues. 4, Azes and his strategos Aspavarma iden. 5. Azes and Aspapatis, his strategos.
tical.
6, Azilises, contemporary of Azes. 7, Vonones and Azes.
8, Vonones and Spalahara.
9, Vonones and Spalagadama, son of Spalahara. This is identical with Spalyris.
10, Spalirisus (a) as king's brother, (b) as king. 11, Spalirisus and Azes.
12, Spalyris (or Spalyrios) king's brother. His Aryan name is Spalagadama, son of Spalahara.
13, Arsakes, dikaios (Num. Chron. vol. XIX, p. 62).
14, Arsakes, Beós, unique coin in Berlin. 15, Yndopheres, also Gondophares, and similar. 16, Sanabarus, contemporary (successor ?) of Yndopheres in the same region. Identical with Máußapos, 'Akáẞapos of the Perip. mar. Erythr.? Late Arsakidan.
17. Abdagases, brother's son of Gondophares. 18, Abdagases with differing inscription on the reverse (Num. Chron. vol. XIX. p. 62): "SubAbdagases Sasan."
19, Zeionises.
20, Undetermined with the title,-Maharajasa Mahatasa Kashanasakuyula (Berlin).
21, Pakores.
22, Orthagnes, with the name of Gondophares on the reverse, Aryan.
23, Heraos, king of the Sakas.
24, Soter Megas.
25, Yrkodes.
The Kadphises and the Turushka Series. 26, Kadphises (I.) with Hermaios symbols. 27. Kadaphes.
28, Kadphises (II.). Time of Augustus ? or later? 29, Kanerku or Kanerki. First century A.D. P 30, Ooerki.
31, Ooer Kenorano.
32, Bazodeo.
33, Barbarized.
34, Barbarized under Sassanian influence. About the time of the Sassanian Sapor I. 238-269
A.D.
"Here I must, in conclusion," he adds (p. 67), although entirely in contradiction to the current views of Indologues, " reject one class of coins from the domain of Græco-Indian moneys. It is an extremely numerous series of Indian royal coins,

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mostly of silver, executed in entirely national. Indian, inartistic, chiefly barbarian, workmanship with the following symbols :-a king's head (with moustaches). Reverse generally the symbol o with waves beneath it, giving in beautiful uni- form Devanagari letters' (Lassen) the names and titles of a large series of kings of the Sah-dynasty of Sinha-kings; fourteen in number according to Thomas (J. R. A. 8. vol. XII., pp. 1-72) and according to Newton even twenty-three :
1, fswara Datta. 2, Rudra Sah I. 3, Asa Dama.
4, Dama Sah, &c. the last is called Swami Rudra Sah IV. The titles of these kings in long inscriptions contain, among other matters, the satrap designation Kshatrapasa.
"The heads on these coins have Greek circumscriptions, and we shall at once discuss them; one of them had been considered as the name of the Baktrian king Dionysius. According to the assumption of Thomas these kings reigned from 157 B.C., but Lassen (II. 929) is inclined to place them even as satraps under Eutbydemus.
"This determination is however quite disal. lowed to a numismatist. The coins are so bad, coarse, and late in the form of the letters, and, even in the Indian ones so totally different from all the antique characters, that the whole series is evidently a kind of continuation of the bad silver. drachms of YPKWAOY; nay the coins of the Guptakings closely and immediately following the Sinhas with symbols entirely resembling these appear to me even to imitate the fire-altar of the Sassanians (see Thomas's plate, l. c.), so that I must at once, on purely numismatic grounds, consider the whole Neries as having been coined very late, and long after Christ."
"And now for the Greek' of the principal side! The second king Rudra Sah is said to have put the name of his supreme king upon his coin! Thomas gives this inscription thus: AIOAYIZIYI A. When we examine many copies and originals of these coins, we soon become quite certain about the character of this sort of Greek inscriptions."
And then as to the so-called "Greek" legends on the principal side of these coins, after giving examples, the author very sensibly remarks that "whoever practically occupies himself with coins, at once perceives what we have here to deal with, namely, vague plagia barbarorum not understood, and nonsensical imitations of Greek letters with out any sense or meaning, owing their existence perhaps to YPKWAY. The value of such inscrip
tions is wil, and to attempt from such barbarisms and ignorant strokes to make out reasonable Greek names, is as futile as the endeavour to read and to explain the random traits of our mediæval Wendenpfennigs. However familiar numismatists may be with the extremely frequent appearance of corrupted, senseless and worthless legends; the mischief caused again and again by the attempts at this kind of decipherment is nevertheless just as great. Hence I cannot include within the compass of my researches the coins of the Sah kinge, which, I am convinced, are very late, have senseless inscriptions with strokes de. rived from Greek models, but perfectly correct Indian circumscriptions on the reverse."
In the body of the book (p. 157) he returns to Yndopheres,
"Y ndopheres is a rare example of the fact that from gradually augmenting, and apparently very minute examinations and discoveries of coins, inscriptions, and notices of authors, a history securely based on official documents is at last formed, which affords & distinct insight into an important epoch in the civilisation and history of a very remote country.
"At first nothing of this king existed, but a mass of coins which were, according to their style, rele. gated to a tolerably late date, soon after the last Azes-coins. Then the coins of Abdagares the brother's son of Gyndipher(es)' were added. Abdagases according to Tacitus was a Parthian dynast; therefore the Parthian descent of Yndopheres became probable; which, as well as the immediate contact of his boundaries with those of the Arsakidan realm, is satisfactorily proved by the pure Greek drachm of the Berlin museum, coined exactly in the type and style of the Arsakides, as discovered by me. Of the duration of Yndopheres' reign we are informed by the Aryan inscription of Takht-i-Babi near Peshawar, dated the 26th year of this king's reign, which is at the same time a sign that his sway extended over the Indus countries. After the Arsakiden drachm of Yndopheres follow similar coins of Sanabaros, and their coarse style implies probably their later production; the heads of these drachms of Sanabaros are very much like those of the Arsakidan Volageses I. with the tiara worn during the years 389 and 390 of the Seleu. kidan era, corresponding to the years 77 and 78 A. D.) Therefore Sanabaros must have produced his coins about 80 A. D. and Yndopheres had died about 80 A. D.
"But the most interesting information about
• "Determined by me; it may also be easily determined by non-Indologues from the excellent representations of these coins given by Thomas.-Rudra Sah was determined
by the aulic councillor Pertach."-AUTHOR.
According to the determination of Prokesch.-Prokesch's Arsacides Tafel. V. 45, 8. 64.

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261
Yndopheres, Gondopharos, &c. and historically resembling the Arsakides, BACIAEWCBACIA ON quite coinciding with the above was discovered METO (sic) YNAO EPHCAYTO«PATO, Sitting king, by English scholars in a source, the utilisation resembling the type of the Arsakides, but in the of which for the study of ancient history had | raised R. a kind of short sceptre (elephant goad P) : probably not been noticed before. It is astonish- behind him a wingless Niko, garlanding him. ing that this most interesting discovery has "Drachm of tolerably good silver, of the weight apparently scarcely been noticed (Lassen for of Arsakidan drachms. Unique of the Berlin instance passes it over entirely).
museum, from the unascertained Guthrie collec“The collection of legends, the so-called Legenda tion. The title Autokrator is first borne by Aurea or Historia Lombardica, arranged in the 13th Tryphon of Syria, but then also by an Arsakidan century by the Genoese bishop Jacobus & Vora- on his drachmas, according to Prokesch the VIIIth gine, mentions the Indian Mission of the apostle Artaban II, according to Gardner the Xth Thomas as follows (cap. V. p. 33 ed. Graesse,
Sinatroikes. 1846):-"Thomas apostolus cum esset apud Cæ- "Æ. 4-5 The king on horseback, 1, receive saream apparuit ei Dominus dicens : rex India ing a garland from the Nike who stands before Gundoferus misit præpositum Abbanem him. Symbol once a small cross in it. One quærere hominem architectoria arte eruditum."- or two Aryan monogrums. Berlin. Wilson, Ariana, Thomas follows the call of the Lord, goes as Plate VI, 2, and Plate XXI, 16. architect to India, and builds a palace for the "The circumscription of the obverse of one of king. He is to be killed because he distributes Wilson's specimens is totally destroyed. the treasures of the king among the poor, but "The second of Wilson's coins has plainly on the the king's heart is softened by his brother Gad obverse above Aror, hence the end of the name, who had been resuscitated from the dead, and the METAAOY may be seen on the drawing (on ho humbles himself before the apostle. The the right) like Mrady, then roH. The rol (yov apostlo preaches the gospel, and then betakes not you cannot however belong to the ... pápov himself 'in superiorem Indiam.' The very pre- because two or at least one line intervenes. sence of the apostle Thomas in India has been Prinsep-Thomas (vol. II, pp. 215, 4) read BACIAEO doubted, but such questions do not concern me; .. APOY (?). but this medieval collector of legends gives facts, "The Berlin specimen displays only indistinct credibly and faithfully culled by him from ancient traces of a circumscription on the chief side. sources in his possession, not so much events as "The reverse of the first of Wilson's specimens the diplomatically correct mention of the name of he reads mahdrdja (rdjardjasa) miramatasa; the the king, who, as the coins at any rate appear drawing does not quite agree with this. certainly to imply, reigned during the time of the "The reverse of the second better specimen of apostles, consequently in the 1st century A. D. Wilson has Gudapharasa plainly. The preced(Inscription of Tukht-Bahi) during many years, ing word is indistinct-Wilson : jayadharasa, till the middle of the second half of it, demonstrat- Prinsep-Thomas: ja .... sa before apratihatasa ing, or at least making very probable, a remark- plainly, preceded according to Wilson's text and able connection of this Indian king with the first drawing certainly by dhamikasa. Prinsep-Thomas propagators of Christianity. How else could the read only: maha ... dhaga ... 8. name of an Indian king, who was so remote and be- | “Dhamikasa apratihatasa gudapharasa appears yond the pale of all civilisation, have become so also to be certain. The Berlin specimen has below correctly known to the first legend writers ? certainly the name gudopha .. The circumscrip
"Further conclusions about those matters per- tion begins on the right, and we perceive with meated by myths, or perhaps entirely mythical, tolerable distinctness mahdrijasa rdjardjasa. are unreliable; that monuments however and "The round billon and copper-coins of Yndolegendary reports agree so perfectly in expressing pheres, with riders and variously changing orthothe time and the name, is distinctly to be pointed graphy of the name, as well as the often spoiled out just by those who seek to investigate the circumscription of both sides, are evidently like the history of these regions critically, and so purify it similar ones of Azes, deteriorated tetradrachms. from useless conjectures evolved from nothing." "Bill. 6. BACIAEWN BACIAEWN TONAOPATAY, A few of the coins he gives are :
The king on horseback, bearded, garland in the "Æ. 4. Bearded bust with diadem in rich dress, R. R. the symbol 8. Mahardjardjardja mahatasa
. E. Thoma, to whom we are indebted for the notice on the legend (Prinsep, Essays, vol. II, p. 914) places the king earlior: but I have shown wby be must belong to the 1st cent. A.D.
I scarcely need warn the reader of the fantastic explanations of this symbol which contains & garland and Scross of the ancient form T, as well as the oft recurring other cuneiform symbols on the coins of this king:

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.... gudapharasa, almost quite distinct. Standing Cunningham: mahdrájasa sachchha (mapidasa) figure V. before, half dressed, with diadem, sup- 8a8a8a. Zeus Nikephoros standing 1. monograms. porting the L. on the trident, stretching out the "Of this variety I have never seen a distinct R. (Poseidon 2) L. and n monogram. (Wilson, specimen. The drawing in Wilson, Ariana, Pl. V. Ariana, pl. v. 16)."
19 (ibid. No. 20 is not of this, but the preceding "A 4-7. BACIAEWS COTHPOC VNAODEPPOY. variety) and the originals before me display only Bearded bust with diadem and earrings, in rich traces of a superscription on the reverse. dress r. Dradratasa (for tradatasa, curpos) mahd- "It is at all events certain, that this 'Godopara vdjasa gudapha. asa or gadapha. asa. Nike with Sasa' has nothing at all to do with Abdagasas." garland and palm r. Prinsep-Thomas read tra- "Sanabarus is in my opinion perhaps idendatasa for dradratasa. I cannot give a satisfactory tical with the Indian king 'Ακάβαρος or Μάμβαρος explanation of the penultimate letter; it can of the Periplus Mar. Erythr.---of late Arsakidan scarcely be d, it is certainly not an r.
times, perhaps about 80 A. D. A contemporary "Æ. Small BACI... BAC... Y; bearded head or successor of Yndopheres. His drachms are r. rdjadirdjasa mahatasa gudapharasa, Lightning- indeed of good, perhaps of better silver than those throwing Pallas, as in Menander ; &c. r. mongrams. of Yndopheres, but later in fabrication. Prinsep-Thomas No. 7. Remarkable, because "Æ. 3. Bearded bust with tiara, 1. resembling this coin demonstrates the suocession of Yndo- those which first appeared among the Arsakides pheres to the Greek kings and to Ranjubulo." of the year enr (389 = 77 A. D.) behind it TT
“The coins of the so-called 'Sub-Abdagases which is supposed to be = NO. Sasan' (Prinsep-Thomas, p. 216) are probably "BACIAEVO METAO CA NABAPO round the ennothing more than a variety of Yndopheres. I tbroned kingr., with tiara, holding a bow, as on the have several originala before me; they are copper Arsakidan coins. Around the throne TTT or more probably Billon-coins (deteriorated tetra- r. . Berlin (Prokesch), Tat. v. 8." drachms).
"Hithertothe letters round the throne have been "Æ.5. Completely barbarized circumscription; considered as designating the Seleukidan year it &c. The bearded king on horseback r.; with (hence T inversely 1) 313 wherefore Sanabarus outstretched R. garland.
garland.
Before him the symbol
Before him the symbol was placed much earlier than I place him (Thomas X and an Aryan-letter.
- I. c. and Gardner, Parthian Coinage, p. 46). The “Half-dressed figure with diadem r., stretching Berlin specimens demonstrate however the unout the R. in the l. arm & sceptre (Zeus P pro- tenableness of this assumed numerals of years. bably not the king); 1. the symbol W "; mono- The T and 7 &c. strokes make their appearance grams and letters in the field. O
in great numbers as a decoration round the "The circumscription is according to Prinsep- throne. Thomas: mahdrájasa mahatasa tradatasa... "The head and its tiara appear to me quite evi. godapharasa 8a8a8a ; the omitted word is read by dently copies from later Arsakidans. This tiara Cunningham (see Prinsep-Thomas, vol. II, p.216): first appears, as already observed, on Areakidan devahadasa "god-hearted." On the reverse of coins in the year 77 A. D., hence the year 77 A.D. is the originals before me, the following is distinct. the earliest date for Sanabarus." (p. 167). Mahara... (trada)tasa . vahadasa gadapharasa Abda gases (p. 228). "Nephew of Yndo(or go or gudapharasa) sasasa. Therefore the pheres. The passage communicated by Gutschmid lection deva-hadasa is very probable, although the from the Apokryph. Evangelium Joannnis de obitu first letter does not look quite like a d. The Mariæis important. There the apostle Thomas says forms are of course somewhat careless, and of his mission to the king of India: Toù vioù This therefore the lection deva-hadasa is not quite | αδελφής του βασιλέως ονόματι Λαβδανούς υπ' εμού certain, but the name of Yndopheres is entirely Memortos oppayiccolai év to Talario. Moreover, be80; gadaphara (or go, gu-) and sasasa in the sides Gondophoros, his brother Gad who was lection, but Abdagasas is impossible; not a trace of converted with him, is mentioned ; now Gutachmid indication of his name stands on the coins. Also justly compares BACIAEY ABAAA TYNAIMEPO the reading Sasan is arbitrary : Sasan may cer- ΑΔΕΛΦΙΔΕωΣ" with υιός της αδελφής του βασιλεως. tainly be a name, but the founder of the Sasanians This is certainly, the same person, and the notice can scarcely be meant.
again demonstrates how well the first legend-writers "Æ. 5. Like. Circumscription according to were informed about Gondophares and his family.
-10 This word occurs also on P. 47 spelt "Ranjabala" the name of a satrap, but Sollet observes in a foot-note that the letter 1 is not settled.
11 This occurs at the commencement of early Bauddha inscriptions.-ED.
13 This is probably a genitive, not nominative, for adepideós =åde pidous.

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But from the former erroneous lection AOAAA instead of ABAAA fixed by the Berlin specimen which I copied, the erroneous suppositions of Gutschmid follow, who considers Barileva to be a barbarous genitive of the name 'Oádas Gvâd, Gad, the supposed brother of the king and perhaps Labdanes (Abdanes), and compares this supposed Oadas with OAAO, the windgod of Kanerku.
=
"Now the more correct lections of these nephewcoins (Prinsep, Essays, vol. II, p. 216,) with the distinct name Abdagasa in Aryan, which Gutschmid has not used in this instance, demonstrate the erroneousness of these conjectures.
"The nephew of Gondophares, as we learn from his coins, was called Abdagases, in Aryan always Abdagasa or Avdagasa, in Greek sometimes corrupted to 'Aßadá...,'Aßaλyárov, &c. The reading adduced by Gutschmid of υἱοῦ τῆς ἀδελφῆς τοῦ βασιλέως Λαβδανοῦς is certain and of great value; this nephew and his name are certainly identical with the Abdagases, Abada...... Abalgases of the coins.
"Gadaphara Sasa.-Gutschmid conjectures to be perhaps the father or co-regent' of Gondophares. All this is quite obscure, and the circumscription, supplemented in the titles by Cunningham, and pointing according to Gutschmid to Buddhism: Maharajasa (sic) sachcha-dha(mapidasa) Sasasa,' is, as I have shown (on pp. 165 and 166) quite uncertain. The specimen adduced in Prinsep-Thomas for this coin from Wilson's Ariana, has quite another circumscription, namely, the usual one of Gadaphara Sasa: mahárájusa tradatasa devahadasa gadapharasa sasasa, and as Cunningham's lection of the decisive passage is distinctly supplemented; moreover, as this Buddhist title is altogether unheard of on the coins of Gondophares and of his dynasty, the whole title remains uncertain; I have among the numerous coins of the enigmatic Gondaphara Sasa' never myself discovered one with the so-called Buddhist titles, hence the whole supposed Buddhism of Gondophares and of his family evaporates, and can be demonstrated by nothing!"
Sallet's volume, from which we have here given abundant selections, will be found most useful to the student of this interesting subject.
HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS from the 9th to the 19th Century: Part II.-The so-called Tartars of Russia and Central Asia. By Henry H. Howorth, F.S.A. 2 vols. London: Longman, Green & Co. 1880.
The first part of Mr. Howorth's History of the Mongols was published four years ago, and has taken its place as a sterling work of reference. It was chiefly devoted to the history of the empire of Chinghis Khan. This second division may almost
263
be regarded as a separate work. It begins with an ethnographical chapter on the Golden Horde, and proceeds in the second to give a history of Juchi Khân the eldest son of Chinghis, of his son Batu Khân who swept down upon Eastern and Central Europe, conquering Muscovy, Poland and Hungary, and threatening the German Empire. The Muhammadans of Western Asia offered to ally themselves with the sovereigns of Western Europe to repel this terrible invader who had established his rule from the Yaik to the Carpathian Mountains, and included a suzerainty over Russia. The third chapter continues the history of the Golden Horde located on the Volga, under Berekê, Bâta's brother and successor, who became a Muhammadan, and of his descendants till the extinction of the family, during which period the Grand Dukes of Muscovy were tributaries to the Khân who ruled at Serai on the Volga. Then follows an account of the struggles for supremacy among the other descendants of Juchi, ending in the rise of the family of Orda, and the decay of the Horde till it shrank into the petty Khanate of Astrakhan, and that in turn was swept away after many struggles by Russia in the 16th century. The history of the Khânate of Krim, which was only crushed and absorbed at the end of last century, is told in the seventh chapter, and the eighth is occupied with an account of the White Horde and the Khirgiz Khazaks descended from tribes subject to Orda the eldest son of Juchi Khan. The Ushegs of Bukhara, Khokand, Kuarezm, and the Khânate in Siberia are treated of in the next three, and the Nogai branch of the Golden Horde in the last chapter.
Mr. Howorth has availed himself fully of the learned works of Von Hammer-Purgstall, Zernof, Grigorief, Blankennagel, Vambery, Schuyler, Lerch, Schmidt, Soret, Desmaisons, Müller, Levchine, &c. &c. and he has produced a book which must long continue a standard one on the subject. It must have been a work of great toil to get together the materials embraced in these two divisions of over 1100 large and closely printed pages: we hope Mr. Howorth may have the strength and patience to completo the third and concluding Division of his great work.
NAGANANDA la joie des Serpents: Drame Bouddhique attribué au roi Cri-Harcha-Deva. Traduit pour la première fois du sanskrit et du prakrit en français, par Abel Bergaigne, Maître de conférences à la faculté des lettres de Paris, répétiteur à l'école pratique des hautes-études. (Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1879.)
This translation of the Nagdnanda appears as one of the beautiful little volumes of M. Leroux's Bibliothèque orientale elzévirienne,' which already includes versions of several Sanskrit dramas.
It is well known that the Nágánanda, like the

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Ratnddali, professes in its prologue to be the to preserve the continuity of historical narration." work of king Sri Harshadeva. Dr. Fitzedward Hall Then the translation extends only to the first (Introd. to the Vasavadatta, pp. 15 ff.) long since seven books, it being "the intention of the transattributed the latter to Båna who flourished at the lator to bring down the history in two more Court of Harshavardhana of Kanauj, and this has volumes to the period of the conquest of the valley since been confirmed by Dr. Bühler (Weber's by Akbar." Ind. Stud. Bd. XIV. S. 40; Hist. Ind. Liter. p. Before blaming Prof. H. H. Wilson for mising 204) The Nagananda was attributed by Cowell up his abstract " with the whimsical additions to Dhavaka-another poet supposed to have and alterations which appear in the Persian flourished at the Court of Harshavardhana, but translation," as this new translator does, it would Weber doubts this and supposes that it may with have been as well if he had seen that his own equal reason be attibuted to Bana (Ind. Streif Bd. version was a scholarly one. If any one will III. S. 106); and M. Bergaigne, with Hall, doubts compare the specimen version of the first 107 even the existence of Dhåvaka. The Buddhistic blokas given by Dr. Bühler (Ind. Ant. vol. VI. pp. character of the drama, however, agrees perfectly 268-274) with the first eight pages of what Babu with what we know from Hwen Thsnng of the Jogesh Chunder Datt calls his "faithful renfavour shown to his religion by king Harshavar- dering," he will be painfully struck with the dhana of Kanauj.
difference; and further comparison with the Sans. In noticing Boyd's translation of the same Drama krit text, or evon with Troyer's version, will only (vol. I. pp. 148 ff.) we have given some account of shew more clearly that this translation has no the contents of it. M. Bergaigne in presenting a claim to fidelity of rendering. Should the author new version has been obliged to follow the same pursue the translation further he might be adtext, and notwithstanding some differences in the vised either to follow the original more closely or renderings of certain passages, he makes no claim to describe it as only a free version--a species of to any scientific novelty. The publication of it work fully deserving of encouragement, perhaps ought, however, to help in spreading among readers more so, if only well executed, than a strictly some knowledge of, and increase a taste for, a literal translation. Most Sanskrit works will bear very interesting literature.
condensation in translating, and the Rdjataranging among them. This version, though not a faithful
one, appears, however, to give a fair representaKINGS OF Kishaira : being a translation of the Sanskrita
tion of the general sense of the text. It is not work R&jataranggini of Kalhana Pandita. By Jogesh Chunder Dutt. Calcutta : 1879.
well printed The Rájatarangint or Historical Chronicle of Kasmir is too well known to need description :
MODERN INDIA AND THE INDIANS, being a series of Impres.
sions, Notes, and Essays. By Monier Williams, DC.L. it is principally accessible to Europeans in do. Third odition. Revised and augmented by consider Prof. H. H. Wilson's abstract of the first six
able additions. (London: Trubner and Co.) cantos of it, in the XVth volumo of the Asiatic We noticed the first edition of this very readable Researches, and in M. A. Troyer's text and French and instructive book soon after its appearance two translation of the whole. But, as is well known, years ago, (vol. VII. p. 236), and we heartily welall the printed texts contain corrupt passages, and come this third edition, which contains about a before any important improvement can be made half more matter than the first. Among the on Troyer's translation, we must have a revised additions are two Essays on the Progress of our Sanskrit text, which it is understood Dr. Bühler Indian Empire,' originally published in the Conis preparing from the valuable MSS. obtained by temporary Review, while the chapter on the him for the purpose in Kasmir (Ind. Ant. vol. VI. Villages and Rural Population of India' and pp. 264 ff.).
several other sections of the work are quite new. "The present work, it should be stated," says
The work now appropriately appears as one of the the author, "pretends to be nothing more than a volumes of Trübner's valuable" Oriental Series," faithful rendering into English of a history which and well deserves the attention of our readers. already exists in the Sanskrita language." But When another edition appears we trust it will he has "thought it necessary to omit from the text contain others of the recent Essays of Dr. M. such stories as relate to superhuman agencies, and Williams on Indian subjects, supplemented by an to give them in the form of an Appendix, in order Index.
* The text used seems to be A History of Kashmir; III. Continuation of the same by Sri Vara Pandita, papil yonsisting of four separate compilations : vix. I. The of Jona Raja, A. D. 1477.-IV. The Rdjavali pdtaka, by Rajátarungini, by Kalhans Pandita, 1148, A.D.-IL. Prajya Bhatta, brought up to the conquest of the Valiey The Rajavali by Jona Raja (defective) to 1413, A.D.- I by the Emperor Akbar, Calcutta, 1886, in to dem.

Page #317


Page #318

No. 3. INSCRIPTION OF VASANTASENA, SAMVAT 435.
མཱ ཨཱ ཆ༧] y༡, མཱེ ན ཀབ ཀཱ་ ༤ T ཎ པ r» ཆ ྋནུg”1 རྒྱུ ནན་ ༈ རྣམ ཀེཆ་ ༡༥ © gཀn(4 ནམ་ jསྨནྡྷf%fe1༣ ལ ssཤིནn ཞ: ཆཙཀ མཱུd ༼r༧༠ མ 08
ཉེ ག་ཨི ༼ ༡ ཅུq
JU
ORIGINAL
ཚུགཔ ཚaa]
མ གྱི ”ལྟམཱནོ ༼ ༡ རྒྱtyཙམ ཚུ) ཙམཤྩyཔ ཆངྒལཾ ཁ ༠༡༤ ལ༣ (༩ ན ཡ ཀཱ རྣམ༔ zལྷུན ལ, ནམoཔija-m 11, zr
> 3 4 8 7 6 5 451fa
SHAGWANLAL INDRAJI, FECIT,

Page #319

KANHERI PAHLAVI INSCRIPTION, No. 2.
در خونته ا ب ور می برم اسم ت و رموز روم میں من
مرادی اور وہ رسموا إن اور جام ع
مسجد مدنی در جمع سردام مرب و م
ع مرور الرسول من اول مره ارمله م که سرزرد می گیرد و در ش ب بریم «ط ، ربر بین
اديك ترم رو رویه شماره وی انیل و پودر کاری مدرن تر و
لری هم در بسم م م م م م اور
FROM A RUBBING
ACTUAL SIZE
SCALE,

Page #320

---
P111
اله
KANHERI PAHLAVI INSCRIPTION, No. 1
۵۲ - ۲ ۱
FROM A TRACING BY Dr. E. W. WEST.
له.
ر
1er
س لمير سلسل
سه
در لا لن * * *
اس
سرير
س سات سو سال ۳۳۵۲
لا ' بن -
W
1
MORTICE HOLE
Julie
سي
SCALE-ACTUAL SIZE.
Indian Antiquary.
P
llla.
-
۳
Ve
رہیں تو لله
دی کی
با 10
Weiler orde
دوم بر اثر شد سب له

Page #321

NOVEMBER, 1880.]
THE PAHLAVI INSCRIPTIONS AT KANHERI.
265
THE PAHLAVI INSCRIPTIONS AT KANHERI.
BY E. W. WEST, PH.D., MUNICH. ANQUETIL DUPERRON appears to have the Royal Asiatic Society (vol. VI, pp. 116 ff.)
been the first European who specially and a Parsi writer soon pointed out that it was noticed the Pahlavi inscriptions in the Kaņheri in the Pahlavi character; thus directing my Caves. In the account of his visit to the caves attention for the first time to the Pahlavi in 1760, published eleven years afterwards in his language. great work on the Zend-Avesta,' he describes the In December 1865, after the disappearance of cave in which they occur, and mentions inscrip- the Brahman recluse, I had the first opportunity tions " upon two pilasters which form part of of seeing the Pahlavi inscription in the tank the walls." Although acquainted with the recess, discovered by Dr. Bhâ û Dâji, of which Pahlavi character he thought these inscrip- I made a tracing, and sent a reduced copy to tions were Mongolian, probably because they are the Bombay Asiatic Society in 1866. This inscribed in vertical lines, and not horizontally, copy and those prepared by Dr. Bhâû Daji were
No further notice of these inscriptions seems soon after discussed in the Zartoshti Abhlás, to have been taken for fully a century. They Nos. 2-4, and the greater part of the three escaped observation when the Kanheri in- inscriptions was correctly deciphered by Parsi scriptions were being systematically copied, priests well acquainted with Pahlavi; but, some twenty-five to thirty years ago, because & owing to the imperfection of the copies, some Brabman recluse had taken up his abode in the errors and obscurities occurred in those decave which contains them, and had built a cipherments. amall house in front of it. This Brahman first In December 1870, tracings of the two pilaster occupied the cave some years before 1848, and inscriptions were taken for me, and in February remained till 1865, effectually preventing Euro- 1875, I corrected these tracings and that taken peans and others from examining the cave by his in 1865 by comparison with the inscriptions presence there.
themselves, which I was then better able to The late Dr. Bhâû Daji, however, being a read. Mr. Bargess has also recently favoured bigh-caste Hindu, was able to obtain admittance me with prints of the two clearest inscriptions into the house so far as to examine the exterior (one over the tank and the other on the left of the cave, and about 1861 he found an in- band pilaster) which, with the tracings beforesoription in the recess over the water tank, mentioned, probably give the decipherer all the which seemed to him to be in the Kufic character. information he is ever likely to obtain with He showed a copy of this inscription to the late regard to the letters inscribed. Dr. John Wilson, who at once recognised it as These three Pahlavi inscriptions are all dated, Pahlavi, and referred him to the specimens and consist chiefly of the names of certain of Pahlavi writing in Anquetil's Zend-Avesta. Parsis who visited the Kaņheri Caves early in Dr. Bhan Daji then showed his copy to Professor the eleventh century. They are all three inHang and some Parsis who were acquainted scribed in vertical lines, to be read from the top with Pahlavi, but did not succeed in obtaining downwards; Pahlavi writing being read from any decipherment of its contents. Subsequent- right to left. As they would be more convely he rediscovered and copied the two inscrip- niently read if the lines were horizontal, the tions on the pilasters of the cave verandah, reason for inscribing them in vertical lines is which had been noticed by Anquetil.
not obvious; but it may be noted that a few Shortly afterwards, while examining the ruins short Pahlavi inscriptions, in the same comof a dagoba on another part of the cave hill, paratively modern character, are found in I discovered a few words on one of the stones, Persia, which are also inscribed in vertical lines. wbich I believed to be in some form of the The earliest date is that in the inscription on Arabic character. This short inscription was the verandah pilaster to the right of a person published, with other details relating to the entering the cave. This inscription is so faintly dagoba, in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of cut that tho greater part of it would be illegible
Zond-Avesta ouvrage de Zoroastre, &c. par Anquetill Not the Sasanian inscriptions, which are always in Duperron ; Paris, 1971; Tome premier.
horisontal lines.

Page #322

266
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1880.
if it were not for the fact that the names it contains are the same as those in the second inscription.
With the assistance of that inscription it may be read, line for line, as follows' :
Pavan shem-i yazato. Pavan tag mûrvâk va nadůko dadak den.
man shnat 300 70 8.1 Yazdakardo bidana Mitro yôm Allharmazd hamdin ikan val denman jinak
yâtûnd hômand Yazdân-pânak va Máh-aiyyâr-i Mitra-aiyyâr;* Panj-bûkhto va Padar
bûkhto-i Mâh-aiyyâr, Mardan-shadi Hirido-Bahram va Hirad-Bahrâm-i Mardan-shad, Mitra
aiyyâr-i BAbram-pankh va Bahram-panah-1 Mitra
aiyyâr, Falan-zâdo va Zâd sparham-Âtûr-mahân, Nak-mában va Din Bahram va Bajůrg
atur va Hiråd-mard va Bôh-zâdo-1 Måh.....
This inscription is evidently incomplete, as it stops in the middle of a name, and also omits. the names contained in the last two lines of the next inscription. Nearly the whole of the first two lines have been broken away and removed since 1870, and the copy of them could not, therefore, be corrected in 1875; 80 that the reading of so much of the second line as does not occur in the next inscription, is doubtfal.
The next date, which is only forty-five days later, occurs in the inscription in the recess over the water tank alongside the cave. This inscription, though likewise cut faintly, is much more distinct than the last, and is numbered with the Pahlavi cipher for "two" preceding the invocation in its first line. It contains the
same names as the last inscription, with a few others added at the end to complete the list, and may be read as follows:
2. Pavan shem-i yazato." Shnat 300 va 70 8-i Yazdakardo bidana
Avâno va yộm Mitrô hamdinikán val denman
jinak yâtûnd hômand Yazdán-pânak va Mah-aiyyår-i Mitra-aiyyâr, Panj.bûkhto va Padar-bukhtoMâh-aiyyâr, Mardân-shadi Hirad-Babrâm va Hîrad-Bahram-i Mardan-shậd, Mitra
aiyyâr-i Bahrâm-pankh va Bâhrâm-panah-i Mitra
aiyyår, Falan-zâd va Zâd-sparham-i Âtûr-mâhân, Nûk-mahan va Din-Bahram va Bajúrg-âtûr va Hirâd-mard va Bêh-zâdo-1 Mah-bâzâe, Bahram-panah-i Mitra-bandad. Mâh Âtûr Adharmazd-i Avân bandad murd. 19
The third inscription in point of time is that on the left-hand pilaster of the verandah, and is numbered with the Pahlavi cipher for three" preceding the invocation in its first line. It is dated twelve years later than the preceding inscriptions, and contains a different list of names, in which only four of the names in the previous inscriptions occur. It is fairly legible, and may be read as follows:
3. Pavan shem-1 yazdan. Bidana Mitrô va yôm Dinô shnat 300 90-i
Yazdakardó min Airân" val denman jinak yatûnd hômand Mah-Frôbag va Mah-aîygår. i Mitra-aiyyâr, Panj-bûkhtõi Mâh-aiyyår, Mardân-shad-1 Hîrád-Bâbrâm, Bêh-zâd-i Mitra-vindâd," Jâvidîn-bûdõ-i Bahrâm-Gûshnaspo, Bajørg-Atûr-i
As some sounds are written more ways than one in Pahlavi, italics are used to express such variants, thus, d is used for d written like t, for j written like y, landr for l and written either like n or like an Avesta o, vand > for vand written like ch.
• Alyydr is merely a provisional reading for the Pahlavi equivalent of Pers. ydr, until its true sound is ascertained. In the second inscription it is always circumflexed, as if to be read aldbar.
• Or, perhaps, KMrdd or afr-al, as the final a (not being d) is doubtful after a vowel.
• In the second inscription the 1 is distinctly noted by a diacritical mark, otherwise it would be better to read Farukh-a4d, a common Pahlavi name.
Hitherto I have generally read this word atard direct from the Avesta, but it occurs in Sasanian inscriptions, not only in a form which can be read either atard or dtúr, but also in another form which must be read atar, it is also transcribed by Syrino writers M dder or ddur. The second
part of the name is here written mahan, but is ndhan in the next inscription and in the next name here.
* This word is illegible, but is assumed to be the same as in the preceding inscription. The se in yazat, like the ed in vardan and Adharmad, and the ada in Yardalards is written like 4 or ho, as it always is in Pahlavi MSS.; but this is merely a graphical variant, as these words are written with za, zd, and adı in Sasanian Pahlavi.
The last syllable is circumflexed, but can hardly contain the letter d.
10 The last letter is doubtful, and the word looks more like mür, but this would be unintelligible. This last line is evideutly an addition to the inscription after the list of names was finished.
1. These last two words are doubtful, min being nearly all cut away, and Afrin hardly legible; they occupy the place of the doubtful word handinikan in the first two inscriptions,
"Possibly the same name as the Mitra-bandad of the first two inscriptions.

Page #323

Indian Antiquary KANHERI PAHLAVI INSCRIPTION, NO. 3.
: م
ن
يان
زاب
''
پدمة من هنا Fr ساراس العيد
س ربر۱۴) اندر اہدہ کرنا لما نزل
ت ماس مرل بمونه ... به روتردازهم مرر سے فمررررر له رنګرهار کارلا کہ تمام ولا لا الرمل في بلديات الانمعرره قسم مرمر پرتردرگم برام الالي ریزی - روح اله قرمز .
4. 4 مدار دل تم منع ال مره مه
از
FRUM A RUBBING
SCALE ACTUAL SIZE.

Page #324

KANHERI PAHLAVI INSCRIPTIONS
No. 4
٣ سم دم دمزار
الدل
re
No. 5.
مه سرا
سفره )
Xullew
بر ۲
FROM COPIES BY DR. E. W. WEST.

Page #325

NOVEMBER, 1880.)
THE PAHLAVI INSCRIPTIONS AT KAŅHERI.
267
Mah-bâzâe, Mâh-alyyâr va Bandêsh* i Hîrâd-farukhó, va Mâh-bandâd-i Gêhân-khash chash"-nyôkhsh.
The following are translations of these three inscriptions, as transcribed above; the words in italics being understood, but not expressed, in the original Pahlavi :
1. In the name of God.15 Through strong omens and the good Judge this year 378 of Yazdakard, on the day Adhar- mazd of the month Mitrô (10th October 1009), there have come to this place the co-religionists" Yazdan-pansk and Mâh-aiyyâr sons of Mitra- aiyyar, Panj-bûkht and Padar-bûkht sons of Máh-aiyyâr, Mardan-shad son of Hirad-Bahram and Hîrad-Bahrâm son of Mardan-shad, Mitraaiyyâr son of Bahrâm-pankh and Bâbrâm-panah son of Mitra-alyyâr, Falan-zâd and Zâd-sparham sons of Atûr-mâhân, Nák-mâhân, Din-Bahrâm Bajúrg-átûr, Hârâd-mard, and Bêh-zâd son of Mah.....
2. In the name of God. In the year 378 of Yazdakard, the month Avân and day Mitrô (24th November 1009), there have come to this place the co-religionists Yazdan-pânak and Mâh-aiyyar, sons of Mitraaiyyår, Panj-bûkht and Padar-bûkht sons of Mâh-aiyyar, Mardân-shậd son of Hirad-BAbrâm and Hirad-Bahram" son of Mardan-shậd, Mitraaiyyår son of BAhrâm-panah and Bahrâm-panah son of Mitra-aiyyår, Falân-zâd and Zad-sparham sons of Atûr-mâhân, Nak-mâhân, Dîn-Bährám, Bajůrg-âtûr, Hirâd-mard, and Bêh-zâd sons of Mâh-bázke, and Båbrâm-panah son of Mitrabandad. In the month Aturo Allharmazd son of Avân-bandád died.'
3. In the name of God." In the month Mitrô and day Ding of the year 390 of Yazdakard (30th October 1021) there have come from Irân" to this place Mâh. Frôbag and MAb-alyyáros sons of Mitra-aiyyâr Panj-bûkht" son of Mâh-aiyyår, Mardan-shado
son of Hîråd-Bahrain, Bôh-zâd son of Mitravindad, Javidan-bûd son of Babrâm-Gushnasp, Bajúrg-âtûres son of Mâh-bázke, MAh-aiyyâr and Bandôsh sons of Hîrâd-farukhỏ, and Mah-bandad son of Gôhân-khash, the listener to instruction."
It must have been during the visit mentioned in this third inscription that the few words were inscribed on the dâgoba, as mentioned above ; for they mention the same year and one of the same names. This short inscription (No. 5 on the accompanying plate), was correctly deciphered in 1866, as published in the Zartoshti Abhids, No. 3, p. 164, and is as follows:
Shnat 300 90-1 Yazdaka(rd) Shatra-iyar
Mâh-Fröba(g). The year 390 of Yazdakard Shatra-iyår. MAh-Frôbag.
Besides these four Pahlavi inscriptions at Kaņhori there has been a fifth (No. 4 on the plate), of which only two or three detached letters are legible on another stone of the dâgoba, which is now in the Museum of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. This inscription appears to have consisted of seven vertical lines on a flat space between two groups of sculpture; but the surface of the stone is so much decayed, that the letters legible are only just sufficient to show that the words have been Pahlavi.
The interest attaching to these Pahlavi inscriptions is threefold :-First, they show that | Parsis visited the Kanheri Caves early in the
eleventh century. Secondly, they exhibit the form of Pahlavi writing at that period, though due allowance must be made for the fact that such cursive writing is not well-adapted for inscribing on stone. Thirdly, they indicate what kind of names was commonly used by the Parsis of those times; differing very much from the kind now in use.
13 Or, perhaps, Bisth. 2. This word is doubtful, being partly broken away. 16 The Pahlavi word is here in the singular number.
16 As already stated, the reading of this first phase is doubtful. Another guess would make it mean "in a good omened and happy state I write."
11 This word is doubtful, but hamdingkan seems to be the only intelligible reading for it as it stands in No. 2.
13 Breaking off in the middle of a name.
19 Probably son of the preceding man, who had been named after his grandfather, a custom still common among the Parsis.
10 That is in the following month (9th Dec, to 8th Jan.). It might possibly be "on the day MAh of the month Ator
(20th Deo.)"; or it might be translated "Mah-Atdr and A dharmad sons of Avan-bandAd died," but the word " died" is doubtful. This last sentence seems to have been a later addition to the inscription.
The Pahlavi word is here in the plural number. 13 The words "from Iran" are doubtful, being partly cat away to form a mortice in the rock for attaching woodwork.
» These four names also ocour in the former lists in Nos. 1 and 2:
3. This last phrase is doubtful, and it is possible that the list of name is incomplete in this inscription, as it is in that on the other pilaster.

Page #326

268
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1880.
With regard to the writing it may be noticed Hirad-farukhổ with Dâd-farukh ; "1 BÅhramthat it differs but little from that of the oldest Gushnasp with MAh-Gôshồsp (Gashnasp)" and MSS. extant, which were written three cen- Mihrâm-Gushnasp;" and Atür-mAhân and Nûkturies later. The chief differences are that the måhân with Barz-máhân.88 letter & is more like the letter & than in the In the translations of these inscriptions the MSS., differing merely in being a deeper letter, dates corresponding to those inscribed have and that in compounds of a and m, or sh and m, been calculated on the assumption that these the upper stem of the m has almost disappeared, Parsi visitors used the calendar of the Indian and the first letter is set close down upon the Parsis. This is, of course, not quite certain; second.
but if they used the calendar of the Persian With reference to the men's names we find they Parsis, which makes the dates one month were very much of the same character as those earlier in the year, they must have arrived at borne by the old commentators on the Avesta, i the caves in September, when the jungle is most and others mentioned in the Bundahish and impenetrable, whereas in October the paths are elsewhere, who lived between the sixth and usually open, and the caves are easy of access ninth centuries. Thus, the names M A h-a yar from that month till the following August, and Z a d-sparham occur as names of the ninth when the jungle again becomes difficult to century in Bandahish xxxiii, 7, 11;" Mitro- traverse for two months. ay år occurs in the Vijirkard-i Dinil as the It is possible that the first two inscriptions supposed name of a former husband of one of refer to two separate visits to the caves by the Zaratůsht's wives; A dharmazd is a man's same party, but, considering the distance these name still in common use in a corrupted form; people probably came, it is more likely that Yazd-pani h or Y a z ê d-pa na ho occurs in they refer to two different periods of the same a Syriac MS. of the twelfth or thirteenth visit. What induced these Parsis to reside at century, containing the Acts of certain Persian the cares for more than six weeks it is difficult martyrs; and Professor Hoffmann, in his Ger- to guess. If, however, I have correctly interman translation of these Acts, also quotes preted the last line of the second inscription the names Mihr-bundad and Mah-bundâd.as as implying that one of the party died at the Again, Mardan-shad may be compared with caves, it is just possible that he may have been Mardin-vêh and Váhram-shad;" Panjbûkht brought there for the benefit of his health. The and Padar-bukht with Mâh-bûkht and Vae. water in the cave tanks is still esteemed by the bûkht;" Bajúrg-âtûr with Bajúrg-Mihir, the natives for its curative effects, and twenty-seven prime minister of Khüsrô Nôshirvån; Mitra- years ago I found an invalid Hindu at the vindad, Mitra bandad, Avân-bandad, and MAh- caves, who had been brought there during the bandad with Afrðbag-vindad; MAh-Fröbag with rainy season for the benefit of drinking the Âtar: Fróbág ;90 Jåvidan-bûd with Mard-bûd ;1 water.
REPORT ON THE ANCIENT INSCRIPTIONS IN THE NORTH-WESTERN PROVINCE AND IN THE DISTRICTS OF MATALE AND
TRINKOMALI, CEYLON
BY DR. E. MÜLLER.
(Continued from p. 14.)" During a second trip to the North-Western of the Christian era. I give here the transcripts Province, and to the districts of Matale and of those which are well enough preserved to Trinkomali, I corrected the copies of the allow of a translation -- inscriptions discovered previously, and found
(1) Kaika wa, four miles from Balalla on several new ones belonging to the first centuries the road to Yapahu : 15 See Sacred Books of the East, vol. V, p. 147...
* See Sacred Books of the East, vol. V, p. 147. 96 See p. 22 of Dastur Peshotanji Behramji's edition of 30 Ibid. p. 194. the text.
31 Ibid. p. 244. 31 See Hoffmann's Auszüge aus syrischen Akten per- * See Hoffmann's Auszüge, &c. pp. 94-98. sischer Märtyrer ; Leipzig, 1880; pp. 87-91.
33 Ibid, noto 601. 18 Ibid. p. 297.
See also ante, vol. VIII, p. 221.

