Epigraphia Indica Vol 06

Author(s): E Hultzsch
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032560/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume VI (1900-01)
प्रत्नकीर्तिमपावृणु
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110001
1981

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Vol. VI.–1900-01.
TRUCT
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110011
1981

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Reprinted 1981
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
1981
Price : Rs. 90.00
Printed at Pearl Offset Press, 5/33, Kirti Nagar Indl. Area New Delhi-15

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PUBLISHED UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
AS A SUPPLEMENT TO THE "INDIAN ANTIQUARY."
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
AND
RECORD OF THE ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA.
EDITED BY
E. HULTZSCH, Ph.D.,
OOVEBKXENT IPIGRAPEIBT ; TILLOW OT TAI UNIVERSITY OF MADBAI; CORE. MIXB. OF THE BATAVIA BOODUTY OF ARTS AND ACTINCI,
AND OT TEE ROYAL HOOPITT OF SCIENCES AT GÖTTTTGBX.
· Vol. VI.-1900-01.
CALCUTTA:
OFFICE OF THE SUPERINTENDENT OF GOVERNMENT PRINTING, INDIA.
BOMBAY, EDUCATION SOCIETY'S PRESS. LONDON: LUZAC & Co. and KEGAN PAUL LEIPZIGOTTO HARRABSOWITZ. TRENCH, TRÜBNER & Co.
VIENNA: A. HOLDER & Co. NEW YORK, WESTERMANN & Co.
BERLIN: A. ASHER & Co. OHICAGO: & D. PEET.
PARIS: E. LEROUX.

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CALCUTTA: GOVORIMERNT ON TUDIA CENTRAL PRINTING 'OTTICE,
8, NASTOT STABIT.

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CONTENTS.
309 • 385
*
.
40.
831
The names of contributors are arrangod alphabetically.
ΡΑΟΣ D. R. BRANDABEAR, M.A.
No. 18. Alas plates of the Yuvardja Govinda II.; Buka-Bathvat 699. .
» 28. Plates of Dantavarman of Gajarkt; Saka-Samvat 789 . J. E. FLERT, PE.D., O.I.E. (Indian Civil Service, retired) -
No. 6. Three Western Ganga reoords in the Mysore Government Museum at Bangalore 11. Nilgund inscription of the time of Amoghavarsha I.; A.D. 868
A.D.000 . . . . 16. Somo records of the Rashtrakata kings of Malkod
. . . . . 84. Three inscriptions in the Dharwar district. . . E. HOLTISCE, PE.D.:
No. 8. Mayidavolu plates of Sivaskandavarman . . .
14. Plates of the time of Salorija; Gupta-Samvat 800 . . .
16. Two pillar inscriptions at Amaravati. ► 20. Bhimavaram inscription of Kulottunga I.; Saka-Samut 1037
21. Two inscriptions of Vikrama-Chala 26. Tsandavola inscription of Buddhardja; Suka-Suhvat 1098 . 81. Kondamudi plates of Jayavarman . . 82. Two cavo inscriptions at Siyamangalam . 88. Ranganatha inscription of Goppana ; Saka-Samvat 1298
929 , 34. Two inscriptions of Vidugådalagiya-Peruma! . .
85. Teki plates of Rajaraja-Chodagangs; dated in the seventeenth year (of Kulottanga I.) 834 PROPESOR F. KIELHOR, PH.D., D. Lir., LL.D., C.L.E. -
No. 1. Aihole inscription of Palakddin II.; Bake-Samrat 660 .
2. Two Kadamba grants . . . . . Nos. 3 and 27. Dates of Chola kings (continued) .
and 978No. 4. Konndr spurious inscription of Amdghavarsha I., Saka-Samvat 783 . 6. Chébróla inscription of Jaya; Saka-Samvat 1167 . .
7. The date of the Kottayam (Syrian Christians') plate of Vira-Raghava
18. Dwo grants of Dandimahadevi . . . . . . . . ► 17 Two Bhuvandóvar inscriptions . . . .
29. Radhanpur plates of Govinda III.; Baka-Barvat 780. . . 29. Sarsavni plates of Buddharaja : (Kalachuri.] Samvat 381
80. Dates of Pandya kings . . . . . . Rev. F. KITTEL, PA.D. :
No. 19. Belatara inscription of the time of Rajendraddva; Saka-Samvat 970 . . . H. KRISENA SASTBI, B.A.:
No. 26. Srikormam inscription of Naraharitirtha; Saka-Samrat 1903 . . . H. LÖDER, PR.D.:
No. 10. Gadag inscription of Vira-BallAla II. ; Suka-Samyat 1114 .
12. Two pillar inscriptions of the time of Krishparkys of Vijayanagara 22. Kondavida pillar insoription of the time of Krishpariya of Vijayanagara; Sa
Samyat 1449 . . . . . . . . . . TAI VARTAN MELCHISEDICH, OT MECRITHARIST CONGREGATION, VIRNA :
No. 9. The Armenian epitaph at the Little Mount near Madrus . . . . 89 V. VEIKATTA, M.A.:
No. 36. Raputipandi grant of Vimaladitya, dated in the eighth your . . . . 847
INDEX
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. 368

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LIST OF PLATES.
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.
to face pega 6 between pages 14 & 16
18 & 19 to face page 41
46
>
50 64
between pages 84 & 85
9
. iii.
"
!
86 & 87
to face page 88
89
1. Aibolo insoription of Pulakddin II. ; A.D. 634-36 . . . 3. Kadgere plates of Vijaya-Siva-Mandhátrivarman 8. Bandaballi plates of Krishnavarman II. . . 4. Doddshundi sono i . . . . 8. Begår stone . . . . . . 6. Begär insoription and Doddahundi inscription. . 7. Atakdr stone . . 8. Atakar inscription of Krishna III. and Batuga II. ; A.D. 949-60 9. Mayidavolu plates of Sivaskandavarman-Plate i. 10. 11. 13. Armenian opitaph at the Little Mount Doar Madru. 13. Nilgund inscription of Amoghavarsha I.; A.D. 866 14. Gafijam plate of Dandimahadevi; the year 180 . . 16. Plates of the time of Sasankarája; Gupta-Samvat 800 16. Hatti-Mattar inscription and Naregal inscription . 17. Lakshmbahwar inscription of the time of Srlvallabhs 18. Bhuvanelvar inscription of Svapnéóvars .
. 19. Alls plates of the Yuvaraja Govinda II.; Baka-Samvat 699 20. Belataru inscription of Rajendraddva; Baka-Samvat 979. 21. Cherolu inscription of Vikrama-Chola; Saka-Samvat 1049 32. Sevilimada insoription of Vikrama-Chbla; tbe sixteenth your 33. Radhanpor plates of Govinda III.; Baka-Samvat 730 . 24. Inscriptions at Didgar, Gudigere and Mulgund . . 26. Pithapuram pillar inscriptions . . . . . 26. Plates of Dantivarman of Gujarat-Plate i. . 38. Sarsavni plates of Buddharkja; [Kalachuri-]Samvat 361. . 29. Kopdamadi plates of Jayavarman.- Plate i. 30. 31. Siyamangalam cave inscriptions . . 33. Taki plates of Rajaraja-Chodaganga.- Plate i 33. 24. Rapastipdndi grant of Vimaladitya.- Plate i.
· 102 between pages 188 & 139
144 & 145 to face page 162 ► 168
202 between pages 210 & 211 to face page 216
228
► 228 . between pages 244 & 245
to face page 268 • between pages 870 & 871 .
990 & 291
to face page 294 . between pages 298 & 999
316 317
818 & 819
to face page 320 between pages 388 & 399
842 & 343
354 & 365 to face page 358
.
.
36.

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
A.-VOLUME V. Pago 16, text lines 12, 13.- Professor Kielhorn has told me that, in line 41 of the Kaushers
plates of A.D. 1009 (Ind. Ant. Vol. XVI. p. 23), he takes what I have presented as Karkara-rana-stambhau," the two pillars of war of Karkara," as meaning "Karkara and Ranastambha," and that he would interpret in a similar way the passage, specified above, in the Managoli inscription of A.D. 1161. This latter passage, indeed, when considered apart from the bias created by my previous rendering of the other passage, makes the point quite certain. And, in the abstract of contents (p. 20, lines 5, 6 from the bottom), there should be read "annihilated king Kakkars and king Raņakambha, the sun and moon in the Rashtrakūta sky."- It is due to Mr. Wathen, who brought to notice the Miraj plates of A.D. 1024 which include the verse given in the Kauthêm record, to add that the translation put forward by him presents " Karkara and Ranastambha, rájás both of the Rashtra-kúta race;" see Jour. R.As. Soc., F. S., Vol. III. p. 269.- The idea naturally occurs, to take Ranastambha as a northern kingman and ally of Kakka II., and to connect him with the Jaipur territory in Rajputâna, in which there is the fortress of Ranthambhor,'= Ranastambhapura,- the 'Rintimbore or Rantamboor' of Thornton's Gazetteer of
India, Vol. IV. (1854), p. 320.-J. F. F. 21, line 18,- for of the race of Vajins, read of the Vajivarsa; and canoel note 2. As has
been brought to my notice by Professor Kielhorn, the Vajivamsa is mentioned elsewhere, and the Jain Hulla or Hallapa, a minister of the Hoysala prince Narasimha
I., belonged to it; see, for instance, Insors. at Srav.-Beļ. Introd. pp. 52, 54.-J. F. F. 71, line 13 from bottom, - for summer-solstice, read winter-solstice. , 77, line 8,- for [#fa®], read [HR].
96, 12,- for summer solstice, read winter-solstice. , 150, lino 9.-Mr. Krishna Sastri correcta jagadavadu into jagatavddu, which would be the
same as jayaghantavadu, 'one who strikes the gong; ' compare jáganta or jéganta in
Brown's Telugu Dictionary, and jagate or jégate in Kittel's Kannada Dictionary. 168, line 7,- for Bellary, read Anantapur. , 201, paragraph 3.-The identification, which I put forward in my Dynasties of the
Kanarese Districts, p. 378, of Bhandaragavittage with 'Kowteh,' a small village six miles south-west-by-west from Sholapur, on a stream (the 'Adeela Nulla') which flows into the Sina, which again flows into the Bhima, is wrong. I cannot recall the circumstances in which I made the mistake, or the book and map which I then consulted. But it is clear, now, that Bhandaragavittage is the modern
Bhundarkowteh' of the Indian Atlas sbeet No. 40 (1852), on the north bank of the Bhima itself, in lat. 17° 27', long. 75° 44', about twenty miles south-west from Sholapar.-J. F. F.
B.-VOLUME VI. Pago 6, lino 2,- for Annbhav-, read Anubhav-.
11, note 6,- for safichanna-, read rafichhanna-. 86, line 9 from bottom, - for Samargad, read Samångad.
27, line 9,- for Krishparaja I., read Krishnardja I. # 63, note 7, line 6;- for Mapdalikatainetun, read Mandalicatriptra.

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. Pago 67, note 9, line 3,- for Vol. V., road Vol. III.
66, line 9,- for Nolambadhirdja, read Nolambadhiraja. . 67, note 4, line 3,-for-Pormmdnadigal-, road - Pornmdnadigala.
68, 6, 2,- for Permanadi, read Permanadi. 69, line 11,- for Kyatanahalli, read Ky&tanahalli. 70, 8,- for Kinkad, read Kisakad. 83, » 16,- for king, read kings. 93 7,- for Malapas, read Malapas. 106, verse 1, and noto 8.-Professor Kielhorn has now fully accounted for the description of
Vishna here ms Purandara-nandana, "son of Indra ;" see Göttinger Nachrichten, 1900, p. 350 ff., where he has shewn that it may be traced back to the use of Akhandala-sinu, in the Kiratdrjuniya, i. 24, to denote primarily Arjuna," the son of Indra," and secondarily Vishnu, "the younger brother of Indra." As he has said, in conclusion; "If a poet like Bhåravi could use Akhandala-ninu as a name of the god Vishnu, we cannot wonder that some petty poet should have employed its exact
synonym Purandara-nandana, in just the same sense."-J. F. F. 110, note 7,- Mr. H. Krishna Sastri aptly identifies Symamdary with simhAdri, s...
Sit bachalam in the Vizagapatam distriot; compare Mr. Venkayya's Annual Report
for 1899-1900, p. 27. , 111, line 7 f. from bottom.-Mr. H. Krishna Sastri states that Paranandi Bhaskargvadhanin
at Nellore possesses a complete copy of the Chandrika, & commentary on Krishnamisra's Prabodhachandrådaya by Nadindle-Gopa, the sister's son of 841va-Timma. The colophon of the first act reads as follows:- Iti brimad-rajadhiraja-rajaparamétuara-bri-Virapratapa-tri-Krishnardya-maharaya-adhmrajya-dhurandharafri-8dfva-Timmardya-dardandyaka-bhagineya-Nadindla-Gópa-mantr s t & kharavirachitdydrh Prabodhachandrðdaya-oydkhydydrh Chandrik-dkhydyår prathamo
sekah 11 , 113, line 3 from bottom, - for Motapalle, read Motapallo. ► 117, note 11.-Vritrabhid-abman is synonymons with indra-nila, '& sapphire.
128, 6, line 4,- for Krishnu, read-Krishna. 181, verse 33, line 3 f.- Read : "If not, why (dost thou) whose emblem is the Garuda
(assume) this ensign of the hatok) ? 132, verse 42,- for " whose doep oompassion with heroes was," read “whose heroism and
compassion were." , 185, line 20,- for sarvaohokhaa, read samuachohhara. ► 157, text line 191,- for deve', read fr . 169, the last line, and page 170, first line; and throughout subsequent references. I have
recently bad consion to look up Mr. H. H. Dhruva's artiole on the rooords of A.D. 916, in the Jour. German Or. Soc. Vol. XL. p. 822 ff. His introductory remarks show that these two records were obtained at Bagumrs. And they ought, therefore, to be referred to as "the Bagumrl plates of A.D. 915," and not by a title connecting them with Nausar as their find-place. His remarks further show that the seal of each of these two records presents, not only the god Siva as stated by Dr. B. G. Bhandarkar in Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soo. Vol. XVIII. p. 253, but also a
wastika and a Ganapati and the legend friman-Nityavarsha.-J.F.F. 169, note, lino 14.-Canoel the words " while his own illustrious queen was prospering."
The correot translation of this passage is given in South-Ind. Insór. Vol. II. p. 92. 185, line 7 from bottom, -for-Bassappa read-Baappa.
note 14,- for 7, 8, read 6, 7. 189, 1.-It might have been added here that Ratnávaldks occur as biruda of the
Mahdedmanta Bappuyarnas in the Mahak ata inscription of A.D. 934: 1. Ind. Ant.

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
Vol. X. p. 104, No. 96, text line 2; the biruda has there been translated, by "he
whose glances were (as bright) as jewels."-J. F. F. Page 225, line 10 from bottom, - for Eastern India, read Southern India. 251 ff.; the Didger inscription. In editing this record, I overlooked a faot to which
Professor Kielhorn has kindly drawn my attention. Just as here we have Dosi as the name of the governor of the Banay&ei province under king Kattiyara, so also we have Dosirkja as the name of the person at whose request, as recorded in the Vakkaleri plates of A.D. 757 (see Vol. V. above, p. 201), the Western Chalukya king Kirtivarman II. granted the village of Salliyûr, which was in the Panangal vishaya and consequently in the Banavasi provinoe. The Dosi of the Didgur inscription may well have been a grandson of the Dosiraja of the Vakkalëri plates. At any rate, the identity of these two names Dosi and Dosiršja, and their connection with the same part of the country, is another point in favour of the view that Kattiyars was a
Chalukya.-J. F. F. , 286, line 20 f. from bottom.- Professor Kielhorn contributes the following remark on this
date :-"For Saka-Samvat 789 expired it corresponds to the 23rd December AD. 887. On this day the 9th tiths of the dark half of Pausha ended 12 b. 3 m. after mean sunrise, and the Uttarayana-Sankranti took place during the same tithi,
1h, 10 m. before mean sunrise." , 286, line 18 ff. from bottom.-In Ind. Ant. Vol. XXXI. p. 254 f. Dr. Fleet has shewn
that Kampilya, Dhokkhakuti, Dabbhellanks (this is the correct reading). Apasundara and kalapallike correspond to the modern villages Kaphleta, Chokhad, Dabhol, Asundar and Karoli, and that the river Mandakint is now
called Mindhola. , 321, line 15 from bottom, --for Kakak Adi, read Kasakuļi. 324, note 1, line 4 f., and page 325, line 5,- for Ommapa-Udaiyar, read Jammapan
Udaiyar. # 347, line 23,- for -Udaiya[x®], read - Udaiya[ro].

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
VOLUME VI.
No. 1.- AIHOLE INSCRIPTION OF PULIKESIN II. ;
SAKA-SAMVAT 556.
BY F. KIELHORN, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN, This inscription is on the east side wall of an old temple called Mégati, at Athole in the Enngand taluks of the Bijapur (formerly Kaladgi) district. It was first edited, with a photo-lithograph, by Dr. Fleet in Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 67 ff., and a revised version of the text and translation, with an improved photo-lithograph, has been given by the same scholar, ibid. Vol. VIII. p. 237 ff., and Archæol. Suro. of West. India, Vol. III. p. 129 ff. I re-edit the inscription at the suggestion of, and from an estampage supplied to me by, Dr. Fleet himself, who was anxious to publish the accompanying photo-lithograph which is the first true facsimile of this record. In common fairness I am bound to state that Dr. Fleet's edition, published more than twenty years ago, was an excellent piece of work, which has been of great assistance to me; and I would wish it to be understood that I consider any improvements in the reading or interpretation of the text which I may be able to offer, to be mainly due to the rapid advance of Indian epigraphy, brought about to no small extent by Dr. Fleet's own exertions.
The inscription contains 19 lines of writing, of which nearly the whole of line 18 and the short line 19 apparently are a later addition of little importanoe, which may be left out of consideration in these introductory remarks. The writing covers a space of about 4/91" broad by 2' 1" high; it is well engraved, and generally in an excellent state of preservation. The size of the letters is between 1 and f". The characters belong to the southern class of alphabets; they are of the regular type of the characters of the Western Chalukya records of the period to which the inscription belongs. Of initial vowels, the text contains the signs for a, 4, i and , and of the signs of the ordinary Sanskrit consonants, all excepting dh; but chh, th and the rare jh (in =ôjihati, 1. 7) occur only as subscript letters. The alphabet also includes the signs of the jihoamiliya (.g. in Ravikirtti-kavitá- at the end of line 17), the wpadhmaniya (e.g. in yol-prabhavahepurusha-, 1. 1), and the Dravidian (e.g. in Málada, 1. 11, and pulina-,
8e0 Rovind Liste of Antiquarian Romaine Bombay Pres., p. 188.
• It is strange that one of the published paleographic Tables sbould give a single instance of the southern form of jl from an inscription. The form of the subscript j used in the prowent inscription is almost identical with the one employed in the first Cambodian inscription in the word Mila in line 7. Iweer. Samoritu du
Cambodge, p. 18, and Plate), the alpbabet of which in other respecte essentially differ from that of the Western Chalukya inscriptions.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. VI.
1. 12); and of final m (o.g. in ratndnám, l. 1, and suchiram, 1. 2), final t (e.g. in prakarshdt, 1. 3), and final, (in iv-dbhavan, 1. 11, and dviján, 1. 15). Besides we have the ordinary signs of punctuation, one or two vertical lines, but they are employed irregularly.--The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, and the text is all in verse, the metres employed in the 37 verses being: the ordinary bloka, in vv. 20, 22, 27, 31, 33, 34 and 36; Aupachchhandasika, in vv. 9
26; Arya, in vv. 1-4 and 7; Aryagiti, in v. 37; Upajâti, in v. 6 and v. 19 (Indravajra); Rathôddhata, in v. 8; Vamgastha, in v. 12; Drutavilambita, in v. 10; Praharshini, in v. 30; Vasantatilaka, in vv. 11, 14, 28 and 35; Målini, in vv. 13, 15 and 23-25; Hariņi, in v. 13; Mandåkråntâ, in v. 17; Sard hlavikridita, in vv. 5, 29 and 32; Mattêbhavikridita, in v. 18; and Sragdhara, in v. 16. So far as I am able to judge, the author has properly observed the metrical rules, and his choice of the metres in some instances, as when he uses the metre Sragdhara in v. 16, appears most appropriate. The orthography calls for few remarks. Visarga has everywhere been changed to the jihvdmáliya before k, and to the upadhmaniya before p, and has been assimilated to a following sibilant. The final m of a word is at the end of a verse or half-verse always denoted by the special sign of the final m, except in trayandır at the end of verse 25; and in the interior of a Påda before a consonant it is either changed to anusvára or to the nasal of the class to which the following consonant belongs (before ch, chh and j it is always changed to 1). At the end of the first and third Padas of & verse the rules of sandhi have occasionally not been observed, and they have once or twice been neglected in other places. The letter is employed instead of anusvåra in Jayasinha-, 1. 3; v instead of b in vibhatsa-, 1. 11, and -vvalaih, 1. 14; and j instead of y in chiran-játah (for chiran yatah), 1. 2. Bufore , k is always doubled (e.g. in parákkrama-, 1. 5); and before y, dh is similarly treated in draddhya, 1. 15. The Dravidian / is used in the names Kaliddsa, 1. 18, Aļupa, 1. 9, Kerala, 1. 15, Chola, 11. 14 and 15, Nala, 1. 4, MAļava, 1. 11, and Kaunala, 1. 13; and also in the words antarala, 1. 13, ali, 1.8, dvall, 1. 9, kajarátri, 1. 4 (but not in kala, 1. 16), pulina, l. 12, and vigaļita, l. 11. Clerical errors there are few, and they can be easily corrected.
The inscription is a poem by a certain Ravikirti, who during the reign of the Chalukya Polek@gin Satyasraya (i.6. the Western Chalnkya Pulikesin II.), whom he describes as his patron, founded the temple of the Jaina prophet Jinêndra on which the inscription was engraved, and who uses the occasion to furnish a eulogistic account (prašasti) of the history of the Chalukya family, and especially of the exploits of Palikesin II. As a translation of the poem will be given below, it is unnecessary to burden this introduction with an abstract of the contonts, the more so because the historical facts related in this record have been fully discussed by Prof. Bhandarkar and Dr. Fleet;' but I may draw attention to one or two statements of our author which are made in verses of which either my text or translation differs from those of the previous edition. From the restitution of the true reading, Bhaimarathyah, in verse 17, it appears that the two invaders Åppâyiks and Gôvinda, of whom one was repulsed by Palikesin II., while the other was made an ally, had come to conquer the country north of the river Bhaimarathi, usually called Bhimarathi, and that no horses from the northern seas are spoken of in that verse. Again, from the wording of verse 22 it would appear now that the LATOS, MAļavas and Gurjaras were not conquered by force, but submitted to, or sought the
wtection of, Palikesin of their own accord. Of greater interest perhaps is my interpretation i vorse 28. It will be seen that that verse speaks of a piece of water, apparently containing some islands, which was occupied by Pulikêsin's army, and is called the Kaunâļa water, or the water (or lake) of Kunala. The position of this piece of water is indicated by the sequence of events recorded in the poem. Pulike in according to verse 26 subdued the Kalingas and Kosalas; he then according to verse 27 took the fortress of Pishtapura, the modern Pithapuram
Seu Prof. Bbandarkar's Early History of the Dekkas, 2nd ed, especially p. 51; and Dr. Fleet's Dynasties of the Kanareve Districts, 2nd ed., specially p. 349 ff.

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No. 1.]
AIHOLE INSCRIPTION OF PULIKESIN II.
in the Godavari district; after that, in verse 28, comes his occupation of the water of Kundla ;' this again is followed, in verse 29, by his defeat of the Pallava ruler near Kanchipura; and in verse 30 he crosses the river Kåvêri. Palikesin's march of conquest therefore is from the north to the south, along the east coast of Southern India, and the localities mentioned follow each other in regular succession from the north to the south. This in my opinion shews that the water of Kanala' can only be the well-known Kolloru lako, which is sonth of Pithapuram, between the rivers Godavari and Křishna. To that lake the description of the water of Kunkļa,' given in the poem, would be applicable even at the present day; and we know from other inscriptions that the lake contained at least one fortified island which more than once has been the object of attack. In the Chellûr platest of the reign of the Eastern Chalnkys Kulottuðga-Chôda II. of Saka-Samvat 1056 (exactly five hundred years after the date of the present inscription) we are told that in the Vengi-mandala there is a great lake in which, like Vishnu's city Dvårakå in the ocean, is a town named Sarasipuri, unconquerable by enemies, and that at the time of the inscription that town was possessed or governed by Kåtama-Nayaka of Kolanu, a Telugu word meaning 'lake,' which according to other inscriptions must undoubtedly be connected with the Kolleru lake, and which in my opinion is identical with Kunala.3
Regarding the date of the inscription as given in verses 33 and 34, I have nothing to ad to what Dr. Fleet already has stated about it. It corresponds, for the expired year 3735 of the Kaliyuga, here described as the year 3735 since the Bharata war, and-which is the same--for Saka-Samvat 556 expired, to A.D. 634-35.
Important as this inscription is as an historical document, to myself it seems almost more interesting from a literary point of view. The statement in verse 37 that it rises its anthor to the level of Kalidasa and Bharavi, is surely an exaggeration, but in my opinion this poem indubitably places him in the very front rank of court-poets and writers of prasastis. Ravikirti is thoroughly conversant with the rules of the Alankára-sastra, and like a true dakshinatya, he is unsurpassed in some of his utprekshås. He is familiar with the works of India's greatest poets, and seems to have especially profited by the study of that most perfect poem of Kalidasa's, the Raghuvansa. That this kávya of Kalid&ea's about A.D. 600 was wellknown in widely distant parts of India, and even beyond the confines of India proper, there can be no doubt now. I have elsewhere* had occasion to shew that one of its verses (XII. 1) has been present to the mind of the author of the Bodh-Gay& inscription of Mahanaman, dated in A.D. 588. I have also drawn attention to the fact that another verse of the same poem (VI. 23) has been imitated in one of the Någårjuni Hill cave inscriptions of the Maukhari Anantavarman, which for paleographic reasons cannot be placed later than the first half of the sixth century. Besides, so far as I can judge, part at least of the text of the Raghuramsa was
1 See Ind. Ast. Vol. XIV. p. 57.
See Dr. Holtzach, above, VOL IV. p. 37, and South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. II. p. 308.
• We may compare (see Hémachandra's Prikrit Grammar, II. 116 ff.) didnanila, Achalapura Alachapura, karini-kaniri, etc.-Kundfa very probably is the Kundla of the grammarians, which according to Ulivaladatta is the name of loonlity, and according to Hémachandra (Unddigana 476) the name of a town. Moreover, notwithstanding the difference of spelling, I have no doubt whatever that the Kaunda of onr inscription is identical with the Kaurdlaka in line 19 of the Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudraguptu (upta Inser. D.), which in that inscription is enumerated immediately before Paishta puraka, just as in the present inscription the jalah Kaundam is mentioned immediately after Pishtapura. (An antiquated statement, lately repeated in the Bombay Gssettoor, Vol. I. Part I. p. 63, induces me to add that by the inspection of an excellent estampage I have convinced myself that Kaurdjaka, as published by Dr. Fleet, is the true reading in Samudra. gupta's inscription).
See Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 190, and Gupta Inscr. p. 276. . See Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 190, and Gupta Inscr. p. 224.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. VI.
familiar to the composer of the first Cambodian inscription, which according to the most competent authorities belongs to the commencement of the seventh century. And turning to Chalukyan inscriptions, it is sufficient to say that the half-verse yathavidhi-hutágnindth yathdkám-Architarthinam of Ragh. I. 6, is actually copied by the writer of the MahAkūta pillar inscription of Mangalêsa, which may be specifically dated in A.D. 602, and was certainly composed before A.D. 610. As regards the present inscription, I have brought together in the notes to my translation & number of parallel passages both from the Raghuvanta and the Kirátárjuniya, which can leave no doubt as to Ravikirti's indebtedness to the authors of those two kávyas. Here I would only add that for the principal part of his poem, the description of the exploits of his patron in verses 17-32, Ravikirti clearly has taken as his model the Raghudigvijaya in Ragh. IV., and that very probably he would himself have styled this part (if not the whole) of his prasasti the Digvijaya of Polekêsin Satyasraya.
TEXT.: 1 Jayati bhagavån()-Jinêndro [vi]ta-ja[rå-ma]rana-janmanÔ yasya [1] jñana
samudr-Antargga[ta]m-akhilati-jagad=antaripam=iva (II) [1] Tad=anu chiramapari[m@]yas-Chalukya-kula-vipula-jalanidhir-jjayati || (1) prithivi-mauli-lalámná yab-prabhavab=purusha-ratnanam [28] Soré vidushi cha vibhajan-dâname
manafecha yogapad=ékatra II (1) 2 avihita-yAthleam(kh]y[0] [ja]yati cha Saty śrayas-suchiram || [3]
Prithivivallabha-labd yesh&m=anvartthatát=craft=jAtal [I] tad-vamsêshu jigishushu têshu bahushv=spy=atitêshu || [4] Nând-hêti-fat-Abhigh&ta-patitabhrant-Akva-patti-dvipê nfityad-bhima-kavandha-khadga?-kirana-jvåld-sahasr[è]
ranê [1] 3 Lakshmir-bb&vita-chapal-Api cha ksitá Sauryyêņa yên-atmas&t(da)ráj-keija
Jayasinha-vallabha iti khy&tag=Chaluky-&nvayah 11 [5] "Tad-Atmajd bhad - Raranaraga-lonama divy-&nubhavð jagad-ekanathah [1] amanushatvan kila yanya lokahs-laptasys jAnåti vapub-prakarshật [ll 6°) Tasy-Abhavat
tanajah-Polekesi(61) ya[b]18 brit-êndukåntir-api [l*] 4 Srl-vallabhô=py-ay&sid=V&tâpipuri-vadhd-varatám 11 [7") "Yat-trivargga-padavim
alam kshitau n-inngantum=adhun=&pi råjakam [1] bh08-cha yêna hayamêdha-yajin pràpit-Avabhitha-majjank16 babhan [Il 8] 16Nala-Mauryya
Insor. Savorites du Cambodge, p. 18. When writing the second half of verso 6 (doiald. dalys yaryaina pratdp ng raotr api) the author of the inscription had in his mind, and the wording of his verse was influenced by, Ragh. IV. 49 (Difi manddy atd t86 dakshinasydth raodr api, tasydm dra Raghon Pdpd ydh profdpado na vishdhird); in the inscription the 18e of the particle api sfter rande in my opinion is awkward, if not improper; in Kalidasa's verse it is most appropriate. The idea expressed in vente 7 (Yarya saingarajo dhitam wij hitslankritiaho api, ripustrigandad lithu chúrnnab hdtam wpdgatam) was suggested by Ragh. IV. 54 (Bhaytarishta vibbushdndoh tina Kdralayo ehitdm, alakdaku chandrui chdrnapratisid krital).
See Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 16, line 1 of the text. The same inscription contains other fragments of verses (1.2, riddhyd Vairavano pamal; 1. 10, Mahindra los durddharahah Rdna iedpardjita) Sibir dinara ing; 1. 11, samudra ina gambaran kahamayd prithich-ramal), the source of which I have not discovered yet. The Nerdr plates of Mangallis (Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 161) also contain a half-verse (1. 11, Babhau . Vaingapratimdna-kfritiratamal-pramsidnapytagun-dhinjalail), which I have not yet identified. From an impression supplied by Dr. Fleet.
Metre of versea 1-4: Arya. Read achirat ydtah.
Metre : Sårdûlavikridita. * Originally khddga was engraved, but the d of khd seems to have been strack out again. Read Jayasitha.. Metre: Upajati.
10 Road Ragaraga.. 11 Read 16kar.
11 Metre: Aryl. 11 This ya) (or ya P) wm originally omitted, and is engraved above the line. " Metre: Rathoddhata.
* Possibly the akshara nd has been altered to nam in the original, and prdpitadoabhritha-majjamasis (1.6. prdpitd ava') would be a better reading.
Metre: Aupachebbandasika.