Page #327

NOVEMBER, 1880.]
CEYLON INSCRIPTIONS.
269
Siddham. Patama tera Warasi ametaha jita the 4 ganas of the chief thera Majiba are given Amaryawa ameti Ababa cha duti bati .......1 to the chaitya in the Chakadharaka vibâra, and ........... Wadbachetabata ja bikaragata to the congregation of the priests. To the ja dina.
Chakadharaka vihara they are given.' Hail! Amaryawa, the daughter of the
For puwadara we find puwayasa at Habarane chief thera minister Warasi (P), and the second and puridasa at Inginimitiya; the meaning of brother of the minister Abhaya gave ...... it is doubtful. Sawanaka is evidently the con............... to the Wadhachaitya
trary of awanalot in the Habarane inscription. and to the priesthood.'
Tusa occurs also in the name of the village In the name Amarya wa we have a com
Thusavattika, Mah. I., 243. Majjhima was the bination of ry analogous to that of ny in the
name of one of the theras who accompanied inscription at Kirinde, see Goldschmidt's Report
Mahinda to Ceylon (Mah. I., 71, 74). It also (Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 321). Wadhachetahata
occurs in an inscription at Pidaruwagala and bikusagata are the oldest instances I met
near Sigiri, which runs thus : with of the Sinhalese dative composed from the Kolagâ mas&waputa Majimayasa jitaya Tisadegenitive in ha = sya + ata=artháya. Sagata wiya lene sagasa already represents the more modern form, where “The cave of Tisâ dewi, daughter of Majthe h of the genitive is dropped ; ja is the jhima, son of Kolag & mas a wa, is given intermediate form between the old cha and the to the priesthood.' modern da, d or t, which is now used in Sinhalese. The name of the king in this inscription
(2.) Binpokuna, five miles from Galga- Gâmiņi Abhaya may either point to muwa :
Gaja bahu Gâmiņi (116-119 A.D.) or to Siddham. Datanaka ametaha
Meghawenna Abhaya (302-320 A.D.), (2) chetahata do kariha ka kubare råja Daruka- but to judge from the form of the character it chetaha wawiye cha nithala chadawawihi
is more probable that it belongs to the latter (3) ka.
of the two. Hail! Two karishas and four paddy fields (4.) Kottarakimbiy Awa, four miles [shall be the property] of the minister D Ath A- from Hiripitiya, not far from the road to Ananåga, and the same number the property of radhapura :the chaitya of king Dhara ka, at the Chandra Payati theraha lene savayiths.... sadhamasa tank.'
(2) sagahathaya Wesawasikagamawawi me lenahi The character rendered by ka in the transcript
nawanikate. line 2, 8, is the numeral which expresses 4 in
This was called the cave of the thera old inscriptions, see Burnell's South Indian
Payati. The tank of the village WesaPaloengraphy, Pl. xxiii. The numeraldo' for
wasika at this cave has been restored for the two occurs also in the inscription at Haba
priesthood of the true religion.' rane, line 4, 10, where however it was misun
The language of this inscription resembles derstood by Goldschmidt. Nithala is most
very closely that of the Aboka inscriptions, probably a mistake fornithila' = nitfhita.
although I do not believe that it can be so old. (3.) Periya ka du vihara, four miles from
We find here the aspirates th in thera, savayitha Dehelgomuwa on the road from Kurunegala to
sagahathayı, and dh in sadhama, where other Dambula :
inscriptions have the unaspirated , d. As far Gamaņi Aba rajaha wa
as I know, only Meghawarna Abhaya's (2) ba........ puwadara sawanaka wasa
inscription at Mihintale (see my Report) par(3) ka....... [pa) rama tera Tusaha ka
ticipates in the same peculiarity, as it writes mahawawi
pathama, athaya, sadhame, eto. Savayitha is a (4) (para]ma tera Majiba ka gagaya Chaka (P)
form quite analogous to kamayitha of the Yogi darika wehe
Må rå cave inscription (800 Canningham's (5) rabi chetahata cha bikusaguhata
Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. I, p. 105). (6) dine Chakadaraka wehera [hi] dine.
It corresponds to Sanskrit aérávayishta. Nikate From king GA mini Abhaya [an order): is Sanskrit nishkrita : in PAli it would be nik. In the year Pawadarn Sawanaka ...... khata, but the word does not occur in the texts the four great tanks of the chief thera Tusa and which are known at present. Wesswasika may

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1880.
be derived from Wesawana, but this demon is generally called Wesımana, as for instance in the Habarane inscription, line 5.
(5.) Eriy å wa tank, four miles from Mediyawa :
Paru[ma]ya Hipaba puta ..... kaha dine. Ima wapi Dipigala wiharahi niyate sagasa.
The son of the Brahman Hipa gave this to ........ This tank is dedicated to the priesthood of the Dipigala vihára.
To judge from the form and especially from the size of the letters, this inscription must be about is old as that from Tonigala mentioned in my last report (ante, p. 10). Unfortunately neither of the names in the inscription can be identified, and the construction of Eriyâ wa tank is not related in the Mahdvariso. A temple Erakarila, though, is mentioned at Mahávaniso, p. 237, which may be identical with the still existing Eriyawa pansala.
(6.) Of about the same date as the last mentioned is a cave inscription from Dam. bulla vihara over the entrance of the temple :
Dewanapiya mahârajasa Gamiņi Tisasa mahålene agata anagata chatu disa sagasa dine.
The great cave of the great king G Amiņi Tisa, beloved of the gods, is given to the priesthood of the four quarters present and absent,'
The title Devanapiya has been much discussed with regard to the edicts of Rupnath, Sahasram and Bairat, which Dr. Bühler ascribes to Asoka (Rhys Davids' Ancient Coins and Measures of Ceylon, p. 59). It occurs frequently in India,' bat in the Ceylon books it is only given to the great Tissa (307-267 B. c.), who introduced the Buddhistical religion into the island. It is clear that our inscription cannot be ascribed to him; but we find the title also in two other inscriptions at Gallena vihara and Tonigala in connexion with the name Gâmiņi Abhaya. This Gamiņi Abhay a is said to be the son of Tisa on the Tonigala stone, and according to the Gallena inscription he again had a son of the name of Tisa. Now, if we look in the Mahavariso, the only king of the name of G Ami. ni whose father and son were called Tissa! was Wuttag å mini, and I think that to him all three inscriptions belong. In my former report I ascribed the Tonigala inscription to Dutthagamiņi, whose father was Kåk &
* It was applied to Asoka, Dasaratha, Tishya and others (see Indian Antiquary, vol. VI, p. 149)
wanna Tissa, but as only a period of thirtythree years separates the two kings, it is likely that they used the same form of alphabet. There is also internal evidence for my statement, as Wat tag âmiņi is known to have been a great protector of the priests, and therefore may well have deserved the name Devânampiya. The Mahávaxiso says concerning him Pititthane thitattassa pitirdjáti abravum.- As he assumed the character of a father, they called him father king.'
There are other inscriptions of this kind, but not so well preserved, at Ambogasawaeva and Diyabaeta between Mediyawa and Yapahu, at Niyadawane and Welangolla five miles from Kepitiyawa, at Malasne and Nayindanawe near Ma-eliya, at Nilagâma vihara, three miles from Galuwela on the road from Kurunegala to Dambulla, three at Dambulla vihara, and one at Hunapahu vihara near Yatawatta. An inscription belonging to the 7th century I found at Demalamâna, four miles from Hiripitiya, but the characters are so totally different from those used in the earlier as well as in the later centuries, that I have not yet been able to make it out.
We now proceed to the pillar inscriptions of the 10th and 11th centuries. They all resemble each other very closely, as not only the names of the kings are constantly the same, but also in the text the same words and sentences recur continually. Dr. Goldschmidt, in his Report, has given extracts of several of these Pillars, but the only one he published and translated in its whole extent was that from Mah & kalatta ewa (now in the Colombo Museum). I published two others in my Report, and after much useless effort succeeded in restoring three more, viz., those from Mayilag astota (now in the Colombo Museum), from Inginimitiva and one from Polonnaruwa (see Goldschmidt's Report, Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 324). I give the texts and translations here:
I.-Mayilagastoța. A.
B. (1) Siri mat apa da (1) yan (2) ... lalataba na wa da (2) wadná (3) n uturat waena (3) så gam (4) n kaeta kula pae mili (4) gon rada (5) ka!a Okå was (5) hara bili (6) parapuren bat (6) bun (7) rad purumuwanat (7) miwun wae
He adopted Mahachulika Tissa, the son of his elder brother Khallaka Någa.

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CEYLON INSCRIPTIONS
271
A.
B.
ma
B.
se
(3) ma
purmuke (8) ag m ehesu[n]. (8) riyan no
(4) sa wanaga
pu (9) wa Lak diw polo- (9) ganna
(5) ridase
hima(10) yon para puren (10) is& mangi
(6) ta
puradiga (11) himi siți Gon (H) wa piyagi
(7) wak
dawas (12) biso raedna kus- (12) wa no wad
(8) radol (13) hi upan Abhê Sa- (13) nå iså da
(9) hapanan (14) lamewan maharadhu (14) waes me hi
(10) wahanse (15) urehi da kaeta (15) miya maba
(11) wadaleyi (16) kula kot wiyat (16) himin . ae
(12) para
sripala (17) daham niyae gat (17) tula t& sita
(13) par¶wen (18) aệpå Mihindahu (18) sanae 80 da
(14) me rata.. (19) wasin karand na (19) yae tu...
(15) ... Âwa sirithi is (20) wam utumhi mahana (20) no nasna
(17) wasara
tun (21) m u wanisi (21) is& me kana
(18) ahnaya
maha(22) siribara mahawe. (22) yo ne para
(19) lek &
Arak (23) her nakahi (23) dawa rada
(20) samanan
wa (24) rad parapur wasnu (24) kolamdaru
(21) rae dâna kuda sa! wadaļa (25) wawas tama kaerae (25) wan wisin
(23) ........ek (26) Ud & Tisa pirive (26) bisa mwat
(24) taen
samiye (27) n såhasi has (27) no rakna i
0. (28) pamae yan ba (28) så
nat (1) n rado- (1) perana
Bu (29) ma dayas naka (29) ..... isa
(2) 1 pere Deme! (2) sama me ga(30) ...... wae (30)..... Wan (3) kalae pere (8) m no wad (31) ta sa ha.... (31) a êp a Mi- (4) sirit
(4) na kot i(32) wan d unu (32) hin da hu...
(5) tula
wae (5) så gael mi (33) [madulu) melat
(6) me
tuw&- (6) wun waeriya(34) [sri] rad kol (kae] mi
(7) k denamo
(7) n gamgen The depå Mahinda, who was born in (8) Giriwehe
(8) no ganna the womb of the anointed queen Gon, chief (9) r& Mihinden (9) kot
i s& queen to his Majesty the king, descended from (10) ............. (10) atanin the unbroken line of the Ikshwâku family
(11) .............. (11) nepanna. reigning on Lanka's ground by hereditary
(12) Hingini
(12) kot
isa succession--the son of king Abha Salame
(13) piti sanga ae (13) gam himin
(14) tuļ& wae aep (14) aetulata wan--the pinnacle of the Kshatriya caste, the
(15) gam bimat (15) Sirigala tasage who has comprehended the doctrine
(16) atsiņi pae having made the necessary repairs at the
(17) raeh Berdat (17) no
nas Maha-vihara, caused priests to be ordained for (18) Sirigala ta- (18) na iså.. the nikayas at the Uda Tisa monastery and (19) n megama- (19) ....... me .................. ordered that the (20) t de mandala- (20) we herhi officers of the royal family shall not enter the (21) n radol 8. (21) at tani place belonging to the priesthood ; that enemies (22) wan mela- (22) paeraehaer de shall not take away the villages, the cattle, the
(23) ttina mang (23) nu ladi. royal taxes, the revenue, the cart buffaloes;
pediw
(24) diw that daily the priests, including the high priest,
Hail! His Majesty Siri Sang a Bo, in shall not destroy life; that the officers of the
the Sawanaka (see above No. 3) year of his royal family together with the queens shall not
reign, on the 10th day in the bright half of the protect (?) ............ All this was
month Himata ............. the great ordered by the aêpå Mahinda.
sage declared : According to the rule made by II.-Inginimitiya.
former kings in their hereditary succession in A.
this kingdom .............. in three (1) Swasti.
days at this temple, called after the chief Secre(2) Siri Saag& BO
tary Arak, a great privilege has been granted : . Can this be the year Srlvana of the Twelve year cycle Asiat. Res. vol. III, p. 917 ff, Burgess, Surya Siddhanta, Conf. Ind. Ant. vol. VI, pp. 22, 25; vol. VII, p. 85, and xix, 17.-ED,
pandur

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NovemBER, 1880.
In one place the headmen shall come together and in the monastery ........., according to the rule formerly fixed by the Tamils, they shall divide it between themselves. All this we give to the Girivih â ra: so it was sanctioned hy Mahinda ................... ....... including the villages and lands that belong to the priesthood of Hinginpitiya, a privilege is granted. All the villages begin- ning from Sirigala and the villages of the headmen of the two mandalas, travellers and pilgrims shall not enter, the officers and noble- men shall not enter, enemies shall not take away their cart buffaloes, and they shall be made dependent upon themselves. In all the villages beginning from Sirigala the property shall not be destroyed ......... Thus a privilege is given to this temple.
III.--Polonnaruwa.
(1) dara no (2) wadna i(8) sf .....
(1) ma purmu(2) ka....... tun (3) wanne (4) Nawayae
pu(5) ra dasa Wa(6) k
dawas (7) wad & len (8) &
sene (9) wi rad ku(10) ssâ () warae (11) .... tura så(12) da yo nawu (13) turke
sål (14) isk
mahs B.
(5) dan no (6) wadna i(7) så gael (8) gon wae(9) riyan bi(10) li mut så (11) 1 noga(12) nna is& (13) mang diw (14) [pe diw]
D.
thus in the land of Girin 00, belonging to the minister Wadurag at the village Galutisa, two karmasthånas....... that the officers of the royal family shall not enter, that enemies shall not take away the cart buffaloes, that nothing but raw rice shall be given [as taxes], that travellers and pilgrims shall not enter : Thus we, the royal family, order.: we give a privilege to Galutisa, the village of the minister Wadura g.
Another inscription of Siri Sang Bo [Kassapo V.] is at Mihintale, not on a pillar but on soven broken slabs lying on the ground. Although a part of it is effaced, the sense can be made out with tolerable certainty.
Mihintale Inscription-Upper Portion. (1) Sri Siri Sang Boma purmuk& doloswanne Hihilae awagun poho dawas satar ratae wel kaemi (ya)n weherat [w]e[1]........... .... [we]he[ra]t wel kaemiya [d][yae yndu) ran sat kalandak
(2) isâ me ratae me aleyakhu diyae yuta ran kaļindak ish sangwaeli upaêni kaemiyaku diyae yutu ran de kalandak iså ka! ............ kalandak is& me ratae me piri[wa]ha[nnd ku diyae yutu ran pas
(3) kalandak is& me ratae me ran ladu kaebiļi piriwahannå ran tun kalandak isä me ratae me balannaku diyae yutu ran de kalandak iså me ratae .................. is& yan hae diyae darne wel kaemisyd diyae) yutu ran dasa kalanda
(4) k isê me ratae me piriwahann&ku diyae yutu ran de kalandak isâ me ratae me balannaku diyae yutu rau kalandak isâ me ratae me Aleyaku di[yae yutu )........ ........: diya darae uraļa ael terae we[1] kaemi[yd diyae) yutu ran pasalo
(5) s kalandak iså me ratae me Aleyaku diyae yutu ran de kalandak isâ me ratae me ariki leya[kere] diyae yutu ran de kalandak is& me ratae me
........ kalandak is mo..... diae[U] ........ [we]l kaemiy diyae
Lower Portion. (1) yutu ran pas kalandak [ied me] ratae me ...,......... diyae) yutu [ra]n..... kalandak is me ae! ....... rae pas haemae arikileya[ku] diyae yutu [ran) pas kalandak is kaebiļi piriwabannà diyae yutu ran tun kaļandak isâ (me) ne! de kaebili detun diyae yutu ran de ka
(2) landak is& me ae! ..........y yaku diyae yutu ra[n] kalandak is& mehi i pamanin unu no karanu iså me li tak ran........... .... hawuru-dupatå waê...... para keremin si isa wanun agin ganna isá keremin si pi (ya] keremin henao wadaran ra
ek
(1) samana
(1) nowa(2) n warae ku- (2) dna is& (3) dasala
(3) wad & len (4) ..........
(4) śni rad ko(5) lan
(5) 1 samada (6) mo
(6) ru wamo (7) sewae Giri- (7) Wadurag (8) na e
(8) bon&wa (9) mae, Wadura- (9) nge G&(10) 8
bona (10) lutis a ê ga(11) wange
(11) may me - (12) Galutisa e (12) ttani (13) gamay de (13) Paeraehaer (14) kemtaen
(14) dunamaha ......... the king, in the third year of bis reign, on the 10th day in the bright half of Nawaya, ordered : In the monastery called after the general of king ...... we give it and

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CEYLON INSCRIPTIONS.
273
(3) n kenekanat waêpara ......... isa de kalandak (ma]ngal wae go sang wae go aeļ luhu nama p[e]re apa ..... se pasnat iså det wadi wehera kaemiya ..... daruwan sanga lahanna mangulat diyae yutu ran de kalandak kahay de paelak sal is& mehi
(+) wað pâra karana tak denahat weherat pili[ma] deka iså de kenekun kalandak kaelae pawanu iså.
Hail! His Majesty Siri Sang Bo, in the 12th year of his reign, on the dark poya day of Hihila, ordered the workmen in the four kingdoms for the vihả ras ............. it is right for the vihậras to give to the workmen; seven kalandas of gold shall be given to the chief writer, oue kalanda of gold shall be given to a workman born on the ground of the priesthood, two kalandas of gold to ........ ........... kalandas in this kingdom to the sweeper, five ka!andas of gold in this kingdom to the man who having received this gold divides the shares, three kalandas of gold in this kingdom to the superintendent, two kalandas of gold in this country ......... ......... shall be given to the workmen for water and fuel, ten kalandas of gold in this country shall be given to the sweeper, two kalandas of gold in this country shall be given to the superintendent, one kalanda of gold in this kingdom shall be given to the chief writer ......... ........... shall be given to labourers for water and fuel, on sluices, (?) channels and banks of a river, fifteen kalandas of gold in this country shall be given to the accountant of this; two kalandas of gold in this country shall be given to the chief writer of this; two ka!andas of gold in this country (shall be given to the ............ of this ........... .... kalandas (of gold] shall be given to the labourers on ................ channels and banks, five kalandas of gold in this country shall be given to ......... two ka!andas of gold shall be given to the ......... on the bank of this channel five ka!andas of gold shall be given to him who [divides] the shares ; three kalandas of gold to the overseers on the two banks of the channel: two kalandas of gold shall be given to ....
...... on the bank of this channel, one kalanda of gold to him who only .................... yearly for making a road to the tank, ......
::.............. shall the workmen of the vihậrs and their children give
to the distributor of the priesthood, two kalandas and two paelas of rice to the accountant, and for two statues to the temple ...........
It is difficult to identify the names in the inscriptions of Inginimitiya and Polonnaruwa. The former bears the name of a chief Secretary Arak, a name which occurs several times in the Mahávarso under the form Rakkho, Rakkha ko or Rakk haso. At Mahavarisolii, 31, we find a chief Ra k k ho who built a vihara at Sawarakagama under the reign of Kassapo V., at Mahávanso 1, 84, one Rak khaso is mentioned under the reign of Sena Silå megha; at Mahdvanso liii, 11, one Rakkha ko under Dapulo V. builds the Ilanga kwasa. The name Siri Sang Bo points to Kassapo V., who always bears this title, but it is by no means impossible that some other king may have had it besides him. The title mahaleka or mahale or mahdlanan seems to have been very frequent at the time of Kassapo and his successors. In the inscription of Mahakalattaewa, mention is made of a mahale of King Dapula called A rak, like the one in our inscription, and besides of a mahdlanan Sena, most probably the same who built the Mahålekhapabbata vihâra according to Mahavarnso lii, 33. Also, Mahinda I. is said to have built a Mabalekhapariwena at Abhayagiri, Mahávanso xlviii, 135; and at Mahávanso lxix, 12, we find the names of a lankámahdlano Sikh ån A ya ka and of a jaya mahdlano Setthin a ya ka, where of course mahaláno is only a mechanical translation into Pâli of the Sinhalese mahdlanan. There is also the name Mahinda legible, though not very clear on the stone, but this is most probably not a king of this name, but one of the two æpás who governed Rohana under Uday a III. and Kassapo V.
On the Polonnaruwa inscription the name of the king is broken off. It was ascribed by Goldschmidt to Wajiro, the minister of Silê megha, Mahávanso 1, 84; but the form of the name Wa darag agrees better with Wajiraggo, the general of Kassapo V. mentioned Mahávanso li, 105, 118, 126, and with Widuragga (translated back into PAli from the Sinhalese), the general of Udaya III., Mahdvanso liii, 46. There is also mentioned another Wajiro, minister of Dapulo III., Mahávaíso xlix, 80, who built the Kachchhavála-Arama, but he may be identical with the general of Sils

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+
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
megha. The name of the village Galutis & does not give us any help, as it is not known from elsewhere. However, I feel inclined to ascribe this pillar as well as that at Inginimitiya to Kassapo V., as we have several other inscriptions of his in which the terminology is almost exactly the same as in the two in question. Especially the end-Galutisce gamayme aṭṭáni paeraehaer dinamaha-is almost to the word the same as in the Mahakalattaewa inscription in Goldschmidt's Report. (Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 323).
The inscription of Mayilagastota belongs to Mahindo III. when he was pâ in Rohana during the reign of Sen a III., and it is related at Mahavamso liv, 5, that this king repaired the shrine of the tooth relic, and that he explained the suttanta at the great brazen palace surrounded by the priests of the three nikayas, i. e. of the Abhayagiri, Jetawana and Mahâvihâra fraternities.
The inscription at Mihintale, I also ascribed to Kass apo V., although there is no
[NOVEMBER, 1880.
other proof for this but the name of the king Siri Sang Bo. The contents of the inscription are very much like those of the long inscription of Mahindo III. on the two tablets at Mahintale, but the form of the character is somewhat older, so that it suits very well the time of Kassapo V. An explanation of all the words occurring in the inscriptions seems out of place here.
IV.
Bartan Baatur, the grandfather of Chinghiz Khân, was styled Ebuken, a soubriquet applied by the Mongols to the grandfather or second ancestor of their chiefs.' It would seem that he did not actually reign, and either died before his brother Kutlugh, or was killed by the Taijut as one legend reports. Nor was he in fact entitled to reign, since his elder brother Ukin Berkhakh left descendants. His wife, according to Rashidu'd-din, was called Sunigel Fujin, Fujin being a Chinese title for 'princess.' She belonged to the Bargut tribe, Ssanang Setzen calls her Sain Maral Khayak. Sain Maral means the 'Good Hind.' By her Bartan had four sons-Mangetu Kian, the Ming-ko-tu-ha-yan of the Yuan-shi, Nikun Taishi, called Chi-hwan-ta-shi in the Yuan-shi, and Bukan Taishi by Aba'lghâzi, Yessugei Baatur, and Daritai Uchtgen called Ta-li-chan in the Yuan-shi. This is the order in which the names occur in the several authorities. Although all four had sons, Yessugei
Inscriptions of the 12th and 13th centuries are in great number at Polonnaruwa belonging to the kings Parakrama Bahu, Nissanka Malla and Saha samalla. Some of them have been published by Mr. T. W. Rhys Davids in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society; of others extracts have been given by Dr. Goldschmidt, as they are too long to be published in their whole extent. At Kantalai also I found a stone seat of Nissanka Malla, the contents of which are almost exactly the same as those of the stone seats of Kiriwehâra and Jetawanârâma at Polonnaruwa. Colombo, 10th November, 1879.
CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from p. 247.)
became the representative of the family, and succeeded Kutlugh not only as chief of the Mongols but as Kh â kan or Imperator, and we find him acting as Kutlugh's heir and supplying the funeral meats after his supposed death as we have related above, and this although Kutlugh left two sons, named Juchi Khân and Altan Khân. Yessugei was obeyed apparently by all the race, including the rival tribe of the Taijut. Of the latter we are told that on the death of Anbakhai a discussion arose about the succession. His sons and relations collected the chiefs of the tribe who met together to elect a successor. The discussion was prolonged, as none of them wished to have the position. They first approached Tuda Anbakhai's grandson, and the senior prince of the house, and asked him whom he thought worthy of the position. He suggested Terkutai Khiriltuk, who was also a grandson of Anbakhai, but he in turn suggested Metu-Gun-Sajan, who also declined saying -"How can I undertake to decide what should be done in such a weighty business. I feel
1 Abu'lghazi, p. 78.

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS.
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like a sparrow, who either keeps hopping round a snare until he falls into it, or flies suddenly to the crest of a tree to escape falling into the trap. I as a Karaju know the limits of my words, but I have not at command words befitting a king. The Karajus are like stallions who have been brought up on the milk of two mares, and have become satiated and stout. If you will assemble a council, and will agree together, then I will surrender my wishes to all, (i. e. accept the chieftainship.) If, however, you disagree, and feud and dissension arises in your ulusses I shall still be satisfied." In this wise he said many things, and began to weep and left the meeting. "Eventually," Rashid says, "according to the annals they apparently elected Terkutai Khiriltuk."
Let us now return again to Yessugei Khakhan, who as Chinghiz Khân's father and the first ancestor was styled Echigué. Yessugei is derived from the Mongol word yissun or yessu, meaning 'nine,' a number deemed fortunate and almost sacred among the Asiatic nomades. Baatur or Baghatur is a well known soubriquet in Mongol, meaning 'brave' or 'heroic. It is the original of the title of Behadur. The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi reports that once when Yessugei was hawking on the river Onon,-(the Altan Topchi and Ssanang Setzen say he was following the tracks of a hare in the snow,)-he saw a man of the race Merki named Yeke Jiladu, who was carrying off a maiden whom he had captured from the tribe Olkhon.' Having noticed that she was a beauty, he immediately gallopped home, and soon returned with his brothers Nikun Taishi and Daritai Uchugen. Yeke Jiladu seeing them thus return, sped quickly over a ridge and defile, and joined his wife. She bade him haste away, as it was clear they would do him harm. "If you preserve your life," she said naively, "you will get another wife like me, and if you think of me, call your other wife by my name." She thereupon removed her nether garment, and gave it to him as a memorial of herself. Her husband spurred his horse accordingly, and fled along the Onon. Yessugei and his brothers pursued him hotly over seven ridges, but could not over
a i. e. subject.
3 Erdmann, op. cit. p. 561.
Abu'lghazi, p. 73.
D'Ohsson, op. cit. vol. I, p. 85 note.
• Vide infra.
take him. They thereupon returned again, and escorted the wife of the fugitive, Yessugei acting as postilion, Nikun Taishi riding in front, and Daritai near the traces. The woman wept and cried ont "Oh my husband, the wind never scattered the hairs on your head, nor has your stomach been pinched with hunger. Now you have fled, what troubles will you not have to bear?" Her cries disturbed the waters of the Onon and the woods in the valley. Daritai rebuked her, saying" Your husband has fled over many a hill and many a river, he will not turn his head backwards. Seek his tracks, you will not find them, cease your crying." So they took her home with them, and gave her to Yessugei as his wife. This Saga is also told in the Altan Topchi, which, however, calls the Merki Jiladu, the Taijut Jeled, while Ssanang Setzen calls him a Tartar. The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi calls Yessugei's wife Khoilun-the Yulun of the Yuan-shi. Rashida'd-din styles her Ugez Fujin and also Ulun Ergeh, 10 both of which are probably titles rather than names. The Altan Topchi and Ssanang Setzen call her Ogelen Eke, which according to Schmidt means 'the mother of clouds' or the cloud mother." Yessugei continued the struggle which his uncle had with the Tartars, and in one fight took prisoners Temujin Uge and Khoribukhoa, the Temujin Ergeh and Kur Buka of Rashida'd-din. About this time Yessugei's wife Khuilun, gave birth to a son on the banks of the Onon, at Deligun Buldak, to which we have already referred, and where the chief camp of the Mongols was situated, and as a memento of the capture of the Tartar chief, they called the child Temujin. He is better known as the famous Chinghiz Khân. The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi tells us that in his closed fist when born there was found a hard clot of blood-no bad presage of his future career. I have already mentioned that the ruling race among the Tartars was most probably of Turkish descent. This is confirmed by the name Te mujin, or Temuchin, which was borrowed from their chieftain, for the great World-conqueror. In the vocabulary attached to the Yuan-shi we read that the name means the best iron, whence we judge that it is a derivative of timur, which
11. e. the section of the Kongurut, Olkhon.
Meaning she had taken good care of him.
275
Douglas, p. 9.
10 Erdmann, p. 253.
11 Saanang Setzen, p. 375, note 11.

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in Turkish means 'iron,' whence again the word curious that the years 1155, 1203, and 1227 Timurji, a smith." This Turkish word has should each of them correspond to a swine's apparently been adopted in Mongol, for Schmidt year in the cycle." Yessagei apparently won for says that in that tongue Temurchi or Temurchin himself an important position among the nomade means 'a smith.'13. It was probably from this frontagers of China. Not only did he receive name that the Saga was derived which is report the allegiance of the various Mongol tribes and ed by such various authorities as the Greek defeat the Tartars, but his assistance was also historian Pachymeres, the Arab Novairi, the sought by the chief of the Kirais, a Turkish race Armenian Haithon, and the Franciscan friar descended, as I believe, from the Uigburs, who Rubruquis, that Chinghiz Khan had formerly occupied the central and western parts of the been a smith. This Saga apparently still steppes of the Gobi, and about whom I shall survives in Mongolia, for we are told by M. have more to say presently. We are told by Timkofski that on Mt. Darkhan is still pre- Rashidu'd-dîn that the chief of the Tartars, who served the anvil of Chinghiz Khân, which is lived about Lake Buyur, having captured the made of a particular metal called Buryn, which ruler of the Kirais named Merghuz Buyuruk has the properties of iron and copper, being at Khân' sent him as a prisoner to the Kin once hard and flexible." Chinghiz Khân forged Emperor, who put him to death by nailing him iron at its foot, and on one of its southern on a wooden ass. His widow, Khutukti Haryeji heights there is an obo of stone set up by the (meaning bright and lively), took a characteristic Mongols, who go there annually to commemorate revenge. She sent word to the Tartar chief the memory of Chinghiz Khân." There is also that she wished to give him a feast. He accepted a mountain on the island of Olkhon, in the the invitation, when she sent him 10 oxen, midst of Lake Baikal, on which is fixed a tripod, 100 sheep, and 100 sacks of kumis. The last of and on this an iron kettle. This also is tra- these however, instead of containing drink, conditionally connected with Chinghiz Khån. We cealed a body of armed men, who cut their must now consider the date of the birth of the way out during the feast and killed the Tartar Mongol chief. According to Rashidu'd-dîn he chief. died on the 4th of Ramazan 624, i.e., the 18th of Merghuz left two sons, Kurjakhas Buyuruk, August 1227.16 This agrees with the Chinese (called Khurja-khosh-bilu, in the Yuan-shi, as authorities. Rashid and the Persian authors translated by Hyacinthe, and Khurjakha Sebutira generally state that he was then 72 years Khân in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi), and secondly old, which would put his birth in 1155 A.D. The Gurkhân, equivalent to Khakbån or Great Khan. Chinese authors, and notably the Yuan-shi, and The sons of Karjakhus were Tughrol, Ergeh Kara, also the Altan Topchi and Ssanang Setzen agreo Tatimur Taishi, Buka Timur, and Ilka Sengun that he was but 66 years old, which would bring (Ilka is a proper name, and Sengun means born his birth to 1162. The Altan Topchi says distinctly in the purple'). He was also called Jagembo he was born in the year of the serpent, i.e. 1161, Keraiti. Jagembo is probably the Tibetan Dsanbo, and Ssanang Setzen in that of the horse, i e. which enters into the composition of many 1162. The latter is doubtless the correct Tibetan regal names, quoted by Ssanang Setzen date, and it is not improbable, as has been sugas Degum Deanbo, Dingthi Dsanbo, Mathi gested by Von Hammer, that the mistake of the Dsanbo, Mani Dsanbo, Murak Daanbo. The Persians had a certain method in it. It being whole name probably means the powerful Kirai calculated so that the great enemy of Islam prince, and was doubtless given him by the should be born, ascend the throne, and die in a Tibetans who on one occasion made him year which in the Mongol cycle was marked by prisoner. Tughrul is the name the eldest son the unclean beast, the swine. Rashidu'd-din bears in Rashidu'd-din's pages; and in the expressly says of Chinghiz that he was both born Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, where the name is written and died in a swine's year. It is certainly Tu-u-ril; in the Yuan-shi he is called To-li. He » D'OhBon, vol. I, p. 36, note.
17 Von Hammer's Golden Horde, pp. 56 and 32. 13 Seadang Setzen, p. 876.
** Merghuz was his name; Buyuruk is a Turkish title 1. Timkofski, vol. I., p. 178.
and means Emperor. D'Ohsson, op. cit. vol. I., p. 50, note. 15 D'Obsson, op. cit. p. 87, note.
10 Quatremere, Hist. des Mongols de h Perse, P, 91, * Erdmann, op. cit. pp. 443 and 574.
note 8. 10 Erdmann, op. cit. p. 233, note &

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS.
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was afterwards given the Chinese title of Wang, and was known as Wang Khân. He was away from home on his father's death, whereapon his brothers Tatimur and Buka Timur seized the throne. He speedily returned, however, killed them both, and seized the succession." ACcording to the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, when Tughrul killed his brothers, his uncle, the Gurkhan, attacked him, followed him into the mountain Karaun, called Khalagun in the Yuan-shi, and Hala-vaen by De Mailla. Taghrul had but 100 men with him, and repaired to Yessugei, who having conquered the Tartara, was now the dominant chief in those parts. The latter attacked the Gurkhan, and drove him into the district of Hashin. (This is a Mongol corruption of Hosi, i.e., the district "West of the River," and so called because it lay west of the principal bend of the Yellow River, and was otherwise known as Si-Sia or Western Sia and Tangut. Palladius says that in the Si-Sia-shu-shi, this flight of Gurkhân is dated in 1171.) He thereupon reinstated Taglıral, and the two allies swore the close friendship called anda. Erdmann and others, including also the old western chroniclers of the first invasions of Europe by the Mongols, have minimized too much the extent of the power and influence of Yessugei. The former would have us believe that his sabjects only equalled in number the inhabitants of Saxe Weimar Eisenach, and gauges accordingly his power and authority. The latter, apparently overwhelmed by the sud. denness of the apparition, exaggerated the unimportance of its beginning. Thus it was with Rubruquis, who speaks of the Moals (or Mongols) as a very poor people, without a leader, and as being very subordinate to the Kirais, whom he calls Crit; while he speaks of Chinghiz himself as" a certain blacksmith."
But this is great exaggeration. Yessugei was undoubtedly the most powerful chieftain among the Nomades who bordered upon China. He was obeyed by all the Mongols, by the Kunghir or Kongurut, and other Turkish tribes about Lake Bayar, had defeated the Tartars ; and, as we have seen, was also the patron of the ruler of the Kirais, who then held the central Gobi.
We will now turn to the concluding scenes in his life.
The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi tells us that when Temujin was nine years old, his father set out with him to get him a wife among the boy's relatives on his mother's side, the Olk honut. He went to a place situated between the mountains of Jeksar and Jikhurgu (the former, no doubt, the Jajarula of the Yuan-shi referred to by D'Ohsson as Checher-ondur." Erdmann gives the name as Jagacharos). There he met a man named Dai Setzen, of the tribe of Khunghir
i.e. of the Kongurat), the son of Bosikhur. Rashidu'd-din calls him Dai Noyan. When Yessugei met him he accosted him, asking him whither he was bound. He replied he was on his way to the Olkhonut to find his son a wife. Dai Setzen then remarked that Temujin bad bright eyes and a clear face. He added that the night before he had dreamt, that a white bawk, holding in its claws the sun and moon, flew down and settled on his hand, and added that Yessugoi had opportunely arrived as the interpreter of the dream. "Surely," he said, "it foretells good luck to you, Kian. Our house of Kunghir never had disputes with others about land and people. We had beautiful daughters, whom we gave to your Royal house, and you made them princesses." He then quoted a Chineso proverb that people expect rank and wealth in a husband, but beauty in a wife. He then told him he had a daughter at home, who was a beauty, and whom he would show him. She was ten years old, a year older than Temujin, and was named Burtê, which is the same word apparently as the first part of the name Burtechino. That night they passed with Dai Setzen. The next day Yessugei began to negociate for the hand of the girl, and her father, again quoting a Chinese proverb to himself, judged it would add to his importance if he prolonged the negociations. He asked that Temujin might stay with him awhile. To this Yessugei consented, and having presented his host with one of his best horses, he went homeward. The Saga is told, no doubt, from the same source both in the Allan Topchi and Ssanang Setzen, the former of which preserves some further details. According to the former author, when Yessugei met him, Dai Setzen was watering his horses at the river Tsorgo. He says the white hawk was the blazon or symbol of the Borjigu.
Erdmann, pp. 234 and 335. * Op. cit. vol. I, p. 83. 13 Op. cit. p. 278, and note 104...
** Erdmann, op. cit. p. 199. 11. e. the Kiat of Ssanang Setzen, vide supra.

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or Imperial Mongol house, and in apostrophiz- Munlik get off for the camp of Dai Setzen, and ing the future greatness of his daughter, he took Temujin home again. In the Altan Topchi makes Dai Setzen say " we must make the the Khan's confidante is called Maikalikh," beautifulmaiden the Empress of the whole nation while Ssanang Setzen calls him Menggulik of the when we have placed her in the one-horsed cart Khongkhotan tribe. The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi drawn by a black camel; we must make the calls Burtê's mother Solan. When Khubilai beautiful maiden who has ascended the chariot Khân raised his ancestors to the honorary rank with a whitehaired camel in the shafts the of Wangti, or emperor, he commenced the line Governor of a strong nation."
with Yessugei, who was given the style of Le Reverting to the main authority, the Yuan- tsu. By his wife Khoilun he had four sons, ch'ao-pi-shi, we read that as Yessagei went home. Temajin, Juchi Khasar, i.e. Juchi, the Lion; wards, and when he reached the wood Jheksar, Khajikin or Khajiun, and Temugu Uchugen, he came upon some Tartars, who were feasting. also called Utji Noyan, and a daughter Tumalon. Feeling hungry and thirsty he joined them. Un-| He also had two other sons by another wife. fortunately they recognised him, and in revenge These sons were respectively named Bekter and for what he had done to their people, they Belgutei. Their mother is called Ghoakhchin mixed some poison with his food. He mounted in the Yuan-ch'ao pi-shi Ssanang Setzen makes his horse, and in three days reached his home, and each of the latter have a separate mother, feeling that the illness was a serious one, he and calls them respectively Goa Abaghai and summoned a descendant of the old man Jarakha Daghashi. He adds that Daghashi followed her Manlik, previously mentioned; he told him what husband to the grave, and that the six boys were his last wishes were, and bade him communicate brought up by Ogeleu Eke." them to his relatives. On the Khan's death
(To be continued.)
BOMBAY BEGGARS AND CRIERS.
BY K. RAGHUNATHJI.
(Continued from p. 250.) Niats.
pressed, but traces of it still exist among those The Nagas, as their name implies, go naked. who go about extorting alme. They drink wine Having eradicated the sense of shame they
and eat carrion and ordure, and hence the pracgive frue indulgence to all the vices which it tice among Hindus of not returning from the might have helped them to cover, and are un. burning ground till the corpse is wholly burnt, questionably the most worthless and profligate and keeping a watch on the burning of little members of their respective religions. They children. The Aghoris smear their body with are either Saivas or Vaishṇavas, and the hatred
ordure, and carry it about with them in a wooden they bear towards one another has often led to cup or skull, either to swallow it, if by so doing sanguinary conflicts, in one of which at Haridwar they can gain a few pice, or to throw it on the eighteen thousand of the Vaishnava Nagas
persons or into the houses of those who refuse were left dead on the field. In 1778 Goddard to comply with their demands. They also was attacked by a band of Saiva Nagas. They
inflict gashes on their limbs, that the crime of are sometimes to be found seated on the blood may rest on those who deny them charity, verandas of temples and edges of tanks where and by this and similar devices work upon the they are sumptuously fed.
timid and credulous Hindus.' These beggars AGHORIS.
are rare, but when they do come, they generally Aghoris propitiate Siva by horrible and beg at noon, and visit houses the doors of which revolting austerities, and once offered human vic- they find open; they frighten women, and walk time. Hence they assumed a corresponding ap- away with clothes they see hanging on pegs. pearance, and carried about for a wand and water
LINGAYAT BEGGARS pot, a staff set with bones and the upper half of a These are Saivas, they wear a linga on some human skull. This worship has long been sup- part of their dress or person. Their priests are • Op. cit., p. 185. " Op. cit., p. 65.
Beveridge's History of India, vol. II, p. 69. * Op. cit., pp. 68 and 66.
Ibid, vol. II, p. 76.

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Jangams. They celebrate a festival in honour of the dead, but do not mourn or perform funeral rites. Their women also wear a linga, and apply ashes to their foreheads. They deem their food polluted if seen by a stranger. They blow a shell and beg, singing in praise of Siva. The Jangam dresses in ochre-coloured clothes. On his shoulder rests a conch shell, and in his hands he carries metal cups. He begs singing hymns, and when paid blows the shell for a few minutes. The Jangams also carry a bell in their hands, which begins to strike when the beggar turns a short stick round its edge He holds the bell in a slanting position. He is satisfied with a handful of rice. GOPICHANDAS.
BOMBAY BEGGARS AND CRIERS.
Gopichandas carry fiddles and sing in praise of Gopichand. They dress in ochrecoloured clothes, and sing both in Hindustâni and Marathi.
CHITRAKATHIS.
Chitrak Athis are Hindus, Marâthis by caste. They carry with them a few coloured plates or pictures of their gods, rolled up and slung on their backs. The companion carries a drum, and goes about beating it now and then, and enquiring if people would like to hear of the exploits of the gods. If consent is given, the Chitrakathi opens his book, and shows to the spectators each plate, sings and preaches. This beggar frequents only the Sûdra quarters, as no high caste Hindu would think of hearing a sermon preached by a Sûdra.
VAIDUS.
The Vaidu is both a beggar and a hawker. He dresses in ochre-coloured clothes, and carries a bambu provided either with one or two bags of like coloured cloth, containing medicinal roots, herbs, hides, porcupine quills, tigers' claws, bears' hair, and deadly poisons. They pretend to heal any and every disease, from simple cough to severe maladies, giving some article from their bag as a sure cure for the malady. These are jungle people inhabiting forests and hills. They generally go once a year to the principal stations, and after disposing of their goods disappear.
BLIND BEGGARS.
These are both Hindus and Musalmans, men and women. The former frequent Hindu localities, especially on Mondays and holidays, in gangs of two, four and six. With their hands
279
on each other's shoulders, they are led by one or more guides who receive the alms. Some of them take musical instruments with them on which they play and sing. In localities occupied by Pârsis, they do not use their instruments, and the Marathi singing is exchanged for Gujarati and Hindustani. The beggars stop at every house, and will not move until they either receive alms or are driven away. The money they collect is divided equally amongst them at the end of their performances for the day. If however they are not successful, they break their gangs, and such as have their wives or children with them take a different route from their other partners, and others by the help of their sticks steer on by the side of the road. Some of these beggars have bells attached to their legs, and they jump and dance for the amusement of those from whom they exact charity. Others, again, beat their stomachs with their hands, and cry out in a peculiar way so as to excite the compassion of those who are looking at them. Some of these beggars are placed by the sides of much-frequented thoroughfares by their guides, but not before furnishing them with pieces of bread, betelnut, and leaves and tobacco and a match-box. Some go about leading a cow behind them, and asking Hindus and Pârsis to give them a trifle to buy grass for the gái, which is held to be sacred. Some go about in the evening pretending to be blind, with either a stick in their hand, or led by others, whilst others go about asking for firewood only, and which they afterwards convert into money. Among all the beggars excepting the shawl-wearing Sâstribâvâ and a few others, the blind beggars are the best off. ARADHIS.
Aradhis are a class of beggars who cover the upper portion of their bodies with sea shells (kavḍis), all strung together, and go about with a thick torch well soaked in oil, and lighted. This they do in honour of the goddess Ambâbâi. They wear a long coat all besmeared with oil, and on their heads they wear a cap covered over with kavḍis. The Arâdhis are sometimes accompanied by a man who carries a musical instrument (samel) and another called tuntune. These are all men. They sing both in praise of the goddess, and obscene songs, lávnis, for the entertainment of the people who wish to hear them.

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TELIRĀJĀS.
WASUDEVAS OR DAUKOTS. The Telirája is a worshipper of the goddess The Wasudeva wears a long hat or crown Hinglaj. He is accompanied by one or more ser- on his head adorned with peacock's feathersvants when moving about. He wears a piece of He also wears a long coat and clothes which cloth round his waist and another round his head, hang from his waist, arms and shoulders. In patson a long robe which hangs from his shoulders one hand he has two metal cups, and in the down to his feet. He pretends to be a fortune. other wooden chiptyds, and tied to the string teller, and tells events which have happened or round his neck is a wooden whistle; he wears will happen. He also pretends to tell of the trousers and a long coat, having ample folds, and number of children one already has and how to his feet are attached brass bells and jingling many more his wife will yet have, together with rings. He is a noisy beggar, dances round and their sexes. He tells what a person wants round, and whilst so doing tolls the lookers on and what he should do to obtain it. As soon what a man's duties are as regards the giving of as he approaches the house of a Hindu, his charity. He says :-"Alms were given by Raja servant orders some oil to be brought and Karna; alms were given by Dharmaraja ; alms poured upon his master, and when this is done, were given by the god Rama; by Gopikâbài ; the business of foretelling commences. Having Changdeva; Dâmâjipant; Pundalika; Janâbài ;" got a few pice he, the king, goes to another &c. &c. and names some dozens of other Hindu place. This king, the oily râjâ, is so copiously gods, kings, and saints. It is indeed a pleasing smeared with oil that it keeps dropping as he sight to see these beggars, when two, four or goes along. Hindus think that the pouring of more pairs dance together, striking their instruoil is pleasing to the king and his mistress-the ments against each other's with precision and goddess Hinglâj. He is not to be met with regularity. These beggars mostly frequent the daily, but whenever he does appear there are houses of Marathas, by whom they are much those who prostrate themselves before him and liked. They are also known by the name of worship him.
1 Dhukots. (To be continued).
FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. NOTES COLLECTED BY MRS. F. A. STEEL, WITH ANNOTATIONS BY LIEUT.R.. TEMPLE,
B.S.C., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &c.
(Continued from p. 210-) No. 4.-FOLK-TALE.
“We will not hurt you, or your fields if you The King of the Crocodiles.
will promise to give your daughter in marriage A common story among all Panjab women to us," said the crocodiles.
Once upon a time a farmer went out to look The farmer in a great fright promised he at his fields along the side of the river, and behold! would do so, and the crocodiles disappeared all his young green wheat wag trodden down into the river. But when he told his wife what by the crocodiles which were lying about in the he had done, she was very much vexed, for their crops like great logs of wood. He was very | daughter was beautiful as the moon, and her boangry and bid them go away, but they refused. trothal to a rich house had already taken place.
Now every day when he went down to the So she persuaded her husband not to think anyriverside to look at his young wheat, he found thing more about his promise. But when the the crocodiles lying in the fields. At last he got time of the wedding came, the bridegroom died. very angry and threw stones at them. Then However, the farmer's danghter was so beautiful when they all rushed at him he was frightened, she soon had another asking, but this time and begged them not to hurt him.
her suitor fell sick of a lingering illness. So
into riverside fields, but I do not know that there is any -R.O.T.
real foundation for it.-R.O.T. 1 ) Zamindar-properly in the Panj Ab a peasant
AC Mangant-Panj. Betrothal or offer of mar.
ary Hindi expression is s u proprietor in common parlance any agriculturist or
Sagdr. I cultivator.-R.O.T.
the Panj Ab Mangant is the universal usage, sngdi is . It is common ideas in the PanAb that crocodiles go restricted to the Baninh custos, who are principally there
Parbias or North-West Provinces men.-R.O.T.
common story باد شار گہریاں .Badshah Gharidal

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it was whenever she was sought in betrothal, till to lead to the bottom of the river. The girl's the farmer's wife acknowledged that the croco- father returned home very much astonished at diles were determined her daughter should fulfil what he had seen. the promise made to them.
Some months passed by: the mother wept By her advice, the farmer went down to the because she had no news of her daughter, and river to try and persuade the crocodiles to said "She is drowned, I know she is, and your release him from his promise. They would story about the stream dividing is not true.” hear no excuses, but threatened him with fear- Now when the King of the Crocodiles was ful punishments if he did not at once fulfil it. leaving with his bride he gave a brick to her He went home sorrowful but determined not to father, saying "If ever you want to see your yield.
daughter, go to the river, throw this brick as The very next day his daughter broke her far as you can into the current, and you will see leg. Then his wife cried: "These demons of what you will see." So the farmer said to his crocodiles will kill us all: better let us give wife, "I will go and find out for myself if my up our dear daughter."
daughter be alive or dead." So he went to the So the farmer went to the river bank, and river, whirled the stone round his head, and told the crocodiles they might send the bridal threw it far into the stream. Immediately the procession as soon as they chose. The very | water rolled back, and there was a dry path next day a number of female crocodiles arrived leading down to the bottom. It was bordered with mahindi,' etc. for the sanchit®; they brought by flowers and looked so inviting, that the beautiful clothes and behaved with the utmost farmer never hesitated, but hastened along it. politeness. But the beautiful bride wept, and By and by he came to a magnificent palace, wailed "Are you marrying me to the river ?" with golden roof, and shining diamond walls she said, "I shall be drowned."
with gardens and trees all round them, and a Soon after the bridal procession arrived, and sentinel was pacing up and down before the such a barát never was seen. In the middle sat door. the King of the Crocodiles covered with jewels. "Whose palace is this, sentry?” asked the Some crocodiles played instruments of music, farmer. "The King of the Crocodiles'," answered some danced, some carried on their heads the sentry. Then the farmer was overjoyed. baskets full of food, sweets, garments and "My daughter is surely here," thought he, "and jewels.
what a splendid house she has got: I only wish At the sight of these magnificent things the her bridegroom were half as handsome." Then bride's heart was comforted, but when they put he said to the sentry, "My daughter married the her into the dold" to carry her away, she King of the Crocodiles. Is she within ? I want wept bitterly. When they arrived at the river to see her." The sentry laughed; "A likely they took her out of the dold, and dragged her
story indeed! What ! my master married your into the river. She soreamed fearfully, but daughter! Ha! Ha! Ha!" behold, no sooner had they touched the
Now the queen was sitting inside by the open water, than the stream divided, and the whole window. She was as happy as the day was party disappeared down a path which seemed long, with her handsome husband, for you must
"U Jinn-Arabic, a spirit, a geniug-now in common wse by Hindus and Muhammadans in the Panjab.-R.C.T.
. Bardt-Hindi- marriage processiou, -used in the Panjab among the Banishs. Panj. expression is Janj.-R. O.T.
rus dipo Mahindi, -Lawsonia alba, used for staining the hands and feet; henna.-R.C.T.
o Sanchat, Panj. the ceremony of staining with henna.-There are two kinds Ajj, open cere
The custom is to send a body of friends from the bridegroom's house to the bride's with henna, eto.-R.C.T.
9,5 dold is a large palanquin, used for bridal processions; a smaller and better known kind is the 's dholt in common use. This is the Dhooly of the English. It should be remarked here that among all classes in the Panjab the distinction between the Musalman and Hindu religions is not broadly marked in matter of ceremony ! and, especially among the Jat Zamindårs, the marriage ceremonies now observed by Musalmans and Hindus are almost identical and mostly of Hindu origin. This is to be observed in all their tales introducing marriagos. Hindus also frequently have Musalman wives, who remain such all their lives without social degradation. The custom of Musulmán kings taking Hindu wives is of course his. torical; witness Akbar.-R. OT,
mony, F Gmajt, stolen or secret ceremony. Sanchit is sai Ind chit from Sanak. root chi, anasembly,

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know he only took the form of a crocodile when he went on shore. In his river kingdom he was a handsome young prince. So the young queen was so happy she had never once thought of her home; but now she heard a voice speaking to the sentry, and said: "It is my father's voice." She went to the window, and looked out, and lo! there was her father standing in his poor clothes in the splendid court. She louged to run and meet him, but she dared not, for her husband had bidden her never to go out of, or let any one into the palace without his permission. So she cried_"Oh my dear father, only wait till the King of Crocodiles returns, and I will let you in."
The farmer didn't wonder his daughter was afraid of her terrible husband, so he waited patiently. Very soon a crowd of horsemen trooped into the court, and in the midst of them, the handsomest young prince you ever set eyes upon, dressed from head to foot in golden armour. They all wore armour, only while he wore gold, the rest wore silver. Then the
farmer fell down before the prince, and said :"Cherish me, oh King, for I am a poor man, whose daughter was carried off by the terrible King of the Crocodiles." Then the prince smiled, and said: "I am the King of the Crocodiles and your daughter is a good obedient wife." Then there were great rejoicings, and the farmer after a few days' feasting begged that he might take his daughter home, to convince her mother that she was well and happy. But the Crocodile King said, "Not so; if you like I will give you a house and land here, and you can dwell with us."
So the farmer said he would ask his wife, and returned home, taking with him several bricks to throw into the water and make the stream divide. Next time he travelled to the Crocodile Kingdom, he brought his wife with him, and by degrees they became so fond of the beautiful river country, that at last they went to live there altogether with their son and daughter, the King and Queen of the Crocodiles.
(To be continued.)
M. SENART ON THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
From the French. M. Emile Senart has published, in the Journal standing of these difficult monuments." But Asiatique, a very careful Etude on the Inscrip- much progress has been made which may well tions of Piyadasi or Asoka' which deserves the justify new attempts; and more than ever may attention of all Indian scholars: we give an we join with Burnouf in adding that "there is outline translation of parts of it:
no one who may not flatter himself that he may He first notices the discovery of the various help towards the interpretation of these precious inscriptions and the progress made in their in- witnesses to the home and foreign history, terpretation from the days of Prinsep till the religious and linguistic of ancient India." present, when the publication of General Cun- To group and condense the results attained ningham's Corpus Inscriptionum has supplied to up to the present, especially by exact and scholars new copies of these inscriptions. These methodic commentators, by Barnouf, Kern, and copies, however, he does not regard as of final Bühler; occasionally to correct them; to attempt authority, seeing there are several passages as the analysis of parts which they have not transpresented in them in which the text still resists luted; to extend to all the parallel versions, translation, and others in which the earlier where there are several, the examination hitherto copies have an advantage over them of which restricted to one or two of them; to prepare in the grammar and the sense leave no doubt. We this way, and present in a complete form the find examples not only in the variants of conclusions which, from the grammatical and Burgess's facsimiles for Girnår,' bat even in the historical aspects, are promised by documents so comparison of the facsimile of Wilson for the authentic, and their relation to other literary Kapur-di-giri version. Even now, as Burnonfmonuments :-such are the various features Baid thirty years ago," no one can flatter him- which invite a new study. self that he has attained to the complete under He reviews in succession the different groups
* J. A.. VIlidme sér. tom. XV, pp. 987-847, 479-509, Arshaol. Sur. of West. Ind. 1874-76, pl. X, and ffg. referred to ante, p. 289.

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of inscriptions: the Fourteen Edicts of Girnår, Kapurdi-giri, Khâlsi, Dhauli, Jaugada, to which the Detached Edicts of Dhauli and Jaugada form a natural pendant; the Pillar Edicts at Dehli, Allahâbâd, Mathia and Radhia; the Detached Rock Edicts at Bhâbra, Sahasrâm, Rupnâth and Bairat. The commentary will be followed by a grammatical study and some historical remarks; an index of the words contained in the inscriptions will close the paper.
In all our texts, M. Senart points out, there appear examples, too numerous to be regarded as mistakes, of the equivalence of the long vowel and the vowel nasalized. It may suffice to give some examples from the first of the xiv edicts:
PIYADASI INSCRIPTIONS.
I. Kh. 1. 2: dosá for dosam.-K. 1.1: hidamloke (at Khâlsi hidd); nam-ná for na, like cha for cha; 1. 3: panam for paná pránáni.Dh. I. 4: tiimi for tini-trini; pancha for páchá, an equivalent form of pachchhá för paśchát. J. 1. 4: timni triņi.
II. Dh. amni for ani-yáni.-K. 1. 3: savatam for savatá sarvatra.
III. Kh. 1. 7: nikhamátu for nikhamamtu; 1. 8 cham for cha-cha.
IV. G. 1. 1: atikátai for atikantam-atikrántam; 1. 6 avihisd for avihinsa.-Kh. 1. 9: bábhana for banibhana-brahmana; 1. 12: titháto for tithamto.-Dh. 1. 12 and 15: bábhana for bambhana; 1. 17: tithata for tithamto.-K. 1. 8: dharmanusanthaya representing anusáthi for anusasti; 1.9: esam for esá.
V. G. 1. 3: atikátam, as above; 1. 4: dháma for dhamma-dharma; 1. 5: aparátá for aparamtá.-K. 1. 13: patividhanamye-pratividhánaya; savatam for savatá-sarvatra.-Dh. 1. 22, Kh. 1. 15, and K. 1. 13, we have bandhanambadhasa for bandhanabadhasa-bandhana+abaddhasya or bamdhand + baddhusya with the lengthening of the final a in composition so frequent here.
VI. G. 1. 1; atikútam.-Dh. 1. 31 and J. 1. 4, we read amnataliyam and amnamtaliyam for anamtaliyam, anamtariyam.-Dh. 1. 32: ammaniyam for ananiyam; 1. 33: palatam for palata= paratra; 1. 33: palakamátu parakramaitu. J. 1. 5: kammatalá corresponding to kahmatarash of the other versions.-Kh. 1. 17: uyanási for uyanamsi udyáne; 1. 20: amnaniyah and palatain as at Dhauli.-K. 1. 15: savata: 1. 16: namtaro for the usual nátaro-naptáraḥ.
VII. G. 1. 3: nichá for nicham.-Dh. 1. 1: sayamam samnyaman.
283
=
It is needless to extend this enumeration; these are enough to justify, without special proof, the equivalence of am and á, &c., wherever the grammar or the sense require it. It is not necessary to dwell here on the grammatical interest of this fact. It is to be compared with certain well known phenomena of the Prâkrit: the instrumental enam, for example, of the Jains, in this light, is only a particular instance cf a fact quite common in the cognate dialects the indifference of the final vowel. The same thing explains those examples in which it was thought that the sign of the anusvára might serve equally in the Aśoka alphabet to mark the redoubling of the following consonant; kimti ought not to be read kitti but rather kimti; only this form is equivalent to kiti, which itself, following the constant law of Prakrit phonetics, is equivalent to kitti-kirti.
3 P.-802.
We have just had palatam for paratra; we find also (K. vi. 16) the reading parata, and we have no right to deny the possibility of it; in a certain number of words am and u are interchanged and consequently equivalent. Here are the principal instances:
K. i, 1 samsamata which can only be explained as susamata.J. iv, 16: dusayitu is for damsayitu darśayitva.-Kh. v, 14, Dh. v, 23 and J. v, 24: supadalaye sampradarayet.-K. v, 13, without insisting on ayo ayam, but anamvetutu (or anuvetutu according to Wilson's facsimile) represents anuvartamtu.-Kh. vi, 19, mutehi is to be explained as representing maintraiḥ.-K. viii, 17: we have nikhamisham which can only be nikhamishu, as in 1. 22: humsan humsu for abhumsu; in the same 1. 17 is also found subodhi for sambodhi.-K. ix, 9: suyama for samnyama.-K. x, 21: dharmasamsusha dharmasuśruská.-K. x, 22: damkara corresponding to dukale of Khalsi.-Kh. xi, 30: we read kam for ku, that is to say khu khalu.G. xii, 7, has susamserd which is the 3rd per. plur. of the optative for sususeram.-Kh. xiv, 17, has sukhitena, corresponding to samkhitena of the other versions, i. e. samkshiptena.
=
This fact is important for the interpretation of many details: it is sufficiently established even if we admit that part of the instances given might arise from a material confusion
R

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1880.
between ash and , so easy in the alphabet of I. L. 1: aya, i. e. ayan; 1. 19: sramanathe north-west. It would be still further con- bramanand, for Onanio; 1. 20 : anatá = anantain; firmed if the presence of a “ were not always 1.21: tadatási, locative for tadatansi (= tadátve). subject to some doubt in the Kapurdigiri ver- II. L. 1: kalikha in face of kalikhain at Kh.; sion, by the future usati (K. v, 1) = kasati for 1. 10: judhd which I take as = [ni]rodhani. krasati for kar[C]shyati..
Another remains doubtful from the incerti. We know that at Kapurdigiri the long distude and the obscurity of the surrounding not ordinarly written or distinguished from a characters, and of the whole passage: hanatápe short, any more than 1 or ú long from their cor- (?) xiii. 1. 7. responding short sounds. We now see, however, Only a few examples are found opposed to that it is sometimes indirectly expressed by an the transcription here proposed : násopokani, i. equivalent—the nasal. This leads us to recog- 1.5, where it is necessary, following all analogy, nize in the same inscription another indication, to replace naropakáni ; báhu for balu ii. 1 1, and equally accidental, and different from the first, garámatátara for garumatatarai, 1. 7. As for though perhaps graphically derived from it. ananitariyena, i, l. 15, which it is necessary to The foot of the line, less or more vertical, which read anahtariyána, the whole sign for ye is 80 onters into the forms of most of the letters very badly formed and the two facsimiles differ too ofton bears a short turn towards the left, affect- much in appearance to allow any serious objec. ing the form of the win some cases where there tion to it. Twice (ii. 1. 5 and 6) we find is no question of admitting that vowel. I do upághato in place of upaghato, but besides not think there is ground for attaching any having here an accidental inversion, in the significance to this mark; it is easy to see in it second case Kh. has also updghúta. From the natural movement of the chisel in a writing the preceding we are authorized to regard read towards the left and in a character so the sign in question as a sporadic notation for cursive. The more remarkable are the converse a long. It is however distinguished in the oxamples, where the additional mark turns to the transcriptions by using a for it. right and affects the form of the r group, only In the legends of the coins a dot or stroke, that the presence of an r is quite unjustifiable : used below or a little to the left of certain letters, wa see by the following list that in most of has been regarded as a sign of d, but this M. these cases the reading 4 is, on the other hand, Senart considers a mistake. A somewhat analoperfectly natural. We thus find :
gous fact he finds in the Kapur-di-giri in1st face, I. 6. dharmanusathiye(anusdati), scription. Certain words of the xiiith and xivth suárushá; 1. 7: yutáni, chd(=cha); 1. 9: nátaro edicts have a line slanting up to the loft (see above); 1. 12 gandháranan; 1. 13: dana- below the m: these are,-1. 8; sayama, corressayuta (danasayuktah); viyapatá (vyápritán); ponding to sayama of Khálsi; 1. 9 and 10; in 1. 14: ráya, taya; 1. 15: santirandya; 1. 17: nama after the proper names aintiyoko, turámaye, jáva (=yávat); 1. 23: dharmadána ; 1. 24: vatávo ashtilini, maka, and alikasadaro; then in dharma for vatavvo = vaktavya.
in composition in lines 10 (twice), 11, and 12, 2nd face, l. 1: vijitá corresponding to vijita finally 1. 13 in máhalake. None of these indicate at Kh., satúo corresponding to osata of Kh.; any character different from the usual ma. The 1. 2: táta for tatá of Kh. 1. 4: vihitadesha = horizontal strokes at one or both edges of the vihitártheshu ; 1. 5: sanvihitánan; etásha for sign which stands for m similarly have no etásax=eteshári ; sáhayao by mistake for er háyao; significance (p. 310). 1. 8: bhatánar, that is bhátánám; 1. 9: turúmaye, The sign has hitherto been always read the transcription of the name of Ptolemy. sti: it ought to be read thi, which answers the
With these examples, only subject to the pre- requirements in every case (p. 311). vious remarks, are connected :
Elsewhere' M. Senart has remarked on the sign • On chu compare the next note.
of M. Kern, Over de Jaartelling der suidelijke Bud. . There are also other cases where a positive decision is dhister, pp. 82-83) by its so frequent use in the inscripimpossible; especially in the forin chu, the equivalent of tions in Indian characters. cha (probably through the intermediation of chanh cht= Von Sallet's Nachfolger Alexanders des Grossen in cha) the carelessness of the engraver at Kapur-di-giri does Bactrien, pp. 104, 108, 109, 111, 113, 114, 116, 120, 181, 136, not permit us to decide whether we ought to read chu or 153, 154, 156, 174. cha in many instances. But in every case the legitimacy Notice sur le Ier volume du Corpus Inscript. Ind. in of the word chu is amurod (notwithstanding the opinion J. 48. VII, ieme Ser, t. XIII, p. 592 fr.

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found in the Girnar inscriptions, and which has usually been transcribed as a simple variant of p. Collating all the instances where the facsimiles present the sign with sufficient clearness, and without insisting on the altogether special value of the photographic reproduction given by Mr. Burgess, they prove, what the form itself indicates, that the character really represents the compound pr, the p being completed by the wavy line for r carried upwards. The corrected analysis of the pr-group throws light on others formed similarly by the curvation of the vertical line; these are vr, sr, tr. In xiv, 2, the copy (Corp. Insc.) has pra a mistaken alteration from sra; the word is sarvata, i.e. sarvatra, the r is attached to the s, exactly as the alphabet of the N. West uses dhra for dhar, dhrama for dharma. dra for dar (priyadarsisa), era for sar in sravatra, In both the alphabets of Kapur-di-giri and of Girnar all interpreters seem to have overlooked in these two last as in other cases, the presence of the r, marked nevertheless usually, by a hori zontal stroke below and to the right of the consonant which it accompanies. By a license less singular we find the compound rva expressed by a sign which on the analogy of the preceding we should transcribe vra, in sarvata, ii, 1; 4, and also ii, 6, 7 at least very probably; in sarva vi, 9; 11. There remain to be noted the traces of a more curious r group. In ii, 8, is distinctly read vrachhá, corresponding to the Sanskrit vriksha (Dhauli: lukháni); here r represents the vowel ri, and in reality we ought to read vrichhá. This suggests that we should read also in v., 4 and 6, pra (for pri) inv yapṛitá, written in the following line vyáputá: perhaps, however, we should retain simply the reading vyapata."
PIYADASI INSCRIPTIONS.
"A new and careful revision of Mr. Burgess's facsimiles, our authority most worthy of confidence, enables me," says M. Senart,10 "to complete the proof of the above. One or two instances, which appeared to imply a serious mistake of the engraver's, disappear; many others appear to confirm my proof, and even a new group kra is twice employed in parákramámi and parakramena. Here is a complete table of the groups :
kra, vi, 11, 14.
tra, ii, 4, 7; vi, 4, 5; ix, 2; xiv, 5.
Archeol. Surv. of West. Ind. 1874-75 pl. X. and ffg.
and Ind. Ant. vol. V, plates at pp. 257 to 275.
J. As. tom. XIII, pp. 538, 539.
10 Tom. XV, p..311 ff.
tra, iv, 8 (thrice); vi, 12, 13; xiii, 1. tre, ix, 6, 7.
285
pra, i, 3; iv. 2 (twice), 6, 8; vi, 18; viii, 4; ix, 2, 4; xi, 2; xiii, 1, 4 (twice).
prá, i, 9, 10, 12; ii, 1; iii, 2, 5; iv, 1, 6; xiii, 4. pri, i, 1, 2, 5 (twice), 7 (twice), 8 (twice); ii, 1, 4 (twice); iv, 2 (twice), 5 (twice), 7, 8 (thrice), 12 (twice); v, 1; viii, 2 (twice), 5; ix, 1 (twice), x, 1, 3; xi, 1; xiv, 1 (twice).
vra, ii, 1, 4, 6, 7, 8; iii, 2; v. 4; vi. 5; vii, 1; xiv, 2 (twice).
sra, iv, 2; xiii, 1.
srá, i, 9; vi, 6.
sri, v, 8.
sru, iv, 7 (twice); x, 2; xii 7 (twice). Another compound at Girnar, composed of p and t, was read by Wilson tta; Lassen11 simply admits that to becomes pt in the Girnår dialect; and Burnouf," on the analogy of other groups, read tpa. Kern's transcribes it pta, but says its pronunciation is uncertain. It is found in:-i, 3: arabhitpd; iv, 4: darayitpa; vi, 11: hitatpaya; x, 1: tadátpane; x, 4: parichajitpa; xii, pass.: átpapásanda; xiii, 8: chatpáro; xiv, 4: alochetpá. In short, this group appears in the termination of the absolutive where it is tvá, in the numeral chatpáro where it has the same value, as well as in the suffixes tva and tvana; lastly in apa it corresponds to tm in átma. The form in ordinary Prakrit to which it corresponds in all these examples, which alone. explains its graphic formation, is ppa,-compare appa-átma, the suffix ppaṇa-tvana in Sauraseni, the absolutes in ppi, ppinna of the Apabhramsa" (p. 311-313). The letter then is a historical form and not simply representative; it is the result of a kind of compromise between actual pronunciation (probably pp) and the etymological form (tv and tm) (p. 314).
Next we have in the form composed of s and the dental s with the cerebral mute, and corresponding in turn to sht, shth, st (anusasti), sth (stita), and even tth (ustana) of the Sanskrit. Hemachandra (iv, 299) says that in Mâgadhi-la and shtha ought to be written st; but he adds, in disaccord from the Girnår practice, that stha and rtha are to be written sta. The presence of the dental s is explained by the poverty of the alphabet, in which one sign
11 Ind Alt. II, 227, n. 4.
13 Lotus de la Bonne Loi, p. 660.
13 Jaartelling, p. 46 and note.
1 Lassen, Inst. L. Prakr. pp. 469, 459.

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stands for the sibilants in general. The real pronunciation of the group was doubtless th or th. In the Khâlsi inscription, the sign t ought, where the etymology requires it, to be regarded simply as another form of +, and the form, which Cunningham regards as the s palatal1 is nothing else than a form parallel and simply equivalent to the (pp. 317-323). I. The Fourteen edicts and the Separate edicts jamâ"1 of Dhauli.
Of the five versions, Dhauli and Jaugada only include the first ten and the fourteenth, but they have in common two edicts, the Separate Edicts of Dhauli. The text of Girnår is by far the most correct; it is on the whole the best preserved, except for part from the Vth, and some very important and greatly-to-be-regretted losses from the XIIIth edicts; it is also that of which we have the most and best revisions, the only one indeed of which our knowledge may now be regarded as complete. It is therefore made the basis of the translations (pp. 327-330).
M. Senart produces the text of Girnår in Pâli type with a transliteration from the facsimiles in the Report of the Archaeological Survey of Western India, vol. II., followed, first by transliterations side by side, of the Dhauli and
Jaugada, and then of the Khâlsi and Kapur-digiri versions, the inexactitude of the transcriptions in the Corpus Inscriptionum rendering it necessary to give them anew.
On each version of each edict there is a full commentary, that on the Girnår one coming first, and embracing all remarks that bear on the other versions in common with it, and those on the others dealing with the details more specially belonging to each.
We can afford space only for the Girnår versions and the translations:
1st Edict.10
(1) Iyam dhammalipî devânampriyena (2) Priyadasinâ râñâ lekhâpitâ[.] idha na kim
15 Corpus Ins vol. I, p. 13; conf. Bühler, Ind. Ant. vol. VI., p. 159, 8. v. vaihge.
16 Prinsep, J. A. S. Ben. vol. VII, (1838), p. 249; Wilson, J. R. As. Soc. vol. XII, p. 157 ff.; Lassen, Ind. Alt. vol. II, p. 226, n. 1; also Jour. Asiat. VII. S. t. XIII, pp. 540-545.
[NOVEMBER, 1880.
(3) chi jivam Arabhitpâ prajuhitavyam1 (4) na cha samâjo1 katavyo [.] bahukam hi dosam
17 Cunningham's fac-simile, plate v. (C) has kahchi. 18 According to Dh. J. and Kh. prajdhitavyah is an error for prajahitavyash, fut. part. pass. of prajahati, which ought to be given up, sacrificed." (p. 836)."
19 Fac-simile C. máje ka.
30 Fac-simile C. "yasi pri.
31 The stone is so injured here that the first syllable of this word is very doubtful. The phrase, separate in the
(5) aamijambi pasati dovknathpriyo Priyadasi råjå [.]
(6) asti pi tu ekachâ samâja sâdhumatâ devânam
(7) priyasa20 Priyadasino râño purâ mahânase
(8) devânampriyasa" Priyadasino râño anudivasam "ba
(9) hûni prâṇasatasahasrâni ârabhisu sûpâthâya [.]
(10) se aja yada ayain dhammalipi likhitâ tî eva prâ.
(11) na ârabhare sûpâthâya dve morâ eko mago so pi
(12) mago na dhuvo"[.] ete pi"' ti prânâ pachâ na ârabhisamre[.].
Translation.
"This edict has been engraved by order of the king Piyadasi, beloved of the Dôvas (on Mount Khepimgala,-Dh. J.). It is disallowed slaughter, and also to make convivial assemblies here below to destroy [wilfully] any life in festins?). For the king Piyadasi, beloved of the Dôvas, sees much evil in convivial assemblies
(?) There have indeed been, approved [by him], more than one convivial assembly (?) formerly in the kitchens of the king Piyadasi, beloved of the Devas, when (the word for when' occurs only in G.), for the table of the king Piyadasi, beloved of the Dêvas, were slain daily hundreds of thousands of living creatures. But at the time when this edict is engraved, three animals only are slain for his table, two peacocks and a deer, and even the deer not regularly. These three animals even will no more be killed henceforth." (p. 347).
Second Edict.25
(1) Sarvata vijitambi devinampriyasa piya
dasino râño.
other versions, is here joined with the following by the conjunction jamd for jama or jamayavat (Hemachandra, ed. Pischel, iv, 406), when' (p. 837).
Fac-simile C.hpiya.
13 Fac-simile C. nudáva.
2 Fac-simile C. pana.
36 C. mato.
36 C. dhivo.
37 C. på.
as This and the Third edict from M. Senart's second article in tom. XV, pp. 479-509. On the Second edict, see Prinsep. u. s. p. 158 ff.; Wilson, t. 3. p. 163 ff.; Kern, Jaar tell. d. suydel. Buddh. p. 89, .
29 C. vipritemhi de 'priya".

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PIYADASI INSCRIPTIONS.
287
(2) evamapio prâchamtesu yathì Choda Pada Satiyapato Ketalaputo à® Tamba
(3) pamni Amtiyako Yonaraja ye vipi tasa Amtiyakasa simipamos
(4) râjâno sarvatra devânampriyasa Priyadasino riño dve chikichha kata
(5) manusachikichba" cha pasuchikichba cba () osudhani cha yâni manusopagani cha
(6) Pasopaganicha yata yata násti sarvata? hârâpitâni cha ropåpitâni cha [.]
(7) mulani cha phalani cha yata yatra nâsti sarvata" hârâpitâni cha ropa pitâni cha [.] | (8) pa tỉnthesa kupa cha khá nậpita vracha cha ropàpitâ paribhogâya pasumanusanam [-]
Translation. “Everywhere in the territory of the king Piyadasi, beloved of the Devas, and also of the peoples who are on his borders, such as the Chodas. the Pandyas, the country of Sativa putra, of Ketalaputra as far as (K. and Kh. omit this word) Tambapanni, [in the territory of Antiochus, king of the Greeks, and also of the kings who are near to him (K. Kh.: in Ariana), everywhere the king Piyadasi, beloved of the Dêvas, has distributed remedies of two sorts, remedies for men, remedies for animals. Everywhere, where useful plants are awanting, whe- ther for men, whether for animals, they have been imported and planted (K. : everywhere they have been imported, and the same of trees). Wherever there was a want of (Kh.: all the roots or fruits, they have been imported and planted (the phrase is wanting in K.). And upon the roads (upon the roads is wanting in K.), wells have been dug (Kh. : in the ground) for the use of animals and of men" (p. 491).
Third Edict. 39 (1) Devânampiyo Piyadasito râja evam aha(.] dvadasa vásábhisitena" maya idam áñápi. tam[:]
(2) Sarvata vijite mama yuta cha rajako cha pradesike*s cha pamchasu parchasu vâsesu anusam
(3) yanam" niyata etâye va athấya imaya dhammanusastiya yatba ana
(4) ya pi kaṁmaya[.] sådhu" matari cha pitari cha sasasám itásamstutañátinam bamhaņa
(5) samananam sadhu dânam prânanam sadhu anirambho apavyayata apabhindata sadhul."
(6) parisa pi yate añapayisati gananayam hetuto cha vyamjanato cha[.]
Translation. "Thus saith the king Piyadasi, beloved of the Dévas: in the third year of my consecration, I have ordained as follows. That everywhere in my empire, the faithful, the Rajuka and the district governor repair every five years to the assembly [called anusanyána] as to their other duties (K. : besides their other duties) in order there to make known the following religious precepts :-—'Itis good to manifest docility to one's father and mother, to friends, acquaintances and relations; it is good to give alms to Brahmaņs and Sramaņas, good to respect the life of living beings, good to shun prodigality and violence of language.' It is for the clergy further to instruct the faithful in detail as to principles and in the terms" (dans le fond et dans les termes) (p. 509).
(To be continued.)
30 E has been cut away by the lithographer in fac. simile B.
31 Fac-simile B. pracham. » Fac-simile C. puta a ta." 33 O. samino ra. S* C.ordjana savito. 35 C. sachake. 38 Fac-simile C. sopdga. 31 C.sava. 38 C. savdta ha.
30 Prinsep Jour. A. 8. Beng. vol. VII., (1838), p. 250; Wilson, J. R. A. 8. vol. XII, p. 170ffg.; Burnout on the two last sentences, Lotus, pp. 721, 787. Lassen, Ind. Alt. Bd. vol. II (1st ed.) p. 228, 229 notes.
Fac-simile C. priyadao jao. +1 Fac-simile 0.gavasa. " Fac-simile 0. maya i napi. * C.sava.
See Burnouf. p. 738 ; yuta here and elsewhere meaus the faithful;' pradesfke is applied to employés or rather local or provincial governors; anusarisyan, is a rendezvous or assembly (pp. 495-497.)
** Fac-simile 0. prade. 16 Fac-simile C. sashyin ni. * Fac-simile C. niya si ka." * Fac-simile C. srådhu mátara. * Fac-simile C. susris1. 50 Fac-simile C. saristatanatina ba.. * Fac-simile 0.ndrabho. * See Burnouf. Lotus, p. 721ff (p. 500). * Fac-simile C. pardshpi yuto anapa." ". Conf. Oldenberg, Maldvagja, 40, 1. 94 (p. 502).
* This may be expressed with a slight paraphrase thus "To the clergy (it falls) then to teach in detail the basis of morality, its various rule), and the form 1.e. according to the formulae, and in the appointeil order)."

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Lordship Lodge, Wood Green, Aug. 12th, 1880. In the Sumangala Vilásins (the aṭṭhakatha or commentary on the Digha Nikaya, the long collection of the sutta pitaka) Buddhagosha (A. D. 450) mentions the division of the Buddhist scriptures into nine classes (angdni). This ninefold classification was known at least a century earlier, and is alluded to in the Dipavamsa (IV. 14, 15, ed. Oldenberg) as the division of the Theravada-the sacred text as opposed to the atthakatha, it is mentioned, too, in the Milindapañho (p. 263).
Mr. Rhys Davids (Buddhism, p. 215) thinks that Buddhagosha is not very successful in his endeavours to bring all the pitaka books under these sub-divisions. That, however, is a question that cannot be settled off-hand, but can only be solved when all the pitakas have been thoroughly examined by competent scholars.
This classification was not unknown to the northcrn Buddhists. Le Lotus de la bonne Loi (tom. II. p. 48) speaks of "cette loi formée de neuf parties," &c. Bournouf, commenting on this passage, Bays" Les neuf parties... sont d'après les Buddhistes de Ceylan; les neuf divisions dont se compose l'ensemble des écritures sacrées attribuées à Śâkya."
In the Introduction à l'Histoire du Buddhisme, (2nd ed., pp. 45-60) Burnouf treats of this matter more at large, and shows that the northern Buddhists recognised a twelve-fold division, made up of the older nine angas (Sutta, Geyya, Veyydkarana, Gátha, Udina, Itivuttaka, Játaka, Abbhuta, Vedalla), to which they had added, at a later period, Nidána, Avadána, and Upadesa.
Of course these points are familiar to Páli scholars, but it is not perhaps known that we have earlier authorities for this anga-division than those already mentioned. Curiously enough, the Pitakus themselves refer to this classification! In the third section of the Anguttara Nikaya (a huge collection of 9,757 suttas) we find a chapter entitled Puggala vagga, in the first part of which men are compared to four kinds of clouds :
1. Thunder-clouds and rainless.
2. Rain-clouds and thunderless.
3. Rainless and thunderless clouds. 4. Thunder and rain clouds.
Each of these four classes is treated separately, but it will suffice to say that the first kind represent "great talkers and little doers" (Idha, bhikkhave, ekachcho puggalo bhdsitá hoti no kattá).
The writer goes on to ask how a man is a thun
[NOVEMBER, 1880.
derer and not a rainer, and his answer to the question contains a list of the sacred books which exactly corresponds to that given by Buddhagosha and the author of the Dipavamsa.
The thunderer, or man of words, has learnt the dhamma, and can repeat glibly enough the contents of the nine parts of his holy books, but he is no doer, for he has not taken the first step in the eightfold noble path, and has, therefore, no right views as to the origin of sorrow, its extinction, or the steps leading to its extinction.
But not only does the Sutta-pitaka recognise this classification, but also the Abhidhamma-pitaka. On turning to the mátikd or contents of the Puggala-paññati, one of the Abhidhamma or metaphysical books as yet inedited, we find the words "chattaro valdhak'-upama Puggala," which bears a striking resemblance to the chattáro puggald in the Puggala vagga of the Anguttara. On a further examination of the chattára puggald section of the Puggala-paññatti, we find the very words of the Puggali vagga with respect to the "cloud-resembling men," together with the nine divisions of the sacred books.
It would be difficult, from any internal evidence, to say whether the Puggala-paññutti is based on the Puggala vagga or vice versa. The Puggalapaññatti is not, as Mr. Davids describes it, a book of "regulations for those who have entered the paths," for it contains no regulations whatever, but is a declaration or designation of the different kinds of persons spoken of in the Buddhist scriptures (cf. khandha-paññatti, dyatana-paññatti, p. 12 of Dr. Trenckner's excellent edition of the Milindapañho, just published; see also p. 27, 1. 30).
The chattaro puggald section of the Puggalapaññatti according to the mátiká begins thus:-- Asappuriso, asappurisena asappurisataro, sappuriso, sappurisena sappurisataro." These words occur as parts of a question in the Anguttara Nikdya, and they are also found in the third vagga of the second part of the Samyutta Nikdya :-" Asappurisañcha vo... desisedmi asapurisena asapurisatarañ cha," &c. Taking into account the fact that the Puggala-paññatti deals with the explanation of well known Buddhist terms, it must, I think. be considered as much later than the Suttapitaka, and is, perhaps, the latest of the Abhidhamma books.
It must be evident too, that the suttas and treatises that contain a list of the Buddhist books must have found their way among the sacred writings after their order had been finally settled. Strictly speaking, they cannot claim a right to be considered as a part of the Buddhist scriptures.
1 From The Academy, Aug. 21, 1880, p. 136.

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II.
The Sutta-pitaka books need a thorough ex- not be looked upon as a lato importation from the amination; many of the longer suttas are, compara- south. In a MS. of that work (MS. E. I. H. tively,of late origin. I have elsewhere pointed out 22 E. p. 95, 0) we find the following list :-(1) the Mahaparinibbana and Mahdsatipatthana suttas. Satra; (2) Geya; (3) VyAkarana : (4) GÅthA; (5)
RICHARD MORRIS. Udana; (6) Nidana; (7) Avadana; (8) Itivsittaka ;
(9) Gataka; (10) Vaipalya; (11) Adbhuta; (12) Oxford: Aug. 23rd, 1880. Upadesa. The division of the sacred literature of the The meaning of these twelve classes has been Southern and Northern Buddhists according to the fully discussed by Burnouf in his Introduction Angas, on which Dr Morris has given some im-1 à l'Histoire du Buddhisme, pp. 51 et seqq. Whether portant information in the last number of the this division was first started by the followers of Academy, has always reminded me of a singular the Hinayana and then adopted and amplified by division applied by the Brahmans to their own the followers of the Mabayana is a question which sacred literature. That division may be found I should like to see answered by more competent in my History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, judges. Wassiljew's remarks on the subject (Budp. 40, and it is fully discussed by Sâyana in the dhismais, p. 118, note) do not help us much, nor Introduction to his commentary on the Rig. Vasubandha's commentary on the Gathasangraha Veda, vol. I, p. 23. One of the divisions, the (Mel As. vol. VIII, p. 570). Itivrittaka, however, Gathds, is actually the same in Vedic and Bud. looks suspiciously like a false translation of Itivutdhist literature, another, the Brahmanio Itihasa, taka. The Itivuttaka refers in Páli to 110 Suttas, is very like the Buddhist Itivuttaka, Ityuka beginning with an appeal to Buddha's words (vutItivrittaka. But, as Sayana has shown that there tan Wetan Bhagavatd). In Itivrittaka, on the titles, such as Brahmana Itihasa Purana, &c. contrary, it seems as if the euphonic v of Itivuttaka express subjects treated here and there in the had suggested the Sanskrit Itivrittaka. Mantras and Brahmanus rather than separate When looking at Burnouf's Introduction for his works or divisions of works, so in the Buddhist opinion on the division of the Buddhist canon, my literature, too, these titles refer to subjects treated eye was arrested by some remarks of his on the abhere and there in the Tripitaka rather than to sence of the name of Krishna, as a god known to separate books. Thus it is said by Buddhagosha the Buddhists, which have never been corrected. that Sutta, for instance, comprehends Itivuttaka, On the contrary, the remarks which he made but not vice vered; that gathds may contain geyas; "under all reserves" have been repeated without while geya, again, is defined as a prose sutta mixed any reserve, and the conclusions which he based on with gatha, or Terse.
them conditionally have been accepted uncondiThis being the case, we need not be surprised tionally. Burnouf was quite right in saying that to find this classification mentioned in the sacred if the name of Krishna should really prove to be canon itself to which it applies, as there can be altogether absent from the early Buddhist books, no doubt that, like the Vedic literature, the sacred while the names of other Brahmanio deities are literature of the Buddhists also arose and was frequently mentioned, it would follow either that preserved for a long time by means of oral the Buddhists had some reason for intentionally tradition, we can perfectly understand that al- ignoring it, or that their books were anterior to lusions to the principal subjects treated in the the rise of the worship of Krishna as a god. M. Mantras and Brahmanas should be found in these Foucaux, in his translation of the Roya Toh'er Rol works themselves, and that even so elaborate a Pa, p. 127, had pointed out one passage in which classification of the Dharms and Vinaya as that Kțishņa must be taken as the name of a god, into nine or twelve angas should occur in the but he added the somewhat puzzling remark: Tripitaka itself. Dr. Morris has rendered good
"M.E. Burnouf, dans son Introduction à l'Histoire service by pointing out the passages in the du Buddhisme, prouve que le culte de Krishna Abhidhammapitaka (Puggala-paññati), and even était nouveau dans l'Inde quand le Buddhisme in the sutta-pitaka (anguttara-nikdya), where the commenga." This is hardly the case. Krishna classification of the PAli sacred books into nine occurs in Buddhist literature as a name of the angas occurs. We may in future consider it as black demon (Lal. Vist. p. 435, 1. 10, and elseolder at all events than Baddhagoshs and the where), but no one would think of identifying Dipavansa. The classification under twelve this old, and even Vedic, Asura Krishna, with catégories, adopted by the Mahayana, may like- Krishna, the god, as little as from the fact that wise be traced in one of the recognised books of Buddha had very dark hair susukdlakeso) we that school, the Guna-karanda-vyúha, and need should look upon him as in any way connected
• The Academy, Ang. 28, 1880, p. 154.