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No. 1.]
AIHOLE INSCRIPTION OF PULIKESIN II.
Kadamba-kaļar&triḥg='tanayas-tasya babhúma (va) Kirttivarmma [1] para-dara
nivritta chittavrittêr=api dhfr-yasya ripu-gri5 y=&nuksishtå II [9] Raņa-paråkkrama-labdha-jayasriya Sapadi yêna
virugna(gņa)m=alêshatah [1] nfipati-gandhagajêna mah-aujas& prithu-Kadambakadamba-kadambakam* ll 10 Tasmin-Surê vara-vibháti gat-Abbildsbê røj& bhavattad-anujak=kila Mangal[@]sah [10] yab=poryva-palchima-samudra-tat. Öshit-afva-sênå-rajab-pata-vinirmmita-digvitânah [l| 119] Spharan-mayakhairs asi-dipika-bataiḥ(tair=) vyudasya matanga-tamisra-safichayam [1] Sv&ptav&n=yð ranaranga-mapdirê
Katachohuri-&rt-laland-parigrabam || [12] Punar-api cha jigbrikshose sainyam=&kkrånta-sålamo ruchira-bahu-patakam Rêvati-dvipam-Asu [I] Bapadi mahad=udanvat-tøya-samkkrkata-bimbam! Vara(ru)ņa-balam=iv&bhd=&gatan yasya vâchå || [13*] Tasy=&grajasya tanayê Nabush-anabhagê(ve)
Lakshmya kil=&bhi7 lashitê Pol[e]kedi-namni [lo] Bdsøyam=âtmani bhavantam-atah-pitfivyam' jõ&ty=
aparuddha-charita-vyavasaya-buddhan [ll 14] Sali yad-upachita-[ma]ntr-otsahafakti-prayoga-kebapita-bala-viséshô Mangalėdas-16samantat [1] Sva-tanayagata-rajy-&rambha-yatnêna gårddham nijam-atana cha rajyañ=jivitañ-chOjjhati sma || [15] Távattach-chha[t']tra-bhange jagad-akhilam-aráty.
andhakar-paruddham 8 yasy=&sahya-prat&pa-dyuti-tatibhir-iv-Akkråntam=&st=prabhatam [lo] nfityad-vidyut
pat&kaih-prajavini m arati k shuppa-pa[r]yyanta-bhagair=ggarjjadbhir= vvårivâsai(hai)r-ali-kula-malina vyoms y&tam kada vå| [169] Lab[dhv]417 kålam bhuvam=upagatê jétum-Appâyik-Akhye Govindo cha dviradanikarair-uttar&m=Bhaimarathyaḥ [l] yasy=&nikair=yudhi bhaya-rasa-jñatvam
@kahpray&tag=tatr=&v&ptam=phalam upakfitasy9 parêņ=&pi sadyaḥ 1 (II) [17] 18V arada-tunga-taranga-ranga-vilasad-dhamgåva!t
mékhalam Vanavasim-avampidnatas=surapura-prasparddh[i]nim sampadá [19] mahata yasya bal-Arppavêna paritas-sanchh&dit-Oryvitalan 19 sthaladurggañ=jala-durggatâm=iva gatam tat-tatkshané pasyatâm [ll 18*] Gang
1 Rend Ordtrise the sign of visarga may have been struck out already in the original.
• Originally - ivrittichittérapi was engraved; afterwards the i of ti and the of tid appear to have been struck out, the akshara, orit() were engraved below the line, and the place where they should be inserted was indicated by a vertical line above the line, before ra. Metre: Drutavilambits.
Originally "kah seems to have been engraved. Metre: Vasantatilskå.
• The signs for li and 18 being very similar, it is somewhat diffionlt to say whether the rending here and in line 7 is Mangaliha or Mangalia; in neither place is it Mangallia. I read the name Mangaldia, because I do not think that the engraver twice would have made the same mistake, and because in live 7 the third akshara of the Dame appears to me undoubtedly to be 18. Compare the 18 of kald in I. 16, and the li of malinath in 1. 8, and of linga and Kalinga in L 18. 1 Metre: Vamsastba. 8 Metre: Málint.
Bead - dlan. 10 Read - bimban.
11 Metre: Vasantatilaka. 11 The sign of the first consonant (p) of this name, in my opinion, at the top has the vowel o, and below it, , but the latter seems to have been struck out. In the following syllable, originally the fall sign of la seems to have been engraved; wbether the vowel-sign at the top is meant for i ore, is difficult to my. u Read -pitridyan.
16 Metre: Milini. 15 Instead of the akshara la originally f6 seems to bave been engraved. 16 Metre: Sragdbar.
17 Metre: MandAkranta. 18 Metre: Mattébbavikridits.
19 Tbia wigo of punctuation is superfluous. * In the original, between durgga aod idmioa, the akshara, td wiraga were engraved, and then struck out again.
s! Metre: Indrayar

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VI.
Åļup-êndrá vyasanani sapta hitvå pur=ôpárjjita-sampadd=pi [1] yasy
ånnbhâv-opanatâs-sad=&sannag10 sanna-sêvampita-pâna-šaupdah1 [ll 19°) Konkaņêshu yad-Adishta-chanda-dapd.
âmbuvichibhiḥ [19] udaståe=tarasa Mauryya-palvalámbu-samriddhayah (ID) [20] 3Apara-jaladhêr-Llakshmi[m] yasmin=Purim-Purabhit-prabhê madagaja-ghatAkarairannávår satair-avamridnati (1°) jalada-patal-anik-Aki(kl)rppan=navôtpala
mochakan-jalanidhir-iva vyoma vyômnas-sa11 mô-bhavad=ambubhiḥ(dhih) [ll 21*] "Pratáp-opanat& yasya LAţaMAļava-Gürjjarah [1] daņd-panata-sâmanta-charyy-Ach[A]ryy&
ivabhavan || [22] Aparimita-vibhậti-sphita-sâmanta-sêng-makuta-mani-mayûkh. akkrinta-pâdâravindah [lo] yudhi patita-gaja (jë)ndr-ånika-vi(bi)bhatsa-bhûtó bhaya-vigalita-harsho yôna ch-Akâri Harshah || [29] Bhuvam=urabbir
anikais=s&12 satổ yasya Rêvô (vá)-vividha-paļina-sobh-åvandaya-Vindhy-pa kanth[ab] [18]
adhikataram=arajat=svêna tôjó-mahimna sikharibhir-ibha-varjya(riyo) var[sb]man sparddhayabva [ll 24°] Vidhivad=upachitabhig=saktibhig-Sakkrakalpastissibhir=api gun-anghais=oyaischa mah&kul-adyaiḥ [1*] agamad=adhipatitvam yê Maharashtrakån&m davansvati-sahasra-gråma-bhajam trayânårn [ll 25]
Grihiņam eva13 eva-gunais-trivargga-tungs v ihit-anyakshitipala-manabhanga[h] [1 ] abhavann
upajáta-bhitilinga yad-anikêns sa-K6[sa]14i-Kalingash Il 289] Pishtam Pishtapuram yêna jậta durggam-adurggaman-'chitram yasya kalêrvrittam10 játam durggama-durggamam (ID) [27] 11 Sannaddha-vårana-ghathsthagit-antaralam19 nan-ayudba-kshata-dara-kshataj-Angaragam. [1] Astj-jalan
yad-avamardditam-abhra-garbham Keundlam-g13 mbaram=iv=0[j ? Jita-14sândhyarâgam || [28] 15Uddhat-mala-chava(ma)radhvajasata-chchha[t]tr-&ndhakârair-vva(bba)laiḥ
sauryy-ts&ha-ras-8ddhat-18årimnthapair-mmaul-a(&)dibhish-shadvidhaiḥ []
&kkrånt-Atmabalonnatimbalorajassafobhanna-Kanchipuraḥ(re)pråkårántarita-prat&pam-skarod - yahPallavånam-patim II (29*] Kaveri17 dpita-sapharf-villa-nêtr& Chojanam sapadi
jay-odyatasya yasya [l*) praschyotanmada-gaja-be15 tu-ruddha-niri samsparsam pariharati sms ratno-race) 1 (II) [30] 18Chola
Kerala-Pandyânâm19 y8-bhût-tatra maharddhaye [1] Pallav-anka-níhåratuhinêtaradidhitih || [319] 20Utsaha-prabhu-mantra-sakti-sahith y asmin-samasta diso jitvå bhůmi-patîn=visrijya mahitân=&raddhya dêva-dviján [*] Vatapinnagarim=pravisya nagarim=k&m=iv=ôvvi(rvvi)m=imamo1 chañohan-ntradht(dhi)nila-nira-parikhâm
* Rend faundah.
Metro: sloka (Anushtubh). Metro: Harini. • Metre: Slöka (Anushtabh). Metre of ver ses 29-26: Malin.
This, in my opinion, is the intended (and ondonbtedly correct) reading. Originally onthó was engraved, bat the two lines forming the 6 appear to have been struck out again.
* Metre: Aupachebbandasika.-The akakara soa at the end of the line should be struck out, and may bave been struck out already in the original. 8 Metre: slöka (Angsbțubh).
Read orggaman I.
1. Read osittain. 11 Metre: Vasantatilaka.
12 Read Ondfan. 13 Originally - narakshatakshata seems to bave been engraved, but the first kahata apparently has been struck ont again. 14 Read =ódita..
15 Metro: Sard dlavikridita. Originally -Oddhit. Was engraved. 17 Metre: Praharshiņi.- Read drula..
18 Metre: Slöks (Anashtubb). 13 Read - Pardgdndsh.
* Metre: śårdúlavikridita. * Read sindro.

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No. 1.)
AIHOLE INSCRIPTION OF PULIKESIN II.
16 Satyagrayê såsati Il [32] Trimsatsu: tri-sahasr@shu Bharatad-&havad:
itaḥ [*] Bapt-Abdagata-yuktêshu sa(ga)téshy-abdoshu pafichasu (11 33*) Pañich&satsu Kalau k&16% shatsu pañche-satasu cha [lo] samasu Bamatitagu Sakånám-api bhubhujâm ll [34] Tasy=&mbudhitraya-nivaritä
Sasanasya 17 Satyasrayasya param=&ptavatâ prasâdam ) Sailañ-Jinêndra-bhavanan bhavanam'mahimnân=nirmmåpitam=matimata
Ravikirttin-edam || [35*] 5Prasastêr-vvasatês=ch=Asyah Jinasya trijagad-gurðh=7 kartta kårayitá ch= ápi Ravikirttik-kriti svayam || [36] SYên=âyoji navê=sma-sthiram-arttha
vidhau vivêkina Jina-vêśma [l*] sa "vijayatâm Ravikirttih-kavita18 grita-Kalidasa-Bharavi-kirttih (ID) [37]
10Múlavalli-Veļmaltikavåda[Majichchan ür-Ggangavûr-Puligere-Gaņdavagráma(ma) iti asya bhukti[h 1*] Giri(ré)[s-ta]t&t=paschim-[&]bhigata! Nimuvärir-yyava[t] mahåpathåntapurasya
si(si)mâ attarataḥ dakshinato 19-13. ...ga . . 14 na
TRANSLATION, (Verse l.) Victorious is the holy Jinêndra- he who is exempt from old age. death and birth in the sea of whose knowledge the whole world is comprised like an island.
(V. 2.) And next, long victorious is the immeasurable, wide ocean of the Chalukya family, which is the birth-place of jewels of men that are ornaments of the diadem of the earth.
(V. 3.) And victorious for very long is Satyasraya, who in bestowing gifts and honoars on the brave and on the learned, both together on either, observes not the rule of correspondency of number.16
Metre of verses 88 and 34: 618ka (Anushtabh). . After this & second 18 seems to have been engraved and then cancelled again. * Metre : Vasantatilaka. Originally-bhavanan wae engraved. "Metre: sloks (Anushțubh). • Read mdryd. Read -guróh I.
• Metre : Aryagtti. In the place of di originally ja was engraved; afterwards it was erased and i was engraved above and
below it.
2. From here the writing differs from, and seems undoubtedly more modern than that of the preceding part of the inscription. Compare especially the signs for a, k, l, r and I.
11 Dr. Fleet read this akshara pa, and he may possibly be right.
13 Not understanding the passage, I am unable to say whether (as proposed by Dr. Fleet) this sbould bu altered to ogatan. Here one or two akaharas are illegible.
1 Here one akshara is illegible. 15 Ravikirti in verses 1-3 glorifies first the Jaina prophet, Jinèndra, for whom he has built the temple at which the inscription was engraved; secondly (tadeanu), the Chalukya family, the history of which forms the theme of bis poem; and lastly, his patron, the king Satyasraya (Palikesin II.) of that family. Similarly, in the first thro verses of the (un published) Tagund Kadamba inscription the poet Kubja first glorifies the god Sthåņa (Śiva), near whose temple the Kadamba king Kakusthavarman founded a tank; secondly (tam=anu), the Bråbman casto tri which the Kadambas, whose rise to power Kubja describes, belonged ; and lastly, the king Kakusthavaruar himself. With the epithot commencing with ofta, compare ofta-janma.jarasan (para fuchi brahmanah pada ic the Kirdtarjunya, V. 22.
16 Interpreted by Pånini's rule, I. 3, 10, yathd-sankhyamranuddiah samdndm, the statement that Satya bestowed gifts and honours on the brave and on the learned' would mean, that be bestowed gifta on the brave, honours on the learned. But the fact that the king really bestowed gifts and honours, both together, on the brave as well as on the learned, shows that the above statement should not be interpreted by, or, as the poet puts it, that Satyábraya did not act in accordance with, Påşini's ydthasankhya-rule. As Ravikirti here refers to PAộini, I. 3, !.. RO Bharavi in the Kirdtarjunya, XIII. 19, clearly refers to the immediately preceding rule of Papini's, 1.3.!), tawa lopah; compare Mallin&tba's commentary on the verse. Similarly, to give only one more instance, KAH in the Naghuvaba, XII. 58 (dhatoh athana iondd diam), alludes to Papini, 1. 1, 66, athaniead=dd&ibunaleidhau.

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8
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
(V. 4.) When many members of that race, bent on conquest, applied to whom the title of Favourite of the Earth had at last become appropriate, had passed away,
(V. 5.) There was, of the Chalukya lineage, the king named Jayasimha-vallabha, who in battle where horses, footsoldiers and elephants, bewildered, fell down under the strokes of many hundreds of weapons, and where thousands of frightful headless trunks and of flashes of rays of swords were leaping to and frol- by his bravery made Fortune his own, even though she is suspected of fickleness."
(V. 6.) His son was he who was named Ranaraga, of divine dignity, the one master of the world, whose superhuman nature, (even) when he was asleep, people knew from the pre-eminence of his form.3
(V. 7.) His son was Polekesin, who, though endowed with the moon's Beauty, and though the favourite of Fortune, became the bridegroom of Vatapipuri.
(V. 8.) Whose path in the pursuit of the three objects of life the kings on earth even now are unable to follow; and bathed by whom with the water of the purificatory rite, when he performed the horse-sacrifice, the earth beamed with brightness.
(V. 9.) His son was Kirtivarman, the night of doom to the Nalas, Mauryas and Kadambas, whose mind, although his thoughts kept aloof from others' wives, was attracted by the Fortune of his adversary.
(V. 10.) Who, having secured the fortune of victory by his valour in war, being a scentelephant of a king, of great strength, at once completely broke down the multitude of the broad kadamba trees- the Kadambas.6
(V. 11.) When his desire was bent on the dominion of the lord of the gods, his younger brother Mangalêsa became king, who by the sheets of dust of his army of horse, encamped on the shores of the eastern and western seas, stretched an awning over the quarters.8
(V. 12.) Who in that house which was the battle-field took in marriage the damsel, the Fortune of the Katachchuris, having scattered the gathering gloom, (vis.) the array of elephants (of the adversary), with hundreds of bright-rayed lamps, (viz.) the swords (of his followers).
(V. 13.) And again, when he was desirous of taking the island of Rêvati, his great army with many bright banners, which had ascended the ramparts, as it was reflected in the water of the sea appeared like Varuna's forces, quickly come there at once at his word (of command).
1 Literally, 'dancing.' The compound commencing with arityad- reminds one of Ragh. VII. 48, where a warrior whose head has been cut off with the sword (khadga) rises into the sky, and from there views his headless trunk dancing on the battle-field (nrityat-kabandham samaré dadaría).-The preceding afva-patti-dvipa is equivalent to afva-dvipa-vtra, ibid. verse 89.
* Compare Ragh, XVII. 46, chopal-dpi svabhavataḥ... Śrth.
The gods are called a-nimisha, or a-nimésha, because they do not shut their eyes (compare Ragh. III, 43). When the king was asleep; he did shut his eyes, yet even then the pre-eminence of his form shewed him to be a god. Vapuh-prakarsha occurs eg. ibid. III. 34 and 52, and Kir. III. 2.- It may be noted that the word jagadkandthah, used in this verse, occurs in Ragh. V. 23, together with dvija rdja-kdatiḥ which is synonymous with the epithet frit-endukantih in the next verse of this inseription.
Beauty (Kdati) personified is regarded as the wife of the Moon. The town Vâtâpipurt is represented by the poet as a newly married woman (Vátdpipury-dva vadhûr-navódhd, tasyd varó vódhd); compare Bagh. XVII. 26, rdjyaérl-vadhú-varah.
1.e. dharma, artha and kama.
The expression prithu-Kadamba-kadamba-kadambakam apparently was suggested to our author by the prithu-kadamba-kadambaka in Kir. V. 9. In the Talgund Kadamba inscription the kadamba tree and the Kadamba family have the epithet wrw, corresponding to the adjective prithu in the present inscription and in the Kauthêm plates, Ind. Ant. Vol. XVI. p. 22, 1. 21.
1 I.e. when he died.
Compare Ragh. XVIII. 22, veld-tatéshúshita-sainikdivam; and IX. 50, gaganam-afvakhur-óddhatarepubhiranri-savita sa-vitdnam-iondkarót. The eastern and western sens bound the earth on either side; compare Kumdrasambhava, I. 1.

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No. 1.]
(V. 14.) When his elder brother's son, named Polekesin, of a dignity like Nahusha's, was coveted by Fortune, and finding his uncle to be jealous of him thereat, had formed the resolution to wander abroad as an exile,
AIHOLE INSCRIPTION OF PULIKESIN II.
9
(V. 15.) That Mangalésa, whose great strength became on all sides reduced by the application of the powers of good counsel and energy gathered by Him, abandoned, together with the effort to secure the kingdom for his own son, both that no mean kingdom of his and his life. (V. 16.) Then, on the subversion of that rule encompassed by the darkness of enemies, the whole world grew light again, invaded as it were by the lustrous rays of His irresistible splendour. Or when was it that the sky ceased to be black like a swarm of bees with thundering clouds, in which flashes of lightning were dancing like banners, and the edges of which were crushed in the rushing wind ?5
(V. 17.) When, having found the opportunity, he who was named Appâyika, and Govinda approached with their troops of elephants to conquer the country north of the Bhaimarathi, the one in battle through His armies came to know the taste of fear, while the other at once received the reward of the services rendered by him.
(V. 18.) When He was besieging Vanavasi, which for a girdle has the rows of hamsa birds that sport on the high waves of the Varada as their play-place, and which by its wealth
1 A comparison with Ragh. V. 38 suggests the interpretation that it was desired to confer on Polekêśin the dignity of Yuvaraja, or heir apparent.
The verb apa-rudh means to debar, to shut out from, to banish, to exile;' it is often joined with rashtrát, rashtrad-aparuddhaḥ being equivalent to rdshṭrdd-bhrashṭaḥ; and aparuddhat-charati is used of a person who as an exile wanders about in foreign countries. Already in the Atharvaveda, III. 3, 5, we find the phrase anyakshétre a paruddham charantam, in a hymn by which the restoration of an exiled king is accomplished; see Bloomfield's Atharvaveda, p. 74. And in the Aitareya-Brahmana, VIII. 10-I take this quotation from the St. Petersburg Dictionary-the manner in which a prince who has lost his kingdom may regain it, is described thus: Yady u od énam upadhávéd rashtrad aparudhyamd nas: tatha me kuru yathdham idam rashtram punar avagachchhanity, étam évainam diíam upanishkramayét, tatha ha rashtram punar avagachchhati; 'if ever there should seek shelter with him (i.e. with the anointed Kshatriya) one who is being shut out from his kingdom, saying "act for me in such a manner that I may regain this kingdom," he (i.e. the anointed Kshatriya) should let him depart in this (north-eastern) direction; so verily he recovers his kingdom,' From all this it is clear that what our poet wishes us to understand, is, that Polekêsin, either banished by Mangaldea or having left the country from fear of him, went to neighbouring princes and asked their assistance in the recovery of his rights. The expression aparuddha-charita is used by the poet with special reference to the phrase aparuddhaf charati, as explained above.-Vyavasdya-buddhi is used by Kalidasa in the Kumdrasambhava, IV. 45. I.e. Polekêsin, whose exploits are eulogized in verses 15-32. In the original the sentences in these verses are all relative clauses, the relative pronouns of which are correlated with the tasya at the commencement of verse 35. In my translation I have written the pronoun, when it refers to Polekêsin, with an initial capital letter.
For the use of the word gata compare e.g. Std-gatam néham, 'his love for Sita,' in Ragh. XV. 86; see also above, verse 11, vibhuti-gat-dbhildsha.
The first half of the verse states that, as the rising sun dissipates the darkness of night, so Polekêsin dispersed the enemies who on the destruction of Mangalésa's rule (literally, of the umbrella which is the sign of sovereignty) on all sides beset the realm. And the second half impresses on the reader the fact that only then, on Polekêsin's rise to power, and at no other time, the troubles attending Mangalêsa's destruction were put an end to. Though the poet, employing the rhetorical figure of aprastutapraíamed, in the second half of the verse actually speaks of a phenomenon of nature, the clearance of the sky of storm-clouds by the agency of the sun, the context and his choice of the words (pataka, paryanta-bhaga, the verb garj for which see e.g. Ragh. IX. 9, and ali-kula which recalls ari-kula) at once suggest to the reader what is intended to be conveyed. The question ending with kadd ed undoubtedly requires an answer in the negative (na kaddpi). The word ideat with which the verse commences I take in the sense of tasminn-avasard or tatkala éoa; compare e.g. Kumarasambhava, VII. 30 and 63. With the second half of the verse compare Varâhamihira's description of the clouds at the time of an earthquake, Brihatsamhitd, XXXII. 17.
Compare Ragh. III. 26, sutasparíarasaj atdi yayas.
The city of Vanavasi, being represented as a woman, has for her tinkling girdle the rows of singing hansa birds that play in the Varada river which flows close to the town. Compare Ragh. IX. 37; also ibid. XIX. 40, saikatam cha Sarayûm vieṛinvalli íróṇi-bimbam-iva haṁsa-mékhalam; and Kir. IV. I, kijatkalalak mikhaldin... priyámniva... bhuvam.
с

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
rivalled the city of the gods, that fortress on land, having the surface of the earth all around covered with the great sea of his army, to the looker-on seemed at once converted into a fortress in the water.
(V. 19.) Although in former days they had acquired happiness by renouncing the seven sins, the Ganga and Åļupa lords, being subdued by His dignity, were always intoxicated by drinking the nectar of close attendance upon him.
(V. 20.) In the Konkaņas the impetuons waves of the forces directed by Him speedily swept away the rising wavelets of pools - the Mauryas.
(V. 21.) When, radiant like the destroyer of Pura, He besieged Puri, the Fortune of the western sea, with hundreds of ships in appearance like arrays of rutting elephants, the sky, dark-blue as a young lotus and covered with tiers of massive clouds, resembled the sea, and the sea was like the sky.
(V. 22.) Subdued by His splendour, the Låtas, MAļavas and Gurjaras became as it were teachers of how feudatories, subdued by force, ought to behave.
(V. 23.) Harsha, whose lotus-feet were arrayed with the rays of the jewels of the diadems of hosts of feudatories prosperous with unmeasured might, through Him had his mirth (harsha) melted away by fear, having become loathsome with his rows of lordly elephants fallen in battle.
(V. 24.) While He was ruling the earth with his broad armies, the neighbourhood of the Vindhye, by no means destitute of the lustre of the many sandbanks of the Rêvå, shone even more brightly by his great personal splendour, having to be avoided by his elephants because, as it seemed, they by their bulk rivalled the mountains.
(V. 25.) Almost? equal to Indra, He by means of all the three powers, gathered by him according to rule, and by his noble birth and other excellent qualities, acquired the sovereignty over the three Maharashtrakas with their nine and ninety thousand villages.
1 Though they had renounced the vice of drink together with the other sis vices, they again became drunkards. The seven vices are enumerated e.g. in the verse (Böhtlingk's Ind. Sprüche, 2994): Dylan mamsan surd vékyndkheta-chaurya-pardngandhi mahapdpdni sapt-aida oy asandni tyaj&d=budha) |
Compare the Malavikagnimitra, in the first act, atrabhavatakila mama cha samudra-pal valayorais dntaram=asti; the comparison apparently is a proverbial one.-The juxta position of the two words chand, and danda also is most common; compare e.g. Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 415 (South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. I. p. 33), l. 11 of the text, Yama-danda-chanda-dörddanda; South-Ind. Insor. Vol. IL p. 349, 1. 65 (as corrected by Dr. Haltzacb), báku-danda-chand-dlani; Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 218, 1. 40, chand-dss-danda; etc. Compare also the very common title or epithet mahaprachandadandanayaka, Ind. Ant. Vol. X. p. 127, 1. 6 of the text, and elsewhere.
* I.e, the god Siva.
• For & similar way of comparing heaven and earth with each other see Ragh. IV. 29, Bhuvaratalamzina oyma kurvan-oy&m=doa bhitalam.
• Although the Latas eto, impressed by his majesty and power, had voluntarily submitted to him or sought bis protection, they behaved so humbly and obediently as by their conduct to set an example to others wbom he bad subjected by force. Compare Ragh. XVII. 81, where the dandópanata charita of the gods Indra eto. towards the king Atithi is described. With dcháryd abharan one may compare dohdryakan chakre, ibid. XII. 78.
Really the mountainous country of the Vindbya had to be avoided by the king's elephants, because it was impassable for them; but the poet's reason is, that the elephants were higher than the Vindhya. If they bad gone there, the Vindhya by the presence of these mountain-like elephants would have transgressed the command of the sage Agastya (tbo Vindhyanya sanatambhayitá mahddréh, Ragh. VI. 61; seo also XII. 31) that it sbould not grow higher so long as Agastys remained in the south. In this way the very absence of the king's elephants becomes an additional token of his might.-With the whole verse compare Ragh. XVI. 31; for the use of avandhya see ibid. I. 86, dlansit-dvandhya-prdrthana, literally 'one whose prayer is not destitute of fulfilment.'
He was like Indra because, like that deity, he possessed certain faktis; but was inferior to him because his faktie were only three (the powers of mastery, good counsel, and energy ), whilo Iudra possesses eight Sakti (Indrat etc.).
& According to Panini, IV. 1, 141, madkula would mean born in noble family.'