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with Krishņs. But if we examine the original father will not spare him even one day. Then passage in the Lalitavistara to which M. Foucaux again the saint intercedes for him, and God consents referred, we can hardly doubt that Krishna is there that if his mother will spare him the half of her intended as a god, and as an equal of Vaisravana, 30 remaining years, he shall live. But even his Kuvera, Indra, Chandra, Sarya, Káma, and Rudra. mother refuses to give up one span of her allotted It occurs in a Gáth& (p. 149, 1. 3.) which may be time. At last God permits Jannis to entreat the looked upon as older than the prose text; and same favour from his betrothed, and she agrees though we might possibly argue that Krishna should with the greatest readiness to her lover's request, be taken as an epithet of Rudra, it is quite clear that | remarking that the years appointed to her are in the prose text, which may serve as the oldest enough for them both. So Jannis' wedding takes commentary on the Gatha, Krishna was taken place."
a separate deity by the side of Visravana, I should prefer to connect this story with that Mara, Mahoragendra, Indra, Rudra, Chandra, and of Ruru in the Katha Sarit Sagara, which Benfey Sarya. He is called Mahotodha, capable of great compares with that of Yayati and his son Ruru. efforts, an epithet which agrees better with the The story of Raru runs as follows: "Once on hero of the Mahabharata than with that of the a time a hermit's son of the name of Ruru, wanGopijanavallabha. The name of Krishna, as a dering about at will, saw a maiden of wonderful god, should therefore no longer be treated as beauty, the daughter of a heavenly nymph named unknown to the authors of the nine Dharmas, nor Menaka by a Vidyadhara, and brought up by a should it be maintained that Sanskrit works in hermit of the name of Sth@lakesa in his hermitage. which Kệishna appears as & god, such as the That lady, whose name was Pfishadvara, so captiMaldbharata, and particularly the Bhagavadgitá, vated the mind of that Ruru when he saw her, must on that account be classed as post-Bud. that he went and begged the hermit to give her dhistic, or as later, at least, than the Third to him in marriage. Sthalakeśa betrothed the Council.
maiden to him, and when the wedding was nigh F. MAX MÜLLER.
at hand, suddenly an adder bit her. Then the
heart of Ruru was full of despair, but he heard FOLKLORE PARALLEL.
this voice in the heaven; O Brahman, raise to I find the following in Bernhardt Schmidt's
life with the gift of half thy own life, this maiden Griechische Märchen, Sagen, und Volkslieder,
whose allotted term is at an end. When Ruru p. 36:
heard that, he gave her the half of his own life, "An old legend resembling the myths of Ad.
as he had been directed; by means of that she metus and Alkestis is reproduced in a popular
revived, and Ruru married her." ballad of Trebizond. Jannis, so runs the story,
The same agency as carried the story of the only son of his parents, is just making pre- Buddha to the west, and caused it to be reproparations for his wedding, when Charon appears
duced in the romance of Barlaam and Josaphat, at the door with threatening mien to bear away
may very well have carried the story of Ruru to his soul. The young man proposes to him to have | Trebizond. a wrestling match on a brazen threshingfloor;
C. H. T. if Charon wins, he will surrender his soul, but if he remains conqueror, the wedding is to take place.
NOTE. But Charon will not agree to this proposal : he says A Hindu idol, copper, representing a woman that God has sent him to fetch souls, not to waste with four arms, has recently been unearthed near his time in games and wrestling matches. Then Orenburg. Archaeologists believe it to have been Jannis bega St. George to entreat God that his life the prize, several centuries ago, of some of the may be lengthened. God makes him this promise Mongols who invaded India, and to have been that if his father, who has still 30 years of life conveyed in course of nomad wanderings to the before him, will give half of this time to his son, spot where it was discovered in the Orenburg he shall live to celebrate his marriage. But his district.
BOOK NOTICES. THE ZEND-AVESTA, PART I, THE VENDIDAD.-Translated Darmesteter has made great progress in clearing by James Darmesteter. Clarendon Press, Oxford. 1880.
&way the obscurities and inaccuracies which In this translation, which forms the fourth encumber all previous translations of these remains volume of the Sacred Books of the East, M. of the ancient Parsi code of religious laws, and
Compare also the story of Savitri and Satyavat, Mahabh. iii, $ 299 ff.--Ep.

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thus preseuts the English reader, for the first time, with a really trustworthy version of the entire Vendidad, although the translation may not be quite so literal as might be wished by Avesta scholars.
It is hardly creditable to English Orientalists that it has been necessary to intrust this work to a foreigner, in consequence of no Englishman being capable of undertaking a translation of the Avesta ; but the chief cause of their neglect of so important a branch of Oriental studies is not far to seek. When the Avesta was first introduced to the learned world, in a French translation, by Anquetil Duperron in 1771, its authenticity was violently attacked by a young English scholar, who afterwards became the celebrated Orientalist, Sir William Jones. This attack was unscientific and dogmatic in the extreme, but, backed by the subsequent fame of its author, and by the national prejudices afterwards excited by the Napoleonic wars, it has hitherto succeeded in deterring Englishmen from examining the Avesta for them. selves. Time, however, has now brought about its revenge, and little more than a century after Sir W. Jones's endeavour to discredit a Frenchman's account of the Avesta, and chiefly owing to his endeavour, his own University has found it necessary to apply to a French scholar foran English translation of the same Oriental texts.
The method adopted by M. Darmesteter, in translating the difficult and doubtful passages which abound in the Vendidad, is to accept the traditional interpretation wherever it is not at variance with the results of comparative philology and mythology. There can be no doubt that this method is, theoretically, the best that can be adopted, but it is frequently attended with practical difficulties. The only tradition of any value, as regards anything beyond religious practices in daily use, is contained in the Pahlavi translations and commentaries, which seem to have originated at a time when the Avesta language, though already dead, was still noarly as well understood by the Parsi priesthood as the language of the ancient Greeks was by Christian divines two centuries ago. But the Pahlavi version of the Vendidad has not yet been fully translated, and abounds with passages that can be easily misunderstood. so that it is often difficult to ascertain its meaning with certainty. And to this practical difficulty must be added the further difficulty of forming a correct opinion when testing this tradition by the less definite results of com- parative philology and mythology.
As an illustration of the possible effect of the first kind of difficulty, arising from the want of trustworthy translations of Pahlavi texts, may be
taken tire mode of identifying the "good river Daitya" (Vend. I, 3) with the Araxes, by reading
it flows through the mountains of Gorjistán (Georgia)," instead of " it goes out through the hill-country," in Bundahish, XX, 13. The original name in this passage is Gopestan, a reasonablo Pazand reading of the Pahlavi word kofistán, "hill-country," but a very unlikely reading of Górjiston. The adoption of this doubtful emendation is to be regretted, as it is hardly requisite for the identification proposed.
An instance of the second practical difficulty occurs with regard to the title Spitam a, usually applied to Zarathushtra, and which it is safest to leave untranslated, as Darmesteter generally does; but he evidently considers it a mere epithet, and translates it by "holy" in Vend. II, 42. This is a departure from tradition, for this title is always expressed by the patronymical form Spitámún, "the Spitaman," in Pahlavi, and is supposed to refer to an ancestor of Zarathusht rain the ninth generation, whose name was Spitama according to a genealogy given in several Pahlavi works. If the title Spitama be a mere epithet, and not a family name, it is very singular that it should be applied, in the Avesta, only to Zarathushtra and two or three of his relations, male and female. As Darmesteter, however, considers Zarathushtra merely as a mythological being, void of historical reality, he can hardly admit the reality of his ancestry, without weakening the arguments in favour of his mythological origin.
In a very able introduction the translator first treats of the discovery of the Avesta, dwelling specially upon the details of the old dispute as to its authenticity, already referred to. He then deals with its interpretation, merely alluding to the labours of the generation of Avesta scholars now passing away, without describing them. But he dwells longer upon the formation of the Avesta and the origin of the religion it teaches, before concluding with a brief and appropriate analysis of the contents of the Vendidad.
His view of the origin of the Avesta religion rejects the hypothesis of former scholars that it was a reform of the old Indo-Iranian faith, arising at a time when the latter was lapsing into a more materialistic system of idolatry, and indicative of an ancient schism which led eventually to the widely divergent principles of Zoroastrianism and Hinduism. In place of this hypothesis he supposes that these two religions are merely two separate developments of Indo-Iranianism, not originating in any schism, but in the gradual effect of different circumstances upon dissimilar minds. And, as this supposition is inconsistent with the idea of the Avesta religion originating in

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the personal influence of any individual reformer, he dispenses with the historical reality of Zarathushtra, and converts him into a mere mythological conception, a view which has also been advocated by Professor Kern.
The essential difference between this hypothesis and the old one does not lie in the idea of development, which is an indispensable element in the history of every religious system, but in the rejection of all idea of a schism or sudden reform. No doubt the advocates of the schism hypothesis have been inclined to lay rather too much stress on the arguments in its favour, and have put aside all difficulties for future elucidation; but it may well be questioned whether the new hypothesis is not being discussed in the same one-sided manner. It is difficult for a cautious reader to peruse Darmesteter's arguments, especially as more fully detailed in his previous work Ormazd et Ahriman (Paris, 1877), without an uneasy feeling that the same amount of learning and ingenuity could easily find much to say, both for the reformation hypothesis, and for the historical reality of Zarathushtra himself, apart from the unhistorical legends which have gathered about his memory. Until some such well-considered attempt be made to defend the old hypothesis, it will be safest for most readers to suspend their judgment about matters so difficult to prove. In the meantime they will find much of novelty and interest in this new translation of the Vendidad, which may be accepted with far greater confidence than mere speculative theories.
E. W. WEST.
DAS ALTINDISCHE NEU-UND VOLLMONDSOPPER IN SEINER EINFACHSTEN FORM; von A. Hillebrandt, Dr. Ph. 8vo. pp. xvii, 199. Jena, 1880.
Dr. Hillebrandt is already favourably known to Sanskritists by his Essays on Vedic mythology: he now has taken up a new line-the elucidation of the sacrifices of the Vedic religion, and with no less success; in fact, this work constitutes (as Germans would say) a new epoch in Sanskrit studies in Europe.
The existence of sutras treating of the sacrifices
Prof. Weber, in his Indische Studien, vols. X, and XIII, also gave a useful general view of the various kinds of Vaidik sacrifices.-E.
We mention a few slips noticed during a superficial perusal of the book. The form vrinate is twice (pp. 17, 90) translated by 'he chooses,' instead of by they choose. In the formula ahe daidhishavya, ud atas tishthanyasya sadane sida yo'smat pakatarah (Katy. II., 1, 22) Dr. H. separates tishthani-asya and translates (pp. 17, 91) "O Ahi daidhishavya [ahe is taken as an interjection by the St. Petersburg Dict.] I will step up (or get up) from here; sit down on the seat of him who is sillier than we!" Should we not rather separate tishtha-anyasya: "O. D., get up from here and sit down on the seat of some one else who is less wise than we!"-At p. 33 for ' atra-winning,' read 'kshatrawinning' and add kinsman-winning (sajátavani).-P. 38
[NOVEMBER, 1880.
had long been known, but it was only about 25 years ago that Prof. A. Weber' first made possible the study of one of these works by his splendid edition of that which passes under the name of Katyayana Srauta Sútra. Much, however, necessarily remained obscure in the details of the rites, and it was not till the late Prof. M. Haug got some of the sacrifices performed in his presence at Poona, and that he printed some of the information thus gained in the notes to his translation of the Aitareya Brahmana, that further progress was possible. But Haug did not anywhere give a full description of any of the numerous Vedic sacrifices, he merely elucidated some obscure points, and Prof. Thibaut's excellent labours refer to the construction of altars; thus, the present work is, strictly speaking, the first of its kind.
Dr. Hillebrandt has based his work on MSS. of the different Srauta sútras as well as of Prayogas, and for these he has had recourse to the IndiaOffice and Munich Libraries.
The body of the work consists of two parts: (I), introductory ceremonies, and (II). the details of the sacrifice.
The fullest possible information on these matters is given; and any one could, with this book in hand, perform the rites of which it treats. These rites are childish and silly, but are, unlike many of the srauta rites, quite unobjectionable in themselves. We find here none of the detestable acts, which, e. g., forms part of the horse-sacrifice, and which are such an appalling feature of the Vedic religious system, to which even human sacrifices
were well-known.
To understand the past of India, it is necessary to understand these complicated rites, and it is to be hoped that the learned author will aid students by treatises on one or two more of the more important sacrifices. Such labours will be valuable in many ways, and will, e. g., help us to understand much in the Vedas which, as they now exist, are entirely arranged for sacrificial purposes.
Dr. Hillebrandt is to be congratulated on having discovered not only a new line of research, but also on having, adequately, occupied it." A. B.
for "he gives it (the veda) the shape of a plaited basket (mata)," translate "he makes it by plaiting in the same way as basket-work (mata)."-P. 40 for "on the conclusion of this mantra the Agnidhra pours out," translate 'the A. pours out the water so as to finish with the conclusion of the mantra.-P. 43, instead of do not split! do not break down!' (ma bher má samvikshak! VAj S. I. 23) translate: 'do not be afraid! do not shrink!-nishtapta is not 'niedergebrannt' (burnt down) but burnt out' (p. 57). Before alle Schätze enthaltende' (p. 93) devoyuvam has been left out. At p. 126 bhak sha is translated by 'Genosse (companion): should it not be 'Genuss (delight in food)' ? and at the same page brahmadevakritam, which Dr. H. does not know how to explain, should be separated brahma devakritam, see Rigv. VII, 97, 8; Taitt. S. II. 6, 7, 4.-E.

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DECEMBER, 1880.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.S. (Continued from p. 135.)
No. LXXX.
THE HE present inscription is from the original plates, which belong to Nawaji Walad Ukhaji Jiri' of Pimpalnêr in the Pimpalnêr Taluka of the Khândês District. They were produced by him before the authorities to substantiate his claim to a Pâtil's Watan!
The plates are five in number; the size of them is somewhat irregular, the largest being about 8 long by 33" broad. Here and there the edges are slightly raised, as if to protect the writing; but this is probably accidental, and owing to the thinness of the plates and their consequent liability to be bent up. The plates themselves weigh 1 lb. 10 oz. ; and the two rings and the seal, 7 oz. The ring on which they are strung is a plain copper ring about
thick and 27" in diameter; it had been cut before the grant came into my hands. On this ring there fits very tightly another ring about" thick and 3" in diameter; the seal on this smaller ring is circular, about two inches in diameter, and has, in high relief on a countersunk surface, a standing figure of the god Hanuman, facing to the proper right, and balancing a peak of the mountain Gandhamâdana on his left arm; in the lower part, behind him, a chakra; and in front of him, a sword or lampstand, with a sankha-shell below it.
The writing is very thin and shallow, and the component parts of the letters are frequently very much detached; it is, therefore, occasionally very difficult to decipher it with certainty. On the whole, however, it is fairly well preserved and is legible enough. On the second side of the third plate there is the figure 3, between the edge of the plate and the ring-hole; the other plates are not numbered. The ring-holes were made after the inscription was engraved, as some of the letters have been destroyed in making them. It was probably intended originally to make these holes at the top and bottom of each plate in succession, instead of at the sides; for, here and there, there are blank spaces in the writing, which can only have been left with this object.
The inscription purports to record that, in Saka 310 (A.D. 388-9), the king Satyaáraya
293
bestowed the village of Pippalanagara upon Nâgasvâmidikshita and other Brâhmans. With the exception that Saty à raya is said to be of the lineage of the god Vishnu and to belong to those who were of the Mânavya gôtra, there is nothing in this inscription to specify precisely who he was. But there can be no doubt that the person intended is the Western Chalukya king Satyasraya I, or Pulikêéi II, and that the word omitted in line 8 after pavitrikṛita-sirasdi was Chalukyanám, followed by some such expression as anvayê játaḥ, or kulam-alamkarishnuḥ.
The grant is of course a forgery, for the following reasons:-1, If it is admitted that the king intended is Pulikêsi II, the date given is earlier by more than two hundred years than his real date.-2, Whether this be admitted or not, it cannot be disputed that this grant purports to be a Chalukya grant; and no member of that dynasty, anterior to Pulikêsi II, had the title of Satyasraya.-3, The characters are so totally unlike in detail those of the Western Chalukya alphabet or of the Old-Canarese alphabet, that I cannot place them, even as a corrupt specimen, in the same class with either of those two alphabets. I am not quite certain how to classify them; but I am inclined to concur in an opinion expressed to me by Mr. Venkat Rangô Kaṭṭi, that they are a mediceval form of some Bengâli alphabet, which must have been derived originally from the same source as the Chalukya alphabet.-4, In all the early inscriptions which follow the regular established style, the date comes at the end of the genealogy and immediately after the words introducing the details of the grant, and is expressed by satéshu Saka-varsheshv-atítéshu. There are a few special exceptions to the use of these particular words, which it is not necessary to give here. But the earliest instance in which the date is expressed by Saka-nṛipa-kál-átítasamvatsara-sata, (as is here the case, in the first line); or by Saka-nṛipa-kál-átita-samvatsara, (the word sata being omitted as superfluous), are respectively the Rashtrakuta tablet at Nandwâdige dated Saka 722, and the Râshtrakuta grant of Govinda III. dated Śaka

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1880.
726, both of which I have had occasion to notice the last line of this grant.--8, The emblems for another purpose at Indian Antiquary, Vol. on the seal are not the Chalu k ya emblems, VII, p. 210.--5, Though the text runs in and they occur on the seal of no Chalukya line 2 as if the month, the bright or dark fort- grant.-And finally, 9, No early grant that I night, the lunar tithi, and the day of the week, know of has, as this grant has, the seal sliding were specified, yet these details are not men- by a small ring of its own on the large ring on tioned, but only the year is given.-6, The which the plates are strung. The only other figure 3, as given on the third plate, is not instances of this known to me are some comparamade np of three lines one above the other, tively very modern Vijayanagara grants in Sir as it would be if it were & genuine early Walter Elliot's possession. In all the early numeral; but it is the modern form of 3, which grants, of whatever dynasty," these seals," as cannot have been introduced earlier than the Dr. Burnell writes", "are cast on the ring eleventh or twelfth century A.D.-7, None of by which the plates are held together, and the Chaluky a grants repeat the king's name which thas has the form of a huge signet at the end, by way of a signature, as is done in ring."
Transcription.
First plate. [ ] Svasti Saka-nripa-kâl-&tita-samvatsara-satôshu tri(tri)shu das-êttare [') shv=asya[m*] samvatsara-masa-peksha-divasa-parvvâyân-tithau paramabha [*] ttâraka-mahârâj-Adhiraja-paramêśvara-Vishộuva[m*]áôdbhava-pa[] [rama"]bhagavata-paramabrahmanya(yo)
Mân avya-eagôtranam ['] Mátri-gan-adhishthitânâ[m*]
Sahâņaka-sa mara-sama (ma)rji[*] ta-yaboo-råsi-samriddhânå [mo]
rajasůy-kévamedha-pauņdari['] ka-bahusuvarņņa-vâjapêy-adi-mahåkrata-maun-dva
Second plate; first side. [] bhritha-pavitri(tri)krita-sira's&m
Nriga-Nahusha-Di. [°] lipa-Sagara-Bhagirath-adi-chirantana-bhubhrich-chari[O] t-&'nukriti-prakâsit-Abêsha-vibya[mojbhara-bhår-odvahapa[] sao°marthal || Tênzagarataram vilôkya Bakalam satsêp\?] ra-chakra-sthitim
jamtu(tânám k ari-karnna-tâla-chapalé (1) m-a(A)[":] lá (10)ka(kya) bhakshyâyasham | Baktâni g ru(áru) ti-sambhaváni
Second plate; second side. ["] cha vachâmsy=&kara(rnya) loka dvayê
dharmmo dana-pha["] la[m] cha sasvatam=ih=ôty=6 (8) vam kritô niścbayaḥ Yatha kada[1] li-prakanda-vad=a-sáraḥ sa[m ]sårah T
s arit-tir-a(a)vasthita-tara(ru)["] [dha""]rm måņi sarirani kusuma-ramaniyâni
yauva1) nâni tadit-taralah sampadâh (dah)
damd(d)-0(A)hata-bhujanga[] bhangi-kutilah khalu vidhi-vyåpârâh(rah)
Tathi cha
· South Indian Palæography, Second Edition, p. 107. the word is not a common one.
* The masa, paksha, divasa, and tithi, however, are not l 'A blank space, equal to three letters, intervenes bespecified.
tween ra and sath. These two letters, rama, were completely cut out in The context is imperfect, through the omission of the making the ring-hole.
name of the dynasty. We must supply Chalukyanam, Here, and in some other places, the Anusura is a followed by anvaye jatah, or kulamaalashkarishnuh, or clearly made circle. In firasat, 1.8, and other places, it some euch expression, or vame sarbata , as the Pandit is denoted sometimes by & round dot, and sometimes by an suggests. elongated dot.
The lower part of this letter, td, was cut out in making $ The upper parts of these two letters, matri, were cut the ring-hole. out in making the ring-hole.
10 The upper part of this letter, sa, was cut out at the • These plates have also been examined by Pandit Bha- same time. gawAnlal Indraji. His reading here is Sahanaka-samara- "A blank space, equal to two letters, intervenes between bhamdvdpta-yaso; but he only suggests the letters vdpta ka and dva. as probable', the passage being very indistinct. I think 11 This letter, dha, was almost entirely cut out in making the original really has samarjita, for samarjita, though the ring-hole.

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December, 1880.]
SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
295
gati
Third plate; first side. [P] Salmali-túla-vipåka'- kalpâh
paramartha-vi. ("] rask [bo] prâ(pri)ti-dharmê(rmah) Êvam sarvvam=ani(bhi)samåkalayya 1 [*] ma hârâj.adhiraja-srimat-Satyasrayadevah
satvari(rama)(2) hraiva såmanta-visbayapatikanaastu vidita[m*]
yathâ [] Ày&sa-ba[ta* ]-labdhasya prânêbhyo=pi gari(ri)yasah [] re@kwaiva vittasya dânam=anya vipattayah !! Ato maya
Third plate ; second side. [*] nija-blaj-arjitam chatur-åghata(ta)- viếuddham
yajana-yajan-adi-shat-karma-niratâ[y=&* lgnihora(tra)-charu-purðdas-ati[**] thi-pujiya veda-vodamga-paragaya
Yajuh-sakhine ["] [ya"]sya Valabhi-mahasthânê
mahkjanena
Brahm- [*] thô (rthô) labdhah
tena
mah-âtman=îtiśayita-sarvva[*] janëna An Scha'n-ânvayêna dvijätina
Fourth plate ; first side. ["] Katyâyana-gôtråya Naga[svä*]mio-dikshi(shi)ta | Sridhara-di(at)kshi[58] ta | Vâmanasvamia
Narayana I Dévårya(?) CID Govi[*]ndasvâmi e (?)tà (têbhyo) Durâyâbhajya-* * -Payoshņi-samgamo [*] sû"'rya-grahaņa-parvvaņi 1
svaya[m] pådau praksha[3] lya s atilodakéna
vidhina
Pippala-nagaram ("] a-chamdr-årka[*] yâvat-pratipâdita[**] Ma(ya)sy=åghâtâḥ
Fourth plate ; second side. [*] Pârvvataḥ Kapilakuņda(?)-Bhimadå-sandhi's(ndhi)- våtah | Dakshinato(tah) [] Kattura-parvvatah Selalada-nadi | Sa(?)ksha(?)ra-dâ(va)tah [ll*] Paschi[*] matô Gadada-hra(?)daḥ(?) Va(?)yalachchhi(?)-sadhisa(sandhis=cha ?) | Uttarato [*] Dha(?)"chhcha(chchha)vabha-parvvatah | Japya(?bya)khêdî-nadi(di) | Su(?)gåhald["] tadagam
Tath=asy=knyayê Lôhanagar-adi(di)ui sthana[*] na ni shad-vim(?) sa tâ(ti) 1 tathragrahârâți chatur-a(a)śiti prada["] tau(tt)ni I Atô mad-vya vam)syair=anyairəvvå pratipalaniyâni [ll*]
Fifth plate. [*] MA(A)gâmi-raja-dayo=shta-satan
niya(?)paka ņam
matonyasáhi[*] ya bala-mathana-ta(?)pya(?) || Tath=âtra bal-ayatani(no?) Vasantadityah tath=- 32 [*] dha(dhi)krita-Vi(vi)rêsvara(ral) pratipalanâya 1 Vyasas=[ch]=at[r]a | Visvim) dhy
átavi(vi)
13 A blank space, equal to two letters, intervenes be. tween this ka and the ha of kulpa.
1. The lower part of this letter, ma, was cut out in making the ring-hole.
15 The upper part of this letter, hai, was cut out at the same time.
10 This letter, tu, was at first omitted, and then was inserted above the line; it is very small and faint.
11 This letter, ya, was entirely cut out in making the ring-bole.
18 The Pandit considers that the rending may be either Anyuchi or Jhanyficha. The first letter is so nondescript that it may be anything whatever. The second letter is certainly nů. The third syllable, cha, is a mistake for chi, if the first letter is a. .
10A blank space, equal to two letters, intervenes between chá and na.
20 The Pan lit reads Nagavira, but I do not agree with him here. Toere is a blank space, apparently from a flaw in the copper, between ga and me, where I supply avd.
11 The Pandit reads Ramašasvami.
Tbe yd is clear; but the upper part of the letter is partially effaced and is very doubtful. The Pandit reads Dúráradya.
23 This mark of punctuation is superfluous. 2. Part of the x was cut out in making the ring-hole.
25 This letter, which I read as nuth for ndhi, is a very nondescript one. The Pandit suggests either Bhimals súmviráta h or Nimad Asundhivata.
21 The Pandit reads Gadau.
27 Part of this letter, dha, and perhaps the whole of another letter before it, was cut out in making the ringhole. The Pandit reads Va (?) chchhourla-priroutah.
24 This repetition of the letter ni is superfluous.
* A blank space, equal to one letter, intervenes between tari and ni.
39 The Pandit reads ry, orrvi. But there is no r over the letter, and it certainly is not rua.
51 This word is unintelligible; but I cannot suggest anything else. .
sa This mark of panctuation should be before tath-d..

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
sushka-kôtara-vâsinaḥ I
[*] shv-a-tôyâsu [*] [m]-din-ipahirakib (10
35
Yudhishthi
[50] ra mahi[m*] mahimatâm śrêshtha dânâ (nâch-) śrê(=chhrê)yô-nupâlana [m*] || Likhi[] tam-êtan-mayâ sândhivigrahika-pa(?) mâ. . .d-Divâkara-sutê[na Nagavaré-éti Sri-Satyarayadivasya
ARCHEOLOGICAL NOTES.
BY M. J. WALHOUSE, LATE M.C.S. (Continued from p. 153.)
No. XXVI.-Irdhi-Páda.
It is not uncommon in Sanskrit literature, especially when the lives and virtues of renowned sages or ascetics are recounted, to find it told of such personages that they could transport themselves from place to place in some mysterious magical way in a moment. That large section of Hindu literature which deals with magic and the occult arts, such as the Tantras, the Black Veda, &c., too much neglected by European scholars, often refers to this secret power. The Kalai-jñána system for example is copious on the subject. The vastly complicated scheme of Buddhist rites and asceticism holds forth this power as the crown and goal possibly arrived at by the continuous observance of prescribed ceremonies and an inflexibly followed course of moral action. The entrance to this course was through the rite called kasina, of which there were ten kinds, consisting principally of modes of persisting in rigid unbroken meditation till the state called samadhi was attained. Samadhi is described as that which keeps the thoughts together, like the moisture which causes grains of sand to adhere and form a ball; through this the illumination termed nimitta could be reached; fourteen excessively complicated modes of exercising the ten kasinas with this end are specified, and after all had been successfully accomplished, the power of Irdhi might be acquired, though not infallibly. Irdhi is a miraculous power distinguishing a Rahât, one who has passed the Four Paths, and will
[DECEMBER, 1880.
Krishna-sarppa hi(?) jâyantê bhûyatnâd=raksha
33 The lower part of this letter, shoa, was cut out in making the ring-hole.
3 This letter, mi, was entirely cut out at the same time.
35 It is almost impossible to say what these eight letters are. The Pandit suggests dvijânâm dêvatânám cha. The usual reading is sva-dattám paradattâm va.
36 One letter is altogether unintelligible here. The Pandit reads "vigrahik-amatyêna (P) Divakara.
"Flying through the air" is expressly enumerated
at death attain Nirvána. Its special characteristic is the power of instant locomotion and flight through the air from place to place, hence it is called Irdhi-páda, i. e. the Divine Foot, on account of the assistance it renders to those possessing it. Both Brahmanical and Buddhist books, when alluding to this power, always speak of it as something familiar and well-known. Fah-Hian, the Chinese pilgrim to India in the 4th century, observes in a matter-of-course way as though it were nothing unusual that "Rahâts continually fly," and again, "the men of that country frequently see persons come flying to the temple, (some rocktemple,) the religious men occupying the upper chambers are constantly on the wing."-(Beal's Travels of Fah Hian.) People to-day are staggered at the accounts of "mediums" floating out of windows or being transported in a moment from one quarter of London to another, but flights of holy men fluttering, like pigeons, about the high chamber-cells of rock-temples would make even a sturdy spiritualist pause. Cells high up on sheer rocky faces have provoked speculation as to how they were tenanted. Fah Hian's statement may suggest some hint. The same pilgrim at Dardu in Northern India saw an image of wood, 94 feet high, representing Maitreya Bodhisattwa, "the Buddha that is yet to be," to obtain the size and appearance of which a sculptor was "by the power of Irdhi," three times transported up to the Tushita heaven, the Fourth Sphere, wherein rest all births yet to come; a strange and weird idea!
amongst the wonderful acts which could be performed by means of dharani, or occult Indian charms. It was also one of the sorceries ascribed to Simon Magus.
Ses Spence Hardy's East. Monach. pp. 252 ffg. 3 Iddhi (or Irdhi), prosperity, power, majesty, supernatural power, miraculous faculty. There are 10 iddhis, such as the power of passing through the air, of taking any form, of creating or causing to appear anything required. Iddhi is the peculiar attribute of the Arahas." Prof. Childers's Pali Dictionary.

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ARCHEOLOGICAL NOTES.
DECEMBER, 1880.]
Buddhist books describe the power of Irdhi* as a miraculous energy of the purified will gradually prepared by the long and difficult processes previously mentioned, as the potter gradually prepares and tempers his clay for any vessel he designs. Even after the exercise of all the kasinas it was exceedingly difficult to acquire, unless they had been also practised in former times. "To him who has not exercised kasina in former ages its accomplishment is most difficult. Amongst those who have not so exercised it scarcely one out of a hundred or a thousand succeeds in its acquisition. Even after accomplishing the exercises and attaining the nimitta-illumination, it is most difficult to acquire the power of irdhi." When at last reached, it could be used by a simple energy of the will, as is thus explicitly set forth in the Milindaprasna, where Milinda, the king of Sågal, asks the great Buddhist sage Nagasêna:
"Can any one who has the fleshly body of a man pass instantly to other continents, or to the Uturukuru, or to the Dêwa and Brahmalokas ?"
Nágaséna: "It is possible for one who has a body composed of the four elements to visit the places you have named."
Milinda: "In what way can this be done?" Nágasena: "Can you, at your will, leap from the ground, say, to the height of a span or a cubit ?"
Milinda: "With ease I can leap eight cubits high."
Nágasena: "How do you do this?"
Milinda: "I determine to leap; through this determination my body becomes as it were buoyant, and I rise from the ground."
Nagaséna: "Just so the priest who has the power of Irdhi determines to go to such a place; by the determination of his mind, his body becomes as it were imponderous, and he is enabled thereby to pass through the air."
Other ascetics possessed similar powers. Old Ibn Batuta of Fez, who travelled from Marocco to China in A. D. 1324-54, relates: "I was once in the presence of the Emperor of Hindustan where two Jogees wrapped up in a cloak, with their heads covered (for they take out all their hair
The Buddhist references to Irdhi are taken from the works of the Rev. S. Beal and Spence Hardy. Sp. Hardy, East. Monach. p. 262. Id. p. 285.
297
with powder) came in. The Emperor caressed them, and said, pointing to me, 'This is a stranger: show him what he has never seen.' They said, 'We will.' One of them then assumed the form of a cube, and arose from the earth, and in this (cubic) shape he occupied a place in the air over our heads. I was so much astonished and terrified at this that I fainted and fell to the earth. The Emperor then ordered me some medicine, on tasting which I recovered and sat up, the cubic figure still remaining in the air, just as it had been." (Lee's Translation, p. 161.) Ibn Batuta, a learned and devout Moslem, would have had no object in inventing such an account, especially when the power belonged to a hostile faith. These were Jogis, a class always distinguished for magical power. Apollonius of Tyana and his companion Damis, who took notes of his travels, affirm that at the Hill of the Wise Men,' they saw Brahmans who walked in the air, not to excite wonder, for they hated ostentation, but in imitation of, and in service to, the sun. (Philostratus, Vit Apol. Tyan. III. 15.)
But Moslem ascetism, no less than Hindu, is no stranger to this mystic faculty. Muhammad was caught up into Paradise; and it is recorded by a contemporary of the famous Jellalu'd-din, the founder of the order of Whirling Dervishes, born A. D. 1207, that when a boy and playing with other children, when they proposed to jump from one housetop to another, he replied that such sport was only fit for cats, but that hd-an beings, if they felt any power in their souls, ought to fly heavenwards with him. Saying so he disappeared from their sight, and on their raising a lamentation he shortly re-appeared with the hue of his countenance changed and his eyes altered, and said, "As I spoke I was suddenly taken up and shown the miracles of the upper world, but when your wailings. ascended I was again deposited here." The whirling dance of the ecstatic Dervish is an inferior sort of Irdhi, strong enough to burst the bounds of sense and perception, but unable to dissolve the resistance of matter; differences and degrees fade and expire, and the Universal
η ̓Απὸ τῆς γῆς ἐς πήχεις δύο two cubita from the ground, no great height, but ce n'est que le premier pouce qui coûte.-Priaulx's Apollonius, p. 35.
See Indian Antiquary, vol. IV, p. 294.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Love becomes apparent as he whirls and sings the song of Sayyid Nimat-ullah of Kuhistan: "Spin the ball! I reel, I burn,
Nor head from foot can I discern, Nor my heart from love of mine, Nor the wine-cup from the wine. All my doing, all my leaving, Reaches not to my perceiving, I'm all-knowing, yet unknowing, Stand not, pause not, in my going! Ask me not, as Muftis can, Still to ponder the Kuran.
Well I love the meaning sweetI tread the book beneath my feet. Higher blaze and yet more high Till all differences die! What are Moslems? What are Giaours ? All are Love's and all are ours.
Firm to Heaven my bosom clings, Heedless of inferior things: Down on earth there underfoot What men chatter know I not." It is not only in the East, however, that holy men and founders of religious orders have claimed to show that spiritual exaltation can dissolve the inertia and resistance of matter. The annals of the Roman Catholic Church contain the evidence of eye-witnesses that SS. Philip Neri, Ignatius Loyola, Dominic, Teresa, and several others, when in prayer and ecstatic adoration, were at times lifted up. from the ground and suspended in air without support for longer or shorter periods. Protestants at once laugh such accounts to scorn, or satisfy themselves with suggesting explanations more or less ingenious, but others declare that there is the same evidence for them as that which is ordinarily held sufficient for occurrences in the lives of historical personages generally." This irdhi power, on which we have been discoursing, is not confined to the civilized nations of the East or West. Forms of it are reported to exist amongst widely separated barbarous tribes. The Abbê Movillot affirms of the Esquimaux in Greenland that their angákoks, or priests, sometimes rise from the ground and pass through the roofs above them. Similar powers are reported of the Tohunga, or New Zealand priests, and said to exist in the Sandwich Islands and amongst the natives in Australia. I have
One of the lately recovered fragments of the apocryphal Gospel according to the Hebrews runs, "just now my
[DECEMBER, 1880.
also heard of forms of it in South Canara. What
is to be thought of this strange belief so contrary to the laws of inertia and gravity, and scientifically so incomprehensible and, abstractedly, impossible, but which is yet said to have prevailed so widely in countries far separated in space and time? The only reply can be that people have related what they believed to be facts. Even now in this most practical and sceptical age, in London, Paris, and New York, men have been startled to hear in spiritualist circles assertions of "levitation," or an irdhi-power, by which certain persons are floated up to ceilings, or even transported instantaneously from one room to another in a distant quarter of the town. Persons who assert they have witnessed such things are pelted with outcries of 'trickery,' 'imposture,' 'incapacity to observe,' victims of 'unconscious cerebration,' and the like, and leaders of science and people of enlightened minds do not conceal their contempt. Into this contest we do not desire to enter.
In connection with the foregoing subject a few closing remarks may perhaps be ventured here. Immense advances have been made in the study and knowledge of ancient and modern Hindu literature. We know more of the mythologies, religions, histories, genealogies, arts, and architecture of India than the natives themselves. Languages long obsolete, and inscriptions graven in forgotten characters, have been unlocked. But there is one wide region of Hindu thought and literature in which we have hardly set foot, and that is their astrological and occult sciences and rites. We complain that we are out of sympathy with the Hindu mind, that we know it only officially and externally, and cannot reach the inner life and thought of the people. One reason is the supercilious contempt with which the English, more than others, regard that astrological and mystical lore before which the entire native mind, throughout the length and breadth of India, crouches in absolute subjection. The educated official, versed in Mill and Macaulay, no less than the simple ryot; but the former whilst perhaps discussing questions of European science and philosophy with his English Master, will never allude to those beliefs and practices by which
mother the Holy Spirit took me by one of my hairs and bore me up on to the great mountain Tabor."

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THE EIGHTEEN SCHOOLS OF BUDDHISM.
299
his daily life is regulated, for he instinctively feels that he would meet with nothing but derision for such follies and absurdities. None the less his overyday conduct and domestic concerns are directed by the astrological Brahwan, without whose permission ho dares take no step or undertake anything of moment. It is unfortunate that the prepossessions of Englishmen in general so completely deter them from seeking any acquaintance with the occult sciences and customs of the Hindus,
for in them rests one of the keys which unlock the popular mind and disclose its controlling influences. These are so despotic, varied, and intricate, so entwined with every act and relation of life, that some adequate knowledge of and insight into them are most needful alike for legislators and administrators, teachers and missionaries, who too often work in the dark without suspecting the hidden cause of much of their difficulties and want of success.
THE EIGHTEEN SCHOOLS OF BUDDHISM.
BY REV. S. BEAL, B.A.
One of the most interesting but intricate questions that can occupy the attention of the Buddhist student is the history of the eighteen sects into which the Buddhist Church was at an early date separated. A clear account of the causes that led to the schisms and the several tenets held by the separatists was, in the opinion of the late Mr. Spence Hardy, one of the great desiderata in the history of this religion. The Chinese and Tibetan books contain much valuable information on these points. Among other works in the northern copy of the Tripitaka, common in the monasteries of China and Japan, is one which contains three translations from Sanskrit of the treatise, written by Vasu mitra, on the eighteen schools. This Vasumitra was one of the Buddhist patriarchs who lived probably about the time of Kanishka, that is, as far as we know at present with any certainty, about 42 B. c. His aim was evidently to reconcile the differences that existed in traditions, customs, and acknowledged scriptures, and it was probably under his auspices, or by his influence, that the Great Council was held that re- arranged and revised the Buddhist Canon as it is known in the North. There are three translations of this treatise into Chinese; the first is anonymous, and is most obscure. The second is by Chin-ti, of the Tsin dynasty. The third is by Hiwen Thsang, of the Tang dynas- ty. It would be rash to attempt a translation
of these tracts into English without aid or direction-nor would the present writer have undertaken such a task-but, unfortunately, there is a parallel translation from the Tibetan in Vassilief's History of Buddhism (Second Supplement, p. 222). This translation by the learned writer named above was prepared after careful comparison of the Tibetan text with the three Chinese versions. The result is no doubt an accurate, though most obscure, reproduction of the work by Vasumitra. It may perhaps be useful to attempt an independent version of the three Chinese translations. Not that we can hope to render all plain, but with the purpose of inducing scholars in China to look into this matter, and endeavour to throw some light on the subject by comparing these translations and working independently in the production of others. The matter may appear of little consequence to some, and needless labour to others, but in the presence of facts, which are daily coming to our knowledge, it becomes almost the duty of those who are interested in the religious development of the Eastern mind, not only in India, but in other countries more or less affected by Indian'speculations, to search out the causes and the character of that development, and so connect it with the religious movements which occurred elsewhere about the some time. We proceed to give part of the translation by the anonymous Chinese writer, and which stands first in the Buddhist Canon."
10 I have reason to think that the late Prof. H. H. Wilson, & scholar of profound learning, and also of great cautiour and reserve, had gone deeper into these subjects than perhaps any other European Orientalist.
Ind. Ant. vol. IV, p. 368. * By some he is placed rather later.-ED. . A.
This translation is denoted as O by Vassilier.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
An Account of the Eighteen Principal Schools of Buddhism, from the original Treatise of Vasumitra, translated into Chinese by three separate authors.
1. A treatise on the eighteen schools (translator's name unknown).
In the 15th section of the latter volume of
the work known as the Queries of Manjuśri (Manjusripariprichchha), the subject being "The division into schools." [It is thus written:]
At this time Manju śri questioned Buddha thus: "World-honoured! Explain, I pray you, what will be the different schools into which your followers will be separated in the future after your Nirvana, and from what original division these schools will be formed ?"
Buddha answered Manjuśri thus: "There will be twelve schools among my followers hereafter, in which (the separate interpretation of) my law will be preserved in the world. These schools will be the repositories of the diversified fruits of my Scriptures (pitakas). without priority or inferiority-just as the taste of sea-water is everywhere the same or as the twelve sons of one man all honest and true, so will be the exposition of my doctrine advocated by these schools. Manjuśri! the two original germs of these separate schools will be found in the rendering of my doctrine by the Mahâyâna and the Prajñàpâramit å systems. The Śravakas, Pratyeka Buddhas, and different Buddhas (i.e., the doctrine which teaches these three degrees of religious advancement) will come from the Prajñâpâramità. Manjuśri! as earth, water, fire, wind and space compose the material and visible universe, so the Mahayana and the Prajñâpâramitâ compose the material of the system in which these different degrees of Śrâvakas, Pratyeka-Buddhas, and Buddhas are entertained."
Manjuśrí asked Buddha this question:
This word means the great congregation, composed of young and old alike, the same as the school of and miscellaneous Moral Rules.."-[Ch. Ed.]
various
This word means the congregation of old men only, it is the same as that which acknowledges the authority of the (original) Vinayn only.
So called because they agreed in the main with the Mahisanghikas,-[Ch. Ed.]
From the name of the master who formed it.-[Ch. Ed.] So called from the "famous wisdom" of its founder. [Ch. Ed.]
So called from the locality in which the founder lived. 10 So called from the locality in which the founder lived. 11 Likewise from the abode of the founder.
1 So called because the founder of the school held the
[DECEMBER, 1880.
"World-honoured! and by what names will these schools be known?"
Buddha replied: "The two schools first formed will be the Mahâsâ mg hika s* and the Pi-li' (Sthaviras). Within a hundred years after my Nirvana a school will be formed called Yeb-wu-in' [Ekabhyohârikhâs (Barnouf, tom. I, p. 357), or Ekavyavahárikas (according to Vassilief's Buddhism, p. 227, n.)]. Again, within a hundred years from the formation of this school, another willbe formed called 'Ko-kiu-li" [Kukku. likâs]. Within a hundred years from this another school will arise called To-man (Bâhuśrutiyas). Within a hundred years from this there will be another school formed, called 'Che-tai-ho [Chaitiyavâdâs]. Within another hundred years a school will arise called Eastern Mountain"10 [Purvasailas]. Within a hundred years another school will arise from this called 'Northern Mountain" [Uttarasailis]. These seven schools come from the Mahasamghikâs, and including the original Samgha, or congregation, they are classified as eight schools.
"From the S tha viras were formed eleven schools. Within a hundred years from the origin of the above school, there arose another, called Yeh-tsai-wu-in" (Sarvâstivâdas). Within a hundred years from this school proceeded another, called 'Yun-shan's (Haimavatâs). Within a hundred years from this school another will arise, called 'Vâtsiputriyas" (sons of the calf). Within a hundred years after this another school called 'Dharmottariyas. 15 Within a hundred years from this another called 'Bhadrayaniyas. Within a hundred years from this school will come another called Yih-tsai-sho-kwei'" (Sammatîyas). Within a hundred years another school will arise from this, called Jing-shan's (Jungle-hill, i.e., Shannagarika). Within a hundred years after this arose another school called Tai-pub-ho-ki"
positive existence of all things in the three worlds.[Ch. Ed.]
13 So called from the abode of the founder.
1 From the name of the founder.
15 From the name of the founder.
16 From the name of the founder.
17 So called from the great esteem in which the master was held among men.
18 So called from the character of the place where the founder lived. The name in Sanskrit however means "of six towns," and so in Tibetan; see Vassilief, p. 231.
J. B.
19 So called because the founder of this school was, when a child, cast into a well by his mother, and when his father sent to recover his body he was found uninjured.