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No. 1.]
AIHOLE INSCRIPTION OF PULIKESIN II.
(V. 26.) Through the excellencies of their householders prominent in the pursuit of the three objects of life, and having broken the pride of other rulers of the earth, the Kalingas with the Kösalas by His army were made to evince signs of fear.
(V. 27.) Hard pressed (pisha) by Him, Pishtapura became a fortress not difficult of access; wonderful (to relate), the ways of the Kali age to Him? were quite inaccessible !
(V. 28.) Ravaged by Him, the water of Kunala-coloured with the blood of men killed with many weapons, and the land within it overspread with arrays of accoutred elephants-was like the cloud-covered sky in which the red evening-twilight has risen.
(V. 29.) With his sixfold foroon, the hereditary troops and the rest, who raised spotless chowries, hundreds of flags, umbrellas, and darkness, and who churned the enemy elated with the sentiments of heroism and energy, He caused the splendour of the lord of the Pallavas, who had opposed the rise of his power, to be obscured by the dust of his army, and to vanish behind the walls of Kanchipura.
(V. 30.) When straightway He strove to conquer the Cholas, the Kaveri, who has the darting carps for her tremalons eyes, had her current obstructed by the causeway formed by his elephants whose ratting-juice was dripping down, and avoided the contact with the ocean.
(V.31.) There He caused great prosperity to the Chôļas, Koraļas and Pandyas, he being the hot-rayed sun to the hoar-frost-the army of the Pallavas.
(V. 32.) While He, Satyasraya, endowed with the powers of energy, mastery and good counsel, - having conquered all the quarters, having dismissed the kings full of honours, having done homage to gods and Brahmans, having entered the city of Våtåpi-is ruling, like one city, this earth which has the dark blue waters of the surging sea for its moat;8
(V. 33.) (Now when thirty (and) three thousand and five years besides, joined with seven hundred years, have passed since the Bharata war;
1 Against Papini, II. 8, 69, the genitive case is used in construction with durgama in accordance with the maxim khalartha-y@gdapi kesha-pitakshay duo shashtim-ichohlanti; see e.g. Mallinátha on Ragh. XVII. 70, where KAlidAsa bas tasya (instead of tena) durlabhah.
11.6. the Kupaļa (Kolanu, Kolleru) lake; compare my introductory remarks, above, p. 21.
• Compare Ragh. XVI. 58 (especially the words galit-angardgain sandhy @dayah adbira iva), XL. 60 (odd dhya-megha-rudhira); and Kir. IX. 9 (athagita-odrida-panktyd sandhyayd).
For the shadoidhar Dalam see Bagh. iv. 26 and XVII. 67.
The darkness raised by the troops is the dust, the rajo-ndhakara of Ragh. VII. 89. (In Kir. XVII. 20 we similarly have a far-dndhakara, and in the Vikrama Akad&oacharita, I. 76, a khadg-dndhakara). The poetical beauty bere lies in the fact that darkness is enumerated together with such very different things as chowries elo.
• Balarajassatichanna-Kdñichtpuraprdkarantarita is a Karmadbaraya compound. The splendour of the Pallava first (when he was defeated in the open) was only obscured; afterwards (when he had to retire within the walls of his fortress) it entirely vanished. The poet of course wishes us to understand that the splendour of the Pallava is compared with the sun.
The verse clearly was suggested to our author by Ragh. IV. 45: Sa sainya-paribhogéna gajadanaengandhind I Kdvéri saritan palyn lankantydmair=dkarót By the fact that his soldiers used the water of the river for bathing sto., and in doing so made it fragrant with the rutting-juice of their elephants, Raghu made the (river) Kavert an object of suspicion for the ocean, her husband, who by the smell of her body would be led to believe that she had bad intercourse with other men. Ravikirti too mentions the rutting-juice, but does so in mere epitheton ornan which he might as well have omitted, because in his verse the real reason for the KA Ori's keeping away from the ocean is, that her current was obstructed by the bulky elephants on which PolokMin crossed the river. Ravikirti bas spoiled Kalidasa's verse by crowdirfg into it an idea from Ragh. IV. 38 (na tlrtod Kapildu sainyairabaddha-doirada-dubkih).- The epithet of the Kaveri, druta-laphart-villa-nétrd, apparently was suggested by the epitbet laphart-parispurita-chdrw-dribah ip Kir. VI. 16 (compare also ibid. IV. 3); prabohyótan-mada occurs ibid. VII, 85.
. Part of this verse was suggested by Ragh. IV. 85-87, describing the conclusion of Raghu's dig-vijaya. With the end of the verse compare ibid. I. 30: Sa odld-vapraralaydu parikhlkrita-adgardm | ananyabdiandmurofnih bald-aika-purn-ina !
02

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12
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA..
(VOL. VI.
(V. 34.) And when Afty (and) six and five hundred yours of the Saka kings also have gone by in the Kali age;
(V.35.) This stone mansion of Jinêndra, & mansion of every kind of greatness, has been caused to be built by the wise Raviklrti, who has obtained the highest favour of that Satyasraya whose rule is bounded by the three oceans.
(V. 36.) Of this enlogy and of this dwelling of the Jins revered in the three worlds, the wise Ravikirti himself is the author and also the founder.
(V. 37.) May that Ravikirti be victorious, who fall of discernment has need the abode of the Jina, firmly built of stone, for a new treatment of his theme,' and who thus by his poetic skill ha's attained to the fame of Kalid.&se and of Bhåravi 18
No. 2.-TWO KADAMBA GRANTS.
By F. KIELHORN, PA.D., LL.D., C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. Both these grants were discovered by Mr. B. L. Rice, C.I.E., Director of Archæological Researches in Mysore, and are edited here, with his kind permission, from ink-impressions made in 1892 by Dr. Fleet from the original plates, which Mr. Rice had been good enough to send to him for examination. Dr. Fleet has placed the impressions at my disposal, and has also supervised the preparation of the accompanying photo-lithographs.
A.-KÓDGERE PLATES OF VIJAYA-SIVA-MÅNDHÅTRIVARMAN.
The second year. These plates were obtained by Mr. Rice at Kudgere in the Shikârpar tåluka of the Shimoga district of Mysore, and were first publicly mentioned in his Report for 1890-1. A summary of their contents has been already given by Dr. Fleet, in his Dynasties, second ed., p. 290.
These are three copper-plates, the first and last of which are inscribed on one side only. and each of which measures about 6f broad by 3' high. The plates are quite smooth, their edges being neither fashioned thicker nor raised into rims. They are thin; but, the engraving being shallow, though otherwise quite good, the letters do not shew through on the reverse sides at all. The interiors of the letters, here and there, shew marks of the working of the engraver's tool. Various marks and faint lines on the margins and between the lines of writing, in my opinion, render it very probable that the plates originally bore another inscription. The ring on which the plates are strong seems to be of brass, not of copper; it is a plain one, about 16" thick and 21" in diameter. It had already been cut when the grant came into Dr. Fleet's hands. There is no seal, and no indication about the ring of one having ever been attached to it. The weight of the three plates is 13 oz., and of the ring, 1 oz.; total, 144 oz.-The writing is well preserved. The size of the letters is about " The characters are of the "box-headed' type of the southern alphabet, and in their general appearance, among Kadamba inscriptions,
Or the preceptor of the three worlds.'
• Vis the history of the Chalukyas - In the original verse observe the Yamakas at the ends of the first and second, and of the third and fourth Padas (jinandma and ravikiritih). The locative artha-vidhan is a good instance of s nimitta-saptams.
I purposely omit from my translation the line which follows in the original, and which is a later addition to the poem. The first part of it enumerates six villages, the revenues of which apparently were signed to the temple of Jinêndrs founded by Ravikirti. The concluding part of it, which speaks of boundaries, I do not understand.

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No. 2.]
TWO KADAMBA GRANTS.
resemble most those of the Devagere plates of the fourth year and the Halsi plates of the Maharaja Mpigêsavarman (Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 37, and Vol. VI. p. 24, Plates). As regards individual letters, I would draw attention to the very clear and distinct form of dh in dridha, 1. 6 (as compared with the sign for 4 in Kaundinya, 1. 9); to the form of the Dravidian ! in Koldla, 1. 7; and to the fact that the subscript t- while in the conjunct kt it is denoted by the ordinary sign for t (without the loop) used in this inscription, and in nt by the sign with the loop- in the conjunct tt is written in both ways, as may be seen e.g. from sva-dattám and paradattan, in line 14. I would lay some stress on this last point, because we have the same two ways of writing the conjunct tt also in the Dêvagere plates of the third year of the Mahardja Mrigesavarman, in which the single t, as in the present inscription, is always denoted by the sign without the loop;' (compare ibid. Vol. VII. p. 35, Plate, nivarttanah in line 12, and the same word and dattavan in line 13). For final consonants the full signs, written below the line, are used in dattavan, 1. 12, pramådát, 1. 13, and -bhak, 1. 16. Final m is written in the same way in siddham, 1. 1; but in other places where my text shews & final m, that letter is denoted by a small hook, engraved at the bottom of the line.-The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, and, with the exception of two benedictive and imprecatory verses, the text is in prose. In respect of orthography, I need only mention that the word brahma is written bramha, in line 10. The phraseology of the text is the usual one, except that some rare technical terms occur in lines 8 and 9.
The inscription records that the Dharmamaharaja of the family of) the Kadambas, Vijaya-Siva-Måndhátrivarman, at Vaijayanti (i.6. Banavasi), on the full-moon tithi of Vaisakhs in the second year (of his reign), granted some land at the village of Koļala to a spiritual teacher (perhaps the king's own teacher), named Dêvasarman. The charter (pattika) was written by the rahasy-adhikrita, or private secretary, Damodaradatta.
The genealogy of Mandh&trivarman is not given; and as his name does not occur in the published inscriptions, his relation to the known princes of the same family cannot for the present be determined with any certainty. But I may say that a comparison of this inscription with the other Kadamba inscriptions would lead me to connect Måndhâtpivarman more closely with Mrigésavarman than with any other Kadamba prince. Palæographical reasons for this statement have been given above. Other reasons are, that both princes, and they only, are described as residing at Vaijayanti; that one is called Vijaya-Siva-Mrigésavarman, and the other Vijaya-Siva-Mandhâtsivarman; and that, corresponding to the epithets of Måndbâtpivarman in the present inscription, anéka-sticharit-opachita-vipula-punya-skandha apd dhav-drjitavipula-parama-dridha-sattva, we have, in Msigêśavarman's inscriptions, aneka-janmántarápårjita-cipula-punya-skandha (Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 35, 1. 4, and p. 37, 1. 6 of the text), and dhav-drjita-parama-ruchira-dridha-sattva (ibid. p. 35, 1. 5) or naik-dhav arjita-parama-dridhasattva (ibid. p. 37, 1. 10). All this looks to me as if Mândhátrivarman might have been either, As a younger brother of Santivarman, the immediate predecessor of Mrigesavarman, or the younger brother and immediate successor of this prince.
1 The Game in different e.g. with the Halat plates of the fifth year of the Mahdrdja Harivarian (Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 81, Plate), wbere the single tin denoted by both the sign without the loop and the sign with the loop, and wbere t is written in three different ways (by two signs of t without the loop; both with the loop; and the first without the loop, and the second with it).
The same official title (in Prakrit rahanddhikata) occurs in the Pallava inscription in Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 7, 1. 60 of the text. The same inscription has another rare term in common with the present inscription; see below, P. 16, noto 7. The rahasy.ddhikrila in other inscriptions is called simply rahasya ; see above, Vol. III. p. 21, note 1.
I see Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 37, 11. 4 and 17 of the text. Mrigasvarnap is so called also in the Hit hebbágilu plates, Ep. Cars. Vol. IV. p. 136, No. 18. The same plates apparently have in common with the present ineoription the rare term antal kara-vishfika, which I have not found elsewhere. (The term parikrita-pangótkofa in the same plates may be compared with maropa-panga parikrita-Dot sarta-pangw-parikrita, as printedin lide 6 of the Gos plates of BAKR-Samvat 582, Jour. Bo. 41. Soc. Vol. X. p. 865, and Plates.)

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VL
The village of Kojals, which is mentioned in this inscription, I am unable to identify with certainty. The Madras Postal Directory shews two villages named 'Kolala,' in the Tumkar district of Mysore,- one in the Tiptar tåluka, post-town Turuvekere,' and the other in the Tumkur tålnka, post-town Kolala' itself; probably Ko!Ala is one or other of these.
TEXT.1
First Plate. 1 Siddham 11 Sri-vijaya-Vaijayanty&m dharmmamaharajah 2 Svâmi-Mahasena - mâtsigan-Andhyat-Abhishiktab 3 Månavya-sagotrở Håriti-patrah pratikrita-syâdhyâya4 charchchikah Kadambånam sri-Vijaya-Siva-Mandh&trivarmma
Second Plate ; First Sido. 5 aneka-8 s uchi(cha)r it-8 pachita-vipula-punya-8 kandhaḥ 6 Ahay-arijita-vipula-parama-dridha-sat[t]vaḥ
savassare 7 dvitiyê Vaisakha-peurnam&syam Ko Ala-gråmê simnis 8 sa-pâniya-påtam sa-dakshiņam -khatvê-vâs-andana[m]"
Second Plate; Second Side. 9a-bhata-pravesam antahkara-vipti(shți) ka[m] Kaundinys10 sagtraya datt-&nuyôgåya Taittiriya-sabramha(hma)11 chåriņê Dêvasarmmanê
Modekarani-nama-balam 12 raja-manêna vimsati-nivarttanam kedaram dastta]van [1]"
Third Plate. 13 Pramádat Sadharmmad-vå =sy-Abhiha[r]tt[A]
på[taka]-sa[]yakt[8] 14 bhavati [l*) Uktañ=cha [l*) Sva-dattam para-datt[&) và yo
harêna(ta) vasundharam [l*] 15 shapthim(shtim) varsha-sahasråņi narake pachyata tu
sah || Y0=sya 16 abbirakshita sa tat-phala-bhak [lo] Uktañ-cha [l*] Bahubhill
vasudh bhukta 17 rajabhis-Sagar-&dibhih [1] yasya yasya yada bhtmiņu bhümas-tasya
tasya tada phala[m] [ll*] 18 [D]&m[6]daradatênial rahasy-Adhikriténa likhit=@yaṁ pattika ||
From Dr. Fleet's impressions. • Here, and in other places below, the rules of sandhi bave not been obeerved. • Originally seems to bave been engraved. • Rend aathatoard. The alteration of ass into toa seems to have been made already in the original.
Below the # of this word originally the letter was engraved. Read .grdma-mná.
• Originally the full sign of (ma) was engraved here, but, with the exception of the box' at the top, it has been effaced.
* Below this line some writing-perhaps the words pramdddt adharamddard y6-synd of the next linoengraved, and cancelled again.
• Instead of the initial a the akshara pra wus originally engraved. • Metro, bere and below : 10ks (Apushtabb).
This sigo of ponctuation is superfluous. 11 Rend bahubira Read blimitatasya.
Read dettina

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i.
J?
NENSE 3 Ganje: ( ६ह ၂ င် ལྟ་མི སྐ ) a1༢ཐ་ ན ༡ ༧༧ན ྂ ༩༧❁ 3D ཉ)00 p=iINY GE" 8རན སྟ
ཉྙཱུ ཨ]༡༠
ii a.
Kudgere Plates of Vijaya-Siva-Mandhatrivarman.
J. F. FLEET.
HAT HE IS BY Y Z Hydera
دة
FULL-SIZE.
Fana
ป
2
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

Page #27

ਕ)
ਨੂੰ ਇਕ ਨਾਬ
ਸ੯੫er 1 2 ਬੇਬ ॥ | Cਰਨਾ ਏ ,3A : : : ਨਾੜਾਂ ਨੂੰ
ਵ118 ਨੂੰ ਹੀ
ਦੇ ਖ ਰਚਲੋ 82 ਨੇ ਨ ਪਈ, 1121
) ਨ ਨ ਨ ਨ ਨ । ਮਹਲਾ 20570 ਹੀ ਨੇ ,

Page #28

No. 2.]
TWO KADAMBA GRANTS.
15
TRANSLATION.
(Line 1.) (Be it) accomplished! At (the city) of victory, the famous Vaijayanti, the Dharmamaharaja-anointed after meditating on Svâmi-Mahâsêna and the assemblage of the Mothers, belonging to the Mânavya gôtra (and) a son of Hâriti, studying the requital (of good or evil) as his sacred text,3-the glorious Vijaya-Siva-Mandhâtrivarman of (the family of) the Kadambas, who by his many good actions has accumulated an abundant store of religious merit, and has acquired in war abundant and supreme enduring strength, on the full-moon tithi of Vaisakha in the second year (of his reign), has given, with pouring out of water (and) with a present (of money), the plough-land called Modekaranî within the borders of the village of Kolâla, by the king's measure a field of twenty nivartanas, to the spiritual teacher Devasarman, who belongs to the Kaundinya gôtra and is a student of the Taittiriya Vêda,-exempt from (the duty of providing) cots, abode, and boiled rice, free from the ingress of soldiers, (and) exempt from internal taxes and forced labour.8
(L. 13.) He who from wantonness or wickedness takes away this (gift), is guilty of sin. And it has been said: Whosoever should take away land given by himself or given by
1 I.e. the Maharaja who is devoted to religion; but the whole is used as a title, as dharma-mahdrájadhiraja and dharma-yuvamahárája are in Pallava inscriptions.
This must not be taken literally. The Kadambas generally were Hdrittputras, and therefore individual Kadamba kings also have the same epithet.
Instead of pratikrita-svadhyaya-charchika, which occurs also in the Halsi plates of the Maharaja Harivarman (Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 30), other Kadamba plates have pratikrita-svadhyaya-charchaka (ibid. Vol. VII. p. 35), pratikrita-svadhyaya-charchápára (ibid. Vol. VII. p. 31; Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. p. 136; and below p. 18), pratikṛita-svádhyaya-charcha-paraga (Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 25, and Vol. VII. p. 33), and pratikritacharchápára (ibid. Vol. VII. p. 37), where the word svádhyaya has probably been omitted by mistake. Since all these epithets apparently are synonymous, it will be sufficient to analyse one of them; and I select for the purpose pratikrita-soddhydya-charchápára. Charchápára, which in the Mahabhashya on P. III. 2, 1, is given by the side of védádhyaya, ' one who studies the Veda,' according to Haradatta denotes a person who repeats or studies a particular text, (charcham párayati); and svádhydya-charchápára therefore would be 'one who studies his Vêdic text. The word pratikrita, in previous translations of Kadamba inscriptions, has been either omitted or rendered by adopted,' a meaning which pratikrita cannot well convey. In my opinion, it will be safer to take the word as a substantive and in its well-known sense of requital, recompense,' and to regard pratikritasoddhydya as a Karmadbâraya compound (in the sense of svádhydya iva pratikritam or pratikritam va svddhydyah), so that the whole epithet would denote 'one who studies the requital (of good or evil) as his sacred text. If this interpretation be correct, I cannot help thinking that the epithet alludes to the history of the Kadambas, as told in the Talgund inscription (Dr. Fleet's Dynasties, second ed., p. 286; Ind. Ant. Vol. XXV. p. 27). So long as the Kadambas were private Brahmans, it was one of their chief duties to study the sacred texts; in other words, they were seádhyaya-charchápárds. When they had become kings, it was an equally sacred duty for them to requite good and evil; to do so was, what the study of the Vêda had been to them before; and thus, having been soddhydya-charchdpdrds, they then were pratikrita-svádhyaya-charchápárás.
The phrase sa-padniya-pdtam, which also occurs below, p. 18, 1. 17, and in Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. p. 186, is equivalent to udak-dtisargéna, udaka-pártam, and similar expressions. In the same sense, but occasionally misunderstood, we repeatedly meet with udakam pateted in the Jatakas; compare e.g. Vol. III. p. 286, 1. 3, udakam páteted adási; Vol. II. p. 371, 1. 13, suvannabhimkárena pupphagandhavdsitam udakam pateted addsi; and Vol. VI. p. 344, 1. 10, rajd tussited gandhodakapunnam suvannabhimkáram adaya. "gamam rajabhogena bhunjd" ti setthissa hatthe udakam pateted. This last quotation clearly states the well-known fact that the water was poured into the band of the donee. With the sa-dakshinam of our inscription compare the sa-hiranya [m] in line 9 of the (spurious) Hosûr plates, Ind. Ant. Vol. VIII. p. 97.
Compare Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 23, 1. 6 of the text, where also a field has a special name (Belovara).
I take datt-dnuyoga to be equivalent to anuyoga-krit, which according to Goldstücker's Dictionary denotes an Acharya or spiritual teacher.' Dêvasarman was perhaps the king's own teacher.
7 Compare Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 6, 1. 31 of the text, where also we have khafṭdvdsa (khaṭvá-vása), in a Pallava inscription.
The expression antaħkara-vishṭika apparently occurs also in the Hitpahebbâgilu plates, Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. p. 186, plate iii. 6, 1. 1.-[With antah-kara compare antar-ayam, 'internal revenue,' and its counterpart purae-dyam, external revenue,' in South-Ind. Insor. Vol. III. No. 61, text line 5 f.-E. H.]

Page #29

16
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. VI.
others, he is burnt in hell for sixty-thousand years. He who preserves this (gift), shares the reward of it. And it has been said : The earth has been possessed by many kings, commencing with Sagara; to whomsoever at any time the land belongs, to him, for the time being, belongs the reward (of a grant).
(L. 18.) This charter was written by the private secretary Damodaradatta.
B.-BANNAHALLI PLATES OF KRISHNAVARMAN II.
The seventh year. These plates were discovered about 1888, while digging at Bannahalli in the Chikmagaļår tâluka of the Kadür district of Mysore, and are now in the possession of the Pâțil of Haļêbid. They were first publicly noticed by Mr. Rice in his Inscriptions at Sravana-Belgola, Introduction, p. 15; and an account of their contents is given by Dr. Fleet in his Dynasties, second ed., p. 290.
These are four copper-plates, the first and last of which are inscribed on one side only, and each of wbich measures about 84" broad by 24" high. They are quite smooth, the edges being neither fashioned thicker nor raised into rims. The engraving is good, but not very deep. The letters do not shew through on the reverse sides of the plates; they shew marks of the working of the engraver's tool, throughout.- On one of the edges, the plates are numbered, by four notches on plate i., three on plate ii., two on plate iii., and one on plate iv. (s.e. in exactly the reverso order); and near these notches there is also a single notch on each plate : whether this marking is ancient or recent, is not apparent. - The plates are strong on a ring, which bad been cut already when the grant came into Dr. Fleet's hands; it is about thick, and 27 in diameter. The ends of the ring are secured in a seal which is roughly circular, about 1}' in diameter. About a quarter of an inch from the edge of it, there is & raised rim; and inside this, in relief on a countersunk surface, there is a lion, standing to the proper right. The weight of the four plates is 1 lb. 94 oz., and of the ring and seal, 7 oz.; total, 2 lbs. 02.--The writing is well preserved. The size of the letters is between t' and it". The characters belong to the southern alphabet. With those of the Halal plates of the fifth year of the Maharaja Harivarman (Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 31, Plate) they have this in common that the letter t, both when used singly and in conjuncts, is mostly denoted by the sign with the loop; bat otherwise they quite differ from those of other Kadamba inscriptions, and might, in their general appearance, rather be compared with the characters of the Chikkulla plates of Vikramêndravarman II. (above, Vol. IV. p. 196, Plate). From the photo-lithograph it will be seen that the letters are frequently finished off, or embellished, with small circles. The sta of sasti in line 1 has two such circles at the ends of the lines on the proper right; the sti of the same word two at the bottom of the superscript i, and one at the end of the proper right stroke of 8; the ya of the following word jayaty- has two at the top; etc. I believe, there can be no doubt that by these circles the writer has tried to imitate the little boxes' of the characters of such inscriptions as the Uruyupalli plates of the Pallava Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopavarman (Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 51, Plates), and has done this in a not very intelligent manner. A certain influence of the characters of Pallava inscriptions may perhaps be distinctly traced also in the use of the looped t already mentioned; and in the fact that in the akshara nd the vowel a is here denoted by a separate downward stroke, while in other Kadamba inscriptions it is nearly always written, in the ordinary way, by bending back the last downward stroke of , in an upward direction; compare the aksharas nám in line 4 of the present inscription, nô in line
! For other plates which are marked in the same manner, so Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 197.
I owe the above information to Dr. Flest, According to whom the later Kadambas, both of Angal and of Goa, also had the simila-Idhollana or lion-crest; see his Dynasties, second ed., pp. 560 and 566. Mr. Rice finde the lion also on the soul of the Hitpabebb gilu plates; 1 Ep. Caru. Vol. IV. Introduction, p. 2.

Page #30

No. 2.]
TWO KADAMBA GRANTS.
17 of the Uravapalli plates, nd in line 3 of the plates of the Pallava Simhavarman (Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 155, Plate), and ná in line 3 of the Halsi plates of the Kadambe Kakusthavarman (ibid. Vol. VI. p. 23, Plate). The usual test-letters, kh (in dukkham, I. 22), j, bo and I, are all of the earlier type; but some other letters, such as the subscript of shfi in lines 2 and 24, the sh of freshthind, 1. 19, and some forms of y (as in Kaiköya, 1. 7, samayachára, 1. 18, yo, 1. 24, and Sriya, 1. 11), seem to me to present so late an appearance that, in my opinion, this inscription can hardly be placed earlier than the seventh century A.D. The Dravidian occurs in the names Vallavi and Koļa-Nallúra, 1. 16; the sign of the jihvámúliya in dukkham, 1. 22; and the sign of final m, the only final consonant which occurs, in opdlanam, II. 22 and 23.The language of the inscription is Sansksit. After the words or svasti, the text opens with a verse eulogizing the god Hari (Vishņu), and in lines 20-26 it contains four benedictive and imprecatory verses, ascribed to Manu; otherwise it is in prose. The main part of the text, 11. 3-17, forms & single sentence, the construction of which is not quite correct, and which, except for the phrases with which it commences, reminds one of Pallava grants rather than of other Kadamba inscriptions. The orthography does not call for any particular remarks.
The inscription is one of the Kadamba Maharaja Krishṇavarman (II.), the son of the Maharaja Simhavarman, who was & son of the Dharmamaharaja Vishnuvarman, who was begotten by the Dharmamaharaja Křishņsvarman [I.] on a daughter of Kaikeya. It records (in 11. 13-17) that, on the fifth tithi and under the nakshatra Jyêshtha in the waxing half of the month Karttika, in the seventh year of his reign, the king granted the village KolaNallûrs in the Vallavi-Vishaya to a Brahman of the Kausika gôtra, named Vishņuśarman; and adds (in 11. 17-20) shat the king was advised (to make this donation by the Srêshthin Haridatta of the Tuthiyalla gôtra and pravara.
I consider it very probable that the Krishnavarman I. of this inscription is the Dharmamaharaja Krishnavarman who in the Dêvagere plates of the Yuvarája Dêravarman (Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 33) is mentioned as the father of this Dévavarman. Judging from the writing, the Devagere inscription' undoubtedly is earlier than the present inscription; the Krishnavarman who is mentioned in it, like Krishnavarman I. of this inscription, is described as afvamadha-ydjin, 'the performer of a horse-sacrifice;' and the (in these inscriptions unusual) statement of the present grant that Vishộuvarman was Krishnavarman's son from the daughter of Kaik@ya,' seems pointedly to indicate that Krishnavarman I had one or more sons from another wife, and would thus agree with the fact that the Devagere grant is by a son of Krishnavarman named Dévavarman.-The names of the Kadamba Maharajas Vishņuvarman and Simhavarman do not occur in other inscriptions of the same family.
Of the localities mentioned, the name of the Vallavi rishaya appears to survive in Ballavi,' the name of a town in the Tumkûr district of Mysore, Constable's Hand-Atlas of India, Plate 34, Co; the village Kola-Nallura I am unable to identify.
The date does not admit of verification. Judging from a number of native calendars, the nakshatra Jyêshtha is joined more frequently with the 4th than with the 5th tithi of the bright
In the Hirabadagalli plates of the Pallava Sivaskendavarman (Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 5, Plates) the d of is denoted by line attached to the foot of, on the proper left side: compare the word bamhandran, in line 8. Practically the same way of writing nd we have eg. in lines 1 und 9 of the Devagere plates of the fourth year of the Kadamba Mrigesavarman (Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 37, Plates). And the same sign for occurs in line 6 of the Halal plates of the same king (ibid, Vol. VI. p. 24, Plste), there, however, a separate downward stroke originally was wrongly adiled to nd, and subsequently cancelled again. (In Prof. Bühler's Indische Palaographie, Plate VII. Col. xiii No. 48, the uncorrected wrong form is given; the correct sign for d is given ibid. No. 31). In obe Halot plates of the fourth year of the Kadamba Harivarian (Ind. ant. Vol. VI. p. 30, Plato) the sige for ad which is used in the present inscription is employed once, exceptionally, in line 1.
• The sign of bin bala, I. 1, apparently is open on the proper right; see above, Vol. V. p. 119.

Page #31

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. VI.
half of Kärttika; but it sufficiently often goes together with the 5th as a current tithi, to render the mention of it, by itself, practically useless.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Om Svasti 11 "Jayaty=udrikta-Daityendra-bala-viryya-vimarddanah [1*) 2 jagat-pravritti-samhåra-ssishti-mâyâdharo
Hariḥ [l1*] 3 Syami-Mahåsêna-måtřigan-anudhyât-Abhishiktånân
Mânavya4 sagotråņam Håriti-putrâņam pratiksita-svådhyâya-charchchåpåråpåm
Second Plate; First Side. 5 6rt-Kadambånam Krishṇavarmma-dharmmamaharajasya afvamêdha-yajinah 6 aneka-samara-samkat-8palabdha-vijayakirttêḥ
vidya-vinitasya 7 Kaikêya-sutâyâm=utpannons e ri-Vishnuvarmma-dharmmamahåråjena 8 gandharvva-hastiśiksha-dhanurvvédéshu Vatsaraj.Endr-Årjuna-samêna
Second Plate ; Second Side. 9 fabdárttha-nyaya vidush=ôtpaditasya putra srl-Simhavarmma Kadambånam 10 mahârâja (jo) vikranto-pêka-vidya-vićâradas-tasya sûnunâ sri-Kộishṇavarmma11 maharajena
sya-viryya-bala-parakram-ôpárjjita-rajyasriya 12 paramabrahmanyena samyak-prajapala[na*]-dakshêņa kshiņa-lôbhêna 13 varddhamina-vijayarajya-samvatsare saptamê Kerttika-måsê
Third Plate; First Side. 14 apuryyamina-pakshe pañchamyan Jyêshtha-nakshatrê Kausika-sagôtråya 15 vôda-påragåya shatkarmma-niratậya åhit-&gnayê Vishņusarmma-nama16 dhøyâya atma-nisrêyasårttham Vallávi-vishayê Kola-Nallura17 nama-gråmô dattaḥ sa-pâniya-påtaḥ sarvva-pariharaḥ [*] Tuthiyalla-gộtra18 pravarêņa samay-achåra-sa[m]pannêna s vakarm-&nushthana-tatparêņa
19 20
Third Plate ; Second Side. raja-půjitêna g -Bahasra-pradâtra Haridatta-brêshthina upadêgah kritab (0"] Atra Manu-gita sloka bhavanti || 10Bahubhiruvvasudha bhukta
1 A nakshatra (Uttara-bhadrapada) is mentioned together with a tithi (the 10th of the dark half of Kårttika) also in the date of the Devagere plates of the third year of the Kadamba Mrigésavarman, Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. D. 85: but that date is incorrect. The nakshatra either was Uttara-phalgunf (for the 10th of the dark half of Karttika) or the tithi was the 10th of the bright half of Karttiks. Coriously, exactly the same mistake was made in the date of the Hasan plates of Dêvarêya I. of Vijayanagara, of Saka-Samvat 1828; Mysore Insor. No. 150, P.8.0.-C.I. No. 25.
: From Dr. Fleet's impressions.
.. Represented by a symbol, which stands on the proper right margin, before the space between lines 2 and 3. The same symbol, similarly placed, we have in the Uravapalli plates of the Pallava Futamahardja Vishnugopavarman, Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 51. And the same symbol, placed before the first line of the text. Occure in the plates of the Pallava Mahdrája Simbavarman, ibid. p. 155; in the Chikkulls plates of Vikramêndravarman II.. above, Vol. IV. p. 195; and elsewhere. • Metre : $18ka (Anushțubl).
The letter in imperfect on the proper right side. . Here, and in other places below, the rules of sand i have not been observed. 1 Read gandharoda..
. Since some correction is necessary in lines 9 and 10, it is simplest to alter oditasya to "ditan. Similar mistakes occur in the Vakkaléri plates of Kirtivarman II., above, Vol. V. p. 202. Bend -pdtan.
10 Metre, here and below : 816ks (Anushtubb).

Page #32

No. 2.)
TWO KADAMBA GRANTS.
21 râjabhis-Sagar-Adibhiḥ [lo] yasya yasya yada bhůmi[-] tasya tasya 22 tada phalam 11 Svam datum sumahach-chhakyan dukkham-any-årttha
pâlanam [lo] 23 dânam và pâlanan v-êti dânâch=chhreyð-nupalanam [ilo]
Fourth Plate. 24 Sva-dattár para-dattár vi yð harðta vasundharam [] shashţi-varsha-sahasrapi 25 ghôrê tamasi pachyatê [ll] Adbhir-ddattam tribhirubhuktam sadbhis-cha
paripálitârn [18] 26 êtâni na nivarttantê parvva-raja-ksitâni cha || Yô=sya lobhán=môhâd=v=A27 bhihartt[a] sa pancha-mahåpåtaka-samyuktô bhavati [ll] Svasty=astu gô-brahman@bhyah [i*]
TRANSLATION. (Line 1.) Om. Hail! Victorious is Hari (Vishņu), who crushes the strength and heroism of the haughty lord of the Daityas, (and) owns the art of upholding, destroying and creating the world.
(L. 3.) (In the family of the glorious Kadambas, anointed after meditating on Svami. Mahasena and the assemblage of the Mothers, belonging to the Mânavya gôtra (and) sons of Hâriti, who study the requital (of good or evil) as their sacred text, there was the Dharmamaharaja Krishnavarman, the performer of a horse-sacrifice, who obtained the fame of victory in many a hard-fought battle, (and was) well-trained in learning. To him was born, from the daughter of Kaikêya, the Dharmamahúrája, the glorious Vishnuvarman, in the art of music, the management of elephants and the science of archery like the king of Vatsa Indra and Arjana, learned in grammar and logic. He begot as his son the Maharaja of the Kadambas, the glorious Simhavarman, valiant (and) conversant with many branches of learning.
(L. 10.) His son, the Maharaja, the glorious Krishnavarman, who has gained the fortune of royalty by his heroism, strength and enterprise, (and is) most devoted to religion, able to protect properly his people, (and) free from greed, in the seventh year of his prosperous reign of victory, on the fifth tithi in the waxing half in the month Karttika, under the nakshatra Jyêshthâ,- for the sake of his beatitude in the life to come, has given, with pouring-out of water, the village named Koļa-Nallûrs in the Vallávi-vishaya, with every exemption (from taxes), to the Brahman who keeps alive the sacred fire, named Vishnu arman, who belongs to the Kausika gôtra, knows the whole Veda, (and) delights in the six duties (enjoined on Brahmans).
(L. 17.) The Sreshthin Haridatta, of the Tuthiyalla gôtra and pravara, whose conduct is comformable with his obligations, who is solely devoted to the performance of his duties (and) is honoured by the king, (and) who bestows thousands of cows,7 has advised (the king to make this donation).
1 After this there is a mark on the plate, perhaps iutended for a sign of punctuation, which, however, is unnecessary
1 This ka was at first omitted, and then engraved below the line. • In the original, lines 3-17 form a single sentence, which has been broken up bere into four.
• Some words here and below remind one of line 13 of the Junagadh rock inscription of Rudradaman, Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 259; for pandharva see alao eg. Rdmdyana, Bo. ed., II. 2, 85.
See South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. II. p. 357, verse 29.
. Sabdartha literally in the words and their meanings' or 'the meanings of words. In the Junagadh rook inscription the expression bas generally been taken to mean grammar and polity,'
Ushavadáta gave (as alms) three bundred thousand cows; 860 Archaol. Suro. Of West. India, Vol. IV. p. 99, No. 5, line 1. . Compare the Halot plates of the Malandja Harivarman, Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 30, 1. 8 of the text.
D 2

Page #33

20
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. VI.
(L. 20.) Here there are the following) verses sung by Manu:-[Here follow four benedictive and imprecatory verses.]
(L. 26.) He who from greed or infatuation takes away this (gift), is guilty of the five great sins. May blessings rest on bows and Brahmans !!
No. 3.- DATES OF CHOLA KINGS. BY F. Kuelhorn, Po.D., LL.D., C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.
(Continued from Vol. V. page 200.) Vol. IV. of Mr. Rice's Epigraphia Carnatica again contains a number of Chola inscriptions with Saka dates. Dr. Hultzsch has sent me revised transcripts and translations of six of them (Nos. 32-37), which are all in the Heggadadêvankôte tâluks of the Mysore district. The transoripts were made from inked estampages, prepared by Mr. H. Krishna Sastri, B.A. The seventh of the new dates (No. 38) is taken from Vol. III. of Dr. Hultzsch's South Indian Inscriptions.
I would add here a few words about the commencement of Rajaraja's reign. Above, Vol. V. p. 48, I found that that reign commenced between (approximately) the 24th December A.D. 984 and the 29th August A.D. 985. By the statement of the Suchindram inscription, ibid. p. 44, according to which the tenth year of the king's reign commenced with the month of Karkataka, the previously found period is reduced to the time from the 26th June to the 25th July A.D. 985.
A.-RAJENDRA-CHOLA I.
32.- On & stone at the Baņeśvara temple at Beļatúru. 1 Sri svasti [ll] Saka-varisha Svom bhaynāra-nålvatta-mûre (ra)neya varishada
Randra-samvatsarada Å. 2 shadha-masada pumpave UttardshAdha-nakshatrah Maka3 ra-chandram Bri(bri)haspati-varam sri-Mudigonda-Rajendra-Chôlam rajyam [ge]4 yyutt-ire iyåņdu ombhattåvudara (10).
«Thursday, the moon being in Makars, the nakshatra being Uttaråshådhå, during the full-moon tithi of the month of Ashâdha in the Raudra year (which corresponded) to the ninehundred-and-forty-third year of the Saks years, in the ninth year of the reign of the glorious Mudigonda-Rajendra-Cha."
Tho Jovian year Raudra by the southern luni-solar system was Saka-Samvat 943 as a current year (= A.D. 1020-21). In that year the month Âshådhs was intercalary, and the full-moon tithi of the second or nija Åsbadhe ended 17 h. 55 m. after mean suprise of Thursday, the 7th July A.D. 1020, when the nakshatra was Uttaráshådhå, by the Brahms-siddharta for 7 h. 13 m., and by the equal-space system and according to Garga for 13 h. 47 m., after mean
1 Cows and Brihmaņs are often mentioned together in this oriler; compare e.g. line 16 of Rudrndaman's inscription referred to above; Gupta Imor. p. 32, 1. 10 of the text; Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 7, 1. 52, and p. 129, 1. 28: South-Ind. Inser. Vol. I. p. 89, 1. 1; Edmdyana, Bo. ed., I. 26,5; UIL. 23, 28 (rasti g6-brdhmapibhyar-tw): III. 24, 21 (rasti 98 Ordbmandndnis cha); VI, 107. 49; etc.
Nr. Rice's Ep. Cars. Vol. 1y. Hg. 16. • The opening words of line 1 as far as combha are engraved at right angle to the remainder.
This word is entered below the line and its omission indicated by a cross above meya.

Page #34

No. 3.)
DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
21
sunrise. The ending point of Uttaråshådhå being 276° 42' 15" or 280°, the moon of course was in the sign Makara (270o ---300°).
According to our date, this Thursday, the 7th July A.D. 1020, fell in the ninth year of the king's reign. How far this statement may agree with other dates of Rajendra-Chôļa I., will be considered below, under No. 34.
88.- On & stone lying at the Baņēsvara temple at Beļatūru. 1 Svasti sri [11]
Parvva-desamun 2 Gamgeyum Kadâramum gonda kô Pa3 rakesarivarmmar=ana
sri-Rajendra4 Choladêvargg-iyându
irppatt-erada5 vudu [1] Svasti [1] Saka-n ripa-kal-Atta-samvatsara6 latamga 955ya Srimukha-samvatsarada Mârggasi
7 ra-buddha-padivam=Můl- Årkkad=amdu. "In the twenty-second year of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the glorious Rajendra-Chladeva, who conquered the Eastern country, the Ganga, and Kaçáram,
-on Sunday, (the nakshatra being) Müla, during the first tithi of the bright fortnight of Margasira in the Srimukha year (which was) the 955th of the hundreds of years passed from the time of the Saka king."
The Jovian year Srimukha by the southern luni-solar system was Saka-Samvat 955 as an expired year (=A.D. 1033-34). In that year the first tithi of the bright half of Margasira ended 3 h. 54 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, the 27th October A.D. 1033, when the nakshatra was Anuradha. This in no way satisfies the requirements of the case.
I have no doubt that the month intended in the original is really the month Pausha of our Tables (which follows immediately upon Mârgasira), because, for that month, the date regularly corresponds to Sunday, the 25th November A.D. 1033, when the first tithi of the bright half ended 21 h. 14 m., and whon the nakshatra was Mûla, by the Brahma-siddhanta for 2 h.38 m., according to Garga for 7 h. 53 m., and by the equal-space system for 20 h. 21 m., after mean sunrise.
According to our date, this Sunday, the 25th November A.D. 1033, fell in the twenty, second year of the king's reign. This, too, will be considered under the next date.
34.- On & stone in front of the Arkógvara temple at Ankanathapura.
1 Svasti (11) Sha(s)ka-varisham 959peya (1)svars-shatsamrada? 2 Asada-mâssada Kalashtavaya Shâti-naktra 3 varada [a]ndu fri-Mmumu digonda-Gangegonda-Rajhê(je)ndra-Cho4 ladêvarkk-iya (ya) da ippata-apavudu.
Mr. Rice's Bp. Carn. Vol. IV. Hg. 17.
. Compare above, Vol. IV. p. 69, date No. 5. " I must add that there may be a way of proving the quotation in the original date of the month Margafira to be correct. In Saka-Samvat 956 expired, by the rules of mean intercalation, a month was intercalated befcre Panohe. That month would ordinarily be called Pausha; but it might be called Margalira on the supposition that it was calculated by the Arya-siddbånts, and named according to Brahmsgupta's rule; see my List of North. Inscr. No. 484. This remark does not affect the correctness of the European equivalent of the date, given above. • On the immediately preceding day the Dhanuh-sankranti took plnce, 18 h. after maa sunrise.
That it is correct to tranplate Mil-Arkadaandu by on Sunday date on p. 17 of the Roman text of Ep. Corn. Vol. IV. That date gives us for calculation Saka-Samvat 1039 (current, the year Durmukhs), Jyaishthn-babuls 1, and MdlArkatára; and it corresponds to Sunday, the 28th May A.D. 1116, when the first tithi of the dark ball cominenced 4 h. 32 m. after mean suprise, and when the nakshatra was Mala by all aystems,
• Mr. Rice'. Ep. Cars. Vol. IV. Hg. 104. • Read Anddha-md.ada Kaldalfamigui Sráti-nakshatran Soma-edıad-andy. • Raad ippatt-drdtadu,

Page #35

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. VI.
“On Monday, the nakshatra being Sväti, during the Kalashtami (tith) of the month of Ashadha in the Isvara year (which was) the 959th Saka year, in the twenty-sixth year (of the reign) of the glorious Mudigonda-Gangogoņda-Rajendra-Chôļadēva."
The Jovian year Isvara by the southern lani-solar system was Saka-Samvat 959 as an expired year (=A.D. 1037-38). Kal-ashtami is a name of the 8th tithi of the dark half. As this tithi, in the month of Ashådha, can under no circumstances be joined with Svati (the 15th nakshatra), the given date cannot be correct.
As a matter of fact, the 8th tithi of the dark half of Ash&dha of Saka-Samvat 959 expired ended 17 h. 34 m, after mean sunrise of Friday, the 8th July A.D. 1037, when the nakshatras were Asvint and Bharani '(the first and second nakshatras). And the 8th tithi of the dark half cannot have been quoted erroneously instead of the 8th tithi of the bright half (on which in Åshadha the nakshatra may be Svati), because in the given Saka year the 8th tithi of the bright half of Ashådha ended on a Thursday (the 23rd June A.D. 1037), not on a Monday. I have calculated the date also for other months of the given year, but without any satisfactory results.
Giving up this date & hopelessly wrong, we have still to consider what data are furnished by the two preceding dates for ascertaining the time of the commencement of the reign of Rajendra-Chôļa I. By No. 32 the 7th July A.D. 1020 fell in the ninth year, and by No. 33 the 25th November A.D. 1033 in the twenty-second year of the king's reign. Accordingly (approximately) the 7th July A.D. 1012 and the 25th November A.D. 1012 must have fallen in the first year; and the reign of Rajendra-Chola I., according to the two new dates, therefore undoubtedly must have commenced some time between (approximately) the 28th November A.D. 1011 and the 7th July A.D. 1012.
I have previously (above, Vol. IV. p. 266) stated that the king's reign commenced between the 24th October A.D. 1001 and the 23rd October A.D. 1002. That statement necessarily was based solely on the date No. 5 (ibid. p. 69), which corresponds to the 23rd October A.D. 1032, and which, according to the actual reading of the date, is of the 31st year of the reign of Rajendra-Chola I. With the new dates before me, in which the numbers of the regnal years are given in words, I feel sure that the number 31 in the date No. 5 has been pat erroneously for 21, and that the 23rd October A.D. 1032 really fell in the 21st year of the king's reign, which would agree with the new result. This result would also tend to shew that in the incorrect date No. 34 the Saka year (959 expired), at any rate, is given correctly.
B.-BAJADHIRAJA, 35.-- On a stone in front of the Mari temple at Koļagala.
1 SM-Râjâdbirâjadeva[*]gg-iyându (35)-> 2 @vada [Sa]kha-va[rijam3 975[ne]. 3 ya
Vijayokchaiva-samvatsara[da] 4 Jeshta-mêsada sukla-pakshada trasyo®]5 dasi Adityavárad-andu.
1 Mr. Rice's Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. Hg. 114.
The two figures of the date are damaged, but cannot be read otherwiso. Mr. Rice reads yandugem tá cadu. From this erroneous reading he further concludes that Rajadbirkja's regoal years were reckoned in two different ways ; see Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. p. 13 of the Introduction.
* Read Sata-warshan.
This curious form is derived from certain berpus memoriales (Madral Journal of Literature and Science for 1881, p. 276), in which the year Vijays is introduced by the words Vijayafachaioa. Compare the two similar terma Pramoddta and Prawddlcha; South-Ind. Insor. Vol. I. p. 109, note 2.

Page #36

No. 3.]
DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
"In the [35]th year of the reign) of the glorious Rajadhirajadeva,- on Sunday, the thirteenth tithi of the bright fortnight of the month of Jyaishtha in the Vijaya year (which was) the 975th Saka year."
The Jovian year Vijaya by the southern luni-solar system was Šaka-Samvat 975 as an expired year=A.D. 1053-54). For that year the date is incorrect; for the 13th tithi of the bright half of Jyaishtha of the given year corresponds to Tuesday, the 1st June A.D. 1053, which was entirely occupied by the tithi.
The date would be correct for the third (instead of the 13th) tithi of the bright half of Jyaishţha of the given year, which ended 8 h. 13 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, the 23rd May A.D. 1053.
From what I have stated above, Vol. IV. p. 266, about the commencement of Râjâdhiraja's reign, it is clear that any date of the 35th year of that king's reign must fall between (approximately) the 15th March A.D. 1052 and the 2nd December A.D. 1053.
C.-RAJENDRADEVA. 30.-On a stone near the Binakalamma temple at Besaturu. 1 Om [11*] Svasti sri-Chôļa-rajam sakala-vasudheya konda Rajendradevam
3dust-åri-vrata-ghấtam negale barisam=år-age mattam Sak-abdam [1]
vis[t]a2 rakk*1-ombhat-el-ornbhatum-ene barisan Hêmaļambi-prasiddham svastam masam
gadarn Ka[r"]ttikam=asi ta]-dinam dvadasi Somavaram (II) “Hail! When it was six years after the glorious Chôļa king Rajêrdradeva, renowned as the slayer of crowds of wicked enemies, had taken possession of the whole earth- and again, in detail, in the Saka year reckoned as nine, seven and nine (i.e. 979), in the year known as Hêmaļambin, on Monday, the twelfth tithi, a day of the dark fortnight) of the auspicious month of Kärttika."
The Jovian year Hêmalambin by the southern luni-solar system was Saka-Samvat 979 as an expired year (= A.D. 1057-58); and for that year the date corresponds to Monday, the 27th October A.D. 1057, when the 12th tithi of the dark half of tho amanta Karttika ended 22 h. 9 m. after mean sunrise.
Below, ander No. 38, it will be seen that the words of the date when it was six years after ' etc., simply are intended to convey the sense of 'in the sixth year of the reign of.'
37.- On a virakal at Gujjappanahunļi. 5 Vira-singgåsanattu vițr-irind=arulina kov-Irâjakesaripadmar=ana 6 srî-Rajendradêvargg-iyându panniranţâvudu . .
. .
odeya
.
8 Saka-varisha 9 984 . 10 samvatsarada
.
.
11 Pålgaņa-ma12 sada punnave13 y-andu.
1 The date would be incorrect also for the current Saka year 975. : Mr. Rice's Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. Hg. 18.
Read dwuht.. • Mr. Rice's Rp. Carn. Vol. IV. Hg. 115. The original is much worn and many akaharas are indistinct, but the figures of the Saka date in line 9 nre clear. The introduction (11. 1-4) mentions Rajendra's elder brother (vis. BAjAdbirkja), the planting of a pillar of victory at Kollapuram, and the defeat of Abavamalla at Koppam.
• Here two or three akaharas sre lost.

Page #37

24
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL VI.
"In the twelfth year (of the reign) of king Rajakesarivarman alias the lord sriRajendradova, who was pleased to be seated on the throne of heroes, - during the full-moon ithi of the month of Phålguna in the .. . .year (which was) the Saka year 984."
This date does not admit of verification. All that I can say about it, is, that if the Saka year is Saka-Samvat 984 expired, the date, which is stated to be of the twelfth year of the king's reign, will ordinarily correspond to the 15th February A.D. 1063. From No. 38, below, it will be seen that this day fell really in the eleventh year of the king's reign.
38.-In the Rajagopala-Perumaļ temple at Manimangalam. 13 .......... kô=Ppara[k]ësari(panmar]=&na [u]dai[y]år śri
Rajendradêvar[ku] påņdu nålåvar It du [na"]! 8[2] 11 . . . . . . . . . . ivv-åttai Si[mi]ha-nayarra
apara-paksba[t]tu ashtamiyum Viyala-kkilamaiyum 15 perra Rôja(hi)ņi-nå!.
“On the 8[2]nd day of the fourth year (of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the lord sri-Rajendradeva,- on the day of Rôhiņi, which corresponded to & Thursday and to the eighth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Simha in this year."
Of the years indicated in a general way by the two preceding dates, the one which yields a correct and a most satisfactory) result for this date, is Saka-Samvat 977 expired. In that year the month of Simha lasted from the 27th July to the 26th August A.D. 1055; and during that time the 8th tithi of the dark half (which was the 8th tithi of the dark half of the amanta vija Sråvana) commenced 14 h. 20 m. after mean sunrise of Thursday, the 17th August A.D. 1055, when the nakshatra was Rohiņi, from sunrise (or, by the equal space system, from about midday) to the end of the day. Although the tithi commenced so late in the day, the result is correct, because the tithi with which we are concerned is the Janm-ashtami or Krishn-Ashtami, a tithi which must be joined with that day of which the time of midnight is occupied by it, and which therefore, in the present instance, could have been joined only with the Thursday on which it commenced about four hours before midnight. The occasion was the more auspicious as the nakshatra at midnight was Rohiņi.
The equivalent of this date, then, undoubtedly is Thursday, the 17th August A.D. 1055. As this was the 82nd day of the fourth year of the king's reign, the first day of the fourth year was the 28th May A.D. 1055, and Rajendradêva's reign commenced (approximately) on the 28th May A.D. 1052. The result shews that the equivalent of the date No. 36 (the 27th October A.D. 1057) fell in the sixth year of his reign, while the equivalent suggested for No. 37 (the 15th February A.D. 1063) fell in the eleventh, not in the twelfth year.
For convenience of reference the commencement of the reigns of the seven Chôļa kings whose dates have been examined in the preceding, may now be given thus:
1.-Rájardja: between the 25th June and the 25th July A.D. 985. 2.-Rajendra-Chola I.: between the 26th November A.D. 1011, and the 7th July 2012. 3.-Rajadhirkja: between the 15th March and the 3rd December A.D. 1018. 4.-Rajendradeva: (approximately) the 28th May A.D. 1052. 5.-Kulôttunga-Chola I. : between the 14th March and the 8th October A.D. 1070. 6.- Vikrama-Chola: (most probably) the 18th July A.D. 1108. 7.-Kulottunga-Chola III. : between the 8th June and the 8th July A.D. 1178.
lo all other published inscriptions the king bears the surname Parakesarivarman. • South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. III, No. 29. pp. 61 and 63. • Compare Ind. Ant. Vol. XXVI. p. 182, Srdoana-krishnapaksha VIII.

Page #38

No. 4.]
KONNUR INSCRIPTION OF AMOGHAVARSHA I.
25
No. 4.-KONNUR SPURIOUS INSCRIPTION OF AMOGHAVARSHA I.;
SAKA-SAMVAT 782.
By F. KIEL HORN, PA.D., LL.D., C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. The stone which bears this inscription is built into a wall of the temple of Paramêśvara at Konnûr, the Khonoor' of the map, a large village on the south bank of the Malparbha river, 23 miles in a north-easterly direction from Nawalgund, the chief town of the Nawalgund tálaka, Dharwar district; Indian Atlas, sheet No. 41, long. 75° 34' E., lat. 15° 51' N. I edit the inscription from an excellent impression, kindly given to me by Dr. Fleet."
The inscribed surface of the stone measures about 5' 4" high by 2' 10" broad. Above the writing, in the arched top with which the stone ends, there are some sculptures, viz., in the middle, a shrine holding & sitting Jaida Tirthamkara, with a chowrie-bearer on either side of him ; on the proper.left of the shrine, a cow with a sucking calf and, above them, a sword and the sun; and on the right of the shrine, another chowrie-bearer and an elephant, with the new moon above them. The writing is well execated, and for the most part in an excellent state of preservation. The size of the letters is about 1. The characters are Kanarese of the eleventh or twelfth century A.D. The language is Sanskrit, excepting a verse in lines 62-64, and the prose passage at the end of the inscription, lines 70-72, which are in Kanarese. The greater part of the text is in verse. In respect of orthography, it will soffice to draw attention to the frequent use of the Dravidian !, and of the sign of the upadhmaniya (also in the word puhpa for pushpa, l. 40), and to the occasional employment of the sign of the jihvámúliya (in dharmmah=kévalan, 1. 14, yahirkanchanań, 1. 54, and kirttikukakubhán, 1. 69).
The inscription divides itself into two parts. Lines 1 to (the word sarvvar in) 59 record a grant, professedly made by the Rashtrakata king Amoghavarsha [I.] on a date which falls in A.D. 860. Lines 59 (from the word mithyabhava) to 72, on the other hand, after praises of the Jains creed and the two sages Méghachandra-Traividya and his son Viranandin, inform us that, at the request of Huliyamarasa, the Maháprabhu of Kolanûra, and others, Viranandin had a copper charter, which they had seen, rewritten here as a stone charter. According to this statement, lines 1-59 of the inscription were copied from a copper-plate inscription;' and from the dates which we possess for Virapandin and his father MeghachandraTraividya, the time when this copy was made, and when the inscription, as we have it, was engraved, may approximately be determined to be the middle of the twelfth ountury A.D. From an inscription at Sravana-Belgols (Roman text, p. 26, 11. 3-6) we know that Meghachandra-Traividya died on Thursday, the 2nd December A.D. 1115;" and according to a notice published by Mr. Pathak, Virapandin finished the writing of his Achara-gara on a date which I find to correspond to Monday, the 25th May A.D. 1153.
The principal part of the inscription lines 1-59, the alleged copy of a copper-plate inscription) records, that-at & total eclipse of the moon on the full-moon tithi of the month Åsvayu ja
"I am told by Dr. Fleet that a similar name in the Belgaum district is distinctly Konnur, from the old form Kondamir, as well as by actual verification of the present spelling. But the name with which we are here coucerned is derived from Kolambra, which occurs in this record.
• The inscription is mentioned by Dr. Fleet in his Dynasties, second ed., p. 406, note 4.
"That other stone inscriptions have been copied from copper-plates, there can be no doubt ; and the fact is distinctly stated eg. in the inscriptions in Jour. Bo. As. Soo. Vol. IX. p. 281, and Ind. Ant. Vol. VIII. p. 20.
• See Ind. Ant. Vol. XXIII. p. 116, No. 17.
Bee ibid. Vol. XIV. p. 14. The date given by Mr. Pathak is 'Saks 1076, the Srimukha samvatsara, on Monday the first day of the bright fortnight of Jyaishtha.' On the corresponding European date given above, the first tithi of the bright half of the second Jyaishțba commenced 3 h. 50 m. after mean sunrise.

Page #39

26
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VI.
(or Åsvina) in the [Jovian] year Vikrama, Saka-Samvat 782 expired or, as is expressly stated, 83 current (11. 43 and 44)-king Amôghavarsha [1.], the successor of Jagattunga (11. 15 and 16), residing at his capital of Mânyakhetal (1. 34), at the request of his subordinate Bankesa (Bankêya) and in recognition of important services rendered by him, granted the village of Taleyûra (1. 38) and some land in other villages (11.45-48), for the benefit of a Jaina sanctuary founded by Bankêya at Koļanûra, to the sage Devendra, who had been appointed by Bankêya to the charge of the sanctuary, the disciple of Trikålayôgisa, of the Pustaka gachchha of the Desiya gana of the Mûla sangha (11. 35-38). The introductory part of the inscription- after two verses of which one invokes the blessing, at the same time, of the god Vishnu (Jina) and the first Jaina prophet (Jinêndra), and the other the protection of both Vishnu (Narayaņa) and the king Amoghavarsha himself, here, as in verse 34, called ViraNarayana - in verses 3-11 gives the genealogy of Amoghavarsha. Verses 17-34 contain a eulogistic account of the services rendered by Bankeśa (Bankêya). And the concluding lines 57.59 record the writer's name, Vatsaråja, and that of Bankêyaraja's chief adviser, the Mahattara Ganapati.
It may at once be stated here that the date given above undoubtedly is correct. The Jovian year Vikrama corresponds to Saka-Samvat 782 expired, by both luni-solar systems; and on the fall-moon day of Åsvina of that year, corresponding to the 3rd October A.D. 860, there was a total eclipse of the moon, fully visible in India for more than three hours. But much as the correctness of a date, containing such particulars as are given here, would speak in favour of the genuineness of a record, there is at least one point in the preceding, which raibes a doubt whether the stone inscription, even if it was based on a genuine copper plate charter, is an authentic copy of it in every detail. Excepting the Kadaba grant of Prabhůtavarsha (Govinda III.) the form of which is altogether peculiar, the earlier Sanskřit copper-plate inscriptions of the Rashtrakūtas of the main line, from the Såmångad plates of Dantidurga to the Nausäri plates of Indraraja III. of Saka-Samvat 836, all commence with the verge Sa võzvyád-Védhasa dhama; and as that verse is found also in Amôghavarsha's own Sirûr inscription, I should have expected the present inscription also to begin with it, and might well fancy that the Jaina copyists substituted for it a verse referring to their own creed.
However this may be, it is certain that the genealogical account in verses 3-11 of this inscription, which we now have to consider, cannot possibly be admitted to be a true copy of a genuine copper-plate charter. To shew this, I place side by side here the line of succession as
1 According to the Debli plates of Saka-Samvat 862 (above, Vol. V. p. 198, 1. 18 of the text) Minyakhota was founded by Amoghavarsha I, The earliest plates in which it is described as the residence of king, are the Naukri plates of Indraraja III. of Saka-Samvat 836 (Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. XVIII. pp. 257 and 261).
This may be the Devendrs of Bankápurs, mentioned in Inscr. at Sravana-Belgola, Roman text, p. 49, L. 8.
With this second verse may be compared the third verse of the Nausfri plates mentioned above, which wlogizes the king Indraraja III. who issued the grants, by comparing him with, and ascribing to him actions which were performed by, the god Vishnu.
Ie. ' Narayana (or Vishņu) in the shape of a hero,' or 's hero who is like Nárayana (Vishnu). machavarshs I. is described as Vira-Nardy and also in the Nausari plates; and the same epithet is given to Amoghavarsha Kakkaraja II. in the Kardå plates of that king (Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 268, 1. 40 of the text). Similar epithets are Kirti-Nardy ana, 'a Narayans (or Vishnu
Kori-Nardyana, 'Narayana (or Vishņu) in fame,' applied to Govinda III. in the Sirar n tion of AmAghayarsha I. (ibid. p. 218, l. 5 of the text), and to Indrar ja 111. in his Nausdri plates: spd Vikranta-Nardyana, 'Narayana (or Vishņu) in valour,' applied to Govinda IV. in his Sangli plates (ibid.
. 251. 1. 38 of the text).- In the case of the present inscription, what, in my opinion, must strike one is somewhat imenicions in that, in verse 34, the king in his own speech should have been made to represent himself as Virs. Nariyana.
i Judging by other dates, the proper system for Saka-Samvat 782 is the so-called northern luni-solar system : bat by the strict mean-sign system also the day of the date would full in the year Vikrama, which ended on the 14th October A.D. 860.