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DECEMBER, 1880.)
THE EIGHTEEN SCHOOLS OF BUDDHISM.
301
(Mahisasakas). Within a hundred years from this arose the school called Fau'*' (Dharmaguptâs). Within a hundred years another school arose called Ka-hi-piot (Kaśyapiyas). Within a hundred years from this another school arose named Sieon-to-lo-ku'' (Samkan tiks or Sautrântikås). The above are the eleven schools derived from the Stha viras, and including their mother-school, comprise twelve distinct branches."
Buddha spoke the following gáthas :** The school of the Mahâsâmgkikas Will divide into seven parts, The Sthavirás into eleven, This is what we term the twelve schools, ** The eighteen including the two original, All these will arise from the Mahayana, Which admits of neither affirmation or contra
diction. Now I say that in future time will appear, The miscellaneous writings of the Master Kuma
rajiva After the cessation (nirvana) of the true Law, Just one hundred years ; And by these various productions The true Law will be gradually destroyed, Everyone forming his own views, Founding their opinions on heterodox sects, Despising that which ought to be honoured. A rebellious and discontented tone will arise But now the Sútras alone are the ground On which to build the doctrine of Buddha, Relying on the former truths. Seeking a foundation on this solid basis, Is like in the multitude of sand particles Seeking for the true gold. Thus have I heard former sages, Who appear like suns among men."
"One hundred and sixteen years after the Nirvana of Buddha (in a city called I-ta-fuh,' (I for Pa, therefore equivalent to Pa-ta-fuh, i.e., Pataliputra) there sball be a king called
A-yu' (Asoka) who shall gather (asin a square) the whole of Jambudwipa as his empire. In his time the division of the great congregation into schools shall begin. There shall arise a Bhikshu called Neng' (able), and another called
Yin-un' (Nidîna), and another called To-man' (Bihusrutiya ?)—these shall assert the necessity
of teaching five propositions as a basis for religious instruction. The five points are these: -
Profit and increase from others. Ignorance. Doubt. Words according to the religious formula.
To obtain reason. "It was from a consideration of these questions that the first two schools arose, to wit, the Ma h â sâm ghikâs and the Sthavira s.
"In the middle of the century (following) the Mahâsî mghikas other schools arose as follows : 1) Yih-shwo' [Ekavyavahårikås, (2) Chu-shai-kan-shwo' (Lokottaravadins), (3) Kiu-ku' [Gokulikas or Kukkutikas). Again, in the middle of a century or so after the Mahasanghikas will originate other schools, called Shi-chi-lun.95
"Again, in the middle of the two hundred years, the heretical followers of the Mahad 8 va, taking on themselves the vows of religi. ous ascetics, fixed their abode in Mount Chaitiya. Again, from the Mahasimghikas arose three other schools, viz. Che-tika, Huh-pi-lo' (Apara), and Uttarasaila. Thus from the Mahasanghika arose nine schools, viz. (1) Mabåså mghikas, (2) Ekavyavaharika, (3) Lokottara vadin, (4) Gokulika, (5) Bahuśrutiya, (6) Shi-chi, (7) Yan-ka, (8) Ho-lo, (9) Uttarasaila.
"In the middle of the three hundred years from the Sthavira school, arose from controversies connected with the Canon of the Abhidharma, different schools, as follows: (1) Sarvâstiva din, also called Hetuvada, (2) Haimavatas. In the middle of the three hundrell years again there arose another school called Vätsiputrîyâ s, from this school sprang another, called Dharmag upta (or Dharmottariyas), another called Bhadra y a niyas, and again, another called Mi-li (where li is evi. dently a mistake for ti), otherwise named Sanmi-ti (Sammatiyas), another school called the school of the six cities (Shannagarikas). Again, in the three hundreth year, the Sarvastividins produced another school, viz., Ma hissakas, from which sprang the Dharmaguptas (so called from the Master of the school, whose name
*5 That is the twelve schools that sprang from the Mheathaviras.
In Chinese, "high-seat." " I cannot explain this title at present.-S. B..
10 The founder's name. 31 The founder's name. 31 The founder rested his deductions on the Sätras.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1880.
was In-chi-lin). Again, in this three hundredth The following schools, Mahasanghikas, Ekayear, another school sprang from the Sarvasti vyaváhârikas, Lokottaras, Kukkutikas, hold the vàdins, called Yan-li-sha (Varsha), likewise views we are about to mention. They all say that named K Asya piyas. In the four hundredth the traditions respecting the Buddhas having year from the Sarvastavadins sprang another been born into the world (as men) are incorschool called Seng-kai-lin-to (Sankranti), so rect—that the law is Tathagata, and the only called from the name of its founder Yeon-to-lo one in the world. They all say that the system (Uttara), this school was also known as of religion known as 'turning the Wheel of the Sautrântika.
Law' is at an end. They say that "things exist." “Thus, from the school of the Ma ha stha- "relationships exist," "truth exists." They viras branched off twelve schools, viz. (1) say that Tathagata is infinitely extended, inMa hastha viras, (2) Haima vatas, (3) measurably glorious, eternal in duration, that Sarvâstivâ dins, (4) Vätsiputriy às,(5) to his power of recollection (nim, smriti), his Dharmottar iy as, (6) Bhadr å yanîyas, power of faith (rádithabala), his experience of (7) Sam matiyas, (8) The school of six joy, and his life, there is no end; he sleeps not, Cities, (9) Mahisasikas, (10) Dharma
he speaks, asks, reflects not : they say that his guptas, (11) K & sya piyas; (12) Sau- existence is ever one and uniform (one heart), trântikas."
that all things born may obtain deliverance liy We will now proceed to speak of the distin- having his instruction, that in his essential guishing tents of these various schools, both to existence (one heart, ekachitta) Tathagata comtheir radical differences and also those held" prehends all subjects (laws) in a moment by his in common.
own wisdom.
FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. NOTES COLLECTED BY MRS. F. A. STEEL WITH ANNOTATIONS BY LIEUT. R. C.TEMPLE,
B.S.C., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &c.
(Continued from p. 282.) No. 5.-FOLK-TALE.
rind, lo! out stepped the most beautiful little Baingan Badshahzadi.-Princess Aubergine. princess you ever saw.
Once upon a time there lived a poor Brah- The poor couple had no children, so they man and his wife, so poor that they very often were delighted, and cherished her as their own, did not know where to turn for a meal.
giving her the name of Princess Aubergine. One day in the jangal he saw a Baingan Now a king lived close by who had a beauti.. plant. He dug it up, planted it by his cottage fal wife and seven young sons. By chance a door, and watered it. It grew wonderfully, and slave girl from the palace went into the Brahby and bye bore one large baingan fruit. man's hat to ask for fire, and saw the beautiful
At last a day came when there was abso- Aubergine. So she went home, and said to her lately nothing in the house to eat. So the mistress, "Oh, in a hovel yonder, lives a prinBrahman said-Wife, pick the baingan, and get cess so beautiful that if my lord the king it ready for dinner. Then the Brahmani took clapped eyes on her for a moment, you would a knife and cut the baingan fruit off : as she did soon be forgotten." This put the queen, who so she thought she heard a sort of moan come was a sorceress, into a fearful rage, and she set from the tree. However she sat down, and abont in her mind, to lay a trap for the began to peel the baingan, when she heard a beautiful Princess Aubergine. If she could only tiny voice, say quite distinctly " Take care get her into the palace, she felt sure she could plcase ! oh do take care ! peel more gently, or manage to destroy her. So she sent a message to the knife will ran into me." The Brahmani say she had heard much of Princess Aubergine's was terribly perplexed, but she peeled as gently beauty, and would like to see it for herself. as she could, and when she got through the Now the princess was vain of her beanty, so 16 l'ide Vassilief, p. 232 n. 5.
Bhanta is the egg plant, in French aubergine: scientific 97 So I would translate " Chung-kan."
name-Solante melongen. It is usually called Brinjal
by Europeans in India. This story abounds in various forms IUSSIS WA Baingan BadshAhaadi-Prin- in the Panjib: the version here given was taken from an old cess Aubergine. Baingan, also baigan and begun, and woman at Kasar near Lahor, of Púrbil origin.-R.O.T.

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DECEMBER, 1880.]
FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB.
308
she, nothing loth, went to the palace. The tiny box, and in that box is the nine lakh' queen pretended to be wonder-struck, and necklace. Put it on and I shall die." said, "Now you must never leave me. You So when the king returned from hunting, and are only fit to live in a palace. You are my came to visit the queen, she began to sob and cry. sister henceforth.” So the Princess Aubergine, "What is the matter, my queen ?" asked he. nothing loth, stayed, and they exchanged “Oh my life is wasted. I had better die," veils and became sisters.
sobbed she. But the queen saw at a glance that Princess "Not so," answered he, "tell me what it is Aubergine was no human being but a fairy. you want." Therefore she laid strong spells upon her Then she told him her life was bitter to her while she slept, and asked “Now tell me true, unless ste possessed the nine-lakh necklace." in what thing does your life lie " Then the "But where is it to be found," said he. Princess, spell-bound, answered: "In the life of So she said: "In a river far from here lives your eldest son. Kill him and I too will die." a fish. In the fish is a bumble bee, in the bee a So the wicked queen went next day to where box, and inside the box the nine lakh necklace." her young son was sleeping, and killed him Now the king was kind to his wife, and with her own hand. Then she sent the slave girl grieved sincerely for the loss of his seven young to Princess Aubergine's apartments to see if | sons, who, the queen said, had died suddenly of she too were dead, but the girl returned, saying an infectious disease, and being anxious to "She is alive and well, reading her Kalán-ul. comfort her, he ordered all the fishermen in the
kingdom to fish for the queen's red fish. And Then the wicked queen was greatly incensed, when it was caught he had it opened, and sure and laid stronger spells on the princess, asking enough inside was the bumble bee, and inside the her again--"Now tell me true, in what thing doesbee was the box, and inside the box the nine-likh your life lie?" And she answered, " In the life necklace. So the queen put it on and was happy. of your second son. Kill him, and I too shall Now when Princess Aubergine had told her die." So the queen next day killed her second secret, she knew her life was gone, so she son with her own hands, and sent the slave girl returned sadly to the Brahman's hut. She told to see if Princess Aubergine was also dead. the kind old poople she would soon die, and But the slave girl returned, saying " She is alive begged them not to burn or bury her body. and well, reading her Kalám-ul-lal." Then the "This is what you must do," she said, "dress queen was enraged and threw stronger spells on me in my finest clothes, scatter flowers on my the poor princess, and this time when the queen bed, and carry me to the wildest jangal. Place asked, "Now tell me true, in what thing does the bed on the ground, and build a mud wall your life lio P" she answered "In the life of round it so high that no one can see over. And your third son," and so it happened every day, leave me there." till all the queen's seven young sons were killed. So when she died (which she did at the very
Then the queen summoned up all her art, moment the wicked queen put on the nine-lakh and laid such strong spells on the Princess necklace) the old Brahmans did what Princess Aubergine that she could no longer resist them, Aubergine had told them. Then the queen sent but when the queen asked, “Now tell me true the slave girl to the Brahman's house to see in what thing does your life lio?" she sobbed if Aubergine were really dead and buried. She und moaned "In a river far from here, lives returned saying "she is dead, but not burnt i fish red and green. Inside the fish you'll find or buried; they have carried her out to the a humble bee, inside the bumble bee there is a jangal, and built a mud wall round her bed
Amungst the women of the Papjáb a formal exchange of reils and drinking milk together from one cup is the common way of swearing friendship.-F.A.S.
(أدم) ada ana 4d, descended from Adam آدم زاد 2
human.-R.C.T.
35 kalam-ul-lah, that is God's word, the uly Qurin. This is another proof of the mixture of Hinduism and Muhammadaniam in the Panjab among the lower
classes before noticed, for here we have a girl brought up in a Brahran's house reading the Quran !-R. C. T.
445) Nau-lakkå här, the nine lakh necklace, this fabulous necklace of nine lakhs of rapees appears to have no particular story attached to it, and is used in a vague way as we would use the "pbilosopher's stone." The necklace is well known in the Panjab and occurs in many of the folk tales.-R.C.T.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
and there she lies beautiful as the moon." The queen was not satisfied, but she could do no more.
Now the king grieved for his fine young sons, and every day to try and forget his grief he went out hunting. Then said the queen, "Oh my lord, hunt if it pleases you to the east, and to the west, and to the south, but towards the north do not hunt or evil may befall you." This she said for fear he should find the dead Princess Aubergine who lay towards the north. Now one day the king hunted to the east and the west and the south, but no game was to be found, so, without thinking of what the queen had said, he wandered alone to the northwards. Soon he saw a curious high enclosure with no door, and he wondered what it was; he climbed over, and lo! there on a bed decked with flowers lay the Princess Aubergine beautiful as the moon, or lovelier than any living woman. He could not believe she was dead, he became so enamoured of her beauty that he stayed beside her all day, praying and beseeching her to open her eyes. At night he returned to the palace, but with the dawning. he took his bow, saying he was going out hunting alone, and ran to Aubergine. So he passed day after day kneeling by her bed, weeping and beseeching her to rise. Now after nine months had gone by, he one day found the most beautiful little boy imaginable lying by the side of the dead Aubergine. He was astonished, but taking the infant in his arms, he cared for it all day, and at night gave it back to its dead mother. After some time it began to talk, and one day the king said to it "Is your mother always dead ?" Then the child answered "No! at night she is alive, and cares for me as you do in the day." Then the king bid the child ask his mother what made her die. The next day the boy answered "It is the nine-lâkh necklace which the queen wears. At night she takes it off, and hangs it up beside her. Then my mother becomes alive again, but dies when the queen puts on the necklace next morning." At this the king was puzzled, and said, "Ask your mother to-night whose son you are."
Next day the boy answered "Mother bids
WESTERN CHALUKYA At p. 96 of Vol. VIII is given a transcription and translation of a grant of A m bera. By an oversight the facsimiles of the plates were not
[DECEMBER, 1880.
me say I am your son, sent to console you for the loss of the seven fair sons the queen foully murdered for the sake of Princess Aubergine." Then the king was very wroth, and said to the boy, "Ask your mother to-night how I am to recover the necklace from the wicked queen, and punish her."
Next day the boy said "Mother says I am the person to take the necklace from the queen, only do you carry me to the palace to-night." So the king carried his little son back to the palace, and told all the courtiers that the child was his heir. Then the queen became mad with jealousy, especially when she thought of her own seven dead sons, and she determined to poison the child. So she prepared some beautiful poisoned sweetmeats, and caressed the boy, saying, " Here my son, eat these." But the child said "No, I will not eat them unless you let me play with that beautiful necklace you wear round your neck."
The queen was determined to poison the child, and seeing no other way of inducing him to eat the sweetmeats, she gave him the necklace; no sooner had he got it than he fled away so fast that no one could catch him. He ran to where the Princess Aubergine lay dead, and threw it round her neck; she immediately became alive again, lovelier than ever. Then the king came and asked her to go to the palace as his wife, but she said "I will never come until the wicked queen is dead, she would only murder me and my son. This is what you must do. Dig a deep ditch on the threshold of the door, fill it with scorpions and snakes, fling the wicked queen into it, and bury her alive. Then I will walk over her grave and be your wife."
So the king had the ditch dug and filled with scorpions and snakes. Then he went to his wife, and said, "Come and see something wonderful;" but she suspecting a trick would not come. Then they seized and bound her and flung her into the ditch amongst the scorpions and snakes, and covered her over with earth. Then Princess Aubergine and her son walked over the grave, and lived happily ever after.
GRANT OF AMBERA.
lithographed in time for that volume. They are now given in the accompanying plate for purposes of paleographic comparison.-ED,

Page #363

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Page #364

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BECEMBER, 1880.]
THE KASIKA.
THE KASIKA.1 BY PROFESSOR F. MAX MÜLLER, OXFORD.
The publication of this ancient commentary on Pânini's grammar has long formed a desideratum of Sanskrit scholarship, and it reflected great credit on the editors and publishers of the Pandit that they resolved on bringing out this text in the numbers of their journal. We are surprised that their journal, which contained so many valuable articles and editiones principes of Sanskrit texts, should have met with so little support in India and Europe that it had to be discontinued. It may be said that the Sanskrit texts were not always edited according to the strictest rules of European criticism, and that some of them hardly deserved to be drawn from the shelves of native libraries. Nevertheless, the Pandit was a truly useful journal, welcome to all Sanskrit scholars, and its discontinuance is deeply regretted by those who have the progress of Sanskrit scholarship at heart.
The text of the Kásikd was one of the last works published in the Pandit, and it has since been issued by itself in two volumes. There are few grammatical works which have been edited with greater care than has been bestowed on the Kasika by Pandit Bâlasâstri; and he deserves the thanks of all scholars in India and Europe who look on a right understanding of Panini as the only safe foundation of Sanskrit scholarship. Perhaps the best return we can make to him is a slight contribution towards fixing the date of this important grammar, the authors of which have been referred by different writers to dates varying from the seventh to the fourteenth centuries A.D.
Prof. Boehtlingk, in the Introduction to his edition of Panini's Grammar (p. liv.), referred the Kábika Vritti to about the eighth century, on the supposition that Vâmana, the author of the Kdéika, could be proved to be the same as the Vâmana who is mentioned in the Chronicle of Kasmira (iv. 496). The evidence on which that careful scholar relied was as follows:-Kahlana Pandit, the author of the Rajatarangint, is evidently anxious to do full justice to Jayâpida, who, after the battle of Pushkaletra, recovered the throne of his father, and became a patron of literature. Ho mentions, therefore, in full detail his exertions for the restoration of grammatical studies in Kasmira, and particularly the interest he took in a new edition, as we should call it, of Patanjali's Mahdbhashya. He then passes on to give the names of other learned men living at his Court, such as Kashira (author of Dhdtutarangini according
This paper appeared in The Academy of Sept. 25, and Oct. 2, 1880, and is reproduced here as revised by the Author.-ED.
Kasika, a Commentary on Panini's Grammatical
305
to Bühler), Damodaragupta, Manoratha, Sankhadatta, Châtaka, Sandhimat, and Vamana. This Vâmana was supposed to be the author of the Kábika. But if this Vâmana had been the author of the Kábika Vritti-that is to say, of a complete commentary on Panini's Grammar-would not Kahlana have mentioned him as connected with the revival of grammatical learning in Kasmira, instead of putting his name casually at the end of a string of other names?
It ought to be stated that Prof. Beehtlingk has himself surrendered this conjecture. There is no better foundation for another conjecture, first started by Wilson (Asiat. Res. vol. XV, p. 55), that the Vâmana here mentioned at the Court of Jayâpida was the author of a set of poetical Sútras and of a Vritti or gloss upon them. The untenability of that view has been fully shown by Dr. Cappeller in the Introduction to his edition of Vâmana's Kávyálankára-vritti (Jena, 1875). Vâmana, the author both of the text and of the gloss of this work, quotes Sadraka, the author of the Mrichchhakatiká; Kâlidâsa, the author of the Sakuntala, Urvasi, Malavika, Meghadita, Kumárasambhava, and Raghuvamsa; Amaru, Bhavabhuti. Magha, the Hariprabodha, the Námamála, Kámandakantti, Visakhila, and Kaviraja. Now if this Kaviraja is intended for the author of the Raghavapandaviya, this would be sufficient to place Vamana at least after 1000 A.D., while Jayâpida, his supposed patron, died in 776 A.D.
After having assigned to Vâmana, the author of the Kdvydlankára, his date in the twelfth century, Dr. Cappeller proceeds to identify this Vâmana with Vamana, the author of the Kašika Vritti. His arguments, however, are hardly convincing; he relies chiefly on a statement of Bâlasâstrin, in the Introduction to his edition of the Kdéikd, where that scholar speaks of a third Vâmana, a poet, who wrote the Lokottaralalita, in Maharashtra, and places him in Saka 1595, i.e., 1673 A.D., adding that the grammarian Vâmana lived 500 years earlier, i.e., 1173 A.D. If Prof. Weber states that Bâlas&strin assigns the grammarian Vâmana to the thirteenth century (Hist. of Sansk. Lit. p. 226) this must refer to some other paper which has escaped my notice. Bâlaéâstrin, however, gives no evidence in support of his statement, nor does he, so far as I am aware, ever hint at Vâmana, the grammarian, being the same as Vamana, the rhetorician.
Aphorisms, by Pandit Vamana and Jayaditya. Edited by Pandit Balasastri, Professor of Hinda Law in the Sanskrit College, Benares. (Benares, 1876, 1878.)

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[DECEMBER, 1880.
Prof. Goldstücker, in a similar manner-that is, without producing sufficient evidence-referred Vâmana, the grammarian, to the same recent period as the Siddhanta-Kaumudi, Någesa, Purushottama, and other grammarians (Goldstücker, Panini, p. 89)--therefore to a period later than the thirteenth century.
Before we try to fix the date of Våmana, the author of the Kasika Vritti, it will be necessary to determine, first, whether he was the only author of that book. Colebrooke, Sanskrit Grammar, p. ix) spoke of the Kasiká as the work of Jayaditya, or Vamana Jayaditya. Balasastrin, the editor of the Kabikd, thought likewise at first that Vámana and Jayaditya, who are mentioned as the authors, were one and the same person (Pandit, June 1878, p. 20, 1. 9). He found, however, after wards that Bhattojidikshita, the author of the Siddhanta-Kaumuds, clearly distinguishes between the opinions of Jayaditya and Vamana (Satra v. 4, 42; ed. Tarkavachaspati, vol. I, p. 727); and he might have learnt the same from Prof. Aufrecht's excellent edition of the Unádi Sútras (Pref. p. XV; Sutra i. 52). Balaśástrin afterwards assigned the first, second, fifth, and sixth books to Jayaditya, the rest to Vamana, while in an ancient MS. of the Kasika, discovered by Dr. Bühler in Kasmir (Journal of the Bombay Branch of the R. A. 8., 1877, p. 72), the first four adhyayas are ascribed to Jayaditya, the last four to Vamana. (See also Kielhorn, Katyayana and Patanjali, p. 12, note.) The evidence is therefore decidedly in favour of Vamana and Jayaditya being two different persons and joint authors of the Kadika. The next ques. tion is, can we determine their date, or at least the date of one of them P
In the Preface to the sixth volume of my edi- tion of the Rig Veda (p. xxix.), I endeavoured to show that the statement made by Bhattojidikshita in the Sabdakaustubha, and by the author of the Manorama, viz., that Vamana, whose fame had been eclipsed by Vopadeva, had been brought forward again by Madhava, was so far confirmed by the commentary on the Rig Veda, that Vopadeva is nowhere quoted by Madhava, while V&mana is quoted at least once in the commentary on the Rig Veda, and more frequently in Sâyana's Dhatuvritti. Bâlaśåstrin conclud. ed rightly from that verse that Vamana must be older than Madhava, 1350 A.D., and older than Vopadeva, twelfth century. I added that Såyana quotes both Haradatta, the author of the Padamanjart, an exposition of the Kafikd, and Nyasa kara, i.e., Jinendra, the author of the Nydea or Kafikd-vritti-pañjikd. This last book is likewise quoted by the author of a commentary called the Kavyakamadhenu, probably the work of Vopadeva,
so that the interval between the authors of the Kubikd and those who could quote from commentaries on their works must be extended accordingly.
This was the state of uncertainty in which the date of the Kdsikd had to be left. “It must be earlier than the twelfth century" (Burnell, Aindra School of Sanskrit Grammarians, p. 92):" it is not a modern work" (Bühler, loc. cit., p. 73). Such were the last utterances of two of the most competent judges.
One other argument in favour of the comparatively early date of Vamana and Jayaditya should not be passed over. It was produced by Balabastrin, who showed that both were evidently Jainas, or, what is the same with him, Bauddhas. Like the Amarakosha, the Katika begins without any invocation or exposition of the character of the book, a custom always observed by orthodox writers. Secondly, the authors of the Katika actually alter the text of Pånini, which no orthodox Brůhman would venture to do. In Sútra iv. 2, 43, they insert sahdya, writing gramajanabandhusahdyebhyas tal instead of Påņini's gramajanabandhubhyas tal. Thirdly, they quote instances referring to Buddhist literature, which, again, no respectable writer would do. When giving an instance of the use of the verb nf, in the Atmanepada, meaning "to be honoured," they say, " Charva is honoured in the Lokayata school." This Charva (Chårvåka P) is said to be a name of Buddha, and means here a Buddhist teacher, who is honoured in the Lokayata school. An orthodox writer would have quoted authorities from orthodox, never from nihilistic, schools. And Bålasåstrin adds that there were other distinguished grammarians too at that time who were Jainasfor instance, the author of the Nydsa, Jinendrabuddhi--but that their works were afterwards eclipsed by those of orthodox grammarians, such as Bhattojidikshita, Haridikshita, Någesabhatta, &c.
After thus baving established two pointsviz, that Vamana and Jayaditya were joint authors of the Kalikd, and that they were Jainas or Bauddhas, we return to the question as to their probable age. Much light on Indian chronology has been received, as is well known, from Chinese writers, whether from translators of Sanskrit texts, or from travellers, such as Fa-Hian, Sungyun, Hiwen-Thsang, and others. Meeting in Mr. Beal's Catalogue of the Buddhist Tripitaka (p. 94) with the title of a work called Nan-hae-kikwei-chouen, being "Records concerning Visite and Returns to the Southern Seas," I consulted Mr. Kasawara on the contents of the work. He informed me that it was written by I-tsing, one of the best-known Chinese pilgrims, who left Guanchau, in China, in the eleventh lunar month

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THE KÅSIKA.
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of the year 671 A.D., arrived at Tamralipti, in India, after a long voyage, in the second month of 673, and started from that place for Nálanda in the fifth month of the same year. After the lapso of some years, he returned to Tamralipti, and sailed to Si-ri-fa-sai, in the Southern Sea countries.
It seems that he wrote his book, "The Accounts of Buddhist Practices sent, being entrusted to one who returns to China, from the Southern Sea Countries," in Si-ri-fa-sai, for he generally compares the practices of India with those of the Southern Sea countries. His work consists of two volumes, containing four books and forty chapters. Though he does not mention how long he was in India, yet, as he refers to the usurper Queen, Tsak-tin-mo-hau, whose date is 690, we see that he must then have been absent from China twenty years, and have spent eighteen years in India. We may gather, in fact, from remarks occurring in his work that he was born about 635, that he left China in 671, arrived at Tåmralipti in 673, and was still absent in 690, at the time of the usurpation of Queen Tsak-tin-mo-hau. That usurpation lasted till 705, when the Tang dynasty was restored. It is stated elsewhere that I-tsing died in 713, 79 years old, and that he had returned to China in 695.
In the thirty-fourth chapter of his work I-tsing treats of learning in the West, and chiefly of grammatical science, the Sabdavidyd, one of the five vidyds or sciences. He gives the name Vydkarana, grammar, and then proceeds to speak of five works, generally called grammar in India.
I. The first is called elementary siddhanta. and begins with siddhirastu. It was originally taught by Mahéávara, and is learnt by heart by children when they are six years old. They learn it in six months.
Most likely this refers to the Siva Sutras, granted by the favour of Maheśvara. But, from the description given, this siddhanta must have contained much more than the fourteen Siva Sútras. "There are forty-nine letters," I-tsing writes, "the compounds of which are divided into eighteen sections, and of which altogether more than 10,000 words are formed. These words are arranged in 300 slokas, of thirty-two syllables
and treats of grammatical roots. Evidently a Dhatupdtha.
IV. Three so-called Khilas :-(1) Ashtadhátr, consisting of 1,000 blokas (on declension and conjugation); (2) Man-cha, consisting of 1.000 slokas (on Ksit suffixes P); (3) Unddi, consisting of 1,000 blokas (on Unådi suffixes).
Boys of ten years learn these parts of grammar, and finish them after three years.
Without dwelling on some difficult questions connected with these Khilas-which are rightly rendered by "uncultivated pieces of land"-we proceed at once to No. V., which is called Vritti Satra, a commentary on the foregoing Sutra. We are told that it is the best among the many commentaries. It contains 18,000 blokas, citing the words of the Sútra, and explaining intricate matters very clearly. It exposes the laws of the universe and the precepts of Heaven and man. Boys of fifteen begin to study this commentary, and understand it completely in five years. This commentary is the work of the learned Jayaditya, who was endowed with great ability. His literary talent was so excellent that he understood matters of literature hearing them once, and did not require to be told twice. He revered the three venerable ones, and performed all religious duties. Since his death it is nearly thirty years."
If we take the lowest date for I-tsing's work, viz., 690 A.D. (because he mentions the usurpation which took place in that year), he would have been four years, as he says, in Si-ri-fa-sai, and thirteen in India, when he wrote the thirtyfourth chapter of his work; and there is no reason why he should not have known, and, if he cared, have been able to ascertain the exact date, of the death of the author of one of the most famous grammars of that time, moreover a grammar which he recommends all true students, coming from China to India, to learn by heart. On the whole, his description of that grammar agrees well with the Kusika Vritti, and it is almost im. possible to imagine that he should have fixed by accident or fraud on the real name of one of the authors of that grammar, Jayaditya. Unless the whole of I-tsing's work be shown to be a spurious compilation, we are justified in assuming that he knew a commentary on Panini's Sútras by Jaya. ditya, and that he believed Jayaditya to have died not later than 660 AD.
I do not wish to disguise some difficulties connected with I-tsing's accounts of grammatical literature in India. After having mentioned the five principal works on grammar, be mentions what he calls a commentary on the Vritti Sútra, in 24,000 blokas. The title seems to be Juni or Chuni, and the author's name Patañjali. This,
each."
II. The second grammatical work is called Sdtra, the foundation of all grammatical science. It is the work of Påņini, and contains 1,000 slokas. He was inspired by Mabesvara, and is said to have been endowed with three eyes. Children begin to learn it when they are eight years old, and learn it in eight months.
III. Dhátu. This consists of 1,000 blokas,

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therefore, could only be Patasijali's Mahabhdshya, which may, in a certain sense, be called a commentary on the Katika Vritti, because it is a fuller commentary on the same text. But why should it be called Junip Is this possbily & name connected with Gonika, the mother of Patañjali, who calls himself Goņika-putra (Goldstücker, Panini, p. 235), or with Gonarda, his supposed birth-place, from which he takes the name of Gonardiya P (Goldstücker, loc. cit., pp. 235, 236).
Equally difficult is the next statement, viz., that he knew a commentary on the Juni by Bhartsihari, in 25,000 slokas. He calls it Bhartrihari-discourse." Is this meant for Bhartřihari's Kdrikas? It can. not be meant for the Vakyapadiya, because that is described afterwards. I-tsing speaks of Bhartrihari as a Buddhist. After stating that this work of his in 25,000 blokas treats of the principles of human affairs and of grammar, and also gives a history of the rise and decline of many families, he adds that Bhartribari " was familiarly ac- quainted with tho principles of the doctrine of
only mind,' and a student of logic. His name and virtues were very famous throughout the five divisions of India and every neighbouring country. He believed deeply in the Three Ratnas, and meditated on the Two Sanyas. He was a follower of the excellent religion, and belonged to the priestly order. But overcome by worldly desires, he became seven times a priest, and seven times returned to the laity. He was a contemporary
of Dharmapala, and forty years bad elapsed since his death."
The next work mentioned is "the Vakyadiscourse, in seven hundred blokas and seven thousand words, treating of observation and inference, according to the scriptures." As it is likewise a grammatical work, we can hardly be wrong in taking it to be Bhartrihari's Vikyapadlya.
The last grammatical work defies, as yet, all identification. It is called Pina, or Pinya, or Pida, or Vina. It contains three thousand blokas by Bhartsihari and fourteen thousand in prose by Dharmapala. It fathoms the deep secrets of heaven and earth, and treats of the philosophy of man (Vinaya P).
This must suffice for the present, but I hope that the work of this Chinese traveller which has helped us to fix the date of the Kalikd will soon be rendered generally accessible by a translation which is now being prepared by Mr. Kasawara, and which will throw an unexpected light, not only on the lifo of the Buddhists in the famous colleges of NÅlanda and Balabbi, but likewise on Buddhism as established at that time in the islands of the Southern Sea." It was in one of these islands that I-tsing spent a number of years and composed his works on the manners of the Buddhists on the continent and on the islands, and it is important to observe that those islands of the Southern Sea do not include the island of Ceylon.
MISCELLANEA. SOLAR ECLIPSE OF FEB. 10, 780 A.D. the Persian Gulf, Shiraz, Yezd, Meshd, Merv, and This eclipse, referred to ante p. 254, as possibly
Bokhara, and the eclipse would be central in Arabia, being that mentioned in the Morvi plate (vol. II,
Persia, and Turkistan, while it would be seen as a p. 258), has been computed by a correspondent large partial eclipse in the Panjab and Western with the following results. The eclipse was an
India. annular one (the sun's semidiameter being 16 9'
In long. 71° E. lat. 23° N. it began at Ob. 55m. and the moon's 14 547), and was central at noon
P.M. (local time), the greatest obscuration was at in Arabia, a little to the south-west of the Persian
2h. 21m. P.M. when the magnitude was 0.509 of Gulf, Lat. 24° 45' N. long. 49° 11' E.
the sun's diameter, and the end of the partial Greenwich mean time h. m.A.M. Long. Lat.
eclipse was at 3b. 47m. P.M. Partial beginning ... 5 331 9° 38' E. 4° 52 S. Central eclipse began 6 49 6 6 27 W. 7 57 N. NATIVE HISTORIES OF INDIAN STATES.
middle 8 28.2 42 38 E. 17 22 N. Sir Salar Jung has furnished to the Govern, 8 582 48 52 E. 24 24 N.
ment of India a list of 224 historical MSS. of 9 28 2 57 8 E. 33 21 N. which copies are found at Haidarabad, and of which
9 582 75 1 E 46 45 N. transcripts are procurable for Prof. Dowson's
ended 10 68 101 20 E. 56 32 N. supplementary volumes to Sir H. M. Elliot's Partial ended ...... 11 232 89 51 E.44 42 N.
Historians of India, in which he is to give the The line thus traced passes close to El Katif on history of the Musalman dynasties of the Dekhan. • Dr. Bühler informs me that fragments of Bhartihari's the ecliptio conjunction having been used by mistake for commentary on the Mahabhashya exist in the Royal the conjunction in R. A. Library at Berlin and in the Dekhan.
February 28, 1880, see Allen'. Indian Mail, Oet: 20, The statement in note 2 p. 354 is in error owing to

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In doing so, Sir Salar Jung requests, in return, to be furnished with a list of all similar works obtained elsewhere by Prof. Dowson, and of all the Oriental historical works which are found in the libraries of the different Native States in India, and in European collections.
This is a step in the right direction to revive an interest in the past history and local annals of Native States, which we hope may be followed up by all of them. Much has been done by Government for the cataloguing and transcription of rare Sanskrit MSS., and the results have been important and valuable. May we not hope that an effort will also be made to catalogue the valuable libraries of Persian and Arabic works in India, and to secure copies of the most important and least known historical MSS. P
MISCELLANEA.
AN APPARITION SEEN BY THE SUPREME COUNCIL OF INDIA.
The Rev. Bourchier Wrey Savile has issued a second edition of his valuable and interesting book on " Apparitions," (published by Longmans and Co.,) and in it he gives fresh instances of the seeing of spontaneous apparitions by persons not Spiritualists. In the preface he says:
"I am indebted to the kindness of George Sparkes, Esq., of Bromley, Kent, for the following very singular incident connected with that eminent statesman, Warren Hastings, who together with Lord Clive and the recently deceased Lord Lawrence have done more than any other of our great men to found and preserve to our descendants the finest empire in British India, which the world has ever seen. Mr. Sparkes informs me that one evening, when his great-uncle, Joseph Cater, Esq., then secretary to Warren Hastings, was sitting with the Supreme Council of India in the Council Chamber of Calcutta, Mr. Shakespeare, one of the members, suddenly looked up, exclaiming, "Good God, there is my father!" The whole Council then saw a figure of an unknown person glide through the chamber into another room which had no outlet, and disappear. What particularly attracted the attention of the Council was the fact that the figure appeared with a hat of unusual shape, commonly known in our day by the name of "chimney-pot." The GovernorGeneral was so struck with the occurrence that he ordered a minute to be made of the matter, and placed in the record-chest; and where it may possibly still remain. In course of time a ship from England arrived, bringing the news of the death of Mr. Shakespeare's father; and likewise a cargo of "chimney-pot hats," the first ever brought to India.
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NOTES AND QUERIES.
2. PROPER NAMES (ante, p. 229).-In addition to the Note on Proper Names by Mr. G. A. Grierson in the Ind. Antiquary, ante p. 141, I beg to state that the following names are given in the Canarese country of Maisûr, to children born after the death of two or more immediately preceding, and if not already published, the information may be of interest:
Tippia-from tippé, meaning dung-hill,-a coincidence with "Gobardhan" in vogue in similar cases in Bengal.
Giriappa-from giri, a mountain.
Gundappa-from gundu, a rock. Kallia from kalli, a stone. Kadappa-from kadu, wilderness, jungle, or
forest.
Kappia or Kappanna-from kappi, blackness. Besides this, parents and relatives call children also by affectionate terms which in course of time are generally adopted instead of their proper names. Such terms are
Chikid-from child, small.
Puṭṭia or Puṭṭu Rão-from putta, small. Appanna or Appå Râo-from appå, father. Thummi&-from thummd, younger brother. Annia or Annappå-from annd, elder brother. Sannappa-from sanna, small.
Doddappa or Doddanna-from doddá, large. I may add that these names are also made use of by females, when their husbands go by the same names as the children, and which they are precluded from uttering.
7. CHOWKA. For long my attention has been drawn to the custom of Chowkd so rigidly observed by the Hindustani or Northern. Brahmans and they thus explain its signification. In preparing his meals the Brahman cleans the ground (or gets it cleaned), draws lines to form an oblong or square figure wherein he must place every article of food to be cooked, including firewood, and when he bathes and has once got into the Chowkd, he is not to come out of it until he has finished his
meals; but if he is compelled to come out, the food is given away to a Súdra, and everything is prepared afresh.
They say it is a custom corresponding with Svayampaka in Sanskrit, but the Brahmans in this country take this term to mean "to prepare his own meals," and Chowkd does not occur in their observances. I shall be glad if any up-country or Bengal Brahman will kindly enlighten me (one of them) as to the full object and observances of
Chowka.
M. R. TIVARI.
Chikmaglur, 22nd July 1880.

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ASIATIC SOCIETIES. Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. Sanskrit and linguistic students for the able man. X, No. II.-Besides an interesting account, by ner in which they have carried out their laborious Mr. J. H. Hall, of a collection of some thirty researches. Cypriote inscriptions belonging to the Metropoli- The Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society No. 2, tan Museum of Art at New York, with facsimiles 1880, opens with a long paper by Dr. A. F. Rudolph of these documents, this number contains two Hoernle containing a collection of Hindi Roots with papers of considerable importance to Sanskrit remarks on their derivation and classification. scholars. Professor John Avery, of Iowa College, The collection was originally intended for the in his Contributions to the History of Verb- author's Comparative Grammar of the Gaudian inflection in Sanskrit,' proposes to furnish a general Languages, and the introductory remarks to this view of the development of the system of verbal paper give the substance of the chapter on Roots' inflection in Sanskrit, based on a critical analysis (pp 159-179) of that work. The root of dekh has and tabulated statement of the verbal forms of been a subject of controversy; in Kasmiri it is representative works of the three successive periods deshun, Gipsy dikáva, and Singhalese dikanava. of Sanskrit literature, viz., the Vedic, the Brah- Childers derived the Pali dakkhati from the Sansmanic, and the classical periods. The works selected krit drakshyati the future from the root dris, of for the purpose are the Rigveda, the Aitareya- which the present is not in use; and he shewed Brahmana, and the Nala and Bhagavadgita. The that in earlier Pâli writings it is always used in a verbal forms quoted from these works include future tense, and only in later times as a present. 18,216 from the Rik, 7,159 from the Brahmana, Pischel supports the views of Childers; but Weber and 2716 from the two remaining works. The controverts them and derives dekk from the current arrangement of the present stems or desiderative didrakshate. P. and S. Goldschmidt * special tenses' in ten classes has rightly been explain it as a denominative from the past participle discarded and a more scientific one has been drishta. Dr. Hoernle agrees with Childers and adopted; viz., I, Simple Root class (2nd Indian Beames that the original form dakh was, in course class); II, Reduplicating class (3rd Indian); III, of time, changed to dekh in order to assimilate it to Nasal classes (5th, 8th, 9th, and 7th Classes); and another very common root pekh, also meaning IV, the a-classes (1st, 6th and 4th Indian classes). "see." From the transitive pair of roots pekk The tenth Indian class has been thrown together and dekh, another similarly assimilated pair pikh with the causatives. The author also gives a list and dikh are derived with meanings generally of the roots found in these works.
intransitive "be seen," "appear." Two instances A still more elaborate paper is the one by Pro- of a similar process of derivation from the future fessor C. R. Lanman of Johns Hopkins University, base of a Sanskrit root are adduced in 0. Hindi Baltimore, which contains a Statistical Account of nakh or nankh "destroy," or "throw away," Noun-Inflection in the Veda.' The nominal forms Skr. nañkskya (fut. of nas); and 0. Hindi krakkl (not including, however, the infinitives, the verbal "draw," and H. khech, khaich or khench" draw," absolutives and the pronominal forms)of the Rigveda Skr. Kralshya (fut. of krish). The Sanskrit future are here put together and scientifically classified nañkshyati would be Pr. nañkhai or nakkhai, in the most complete and exhaustive manner. The whence in Hindi naskhai or nakkhai with a present nominal bases or stems are grouped by the author meaning, while it is to be noted that the sense of in three classes, viz. 1, Stems whose suffixes end in the root has become transitive. vowels; 2, Suffixless stems (including however, The Sanskrit root preksh "see," becomes pekkh for convenience sake, some bases formed with such or pechohh in Prakrit; the Skr. fut base drakshya suffixes as-aj, -ij, -it, -ut, -vat), and 3, stems whose "will see," becomes dakkha or dachchha in Prakrit, suffixes end in -t, - and -8. The nominal forms, and similarly the Skr. fut. base krakshya or karkshya brought together under these groups, and further in Prakrit would become kakkha or kachchha ; classified according to the respective suffixes as and the Sanskrit compound future base dkarkshya well as to gender, number and case, amount to up- (4 + krish) would become dakkha or dachchha. wards of 96,000. In additional notes, interesting With the insertion of the usual euphonic y, the inferences are drawn from these results in regard latter would become dyachchhai or (with the not to the relative ages of different Vedic texts and unusual nasalization instead of the reduplication) the different Mandalas of the Rigveda, on the dyanchhai; and, on Childers' theory, this might whole bearing out the views on these points pre- be used as a present, equivalent to Skr. karshati. valent among Sanskrit scholars. The authors of Hemachandra in his Grammar (iv. 187) gives these papers deserve the heartiest thanks of all dyanchhai, ayañchhai, dinchhai as equivalents of

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karshati: Hindi has ainchai or enchai. Now the root krish would yield a Pråkrit from kachchhai or kanchai, which, in Hindi, by transferring the lost aspiration of chh to k and by assimilation to ainchai and enchai, would result in the modern forms khainchai or khenchai and khaichai or khechai.
ASIATIC SOCIETIES.
The lists of Roots are arranged in two parts, the first contains the primary, and the second consists of secondary roots.
The second paper is on some Coins supplementary to Thomas's Chronicles of the Pathan Kings, by C. J. Rodgers, and gives an account of about forty previously undescribed coins with two plates.
The third and last paper is a memorandum on Coins of the Sunga dynasty by H. Rivett-Carnac, C.I.E., supplementary to Mr. Carlleyle's paper in the previous number, with 3 plates representing 29 of these coins, belonging to B hâ nu mitra, Agnimitra, Bhumimitra, Phagunimitra, Bhadraghosha, Suryamitra, and Indramitra. Those of Agnimitra seem to be the most plentiful. Bhadraghosha, Mr. RivettCarnac suggests, may be the Ghoshavasu whom Wilford supposes to be interpolated as the father or predecessor of Vikrama, and the Bhumimitra of the Pauranik lists of the Kan wa dynasty may be the same as the king of that name on his coins.
The corresponding part on "Physical Science" is chiefly occupied by a paper on the Water-supplies of Calcutta. We wonder the many students of Physical science in its various branches have not established for themselves a separate journal. Many of them can have as little interest in Hindi roots, and Sanskrit literature, as the Orientalist has in Calcutta Water-supply or Hebomoia Roepstorfii,, Were those interested in Geography, and the Natural and Physical sciences all over India to form a Society (it might still continue in connexion with the Bengal Asiatic) with branches in Bombay, Madras, Ceylon, Panjab, and the North-West, each with an energetic Secretary, it might do immense service to science. The branches would help and incite one another to work, and instead of several ill-supported journals, they would be able to publish regularly one really good one, representing the work of all, and forming a medium of communication between them. Each local secretary would be a sort of joint editor under the guidance of the working editor, who would be responsible for the printing and publication. A journal of the kind is needed, and would be supported by numbers who care little for the contents of Part I of the Journal of the A. S. of Bengal, and who are not members of that Society. An Indian journal of Physical and Natural Science is a want that might and ought to be supplied.
311
In the Journal Asiatique for August-September 1880, M. Harlez gives his sixth and last article on the sources of Zoroastrianism. The paper, like those that have preceded it, is scholarly, searching, and satisfactory. His conclusions are supported by the most cogent reasoning, while he shows that the early Zoroastrian writings contain no trace of a knowledge of a resurrection of the body, frashokereti, which some authors have translated in that sense, meaning properly the act producing immortality,'-he points out that they do speak of immortality itself and the restoration of the world at the end of time; and that, while there are points of apparent resemblance between some Zoroastrian doctrines and certain leading tenets in the Jewish religion, the resemblances only help to shew how independent and essentially different were the views of the early Magians and the Hebrews. The real though imperfect monotheism of the Zoroastrians differed in kind and in its place in the system from the absolute monotheism of the Jews, which was the very principle of the constitution of their system; creation ex nihilo was the necessary result of the fundamental principle of the Jews, whilst by the Iranians it was attributed to other spirits besides Ahuramazda; and Satan, M. Harlez shews, has a very subordinate place in the one system to that of Anromainyus in the other, The whole paper deserves to be translated into English.
M. Gatteyrias gives a translation, from the Armenian, of an Elegy on the sufferings of Armenia and the martyrdom of St. Vahan of Kogthen. M. Senart follows with a continuation of his study of the inscriptions of Piyadasi, giving the fourth and fifth edicts, accompanied by a copy of General Cunningham's two plates of the Kapur-di-giri inscription. To the miscellany, M. Imbault-Huart contributes translations from the Chinese of apologues, anecdotes, bon-mots, tales, maxims, and aphorisms. The part concludes with a notice of the Annales auctore Abu Jafar Mohammed ibn Jarir at-Tabari, published under the supervision of M. de Goeje.
The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for Oct. 1880 commences with a long paper (pp. 435-541) on the early history of Tibet by Dr. S. W. Bushell of Peking, being a literal translation from the official histories of the Tang dynasty which was founded in 618 A.D. The annals contained in this paper cover the period from 634 to 866, and give us the names of the Tibetan sovereigns in their Chinese forms, differing considerably from those in the lists of Georgius, Schmidt, Csoma de Korös, and E. Schlagentweit. The following is the list,

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[DECEMBER, 1880.
A.D. 634. Chitsungluntsan sent the first
mission to China. 650. Chilipapu, his grandson. 679. Ch'in ushsilung, his son, aged 8. 705. Ch'lisotsan, son, aged 7, killed on
an expedition against Nepal and
India. - Ch'ilisulungliehtsan, Khri
srang-lde-btsan. 755. Sohsilungliehtsan, son. - Chilitsan reigning in 780. 797. Tsuchih chien, eldest son. 798. -
second son of Ch'ilitsan, died 804. 816. K'oli k'o tsu, who reigned under the
title of Yit'ai. 838. Tamo (Dharma) brother of K'olik'.
otsu. 842. Chilihu, a nephew of the consort of
Tamo; civil war. 849. Shang k'angje, declared himself
tsanp'u; killed by the Uighur
Turks, 866. In an appendix, Dr. Bushell gives rubbings and & restoration of an inscription from a stono monu. ment in front of a large temple in Lhasa, dated in the 2nd year of the Ch'ang.k'ing period (822), and engraved both in Tibetan and Chinese.
Mr. G. Lo Strange contributes Notes' on some inedited coins from a collection he made in Persin in 1877-1879. Among them is a tribolos of Seleukos Nikator, on the reverse of which is a horse drinking or feeding in front of Zeus's feet. A drachm of Seleukos III (he thinks), bears on
the exergue of the reverse the letters E; and on the reverse of a drachm of Antiokhos III, Great, above the head of the seated Apollo, are the letters MEN.
In Khorasan he obtained three copper coins of Sana bares, on which he reads-BACIAEYC CANABAPHC, instead of Eavaßapos. Among about seventy Parthian drachms, is one, apparently of one of the satraps of Mithridates I: on the oby. is a head to the right (usually to the left), bearded and bound by a tiara; on the rev. is the usual king seated on a stool and round him is written BALIAEQ METAAOY APEAKOY. On a drachm of Artabanos II. (like pl. ii, No. 13 Numism. Orient. : Parthian Coins), the inscription reads--Baoiews μεγαλου Αρσακου θεοπατρον νικάτορος.
Among dinars and dirhems of the Khalifate he found a much-clipped dinar of Al-Mutawwakel, dated A. H. 237 and minted at Sana'a, also a rare dinar of Beni Aghlab of A. H. 296; and a unique dinar of A1Hasan ben al Kasem the Alide. At Tehran he bought a dinar which proves to be a well executed forgery, dated A.H. 314, coined at 'Ani, and bearing on the reverse
بن المقتدر بالله امیر المومنین
ابو العباس
Among others are three dinars of Nuh ibn Nasr, the Samanide Amir, of A. H. 331, 333 and 337, all differing; a beautiful dinar of Majd al Dan. leh Buyeh of 398, coined at Muhammadiyeh ; and a dirhem of A. II. 131 coined at Ash-Shamiyeh.
The third and last paper consists of three Pali sutlas on the Buddhist Nirudna and 'the Noble eightfold Path,' by Dr. O. Frankfurter.
BOOK NOTICES. DIE KIRCHE der THOMASCHRISTEN. Ein Beitrag zur and the visit of the Apostle Thomas is discussed Geschichte der Orientalischen Kirchen, von Dr. W. Ger. mann. (Gütersloch, 1877.)
afresh with all the evidences from Syriac and MEDIEVAL MISSIONS (Duff Missionary Lectures-First other sources, some of which will be new to the
Series) by Thomas Smith, D.D. (Edinburgh: T, and T. Clark, 1880.)
English reader. For example, from Dr. Land's The Syrian Church of Malabar has often at- Anecdota Syriaca (vol. I, p. 123) he derives this :tracted attention, and has been the subject of "In the year 52 of our Lord Jesus Christ the numerous papers and even of separate volumes. lord Thomas came into India and arrived at In the first of the works named above Dr. Ger- Mailapur. Here he preacherl the gospel to many mann has dono good service by going over the
whom he made disciples and baptized in the name whole ground again, and collecting into a volume of the Father and Son and Holy Spirit. Thence of 792 pages all the information available on so he set out and travelled in Malabar, where he interesting a subject, and presenting a detailed reached Moljokare. He preached also to the history of these Christians from the earliest times people of this district and there set up an altar to the till the present day.
Lord, to whom moreover he gave two presbyters The vexed question of the origin of the Church From that he went to Kutkayet, where he founded I E. g. Geddes'e History of the Church of Malabar, also Ind. Ant. vol. III, p. 309, vol. IV, pp. 153, 181, 311 ; 1694; La Croze, Hist. du Christianisme des Indes, 1723 Jour. R. As. Soc. vol. I, p. 175; Lassen, Ind, Ali. Bd. Hough, Hist. of Christianity in India, 1339, vols. I and 11. S. 1119. Il; Raalinus, Hist. Eccl. Malab. 1745 ; Lee's Brief His. Elsewhere spelt Maljom kare: this is Malankara, a tory; and Whitehouses Lingerings of Light, 1878; J. small island iu the lagoon S. E. from Kodungalur.-ED. W. Etheridge, The Syrian Churches, London : 1846, see Evidently Kottakayal.