Page #40

No. 4.]
KONNUR INSCRIPTION OF AMOGHAVARSHA I.
furnished by this inscription, and the genealogy of the Rashtrakůta princes from Govindaraja I. to Amoghavarsha I., as we know it from their copper-plates, From this inscription.
From the copper-plates. 1. In the Yadava lineage, Govinda, son of Prichchhakarája.
Gôvindaraja I. 2. Karkara, son of king Indra.
His son Kakkaraja or Karkarå ja.
His son Indraraja. 3. His son Dantidurga.
His son Dantidurga 4. Subhatungavallabha-Akalavarsha. Subhatunga-AkÁlavarsha (Krishnaraja I.,
son of Kakkarája).
His son Prabhůtavarshal (Govindaraja II.). 5. Prabhůtavarsha, son of Dhåravarsha. His younger brother (Dhruvarâja-Nirupama)
Dhårkvarsha. 6. His son Prabhutavarsha-Jagattunge. His son Prabhůtavarsha-Jagattunga (G8.
vindaraja III.). 7. Amôghavarsha.
His son Amoghavarsha. From the above it will be seen that, excepting the strange name Prichchhakarája? for which I cannot account, the same names, though not always written uniformly, are there on either side. But to the writer of this part of our inscription the mutual relationship of the princes whose names he knew, apparently was a riddle. He therefore either observed a discreet silence or perpetrated such blanders as to make Karkara the son of Indrarâja, whereas he was his father; or to put down Prabhutavarsha as the son of Dhåråvarsha, to omit Dháråvarsha altogether from the line of kings, and then to make Prabhůtavarsha-Jagattunga the son of Prabhůtavarsha. Moreover, the assignment of these kings to the Yadava lineage, and especially the occurrence of the name Karkara, instead of Kakkarija or Karkaraja, seem clearly to indicate that the genealogy was concocted some time after the date which is recorded in this inscription, and has not been copied from a genuine copper-plate charter of Amoghavarsha I.
The person with whom our inscription is chiefly concerned, is Bankega or, as the name also is written, Bankêya, or Bankêyaraja, by Amoghavarsha's favour in the enjoyment of, or governing, thirty-thousand villages the most important of which was Vanavasi (verse 21). As reported by Dr. Fleet, an unpublished inscription at Nidagundi in the Dharwår district mentions, as a feudatory of Amôghavarsha I., Bankeyarasa, governor of the Banavasi twelvethousand, the Belgali three-hundred, the Kundarage seventy, the Kundûr five-hundred, and the Purigere three-hundred, who apparently is the same personage. According to our inscription, Bankega alias Sella-kêtana was the son of Adhôra (or Adhôra), proprietor of Kolanûra, and his wife Vijayanka, and grandson of Erakori, of the Mukuļa family (kula; vv. 17-19). The name Bankêsa (or Bankêya) together with the biruda Sellaketana identify
1 I take this name from the Kadahs plates.
* According to the fragmentary Ellora Dafêratårs cave temple inscription (Archæol. Suro. of Wout. India, Vol V. p. 87) Govindaraja I. was the son of Indraraja.
In line 17 of the Waņi plates of Govindaraja III. of Saka-Samvat 780 (Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 157) the Yuva vanhia is mentioned by way of comparison; but the earliest plates in which the Rashtraktas are stated to belong to the Yadindth paria, are the Naukri plates of Saks-Sarhvat 886.
The earlier inscriptions have only the names Kakkarája and Karkardja; the name Kakkala occurs in the Karda platen of Saks-Samvat 894 (Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 264), in the Gundar inscription of Saka-Sarvat 896 (ibid. p. 271), and in later inscriptions; and Karkara I first meet with in the Kauthêm plates of Saka-Sarvat 930 (ibid. Vol. XVI. p. 23, 1. 41 of the text).
See Dynasties, p. 403. Dr. Fleet has informed me that in the Nidagundi inscription Pankoya is described as Chellakltana frimat Barkeyarasa, but is also called simply Barkeya. See below.

Page #41

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. VI.
him with the Chellaketana, whose son Lôkaditya alias Chellapatáka (the younger brother of Chelladhvaja), of the Makula kula, in A.D. 897 was governing the Vadsvåss country at Bankapura, 80 named by his father after his own name (Bankësa); and there can therefore be hardly any doubt that the date of our inscription (in A.D. 860) may give us a true date for the time of Bankega. The exploits of Bankėsa are told in verses 22-31. As leader of the hereditary forces, he at the king's command invaded Gangavåời' (the country of the Western Gangas), took the fort of Kedala, pat to flight the ruler of Talsvanapura, and after crossing the river Kåvêri, conquered the enemy's country. Recalled then by Amoghavarsha on account of disturbances which had broken out at home, and in which, as appears from verse 31, the king's own son was concerned, be quickly returned, and succeeded in quelling the insurrection and restoring his master's fortune. - The Talavanapura here mentioned is the well-known capital of the Western Gangas, the modern Talakad on the left bank of the river Kåverf;" and Kedala may perhaps be the modern Kaidala' which, according to the map in Mr. Rice's Mysore Inscriptions, is to the north-east of Kadaba.
As regards the places mentioned in connection with the actual grant, Koļanura has already beon stated to be the village of Konnur, where the inscription is. The village granted, Taleyûra, which was in the Majjantiys-seventy bhukts, has not been identified; nor have its boundaries, Bondanúru, S&saveva[du], Padilagere, and Kilsvada. In addition to the main grant, twelve nivartanas of land were granted at Kolangra itself, and at each of the thirty villages which are enumerated in lines 45-48. Eleven of these may be identified with modern villages at & reasonable distance from Konnor, thus:
Avaravacdji=Owruddee,' Aurwádi;' 6 miles west by north from Konnor: Bendanúru= 'Bennoor;' 11 miles north of Owruddee;' Sulla ='Soolah,' Sula;' 5 miles east by south from Konnor; MAvingru='Mannoor;' 8 miles east by south from Kondur; Mattikatte='Matteekattee,'. Matikatti;' 12 miles north by east from Konnar; Nila[gunjdage='Neelgoondee;' 5 miles north-east from Konnar; Talikhede=Tallakodda;' Tálakwád ;' 24 miles north-west from Konnir; Bellleru= Bolleeree;' 27 miles west-north-west from Konnar; Muttalagere="Mootulgeeree,' Matalgeri;' 7 miles east by north from Konnar; Kakeyanúru='Kakanoor,' Káknar;' 74 miles north-west from Kounůr; Neri[la]ge= 'Neerlehgee, 'Niralgi;' 9 miles north by west from Konnür.
1 See the passage from the Jaina Uttarapurdna, first published in Ind. Ant. VOL. XII. p. 217, and afterwards, moro correctly, in Prof. Bhandarkar's Raport for 1888-84, p. 489; also Prof. Bhandarkar's remarks, ibid. p. 430 and pp. 120 and 121. Our inscription shows that in the Sanskrit text Mukula, and not Padmdlaya, must be taken to be the name of LokAditya's family. The biruda Chellaldiana (or Sellabdtana) Mr. Pathak in Jour, Bo. 43. Soc. Vol. XVIII. p. 323 has translated by cloth-bannered' (see Dr. Fleet's Dynasties, p. 403, note 2), but, o farm I can see, the Kanarese word for cloth' is solo = Sanskrit chlla. Böhtlingk's Dictionary gives aila (from the Kadambarl) and olla in the sense of a kind of weapon ;' and Kittel's Dictionary has felle falle-falya, 's dart,
Avelin. s spear tipped with iron, a pike' to., and also sellele allehajalya; I think that these are the words with which the first part of the biruda should be connected. In support of this view, I would state that I And
alla the first part of a proper ame in Sollavidyddbara (Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 54, line 29 of the text), and that in the verse in which the name occur (where I would alter the corrupt rolulldlila.pdpind to nolla-Lalita pd pind, the author too apparently has understood sella to denote some kind of weapon (Sellsvidyadhara, whose hand is fondled by the javelin'). Compare also the biruda Sellapidega in Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 219, 1. 61.
The wars with the Gangas are often spoken of in Rashfrskats records. In Sanskrit inscriptions the name of their country is ordinarily written Gangapdi.
Regarding Annoglavarsha's wars with rebellious members of his owa family, see e.g. Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 58. I am not aware that elsewhere his own son is spoken of in this connection.
• See Dr. Fleet's Dynaatios, p. 299.
There is a Bennoor,' 3 miles north-west of Konndr, and another village of the same name will be mentioned below.
. Most of these hare been identifed for me by Dr. Fleet

Page #42

No. 4.]
KONNUR INSCRIPTION OF AMOGHAVARSHA I
The names of the other nineteen villages are Mudugundi, Kittaivole, Mus[a], Da[dh]ere, Samgama, Pirisingi, Behuru, Ålûgu, [Párvanagere, Hosañ[ja]]a[lu), I[n]dugalu, Hagangru, Unalâru, Ipdagere, Munivalli, Koçta[s]e, Oddiţtage, Si[kimabri P], and Giri[pi]dalu.
Stating distinctly what I have indicated above, I consider it possible that lines 1-59 of this inscription really were based on a copper-plate charter ; at the same time, I feel certain that, if such was the case, the transcribers have taken so great liberties with the original as to deprive this copy of the value of an authentic document.
TEXT.3 i srivash priyag-gagata-visvarů pas=sndarśana-chchhinna-paråvalêpah [1] dispád
anamtah=pranat-amarêm drahériyam mam=&dyah-paramâm Jinênąrah | 019)
Ananta-bhô2 ga-sthitir-atra pâtu vaḥ pratåpasiļa-prabhav-8day&cha!a) [1] su-RA[sh]trakût
Orijita-vamsa-purvvajas=sVira-Narayaņa êva yo vibhuḥ 11 [2] Tadiya-bhûp
Sya3 ta-Yadav-Anvay& kramôņa vårddb&v=iva ratna-8amchayab [lo] babhůva Gôvinda
mahipatirabhbhubbhu)vaḥ prasadhands Prichchhakaraja-nandanah || [3] Imdr.
&vanipaļa-saténa dhåript praskrita 4 vône Prithu-prabhêvind [I") mah-aujas vairi-tamð niräkfitam pratápa-filena sal
Karkkara-prabhuḥ 11 [4] Tatô=bhavadedanti-gbat-Abhimarddang Himachalád
Arjjita-be5 tu-imna(ma)tab? (19) khalikfit-8dvpitta-mahipa-mamdalah kul-Agrapihev bhavi
Dantidurgga-rat || [5] Svayamba (va)ribhûta-rapårgano tatas-sa nirvvyapékshamn
Subhatumga-Vallabhaḥ [1] chaka6 raba Châļukya-kula-friyam baļåd-vilo!a-pålidhvaja-mála-bhâriņim II (6] Jayôchchasim basana-chåmar-ôrjjitas-sit-Atapatrô
pratipaksha-rajya(ja)o-h& [lo] Akalavarsh-ôrjjita-bht7 PA-námsk8 babhuva rajarshir=aśêsha-panyataḥ 11 [7") Tatah-Prabhutavarsh8
bhûd=19Dharavarsha-sutas-Barairuddhâråvarshåyitam yêna samgråma-bhavi
bhůbhuja || [8] Tasya sutaḥ || 8 Yaj-janma-kaļs, dôvêmdrair=&dishtam vpishabh bhuvaḥ [1°] bókt-êti Himayat
Bêta-paryyant-Ambudhimêkha![8] 11 [9] Tatah-Prabhůtavarshas-san evayam
půrnna-manôratha) [19] Jagattungas-Samé 9 rarevvá bhûbbritâm=uparisthitaḥ || [10] Bandhûnêm bandhurån&m=uchita-nija
kulá půryvajánám prajánår jâtånám Vallabhånår bhuvana-bharita-satkirttimürtti-sthitånám [19] trátum kirttim Ba-18
1 Perhaps the modern Dderkop, 24 miles south-west from Konndr. • Perhaps the Becoor of the map, 157 miles west from Konnor. From Dr. Floot'impression.
Metre: Upajati.
Metre of verses 2-7: Vabastba. • Read dhanah; this correction may have been made already in the original.
Before both ablatives the proposition d should have been used compare .g. above, Vol. III. p. 106. line 14 of the text. . Read our
. Read patran. 10 This correction may have been made already in the original 11 Metre of verses 8-10: sloka (Anushtubb). 11 Originally barddhd was engraved.
1 Metre : Sragdhark. * The word bharita, properly filled with,' is used wrongly bere in the sense of Alling': compare Inscription of Sraraga-Belgola, p. 108, 1. 1.

Page #43

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VI.
10 kar k ali-kalusham-atho Thantam=anto ripāņår sriman-simhasana-sthô
bhavanavanim-atô=môghavarshaḥ prasasti Il [119] 'Yasy=&jñâm para
chakrinah srajam-iv-&jasra sirôbhiruvvahan. 11 ty=& digdanti-ghat-vaļi-mukha-pat[@]
h k irtti-pratánas=satah [19] yatra-atbaḥ sva-kara-pratâpa-mahima kasy=&py-adura-sthitaḥ têjah-kramta-samasta-bhůbhrid=
ins êv=åsau na kasy-Ôpari || [129] 12 Chatus-samudra-paryyamta[m?] syamudram yat-prasadhitam [1] bhagn& samasta.
bhupala-mudra Garuda-mudray& || [13] Rajendraa=t& vamdaniyâs=ta purvvo
yêshåm dharmma13 h-pålaniyo=smad-adyaiḥ [lo] dhvasta dushtå varttamânâs=sadharmmaḥ prartthya
yê tê bhåvinah-pártthivêmdráh II [14] Bhuktam kaischid=vikramên=&parebbyo
dattam ch=&nyais-tyaktam=év=¶ir-yyat [1] 14 k=&sth=&nityê tatra rajyo mahadbhiḥ kirttyårttyai?) dharmmah=kêvalam pålaniyah
11 [15] Tên=edam=aniļa-vidynch-chamchalam-avalokya jîvitam=asåra [18]
kshitidana-paramapunyah=pravarttito 15 dévadáy8=yam || [16] Sa êva paramabhattáraka-maharajadhiraja-parameávara-gri.
Jagattungadêva-pådånadhyâna(ta)-paramabhattaraka-mahârâj[A]dhiraja-paramêsvara
śrt16 prithvivallabha-grimad-Amoghavarsha-sri-Vallabhanarendradevah
sarvvân=éva yath&sambaddhyamânakån=råshțravishayapati-gråmakat-Ayuktaka-niyuktak-l. 17 dhikarika-mahattar-Adin-samadišaty=&sto vag=samviditam yatha || Vikrama-vilasa
nilayo Mukula-kule pürv va-bandhabhir=mmânyaiḥ [19] Erakôri-námadhôya18 h=pravikasito=bhůt=pragūna-samaḥ || [17*] Avir-âsit=prabhusetasmát=prasūn&t=phala
Sannibhah | *1 nâmn-Ådhôrah kul-Adhåraḥ Koļanur-adhipag=svayam || [18] Su19 tô=gya Vijayamkåyåm-abhůd=bhuvana-månitah [19] prachanda-mandal-atamko
Bark@sah Sella-kêtanaḥ [19] Madiyo vitata-jyotir=ņņi(nni)sitô=sir-iv=¶ḥ
[1*] 0. 20 nm álita-dvishad.vriksha-maļo maula-bala-prabhuḥ 11 [20] Mat-pras&dona samlabdhe.10
Vanavasi-parassarán=grâmânil=trimsat-sahasråņi bhunakty=avirat-ôdayah || [21*] 21 Maba-pratâpåd=uchchhêdaml=udayachchhan=mad-ichchhayê [l] mâļåd=achchhêttam=
uttumg&m Gamgavați-vatatavim || [22*] Tatr=&ntarê=smat-s&mantair=mmâtsaryy.
ahi22 ta manasair-upékshito=pi kôp-ôdyat-sâ has-aika-sakhaḥ svayan || [230] 3Dhvasta
ripa-niti-mârggộ raņa-vikramam=éka-buddhim-abhiniya [1] sa madiya-hridaya
samgatam=& vandhya23 kôpatvam=&vahati || [24] Yana || Tat=Kedal-abhidhånam durggam vapr-årggal.
adi-durllamghyam [1] maula-bal-Adhishthitam=api sadyaḥ prôllaghya helay= Agråhi || [25] "Janapadam=adah kritvå ba
1 Originally hra' was engraved ; read hantum. • Rend bhuvanamaidamaató, or, perhaps, bhupanamwanamitó. • Metre : Sardalavikridita.
. I am unable to explain this properly. Perbape the word pati is used bere in the senre of patta, the froutlet or Allet wbich is tied to the head of an elephant;' see Kittel's Kanarese Dictionary, s.c. paffa.
Read -sthitas,
Metre : sloks (Anushtubb). With the first half of the verse compare Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 249, 1. 11 of the text. Metre of verses 14 and 15: Aliut.
• Metre of verses 16 and 17: Årga. • Metre of verses 18-23 : $16ks (Anushțubh).
10 Read sa labhya. 1. Rend grandms. 12 Read Edwichhdd-4m=(P).
18 Metre of verses 24 and 25: Arya. 14 Metre: Hariņi.
15 Rend amun.

Page #44

No. 4.]
24 stê vidhûya virôdhinam Talavanapur-adhisam kritvå [śruta]m rapa-vikramaṁ [1] mad-ari-vijayî bharttuḥ ślâghyas-samanvita-samgaraḥ samara-samayê vidvit
chakrai
KONNUR INSCRIPTION OF AMOGHAVARSHA I.
25 r=avakrita-vikramaḥ || [26] Kaverim guru-pûra-durggamatamâm-ullamghya simha[kr]mat-pratyagra-sphurita-pratápa-dahans-prodyach-chhikhi-gibhib [1] ni26 rddahy aikapadēna sapta padakân-vidvid-van-ôchchhêdinå yen-kampi jagatprakampana-pator=vvairâjyam-apy-ûrjjitam || [27*] Tatr=ântarê mad-amtikam= antarbhbhê (rbbhê)dêna jâta-samkshôbhê [*]
27 pratyagantavyam=iti
tvay=êti mad-vachanamâtrêna || [28] Aprâpte Vallabhemdrê(drô) mayi jayati yada vidvishah syân-tad-âham samnyastâéêsha-samgo munir-atha
28 vidhinâ vidvishâm syâj-jaya-śriḥ [1] tatr-âpy -u [ddâ]ma-dhûmadhvaja-vitata-sikhâs=
ûtpatâmi pratapâd-ity-aradha-pratijñaḥ katipaya-divasaiḥ=prå
29 pad-aamat-asmipa[29] "Masa-trayasya madhyê yadi bhôjayitum na sakyatê svâmi [*] kshiram vijitya satrûn=tath=âpi vahnim visâmy=êva [30] Ity=uktv-åkrama-vikram-ô
dhuma-syma[li]
tirðhita-tanau
30 chchhikha-sikhi-jvâl-âvalida (dha)-bra (vra)jê
prayah-para-prêshitê [*] yâtê mat-tanayê sthit-ânya-nripatin-nirjjitya
31
jitvaró bandkritya
31 ripûn-nihatya cha tadâ tirnṇa-pratijão-bhavat || [31] Avishkrita-kopa-sikhanirddagdh-ârîndhano vin-âpy-anilât [1] ajvâlitê (tô)-pi yasya pratapa-vahnir= mmahar-jvalati | [32′′]
32 Yasya cha kripina-[viii] rudhir-d[kalitā] dvisham maha-lakshmiḥ [*] majjaly-unmajjati tu sv-âdhipatêḥ kumkum-åkt-êva II [33] Hutvâ10 yêna ripum virôdhi-rudhira-prâjy-a
33 jya-dhâr-âhuti-brâ(vrå) ta-prasphuri[ta]-pratapa-[daha]nê vidvishta-sântes-éritaṁ [1] vipelo-bra rap-adhvar suvihita-irt-mantra-akty-Arjjitam kalpántasthira-virasåsanam-idam
34 mad-Vira-Narayanât II [34] Tên-aivambhûtêna Ba[mkey-â]bhidhânêna mad-ishțabhrityêna prârtthitas-san tat-prårtthanaya Manyakheta-rajadhânyâm-avasthitêna mayâ [mâ]
35 tâ-pitrôr-atmanas-ch-aihik-Amutrika-punya-yaso-bhivriddhayê Kolanûrê Bakeya-nirmmåpita-jinkyatana-paripalana-niyuktaya
36 19Śrî-Mûlasamgha-Désiyagana-Pustakagachchhataḥ [1] jâtas-Trikålayôgiśaḥ kshirabdhêr-iva kaustubhah || [35] Tach-châritra-vadhû-putraḥ éri-Dêvêmdramunisvaraḥ [1]
37 saiddhântik-âgranîs=tasmai Bamkeyô [y&m=adân=mu ?]dâ13 || [36] Tad-vasati
yô
sambandhi-navakarmm-ôttarabhâvikhandasphutita-sammârjjan-ôpalêpana-paripâlan-âdi
1 The two aksharas in brackets are almost completely effaced.
Metre Arya. :
• Metre: Arya.
Metre: Sârdûlavikridita.
Metre: Sragdhara.
Metre: Sardalavikridita.
dharmmôpa
38 yôgi-karmma-karana-nimittam
Taleyura-nama-grâmah tasya ch-âghâțâḥ tat-Kolanûrât-pûrvvataḥ
Berḍanuru
39 dakshinataḥ Sâsavevâ[du] tat-paschimataḥ Paḍilagere uttarataḥ Kilavadah êvam-ayam chatur-âghâtan-ôpalakshitaḥ 8-ôdramgas-sa-pari
This iti is superfluous.
7 Bead fatrúms.
Metre of verses 32 and 33: Arya.
11 Read sams.
tad
Majjantiya-sap[t]atigrama-bhukty-amtarggataḥ14
1 Metre: Sardalavikridita.
13 Metre of verses 35 and 36: Sloka (Anushṭubh).
The aksharas in brackets are almost entirely effaced and therefore doubtful.
Here and in some places below the rules of sadhi have not been observed.

Page #45

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
40 karab sa-dada-das-Aparadhas=sami bhfit-8påtta-pratyayasl=g-otpadyam&na-vishțiti(ka)
sa-dhanya-hirapy-ad@yaḥ dv&data-pubpavataḥ "patch&saduttara-kata-ha41 [sta)-vistârab-pamchaçata-hasta-praman-ây&maḥ
spihåņâm=&ghatas=samuditaḥ 'pravēsyas=saryva-rajakiy[]nám=ahasta prakshồpaniyah & 42 [cha]mindr-arkk-årņņava-kshiti-sarit-parvvata-samakalinah putra-pantr-ånvaya-kramêņa
pratipályah pūrvapradatta-dévabrahmadaya-rahito=hya(bhya). 43 [n]tarasi[do]dhya bhQmichchhidra-nyâyêna Il Sakansips-kal-&tita-samvatsara
Batéshu saptasu dva(dvya)sity-adhikeshu tadabhyadhika-samanantara
pravarttamâna-tra-6 44 yosititama-Vikrama-samvatsar-antarggat-Ågvayuja-paurņnamasya sarvvagrási
8ômagrahane mahd-parvvaņi bali-paksba-vaisvadêv-&gnihotr-ati45 thi-santarppanid=dhar-dak-&tisarggêna pratipaditaḥ 11 Tath=&tr=aiva tat
Koļanur[e]? tad-[bh]ukti-madhya-vartty-Avarav&[]i. Bendanúru- !
Mudugumdi. Kittaivo46 le-1 Sulla-1 Mus(o)- Da[dh]ere- M&vinuru- Mattikatte- I Nila[gum]dage
Tasikheda | B[e]lloru-1 Samgama- | Pirisimgi-1 Muttalagere- | Kakeyanüru-81
Behuru47 Ålagu-l [Parvva]nggerel Hogam[ja]]a[lu)- 1 1[m]dugalu- ! Neri[la]ge-1
Hagangru-, ! Uhaldsu- 1 Indagere-1 Munivaļļi- 1 Kotte(8)e-oddițțage-1
Si[kimabri P]-I 48 Girispi dalu- Dámadhy@shymêtêahu Kolantr-ta tad-bhakti-varttishu
tri(tri)msatsvapi gråmêsh v=8kaika-gråmê dvådaca nivarttanani bhumeh
pratip&ditani [119] Atd-sy-8. 49 chitaya 10d&vadáyadaya-sthitya bhunjat8 bhojayataḥ krishatah karahayata h
pratidiśato vá na kailchid=a?p=&pi pari panthana käryya tath=850 g&mi-bhadra-nfipatibhir-asmad-vamsyair-anyair=vvå sâmânya[m] bhumi-dana-phalam
avētys vidyul-16]ányraigvaryyâni triņågra-lagna-jalabinda-chamchalam cha jî. 51 vitam-Akalayya Byad yanirvvis@shd=smad-day=pumantavyaḥ pratipklayitabya (vya)f=
cha [lo] Yastv-ajfâna-timira-patal-Avrita-matir "Achchhidyamanakam 52 ch(v)-&numódēta 8 parchabbir-mmahåpåtakais=sőpapåtakais-chall samyuktab
ByAdity-laktam bhagavatá vêda-by&(vyk)sênal || Shashtirayvarsha-sahasrani
svarggé tishthati 53 bhumidab fi Achchhêttach-Anumanta cha tany-dva narak8 vaset 11 [37]
Vindhy-Atavishvmatöyfusu Sushka-kotara-vasishu(nab) [1] krishnasarppa hi jåyamtê bhumi
1 The term intended apparently is sabhdtopdita pratydyas, which occurs in other inscriptions.
1 Instead of the sentence commencing bere and ending with samudita, a single compound should bare been used, qualifying gramah.
• Here achatabhata has been omitted, • This sign of punctuation should be struok out.
Rend .fryallitama. • The passage commencing with bali is quite out of place bere, the object of the grant lnving already been stated correctly in lines 37 and 38. In inscriptions where similar statement is properly made we ond charu Cinatand of paksha) and -santarpanartham. For the following dAdr.Odao of this inscription one would bare expected ady=ddao. 7 Read Ondré (?).
• Originally Kdike was engraved. . Read -dghafa (?).
10 Rond daddys 11 Read matiradchehlindydd-dohchu.
» This cha sbould have been omitted. 11 Read iti Uktar ola bhao.
14 After this the word Vydaina has been omitted. 15 Metre of verses 87 and 38: s16ka (Anushtabb). Read Shaalfisk sa.