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BOOK NOTICES.
319
a church, as he also did at Trapeli and Guka Malabarian brethren desired. Therefore, not long maglam' and Nername and Tirubokut. Next he after, yea in these very days, with the help returned to Mailapur, where he was stabbed with a of the adorable God, and by order of the patriarch spear by the unbelievers" (p. 43).
of the East, Thomas of Jerusalem, the merchant Dr. Smith in the 7th lecture of his popular little went forth again, and with him the bishop who volume has made large use of Dr. Germann's had seen the vision, and at the same time pres. work, and gives the following version of another byters and deacons, and also men and women, quotation from the same source (vol. I, p. 124)':- young men and maidens, from Jerusalem and "Afterwards, when 160 truly Christian families of Bagdad and Nineveh, and they entered into a ship Malabar Christians were so long without presbyters and set sail for Malabar, and arrived at Maljomkare and leaders, a dissention arose among them, for what the year of the Lord 345." cause I know not, but some of them renounced the Germann devotes the 2nd chapter of his work to orthodox faith, and others did not. Those who re
| Pantænus and his mission; the 3rd to Theonounced it were 96 families, and those who retain. philus and this Thomas of Jerusalem; the 4th ed it were 64. At the same time a vision appeared
to the Manicheans and their connection with by night to the metropolitan of Edessa, who arose in Malabar; the 5th to Kosmas Indicopleu sthe morning and went to the Catholicus of the East, I tes and his mission in 529 A.D.; another to the and told him of the vision which he had seen, Jews in India,&c.;-and the early history is brought and when the Catholicus had heard it, he sent down, in the first division of the work, to the close messengers to all the churches and monasteries of the middle ages. The second division (pp. 315— and cities of the diocese, and convoked an assem- 770) gives a careful history of the church from 1498 bly. And when many flocks had met, with their to 1875, and is followed by a useful chronological bishops, and with merchants belonging to them, table, of which we give the first portion - he told them what the bishop had seen, and related B.C. 150. Hindus visit the valley of the Euphrates to them his words. Then one of them arose, viz., , 31. Alexandrin taken by the Romans, a a merchant, whose name was Thomas of Jeru
centre of communication. salem, who answered, saying, 'I have ere now , 20. Nikolaus of Damascus met with an Indian heard from foreign places and travellers a report
embassy at Daphne of Antioch. about Malabar and India.' When the patriarch 30 to A.D. 14. Embassies of the Tamil Paņ. heard this answer, he rose from his seat, went to
dyas of Madura and of the ruler of Thomas, embraced him lovingly, and thus address
Malabar, to Augustus. ed him, I entreat thee my very dear son, to go to -Hippalus discovers the south-weet monMalabar, to visit the inhabitants of the country,
soon. end to bring me back word as to what has befallen PP Jewish trading colonies in India. The them. Therefore Thomas of Jerusalem set out
Black Jews. The Beni-Israel.10 for Malabar, and coming to Maljom kare he saw A.D. 40. King Yndopherres in the Indus valley. the Thomas-Christians; and they were mutually cir. 52. The Apostle Thomas in India. pleased, the Christians telling him of the state of 55. King Gondopherres or Gundaphorus. their affairs, which when Thomas had heard, he 41-54. Claudias receives an embassy from gave them courage and exhorted them with kind
Ceylon. 11 words, and straightway he embarked and returned
P Brahman pilgrims to the Island of the into his country. On his return he went to the
Whites (6retadvipa). patriarch, and said to him, Lo! I have seen with cir. 69. Emigrant white Jews build MabAdevamy eyes the Thomas-Christians, and we have
pattanam (Kodángaldr). spoken together with mutual satisfaction, and » 200. Pantænus in north-western India. I left them hopeful and returned !' The patriarch 233. Request of the Edessans for the transfer answered, Although I am ready to lay down my
of the bones of the apostle Thomas life for them, I ask you to be pleased to point
from India. out what these my children would have me do for - Thomas the Manichean sent to India: he them.' Then he stated to the patriarch what the
returns back.
• Yerapalli near Eddapalli, N. E. from Cochin.-ED.
• Probably the modern Kothamangalam in Cochin, or possibly Kajonkambalam at Udiampirúr.-ED.
• The modern Neranam S. W. of Cochin called Naranam by Menezes, and Nernote by Da Perron.-ED.
Germann, pp. 84, 85, in Smith's Med. Miss. pp. 255, 256; Mar. Gabriel in the account given to the Rev. J. C. Visscher, Dutch chaplain, Letters from Malbar (1743) makes similar statement; see Whitehouse's Ling. of
Light, p. 61n.
* This seems to be a mistake; Strabo speaks of only one embassy from one king, Pandion (XV, i. 4); and Florus says it was four years on the road (Híst Rom. IV, 12); see Priaulx's Apoll. of Tyana, p. 68.-ED.
Probably about A. D. 47; conf. Ind. Ant. vol. VIII, p. 888.-ED.
20 See Ind. Ant. vol. III, p. 822. 11 Priaulx (u. 8. p. 99) indicates 48-47 A.D.

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314
cir. 302. Controversy on religion between Hindus and Christians in the Euphrates valley.
33
23
23
"3
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
354. Theophilus of Diu banished and employed beyond the Roman territories.
A.D. 360. Theophilus condemned by the Arians at Constantinople.
361-363. Embassy to Diva and Serendiva under Julian.
364-378. Valens, at the Tomb of Thomas in
325. John Bishop of Persia and Greater India at Nicma.
340. Theophilus of Diu visits the congregations of the Indian continent.
33
345. Thomas of Jerusalem takes a Christian colony to India. The first native Indian bishop Joseph or Italoho (Ahatalla) of Edessa.
"
? 369, Jewish colony to Majorca.
P 489. New Jewish emigration to Kodangalur.
- Quarrel of the White and Black Jews in the 5th century.
498. Synod of Seleucia, the Persian church under Babaeus separates from the orthodox church.
500. Temptation and apostacy through Mânikjavachaka.
Edessa.
In the 4th century, privileges to Rabban Joseph. Rule of the Anjuvannam.
" 508. Syriac version of the Bible. The Philoxe
nian version for the Jacobites.
- Privileges granted to Ravi Korttan. Rule of Manigramam.
,, 520. Kosmas Indikopleustes returns from India.
550. The bones of the apostle Thomas brought to the great church in Edessa.
550. Attempt of the sect to get the Indians
to have a Monophysite bishop. 570. Bud Periodeutes visits the Indian Christians.
580. Theodorus visits the cloister and church of the Apostle Thomas in India.
636. The Nestorian Patriarch Jesujabus Gadalensis sends missionaries to India and China.
650-660. Simeon of Persia sets himself free of Seleucia and neglects the Indians. cir. 690. Embassy of the Indian Christians to the Julianist Bishop Theodorus at Alexandria.
750. Persian Christians at Mailapur. The Pahlavi Cross. 18
12 See Burnell's S. Ind. Palæog. 2nd ed. p. 57; and Ind. Ant. vol. III, p. 311 ff.
13 Land, Anec. Syriaca, t. I., p. 125, Visscher, Letters from Malabar (Madras, 1862), p. 107.-ED.
[DECEMBER, 1880.
A.D. 778. Before this year the Indians had an independent Metropolitan.
780. Repeated schisms of the Persians of the Patriarchate of Seleucia.
13
23
33
"
23
35
33
53
33
800. The Patriarch Timotheus sends Bishop
Thomas to the Indians.
33
In the ninth century, Persians at Kottayam. Pahlavi Cross.
823. Separation between the Christians at Kodângalûr.
825. Era of Quilon. Marvân Sapor Iso obtains a grant to the Tarisapalli. Sapor and Peroz. 13
,, 1173. Somewhat before this year, Benjamin of Tudela at Gincala (Kodangalûr). 15 ,, 1222. Establishment of the Pilgrim societies. 1274. Kazwini mentions Jews and Christians at Saimur.
1288. The Indian governor occupies the building of the Church of St. Thomas. Mailapur a place of pilgrimage.
1290. Marco Polo's first visit to India.
1291. Theodosius Doria and the brothers Vivaldi seck a sea-route to India. 1291-1292. John of Montecorvino in India. Nikolaus of Pistoja killed.
-Marco Polo's return through India.
cir. 1300. Haitho Armenus on the decline of the Indian Christians.
35
841. Shortly before this year the Arab merchants (Sulaiman) visit Beit-tuma
House of Thomas.
878. Massacre of foreigners in Kanfu in China. 883. Mission from Alfred the Great to the Thomas Christians.
980. A Nestorian missionary sent through
India to China.
1122. John of India (P) at Rome.
1143. The Catholicos of Romagyri in India. mentioned by Nilos Doxapatrios.1
115. Edrisi mentions Jews, Christians, and Muhammadans in India.
A.D. 1307. Jolin of Montecorvino, first bishop of Cambalik; seven suffragan bishops appointed.
1308. Andreas of Perugia and Peregrinus pass through India to China.
1310. Menentillus of Spoleto in Upper India and Santo Tomeo.
1320. Four Franciscans martyred at Thânâ. 1320-23. Missionary visit of Jordanus to Thân, Supârâ, and Bharoch.
1324-25. Odoricus of Pordenone and James of Ireland in India, Mandeville.
1 Conf. Weber in Ind. Ant., vol. III, p. 49.-ED. 15 Wilson, Lands of the Bible, vol. II, p. 678; Gildemesister, Script. Arab. p. 185.-ED.

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315
A.D. 1328. Jordanus consecrated as Bishop of subject, the author's mode of treatment is different Columbo, i.e. Quilon.
from theirs, and in his revision he has had the » 1330. Bishop Jordanus a second time in India. advantage of studying their researches, whilst his
Prince of the Nascarines (Nazarites). stock of information has been steadily augmented. ,,1332. The preaching friars restored by the Exclusive of the indexes, &c. the body of the work Pope and organized.
contains 419 pages, and is divided into an introduc- In the 14th century Antonius and Thomas
tion and 26 chapters: the first four are devoted in India.
to a life of Buddha; the 5th to the Patriarchs of 1318-50. John of Marignola in India.
the northern Buddhists; the 6th to the history of cir. 1370. Cessation of the Romish missions to
Buddhism in China; the 7th and 8th to Schools of China and Iudia.
Buddhism; the 9th to its moral system; the 10th - Buk karaya of Vijyanagar grants land to
to the 13th, to the Calendar, Hindu mythology, the Church of St. Thomas at Mailapur. and Buddhist cosmogony; the 14th to the 16th, „ 1440. Nicolo di Conti at Mailapur.
to Images, Monasteries, and Ceremonials; the 17th ,,1455. Quarrels between the Christians and to the 19th, to Buddhist Literature, with speciMuhammadans at Mailapur.
mens; the 20th, to the effect of Buddhism on the ,,1464. Pius II. renews the missionary society Sung philosophy: the 21st, to the Wind and Water for India.
superstition; the 2nd, to Buddhist phraseologs ,, 1487. Pedro de Cavilhao as Portuguese Ambas- in relation to Christian teaching; the 23rd, is a sador in India.
notice of the Wu-wei-kiau, & reformed Buddhist ., 1490. George and Joseph of the Thomas Chris. sect originated about 270 years ago; the 24th, is
tians sent to the Patriarch. Mar Thomas on the popular aspects of Buddhism and Taoism;
and John sent to India with Joseph. the 25th, on Sanskrit words in Chinese literature; .. 1492. Joseph accompanies Thomas back to and the 26th, on some of the Books and papers Mesopotamia.
which have been published in Europe on Chinese „1493. Joseph returns back to India.
Buddhism. These subjects are not all treated with , 1497. Vasco da Gama sails for India in July. equal fulness and accuracy, but on most of them ,, 1498. In April finds Thomas Christians (R) at there is more or less of new information drawn from Melinda.
original sources. In the 5th Chapter (pp. 60-86) 1490-1503. Purushottama of Orissa overruns the the information respecting the Patriarchs is much Carnatic to Conjeveram, destroys Mai
faller than we have met with elsewhere. As Mr. lapur before 1500.
Beal has given a list (ante p. 148), compiled chiefly This work is by far the fullest yet written on from Tårânátha, and Mr. Edkins's differs in some the subject, and forms a valuable contribution to names, and gives long details about many of them our knowledge.
we extract here, for purposes of comparison, little The seventh lecture in Dr. Smith's little volume more than the bare list, completing it from is a popular résumé of the history of the same sect,
Rémusat's and Lassen's (Ind. Alt. Bd. II, 2nd ed. and of the missions to India in the middle ages, in
S. 1200ff): which he has made use of Dr. Germann's work; 1. Kas y apa, a Brahman: to him, the Chinese his sixth lecture is on the missions to Central Asia allege, was entrusted the deposit of esoteric docand China : the others relate to the more noteable trine, the symbol of which, communicated orally missionaries and their work in Europe and Africa. without books, is the wastika. He taught for They are addressed to the general reader, and are
20 years. vigorously written.
2. Ånanda, the son of Suklodana, the uncle
of Buddha. According to Târânátha, he presided CHINESE BUDDHISM: & volume of Sketches, Historical,
40 years. Descriptive, and Critical, by Rev. Joseph Edkins, D.D. London: Trübner & Co. 1880.
3. Angna và su, s&nak a vå sa, or $ 4This new volume of Trübner and Co.'s Oriental na va sika of Rajagriha. Some say he was a Series is one of considerable value, and, as the author Vaiśya born at Mathura. He went to Manda remarks, "there is room for new information on the mountain and thence to Kipin (Kandahar), proentrance, progress, and characteristics of Chinese pagating the doctrines of Buddhism, about 80 belief in the religion founded by Sakyamuni." years before the conquests of Alexander. It is "the fruit of many years' studies. Some 4. Upagupta was a native of the Mathura parts of it were written nearly twenty-five years country. Some say he was a Sadra. ago; nearly all is the fruit of Chinese reading." 5. Drikata or Dhritaka, a native of CenAnd whilst Dr. Eitel of Hongkong and Mr. T. tral India, was given by his father to Upagupta as & Watters have in this interval written on the same disciple, and received to the vows at 20 years old.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1880.
6. Michak or Kala was born in Southern India. By Eitel he is called Mikka ka, and in the San-liau-yi-su, Misu cha ka.
7. Vasumitra, who is omitted by Edkins's authority (see ante, p. 149 also). He was president of the synod under Kanishka of Kasmir B.C. 153 (?).
8. Buddhanandi, a native of Northern India.
9. Buddha mitra, converted the king and a Nirgrantha.
10. PÅrsva, 11. Punayaja or Punyaya sa s-the Funa-ya-shi of Wong-puh.
12. As vagosha or Ma-ming, born at Bankras, but tanght chiefly at Pataliputra. In his time the king of the Getae led an army to besiege Påtaliputra, but was bonght off, and got Ma-ming, Buddha's rice-bowl, and a cock that would not drink water having insects in it. The king of the Getae was afterwards attacked by the Parthians but defeated them.
13. Kapim & ra spread the Buddhist religion in Southern India. Remusat (Mél. Asiat. tom. 1, p. 122) calls him Kabimara.
14. Någårjuna or Lung-shu, born of a Brahman family in Southern India (Ind. Ant. vol. IV, p. 141), was one of the most prolific writers of the Mahayana school.
15. Kanade va, a native of South India, murdered by the disciple of an opponent. This is the Aryadeva of other lists (Ind. Ant. vol. IV, p. 142); Lassen calls him Kanadeva, and a Vaibya.
16. Rahulata or Rågurata, a native of Kapila.
17. Sang hanandi of Śrâvasti, the son of a
other languages. He found Western India under the control of king Teda. He afterwards went "to the kingdom of the Indian Gotae, who, retreating westward before the Hiung-nu, B.C. 180, conquered the Panjab and Kasmir in s.p. 126. Manura taught in Western India and Ferghana in the third century A.D. He is the author of the Vibhdsha Sastra." Others place his death in 167 A.D.
23. Haklena or Padmaratna of the country of the Geta e (Yue-ti -Kandahar P); he went to Central India and died 209 A.D.
24 Singhala putra, a native of Central India, the Aryasinha of other accounts (Rému. sat, ut sup. p. 124 ; and Lassen ; see also ante p. 149). He went to Ki-pin (Kábul P) where he was beheaded by the king. Lassen places his death between 240 and 283 A.D. Some terminate the list of great teachers here.
25. B & sia sita or Nasasata, a Brahman and native of Kandahar; he travelled in Central and Southern India, and died A.D. 328.
26. Putnomita or Punya mitra, a Kshattriya of Southern India. He visited Eastern India, and died A.D. 388.
27. Praj atara, a native of Central India, who travelled in the south and instructed Bodhi. dharma the second son of the king. He ascended the funeral pile A.D. 457.
28. Bodhidharma left Southern India for China in A.D. 526, where he died (see ante p. 149).
This last was the founder of the contemplative school in which the distinction of virtue and vice is lost. The teaching of this school, so prevalent in China, says Dr. Edkins, "has failed to produce high morality among its votaries. The mass of the people have gained from Buddhism the notion of a future retribution, but what is the use of this when the promised state beyond death consists merely of a clumsy fiction ! The metempsychosis, administered by a moral fate, has only provided them with a convenient means for charging their sinfulness and their misfortunes on a former life. What virtue the people have among them is due to the Confucian system. Buddhism has added to it only idolatry, and a false view of the future state, but has not contributed to make the people more virtuous" (p. 200). "Though the Buddhists have good precepts they are very much neglected even in the teaching." Its moral code "is feebleness itself compared with the Confucianist."
The educated Chinese despise the popular development of Buddhism, "as consisting of image worship and procuring for money the protection
. The 20th and 21st are omitted by the Fo-tsu-t'ung-ki followed by Dr. Edkins.
king.
18. Sangka ya sheta or Gayasata, a native of northern India. He died B.c. 13; Julien (Mém. sur les. Cont. Occid. tom. II, p. 346) places this B.c. 74.
19. Kumarada or Kumarata, died A.D. 23.
20. Jayata, born in northern India, died 74 A.D."
21. Vasu bhanda, generally made contem. porary with Praditya the son of Vikramaditya (Ind. Ant. vol. IV, p. 142 ff.); he died A. D. 175.
22. Manura or Manorata,-was well skilled in the analysis of alphabetic sounds, and was recommended by a learned Buddhist, named Y aja, to proceed to Western and Southern India to teach Buddhism; and Dr. Edkins thinks he would aid in giving alphabets to the Tamil and
The Fo-tsu-tung-ki, which, to fill up the vacancy, mentions Madhyantika, a disciple of Ananda who converted Khmir.

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BOOK NOTICES.
317
of powerful unseen beings." The "Sacred Edict" ments, and to fuller discussions on points of cites the judgment pronounced by Chu Hi, the interest which there was not room to do more than philosopher and critic of the Sung dynasty, refer to in so small a volume. saying, "that the Buddhists care nothing for The volume of Trübner's Oriental Series on the heaven or earth, or anything that goes on around Modern Languages has already been some time them, but attend exclusively each to his single before the public. It is a much more ambitious mind. They are then condemned for fabricating performance, but like tho other its value is much groundless tales of future happiness and misery. less than it might have been from the want of reThey are charged with doing this only for gain, ferences. The subject is much too large to be and encouraging for the same object the large ga- discussed satisfactorily in a volume of 200 pages, therings of the country population at the temples inclusive of seven appendices; and the class of stuostensibly to burn incense, but really to practise dents to which a book on the languages of India the worst forms of mischief" (p. 152).
would be really useful, want not merely a brief Such being the Chinese opinion of Buddhism, general outline of the various families of languages we can easily understand that the intellectual and their branches and subordinate dialects such vigour once connected with it is now dead, past all
as could be compressed into a volume like this, but hope of resurrection.
also full details of the literature of the subject as The work of Dr. Edkins will be found replete
connected with each branch and dialect. This is all with information respecting the history and tenets
the more needed as many statements in this volume of Buddhism in its northern form of development. seem much in want of verification or correction. It is somewhat defective in parts, from the incom- We can only afford a short specimen of Mr. pleteness of the author's knowledge of Southern Cust's style and mode of denling with the separate Buddhism : but this will hardly mislead the reader. languages. After giving the boundaries of the
Marathi language, according to the late Dr. John LES RELIGIONS et LES LANGUES de l'INDE ANGLAISE, par Robert Cast (Bibliothèque Orientale Elzevirienne;
Wilson, he says (p. 58) :-" of this language there Paris: F. Leroux, 1890).
is a Dictionary by Molesworth and Candy with a A SKETCH of the MODERN LANGUAGES of the EAST INDIES, accompanied by two language-maps. By Robert
Preface by Wilson. Of ordinary Primers there N. Cust. (London: Trübner & Co. 1878.)
are many, and in 1868, a Student's Manual has Mr. Cust is an old Indian of superabundant been published by a native of India anonymously. energy if not of accurate scholarship. The first of based on scientific principles, and with a Preface the works before us is a tersely written little of importance. ... Although it possesses 20,000 volume, not very learned, but pleasant reading for words, it has admitted a great many loan-words any spare hour. The author's long residence in from Arabic, Persian, as well as Sanskrit. No India has given him opportunities, of which he inscriptions are found in it. The Orthography is has availed himself, to become acquainted with unfixed. It is described as copious without order, the present popular religious beliefs of the coun- energetic without rule, and with no fixed standard try, and the first part of the volume contains of classical purity. . . The dialects of the table. many remarks and suggestions founded on per- land are opposed to those of the coast below the sonal observation that thoroughly deserve the Ghâts or the Konkan. I have tried in vain to get attention even of advanced students of the his- precision. . . The tableland round Poona is the tory of the development of the roligious sects centre of the Desi, and to the South is the in India, while the book as a whole will supply Dakhini. The Dialect of Nagpuri is separate." a good deal of information in a popular form. It The Konkani of the Goa territory, he adds, is not, however, in all cases so accurate as refer- "known as Goadesi or Gomantaki, is illustrated ences to the latest authorities might have enabled by a large Literature formed by the Jesuits, conthe author to make it.
sisting of a Grammar in Portuguese, and a ChrisThe chapter or section on the languages is oftian religious book called Purun, the work of a the most popular character, and reads like a Jesuit named Estava, said to have been Stephens, magazine article. There is no index, and the only an Englishman." two foot-notes in the book, one at the beginning Now this might all be retailed table-talk: the of each part, give an undigested list of books and high character of Molesworth and Candy's Dic. authors on the subject of each ; had these liste tionaries ought to have been indicated; some of been given in more detail they would have been the best of the many Marathi Grammars in Tiseful to the student in looking for what he might English, and Kțishna Sastri Godbole's excellent want. Among the authorities on page 2 is "Tree scientific one in Marathi, might at least have been and Serpent Worship, by John Fergusson :"-we named; some of the statements following are indo not know "John." References might also correct and others sadly want“precision," while the have been given either as foot-notes, or at the end vagueness of the information about Father Thomas of each part to the authorities for important state. Estevao (+1619)" is hardly creditable to the author.
See Ind. Ant. vol. VII, p. 117.

Page #378

318
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[DECEMBER, 1880.
We are glad to see a first attempt at a bandbook on so interesting a subject, and hope it may yet be recast and thoroughly corrected so as to be a trustworthy guide to the student, supplying him with a basis of fact, and directing him to the best information on all details, while mapping out clearly the many blanks that have to be filled up by future labourers
possesses." And we heartily join with him in the desire to see more translations of standard Portuguese historical works. “The true position of the English rule in India," he adds, "and the traditions it maintains, the point of view from which it is looked upon by the native races, can never be rightly understood until a better knowledge is acquired concerning the first impressions conveyed to, and made upon, the minds of the inhabitants by the first European nation which effected any extensive settlement among them. This fact alone, one out of many quite as pertinent which might be adduced, ought to convince us of the importance of examining the classical literary productions of a nation justly celebrated at all times for enterprise and military prowess."
We trust the publication of the concluding volume of these most instructive Commentaries will not be long delayed. They form a very valuable addition to the history of the Western Coast of India. Any attempt to analyse their contents would occupy more space than we can spare: we must refer readers to the book itself.
The COMMENTARIES of the GREAT AroxsO TALDO
QUERQUE, second Viceroy of India, translated from the Portuguese edition of 1774, with Notes and an Introduction by W. de Gray Birch, F.R.S.L. vols. 1-3. London: Printed for the Hakluyt Society, 1975-80.
The volumes of the Hakluyt Society, establisbed for the purpose of printing rare or unpublished voyages and travele, are not offered for sale in the usual way, and it may not be out of place here to inform our readers that the volumes issued for the year are only obtainable by subscribers who pay a guinea per annum in advance. Usually two volumes are published annually, so that since 1848, sixty-two have been issued, including such valuable works for Indian readers as the Marvels de scribed by Friar Jordanus; Travels of Ludovico di Varthenia; Yule's Cathay and the Way Thither; the Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama, &c.
The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque were compiled by his natural son, from the
lespatches forwarded to the king D. Manoel, and were first published in 1557. A second edition corrected and augmented by the author was issued in 1576; and the third, which is the text here translated, was prepared by Nicolao Pagliarini and published in 1774, containing several original despatches and letters written by the hero himself. It was intended that the translation should have been contained in three volumes, but a fourth will be required to complete it, as the third, which was to have contained Parts III and IV of the Portuguese edition, only brings us down to the end of l'art III, which concludes with the departure of Afonso Dalboquerque for the Straits of the Red Sen in pursuance of his intention of conquering Ormuz and establishing Portuguese rule in that part of Persia.
The translator prefaces each volume with lengthy and most valuable introductions on the character of Dalboquerque, the foundation, rise, progress, and decay of the Portuguese empire in India, and bibliographical information in reference to the Indian cycle of Portuguese Literature. And the volumes are illustrated with valuable facsimiles of old maps and portraits from MSS. in the British Museum.
"There is no doubt," says Mr. Birch, "that whoever will give some time and attention to the learning of Portuguese will find his labour amply requited by the advantages to be derived from the great mass of literature which the language
i The Society's agent is Mr. Richards, 37 Great Queen Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields, London.
KAUMUDI-MAROTS ARA, by Ramachardra Bhikaji Gan
jikar and K Minath Pandarang Parau. (Parts 1-6.) Bombay, Nirnayasagar Press.
This publication, when complete, is to contain the text of the Siddhanta-Kaumudi with a Marathi commentary by the first named editor; further Pånini's Sátras printed continuously, and a second time with the anuvrittis (or words supplied from preceding sátras) compiled by the same scholar; the Gana and Dhatupathas, the Paninfya Siksha and the Unddisutras ascribed to Såkat yana (edited, with Ujjvaladatta's commentary, by Aufrecht); Santanava's Phitsútras (edited by Kielhorn); Katyayana's Varttikas; and indexes by Kasináth. Though all these works are already accessible to scholars in one form or another, it will no doubt be useful to native students to have them combined in a cheap and handy volume. Most of the works mentioned are already finished, and a few more parts will complete the compilation. In the place of the first reprint of Pånini's Sitras, the editors would have done better to have given them in alphabetical order, with the Varttikas in smaller type, worked into the same list. In the Ganapatha, various readings are given in brackets after the respective words; but the list is apparently a mere reprint of the one contained in Boehtlingk's edition of Panini, a semblance of originality being effected by the rather ingenious expedient of an interchange of Boehtlingk's various readings with his respective gana-words. Though we are far from imputing to the editors any intention to mislead others in this respect, we think it would have been as well if they had explained the nature of this part of their publication.
This was translated into French by J. Marnef, Paris, 1579.

Page #379

INDEX.
38
...
...
......
.. 17n
49
PAGE PAGE
PAGE Abdagases, k..... 258-260, 262, 263 Aindra grammariang ........... amátya, o......................35, 239 abdhija............................. 173 Aira insc...............
Ambarnath insc................ 43, 45 Abhá Salamewan, k. ............ 271 Aishin Giyoro .................. . 214 Ambêra, W. Chal. (grant of)... 304 Abhaya, k.............................. 9, 10 aiya, ayya ................
American Oriental Society ... 310 Abhidharma...........
Aiyapadeva, k.
36 Ammamanambudha, k. ........ 36 Abu'l-ghazi .........91, 93, 240, 242 aiyyar
......... 266
Amman Kovil ...................... 117 Abu Sayyid......................... 90 Aja, g. ....................... 180, 191 Amoghavarsha, Råsh. ........ 45 dchirya ....................... 174, 175 | Ajanta Caves ....................... 230 Ansuman........................ 180 achatabhatapravésya. 124, 175n, 239 Ajậtasattu, Ajậtasatru, k...84, 149 Amsuvarma, N. ......... 169-172 Achyutaraya, Vi................ 50 Ajita Kesakambala............... 162 Amyntas, k. ..................257, 258 adabhra ...............................127n d jñapti ............................... 101 Anaikal, t. ....................... 48 adéya.......
239 Araßapos .....................259, 262 Ânanda ...........102, 103, 148, 315 adhaksalá-páñchálika............ 171 Akhandala ..................... Anantadêra, śil. ................37-41 adhirdja ....................... 127, 128, akiriyávada ..................... Anantapâ la, sil. ......37, 40-43, 46 130, 131, 133, 134, 175, 176, 183. akshayanívf .................... anatlamanaváchd ............... 162 191, 193, 294, 295
anatti ............
............... 101 Adi's wife,-Folklore............ Alakananda, r. ...............
An-ba-khai................243-247, 274 Aditya, g...........
238 A-la-na-shun ...................... 20 Andhra, co.......................... Adityasena, k.......................1
181 | A-la-weï ............................ 23 Andhra coins .................... Adityavarma, Chố. ...... Albirûnt ....................... 44, 45 Andhras..................... 61, 98, 135 Admetus ........................... 290 Alexander the Great... 69, 255, 256 Andreas of Perugia ............ 314 Adolf's Rigveda, &c. .......... 251 Al-Hasan ben al Kasem ....... 312 Androclus ........................ 18 Adondai, Chố, ..................... 49 A-li-in ............................. 24 angdkoks . ........................ 298
Ethiopika of Heliodorus ... 51, 52 Alkestis ...................... 290 angas ...............................288-9 Agastya ..........................73, 85 'AXXBlot, Alobhiya ......... 122 & n aniyukta, o........................ Agathokleia, q. ................... 257 Al-Mutawwakel .................. 312 Anjuvannum ...................... 314 Agathokles, k. ............ 256-7, 259 dļodai ......... .............. 118 Anromainyus ..................... 311 Agenor ........ ........ 255 Altan Defter ................... 90, 93 Antar ......... Aghojim Bughurul ............ 94 Altan Khân ....................... 241-2 Antialkides, k. ................ 256-258 Aghori beggars .................... 278 Altan Topchi 89, 91, 92, 94, 276-278 | Antigonos, k. ...................... 255 agnihotra ........................... Altindische Leben, v. H. Zimmer 53 Antimakhos, k. ................. 256-259 Agnimitra, k. ...............253, alubdha ............................ 122n Antiokhos Soter, k.......255, 256 agrahúra ..................... 175, Alun Goa...... 92, 94, 95, 213, 214,
II. Theos ............ 287 ahastaprakshépanfya ........... 239
217, 218 , III. Megas .......... 312 Ahavågra, v.
...... 143 Alutgalwihara...................... 12 Antukkur, v. ............... 102, 103 Ahichchhatra, t....................
Amandagâmiņi, k. ............... 11 Anumitra, k. ...................... 253 ahinsa ............................... 160
Amara ..........................80, 81 | Anundoram Borooah's Eng. Ahir ..............................52, 76 Amaraksha......................... 306 and Sansk. Dictionary ...... 251 Ahuramazda, g.-.139, 266-268, 311 Amaramalla, Nê................. 188 Anuradhapura .................... Aï-hien-chi (Prabhajfknapriya) 24 Amaravati ...64, 70, 135-137, 139, Anus............
........... Aibole, v. ......................... 80
140, 251 anusarydna............. , tablets......... 74, 75, 96, 99 Amaru ........... ............... 305 A paoki ................ Ai Khan........................... 90, 91 Amaryawa ........................ 269 Apara.............
.......... 2.29
295
.
.
...
252
Andh. -Andhra dynasty. c.-city. ca.-caste. Ch8.-Chola. co.-country. d.-district. E. Chal.-Eastern Chalukya.
• Abbreviations :Early Chal.-Early Chalukya. Pall. - Palava. 8.-god, goddess, or supernatural q.-queen. k-king
[being. 1.-river 1. m.-land-measure.
Raah.-Rashtrakūta. mt.-mountain.
8.-sect. Né.-Népåla.
Sil. -Silkhara. 0.-official.
Sin.-Sinda.
t.-town. tr.-tribe. V.-village. Va-Valabht. Vi.Vijayanagara. W. Chal.-Western Chalak ya W. Chal-Western Chalckya

Page #380

320
INDEX.
180 230
58
279
46
96
S0
A paraditya, Sil. ......36, 39, 42-46 afvamédha... 124, 127, 130, 133, 140, Balháras ................... 45 Aparůjita, Sil.............36, 39, 40
294 baliya ............ ............... 50n aparigraha ........................ 160 atanin ..........
13
Ballåvalli, v. ............ 126, 128, 129 Aparóksluinubhúti .............. 60 Atharva-Veda ...............199, 200 Baltipatna, t. ......................
38n Anastambha-sútra ................ 103 atkaya .................................. 269 Båna .................. ... 264 Apisali ..............................80, 81 atithi.................................. 295 Banâsura, g. ...................... Apollodotos, k. ................ 257-8 Åtrêya gótra .................. 131, 132 Banavisi, t. ................... Apollonius of Tyana ........... 297 Attivarma, Pall..........99, 102, 103 Banavdspurddiévara........... 43 Apollophanes, k. ..............257-8 Aubergine, Princess' ......... 302f Banddhar ................176, 192 apparition .......................... 309 Aufrecht, Prof. ..................... 306 Banjäris ......................... 150, 205n Apsaras, g. ......................... 252 Augustus ......................... 313 Bånugupta, k....................... 254 Arabian Nights .................. 581 A dharmazd .................266-268 Bappa, Bappabhattaraka ...... 167, Arabian Poetry ................. 229 Aulus Gellius .....................
170-176 Årådhi beggars ..................
Avadana .............................. 51 bardt ................................ 281 Arak ............................ 271, 273 Avalambana Sútra ............85, 86 Barataka, v. .................238, 239 aranane (palace).................. 96 Avalokitesvara, g. ...115, 169, 192 Barchu .............................. 216 Aranyaka ........................... 122 Åvan-bandâd ..................266-268 Baregedôranayaka .............. 99 Araxes r. ........................... 991 Avery, Prof. J. .................. 310 Bargu Buriat, tr. ................ 215 Archaeological Notes... 71, 150, 296 ayriye ............
.. 142 Bargut, tr. .............225, 221, 240 Archeological Survey Reports, ayuktaka, 0..........................
239 Barguzin steppe ............215, 221 vol. IX ........................... 253 Ayumitra, k. ...................... 253 Barin Shuratu..................... 217 Arechendron Pôrumal, k ...... 78 Ayushman ..................... 187 bark books ........................ 18n Ària Perumal, k. .............. 78 ayyas.................................. Bartan Baatur.....................
... 274 Arians ..............
287 Ayyâvole, C........................ Basanta Râja .............. Arik@sari. Sil................ 36, 39-41 Azes, k. ........................... 258-9 Basava ..........
78 Arishtakarman, k ............... 62 Azilises, k. ................ 259 Båsiasita or Nasasata...... 149, 316 Arishtanêmi ..................... 163
Batu Khan ....................... 263 Arjuna ................................. 36
Bauddhas...................... 176, 192 Arkhebios, k....................... 257-8 Baaridai......................... 217, 219 Bauddha Sainghas............... 237 Armaiti, g. ....................... 84, 83 Baber, k. ........ ................. 231 Bavian ..............................135n Arms, Indian ........................ 230 Badami tablets...... 75, 99, 100, 255 Bazodeo, k.......................... 258 Arsakes, k. ................ 255, 258-9 Bådåvi, t............................ 75 Bêdê tribe................... 92, 93, 214 Artabanus II. ...................... 312 Badu-deva ........................ 140 Beders .............. ............... 76 Artemidoros, k. ............... 257-8 Bagagage ........................97, 99 | Bedoteố Khân ................... 92, 94 dirya ............ ................ 295 Bagharitai .....................218-220 beggars and criers.........2474, 2786 Aryadeva or Kanadêva ... 149, 316 BAhram Gashnasp ......... 266-268 Begontei........................ 213, 218 Aryas, Aryan race............54, 229 Båhrâm-panah...............266, 267 Behar ............................... 189 Åryasimha or Singhalaputra.. 316 Bahrein antiquities ............ 230 Beit-tuma, House of Thomas'. 314 Asæ
Bâhusrutiya school......... 300, 301 Belgaum-Tarálha, v. ............ 193 Asamasijasa, k. ............. 180 bahusuvarna .................
..... 294 Belgetei .................. 213, 214, 213 A-se-na
93 Baikal lake ............... ........ 215 Beluvåvi well ................. 75, 75 Ashem-oghas, g................... 232 Baingan Badshahzadi' ...... 302f Bengal Asiatic Society ....... 310 Ashtaillat ..................... 307 Bajurg-Atar. ................... 266-268 Bengali folklore .................. 1-3 Asi (Parthians) .................... 18 Bakhare ............................ 60 Beni-Aglab ......................... 312 Asiatic Societies. 230, 251-253, 310 Baktria................................ 255 | Beni-Israel ................. 313
(R.) Society ....... 230, 311 Baku, t. ...................... 109-111 Benjamin of Tudela ......... 314 Asiatique (Sociéte) ...... 232, 311 Balabhata............... ............ 238 Bêr tree ........................... 150n Asoka ........... ............. 301 Balabhi or Valabhi............... 308 Berezin, k. ....................... 231 » insc................... 159, 232 Baliditya, k. ......................... 149 Bergaigne's Nágánanda ...... 263
tooth-seal..................... 86 Balo-Gopala ..................... 187 | Beveridge's History of India.. 248 Aspavarma ........................
Balantine's Midnight Marches. 109 | Bhadrâ, r. ......................... 17 Aspendus, c. ..................... 66 Balabastrin ................. 305, 306 Bhadraghosha, k. ......... 253, 311 Assaldyana Sutiam............ 252 Bdldvabodhana .................. 82, 83 Bhadrakáli Amma, g. ..........118n 'Astia ............................... 51 Balavarmánaka-Vatapadra, v. 239 | Bhadrânaka, v. .............. 237, 239 asteya ............................ 160 Balegrama, v. ............. 123-125 Bhadrayaniya sect..........300-302 Astrakhan ...................... 268 Balêndusekhara, Siva, g. 129, 131, Bhagadatta ...................... 181 Ašvagosba or Ma-ming... 149, 316
133 Bhagadattarâjakula ........... 181
...... 1on
259

Page #381

236
Bhagavad Gitd......... Bhagiratha......48, 180 Bhagwanlâl Indraji.......38, 39 Bhagyadevi...
Bhâilla, g.
171 ....... 137 .116, 149 184
Bhairava, g......
35
Bhaktapuri, v....................... bháadágára Bhandarkar, Prof. R. G.
********..
Bhânumitra, k.
Bharatas
**********..
Bharatavarsha.....
Bôpô Luchi. Borjigetei Mergen Borjig tr. Borochu
205f 94 92 91
******************
Brahmâ, g... 103, 174, 180, 192, 295 brahmacharya.
160
canes...........
brahmadeya Brahman
...237-239 180
249
......
..............................*****
*********************
123 253, 311 54, 55
41 305 109 203 8f, 268f 73 183 67 300
............................................................
98 101
308
*********.***..
63
.......................................****
Bharaṭṭâyâna gótra Bhartrihari. Bhaskara Acharya.. Bhatarka, Va. Bhâtgâm, v. bhaṭṭáraka
............... 17n 2 ....237, 238, 254 189 .127, 128,
Bhattoji Dikshita
Bhâu Dâji, Dr. Bhavabhuti
265 305
17n .127, 130 ..124, 133 97 50 100
Bhavani, g.. Bhiva samvatsara
...76, 191, 227 38 36n
Bhillamma, k
Bhilsa
Cappeller, Dr.......... Caspian-Hindu shrine at Brahman beggars Cendreusette Brahmani duck .................. 230 Ceylon inscriptions Brahmaputra 231 Chaitanya..... Bramilanaka, v. .237, 239 chaitya ............. Branchidæ....... .68, 71 chaityas Bretschneider, Dr...215, 216 Chaityavâdâ sect 36n Brihaspati Chakora Satakarni (Andh.) brihatpatha. ............................................................ 177 chakra.......... ************** ..136, 139 302n chakramatum ..................... 187 brinjal buda 163 75 Chakrapani. 35 131, 133, 134, 167, 168, 169, 170, Budanjar, Budantsar..213, 217-219 chakravartin... 217 171, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 183 Budanjaz Doghlan Chakravarti Raja .............. 136 Bhaṭṭoji 81 Budantsar..............213, 217-219 Chakshu, r......................... 306 Buddha ......16, 92, 114, 115, 161, chalikya. 162, 195, 306 chalukya.... Buddha Nilkanth 168 chalukya Buddhagosha 288-9 Chalukya capital................ Buddha Gayd by Rajendralâla Chalukyas, Early *************** Mitra........... 113f, 142f, 226 Western. .123, 125, 130, Buddhakirtti, k. 182 132, 293 Buddhamitra 316 Chalukyas, Western......50, 96, 97 Buddhanandi 96 316 Chalukya-Vikramakâla Buddha pada 138 Chalukya-Vikramavarsha.75, 96, 97 Buddha's hair and ears... ....52, 53 Champânir, Champâvati. .221f, 223 Buddhists.......... .176, 192 Chamunda, or Châvunda II., Buddhist monks.............. 176 Sin. 97, 98 morality 317 Chanakya...... 184 patriarchs ......148, 315f Chanda, Sandikêávara, g....119n, schools 299f 149, 150, 174 & n 288 ..... 18 scriptures chandana (sandal) symbols 135 Budhagupta, k.. .................. 253-5 Budhal Pon, g. ................... 140 Bud Periodeutes. 314 Budumuttawa wihara 13 170 Bugâyûmî, v. ..................... Bühler, Dr. G. 251, 306 106 building bee' Buka...... 217 Bukka, k. ....200, 201 315 ..217, 219
********************* ...............................................
***************
********...
33
***************
Chandêsvara, g. ............ 174 & n 290 Chandra, g. ....80-84 Chandra's Grammar 233 Chandrabhata. 254 Chandragupta II, k. 66 Chandraprabha Chandrasri, k. 63 Chandravarma 172 Chang-' an, t. ...........15, 21 Chângu Nârâyana, tem.... 163 Chaontra mound 156 295 .............................. 306 Chastana ***************
•
Bukkaraya, Vij.
Buktai
.....................................................................
charu.... Chârva
Buku Khân Buku-tegin
62
Bulbul and cotton tree'
219 214 57 28 ..169, 192
chitabhata, o... 124, 175n, 239
Châtaka
***************
Bundahish MSS..... Buugmati, t. Burâ Pén, g. Burkhan, mt.
305 68 160 239
cháturanto châturydma chauráddharanika, o ............
..................... 140 ...92, 95, 215
**********....
bhrita
Bhuila, t..
************
***************
.................................*******
***************
*************
*****
***************
Bhimasena....
Bhishma
Bhodimer
Bhogadevi, No.
....................................
Bhogavarma, Nê.....171, 181 Bhojadêva, Šil.
42 189
Bhotṭas
238
253
bhamichchhidranyaya...... 175, 239
Bhumimitra, k.
253, 311 188 Bhupâlasimha, Nê................ Bhupâlêndramalla, Nê. ...191, 192 116, 141 Bhati, Bhuto
929
Biddulph, Major.......... Bigandet's Legend of Gaudama 231 ..97, 98 Bijjala, Sin........ 269 Binpokuna inscrip......... Birbhum folklore Birch's Commentaries Afonso Dalboquerque birudánkaráma. birudávali.......
79
Bodhidharma bodhidruma. Bodhisattva.....
.136, 137 194 36 ..89, 94 171
***************
******************
Boehtlingk, Prof. Bombay beggars "Boots"
*****************
****************
********************
....................................
*********
*********......
*******.......
of 318 40 184. 148, 149, 316 20 116, 234 305 ...247f, 278f 203
**********
*********
***********......
39
33
INDEX.
33
"
***************
*****************
............................
***********
**********......
************
************...
***************
**********...
*********..........
************
*********
*********......
***........
************
************...
Burma and its People by Capt. Forbes
87 Burnell, Dr. A. C... 306 Burtechino .91-94
.............................................
321
******
***************
*****************
...........................*****
..................................................................
*************
***********...
************
**********************
.........................
*********
..................................................
......................................................................
...............................................................
********....
*********.......................
.............................
**************
*****************
***********************
**************

Page #382

822
INDEX.
18
****.....
18 280
230
....
48
Chedi dynasty .................... 255 Copperplates, Silahára ......... 33 Demetrius, k. ...............256, 257 Cheges tr............................ 240 » Valabhi ......... 237 Dervisbes ........................ 297 Chêmuli, Chemulya or Che
West. Chalukya 123, Dêragiri, c. ........................ 50 muda, C. .........38, +4, & 44n, 46
125, 130, 132, 293 Dêvaki ........................ 226-228 Chêra ............................ 124, 125 coral ..................
dévakula..................101, 175, 239 Chêra alphabet .................. 100
cotton .............................. 18 devanapiya..........................9, 270 Chêraman Perumal ............ cowries ................................
Dévapattana, c. .........170, 184 chetakarihi ........................ * crocodile king' ................... Dêvåpi ............................. 56 Chhadanta elephant ............ 113
crow and the sparrow ......... 207 devil-trees ......................... 152n Chhatra-Chandêsvara, g. ...... 1741 Cunningham, Gen. A. ......... 253 Dewagiriya wihara ............... 12 Chhaya, g. ..... 116 Cust's Religions et les langues dewak
61n Chhinnamastika-devi, ......... 171 de l'Inde Anglaise ...... 317 dewdnapiya ...................... 9, 270 Chhittarâja, Sil. ............37, 39-41 , Modern Languages of India 317 dháuli
250 Chidambaram ............... 117, 119
Cypriote inscriptions........... 310dhakka ..................129, 131, 134 Ch'ilihu, k. .............. 312 Cyrus, cylinder of
288 Ch'ilipapu, k. ............ 312
Dhanakacheka, c. ............... Ch'ilisulungliehtsan, k. ...... Dadhikri ............................ 139 Dhanêsa .............
238 Ch'ilitsan, k. ...................... Dadistan-i-Denik.................. 28 Dhånk plates ..................... 237 chimney-pot' hats ............
Dai Gakf, g........................... 203 Dharaka, k......................... 269 Chinese Buddhism by Dr. Dai Setzen .........................277-8 dharanas............................. 138
Edkins ............................ 315 Daitika or Dhritika ...... 149, 315 dhdranis ...............195, 196, 296n Chinese notices of India......... 14f Daji, Dr. Bhâu ................... 265 Dharapatta, Va................... 25+ Chinghiz Khan and his Ances. Dakshinakoli, v. .................. 173 Dharasena I, Va................ 239
tors... 89, 92, 213f, 240f, 263, 274f dakshindód ............127, 131, 133 Dharasena II, VA.......... 287, 254 chinha .............................. 138 Dakshinêsvara, g............. 171 Dharasêna III, Va............. 235 Chinnar, r. .........
Dalboquerque, Afonso ......... 918 dhardóraya ........................ 125n Chino, tr .............. ............ 241 Dalton, Col. ..................105, 106
dharma
..............218-250 Ch'inushsilung, k. ............... 312 Damant, G. H. ................. 8n dharmachakra ...............136, 137 chiptya .............................. 280 Damballa vihåra insc.......... 270 dharmadiya, dharmadéya...... 239 Chitrakantha horse... 123-126, 129, Dambarashåh, k. .............. 189 Dharmadêra, Nê. ......... 165, 181 130, 133 Damodaragupta................
305 dharmadhitumandala ......... 116 Chitrakathis 279 dan
249 Dharmadhâtu-Vågisvara, g... 184 Ch'itsungluntsan, k............. 312 dánasdla ............................ 13 dharmadhikara .................. 171n Choang-vang (Siladitya)..... 19 dandanayaka, o................. 167 Dharmaditya (Siladitya I), Va. 237 Chôdas .......................... dandas .............
159 Dharmaguptas, sect ......301, 302 Chôļas, Chodas...47-49, 124-5, 129, Daniell, W. ..................52n, 107 Dharmapala .......................... 308 131, 133, 287 Dårdistân .....
.......... 229
Dharmaraksha .................. 86 chowka ............ .............. 309 Dardu .............
dharmasala ............... Christians of Malabar.........312-13 Darmesteter's Vendidad ....... 290f Dharmasila Raja chuda.................................. 195 duédparadha......................... 239 Dharmóttariyas, sect ...... 300, Chulavagga .......................... 233 Dasara ............................... 37n Dhatu, Dhátupdtha............. Chuni or Juni ..................... 307 Dasaratha ............... 79, 180, 191 Dhdlutarangins ................. Chutuktus
160
Dåsas, Dasyus ................ 54, 294 Dhatuvritti Cinderella
Dates, in figures ..............35, 38 Dhedas Claudius, embassy from Cey» , in numerical symbols.. 165, Dhimal, trs .............
234 lon, to ..............*******
167, 168, 170, 171, 175, Dhitika or Daitika .............. 149 Clouston's Ancient Arabian
177, 178, 183, 239 Dhritake or Dritika ...... 149, 315 Poetry ...........
, in numerical words ...191, Dhruvabhata, Va. ............ 253-4 Coins-Andhra
192, 193 Dhruvadeva, Né. ............172, 173 Pathan .................. 311 .., in words ...38, 129, 132, 294 Dhruvamitra, k. .................. 253 , from Persia ............ 312 Dåthånåga ........................ 269 Dhukot beggars .................. 280 , of the Sanga or Mitra Dattagalla, Y. .................... 143 dhvajastambha ...................... 96 dynasty...................... 252, 311 Daulatâbâd ................... ..
Digambaras ........................ 159 Coleroon (Kollidam), r. ......... 117 Daurian, tr. .....................
Digha Nikdya ..................... 288 Confucianism ..................... 316 deasil, desoil......................
Digum Dsanbo .................. Copperplates, Chôļa ............ 47 Vdekh ................................ 310 dikshita .................... 129, 135, 295
» Pallava...... 100, 102 Demalamâna insc............... 270 Dilipa, k. ...............180, 191
..... 296
194
203
.........
.
248
91

Page #383

Dindigal, t...
Dinnânâka, v. Diodôtos, k. ..................255-257 Diomedes, k................... 257-8 257-8, 260 Dionysius, k....... Dipavamia by Oldenberg...... 252 152 dirakht-fázel......... Diva, t............................ 314 239 Divirapati, o....................... Divodâsa 55 Dobo Mergen. 94, 95, 213, 217, 218 dolá
Dolâdri.
281 165 193 dolayátrá 187 Dowson, Prof. J.308, 309
Dôlaparvata....
Dowson's Dictionary of Hindu
********* **************
..237-239
**********.
******************
.................................***
****************
**********************.
31 239
************
Mythology.......... drangika, o......................... 98 Dravila, co......................... Drikata or Dhritaka .149, 315 Drona 36 Dronasimha. Va. ............... 254 Druhyus 54 94, 217 Dubun Bayan Duperron, Anquetil.........265, 291 295 Durâyâbhajya, r. Durban, tr. 94, 95, 245 dútaka, o......167, 168, 170, 172, 175, 177, 178, 238, 239 Dutthagamini, k9, 10, 270 Datum Menen..............217, 220
***************
***************
***********
ears, elongated...........52, 53 274 Ebuken.......... .... 308
eclipse of 780, A.D................
Eclipses, solar.............. 96, 295
Edessa
***************
******...
150 | 'επιστάτης ........ Erakala language Erakavila temp. eras by J. Fergusson Eriyawa insc. Eshmunâzar's tomb Eskimo.......... Estevao, Th. ethical parallels
.......................................................313-14
Edges of plates, not raised... 101,
102, 293 raised...123, 125, 130, 132 51 Edkins's Chinese Buddhism... 315 Edrisi.....
'Edgheery'
Ekabhyohárikâs, sect. ekachitta Ekavyavahârikâs, sect....300, 301 Ekkauḍi Ekvera, Kârle
141 .107, 109
Elakalavaṇḍlu....
elephants...... Elurâ
210 37 ..118n
Emblems on seals.......101, 102, 123, 130, 133, 239, 293 ...257-8
Epander, k.
******...
*******.***
........................
INDEX.
203 .............. 210 270 231 270 232 298
317
39
********************
وو
******************
.......................
****************
************
71f
..............................
Etagiri, c.......................... .50, 51 255 Eudemus. 256, 257 Eukratides, k... 255 Eumenes Euthydemos, k. . 256-257 189 Evavadin....
*************
***..................
************
Fa-Hian....... ..........296, 306 231 False dawn' 19 Fan-Brahmâ.... 23 52
252 ..... 89
..................................................
Fao-yu fate of unbelievers *************** Fausböll's Játaka
***************
Fazlu'llah Rashid
"
Fergusson on Saka and Sam
vat eras' Feu-thu-Buddha Fleischer, Dr. flower-marriage. flying
folklore, Dinajpur.
**********
************
**************
***************
************
77
296 1-8 from Birbhum 79f parallels 51, 290 of the Panjab...205f, 280f,
302f 87
250
311
232
29 15-17
******************
**********.............
Forbes's British Burma fortnights-light and dark frashokereti
......
***
***************
Fravashis....................................................... friendship.......................... Fu-nan-Siam.......
231 16 252
******...
*********.................
42 37
*********...
10, 12
******
gandhakuth....... 142, 143 ..20, 23 Gandhara Gandharva, g....................... 116 Ganekande wihâra. Ganêsa (see Ganapati) 1,150 Ganga, r....129, 131, 134, 180, 19:3 188 Gangadêva, k. Gangai-kkondapuram temple. 117120, 252 15 119 172 76 116 ..103-106, 150 Garuda 36, 37n, 74, 163 & n Garudadhvaja-Vishnu, g.
48
Gâtha Ahunavaiti Ganda, co. Gaudama (Legend of) Gaudian roots
Gaudian Languages, Hoernle's Comp. Gram. of Gaurian and Romance Languages
231
................................
Gautama Indrabhuti ........... 162 Gauvain (V.) Vie ou Légende de Gaudama....
***********************
234 Gaya... 135 Gayasâta or Sangkayaśata. 149, 316 gayatri. Gazan Khân
32 89
122
323
Ganges-Heng-ho. Gangondaram tem. Gângul, v. ... gantimattar, 1. m. Gardabhîdêvî Gâros.
*************
************
***************
*********............
***********.**
.................................................................
***********.
****************
Germanæ.......
Germann's Kirche der Thomaschristen Geronta Gesta Romanorum
Getae.......
********* ..........................................
****************
***************
Ghoshavasu, k. ghuthi Giribawa inscrip. Gad...... ..262, 263 Girinæ 75, 76 Girnâr insc..... gadydna. Gajabahu Gâmiņi, k..........11, 269 Girvânâyuddhavikrama-Shah, 23 Gajana (Gazni ?) 13 Galasne Malasne insc. 314 12 300 Galgamuwa insc. 74 302 Galiganâtha, g. and tem. Gallena wihâra insc. 9, 270 ...272, 274 Galutisa.............................................. Galwaewa wihâra ............ 10, 12 Gamini Abhaya, k....9, 10, 269, 270 270 Tisa, k. Ganapatha ................ 318 Ganapati, Ganesa, g.35,150,184,194 Gandarâditya, Sil. ************* Gandha elephants
***************
********************.
************
312f
70 58 316 811 ..205n 10 272 286f
***************
***************
************
k. 19-4 Gita Panchalika ......... 173 41 Goa Goa Maral ..92, 94 Gobardhan 141 God (names of) 230 Goggi, Sil............. ************ ...36, 39 23 Go-je-nang (Gajana) 78 Gôkarna, v. 301 Gokulika sect.... 18 gold Golden Horde....... 263 ***************** Goldschmidt's Rávanavaha.
116
********
******************
*****.......
84
181
234
310
...................................................................
232
..................................................
www

Page #384

324
INDEX
36
..
...
...
306
191
189
...... 116
Goldstücker, Prof. .........306, 308 Hajâms ............................ 76 Hippostratos, k. ............257, 238 Goldstücker's Literary Re- Hakikat ........................... 248 Hîråd Bahram ................ 266, 267 Alains
*********..... 204 Haklena or Padmaratra... 149, 316 Hfralál Bå så ....................... 58 Goina, k. .............................. Hakodate, t......................... 67 | Hiranyagarbha, Brahma, g.102-3 Gomantaki dialect ............... 317 Hâla, Andh ........................ 62 Histories, native.................. 308 Gonardiyo ....................... 308 Hall, Dr. Fitzedward. ......... 255 Hiung-nu, tr ....... ........ 316 Gon, 4. .............
......... 271
Hambantota insc. ............... 12 Hodgson's Essays ............... 23+ Gond..
142 Han dynasty ................... 14, 16 Hoei-neng-ta-szu ................ 149 Gondophares, k. 258, 261-263, 313 Haljamana. c. .................. 38. 44 Hoernle's Compar. Grem. of the Gonika .............................. 308 Hanumanta, g. .................. 96 Gaudian Languages ......282, 310 Gópála ........................ 184, 187 Hanway, Jonas ................. 109
Hoei-kho-ta-szu................. 149 Göparashtra, d............... 123-125 Hara, g ..............
182 Holiyars ............................. gopestiin
............ 291 Haradatta.........................
Ho-lo sect....................... Gopichanda beggars ........... 279 Harasimha, k. ........... 183,
Ho-long .............. gópura ........ ...........117, 119 Hari, g ................................
Holtzmann's Apsaras............ Görakshâ, Gorkb& .........189, 194
Haridasa beggars .............. 250 hóma................................... Görantla plates ................... 102 Haridikshita ................
............. 306
homba ............................ 237, 238 Gosala ............
Harihara, k.................. 200, 201 horse symbol .................... 132 Gosåla Makkbaliputta ......... 161 Hariharasimha, k. ... 187, 188, 191 Hosur, t............................ Gotami. Gotamiputra, Åndh. 62, 63 | Hariprabúlla ..................... 305 Houng jin-ta-szu ................. gótra, Atrêya ................... 131, 132 Harinåtha, g. .................... 237 Howorth's History of the Mon, , Bhäradvája ...101, 131, 132 Harisimba, k. ......... 187, 188, 191 gols ............
, Bhârattayana ........... 101 Håriti..................... 128, 130, 133 Huchchaya matha » , Kåsyapa .................... 103 Håriti ............................... 125
'Yoßcot ............. » ,? Kåśyapa .................. 132 Maritipur ........................ 121 Hung-ton-shi-lun............... , , Kâtyâyana ............... 295 Harlez, M. on Zoroastrianism. 311 Huns, White . .............. 231 » , Kaundinya.131, 132, 134, 135 Harsha, Harshavardhana, k.... 120, Huvishka, k. .................. ,,Kausika ...............131, 132
129, 130, 133, 264
............ 16 , , Månavya ...... 125, 128, 130, Harshadova, k. .................... 181H wen Thsang...........19, 251, 306 133, 294 Harsha era ..........................
231 Hyacinthe, Bituriski. ......215, 219 » , Maudgalya ......... 131, 132 Harun al Raschid ............... Hyumpri, ......................... 177 ► , Ś&lankâyana............... 101 lenstuim.tlaka » , Vatsa.......................... 132 Hastin, k................ ............ Ibn Batata .................. . ,?Vatsa ................
Hastings, Warren ............... Ides, Isbrand Govinda III, Râsh. ............ 46 Håthigumphi rock................ 62 idol found at Orenburg ......... 290 Grammar of Chandra .........80-81 Haug, Dr. M. ..................... 292 Ikshvaku .........................48, 180 gramapati, o........
Heirokles, k. ..................... 51 II Khẩn ..............................90, 91 Gridhrakta, mt. ............... 15 Heliokles, k. ..................256, 257 Inderam Perumal ............... 78 guggula-pújá .................. 124, 125 Heng-ho, Heng-shui Ganges)15, 17 India (Modern) and the Indias Gubasêna, I, V&.............237, 238 Hephaestus, g. ................... 203 1 by Dr. M. Williams ......... 264 "Gunapadeya' plates ........... 100 Herakles ........................... 253
.......... 259 India-Chinese notices of...... 11 Gundaphorus or Gondapher- Heraos, k. ........................ 259 Indian Arms ...................... 230 res, see Gondaphares.
Hermaios, k................... 257, 258 Indian Fairy Tales, by M. Guntur ............................... 73 Heturada ............................ 301 Stokes gupta ......... 167, 168, 172, 173, 176 Hin-cheu ..
....... 24 indecision, evils of ............... 29 Gupta ................................ 17 Hibbert Lectures, Max Müller's. 29 Indische Streifen, Weber ...... 251 , characters ........... 163, 168 Hihila month ..............272, 273 Indo-Skythians ............... 16n
era........................ 253-255 Hikuļamba, v..................... 132 Indra, g. ............ 36, 55, 115, 187 Gurjara, co......
............. 98 Hillebrandt's Neu- und Voll- Indramitra, k................ 253, 311 >> characters ............ 123 mondsopfer ..................... 292 inflection of Sanskrit verbs Gurkhan......................276, 277 Himalaya, mt. .................. 15 and nouns .................... 310
Himata month...................... 271 Inginimitiya inso..........271, 273 Habarane insc. ..... .. 11
Hinayána ........................... 53 Ingirimitiya insc. ............... 13 Hachin ................ ........ 217, 220 Hindu shrine on the Caspian . 109 Inscriptions of Ambêrå.......... 304 Haimaratas, sect. ......... 300, 302 Hipa ............... ............... 270
at Buddha Gaya. 143, Haitho Armenus.................. 314 Hippalus ............................ 313
144 Haithon ........................... 276 Hippolytus ......................... 250
from Ceylon... 8, 268
229
129
35

Page #385

INDEX.
325
Kalhana Pandit ................... 305
200
305
237
62
.............. 219
***... 232
Inscriptions, Cypriote ......... 310 Jelâlu'd-din ......................... 297
at Gangaikkon. Jerke Lin Gun.........217, 241, 247
dapuram .......... 118 Jesujabus Gadalensis............ 314 at Kea-yung- Jetawanarama....................... 274
kwan ............ 195 Jewish grant .................. 79 from Lhasa ...... 312 Jews .................................. 78 from Nepal ...... 1638 | Jhajha, Sil. .................... 36 Pahlavi at Kan- Jimùtakêtu ......................35, 39
heri ............ 265f Jimätavahana .........35, 37, 39, 46 of Piyadasi...282, 311 Jina, --Buddha ............. from Riwa ...... 120 Ji-nan, Tonquin ............ of Silâditya I. ... Jinêndra-buddhi.............. 96 of Van ............. 232 Jishnugupta, Nê. ............ 172-174 of Vira Chola ... 47 Jivarakshâ, q...................... 184
in Wular lake ... 252 jôgis ................ ............... 297 Irapeli
............... 313 Jktaputra ......................... 158-9 Irdhi-pdda ....................... 296f
............ 296f John, bishop of Greater India. 314
John, bishop of Greater Indin. 314 Irgene-kun .......................93, 94 John of Montecorvino ......... 314 Iridige, ........................... 131, 132 Jordanus, Friar ...... 230, 314, 315 Issikul ....................... 93 Juchi Khan ........................ 263 Israradatta, k. ............... 260 Juchi Khasar ...................... 278 Isvara sans .....* *** 96 Julian .................................
314 . I-tsing ...........................
Juni or Chuni ............... 307, 308 Ivilaka, Andh...................
Junnar ............................. 43
Jupiter's 12-year cycle ......... 253 Jagannatha, g. ................ 138
Jariats ....... Jabis, 8. ...*..****
Jyotimalla, Ne. ............ 183, 184 Jåbnavi, r. ......................... 239 Jainas .......................... 159, 306 Jainêndra, g. .................... 80 Kabachi Kuluk .................... 217 Jajiratai ...................... 217, 219 Kabimara ..................... 149 316 Jalal .............
Kabul ........
............. 15 Jamáli ........
Kábul Khân, Khubilai Khân. 210Jambudvipa ..
74
245, 246, 247, 278 Jamiu'l Tarárikh ............... 89 Kadambas .......... Jamuka.............
219
Kadaphes, k. ................... 259 Jangamas........................73, 279 kadapu, kadampu ...............
75 Jannis
Kadigala insc....................... 12 Japanese Sanskrit text3 ...... Kadphises, k. ................... Jarudhya, v. ....................... 143 Kagaredhas, g. .................. 232 jdid ...............
18 Kahårs .............. Jataka by Fausbóll............... Kaidu Khân ..............240, 246.7 Javidan-bud ..................266-268 Kaikâwa insc. .................... 268-9 Jayachandra II. .................. 123 Kailasa, tem. ..................... 149 Jayadeva, I, Né ................... 180 Kailasakata .........170, 172-3, 175 Jayadôva II, No ............176, 181 KAkawanna Tisa, k. .........10, 270 Jayaditya .....................306, 307 Kakhyen language............... 232 Jayanta ....
Kakinni .............
..... 238 Jayanta, k. ............. .... 184 Kakudha Kâtyâyana ............ 162 Jayapida ............................ 303 Kala ................................... 149 Jayasimhavarma, Dharásraya kalabhra, kalambhra .........127n
-Jayasimha II., W. Chal... 125 Kalabhras ..................... 129, 133 jaydbraya .............................. 123 kalaijñana Jayata ......................... 149, 316 kaldm-ul-lah ....................... 303 Jayavarma, Ne............... 166, 167 kalanda ........................... 272-3 Jayêśvara, Nê. ................. 167 kalasa ................................ 118 Jelaid, Jelair, tr.................. 240 KAlaboka, k. ................... 149
Kalliope ........................... 257, 258 kalpadruma ..................... Kalpa-sútras .................. Kalyana, C. ..........
51 Kamandakaniti .............. Kama-tithi .........................
184 kamayitha ...................... 269 Kambojas.
252 kamera, karera ........ Kamera, co. ............129, 131, 133 Kampalammâ, g................. 150 Kanadeva ...................... 149, 316 Kanakhus ......................... 69
&-na-kiuje, Kanyakuba 20 KAfichi, c. ......... 127, 129, 131, 133 kandas of the Rámdyana ...... 32 Kanerki, k. ...................156, 259 Kang-mu ......................... 242 Kangra, Mahârâjas and coins. 252 Kanheri ........................... 52 Kanhêri inscriptions ............ 39 Kanheri Pahlavi insc.......... 2656 Kanishka, k. ...154, 231, 299, 316 Kanna Palayans ................. 120 Kanara,-Krishna, Råsh....... 74 Kanphata, 3.................. 53 Kantalai, v. .......................... 274 kanthachitra ................ 124, 126 Kanwa dynasty ................. 311 Kao-tsong ........ .... .. Kao-fu (Kabul) ................. 15 Kapêlêsvara, g ............. 123-125 Kapardi I, Sil. .................. 36, 39 Kapardi II, Sil. ......36, 39, 45, 46 Kapila, t. Kapilavastu, t..................... 252 Kapimära or Kabimára... 149, 316 Kapurdigiri insc............. 284, 311 Kara Khan .....................90, 91 Karagol, r. ........................ 240 kdranapájd ........................ 167 Karikas of Bhartrihari......... 308 Karikala Chola ................... 49 karlsha, I. m. ................ 12, 269 Kärle, Ekvera ............... 107, 109 karmasthdna............... 272 Karna ......
.... 38 Karnata, co............. 189 Karttikêya... 36, 125, 129, 130, 133,
149 Karar battle ............... 231 Kagaksitsna ..................80, 81 Kashira ........................... 305 KAĞI.................................. 99 Kalikd ............................... 305
248
161
***
43
290
233
259
76
252

Page #386

326
INDEX.
.
.........
80
78
Kafikâvritti ..................305, 308 Khoritsar Mergen ............... 94 Kottai Perumal .......... 78 kasina ............................... 296 Khubilai Khân, see Kabul Khân. Kottarakimbiyawa insc. ... ... 269 Kasmir 15n, 22, 46, 229, 264, 305-6 | Khulaprên, v. ....................... 174 Kottayam.......................... 314 Kdémira, Kings of ............... 264 Kia-mo-lo, Kamarupa ........ 20 Koţtiéarma ...................102, 103 Kassapo V, and VI, Ceylon ... 13, Kiao-chi, Tonquin ............... 18 kotydhuti ..............
187 272-274 Kia-pi-li, Kia-wei, Kapila ... 17 Koriraja Kesarivarma ........ 119 Kasyapa ........... 48, 82, 148, 315 Kia-shi-mi-lo, Kasmir 22 Vlerakkh
......... 310 Kasyapiyås, s. ..................301-
2 Kiat Mongol, tr.............. 240 Vlorish .............................. 311 Kathdearit-Sagara ............ 51, 58 Kie-meng, Kama? ................ 23 Krim.................................
263 Katmandu, c.... 163, 166, 167-169, kings not to be jocular ........
Kfishna g................... 226, 228 173, 188 'king of the crocodiles'......... 280 Krishna, k. .......................... Katyayana .....................81, 149 Kin-tho-li, Gandari .................17n Kțishộa ..................37, 187, 198 Kaumudi-Mahotså ha ......... 318 Kiri, nnag......................... 116 . asura ............... 289, 290 Kávadyå beggars ................ 250 Kio-to, Gupta ..................... 17 Křishna, or Kannara, Råsh.... 74 kapéra, kamera.....................127n Kipin, Kabul ......... 15, 315, 316 Krishnajanmashtami ......187, 226 Kåvêrî, r. ......... 47-49, 127 n, 129 Kirai, tr. ......................... 276-7 krishnapaksha ..................... 252 Kavikalpadruma.................... kiriydudda ......................... 159 kshdnti ................
unti . ........................... 147 Kaviraja .............................
305 Kirtan ............................36n, 250 Kshatrapas ................. 231, 260 Kdoydkámadhenu ................ 306 Kirttimalla, k...................... 181 Kshatriyas ........................ 166 Kádyalankára-vritti ............ 305 Kirttimukha ..................... 116 Küang-yüen .....................22, 23 Kevyetihdsasangraha ........ 59 Kirttivarma I, Early Chal. ... 123, Kukkalikas, 8. ............. 300, 301 Kayadhas, g. .....................
232
124, 128, 130, 132-134 Kulam, t............................. 78 Kaya Perumal, k. ............... Kisukad, v. ....................97, 99 Kolottiga, Chố. .........49, 50n Kazwini ........................... 314 Klaproth, M. ..................... 91 Kuluvaru ........................... 210 Kelavadi, V........................ 99 Kleanthes's hymn ............. 235-6 kumára, o. .......................... 239 Kelur, v. ............................ 80 Klitarkhos ........................ 122 Kumarada or Kumarata ...... Kentei Khan Mts. ............92, 93 Kodangalar, t....... 78, 79, 313, 314 Kum&ragupta, k. ................ Keoti Kunda insc.......... 120, 121 Kodo-Pen, g. .....................140n Kumârajiva ......................... Kerala, co......................... 78
Koimbatur, t. ...................
... 152
Kumarila ........................... Keralas .................. 129, 131, 133 Köke Mongol ...............
Kumârg ................ Kerikala Chola ............... 50n ko! .................................... 89 Kunala ......................... Kern, Prof. ......................... 292
Ko-lan ............................... 23 Kuna Perumal.... Kerulon, r. ...................218n, 221 Kolashagara Perumal ......... 78 Kunbis... Kesidêva, Sil. .................. 39, 40 Kolh&pur, t. ....................... 40, 45 Kunghir, tr................ Ketalaputra ........................ 287
K'olik'otsu, k. .................. 312 kunkana .......................... Ketumala............................ 17n
Kollidam (Coleroon), r. ... 117, 119K untala, co......................... 98 Keu-yung-kwan insc.......... 195 Ko-lo, Kolom ..................... 22 Kuntapa hymns ................. 202 kévala
............. 161 Kondavid ........................... 73 Kuppasvami'..................... 229 Khachi Kailuk ...............217, 218 Konga, Kongudesa................ 49 Kura!.. ............... 71, 72, 196-199 Khadan Taishi .................. 245 Konguruts ......................... 215 Kurangi ........................... 142 Khalduka............................ 174n Konkana ...............23, 37, 38, 44 Kuri Pulayang.................... 120 Khaidu................................ 217 » , seven .................. 130 K uru................................. 17n Khikan................................ 274 Konkanahalli, Konkanapura, t. 234 kusalin ......... 168 to 171, 173, 175, Khali Kharchu..................94, 95 Kon-kia-na, Konkana.......... 23
176, 239 Khalifs............................. 24n
Kontemma, Kontevva, g....... 96 Katkhasákira, d.................. 189 Khanda-ka-dhera ............... 158 Kophene ............................ 15n Kutlugh Khân........244, 245, 274 khandlasphutita......... 174, 175, 239 Koppokesarivarma, Cho. ...... 50n Kuvala ................................ 78 Khanderio Gaikwad ............. 247 Koppara-Kesarivarma Chol19, 120 Kuvera, g. ......................203, 290 Khangah monnd.................. 154 Ķor-dn, Lane's Selections from. 235 Kwån-lun, Aneuta mts ......... 17 Kharagraha I, Va....... 238, 239 » Muir's Extracts from... 235 Khårêpatan plates ............... 33 Köros Csoma de ................. 311 Khepimgala mt................... 286 Kosala .............................. 181 Labugala insc. .................. Khien-to-wei (Gandhara) ... 20, 23 | Kosmes Indicopleustes ...313, 314 laddha .................... 237 khijri............. .............. 207 Kotapadebenakanavore, v. ... 99 Ladita Mahêsvara, g. ......... 171 Khilas
307 Kotera-ki-dbêri ................. 158 Laghukaumudi ..................82, 83 Khitans............221, 243, 245, 246 Kotigama......................... 159 lakshahuti............................ 183 Khonds........................ 140 Kottak&yal ..................312n Lakshmi, g. ............... 74, 181
..........
.
.......

Page #387

INDEX.
327
13
...
..
.........
............
48
29
......
29
10
16
..
..
..
.
99
180
Lakshminarayana, Behår...... 189 Maedagama wibra .......... Lakshminsisimha, k. ...... 188-191 Magadhe, co..................98, 181 LAlamati, q. ........................ 187 Mågadh
232 Lalitapattana, c. ... 171n, 177, 184, Mogadyakti ................ ... 251
189, 193 Mågha ............................. 305 Lalitatriparasundari, q. ......193-4 Mâb-alyyâr ................. 266-268 Lamas ............................. 160 Mahabharata, Met.transll. from Lambådis...............******
i. 3559; v. 12667 ... 29 Lambodara, k...............
iii. 13747 f. ......... 52 Jamghan ...........................
» v. 3317 ... Lane's Selections from the
, xii. 2033 f.
2058 L. ........ 141 Kur-an
235
zii. 9814............... Languages of India, Cust....... 317 , xii. 4056 ............ 142 Lanká ...........................37, 180
xiii. 2194 ............ Lanman, Prof. O. R.......... 310 Mahabhdshya ............. 305, 308 Lan-po, Lampa, Lamghan ... 23 Mah&china, co. ................ 194 Laodike, q. ..................***
257 Mahadeva............................. 301 Lao-tsen ...........................
Mah&dêva, g. .............237, 239 Lára ...........................
Mahadevapattanam......... 79, 313 LAVA ............................ 191 Mahadevayya .............. 38, 41 Uvni
279 mahdjana ...................96, 295 legend, village................
80 MahAkala, g. ..................... 115 Legenda Aurea ......... ..
261 Mahakala Haewa inic.......270, 274 Lhasa insc. ...............*****..
312 mahakratu ......................... 294 Liang dynasty......................
17 Mahale Sena ................... 13 Libyan languages ................ 232 mahaleka ........................... 273 Lichchhavi dynasty ........... Mahåloma ........................ 149 Lichchhavikula................169, 173 Mahamalla (P Pall.) ............. 100 linga ................54, 75, 167, 194 mahamandalesvara ............35, 97 Lingayat beggars ................. 278 mahdmandalika................ 35 Lingdan ........
mahdmdrga ............... .... Ling-tsieü-shan, Vulture mt. 15 mahdmdtya, o................... Lin-i, Tsiampa ...............
Mahånd, r. Li-te .............
24 Mahânåga................ Löhanagara, c.............. 295 mahdpradhána, o. ............. Lokamátri .........124, 126, 130, mahápratihdra, o. .............. Löhárs .............
mahardja ...101, 127, 128, 130, 131, Lokanatha, g
133, 134, 167, 168, 171, 175, Lokaprakasa, k.
176, 183, 191, 193, 294, 295 Lokayatika ...
21n mahababda.........127, 129, 131, 134 Lôkêávara, g. ............... 182, 192 mahdadmanta ..................35, 169 Lökottaralalita ................ Mahasanghika, 8. .........300, 301 Lökottararådins, s. ........ mahdsdndhivigrahika, o. ...35, 132 Lo-lo, Lars ......................... 23 mahdéaptama .................... Longnam ........................* 91 Mahåsena, k. ..................... 12
MahAsthavira, .................... 302 lord of Death .................
209f Mahâtyaga ................. Lysias, k. ....................257, 258
233 Mahåvira............84, 158, 161, 162
Mahawanse ..................9-11, 13 m.d ............
...... 172n
mahdyajña ............................ 183 Mabon's Sketches ................ 107 Mahayana sect ... 53, 116, 234, 289, machhai ***...................... 141
300, 301, 316 Madáris ............................ 248 Mahendra, g. ...................... 103 Madhavacharya ........... 200, 306 Mahôndramalla, k.......... 187, 188 Madbavji Sindia ................ 108 Mahêsvara, g. ......... 125, 237, 307 Madrt, Andh. .................... 61 Mib-Fröbag ................ 266-268
Mahideve, Né. ............ 181 Mabinda......................... 271-273 mahindi ........................
281 Mahindo III. ...................... 274 Mahindramalla, k................ 191 Mahipala, k..................... 114 Mahipati ....... Mahibáka, 8. .................... 301-2 Mahoragendra, g. ............... 290 Mahotsaba, g. ..................... 290 Mailapur..........................312-315 Mail&wa insc. ... Mainok-i Khard .................. 28 Maitrakas ........................ 238 Maitrayaniya Sarihita ...... 203 Maitreya ........................... 296 M&itri .........
............... 224-226 Majdal-Danleh Buyeh ......... 312 Maijhima .............................. 269 Makara .............................. 184 Makhali Bayan .................. 213 Makka ............
............ Makulána wihåra ............... Malabar .........................312-13 Malankara ........................ 312n Malavur, v. .................133-135 Ma-la-weï ............................ 23 Malaya ....................... 124, 125 Malayalam ........................ 77, 78 Malavika und Agnimitra, Bol
lengen ........................... 251 malik-ul-maut ....................... 209 Mális............... .............. 76 Maljomkare, v. ............. 312-313 malla... 100, 184, 187, 188, 192, 193 Mallam Perumal................... 78 Máußapos .....................259, 262 Ma-ming, Ašvagosha...... 149, 316 Måmvåni, Sil. ................... 41, 45 Månadeva, Nê. ... 163, 165-167, 181 Månagpiha, c. .........167, 169, 173 Månasa lake........................ 182 Månava......................
***............ 148 Man-chu-shi-li, Mañjusri ...... 22 Manda Mt. ........................ 315 mandalika........................ 35 Mandara ....................... 124, 125 Mandeville ........................... 814 M&nêśvari, g. ...................... 184 Mangalisa, Early Chal.......... 255 mangani........................... 280n mani................................. 75 Manicheang ........................ 313 Manigråmam ...................... 314 Manikjavéchaka ................ 314 Manikykla ...............153, 154, 156 Manjogboeha, g. ........... 115, 177
15
133
.........
76
... 193
131
Lõprit, V..
176
149
Mahdvagga ....

Page #388

328
INDEX
119
105 315
Manjusri............22, 115, 184, 300 Megha Satra............. 231 Mukundananda Bhana ......... 60 Manjusripariprichchh& ......... 300 Meghasvati, Andh. ............ 62 Mulagama insc. .................. 10 Mankharikula ....................... 181 Meghawanna Abhaya... 11, 12, 269 Malav&tika, v. .................. 172 Mannårgudi........................ Mehemmed Salih ................ 231 Müller, F. Max .................. 305 Manorama .......
306 Mehrkul, Mihirakula, k. ... ... 149 Müller (F. Max) on Sanskrit Manoratha ........................ 305 Mei-mo-lo-shi-li, Mimarasri P 23 Texts ............... 230, 233 mantrin, o..........................
35 mélemandapa ...................... „Introduction to the Science Manu ...........................31, 48, 180 Menaka, g. ........................ 77
of Religion .............. 29 Manu-Vaivasvata ................. 191 Menander, k. ...............257, 258 , Hibbert Lectures............ 29 Manura or Manora......... 149, 316 Menentillus of Spoleto ......... 314 Multân ............... ............ 135 mdnya ......... ............... 76 Menen Tudun ...217, 220, 240, 241 Mummuni, Sil. ............37, 39, 41 Måra, g. .....................143, 290 merchant who struck his Mummuradêvi, g. ............... 171 marachhvá ........................ 141 mother ............................. 224 Munda Perumal .................. 78 maramakkatayam...............77, 78 Mêru, mt. ...17n, 98, 124, 125, 182 Mundâssinkhalika, 8. ......... Marathi language .................. 317 Metrical Translations from
Muthaganad....................... Marathi literature ............... 59 Sanskrit by J. Muir, D.O.L. 235 Mu-tho-sien, Mudbåsina P...... 23 Marco Polo ........................ 314 Meu-lan (P) ........................ 17 Mythology, Dowson's Dictionary Mardân-shad ............... 266-268 mica ................................. 18
of ............... ............... 31 M&r Eliys on weights and Mihintale insc. .........11, 272, 274
measures ......................... Mihirakula, k. .................. 149 Marichi.............................. 48 Mikkaka, Michika or Kala ... 316
nachh girls ................. Mårphat .........
248
Miletus. ........................... 68 Nachin ........................216, 221 marriage customs ................
Milindaprasna .................. 297 | Na-fo-ti-a-la-na-shun, k. ...... 20 Mar Thomas ...................... Mina-Narayana, g. ............... 173 Någa ............
............... 137, 278 Marvân Sapor Iso ............ 314 Minanátha, 8. ...............115, 177 » figures..................
*****............ 230 mdaa, Ashadba ............ 129,
Ming.ti ........................... 16, 17 > people....................... 152 » , Åsvayuja .................. Misuchaka or Michaka ......... 316 Någå beggars ....... .......... 278 , , Bhadrapada .........194, 239 Mitbild .............................. 191 Ndgdnanda by Bergaigne...... 263 , , Chaitra ......................
custom...................... 141 Någapura, C. .....................38, 44 » , Jyêshtha ...... 165, 170, 171, Mithridates I....................... 312 Nagarah&ra ........................ 23
177, 194 Mitra-aiyyâr ............... 266-268 Någarâja, g......................... 115 » , Karttika ...96, 172, 183, 192 Mitra dynasty coins ............ 252 nagarapati, o. .......... , Mágba.38, 184, 191, 192, 193 Moalla kdt
229 Nagarjuna or Lung-shu... 149, 316 » , Margasirsha...........96, 194 model man .......................... 142
Sil ............. 37, 39, 40. ,, Pausha ..................... 178 Modgalayana ............... 114 Någasena ............................ 297 .., Phålguna ......176, 187, 189 Mo-ho-ni, Mahåni?............. 24 Någavardhana, W. Chal. ...123-125 » , Pushya ...................... 96 Mo-kie-tho, Magadha ........ 15 Någêsabhatta .................... 306 .., Sravana ............... 96, 168 Molière .........
Náginika ........................... 28 » Vaisakha .................. 171 Monalan.............216, 217, 220, 221 Nagolla wihara ................ 10 Massagetae ........................ 139n Mongol tribes..................... 214 nahuta ...............................
147 Masa'di ........................15n, 39n Mongols, Howorth's History of naimittikapájd..................... 167n Matale .............................. 268 the ...............
263 nakh .............................. 310 matha ............................... 187 Mordtmann zur Pehlevi Müntz- nakshatra, Anuradha............ 189 Mathura, c. ........................ 114 kunde..............................
, Ardra ............... 187 mdtrigana ............... 149, 184, 294 Moropant .......................
» Punarvasu...... 184, 187 Matsyêndranatha, tem..........169n Morvi insc ...............253-255, 308
Rêvatt ................ 191 ► g. ...... 187, 192 Mo-si-nang ........................ 22 » Rôhiņi ............... 165 mattar, l. m. ..................... 76 Mrichchhakatika .................. 305 » , Uttara-Phålguna.. 193 Ma-twan-lin........................ 14 mriga...........
......... 118n
Nala and Damayanti ............ 51 Maudgalya gotra ............ 131, 132 Mugulan ........
....... 66 Nålanda, Na-lan-tho, ..23, 307, 308 Maqes, k. ........................ 259 muhúrta, Abhijit................. 165 Na-lo-mi-pa-80-mei, NaradaMaukhari raco...................... '181 Muir's (Sir W.) E.ctracts from svimin ? .......................... 20 maula .............. ............... 238
the Coran .................. 235 N&makal plates ................... 48 Mây8, Mâyêdict...70, 114, 115, 227 , (Dr. J.) Metrical Trans- Namamáld ...................... 805 Mayilagastota inso....... 270-1, 274 lations
235 Nambidaimurs ................... Mediyawa wihara ............... 12 Muktêsvara ....................... 60 Namburis.......................... 77 Megasthenēs ..................... 122 Makunda, 8. ................ 98 names, proper .........141, 229, 309
99
............
..............
M
ollere
.................
...
. 51
..........
....
...
.....