Page #46

No. 4.]
KONNUR INSCRIPTION OF AMOGHAVARSHA I.
33
54 danath haranti ye || [38"] Agnêr=&patys[m] prathamam suvarnpar bhûr
Vvaishnavi suryya-eat&s=cha gåvah [l ] 18ka-trayanatens bhavêd=dhi dattam
yak-kanchanam gå cha mahim 55 cha dadyat II (39*] Bahubhir-vvasudhá bhukta rajabhis-Sagar-Adibhiḥ [*] yasya
yasya yad bhůmistasya tasya tada phalam 1 [40] Sva-dattam para-dattam
vå yatna56 d-rakshy[] naradhipah (1) mahim mahimatam broshtha danach=chhr@y8=
nup&lanam || [41°) Iti k amala-dal-Ambabindu-10!&n sriyam=anuchistya
manushya-jivitar cha [lo] ativima57 la-manôbhir-&makair=inna hi purushaih-para-kirttayo vilopyAh || [42] Likhitam
ch-aitad-Valabha-kayastha-varsa-játêns dharmmadhikarana-8[th]êna bhôgika
Vatsarajêns 58 Sriharsha-sûnuna grâmapa[tta]}Adhikrita?-18khakaranahasti-Nagavarmma-Prithvirama
bhfityéns || Bankėyarajal-makhyo Gana (ps)pati-náms ma59 hattarah-prajñaḥ (1) rájñas=s&mipa-vartti tên=&dam-anushthitam sarvvam || [43]
10Mithyabhava-bhav-ktidarppa-para-tad-duśśAsan-ochchhêdakam praji-ajña-vasa
varttama60 na-janata-bat-saukhya-bampâdakan [18] nânârupa-vifishta-vasta-parama-syadvada
lakshmi-pedam jêjiyaj-Jina-rajasasadamidam sváchara-sára-pradam || [44] 61 Siddhantâmpita-vårddhi-târa kapatis-tarkk-mbaj-Sharppatiḥ sabd-ody&navan-&mfit-aika
sarapiryyogindra-chudâmaņih [18] Traividy-Apara-s&rttha62 náms-vibhavab-prôddhůta-châtóbhavaḥ j iyad=anyamat-avanibhfid-asanih sri.
Mêghachandró muniḥ || [45] Idels hamsi-brindam=imtal-bagedapudu 63 chakori-chayam chamchuvindar kardukal=s&rddappud-Isam jadeyoļ=irisal=end
irddapam sejjeg=éral=padedappan Krishnan-emb-ant-esedu bisa-lasat-kanda!i-kam64 da-kantam pudidatt-i Méghachandra-bra(vra)titiļaka-jagadvartti-kêrttiprakasam
11 [46") 18Vaidagdhya-sri-vadhuți-patir-akhiļa-gun-Alam kritir=Mméghacham65 dra-Traividyasy-Atmajâtó Madana-mahibhritð bhêdanê vajrapatah [lo] saiddhậnta
byû(vyû)ha-chûdâmaņir=anupala(ma)-chintamani66 r=bhbhů(bbha)-janånám yê=bhût=sanjanya-rundra-sriyam-avati mahau Viranandi
mun-Imdrab || [47] "Yab-sabdajña-nabhasthali-dinamapib kávyajña-chudama67 pir-yyas-tarkkasthiti-kaumudi-himakaras-tûryyatray-bj-akarah [1] yas=siddhanta
vichåra-sára-Dhishapô ratna-trayi-bhûshapaḥ sth - 68 yâd-uddhata-vådi-bhůbhrid-asanih śri-Viranandi munih 11 [48] Yan-mûrttir
jjagatâm janasya nayanê karppurapûrîyatê yad-vrittir=vvidushån=ta69 têg=sravaņayðrummåņikyabhushåyatê [1] yat-kirttihukakubhân sriyaḥ kacha-bharê
mallilatântâyatê jêjiyâd-bhavi Viranandi-munipag-sai70 ddhanta-chakr-Adhipah 116 49] Sri-Kondakundánváy-Ambara-dyumani vidvajjana
firðmani samast-&navadya-vidyA-vilásini-viļÅsa-mûrtti sri-Viranandi-sai[ddha)
Metre: Indravajrá.
* Metre of verses 40 and 41: śloks (Anushtabh). • Read mraksha narddhipa.
• Read makthritdn. • Metre: Pushpitágra.
Read dimanfnaire, The second t of the akshara in brackets may have been struck out in the original; read pataldo. • Metre: Arya.
• Originally Ordjya- was engraved.. 10 Metre of verses 44 and 45: Škrdlavikridita. 11 Read bhard.
11 Metre: Mabharagdbars. The same verse, with some slight various readings, is found in Inger. at SraminaBelgola, pp. 25 and 31.
1 Metre : Sragdhari. The same verse, with two various readings, occurs ibid. p. 32. 1 Metre of verses 48 and 49: Sårdúlavikridita. 15 This verse, incomplete and with a various reading. occurs ibid. p. 32.

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71 ntika-chakravarttigaļu sriman-mahåsthånam Koļanûra maháprabhu Huliyam
arasanun müra-pura-pancha-matha-sth&namgalum tâmbra-sAsana mam] 72 nodi bareyisim=enalk=& śâsanadol-ent-irddud=ant-1 sild-fasanaman bareyi[6]idara [ll*]
Mangaļa mahd-ért erf ári namo . . . . [ll]
TRANSLATION. (Verse 1.) May the beloved of Fortune, with whom all forms are conjoined," who with his discus destroys the conceit of adversaries, the infinite being before whom bow down the lords of the immortals, the primeval lord Jina, grant to me supreme bliss !
(V. 2.) May the lord Vira-Narayana protect you here, he who rests on the body of (the serpent) Ananta, (and) is the mountain from which (like luminaries) rise men of valorous conduct, the progenitor of the mighty race of the excellent Rashtrakūtas !
(V. 3.) In the long Yadava lineage of the princes of that (race) there was in the course of time, like a collection of jewels in the ocean, king Govinda, who subdued the earth, the son of Prichchhakarája.
(V. 4.) The lord Karkara, the son of king Indra, it as by whom, mighty like Pritha, the earth was brought under subjection, (and) by whom, of great strength and full of valour, the enemies were scattered like darkness.
(V. 5.) From him sprang king Dantidurga, who defeated arrays of elephants from the Himalaya to the confines of (Rama's) mighty bridge, (and) who, a leader of his family, crashed the circle of arrogant princes on the earth.
(V. 6.) After him Subhatunga-vallabha, on the battle-field which became a svayamvara, fearlessly carried off by force the Chalukya family's Fortune, adorned with a garland of waving pálidhuaja flags.
(V. 7.) Grand with his victory, high throne and chowries, possessed of a white umbrella, a destroyer of opponent kings, called the mighty king Akalavarsha, he was a royal saint through his infinite religious merit.
(V. 8.) Then came Prabhutavarsha, the son of Dharivarsha, a king who on the field of battle acted with his arrows like a torrent of rain (dhard-varsha).7
His son
(Vs. 9 and 10.). At the time of whose birth the lords of the gods ordained that, as her master, he should rule the ocean-girded earth as far as the Himalaya and (Råma's) bridge. afterwards, being called) Prabhu tavarsha because he fulfilled desires of his own accord, as Jagattunga stood over (all) kings as the Sumêru does over the mountains.
1 From here and up to the end of the line some aksharas (at the utmost six) are effaced.
of line 34-67 of the text which, in the usual style and for the most part in well-known terms, record a grant, I consider it suficient to give only an abstract of the contents.
1.e. who assumes all forms, or exists in all forms.
• As translated here, the verse refers to the god Vishnu (Jina), of whom Vibeardpa (by itself) and Ananta also are epitheta or names. But it also is intended to invoke the blessing of the first Jains propbet, Jinéadra, and on this alternative the word rudariana, above rendered by discon,' would mean excellent doctrine.
1.o, the god Vishnu. But Vira-Nerdyana also is an epithet of the king Amoghavarsha (see below, Verse 34) and, with reference to him, the verse also is intended to convey the meaning: 'May the king Vira-Narayana protect you here, be the continuance of whose rule is without end, who is the mountain from which rises the conduct of valour, (and) who has excellent ancestors of the mighty race of the Rashtrakatas !
• See above, Vol. III. p. 107, lines 22 and 34 of the text.
This play on the word dhdrdoaraha shows that the subject of the verse should be Dharkvarsha, Bot Prabhutavaraha, 'the son of Dharkvarsbr.
• According to the context, Prabhatavarsha's; really, Dharivarsha's.

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KONNUR INSCRIPTION OF AMOGHAVARSHA I.
(V. 11.) After him, to guard both the world and the fame of his charming relatives-of the ancestors in his righteous family who have become favourites inasmuch as they are good fame, filling the earth, incarnate and to destroy the wickedness of the Kali age, the glorious Amôghavarsha, the annihilator of his enemies, is ruling this earth, seated on the throne.
(V. 12.) The command of this excellent (king) other sovereigns perpetually carry on their heads like a garland. The creeping plant of his fame grows up to the fillets on the foreheads of the array of the elephants of the quarters. The mighty valour that dwells in his band is far away from no one. He being the very sun which with its heat scorches all mountains, who is the king above whom he does not rise ?
(V. 13.) He with his own seal has stamped all (land) as far as the four oceans; the seals of all kings he has broken with his Garuda seal.
(V. 14.) Honour gurely we must the great kings of the past whose acts of religion we are to preserve; destroyed are the wioked kings of the present; solicit: we must those future rulers who share our sense of religion.
(V. 15.) What imports that fleeting royalty which some have enjoyed by their bravery, some bestowed on others, and others again resigned even ? Great men, to secure fame, must cherish religion only.
(V. 16.) Having seen that this life, unstable like wind and lightning, is void of substance, he has devised this gift to the gods, most meritorious on account of a donation of land.
(Line 15.) He, the Paramabhattaraka, Maharajadhiraja and Paramétuara, the favourite of fortune and the earth, the glorious Amoghavarsha, the glorious Vallabhanarendraddva, who meditates on the feet of the Paramabhaftáraka, Maharajadhirdja and Paramstvara, the glorious Jagattungadeva, commands all Rashtrapatis, Vishayapatis, Grámakdfas, Ayuktakas, Niyuktakas, Adhikarikas, Mahattaras and others, as they may be concerned: Be it known to you:
(V. 17.) In the Mukula family there blossomed like a flower, with ancestors worthy of honour, Erakori, a home of the play of bravery.
(V. 18.) From that flower grew, as it were its fruit, & masterful man named Adhôra, the stay of his family, who himself was lord of Kolantra.
(V. 19.) His son from Vijay&nks was Bankess (alias) Sella-kêtana,honoured in the world, a fierce fever to districts.
(V. 20.) Like another flashing sharp sword of mine, as commander of the hereditary forces he has uprooted, like trees, my adversaries.
(V. 21.) By my favour he has received and rules the thirty-thousand villages of which Vanavasi is the foremost, never ceasing to prosper.
(V. 22.) At my desire, in his great valour he has striven to extirpate that lofty forest of fig-trees- Gangavådi, difficult to be cut down.
(Vs. 23 and 24.) On that occasion, though abandoned by my jealously minded fendatories, by himself, solely aided by the daring which sprang from his anger, setting at nought the enemy's policy, displaying a bravery in war which had one aim only, he made the anger of my heart not barren.
He, by whom
(V. 25.) That fort named Kodaļa, difficult to be scaled on account of its ramparts, bars ato., though held by hereditary forces, was at once ascended and easily taken.
The word vallabha is parposely chosen in the original, because it is a common surname of Rashtrakata kings; compare below, verse 29.
In the original the word for mountains also means 'kings.' . Vis. to preserve our acts of piety.
• Mukula ordinarily is' bad.' · Or Adhóra.
. See above, p. 27 f.

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(V. 26.) Having occupied that country, having driven away the hostile lord of Talavanapura, having shewn famous valour in war, defeating my enemies, for his master an object of praise, true to his promise, he at the time of battle did not let his bravery be baffled by the hosts of the enemy.
(V. 27.) With a lion's spring having crossed the Kaveri, most difficult to be passed on account of its heavy floods, by the lines of the ever freshly flashing flames of fire of his valour having at once consumed the allied, extirpating the forest of adversaries, he shook the mighty dominion of him even who was able to shake the world.
(Vs. 28 and 29.) On that occasion, when through internal dissension a disturbanoe had srisen near me, then, at the mere word of me that he should return-having made & vow that if, before his arrival, I, the Vallabha lord, should defeat the enemies, he would as an ascetic completely resign the world, or if by chance the fortune of victory should fall to the enemies, he would enter into the flames of a roaring fire-- he arrived near me after a few days.
(Vs. 30 and 31.) Having said that also he certainly would enter into fire if, within three months, by defeating the enemies he could not make his master drink milk - after my son, whose hosts were consumed by the flames of the blazing fire of his impetuous bravery, blackened by the smoke and thus hidden himself had escaped, perchance sent away by the rest-he completely defeated the princes who remained, and, victorious, made captive and slew the adversaries, and thus fulfilled his promise.
(V. 32.) The fire of his prowess, with the flames of wrath which it emits, consumes the enemies on which it feeds, even without wind; though unlit, it blazes forth again and again.
(V. 33.) Soiled with blood, the Fortune of the enemies dives into the water of his sword; but that of his master emerges from it, anointed as it were with saffron.
(V. 84.) Like a Brahman, having sacrificed the enemy at the sacrifice of battle, where the fire of his valour shone the brighter for the many oblations of streams of melted butter-the blood of his opponents, he has socured from me, Vira-Narayaņa, this edict which to the world's end proclaims him & hero, resulting from his expiatory rite- the destruction of my foes, and acquired by the efficiency of his spell- the restoration of my fortune,
(Line 34.) At the request of this my dear servant Bankêye, I, residing at the capital of Xanyakheta,-seven hundred and eighty-two years having passed since the time of the Saka king, on the auspicious occasion of a total eclipse of the moon on the full-moon tithi of Åsvayuja in the year Vikrama, the eighty-third ourrent year-have given the village of Taleyüra, in the bhukti of the seventy villages of Majjantiya, to him who has been appointed to take care of the Jina sanctuary founded by Bankêya at Kolanûravit. (vv. 35 and 36) to Dévêndra, the chief of ascetics (munitvara) to whom Bankêya has given the temple, the disciple of Trikalayogisa, born from the Pustaka gachchha of the Désiya gana of the Müla samgha--for any new work connected with the sanctuary, for future repairs, for the cleansing, plastering, maintaining of it, and for other acts of piety. The boundaries of the village are, on the east of the said Koļanura, Bendanúru, on the south, S&savevå[du], on the west of it, Padilagore, and on the north, Kilavada.?
1 In the original the word is raptapadaka, which I cannot find elsewhere. Compare adptapadina.
· Vis. to allay his anger or mental distress. According to the writers on medicine, milk is a remedy not only for bodily disease, but also for mental disorder. Compare Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 266, 1. 30 of the text.
Compare above, verse 2. . From here to line 57 only an abstract of the contents is given.
• Why the word. tat-Kolanurdt, of the said Kolandra,' have been added, it is difficult to explain. If correot, the words would indicate that the village granted was quite close to Kolantira.
1 Among the usual phrases specifying the conditions of the grant, we have, in lines 40 and 41, the statement that the village contained twelve flower gardens, and that the total extent of the houses was 150 hastas u breadth and 500 hastas in length.

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No. 4.]
KONNUR INSCRIPTION OF AMOGHAVARSHA I.
37
(L. 45.) I also have given twelve nivartanas of land at Kolantra itself, and at each of the following thirty villages within its bhukti, vis. Avarava[ali, Bendantru, Mudugundi, Kittaivole, Sulla, Mus[], Da[dh]ere, Møvingru, Mattikatte, Nila[gun]dage, Taļikheda, B[e]lleru, Samgama, Pirisingi, Muttalegere, Kakeyanúru, Behuru, Ålügu, [Pârva]nagere, Hosañ[ja]la[lu], [[n]dugalu, Neri[la]ge, Haganúru, Unalaru, Indagere, Munivalli, Kotta[8]e, Oddittage, Si[kimabri P], and Giri[pi]dalu.
Lines 48-57 contain the usual admonition not to obstruct the grantee and to preserve the grant, and quote six benedictive and imprecatory verses (37-42), ascribed to Vyasa.
(L. 57.) This has been written by the bhôgika Vatsarája, an official in the court of justice. born in the clan of the Valabha Kayasthas, the son of Sribarsha and servant of Någavarman Prithvirâma, keeper of village records and war-elephant of writers.
(V. 43.) The chief (adviser) of Bankhyaraja, the wise Mahattara Ganapati, who is near the Raja's person, has executed all this.
(V. 44.) Ever victorious, like a royal edict, be this doctrine of the Jinas, which destroys the false doctrines of people who are filled with an excessive pride arising from ignorance ; which brings about the true happiness of all who act in obedience to the commands of the wise, which is the place of glory of the excellent syddodda by which things appear under manifold forms, and grants the quintessence of good conduct !
(V. 45.) Victorious be the holy sage Meghachandra, who is the moon to the ocean of the nectar of established truths, the sun to the lotus- reasoning, the one continuous stream of nectar to the garden-speech, the crest-jewel of the lords among contemplative saints; whose lofty second name of Traividya is truly appropriate; who has shaken off the god of love, and is a thunderbolt to the mountains- other creeds!
(V. 46.) Manifestly, the fame, pervading the world, of this Méghachandra, the foremost of devotees, has shone forth and entered (here), glittering like the fibres of the waterlily (and) lovely like the balbous root of the plantain tree, saying (to stself), “Lo! the flock of female hansas begin to think of drinking; the collection of female chakôra birds approach to peck with their beaks; Isa gives orders for the decoration of his matted hair; (and) Křishna is eager to choose (an ocoupant) for his couch."
TV 47 Viranandin, the chief of sages, owns on earth the glory (of being) rich in benevolence, he who is the husband of the young woman-renown of cleverness, the ornament of every kind of excellence, the offspring of Meghachandra-Traividya, a stroke of lightning to split the mountain Madana, the crest-jewel of the crowd of those who know
Or, perbapa,' within that bhakti' (of the Majjantiya seventy villages, mentioned before). ? Or of the illustrious Harsha.
• The word for doctrine' in the original is fdsana which also means 'an edict;' and the author calls the doctrine of the Jinas & rdja-ldsana, or royal edict.'
• Compare Insor. at Sravana-Bolgola, p. 8, 1. 15, Jindi vara-mata-hshirdodhi-tard pati; p. 48, 1. 4 from bottom, siddhantamrita-edrddhi-varddhana-vidh*; p. 49, last line, Jindgama-udhdranasa-parunachandra and other similar passages.
For the exact meaning of the several words of this charming verse, which in the original is in Kanarese, I have consulted Dr. Fleet and the Rev. Mr. Kittel. Ordinarily, fame for its brightness is compared, among other objects, with milk, lotus fibres, the moon, and Srt (the wife of Visbņa-Krishna; compare e.g. Inor. at SravanaBelgola, Roman text, p. 16, 1. 4 ff.). Here, the fate of Meghachaodra is actually identified with all four, and is made to appear in the world, of its own accord, to fulfil the demand for them on the part of respectively the
hamhna and chakra birds, and the gods Siva and Krisboa. The words translated by for the decoration of literally mean to place in Concerning the hansaa, I may remind the reader of the well-known line hashairayatid konfransiedmbumadhydt.
• Le. the god of love.

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the established truths, and an unrivalled jewel to yield the desires of the creatures of this world.
(V. 48.) May he abide (here), the holy sage Viranandin, who is the sun of the firmament-those who know the science of words, the crest-jewel of those conversant with poetry, the moon to the moon-light- the science of reasoning, a pool of the lotuses- the triad of music, song and dance; who is a Brihaspati for the quintessence of the investigation of established truths; who adorns the three jewels, and is a thunderbolt to the mountainsconceited disputants!
(V. 49.) Ever victorious be in the world the chief of sages Viranandin, the lord of the circle of those who know the established truths; he whose form is like a stream of camphor for the eyes of the creatures of the worlds, whose conduct like a jewel-ornament for the ears of the assemblage of the learned, and whose fame like the shoot of a jasmine creeper for the hairtresses of the Fortune of the regions!
(Line 70.) The universal sovereign of those who know the established truths, the holy Viranandin, the sun in the sky of the glorious Kondakunda-line, the crest-jewel of the learned, the embodiment of the sport of the courtesans-the several branches of faultless learning, when Huliyamarasa, the Mahaprabhu of the sacred great place of Kolanûra, and (the authorities of) the three towns and the five mathas, having seen a copper charter, bade him cause it to be written, caused this stone charter to be written in accordance with what was in that (copper) charter.
Bliss! Great fortune, fortune, fortune! Adoration to
No. 5.- CHEBROLU INSCRIPTION OF JAYA;
SAKA-SAMVAT 1157.
BY F. KIELHORN, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.
This inscription is engraved on the four faces of the left one? of two pillars which are in front of the gopura of the Nâgésvara temple at Chêbrôlu, in the Bapatla taluka of the Kistna district. My account of it is based on an excellent inked estampage, prepared by Mr. H. Krishna Sastri, B.A., and forwarded to me by Dr. Hultzsch.
The inscription contains 168 lines of carefully engraved writing, which, with the exception of a few letters, damaged or broken away at the commencement of lines 3-5 and 131-137, and at the end of lines 85-91, is in an excellent state of preservation. The characters are Telugu; and the size of the letters is between " and ". Excepting the greater part of line 158
1 Compare Inser. at Sravana-Belgola, p. 49, 1. 4, gité eddyé cha nrittye; p. 52, 1. 18, gila-vadya-nrityasútradhdreyum.
See above, Vol. III, p. 184, note 2, and p. 207, note 3.
For the interpretation of the following, which in the original is in Kanarese, I am indebted to Dr. Fleet. The exact meaning of this is not apparent. Compare e.g. Mysore Inscr. p. 158,1. 11; and Ind. Ant. Vol. IV. p. 203, note.
6 Viz. the stone charter, mentioned immediately afterwards. What may have followed is effaced in the original.
The inscription which is on the pillar on the right has been edited by Dr. Hultzsch, above, Vol. V. p. 142 ff. • With regard to the alphabet here used, I would only draw attention to the fact that dh (which occurs in the word midha in line 186) is distinguished from d by a semi-circle, open to the proper right, which is placed below, and attached to, the proper left curve of the sign for d. In the Ganapéévaram inscription (above, Vol. III. p. 88, Plate, line 110) a similar separate sign for dh is used, but there the distinguishing semi-circular line is not attached to, but intersects, the left curve of the sign for d. An examination of the published photo-litho graph leads me to suspect that a sign for da, similar to the one in the Ganapéévaram inscription, is used already

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CHEBROLU INSCRIPTION OF JAYA.
and the whole of line 159, which are in Telugu, the language is Sanskrit ; and the text is all in verse, excepting the words 'svasti frih with which the inscription begins, and the Telugu passage already referred to.
This is another inscription of Jaya or Jayana, the now well-known general of the Kakatiya king Ganapati. Verses 1-43 (lines 1.141), which give the genealogies of Ganapati and Jaya, need not be published, because, except for some slight various readings, they are identical with the same verses (lines 1-114) of the Ganapêśvaram inscription edited and translated by Dr. Hultzsch, above, Vol. III. p. 82 ff. All that it is necessary to state about them specifically, is, that the names Mattena-Gumda, Kroyyúru, and Bamduladevi, which occur in lines 15, 45 and 64 of the Ganapêśvaram inscription, in the present inscription (11. 18, 54 and 78) are spelt Mamthena-Gunda, Krôyuru, and Bhamduladéví.
The short remaining part of the inscription, the text of which is given below, in verses 44-47 records that, in the year of the Saka king (or kings) numbered by the mountains (7), the arrows (5), the earth (1), and the moon (1), i.e. in Saka-Samvat 1157, on the tithi of Girija (Pårvati)' in the bright half of the month Madhava (Vaisakha), on a Saturday, the general Jaya set up at T&mrapura an image, in the shape of a linga made of black stone, of the god Chodeśvara, so called after Jaya's father (Pinna-Chôdi); that he built for this god a temple which the people called the ornament of Ayya's family,' after Jaya himself; that in front of the temple he erected two rows of double-storied houses for sixteen female attendants; and that for the requirements (arga-ranga-bhôga) of the god he gave the village Mrontukuru in Velanandu, one of the villages that had been given to him by the king (Ganapati). A statement in Telugu (in lines 158 and 159) adds that the land within the four boundaries of the village amounted to 45 kha 6 na ;6 and that the land to the west of the Irêra (river) amounted to 5 kha 18 na. After this, the inscription has four benedictive and imprecatory verses, niearly identical with the verses at the end of the other Chêrôlu inscription of Jaya, above, Vol. V. p. 148.
The date of this inscription regularly corresponds, for Saka-Samvat 1157 expired, to Saturday, the 21st April A.D. 1285, when the third tithi of the bright half of Vaisakha (as a kshaya-tithi) commenced 0 h. 51 m., and ended 22 h. 7 m., after mean sunrise. Of the localities mentioned, Támrapura (as has been stated already by Dr. Hultzsch) is Chébrölu itself; and Mrontokůru I take to be the 'Modukur' of the map, about six miles south-east of Chêbrôlu.
END OF THE TEXT, 141 .
. 7S8=yam JÄya142 chamâ patiruggiri-sara-kshma-chaṁdra-samkhyên
Sa
in the Anamkond inscription of Rudradêvs (Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 12, Plate), in the word parippidha in line 17, although in the photo-lithograph the sign for dha, at first sight, does not seem here to differ at all from the siga for da. Neither of the signs for da bere described is given in the palæographic Tables hitherto published.
As regards other various readings, I may add that in this new inscription the Dravidian is employed more frequently than in the Gapapêśvaram inscription; and that instead of khadga-mw[kha]oya in line 106 of the Ganaplóvaram inscription we here (in line 181) have khadge-mukhdna, and instead of pratipakaham-dti (in line 108) the better reading bahuld (pralydti (in line 133).- With reference to Dr. Hultzsch's translation and notes I would state, at his request, that nilópald) in verse 8 means ' sapphired,' and that the word lakrita in verse 13 is accounted for by Papini, V. 4, 58.
I... the third tithi ; ( tritlyd Giriputrydratu chaturth Vighnahdrinah'). The third tithi of the bright half of Vaikakha is the well-known Akshaya-titlyd. See above, Vol. III. p. 88.
• Literally,' superior courtenaus.' Kha is an abbreviation of khandi (ne Dr. Haltzach, above, Vol. V. p. 149, note 6); na may be an abbreviation of nalean, 's furlong.'
. From an inked estampage supplied by Dr. Haltzech. Line 141 is the fourth line on the south face of the pillar. Metre of verses 44 and 45: Sardalavikridits
Read -laskhyd.

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[Vol. VI.
143 kêmdr-Abde
Madhava-masa-ludtha(ddha)-Girija-ti144 thyam
Sandr-vvisare Srimat-Tarmrapura m u145 de janaya(yi)turænn&(nn)mn=&tra Chôdesveram pratya146 shthà(shthá)payad-achchha-niladfishada
'pishpana-limg-&147 kritims || [44]
Devasy=Asya sa-ś&takumbha-kalasan 148 Kailasasail-pamam
*vistirņn-êjvala-matapam 149 suruchirapråkâravad-gopuram
prasa150 dam niram&payad=gapa-nidhiḥ
sri-J&ya151 sênadhipas-tan-nämn=aiva
yam-Ayyavamsa-tils152 kam brate samastojanaḥ || [45°) Puratðasya shoda153 Sana vara-gaộikanan
dvibhūmika-griha154 pi ali-dvayêna
ramyâny=achikaraj-JØya-sai155 pyêsah || [46] Npipa-dattesha svåsha gråmêshv=asy-âmgara156 mgabhôgårttham-ayam
Jaya-chamûpah
pre157 dâd-Velanandau
Mromtukuru-nama-grå158 mam 11 [47] Iyours chatus-simamula nadimi polamu 159 kha 45 na 6 Irati padumati polama kha 5 na 18 | 160 7G&m=8kAm
ratnikäm=ékár
bhûmêr=apy=ēkam-amgala161 m haran-narakam=&pnoti gåvad-8-bhdta-samplavam || [48] Sva162 datt& para-dattår ve yatnâd=raksha Yudhishthi(shthi)ra ma163 him=mabibbfitâm Sreshtha(shtha) danach=chrêyð-nupalanam 11 [49] 164 8Sva-buksita-paripälanåt-prabhûņå
para-kpita-pålana165 m-eva Alaniyam Harir-api Kamalasanagya spishtim 88166 tatam=avan jagat&m=abhůd=upåayaḥ 11 (50*) Idam rakshi167 shyatar rajñán yalas-chandrikaya daha | chiran J&ys168 champasya dharmma-chandraḥ pravardhtharddha)tê | [51"]
No. 6.-THREE WESTERN GANGA RECORDS IN THE MYSORE GOVERNMENT
MUSEUM AT BANGALORE.
BY J. F. FLEET, Ph.D., C.I.E. In Vol. V. of this Journal, pp. 151 to 180, I have contributed an article on the SravaņaBelgola epitaph of Noļambântaka-Marasimha II., with a first serious attempt to settle the real history and chronology of the family of the great Ganga princes of Mysore, to which he belonged. That article is correct in all its essential features. But, while it was still in proof, it came to my knowledge, from information that became available too late, that certain additions and modifications might be made, and certain corrections ought to be made, in it. The additions did not much matter; they could be attended to on any future occasion. The modifications and corrections were a more important matter; and it was mortifying not to be able to make them. The proofs, however, were in pages, with other articles already in page-proof after them. And it was, therefore, impossible to make the necessary alterations. In these circumstances, I had to leave my article just as it stood. And I now take the first convenient opportanity that I have had, of reverting to the subject of it.
Read Tamrao.
Read wish panna.. • Read vistiranjuala..
Metre : Arya. 7 Metre of verses 48 and 49 : śloks (Anubtabb). Bad pas..
10 Metre : sloks (Apushtubb).
Read kritin. • Metre : Aryagtti. • Metre : Pashpitigri.

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Page #55

E.F.H. Wiele, photo.
DODDAHUNDI STONE..
Photo-etching Survey of India Offices. Calcutta, May 1898.