Page #389

INDEX
329
***... 195
.........
38
..
.......
173
.............. 259
Nandi, g. ......... 174, 177, 189, 193 Noiré, Prof. ........................ 30 | Paippaladins ..................... 203 Narig-go-lo-kia-lo, Nagarahârs 23
Nokuz tr....................
........ 241 ... 241
Pairikas, g. ......................... 232
Pairikas, B. Nan-hae-ki-kwei-chouen........ 306 Notes and Queries ...52. 141, 229, Paithana, c. ..................... 43, 44 Nankow pass
230, 250, 309 Pakores, k. ............... 258, 259 Nányadêva, k....................... 188 noun inflection ................ paksha, bahula..................... 239 Narasimhavishņu, Pall.......... 100 Novairi.........
» , krishna .........99, 192, 194 Narasobba ........................ 74 Nộisimba, k. ...............
, , suddha .................. 96 Nåråyana, g. ...101, 124, 125, 128, Nuh-ibn-Nasr ...............
„ , bukla ...165, 167, 168, 170, 130, 133 numerals ............................
171, 172, 176, 177, 178, Narayana, Behâr ............... 189 numerical symbols ......... 101, 165,
183, 184, 187, 189, 191, Narendradeva, Nê............ 181
167, 168, 170, 171. 175,
192, 193, 194 Narendramalla, k. .............. 191
177, 178, 183, 184, 259 Palaipatmai.......................... 38n Naresamalla, k. .................... 189
words ...... 191, 192, 193 Palestrina, La coupe de ...... 232 Nasasata or Basiasata ... 149, 316 Numismatics, Musalman ...... 232 Palibothra, c. .................... 144 Nataputta ..................... 158, 162 Nydsa .............................. 306 pálidhvaja ... 127-129, 131, 133, 134 Native Histories.................. 308 Ny&sakara, Jinêndra ........... 306
............... 13 nau-ldkha-har ................... 303n
Palladius' Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi... 89 Nauvitaka-Vasaida obo......................................
Pallas ...........
............. 89 Nawaya month ................... 272 Oboes .............
.............. 151 ........ 101
Pallava alphabet ............... 100 Någars ............................... 79 Odorieus of Pordenone ......... 314
grants.................... 99, 102 necklace ............................. 303 Odra ........... .............. 181 | Pallavas ... 49, 100, 101, 102, 129n welevidu...........
50 | Ogbuz Khân ... ............90, 91 Pañcha-jánah, Pascha-ksishNepal tablets ..................... 1631 Ogotai Khåkan .................... 214 tayah....... Népâla, co................20, 98, 191 | Olana Ergükdeksen ............ 91 | Pafchala ............................ 253 Nepálabda .......................... 129 | Oldenberg's Dipavamsa......... 252 Páñchall .......................... Népdlabhásha ..................... 187
Vinayapitakam ... 233 pdñchalika...168, 171, 173, 174, 177 Népdla-samvat......... 187, 189, 191, Onon, r. ......
panchamahdbabda ............... 192, 193 Ooerki, k................
Punchasiddhantika of Varahanepanna-nipphannd ............ 13 Orenburg ............................ 290 mihira .......................... 203 Nernam, Naranam, v. ......... 313 Organum ....
93 Pañchatantra .................. 58, 59 Nerur, v. .............126, 128, 129 Orthagnes, k. .................... 259 Pan-da-fa, Panjab, r. ............ 21 plates.... 125, 130, 132, 255 Ostiaks.
152 Påndi Perumal...................... 78 Newinan's version of the hymn
15n Pandya Chola .......
. 49 of Kleanthes........................ 236 Oxus, r. ...................... 231 Påndya embassy.................. 313 Ngan-shih-niu Sútra .............145f
Pandyas 124, 125, 129, 131, 133, 287 Nicolo di Conti .................... 315
Pånini ... 80, 81, 251, 305, 307, 318 Nidåna .................... ****** 301 Paapis ..........
59 Panjab folklore...... 205f, 280, 302 Nigantha Nataputta ............ Pachymeres .......................... 276 Panjbakht ........................ 266-268 Niganthas, Nirgranthas...... 159, pddabhakta ......................... 124 Pantaleon, k. ............... 256, 257
160, 161 padachdrin ........................ 238 Pantaenus ......................... 313 Nikias, k. ....................257, 258 pádánudhydta ... 123, 124, 167, 169, Parachakrakama, Ne. ......... 181 Nikolaus of Damascus ......... 313
170, 171, 173, 174, 176, 239 ParakesarichaturvédimangaNila.............................48, 49 pádánugrihita... 169, 170, 171, 173, la, v.
........... 47, 48 Nilos Doxapatrios ............ 314
174, 176 Parakesarivarma, Chô. ......... 48 Niravadyapunyavallabha ...... 132 Pada-patha of the Maitrdyani- Paråkrama BÅhu, I. ........ 13, 274 Nirnydvaliya Suttam ............. 84 ya Sanhitd ..................... 203 paramabhattáraka ... 174, 176, 183, Nirgranthas.................. 159-161 paddvarta, I. m. ..................
294 Nirpan plates ..................... 123 Padhisena........
................
paramabhagavata ............. 294 Niruns .........................214, 219 Padma, t. .................... 146, paramabrahmanya ................ 294 rírodna ............. 160, 161, 296, 312 | Padmachala, mt................... 184 Paramakanda insc. ............ 10 niér dvahoma............................. 187 | Padmanjari ......................... 306 paramamdhesvara ... 124, 176, 183, Nissan kamalla, k. ............... 274 Padmapåņi, g......................
238, 239 ithala .............. 269 Padmaratna or Haklena
paraméévara......127, 128, 130, 131, Nivari language ............... Pågumaka, V. ....................... 174
133, 134, 183, 294 riyata.............. ...
11 Pahlavi money .................. 252 paramétvaralabda ...127, 130, 133 niyogika, o. .......................
inscriptions at Kan. paramita.........................146, 147 siyukta, o. .........................
heri ..................
......265
Pärasika, co.............129, 131, 133
OX
*
**
**
158
115
... 316

Page #390

330
INDEX.
295
62
189
Paraburima.................... 77, 99 Pari-ki-dheri mounds........... 157 parikramd ...................... 149, 150 PÅrsis............................265, 268 PÅráva ..................160, 162, 163 Pårávika or PÅráva ...... 149, 316 Pârvati, g. ........................ 149 pdbupata ............................ 174 Pasupati, g... 170-172, 174-176, 179.
184, 189, 191 Pasopati, tem. ................166 &n Patahumulla inso. ............... 10 Påtala ................................ 115 Påtaliputra, C. ..............301, 316 Patañjali....................... 306, 308 pathama ........
.............. 269 pathina, fishes...................... 98 patiauhrd ......................... 205n Patriarchs, Buddhist 148-9, 315-16 Pattalaka, Andh............. pattardjnt .................... 193 patti ................
103 Patumat, Andh. ............. 62 paundarika ..........
294 Pauthier's Examen............. 16n P&va, t..............................
158 P&wagadh ..................... 221f Payati thera.................. 269 Payoshni, r.................. 295 Vpeth Perampalli, t. ............. Peregrinus ........................ TepkAutós ........................... 204 Periyakadu wihara insc....... 269 Persia, Notes of a Journey in... 231 Perumals ........................77-79 Pêshw&............................ ... 108 Phågunimitra, k. ............253, 311 phalam
............... 145 Philoxenes, k. ...............257, 258 Phrabat ........................... Phulmati Rânt ................... 58 physical science .................. 311 Pichchhandiy&wa insc. ......... 10 Pichel, Hemachandra's Pali
Grammar ......................... 252 pidha....................................205n Piduruwagala insc............. 269 Pikhd, v.
174 Pina, Pinya, or Pida ............. Pimpalnêr plates.............. pindaka......................... 172n, 173 Pippalanagara. c. ............... 295 Pischel's Assaldyana Suttam ... 252 Pitakas ............................... Pithon ............................ 255 Piadaysi insc. .........232, 282, 311
Plato, k.'.................... 256, 257 Punyamitra or Putnomita 149, 316 Plavamga sarwateara........... 96 Punyayasas or Panayaja ..... 316 Pô, ........ ................ 174 Purana Kåśyapa ............... 162 Polekêkivallabha.--Palikest II, puránakumbha .................. 118
W. Chal.......................... 134 Porbid ............................ 209 Po-lo-men........................... 15 Pari, c. ............................38, 44 Polonnaruwa insc..........270-274 Parnabhadra ........... ...... 143 Ponani, t. ..................... 78 | Purna Mantra Bhagavata ...... 60 Portuguese literature ......... 318 Parpotganga, Andh. .......... Po-sse, Persia ....................15, 23 purodada ............................ Pothupatnam, t. .................. 78
.. 78 purðhita ........................... Prabha, g. .......................... 116 Parus ..........................
Parus prabhu, 0. .........................38, 46
Purushottama.............. 306, 315 pradakshina ..................... 67, 149 Purvasaila, 8. ..................... 300 prddešike ............................2
Pushkaletra......................... 305 pradhana, o. ............35, 175, 176 Pushmilanaka, v. ... 237, 238, 239 Praditya, k............................ 316 1 Pushpamitra, k..................... 259 prajña ................................ 147
............ 147 Pushpapura, .................... Prajñapdramita .................. 300 Putniamitta, or Punyamitra... Prajñåtara ......................... 316 puwadara ............................ PrAksit ..................101, 233, 237 puyal................................ 196 Prakriydkaumudi ............... 83 Pramathas, g. ....................... 182
Quilon .......... Prampae ............................. 122 Pránangrayana, Behår. ..... Pranardanapránakausika, g.... 174 Radha .......... *..*...... Prat&pamalla, k. ...... 187-189, 191 Rafais Pratyeka Buddhas .............. 300 rag bushes ....................... 150 Pravilasena, k....................... Ragharapandaviya ............. 305 Prayogas ..........................
Raghu............... 48, 180, 188, 191 Vpreksh ....................
310 Raghukula ........................ 183 prithivivallabha... 127, 128, 130, Ragurata or Rahulata ... 149, 316
133, 134 Råjagfiha, t. ..................... 114 Prithvidêri ........................ 115 rdjaguru .............................. 194 Prithvinarayana-Shåb, k. ...... 194
rdjaklya ..................... 239 Priti ............
rájakula ........................ 176, 177 proper names ......... 141, 229, 309 Rajalladevi, q. .................. 184 prostitutes ........................
R&jamati, 4., Ne..........188, 189 Ptolemy Philadelphus .........
Rajangane insc. .................. 13 Pajagala insc. ...................
Rajanya ... půjdr ...............................
rdjapursha, o................. pukana ............................
12 rdjaputra ..................35, 168, 175 pukharins ..........................
Rajaraja Chola .................. 50n Pulakêśivallabha, -Pulikest I, rdjababda ........................... 238
Early Chal. ...............128, 132 rdjasuya ........................ 294 Pulakésivallabha, -Pulakési II, Rajatarangini ............... 264, 805
W. Chal. ........................ 125 Rajendralála Mitra.........226f, 230 Pulasakti, Sil. ................36, 39 Rajendrulla Mitra's Buddha Pulayans, tr. .................. 120 Gayd........................ 1137, 142f Palikesi I, Early Chal. ... 126, 128, Rajendrarikrama-Shah, k. ... 194
130, 132 Rajyamati, q., Nê............... 181 Pulikest II, W. Chal. 125, 128, 132, Rajyavati, q., N6. .............. 165
Rakkho......................... 273 Pulomarchis, Pudomavi, Andh. 63 Rákshasas ....................... 116 Pulomat, Andh. ................... 63 Rama .....................36, 188, 191 Pu-la-sha, Parushapura ...... 22 Ramachandra ................. 83 Panarvasu .................... 184 Råmalinga, g................... 96, 99
62 292
310
314
184
138
121
.......
308
293
288

Page #391

INDEX.
831
Isvara
Råmánujacharya........... Ramasimha, k. ......... Råmatirtha Yati .......... Ramdyana ........................... 32 Rambh& ............................ Ranabahadur-Shih, k. ......... 194 Ranjabala, k. ................ 259, 262n Råsênanagara, C. ......126, 128, 129 Rashidu'd-din ...................... 276 Rashidu'd-din's Jami-ul Tard
rikh ...........89, 91, 93, 94, 276 rashtra ...........................38, 124 Rashtrakatas ..............45, 74 rdshtrapati, O.................... rdái, Yugma ..................... 184 Rasin, v. .............................. 126 Ratnas, three ............ Ratnamalla, k. ...............188, Råvans ........... Rdvanavaha by Goldschmidt.. Ravi .....................**.**.**. Ravigupta ......................... Ravi Korttan ...................... Ravikula ............................. Rawlinson, Sir H., on a Cylin
der of Cyrus.................... 230 rdyapitámaha .................... Rayavára, C. ...................38, 44 Redhouse on "The most come
ly names" .................... 230 Religions of India, by Cust... 317 Resht, t. ......... reverence......... Riddhilakshmi, q. Nê. ...191, Ridiwihara .... Rishabha .............................. Rishibhatta ........................ Rishis......................... 54-56, 104 Rôhiņt ............................... Romagyri.......................... 314 Romance and Gaurian Lan
guages ............................. 231 Roth's Sanskrit Dictionary ... 251 Rowlandson's Qui Hi .......... 109 Rubruquis .........................276-7 Rudra, g............................. Radra Sah, k...... ......... 260 Rakam inso...................... rupa
53 Ropamati, q., N&............188, 189 Buru................................ Ruwanwaeli dagoba insc....... 11
sadhdnyahiranyddiya............ 239 Samsåradêvi, q., Ne............. 184 Safis
samvat...35, 165, 167, 168, 170, 171, sagahathaya......................... 269
172, 175, 177, 180,
184, 186, 188, 191 sagds.................................280n Sågal, t. ........................... 297 samvatsara, Bhåva ............... 38 Saganandi ........................ 149 Sagara, ......48, 125, 130, 132, 135,
, Nala ................. 180, 296
, Plavarga ......... Sågåri, V........... *** ........ 154
, Prajapati.... sagðtra, ......124, 126, 128, 130, 131
, Prajộtpatti ......... 133, 294
Sukla ............... Sahamyapura, V........126, 128, 129
, Vilambi ............ SÅhasamamalla ................... 274
, Virodhi Sábasáňka, sil. ..................
,Vishu .............. SAI..................................
, Yuva.................. Saïmur ..........................
Sanabaras, Sanabarēs, k...... 259, Sain Tegin ..................
260, 262, 312 St. Vahan.........
311 Saņåkavåsa or Ś&navasika 148, 315 Saiva Parikramd............. 149 sanagi .........
................ 75 saka, kdka .................. 193 Sånchi .................... 70, 136, 137 Saka dates...... 38, 74, 96, 129, 132, sanchit .............................. 281
294 Sandhigere tank ...............75, 76 Sakansipakdla .........35, 293, 294 Sandhimat ......................... 305 Sakatayana ....................... 80 sandhivigrahddhikrita, o....... 239 Sakavarsha ............100, 128, 131 sandhivigrahika, ........35, 132, 295 sakha, Yajurveda ............... 295 Sandikêsvara, Chandêsvara ...119n adkhds .............................. 200 | San-fo-tsi, Sumatra ............. 23 Sakra, 8. ..................70, 195, 196 Sanga Bo, k. .............. 271-274 Såkrardja ............................ 146 Sangkayakata or Gayasata ... 316 Saktas ............
Sang-lin-ta-sza ................. 149 Saktisimha, k. ................ 188 Sangnav&su, see Śánakavåsa. Sakya Buddha, Sakyamuni ... 148, Sañjaya Belåtthaputta ....... 162
315 Sankara, g. ........................ 191 Sakyamuni Barkhan........... 92 Sankaracharya ...........25, 27, 60 SÅkyas ................................ 15 Sankaradôva, Nê. ...165, 166, 181 SAlankåyana götra ............... 101 Sankhachada ............. Salika figures ....................166n Sankhadatta ...... Sáli Kumâra ....................... Sankshoba, k...................... salilapúrvaka .................... 124 Sanskrit Text fund Sallet's Nachfolger Alexanders 255 Sanskrit texts in Japan ...... 233 san ....... ....
Sanyagis ........
.. 72 samadhi
296 Sapor I. ........
259 Samaneans .........******..*....
21 saptalókamatri ... 124, 126, 130, 133 Samånôddlaka, v. ............... 174
176 sdmanta ............................ 295 Sarasvati, 8. ................... Samarkand ........................ 231 Sargurs ........................... samastabhuvandsraya...... 128, 129n, barira... ..........................
131, 134 barman Sambhu, g. ...............36, 98, 103 Sarpild ............. samel ................................. 279 sarvabadhaparihara ......... 128, 134 sangha ............................... 176 sarvadandandyaka ............... 167 Samkantikas, s. .............. 801 Sarvanåtha, k....................... 253 Sammatiya, 8. ...............300-302 Sarvâstivadas, 8. ............ 300-302 Sankara, g. ................... 191, 192 | Sassanian coins ................... 252 Satkaradêva, Nê. ......... 165, 181 ŠAstrib&vå beggars ........... 250 sankramana, uttarayana....... 75, 96 | Sdsvata Kosha ....................... 203 Samráj..... ......... 56 Satakarni, Andh. ...............62-64
***
...
36
******* ......
239
Sabdakaustubha ............... Sabdavidyd ................... 807 sabhoga .......... .....128, 134 sadhama ............................

Page #392

882
INDEX.
145
****........ 238
**** ... 238
..
.
121
307
19 123
273 189
259
Satarudra, r. ................. 194 Satdhárd ......
171 sati.......................................
108 satilddaka....................
295 Satiyaputra..
287 Satyamitra, k.................... 253 Satydéraya, Kirttivarma I.,
Early Chal.... 123-124 Pulikasi I, Early
Chal................. 126
Pulikasi II., W. Chal.... 128, 130, 132-134, 293 satyderaya ....................123, 124 faultika, 0............ Saunaka ............................ Sauras .......................... 65n, 135 Sauraseni.......................... 232 Saurashtra ......................... 135 Sautrintikis, 8. ................ 301-2 savdtabhátapratyaya ........... 239 savayitha ........................... 269 Savile, Rev. B. W............... 309 Savitri .......................115, 135 saanaga ..............................
13 Smanaka year ...............269, 271 Sayamitra, k. ..................... 253 Sayaņa on the Atharva Veda.
199-201 tayanapůjd .................... 187 Schelling ........................... 30 Schiefner, Prof. .................. 111 schools of Buddhism ......... 299€ seals of plates ...101, 102, 123, 130,
132, 237, 293 Segelens wihåra.................. 13 Seleukos Kallinikos, k.......... 255
, Nikator, k. ...... 255, 312 Selinga, ......................214, 240 sena..............167, 168, 181, 194
167. 168. 181. 194 Sena III. ........................... Senart, E........................... Serai, t. ............................. Serendiva.....
314 serpent-worship ............... Sesha, g. ... Setthingyaka ..................... 273 Setubandha ........................ 116
Seven Pagodas' ......99, 118-120 seven precious things ......... shaddarsana ......................... Shitha ..................................
198 Shab-ki-dheri ...................... Shamsi Tabriz ............ Shannagarika, 8. ...........300, Sharikat .............................. shat karman ..... ......... Sha-za-thi ........................ 91
Sheibani Khân................... 231 Sivuart Satakarni, Andh....... She-wei, Bravasti .......... 17 Siva Satras ................... 807 Shi-chi, s. ........................ 301 Sivasvati, Andh.............. 63 Shi-hu, Danapâla ? ............22, 23 Sivi Jataka ....... Shi-kieu-ma, Srikumara ... 20 Si-yo, Western Countries ... 18, 22 Shin-ta, India ................. 14-16 skandhaudra ..................128, 238 Shola Pêrum&l, k. .............. 78 Skandavarma, Pall. ............ 101 Si-cheü, Turfan .................. 24 Smara ...... Sicileanische Märchen............ 51 omriti.. siddhanta ............................. 18n endnayatra ....................... 187 Siddhanta Kaumudi ... 82, 83, 306 Sogdiana ....................... 69, 255 Siddhinsisimhamalla, k... 184, 187, Sohsilungliehtsan, k. ....... 312
189, 193 Solvyn, B. ......................... 107 siddhirastu .................
Sómanátha, g................... 40 St-fan, Tibetans .................. Somanátha tem. ............. 43, 45 Sihvar grant .....................
sómasútra ............................. 150 Sijiut tr. ........................... 241 Sômêsvars, k. ............ 37, 40, 45 SikhAnayaka .....................
Somogvara I., Trailokyamalla, Sikhara, Sringa ..... .........
W. Chål. ....................... 96 filddhiudeana ......................
194 Sommonasodom, Buddha ...... 213 Siladitya, Harshavardhana ..19, 20 Sophytes ............................... 256 ŚtlAditya I, V&....237, 238, 239, 253 sótpadyamdnavishtika ........ 239 Sil&bâras ............................. 33f Spaliriaus, k. ......................... fRdprapéka ........................
Spalyris, k.....
259 Stlara, SilAra .........33, 35, 37, 39 sparrow and the crow ......... 2074 Silver-white woman ........... 145 speech-harsh.................... Simhala................... 129, 131, 133 Spitama .............................. 291 Simhanatha Lokêśvara ......... 115 Srdddhabala ..................... 302 SimbupratApa-Shah, k.......... 194 framanas................ 122, 182, 287 Simbavishnu, Pall............... 100 Sravasti, t. ............ 145, 148, 195 Simpson, W. ..................52, 53 Srauta Satra ...................... 292 Simylla............................. 44 brent ................................... 238 Sindas ........................... 97 breshthin ............................ 38 Sindh ..............................17, 143
Sri, g.
........................ 165, 239 Singhalaputra or Åryasimha.. 316 fribirudánkardma .............. Siñha kings....................... Sri-Gupta, k. ....................
coins ......................... 64 Sri-Harsha .................. 124, 125 Sin-bu, Pranayap&la? ......... 24 i samvat ......170 to Sin-thao, Sindh ...............
17 Sriharsha ........................... Śipraka, k. ............ ............. 62
fríkarana, o. ................... Sirigala, v. ..........................271-2 | Sringa Rishi ................... Siri Sanga Bo, k. .....13, 271-274 bringa, tikhara.................... Siriyâdêvf, Sin..................97-99 Sringalpur ..................... biénadeva ...............
Srinivasa, k. .................192, 193
17n Ssanang Setzen............89, 92, 94 Sitala Mayi, g. ............... 76 Stasanor ............................ 255 oltavana, Stavana..........147, 148 Sthånaka, C. ..........38, 41, 42, 44 Sitsi ..................................... 149 Sthanu, g. ........................ 182 Siuě-shan, Himalayas ......... 15 sharira ................. 53, 300, 301 Siva, g. ...1, 35, 36, 117, 123, 125n, Sthitimalla, k...................... 184
143n, 194, 237 Stokes (M.) Fairy Tales ...... 57 Śivadêva, Né. ...169, 174-177, 181 Stone tablets, Népal .......... 163f Sivadêvēsvara, g. ....... ..... 175
Pallava ......... 99 Siraghochi ...................... 91
Sinda ............ 97 SivAlayas............................ 149
Western Cb4Sivasimha, k. ......... 187, 188, 191 lukya .......... ..............50, 96 sivaskandha Satakarni, Andh.63 Strabo ...................122, 144
260
274/ 311 263
79
181
Sitâ, r. ....***
*******
183
295

Page #393

sudi
Strato, k. etúbi or vimana Subarah, Supârâ.. Sudanu, k. Sudarsana ....................... 149
257, 258 118 ...... 44n, 314
149
************************
Sudas............................................................ 55 Tabari 251 'tabu'
181 181
Sadra................................ .54, 56 Sadraka *************************** 305 suga.............................. 18 Sugata, Buddha sugatasdsana...... Suhan, r..................... 154 Suï dynasty.................... 18 sukhasamkathdvinóda 50, 98 Sukhâvati Râni Sukhavati, t... 000000000000000000 Sukhdvattyúha... éukla-paksha......
******************
4
233
233
........................................................
251
********************
******************
...
***************
**********...
******************
314
28 23
Tambapanni Nuwara............ Tamil inscriptions ****............................. 13 Tammana Nuwara Tamo, k.
9
Sulaiman, Arab merchant Sulasâ, Sulasadata............... Su-la-ta, Surâshtra Sumangala Vildení. ............... 288 Sumati ******************* 163 Sumatra ************ Sun, g.
***************
***********.
23 137 62
Sundara Satakarni, Andh. Sunga coins.......... ................. 252, 311 Sung philosophy
9 35 213
315 160
143
*********************
180 171
************************
..................... 149
******************
312 Tâmradanta-Bodhisattva...... 24 Tâmralipti ..................................................... 307 Tâmraparni, r. támrakásana Tan-che-ho-wi......... tandulaparvata......... 187 súrnita Tandu Pulayans 120 Súnyas, two......................... 308 Tandya Brahmana 55 supakshi Tang dynasty. ..19, 311 Supârâ, t.......... ..44n, 46, 314 Tanjore tem. 117 Supushpa, k. Tanthikontha, V............. .102, 103 Surabhôgêévara, g. Tanwas, r. 121 Sarakhani, v................... 110 Taoism ................... 315 Sarasêna 171 Tao-tin-ta-szu **************** Sarjong, g. 104 Tao-yuen 22 surma 205 Ta-po-ho-lo ************** 20 Sarpåraka, c. .....38, 44n, 46, 314 Târâdêvi, g. 115 Surya, g....115, 116, 135, 180, 191 Târakârâti, g. 129, 131, 133 Suryamalla, k. ...............188, 191 Târần tha ...0000000000000000 149, 315 Súrya-mandala 135n Tarikat Suryamitra, k. 253 Tarisapalli .................. 314 Saryavama........... 184, 188, 191 Susarman, k. 62 Susarma Chandra, k........... 252 sútra, Apastambha. 103 Sutra (Buddhist) ............... 195 Suttapitaka. ..233, 288-9 suvarnagaruḍadhvaja 35 svahasta 239 admin129, 132, 135, 174, 295 Svarnavati, r...................... 194 svastika......... ..65, 67, 136, 138-140 Svayambhu, g. Svayampáka.....
248
*******************
*****************
Tartars.
.....................................
243 ..................21, 24 302 18
************************
***************
99
************
Ta-shi, Arabs Tathagata Ta-thsin, Roman empire Teda, k. ................. 316 Teggina-Irappa tem. Têjakantha 42 Telanga beggars. 250 Telephos, k. ..................257, 258 Têliraja beggars. 280 Temujin..........275, 277-8 Tenkha, v............ 175 Terkutai Khiriltuk 274-5
*********************
............................
***** ************
********.......
******************
***************
INDEX.
syddvdda 162 symbols, Buddhist ............... 135 Syrian Christians. .78, 312
184 309
************
............ 152 152n Tacitus ******************* 53 Tagara, c. 37, 43, 44 Tagiri, Etagiri.... 50 Ta-hia, Baktria ................14-16 Tai-yuen-fu Tajiks
****************
*****************
151n 240 Takht-i Bahi insc................ 258 Tala, c................... 44 talavriksha
Tamatsak
18n 94 Tambapannaka, Tambapanni 142, 287
............................................................***
****************
******************
.....................................................
******************
****************
******.........
***...
..................................
****************
Thag ***************** 205n Thai-tsong..... .19, 22 Thai-tsu 22 124
****************
***************
314
thakkura Thambu, v........................ 172 Thâna, 38, 41, 42, 44-46 Thâna martyrs 314 Thang dynasty.... ..................................... ...19, 311 Theodorus, Bishop Theophilos, k...257,258 Theophilus of Diva.......313-14 Theosdosius, Doris 314 thera... 269 Thien-Chu, India .................. .......14f Thomas, the Apostle......261, 262, 312, 314
..........................................
33
****************
Thomas of Jerusalem....313-14 Thomas, Bishop 314 Thomas Christians...............312f Thsu 16 Tibet .....19, 20, 311-12 tilamaka. 172n, 173, 175, 177 Tilottama............ 77 Timkofski's Travels 215, 276 Timoulla 44 Tirhut names...................... 141 Tirthakas...... 158, 162 Tirthamkaras 53, 66 Tiruvalluvar......71, 72, 196 Tisa, k. ........................... 9-12 Tisådêwi ........................... 269 Tishyarakshitâ, q................ Tissamahârâma insc. tohunga tithi, ashtami -", bidige chaturthi...
86 11 298 239 96 96
33
, dasami.170, 171, 176, 187, 194 96 , dvâdasi dvitiyâ.172, 192, 193 ékâdasi ..................................... 96
navami..........
.183, 194
........................................... ..192, 194 129 pratipada......38, 99, 165, 167 saptami.96, 168, 191 shashṭhi trayôdasi... .177, 184 tritiya
189
.178, 194 46 Tondamandala, co... 49 Tondainâḍu .................... 100 Tong-ya-pu-sa ........................................................... 24 Tonigala insc.. *********** .10, 270 Tonquin **************** 16, 18 tooth-seal of Aśoka 86 torana 192
33
23
"
3
"3
2
"
"
39
tolls
..........................................
...................................................................
31
pañchamî
2
», paurņamâsî
31
3
333
*************......
******
.....................................
*********...
****************
************
**************
******************.
************.........
************......
********.......
************
********************

Page #394

334
INDEX
196
9
... 193
.......
'toty.................................. 76 Trailokyamalla, W. Chål....... 96 trairdjya ............... 127, 131, 133 Tribhuvanamalla,-Vikrama
ditya VI, W. Chal. ....... 50 Tribhuvanåsraya, Någavar
dhana, W. Chal.............. 123 tribkupandéraya ................... 125n Trigartta ........................... 252 Trimurti tem. ....................... 152 Trinacria ............................ 66 Triparadeisos ..................... 255 Tripitaka ..................... 289, 299 Tripura, Tripurêávara, g. 180, 181,
193 trisula ......
138 Tșitsus .....
........... 54, 55 Tryaksha. -Siva, g. ........... 180 Tsak-tin-mo-hau, 4. ............. 307 tsanp'..............
312 Tean-ta-lo, Chandra .......... 23 Tsin dynasty ................... Tsin-she-hwang-te.............. 19n Tsong-ling Mts .................. 15 Tsuchihchien, k. ................. Tu-fan, Tibet ................... 20, 21 Tughrul............................ 276-7 Ta-kiu, Turks .................... 93 tuldpurusha ........... 191 Tulunad Tulu Perumal, k. ................ 78 Tumbolis ............................ Tumena.............................. 217 Tünggeli, r................95, 218, tuntune.
279 Turki language .................. Turks ............................ Turvasas ................... Tusabuks-Cbikkere, v. .......... Tushita heaven .................. 296 tydgajagajjhampa..............
16
312
ukhit.................
..206n Våmana ......... ............305-6 Uljaitu Uljaitu ...........................89, 90 Vambery, M. ........... 252 Unddi Sútras ......... 306, 307, 318 Vamsiga-Bittu ................. 74 upadhyaya..................... 187, 194v án...................................... Upagupta ..... ............... 149 Vânam Pêrumál, k.............. 78 Upangas ............................ 84 Vanavåsi, c. ............ 128, 130, 133 Upanishads .....................31, 251 Våņi or M&mviņi, Sil. ......... 41 uparikara ................ 125, 239 V&piyaka cave........................ upasaka ........................... 9 vdra, Adi .............................. Upatissa Nuwara ............... », Aditya........................ Upêndra, g. .................131, 132 » , Bțihaspati ............ 187, 189 Uriangkut . ...................213n » , Budha.. Urtagan tr. ......................... ,, Guru
,, Pashan ...................... Urvasi .........................
Ravi........................... Usbegs ............................
», Sasadhara ............... Ushas, g. .................
» , Sôma .................. 96, 194 ushnisha
,, Sukra ........................ 96 Usiun Turks ..................
Varsha Mihira .........16n, 115, 203 U-sun
vardhalañchhana. 124, 126, 130, 133 utgubughul.
Varanasi .............................. 148 U-tien-nang, Udyana ......... varangi ............................... 196 utpadyamanavishtika ............ varman...... 101, 124, 125, 127, 130, Uttama Chola, k. ...............
134, 167, 169 to 172, 181 uttarapatha. 124, 127, 130, 131, Vårta ...............................171n Uttarasaills, 8. .............300, 301 Vartta Vibhuvarma ............ 171 utthanapujá ......................... 187 Vasantadêra, Vasantasena, Nê. 167, Uzbeg epos ......... ... 231
181 Vasco da Gama ................... 315 Vashti, q............
............. 6In vadya-paksha .................. Vasishtha, Andh. ............... 55 Vagišvari.........................
V&sithi, q. ........................... 63 Vahan of Kogthěn ............ Vassilief, M. ..................289, 299 Vaidu beggars
Vasubandhu ............... 149, 316 Vaidyaka, V....................... Vasudeva beggars ............. 280 Vaishnavas ...................
Vasudhårå, g...................... 115 Vaisravana, 8................
290 Våguki, g. ..................... 182 Vaišvadipa ......................... 225 Vasumitra................299, 300, 316 Vaiśya ............
vasupatrapddmasadrića......... 189 vdjapéya ............................ 294 Vâtapadra, v. .........237, 238, 239 V&jins ................................ 140 V&t&pi (Badâmi), c. .........100, 128 Vajjadadêva I, Bil. ............. Vatpuvanna, Sil. .............36, 39 Vajjadadeva II, sil. ......... 36, 89 Vatsadêvi, Ne................181, 182 Vajrapåņi g. ..................... 115 Vatsaraja .........128, 129, 131, 134 Vajrabuchi Upanishad ......... 25 Våtsipatriya, . ...........300-302 Vakéscara, c. ............... 102, 103 váda, Rig .......................... 103 Vákyapadiya ............... 308 », Såma......................... 103 Valabhi, c. .................. 238, 295 » , Yajur ....................... 103 Valabhs, kings..................... 237 pédangas........................
48, 132 » ,era... .................. 254 védas. ........... 48, 54, 130, 132 135, Valabhipradvárahombavdeakdt 237
139, 180 Valens .............
................. 314 veldkula .......................... 38n Valipavana, t. ..................... 38 velimandapa....................... 118 vallabha...... 125, 127, 130, 132, 134 VèmeDA ............................ 72, 73 Vallabharaja ................... 149 Vendidad, by Darmesteter ... 290f Valavam Perumal, k......... 78 verb inflection..................... 310 Vaman ......................... 60 Vesali, t. ............................. 233
78
76
............
.
.....
253
93
99
35
U or Wu dynasty ............... 16 udagra ............ ......... 127n Uda, U-ta, Odra .............. 21 Uda Tisa monastery ......... 271 Udaiyar Sri Rajendra Devar.. 120 Udayadova, Nê.............171, 181 Udayagiri insc.......
62 Uddandapura, v. ............... 143 udranga ..............124, 125, 339 Udyana ............................... 23 Uighurs ..................93, 214, 276 Uirad tribes.......................... Ujjain coins .................. 136, 138 U-jen-ni, Ujjayani ................
95

Page #395

INDEX.
335
126
17
.
.............
13
180
.
.............
115
Vibhåndaka Rishi ............... 79 | Viravikrama, Chô. ............. 50 withershins' .................. Vibhasha Sastra .................. 290 virinirviyanulagam............... 198 woolly hair ........................ Vidhåtå ........................ 48 Viruka............................ 226 Wu or U dynasty ................ Vidyâranya ............. 202 Vis .. .................. 56, 57 Wular lake insc... Vidyadhara .........
290 Vi&dkhila ..............
............. 305
Wullawul'......................... Vidyâtirtha-Mahêsvare....... 202 Visdelou, M. .................92, 216 W u -ti ........................... Vigatpuri grant ............. 123 vishaya ..........................35, 124 Wu-wei-kian ............... Vihara Behår .................... 189 vishayapati, o...................35, 295 pihdra ........................
176 vishayas
............... 38 Xerxes ............................69, Vijaya, k. ...........
63 Vishnu, g. ...... 124, 132, 134, 191, Vijayabuddhavarma, Pall. 100-103
193, 293, 294
Yadus ............................. Vijayadêva, Né. .............177, 178 Vishnu, Pall. ..................... 100 Yailia Perumal .................... 78 Vijayaditya,-Vi.-Satyasraya, Vishnagopavarma, Pall. ...... 99 Yajñasri, Andh. .................... 63
W. Chal....126, 130, 132, 133, 134 Vishnugupta, Yuvaraja, Né.... 172 Yajñavalkya.....................42, 140 Vijayamitra, k. .................. 253 Vishnuvamsa
294 Yakdessagala insc............... Vijayanandivarma, Pall....... 101 | Vishnupadas.................... 138 Yaksha .........................146, 226 Vijaya Perumal, k. ........... 78 | vishli ................................. Yakshamalla, k. ...... 184, 188, 191 Vijayarkadêva, Sil. ............41, 42 vibumbu............................ 196 yali.................................... 118 vijayardjya ...................... 174 Visvagaśva, N. .................. Ya-lo-u-te A-je-ni-fo............ 24 vijayardjyasamvatsara ......128, 131 Visramitra
55 yama
...............
160 Vijayarkadêva, Sil............. Vitakhatta, v. .... ........238, 239 | Yama, g. ......................... vijayaskandhaodra ......... 128, 238 Vivasvat ............................ 48 Yamålavåpi ........................ Vijay&skandavarma, Pall.... 101 Vokkalêri grant........... 126, 127nYamuna, g. ....................... Vikrama, Sin.......97, 98, 311, 316 Vologeses I. .................... 260 Yamuna, r. ............ 129, 131, 134 Vikramadêva Chola ............ 50n Vonones, k. ................. 258, 259 Yang-kie-küang-lo.......... Vikramaditya ..................... 16n Vopadeva ...................... 80, 306 Yang-ti I. Vikramaditya I, Vi.-Satyl- Vrindavana........................ 141 Yan-ka B.............................
braya, W. Chal. ...128, 132, 134 Vpisha .............................. 143 yantras ............................ Vikramaditya II,-Vi.-Satya- Vțishadêva, Né. ............165, 181 Yapahu inac braya, W. Chal. ............... 135 Vritti Sutra
Yasode ....... Vikramaditya VI, W. Chál. 50, 51 Vyasa......... 124, 125, 128, 130, 132 Yatagiri, Étagiri .................. Vikrama-Kala.................... 96
yathasambadhyamánaka ......... Vikrama-Saka................ 194 Waddhamdna ...
12 Yåtus ................................. 232 Vikramasona, N&..........168, 170 Wadurag, Y. .................... 272-3 yavishtha ............................ 203 Vikrama-Varsha .........75, 96, 99 Wahaba
Yayadharmamalla, k........... 184 Vikukshi ........................... 180 Wajiraggo ........................... 273 Yazdakard .......................266, 267 Vilige, r. ............................. 129 Wajirtai........................ 218, 219 | Yazdan-penak ............... 266-268
.....................172n Wales, J. (the painter)......52, 107 year Puradara Sawanaka ...... 269 Vimalasri............................. 23n Wanjara .............................205n Sawanaka .................. 271 vimdna............................. 117-119 wapisara ......................... 11 'Yedageery' ..................... 51 vin .......
.............. 196 Wassiljew, M. ..................... 289 Yeke Nidün ................... 94, 95 Vina, Pina, or Pida .......... 308 Wattagamiņi, k................11, 270 Yen-ki (Kharasbar) ............22 Vinayapitakam by Dr. H. Ol. Weber, Prof. A. ... ... 226, 251, 252, Ye-po............................... 17 denberg........................... 233
292, 305 Yerakala language ............... 210 Vinayaditya,-Vi.-Satyasraya, Wei dynasty .....................16, 18 Yessugei ............... 244, 274, 277
W. Chal....... 127, 129, 131-134 weights and measures by Yêtagiri, t. ....................... 50 viniyuktaka, o. ................. 239
Mar Eliya .................... 230 Ying .................................. 16 Vi-Chôla, Chố. ..............48, 49 | Wen-ti ............................................ 17 Yndopheres, k. ......258-262, Vtradeva, Chố. .................... 49 Wesawasika, V. .................. Yoga, Ayushman .............. virdgal ............................. 96 Westergaard, Prof.
, , Harshana .................. Viramartanda, Chồ. ............ wheel symbol .................. ,, Priti Viranarayana, Behår ........... Wijaya .............................
» , Siddhi ............... Vtran@royama, Chố. ........ Wijitapura .......................... ,, sala .................... Viepandya, Chố. .................. Williams (M.) Modern India... 264 Yögâchåra ..................... Virarajendra, Chô...... 49, 119, 120 Wilson, Dr. J. .................. 265 Yogamati, q...................192, Virs Saivas ....................... 78
Wirandagoda insc. ............... 9 Yoganarendramalla, k. ......... Virasekhara, Chố. .............. 50 wisara ...... ............ 11 Yogi-mêra care .................
*** .........
11
uim
.
49
............
........
189

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336
INDEX.
Yonas .......
... 252 yuvamahardja .................... . 101 Zanza, sil........ ........... .. 36, 39 Yrkodes, k. ................ 259, 260 yuvardja .........171, 172, 178, 184 Zarathashtra ............... 291, 292 Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi ...89, 90, 92-94, Yueï-chi .......................15-17 | Zaynu'l 'Aabidin, k. ............ 252
213, 275-278 Yuen-tu (India) ................ 15 Zeionises, k................... 259 Yuan-shi ...89, 215, 216, 274, 276-7
Yuë-ti .............. *............. 316
Zendavesta..................... 265, 290
Zendaneeta Yudhishthira ..................36, 176 Yü-thien, Khotan ............. 22 Zoilos, k. ......................257, 258 Yueï-'aï (Chandrapriya) ...... 17
Zoroastriem.................. 232, 311 .......... 287n | Zad-sparbam ..................266-268 Zud.......... ................ 92
Yuta

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ERRATA IN VOL. IX.
p. 73a, noto', last line, jor! read! p. 81a, I. 38, for Sivasitras read Sivasitras. p. 816, last line, for li read U.
► note, > >> p. 87a, 1. 8, for on authoritative read unauthoritative.
p. 97, transcription 1. 4, for ndina, read nitnap. 100a, 1. 22, insert a comma after Pallava. p. 101, transcription 1. 7, for dêva-ku lasså, read
dêra-kulassa. p. 1186, 1. 30, for paranakambam read purņakumbba. p. 119a, note: 1.2, for Bhadrakati read Bhad
rakali. . note, 1. 6, for Bakshira read Dak.
shins. p. 131a, note, for da(dha)kka, read da(dha)kka.
p. 145, 1.2, the Chinese letter is printed sideways; it should be thus
p. 145a, 1. 13, for (phalam) read (phalam). p. 147a, last line, for (kshanti) read (kahdnti). p. 1476, 1. 2, for (prajna) read (prajña).
, 1. 8, for (sitavana) read (sítavana or bitavana). p. 1486, 1. 30, for Sitavana read Sttavana.
last 1., for Sravasti read Śr&vasti. p. 149a, 1. 19, for Mahaloma read Mahaloma.
. 1. 24, for Mahatyaga read Mahâty&ga. p. 1496, 1. 14, for Mahirakula read Mihirakula. p. 150a, 1. 15, for Chandar read Chandan.
» Iļ. 30 and 43 for Lamb&dies read Lam
p. 1536, 1. 28, for Kouli and Tchikislar read Kali and Cbikislar.
p. 192a, 1. 29, for Matszendranatha read Matsyêndranatha. p. 1949, 1. 14, from bottom, for Prithvinaragana,
read Prithvinarayana. 1. , from bot. for Girvånayuddhavik
rana read Girvân&yuddhavikrama. p. 231a, 1. 2, for Persian Gulf accumulated read
Persian Gulf, accumulated. 1. 32, for Guptas he regards as dated
from read Guptas, he re
gards as dating from. , 1. 31, for Hans whom read Hnne, whom, . 1. 38. for follows and read follows, and.
, 1. 44, for Houtem read Houtum, p. 2316, 1. 47, for Ruhistan read Kuhistan.
p. 232a, 11. 42 and 43, for trained philologist by the scientific method and-read philologist trained by the scientific method, and
p. 2326, 1. 3, from bottom insert, after Gujarati p. 233a, 1. 8, for Marathi read Marathi.
» 1. 12, for its read their. p. 236a, 1. 2, for known that road known, that.
p. 2544, note, for 18° 28 N. long. 55° 26' E. read 24° 55' N. long. 49° 11' E. (see p. 308). p. 2866, note , 1. 1, for from read form. ,
1. 4, for Jaar tell read Jaartell. 2876, note 5, 1. 4, for i.e. read (i.e. p. 2882, 1. 7, for pitaka read pitaka.
, 1. 14, for atthakatha, it read atthakaths. It p. 289a, 1. 10, for Angas read Angas.
» 1. 13. for Brahmanis read Brahmanas. . 1. 23, add commas after Brahmana and
after Itihdsa. , 1. 36, for applies, as read applies. As . 1. 49, for anguttara-rikuya read anguttara
skaya. p. 2896, 1. 6, for G&taka read Játaka. p. 290a, 1. 12, for Viśravana read Vaisravana.
» 1. 14, for Mahotsdha read mahotsdha. p. 2966, note, 1.5, for Arabas read Arahats.
bådis.
► 1. 33, for Kampalamma read Kampa
lamma. » 1. 36, for Kaveripuram read Kaveri
puram. ► 1. 45, for whether of the same read whether they are of the same.
p. 1506, 1. 34, for Dindigul read Dindigal. p. 151a, 1. 34, for recent work Turkestan, reaa
recent work on Turkestan. , 1. 87, for ramshorns read ram's horns. p. 1516, note for Taiyuanfu, read Tai-yuan-fu.

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