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No. 6.]
THREE RECORDS IN THE BANGALORE MUSEUM.
Before entering, however, on any general remarks, I now put forward revised versions of three Western Ganga records, final renderings of which have not as yet been arrived at.
A.- Doddahuņdi Inscription of Nitimârga and Satyavákya. This inscription was brought to notice by Mr. Rice in 1894, when he edited it, with a lithograph, in his Ep. Oarn. Vol. III., TN. 91. I give my rendering of it from an ink-impression, for which I am indebted to the kindness of Dr. Hultzsch. The collotype is from the inkimpression. The photo-etching is from a photograph of the stone itself,
Doddahundi is a village somewhere in the Mügür böbli of the Tirumakaalu-Narasipur tåluks of the Mysore district. It should be shewn in sheet No. 60 or 61 of the Indian Atlas; but it is not to be found there. The name means " large hamlet;" and it is probably an appellation of somewhat modern introduction, as the record does not appear to include any name answering to it, and gives the name of the village itself, or else of another village which gave the name to the circle to which this village then belonged, as Gu dapadi. The inscription is on a stone, apparently about six feet high, which was found lying in a pond at Doddahuậdi and is now in the Mysore Government Museum at Bangalore.
The upper part of the front of the stone is occupied by sculptures illustrating the scone that is referred to in the record, namely, the death of a prince who had the appellation of Nitimárga. He is shewn lying on a couch, from the back of which there stand up two royal ambrellas. Near his head there stands his eldest son, Satyavákya, with one similar umbrella behind him. And on the couch there is seated a follower of the prince, named Agarayya, who is represonted as supporting across his knees the legs of the dying prince, and as holding with his right hand a degger which he seems to be drawing out from the left side of the prince.-- The writing commences below the sculptures. Lines 1 to 6, on the front of the stone, cover an area about 3' 6" broad by 1'9' high. Below them there is a blank space, about one foot high, which was evidently left void in order to allow of the stone being set upright in the ground withont hiding any part of the record. Lines 7 to 24 are short lines down the side of the stone, covering an area about 9" broad by 3' 5" high, with a similar blank space bolow them. And a line runs across the stone between lines 15 and 16, to mark a division of the text there. The writing on the front of the stone is in a state of fairly good preservation. The writing down the side of the stone has suffered more damage ; and for this reason, and also because it was not very convenient to introduce it in the Plate, this part of the record has not been reproduced. - The characters are Kanarese, boldly formed and well executed. The size of them - (by which I mean, here and always, the height of such letters as ga, cha, da, pa, etc., which are properly formed entirely between the limits of, so to speak, the lines of writing, without any projections above or below)-ranges from about 1' in the ga of Agarayyan, line 4, to about 2}in the n of Kongunsvarman, line 1; the penultimate syllable Igu of line 6 is about 4'' high. The characters include final forms of r in line 3 and n in line 4, and also final form of l or else ån l with a viráma attached to it, in line 3. And they shew the lingual d, distinguished from the dental d by a marked turning up and over of the right-hand end of the lower part of the letter: it can be recognised very clearly in éridode, line 4. Two of the characters which furnish the best test for undated records of the period to wbich this record belonge, do not occur here: namely, the b and the guttural #. In vakhya, by mistake for vákya, line 6, we have a kh of the old square type, which cannot be placed much after A.D. 860. On the other hand, the l, which we have in Kovaldla, line 2, and also in kalnadu, line 8, is of the later cursive type, which cannot be placed much before A.D. 800 : we bave it throughout the grant of Govinda III., of
1 Mugar is in sheet No. 61 (1894), in lat. 12° 7', long. 77o.
* I use the word "type" intentionally. Plenty of instances will be forthcoming, in which the old square "type" of the kh and other characters is followed, though the actual " forms" present hardly straight line at all.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VI.
A.D. 8041 (except in modalol, line 9, and likhitaḥ, line 19), and perhaps in vallabha, line 1 (but not in ballaha, line 2, and löka, line 3) of the Pattadakal inscription of his father Dhruva ;' but the Talakad inscription of Sripurusha-Mattarasa shews only the old square type of thel. Thej, which occurs twice, in line 2, is of the old square type, which remained in use during the whole of the ninth century A.D., but, towards the end of it, in conjunction with also the later cursive type. In the ja of rája,- the fourth syllable in line 2,- we have an ordinary old square j, but of the open form; that is to say, with spaces at the place at which the top part of the letter and the lower part usually join to form an upright, and at which the centre stroke to the right starts from that upright. In the jd at the beginning of line 2, we have a peculiar form of the old square type of the j, which I would propose to call the "back-to-back" j, becanse one more stroke in the centre of the left-hand (proper right) part of the character would have given us a double j back-to-back: here, the exact form of it is closed; in B., the Begür inscription, we shall meet with it in its open form. In other genuine records, we have this back-to-back j, in the closed form, in the words frirajya and yuvardja, line 3, and several other words, in the Kyậtanahalli inscription of Batuga I. of the period A.D. 870-71 to about 908, and in the word Bijesvarada in a short inscription at Pattada kal, in the Belgaum district, which may be referred to the same period or may be placed somewhat later. And we may note that in sparious records we find it all through the Merkara grant, of the Western Ganga series, the lithographs of which shew it in both the open and the closed forms, and which includes also the corresponding form of the guttural i which we shall meet with in B., the Bêgür inscription; and we find it, again, in the same class of records, in the Chicacole grant of Devendravarman, of the Eastern Ganga series, in the closed form in vijayavata, line 1, Vajasandya, line 13, Nagaraja, line 23, and other words, and in the open form in nija, line 7. The forms of the j in this Doddahundi record do not guide us much. But the kh and the l indicate that we may place it in the period A.D. 800 to 860, even if they do not actually compel us to do so. There are, indeed, in the forms of j and which occur in B., the Bêgûr inscription, plain indications that the development of the alphabet of Western India was slower in Mysore than in the more northern parts. But it does not seem likely that the old square type of kh can have lingered on long enough, even there, to justify us in referring this record to A.D. 938 or thereabouts, as we should have to do if, instead of accepting my proposed identification of the princes who are mentioned in it, we identify the Nitimarga, whose death is recorded, with the next admissible prince who had that appellation. - The language is Kanarose, of the archaic type, in prose. The record includes two words, mana-magattin in line 4 and kil-gunthe in line 5, for which only conjectural meanings can be proposed. And, as indicated to me by the Revd. Mr. Kittel, in Srimar, for frimat, line 3, the composer seems to have formed a plural which is not justifiable. As regards ortho. graphy, the only actual peculiarity is the use of 8 for fin esvara, line 2. But we may note also that we have the short for the long i twice, in lines 1 and 5, and the long i for the short i once, in line l'; this latter feature, however, may be treated as a mistake in writing, quite as much as a mistake or peculiarity in spelling,
Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 125, and Plate. • Ibid. p. 124, and Plate. A more faithful reproduction of this record will be issued before long. 1 Ep. Carn, Vol. 111., TN. 1, and Plste.
Ep. Cary. Vol. III., 8r. 147, and Plate. Ind. Ant. Vol. X. p. 170, and Plate at p. 167. • Ind. Ant. Vol. I. p. 963, and Plate, and Coorg Inscrs. p. 1, and Plate.
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 273, and Plate. On its occurrence in this record, see some remarks by Prof. Kielhorn, above, Vol. V. p. 122, note 4.
* See page 44 below, notes 4 and 6.
. I consulted Mr. Kittel about the meaning of mane-magattis and kil-gune in this record, and abint some expressions in the Begur sod Atakar inscriptions, sending him, of course, my fall readings of the texte, and trapolations. And I am much indebted to him for various suggestions, which I mention in the footnotes
* It is rather curious thing that, where in the uldest records the difference between 1. and AS attached to consonante, is nearly always marked, less and less attention was paid to this detail, in the

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No. 6.]
THREE RECORDS IN THE BANGALORE MUSEUM.
Tbe inscription records, in the first place, the death of a Western Ganga prince, who is mentioned in it by the appellation of Nitimârga, without his proper name being disclosed. We are told, however, that he left a son who had the appellation of Satyavákya. We know that Satyavákya was the appellation of a prince Rajamalla, for whom we have the date of A.D. 870-71. We know also that Sripurusha-Muttarasn, who is to be placed about A.D. 765 to 805, had a son named Raņavikrama, and that the latter had a son named Rajamalla. And consequently, since the characters place the record justifiably, if not of absolute necessity, in the period A.D. 800 to 860, we naturally identify this Satyavákya with the Rajamalls of A.D. 870-71, and this Nitimarga with Raņavikrama; and, till we learn anything more definite as to the actual year of Ranavikrama's death, we place the record roughly about A.D. 840. In the second place, the inscription registers the fact that Satyavákya-(Rajamalla) granted to a follower of his father, named Agarayya, a kalnadu or allotment of uncultivated land' known by the name of Guldapadi, the components of which were evidently specified in lines 26 to 22.
TEXT. 1 Om Svasti Ni(ni)timärgga-Konguņi(ni)varmma-dharmmamahari2 jâdhiraja Kovaļala-purapar-êsvara
Nanda3 giri-natha srimar(t) Permmanadigaļ svarggam =érida[m] [18] 4 Eridode Pemmånadigaļa
mane-magattin
Ag&5 rayyam Ni(ni)timárgga-Permmanadige kil-gunthey=&da[m] [1*]
Permme6 nadigaļ-agga-putram?
Satyavakhya -Pem[m]ånadigal-Gulda
Down the side of the stone.
7 [pâ]diya[m] 8 kalnadu
Kanarese characters, as time went on, until at length the distinction practically disappeared altogether, and it remained for modern invention, - on the part, I believe, of the early Jesuit missionaries,-to devise the mark by which the long lis now distinguished from the short i, and also the long & and from the short
and o. The ancient alphabet does not seem to have ever marked the difference between the long and the short forms of and o; we read the signs as e or 8. And o or 6, just as is required. As regards the i and it is a question, in publishing critical texts, how far it is necessary to complicate the texts by, for instance, shewing the short i when it actually occurs in an original by mistake for a long , and then making a correction in brackets or in footnote. But probably, while attending to the detail in the case of the earlier recorda, wo may ignore the point in records dating from about A.D. 1000 onwards, and may give the short i or the long as is actually required, irrespective of the exact form in the original.-Dr. Burnell has traced back the present Kanarese method of marking the long , 4, and 6, as attached to consonante, to the first half of the sixteenth century A.D. (South-Ind. Palao. p. 80).
The word kal-ndd may be translated literally by "stoney tract." Mr. Rice has pointed out,- quite correctly, I think, that, as used in inscriptions, it seems to designate what is now known as Government
wuate, that is, land that has not been taken up for cultivation or that having been cultivated has been "abandoned" (Ep. Carn. Vol. III. Introd. p. 8).
. From the ink-impression.
Represented by a plain symbol. So, also, in line 15, where, however, the symbol is turned the other way. • Read puravar-dívara.
. We have here a rather pointed instance, to which my attention was specially drawn by Mr. Kittel. of the use of the nominative instead of the accusative, which is mentioned by Kesiraja in his Sabdamani. darpana, sūtra 186. In other records, we often find in this expression the dative, sarggakke, instead of the accusative; this usage is mentioned in sūtra 135.
• Read éridar, more correctly, in agreement with the honorific plural Permmanadigal. .
Mr. Rice's text gives Pemmanadigala sw-putra. The real reading is quite certain, though the gga is somewhat damaged. .
• Read Satyavdkye.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. VI.
9 [ko]ttadul ga(P)10 chcha[m] mådi 11 parih[&]ra[m] [Ilo] 12 Idan=ali1š do[m] Vâra [a]14 siyan-ali15 do[m] II Om || 16 Idakke Kamma17 . .. gaya18 lli(?)kummalna(?)19 ga(P)tagesiko(?)20 ttastalu (Pru)ga21 svedi(?)ma(?)22 ndu(Pntu) [11] Idan-a23 lido[m] ma-på24 tagan=a[kkum 11]
TRANSLATION Om! Hail! The Dharmamaharajadhiraja Nitimârga-Kongunivarman, the lord of KovaļAls the best of towns, the lord of the mountain Nandagiri, the illustrious Permanadi, ascended to heaven (i.e. died). When he was ascending,- by right of being a son of the house (P)* of Pemmånadi, Agarayye became, to Nitimarga-Permanadi, the attendant who drew out (the weapon that caused his death) (?) (In recognition of that), Satyavákya
1 Read kotfudu, for which kottads is a vulgarism, as remarked by Mr. Kittel. . See above, Vol. V. p. 163, note 2.
• Kovaļals is the modern Kolar, the chief town of the Kolậr district, Mysore. In Kittels Kannada English Dictionary, the modern name is given with the Dravidian 1,- Klára. It is, however, doubtful whether there is any authority for this.
• Mane-mag attir, Mr. Rice would translate this by "major.domo" (Ep. Cars. Vol. III. Introd p. 4). -taking, I understand, magattin as a Tamil form of mahattin, which would, however, make it the instrumental singular of mahattu. tadbhava-corruption of the Sanskrit mahat, 'great, large, ete.' To this there are the objections that, being an instrumental case, it cannot be in apposition with the nominative Agarayyan, and that, as the Chola occupation of Mysore did not commence till about A.D. 1000, there is no apparent reason why the Kanarese language should be in any way influenced by Tamil at the period of the present record ; moreover, such a hybrid compound u mana-mahattu could hardly be admitted under any circumstances. Mr. Kittel is of opinion that, if we might correct the text into maggattina, we might explain it by magga as the genitive of maggu, subjection, submission, and attina m another form of attana, 'of that side, and might translate " Agaray ya of the side of house-subjection, i... Agarayya who was in subjection to, or held the position of a dependent in, the house of Pemmånadi." Magattu may perhaps be onnected in some way with ogaland, 'the management of household affairs.' But I think, on the whole, that we must find in it some derivative from maga, '& son. And the iden that the expression conveys to me, is, that Agarayys was the son of a concubine of one of the princes of the Western Gais family. The records appear to give another similar word, which, also, Mr. Rice would translate by "major-domo" (loc. cit. p. 7) or "retainer" (p. 34), in the forms of maneragati, My. 41, 44, and Nj. 159, mane-yagati, My. 42, and mana-magati, My. 43. In Nj. 168, mane-eagati may qualify the woman Nflabbe, quite as readily as her son Rachamma, and therefore may qnite possibly mean concubine' there. In the other cases, however, there does not seem to be any female name that the word could qualify.
Or of the PemmAnadis." We have to note the use of the form Pemmnadi here, and in line 6, whereas in linea 3 and 5 we have the more customary Permanadi.
Kilounthe. Mr. Rice's translation proposes " became ? lame under Nitimargra l'ermmanadi."- which. however, does not seem very appropriate. Gunthe, in which the aspirated this rather peculiar, being so unusual in Kanarene, must, I think, be connected with the Telugu gunda, 'a servant, & warrior, & soldier, an armed attendant, which appears in Malayalam as kunde, 'a slave;' and Mr. Kittel is inclined to agree with me he considers, indeed, the termination e to be rather puzzling ; but he instances the same termination in tande, 's father, which is said to be a tadbhana-corruption of the Sanskrit tdta. As regards the first part of the

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No. 6.]
THREE RECORDS IN THE BANGALORE MUSEUM
Pemmånadi, the eldest son of (Nitimärga)-Permanadi, gave (to Agarayya) Guldapadi, (as an allotment of) uncultivated waste land, - having laved (his sword)(P), (with) relinquishment (of all taxes). He who destroys this, is (like) one who destroys Våraņåsi! Om !
[(L. 16 ff.)-This part of the record evidently gives the names of the villages which made up the allotment. But the reading is very uncertain in some places. And no names can be found in the maps, helping to elucidate the reading and to divide the words. The record ends] : He who destroys this, shall incur the guilt of the great sins! 8
B.-Bégûr Inscription of Ereyappa. This inscription was originally brought to notice by Colonel Henry Dixon, H. M.'s 22nd Regiment, Madras Infantry, in his photographic collection, published in 1865, of inscriptions on stone and copper from various places in the Mysore territory; and a print from his negative has been given in my Pali, Sanskrit, and Old-Canarese Inscriptions, No. 247,4 issued in 1878. In 1879, Mr. Rice gave a reading of the text, and a translation, in his Mysore Inscriptions, p. 209, with a lithograph of the entire stone (id. Frontispiece). And a rendering of the record by myself, partly from Col. Dixon's photograph and partly from an inked estampage sent to me by Dr. Hultzsch, was published in 1892, in Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 346. I give now a more final rendering of it from a better ink-impression, for which I am again indebted to Dr. Hultzsch. The collotype is from the ink-impression. The photo-etching is from a photograph of the stone itself.
Bêgûr is a village in the Bangalore táluka of the Bangalore district, Mysore. It is shewn in the Indian Atlas, sheet No. 60, S.E. (1894), in lat. 12° 52', long. 77° 41', about seven miles S.S.E. from Bangalore. It is evidently the ancient Bempur (Bempûr) or Bempuru of the record ; though, why the mp or mp should have changed into g, is not apparent. And the record shews that it was the chief village of a circle known as the Bempûr twelve. The inscription is on a stone-tablet, measuring about 6' 6' broad by 6' 8" high, which was found at this village, and is now in the Mysore Government Museum at Bangalore.
compound, we have the word keil, kl}, kt!u, the state of being low, below, beneath, under, down, base, degraded or mean, which occurs in such expressions as kil-kabbiga, "an inferior, base poet,' kil-dl'low man,' and kelu-manneya, 'a petty chieftain;' and in epigraphic records we meet with kil-kere or M?-kere, evidently meaning 's lower tank' (Ingers. at Srav.. Bel. No. 24), and kil-kalnadu, meaning apparently 'a lower or smaller portion of uncultivated waste (an inscription at Hiri-Bidanúr, for the text of which I am indebted to Mr. Rice). And Mr. Kittel, taking the whole word in conneetion with his proposal of man- maggattina, would interpret the text as meaning that " agarayys, who held a (mere) servile position in the bouse of Pemmånadi, became a (real, though) subordinate servant, or armed attendant, to Nitimar ga-Permanadi." But we have also the verb kil, ky, kt!,
to draw or pull out, etc.' And I think that the indication afforded by the sculptures on the stone, suggests for lil.gunthe the meaning that I propose in my trunslation,
Mr. Rioe's translation gives "Perminanadi's good son Satya-vakya survived to Perm manadi." This reqnires us to analyse, at the end of line 6, Pemmdnadigalge aldan. And I adopted that analysis, in taking the record to mean that "Agarayys survived to (render service to) Satyavákys" (above, Vol. V. p. 168). But I consider now that such an analysis is wrong. The past tense of uli,' to remain alive, to remain behind,' would be mfidan, not wldan; the line across the stoue between lines 15 and 16 of the text, marks that place as the first division in the text; and the Satyavakhya.Pemmdnadigal in line 6 must be taken as the agent of the verbal form kottadu (for kortuds) in line 9.
In line 9.10, where Mr. Rice's text gives Kappahalli, we have in all probability gachchan midi. And gachchath must stand for kachchan, the accusative of kachchu, washing.' The expression kalau kachchu. searchy, kalohu, 'to wasb, ar lave the feet,' is a very well known one, in the case of grants given or entrusted to prieste. And we have also the nouns kdl.gachchu, 'feet-washing,' and bdl-gachchu, sword.washing' (see page 52 below, note 4). A prince would lave an attendant's sword, not his feet.
The paiohamahdpdtaka or five grent sins are, killing & Brabman, drinking intoxicating liquors, theft, committing adultery with the wife of a spiritual tencher, and associating with any one guilty of thore offences.
The correct name of the village was not then known, and is there given as. Beygoor, mistakenly.
The first component of the name, however, may possibly be anotber variant of thu, begu, spyingi' in which case, the name would mean "spying-town" or "watch-town."

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA,
[Vol. VI.
The chief part of the writing is in six lines, covering an area about 6' 6" broad by 1' 5" high, which run right across the upper part of the stone; and, in a somewhat exceptional manner, each of these six lines is separated from the next by a line cut in the stone from end to end. There are also six short lines running on in continuation down the proper right side, the same number on the proper left side, and the name of a village (treated as line 13) near the centre below line 6. Except in some places along the top of line 1, the inscription is mostly very well preserved ; and it is legible throughout, in the ink-impression, without any doubt, except in respect of the village-name in line 13.- The rest of the stone is occupied by sculptures. The principal division of them represents a battle-scene. The troops on the proper right side must be those of the Viramahồndra of the record. They are led by a man on horseback, waving a sword : that he is a person of very high rank, is indicated by umbrellas, one of which is apparently a triple one ; and he seems, therefore, to be Viramahêndra himself. Behind him there are two followers on horseback. In front of him, there is a man on foot, blowing a horn of the long straight kind. And, above the latter, there is another horseman. The troops on the proper left side are the Nâgattara army of the record. They are led by a man on an elephant, wielding & spear, who is evidently the hero whose death is recorded in the inscription; and the fierceness of the attack upon him is indicated by the arrows sticking in the forehead of the elephant. He is attended by an archer in the hauda, and by a follower on horseback shewn below the elephant. The centre and the foreground shew the fight between the two parties. Above all this, there is another scene, the central figure of which is a man, seated on a low stool, with his feet resting either on a man kneeling on all fours or on a footstool devised in that form. He may possibly be Ereyappa. But the absence of umbrellas is rather against that view; and it seems more likely that we have here another representation of the leader of the Nagattara army who was killed in the battle. He is attended by two female chauri-bearers. Behind the chauri-bearer at his back, there stands another woman, who seems to be trying to entice into a cage a bird which is perched on his uplifted left hand. And behind her, again, there is another woman, standing under a flag-staff. Beyond the chauri-bearer in front of the central seated figure, there stands another woman. And beyond her there is a man, standing, and holding across his right knee what seems to be either & quiver or the scabbard of a sword : that he, also, is of some rank, is shewn by the head-dress, which figures similarly on the heads of the other three principal figures, and seems to include a kind of plume standing up from the paffa or frontlet or fillet of dignity and authority; and he is probably the Iraga of the record, who was appointed to the command of the Nâgattaras in consequence of their original leader being killed in the battle. The characters are Kanarese, boldly formed and well executed. The size of them ranges from about " in the l of véļdode, line 4, to about 21" in the va of Tovagarů, line 6: the fri of Srimad, line 2, is 31" high; and the fri at the end of line 19 is 34' high. The characters include a final form of at the end of line 2, and either a final l, or else an l with a form of the viráma attached to it, in Kúdal, line 15. They include the distinct form of the lingual d, which can be seen very clearly in madi and Garigavadi, line 3, and in kalnad, line 6: but the distinction was not made throughout; for instance, it was not observed in ondode, line 6. We have, in this record, all the leading test-letters. The kh, b, and 1 present only the later cursive forms: the kh occurs once, in mekhaļa, line 1; the b may be geen very clearly in badhdhar and Bempúru, line 6; and the l, in lakshmi, line 2. and pola, line 15. In Galanjavägila, line 11-12, we have the later cursive j: but the old square type is presented in jaladhi-jala, line 1: here, in both cases, we have the backto-back j, in its open form, that is to say, with a small space at the top and also at the hottom of the central upright stroke; it is particularly clear in the second instance. The guttural follows the types and forms of the j, as, for some reason or other not yet explained. it nearly always does : in Irugange, line 5, mangala, line 6, Komarangundu, line 7-8, Nagarange,

Page #62

BEGUR STONE
E.P.H.Wolo.photo.
Photo etching-Survey of India Offices.Calcutta. May 1898

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Page #64

No. 6.)
THREE RECORDS IN THE BANGALORE MUSEUM.
line 18-19, and mangala, line 19, it is the later cursive ni, differing from the corresponding j in only the absence of the right-hand stroke which, in the j, starts and turns up from the centre of the letter; on the other hand, in Ganga, line 1, Gangarádi, line 3, and dêvange, line 4, we have an of the old square type, answering to the back-to-back j, from which it differs, as may be seen best in line 3, essentially in the absence of the centre stroke to the right, and, as found in this particular record, by the projections to the left being turned in to meet the central upright stroke. -The language is Kanarese, of the archaic type, in prose. In line 18, we have a curious word, savuchara, which seems to stand for sahachara, '& companion, a follower.'- In respect of orthography we may notice (1) the use of ri for ri in alamkrity, line 1-2, though the ri is given correctly in sva yamurita, line 2; (2) the use of dhdh for ddh in badhdham, line 6; (3) the use of 6 for v in Bira, line 3; (4) the use of $ for sin svayamorita, line 2; and (5) the use of the Dravidian in all the Sangkțit words, except, of course, as an initial in lakshmi, line 2, and except in mangala, line 6. The last-mentioned word occurs spelt both ways. In line 19, where it is the ordinary Sanskțit word, used in its customary sense, it is written with the Dravidian . In line 6, it is part of a village-name, and there it is written with the ordinary 1, as seems to be always the case, even in Tamil records, when it is used in that way.
The inscription, which is partly & virgal or monumental record of a hero who was killed in battle and partly an ordinary sasana or charter, refers itself to the period of the role of the Western Gange prince Ereyappa, i.e. to between about A.D. 008 and 938. It tells us that Ereyappa lent to Ayyapadêva, for the purpose of fighting against Viramahendra, a forco which was collected and commanded by the leader of the Någattaras. The commander of the force was killed in a battle that was fought at Tumbepaại. And Ereyappa appointed Iruga to succeed to the leadership of the Nâgattaras, and also, in recognition of the bravery that had been displayed by his predecessor, granted to Iraga the circle of villages that was known as the Bempûr twelve.
As has been pointed out by Mr. Rice since the time when the contents of this record were first discussed, Ayyapadeva was doubtless & No!amba, and is to be identified with the Nolambadhiraja-Ayyapadêva, "of the Pallava lineage," one of the Nolambas of the Nolambavadi province on the north of the Gangavådi province, who is mentioned in an inscription at Hiri-Bidanûr. The identity of Viramahendra is not so certain. But there is, at any rate, no good reason now for proposing to identify him with the Noļamba Mahendradhiraja who is mentioned, in inscriptions at Baragür and Hémávati, as a son of a Nolambadhiraja who was a brother-in-law of Nitimârga son of the Ganga prince Rajamalla. And it seems probable that he was an Eastern Chalukya king. In that dynasty, we meet, not only with Rajamahendra as a biruda both of Amma I. (A.D. 918 to 925) and of Amma II. (A.D. 945 to 970), but also with Gandamahendra as a biruda of Chålukya-Bhima II. (A.D. 934 to 945). The name Viramahendra, "a very Mahendra (Indra) among brave men," is exactly synonymous with Gandamahendra," very Mahendra among heroes." The Eastern Chalukyas were constantly at war with the Rashtrakūta kings and the Western Ganga princes. The name of "the very terrible Ayyapa" is actually mentioned among the names of certain enemies of Châlnkya-Bhima II.,7 whom he is said to have slain. The dates fit in satisfactorily. Thus, in all probability the Viramahendra of this record is Chalukya-Bhima II., who, we must then understand, had invaded Mysore and was met by a combined force of Gangas and Nolambas. And the event has
[At the end of village names, mangala seems to be an abbreviation of the frequent, but inconveniently long term chaturuddi-mangala, 'Brahman settlement.'-E.H.]
* Ep. Cars. Vol. III. Introd. p. 4, note 3. # For this record, aer, provisionally, Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. Introd. p. 10, note 2. • See Ep. Carn. Vol. III. Introd. p. 4, and Vol. IV. Introd. p. 11. • Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. pp. 266, 270, • Nid. p. 269.
7 Ibid. p. 270.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
to be placed towards the end of the rule of Ereyappa, between about A.D. 934 and 938. Against this, it might be urged, in the first place, that the statement in this record, that Ereyappa was governing the Gangavådi province as an united whole after having deprived all his enemies of their power, is suggestive of an early period in his rule, and, in the second place, that an early period is suggested by also the fact that the record includes an i and a j of the old type, which seems to have entirely disappeared in the Rashtrakata territory by about A.D. 900. But the Âtakûr inscription, C. below, of A.D. 949-50, similarly describes Bûtaga II. as then governing the province after having fought and killed Rachamalla I.,- regardless of the fact that that event occurred about ten years before that date. While, as regards the paleographic point, the record Cap at any rate not be placed before A.D. 906-907, which date we have for Ereyappa's predecessor Båtaga I. There seems, therefore, no objection, from this point of view, to placing it even some thirty years later. And we thus gather from this record, in respect of palæography, that the development of the alphabet in Mysore was perceptibly slower than in the Rashtrakita territory more to the north.
Of the places mentioned in the record in addition to Bempûr-Bégûr, we may doubtless safely identify Tumbepadi, where the battle was fought, with the modern . Tumbadi' of the Madras Postal Directory and of the Indian Atlas, sheet No. 60, N.E. (1895), in the Maddagiri tâluka of the Tumkur district: the place is in lat. 13° 34', long. 77° 17', about fifty-four miles N.N.W. W. from Begür; and this identification locates the scene of the battle near enough to the No!ambavadi province - (if not actually in it)- to account for Ayyapadêva being concerned in the matter. Iggalûr still exists under the same name, 'eight miles to the southeast from Bêgûr. Tovaguru is probably the 'D. Togur' of the map, two-and-a-half miles on the south-east of Bégar. Püvina-Pullimangala is doubtless the modern Hulimangala,' three-and-a-half miles on the south of Bégûr. And Kûdal may be Kudlu,' three miles N.E. by E. from Bêgûr.
TEXT. 1 Om Svasti Samasta-bhuvana-vinûta-Ganga-kuļa-gagana-ni[ro]mmaļa-tårápati
jaladhi-ja!a-vipula-valaya-mókhal[&]-ka[]p-alam2 kri(kri)ty-ailAdhipatya-lakshmi-svayamvfita-patità dvady-aganita-guna-gana-vibh û s ha na
vibhûshita-vibhàti srimad-Eroyapp-eraser 3 pagevar-ellaman=ni[h]kshatram-madi Gangavadi-tombhattaru-sAsiramuman=ka
chhatral-chchbâyeyo!=A!uttam-ildu Bi(vi)rama4 hendranol-kadal=endu Ayyapadevange såmanta-sahitam Nagattaranam dandu
veldode Tumbepadiyol=kadi kalegamwimb=&5 lidode Aneyol-antripidu Battodeadar ke?d=Ereyapam? mechchi Irugange Nagat
tara-vattam-gatti Bempu-ppanniradu
1 The old map, sheet 60, of 1828, which I was using in 1892, does not shew Hulimangala.' The new map, sheet No. 60, N.E, of 1895, does not show the 'Woolmangle,' about twenty miles towards the E.N.E. from BAG, whicb I selected in 1892 from the old map; nor can I find in it the 'Nelloorputnam' and Chicka-Nalloor whicb, on the authority of the old map, I then put forward as possible representatives of Katanidu-Nalluru and Nalluru-Komarangandu, but which now seem, under any circumstances, too distant to belong to the Bempur twelve.
• From the ink_impression. • Represented by a plain symbol. • Rond lakshmi-xvayamorita-patito-ddy. The tea of patitra is also understood after Idrdpati in line 1.
Rendadeiraman. The copulative ending is not wanted, As only one province is mentioned. Rend ohohhattra.
This name would have been written more correctly with the double pp in the fourth syllable, as in line 2. It coeurs gain with the single p In lao 17 below, and in line 20 of C., the Atakar inseription.

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B.-Begur Inscription of Ereyappa.
ESTETISEOS Descenariuszanego Beace parte di Gevelreno IES ERINOMA
SCALE 10
hecizg40
C
16
10. DASS
wand
CD
A.-Doddahundi Inscription of Nitimarga and Satyavakya.
J. F. FLEET
W. GRIGGS, COLLOTYPE.
SCALE 10
FROM IMPRESSIONS SUPPLIED BY DR. HULTZSCH.

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Page #68

No. 6.)
THREE RECORDS IN THE BANGALORE MUSEUM
6 man fåsana-badhdbaddha) kalnad-ittan-Av=&vuv-endode || Bempûru |
Tovagurů Půvina-Pullimangala Kütanidu-Nallûrul 7 Nallûru-Koma
13 Sara[m]vu(P) |
14 Elkuppe Paravûru 8 rangundu | I
15 Kudal inituma[m] 9 ggalûru | Du
16 pola-mêre sahita10 gmonelmalli
17 m=ittan-Ereyapa[m] 11 Galam java
18 savucharan-N&gara12 gilû 11
19 nges [IIMangala
maba-bri || TRANSLATION. Om ! Hail! When the illustrious Ereyapparasa, whose dignity was adorned with the decoration of an uncounted number of good qualities, such as being a spotless moon in the sky which is the family of the Gangas praised throughout the whole world, and such as being the lord, chosen by herself, of the goddess of sovereignty over the earth, who has for an ornament round her waist a zoce which is the great circle of the waters of the oceans, - having deprived all his enemies of their power, was governing the Gangavadi ninety-six-thousand as an united whole," he ordered the Någattara, together with (his) tributary chiefs, (to supply) an army to Ayyapadeva for the purpose of fighting against Viramahendra; and thereupon he (the Negattara) fought at Tumbepadi, and, when the press of battle became great, leaned upon the elephant, and was pierced and died.
(L. 5)- Thereupon, having heard that, Eregapa was pleased, and appointed Iruga to the leadership of the Nâgattaras, and gave him, secured by a charter, the Bempûr twelve, as an allotment of) uncultivated waste land.
1 Read Bemper.ppannaraduman.
- The punctuation in this part of the record seems, at first sight, rather capricious. But it probably marks some subordinate groupinga of the villager. And the copulative long din Tovagiri and Galanjangils points in the same direction, though, in that case, there ought to have been a more systematic use of copulative endings all through lines 6 to 15.
* Read Jahaoharan-Ndgaftarange. -As regards the latter word, see the next note but one-As regards the former word, the facucharan of the original might stand for faucharan, sanoharan, or even (see Kittel's Dictionary, under au) samcharan, or soicharan. But none of these words gives a suitable meaning, unless we can accept saccharan, and, taking it as equivalent to sucharitas, render it by 'well-conducted, well-bebaved.'
• Eka-chchhattra-chehhdyeyol, lil." in the shade of one umbrella." See the explanation given above, Vol. V. p. 164, note 6.
valdodo might stand for 86]dode, from be, bedw, to wish, solicit, ask.! But, as indicated to me by Mr. Kittel, it is, no doubt, better taken bere as standitg for peļdode, from pdf, 'to utter, sny, narrate, tell, commend, order. With the infinitive in kedal-ends, compare geyyal=ends and addhisal - ends (above, Vol. V. P. 923, note 6, and p. 325, note 2).-As regards "the Nagattara," from a comparison of the text in linea 4, 5, and 18-19, it seems that we have in line 4 the accusative singular, and is line 18-19 the dative singular (with a careless omission of the third syllablo, tta), of a base Ndgattara, as the proper name of a family or clan rather than of an individual.
Kdlegam-imbwalidode; lit. " when the battle space-failed."- I was inclined to take kdlegam as the dative singularit proper name, KAļe, and to translate "when space failed to even Kale, i.e. when the press of battle became too great even for him," - thus finding here the actual name, which otherwise is not mentioned (see the preceding note), of the hero who was killed on this occasion. Mr. Kittel, however, considers that kdle is not very probable as the name of a man, and that it is better to take kdlegan in the way in which it most naturally presenta itself, namely, as the nominative singular of kedlega, kedjaga, '6ght, battle, war.'
Lit. Whaving tied to the forehead of) Irugs the fillet of authority of the Nagattaras." Vattan is for paftan, and gafli for katti. Paffar karts or gattu, 'to tie the frontlet or fillet of diguity or authority' is an expression of constant occurrence in respect of the crowning of kings and princes. In respect of its use in the case of lower appointments, we have instances, analogous to the present one, in the Permadi patta which, the Kotur inscription tells us, the Satyavákya of that record conferred on the son of a dmunda or village-headman (Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 103, No. III., and Coorg Ingers. p. 6), and in the Madivarma-patta which belonged to a certain Macbign, follower of Nolambentaks. Marasimha II. (Ep. Cory. Vol. IV., Bg. 110). The last mentioned record

Page #69

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VI.
(L. 6)- Those (villages) are as follows:-Bempûru ; Tovaguru, Püvina-Pullimangala, and Kütanidu-Nallûru; Nallûra-Komarangundu; Iggalûru; Dugmonelmalli and Galañjavägilu; Sáramvu (P); Elkuppe, Paravůru, and Kudal. This much, with a specification of the boundaries of the fields, gave Epeyapa to his follower, the Någattara. May there be auspicious and great good fortune!
0.- Âtakûr inscription of Kțishņa III. and Bûtuga II.-A.D. 949-50. This inscription was first brought to notice by Mr. Rice in 1889, in his Inscriptions at Sravana-Belgola, Introd. p. 19, note 10, and p. 21. A rendering of it by myself, from an inked estampage sent to me by Dr. Hultzsch, was issued in 1892, in Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 167. And a rendering of it by Mr. Rice, with a lithograph, was published in 1894, in his Ep. Carn. Vol. III. Md. 41. I give now & more final rendering of it from a better ink-impression, for which I am again indebted to Dr. Holtzsch. The collotype is from the ink-impression. The photo-etching is from a photograph of the stone itself; owing to the bad light in which the stone stands, it fails to shew much of the writing, though it presents the sculptures clearly enough.
Åtakûr,-or, perhaps, according to a more recent custom, Âtagûr,-is a village about fifteen miles to the N. E. by E. from Mandya, the head-quarters of the Mandya tåluka of the Mysore district. It is shewn in the Indian Atlas, sheet No. 60, S.E. (1894), as 'Atgur,' in lat. 12° 39', long. 77° 7' ; and it is shewn as 'Atagur' in the map that accompanies the revised edition of Mr. Rice's Mysore, Vol. II. : in the old sheet No. 60 (1828), however, it is shewn as Atcoor,' which answers to the spelling given in Mr. Rice's Ep. Carn. Vol. III., and to what is probably still the more usual form of the name. With the slight difference of u for a in the second syllable, the record mentions it as Åtukûr. And the record shews also that it was the chief village of a circle known as the Atukûr twelve. The inscription is on a stone tablet, measuring about 5' 1" broad towards the bottom by about 6'8" high, which was found set up in front of a temple known as that of the god Challésalinga,- the Challêsvara of the record itself, about a quarter of a mile to the north of the village, and is now in the Mysore Government Museum at Bangalore.
The chief part of the writing consists of nineteen lines, covering an area about 5' 1" broad (in line 19) by 4'0' high, which run right across the lower part of the stone. But there is a subsidiary record, lines 20 to 24, on the upper part of the stone, in the margins that were left above and on each side of the sculptures belonging to the principal part of the record : lines 20 and 21 run up the proper right margin, along the top, and down the proper left margin ; line 22 is a short line on the proper right margin, below the beginning of line 21; and lines 23 and 24 are short lines on the proper left margin, commencing below, respectively, the nna of Kannara and the nige of Bútugange of line 21. The writing is in a fairly good state of preservation throughout; and the whole of the record can be read with certainty, with the exception of the akshara before Tri[ne]tran, line 3, and perhaps of the word ápa[ghá]ta in line 7. The sculptures on the stone cover an area about 3'2" broad by 1' 6' high. They represent a hound and a boar fighting; and they refer to an incident mentioned in lines 10 and 11 of the record. - The characters are Kanarese, boldly formed and well executed, of the regular type of the period to which the record refers itself. The size of them ranges from about l' in the la of Chólane, line 16, to about 1' in the ma of a mannan, line 13: the mba of emba, line 19, is 24" high; and the ka of Súdrakan, in the same line, is 21high vertically and 3" on the slant. The
illustrates also its bigher application, in giving the date as the seventh year of the tying of the fllet of Satyavákya. (M&rasimba II.). And in this application it was synonymous with rájydbhishekan-geys, 'to anoint to the Bovereignty or role, which is the expression tied in giving the regnal date of the Biļidr inscription of Satyavákya(Båtuga I.) of A.D. 888 (Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 102, No. II., and Coorg Insors. p. 5).- Judging from the headdresses of the four principal figures in the sculptures on the stone, the patta seems to have included a kind of plume standing straight up above the head, in addition to a fllet passing round the head.

Page #70

ATAKUR STONE.
E.P.H. Wiele. photo
Photo-etching Survey of India Offices.Caloutta May 1898

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No. 6.]
THREE RECORDS IN THE BANGALORE MUSEUM.
characters include final forms, or forms with the viráma attached, oft in lines 3, 6, and 9, of l in line 13, and of in lines 6, 9, 11, and 12. The lingual d can be recognised in nada, line 10, vittode and oda, line 11, and odog, line 15. The palæography does not present anything calling for special comment, as the kh does not occur, and the other test-letters, i, j, b, and l, present, naturally enongh, only the later Mursive forms. The language is Kanarese, of the archaic type ; and there are verses in lines 15 to 19. In line 11 we have moradi as a variant of moradi,& hill, a hillock;' and in line 12 we have angaļol, the locative singular of argal or angaļu as a variant of angala, = angana, in the sense of an open space, an area.' And we may note the use of o, instead of the more customary m, in erpatturam, line 21.-In respect of orthography we may note (1) the use of ri for si in gripa, line 1, prithuri, line 2, and Krishna, line 3; (2) the use of 6 for v in bijayam, line 4, and bira, lines 16 and 18; (3) the occasional use of for &, for instance, in Saka, line 1, and Südrakan, lines 9 and 19; and (4) the use of $ for s, once, in Somyam, for Saumyam, line 1.
The principal part of the inscription is dated, without full details, in the Saumya samvatsara, Saka-Samvat 872 (current), = A.D. 949-50. And it refers itself to the time of the R&shtrakūta king Kannaradêva-Kộishņa III., and of the Western Ganga prince Satyavákya-Bútuga II. It tells us, in the first place, that Krishna III. had fought and killed the Chola king Råjåditya, otherwise called Müvadi-Chôļa, at a place named Takkôla, and was going in triumpb, or, in other words, was making a state progress through his dominions.
S
1 The samvatsara agrees with the given Sake year only according to the southern luni-solar system of the cycle, which, however, is the proper one for the period and the part of the country with which we are concerned, - and only by applying the Saks year as R current year; see Prof. Kielhorn's references to this date, in Ind. Ant. Vol. XXIV. p. 187, No. 79, and Vol. XXV. p. 267, note 5.
The following birudas of Krishna III. Are mentioned in this record, - Ankatriņêtra, Anevedenga, Vapagajamalla, and Kachchega; Nee page 53 below, note 7, the Postscript on page 83, and page 55, notes 7, 8, 9.
This proper Damo occurs in line 9, in the biruda "the champion of Batuga," which is applied to Manalers. - The following biridas of Butuga II. himself are mentioned in this record, - Nanniyaganga, Jayadattaramga, Gangagångêye, and Ganganarayana.
The word madadi means three folds, three times,' from md, = moru, 'three,' and madi, 'bending, folding, doubling; fold, times. Another form of it is mummadi. In the Tamil records, the biruda appears
ometimes as MummadiChola, and sometimes as Mummudi.Chola : and Dr. Hultzsch bae rendered it by the Chola king (who wears) three crowne, ris, those of the Chola, Pandya and Chera kingdoms" (e.g., South Ind. Teaser. Yol. III. p. 29), finding an indication that that is its purport in a verse at the end of the Ranganatha inaarintion which describes Sundara Pandyadeve as building "three golden domes, by which (the temple of
o n glitters Abe (the king) by the three) crowns worn at (hio) coronation " (above, Vol. III. p. 17): and MORAO Mr. V. Venkayys (Ind. Ant. Vol. XXII. P. 65, and see p. 60, note 14), where he quotes facta which would iudicate, or at least justify, the existence of a similar biruda among the Pandyas, on the same view. There is a Tamil word mudi, meaning & crown.' Nevertheless, my opinion is that Mummodi-Chols is simply
variant of Mammadi-CLola, and that in either form the biruda menns literally "a three times Chois." And I think, now, that the expressions Immndi-Nolam bådbiraja, Mammadi.Chola, and Narmadi-Taila mean, not "the Acopd Nolambadbiraja, tbe tbird Chola, the hundredth Taila," but "the Noļambadbiraja who was twice as great and powerful, or twice as famous, A8 any Nola ubadhiraja who ever preceded him," and so on. An inscription of A.D. 1168 at Bulagami (P.S. 0-0. Ineers. No. 185, and see Myrore Insers. p. 111) describes the temple of Dakshina-Kedvesvara AS (line 80 f.)-Vardņdsigarpairmenadi Kiddrakkath wirmmadi Śreparveatalkan adairmmadi, -" twice (as sacred) as even Varanasi, a bundred times more sacred) than even Kadarn, « thousand times more sacred) than even Sriparvata." So, also, Rêvakanimmadi (neo page 71 below, pote 5) probably staude for Innmudi-Ravaka and me&us "& Bevaka twice as beautiful or acomplisbed as ADY preceding Rêvaka.”
Bijayath-gry yutt-iędu. From Kittel's Dictionary, it would appear that the word bijaya, as used in this combination, in treated by the Native grammarians as another forin of bija, biya, and as coming from the Sanskrit of, vyay, to go, to move, to go apart or in ditferent directions, and that bijayan-goy and biyah.goy are explained by them me meaning simply 'to walk, to go, to come.' But, as used in the inscriptions, the expression has plainly more extended meaning than that ; namely, it implies the idea of going in state, going in triumph. It is evidently abortor form of dig vijayan-gey, for an instance of which see above, Vol. V. p. 293, note 6. And, in view of that longer form, I think that the word bijaya is to be more correctly treated as simply tadbhara
H2

Page #73

52
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VI.
It then mentione Butuga II. as governing,- the Gangavadi ninety-six-thousand province being understood. It then introduces a follower of Bûtaga II. named Mañalera, who belonged to the Sagaravamsa or race of the Sagaras and had the hereditary title of " lord of Valabhi the best of towns," and whose prowess in battle is described in the verses in lines 15 to 19. Batuga II., it tells us, being pleased with the prowess displayed by Mapslerd, gave him his favourite hound Kaļi. The hound was pitted against a great boar at the village of Belatur, in the Kolale district." And the hound and the boar killed each other. And, in commemoration of that, the stone was set up in front of the temple of the god Challeśvara at Atukûr, and a grant of land was made to the temple.
The subsidiary record round the top of the stone belongs als to the time of Butuga II., who, it says, was governing the ninety-six-thousand province after killing Rachamalla, the son of Eroyappa. It discloses the fact that it was Batuga II. himself who actually killed the Chôļa king Râjâditya, whom, it says, without mincing matters, he slew treacherously. And in return for this service, it tells us, Krishna III. gave to Batuga II. the Banavåsi twelve-thousand province, and the districts known as the Belvola three-hundred, the Purigere three-hundred, the Kisukad seventy, and the Bågedad seventy. It further tells us that, in recognition of the valour displayed in battle by Mañalera, Batuga II. gave to Mañalera the circle of villages known as the Âtukûr twelve and also a village named Kådiyûr or Kadiyûr in the Beļvola district. This last gract is called in the record a balgachchu or "sword-washing" grant, meaning, no doubt, that it was accompanied by the ceremony of laving Mañalera's sword."
of the Sanskrit vijaya, victory, and that bija und biya are to be treated as corruptions of it. I would render the full expression dig-vijayam-gey, not by " to conquer the regions, to make the subjugation of various countries in all directious, to make universal conquest,” but by "to go in triumph, to make a state progress, through the doinigions."-[In modern Tamil, vijayansjey, if applied to princes and high officials, means "to visit" a locality.- E. H.
1 The same Manalera is probably mentioned again in the Kälagere inscription of Nitimârga-(Ereyappa) of A.D.909-910 (Ep. Caru. Vol. III, MI. 30; the text in Roman characters gives Maņaleyra, and the text in Kanarese cbaracters gives Mamalayara). An earlier person of the same name seems to be mentioned in the Taggalúru inscription of Srpurushs-(Mattaraya) (id. Vol. IV., Gu. 87; the texts here both give Manalegara). And an Ingadi Vira Mañalera appears to be mentioned in an inscription of uncertain date at Hebbalu (id. Vol. III., Md. 45; here, the Roman text gives Magalera, and the Kanarse taxt gives Manilera).- The Sagaravaria is mentioned again in the Jinnahalli inscription of the time of NorbAntaka-Marasimha II. (id. Vol. 10., Hg. 110) -The title Valat Nipuravardipara, " lord of Valabhi the best of towus, ' occurs again in a fragmentary inscription of uncertain date at Muttatti (id. Vol. III., IN, 102).
? In a similar manner to the present record, an inscription of the sixteenth century A.D. at Tékal or Tykkal in Mysore (P. 8. 0. C. Insors. No. 228, and see Mysore Inscrs. p. 208) meotions a fight between a hound and a tiger, and the fight is represented on the stone. The name of the hound in that case is perhaps given as Sampage; bot the word may possibly mean only champaka-tree.
The necessity for granting tbe Bevola, Purivere, Kisakad, and Bagend districts to Batuga II. on this occasion, is not wltogether apparent; because we know from the Hebbal inscription that they had already been given to him by Amoghavarsha-Vaddiga, the father of Krishna III., as the dowry of Rêvakanimmadi (see above, Vol. IV. p. 354). But it would seem that Båtaga II. must have been deprived of them,-together, probably with the rightful succession to the leadership of the Western Gangas,- by Ereyappa and Richamalla.
* Bálgachchu is from bå!, odľu, '& knife, & sword,' and kachchu, karchu, kalchs, washing; to wash.' - The expression, in line 22-23, is bd gachchu.goftań, "be gave (as) a bálgachchu." Originally,- the word balgachchi not being then known,- I read bálgamm] [me]ekcw.gottam, which, as Reeve and Sanderson's Canarese Dictionary does not shew the difference between bal, sword,' and bal, living, life, subsisting, livelihood, etc.,' I rendered by "gave, in token of approbation, for subsistence." Bat, in giving that reading and rendering, I had to remark that I could not find the syllable me in the original, and that it seemed to have been omitted altogether. By # curious coincidence, Mr. Rice's text gives the reading as 641ge "gave for his sword : " and not only so, but his lithograph actually introduces the required syllable e, as if it really stood in the original, making room for it chiefly by cramping the age of tbe Bdugange of line 21. The syllable me, however, does not staud, and never did stand, in the original at all. And it is not wanted, from any point of view. The true reading, td gachchn.goftan, is quite unmistakabls, and is, now, quite intelligible. The

Page #74

No. 6.]
As regards the places, in addition to Âtukûr-Åtakûr, mentioned in this record,— Takkôla, where the battle was fought between Krishna III. and Râjâditya, still exists, under the same name, in the Wâlâjâpêt tâluka of the North Arcot district, Madras; the Indian Atlas, sheet No. 78, N.E. (1893), shews it as Takkolam,' six miles S.E. from Arkonam junction. in lat. 13° 1', long. 79° 48', on the Corteliaur river. Belatûr, where the hound was matched against the boar, still exists under the same name, five miles W. S. W. S. from Atakûr. Kadiyûr or Kaḍiyûr, of the Belvola district, ought to be somewhere near Hûli in Belgaum, or Appigere in Dharwâr, or Kukkanûr in the Nizam's Dominions; but the maps do not seem to include any name answering to it. The Banavase province, and the Belvola, Purigere, and Kisukaḍ districts, are already very well known. The Bâgenâd seventy was, -as I shewed when I originally edited this record, the country round Bagalkôt, the ancient Bagaḍage and Bagadige, the head-quarters of the Bagalkot tâluka of the Bijapur district.
TEXT.'
THREE RECORDS IN THE BANGALORE MUSEUM.
Sa(sa)ka-nri(nri) pa-kâl-âtita-sa[m] vatsara-sa(sa) tangal-entu-nûr
Amôghavarisha déva-srîprithuvi.
1 Svasti3
[e]lpatt-[e]radaneya Sô(sau)myam-emba
2 sa[m]vatsaram pravarttise [*] Svasti
53
vallabha-paramêsvara-parama
3 bharaka-pidapatkaja-bhramaran-a[ka]-Tri[p]tran-Ane-vedeogath
mallam kachchegam Kri(kri)shnarajam śrîmat
vana-gaja
expression kálam kachchu, karchu, or kalchu, 'to lave the feet (at the time of making a donation), is well known from many records. And for the noun bál-gachchu, sword-washing,' we have the analogy of the noon kál-garchu, foot-washing,' in lines 40 and 47 of au inscription of A.D. 1112 at Balagami (P. S. o.-C. Insers. No. 172, and see Mysore Insers. p. 85).
1 The word takkóla means 'the tree Piments acris,' and 'a particular fragrant drug. The Madras Postal Directory gives also a Takkol' about a hundred miles more to the north, in the Siddhavaṭṭam taluks of the Cuddapah district. But we need not hesitate about accepting Takkolam in the North Arcot district, us decided by Dr. Hultzsch (see above, Vol. V. p. 167, note 1). It is the more important place of the two; it contains, among other records, an inscription of Krishna III.; and it is only about thirteen miles distant, to the north, from Conjeeveram, which city, together with Tanjore, was reduced by Krishna III..-doubtless during the same campaign in which the Chola king was killed at Takkola.
2 From the ink-impression.
This record does not seem to begin with the customary Om before the Svasti. We have the Om at the end of lines 14 and 19, represented by symbols respectively plain and slightly ornate. And we perhaps have it at certain other places; see the next note.
After this word, and after Kannaradeca[m], line 4, and after ildu, line 4, and after rf, line 24, and before the spasti at the beginning of lines 5, 7, and 20, there are certain marks which are perhaps intended for symbols representing the word 6m, which would be appropriate enough at each place, except after Kannaradéou[m] in line 4. But it cannot be said for certain that they actually are such symbols.
Read varsha. Varisha is a well established tadbhava of varsha. But it is hardly admissible in such a combination as the one that we have here.
Read prithivi. Here, again, in prithurt we have a well established tadbhava, which, however, is hardly admissible in such a combination.
7 My original realing,-[ri]pa-Tri[n]tran, "a very Tripêtra among kings," cannot be upheld. The Tri[n]tran is practically certain. But I cannot satisfy myself as to what the word before it is. We should expect either Rafta,-giving the meaning of "a very Trinêtra among the Rattas," on the analogy of Sagaratrinêtra in lines 8 and 17 below and of Cholatrinêtra (South-Ind. Insors. Vol. I. p. 139), or some word meaning king, on the analogy of Nripatitrinêtra us a biruda of Govinds IV. (Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 251, text line 39), Rajatrinêtra as a biruda of Kakka II. (ibid. p. 266, text line 41), and Mandali katrinêtra as a biruda of Nolambántaka-Marasimha II. (above, Vol. V. p. 177, text line 91); and we might, of course, read bhramara[m], and take them as the initial of some such word. I cannot, however, think of any such word, which the doubtful akshara will suit. The spurious Ganjam grant (Ep. Carn. Vol. IV, Sr. 160) gives Lokatrinêtra, "a very Tripêtra among mankind," as an alleged biruda of Marasinga-Ereyappa, the alleged son of Sivamara 11.; but loka, again, is not admissible here. Provisionally, I accept the reading which is given in Mr. Rice's text, and is of course shewu in his lithograph, namely, anka- Trinetron," a very Tripêtra in fight or war;" because I find that a Balagami inscription of A D. 1181 (P. S. O-C. Insers. No. 192, aud see Mysore Insors. p. 7)

Page #75

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
4 Kannaradêve[m] Mûvadil-Chôļa-Râjâdityana mêle [ba]ndu Takkôladol-kadi
kendu bijayam-geyyatt-ilda[] 5 Svasti Satyavákya-Konguņivarmma-dharm[m]amahârâjâdhiraja[m] Ko Ala
puravar-ośvaram Nandagiri-natham 6 srimat Permmånadiga! nanniya-Ganga[m] jaya[d=u jttarangan Ganga
G[âög@]ya[m] Ganga-Narayanan=åtan=&!u[tt-i]][d]u* 7 Svasti sakaļa-loka-paritâp-&pa[ghâ]ta-(pra]bhav-avatari[ta]-Gadg[&]-pravåh-ôdâra
Sagara-vamsa[m] Va8 labhi(bhi)-paravar-êśvaran-adâra-Bhagirathan-iriva-bedengan Sag(ara)-Triņétram
Beñase-mug-arivom 9 kadan-aika-Su(sa)drakam Batugan-ankakaram Srimat
anuvarado mechchi bêdi-ko!l-endo10 de dayeya mere-voll-emba Kaliyam daye-geyy=endo kondan=ả nảya[m]
Kelale-nåda Beļatūra paduIl vaņa desoya mosadiyo! piri[dum pa]ndige vittode pandiyum nâyum=
oda-sattuy=adarkke12 y=Ảtukůro! Challēśvarada munde kallan=nadisi piriya kereya kelage multi
kâl=angaļo!=ir-kkaņduga13 manna[m] kottar=Â mannan-okkal nådan=&!vořni-uran=&ļvor=í maņpan=
alidon naya geyda papamam kondo14 n=8 sthậnaman=&!va goravan= kalla pûjisad=untar=appoden[@]ya geyda
påpamam konda[m] [ilo] Om [11] 15 Urade-idir-ånta Chôle-chaiuranga-balangalan=ațți mutti talt=iivedeg=orvvar=
appodam=idi[r]chchuva 16 gandaran=&mpev=enda pottaļisuval biraram nereye kâņeme Chộlanell
sakkiy-age taltiridadan-âme ka. 17 ndev=ene mechchador=&r=Ssagara-Trinetranam | Narapati bennol=ildon=idir
&ntadu vairi-samûham=illi 18 machcharisuvarrellarum seraguv=&ldapor-inn-irenzenda singad=ant-ire Hari
bira-Lakshmi nerav=&g-ire Chô19 1a[na]-köțey=emba sindhurada bir-&gramam biriye p [O]yidan!
kadanaika-Su(sa) drakam [ll] Om (II)
describes the Dandandyaka Kesimayya, in line 28, as kadang-Trinitra, "& very Trinetra in destruction, killing, slaughter, or war." Eut the akshara before the tri does not seem identical with the ska of paskaja in the same live and elsewhere, but appears rather to include anm; and also the compound itself, anka-Trimetra, seems, somehow, not a satisfactory oue.-Regarding this biruda, now see the Postscript on page 83 below.
Mr. Rice's text gives allocade, which is rendered in the translation by" without fear, "-being imagined, I suppose, to be a compound of alku (which, however, should be asku), fear,' and Ovade, the negative participle of buu,' to take care of, to guard, protect, cherish.' - The real reading, Mdadi, is quite certain. For some marks which stand before this word, and after Kannaradepan, see note 4 on page 53 above.
- Regarding the marks after this word, see note 4 on page 53 above.
Regarding the marks before tbis word, sce note 4 on page 58 above. • The ! and the ware quite recognisable in the ink-impression, though not in the collotype.
Regarding the marks before this word, see note 4 on page 53 above.
• Originally, I read Manalarata ago ]nwaradol. Mr. Rice's text gives Mandlarange anuvaradol. The real name, Manalera, is quite distinct, in the present ink-impression, in line 21 below. 7 Read áļvon.
Represented by a plain symbol. • Metre, Champak mald; and in the following verse.
10 Read pochoharisuna, as suggested to me by Mr. Kittel. The potrafisura of the original not only violates the prdia or alliteration of the secoud syllable of the páda, by giving instead of , but also presents a word for whicb no authority can be found.
11 The me was at first omitted, and then was inserted below the line. 1 The metre is faulty bere; we have instead of -vu

Page #76

C.---Atakur Inscription of Krishna III. and Butuga II.-A.D. 949-50.
ACROSS సందులో
Licentre are
గణ
r elations
మనం
REYA
Cont
మగడు 188
కాలంలో తమ గురువు
26 వరకు సంపంతురు గతంలో వరం సరసుడగుంట త
గదు సరుకు తరN యముడు లంకంత ముందుకు సమయమున ఆడడం అంతర కరంద మమంతం : ఉన్నటక రజని పరుగులు 14
వరకు మద్య రజలకు బలం
చందు 16 మందిరం ఉపాంత జల రంగం 16
మహాపాతం సగరకత లబల 27న 14 Nara రగలాంటి గణపురిటిగ తగి, 18 Temple | మధNGYT
W. GRIGGS, COLLOTYPE,
J. F. FLEET.
SCALE 11
FROM IMPRESSIONS SUPPLIED BY DR. MULTZSCH

Page #77


Page #78

No. 6.]
20 Svasti
THREE RECORDS IN THE BANGALORE MUSEUM.
The Subsidiary Record at the Top of the Stone.
Śrî-Ereyapana magam Rachamallanam Bûtugam kâdi kondu tombhattaru-sâsiramumam1 Alatt-ire [*] Kannaradevam Chôlanam kâduv-andu Bâtugam Râjâdityanam bisu-geye kallan-âgi surig=igidu kondu Banavase-pannirchchâsiramum Belvola-mûnûrum Purigere mûmnûrum2 Kisukâḍ-expa(pa)ttum Bâgenaḍ-erpa (lpattuvam Bûtugange Kannaradevam mechchu-goṭṭam [*] Bûtuganum Manaleram ta22 nna munde nind-iridudarkke mechchi Atuk[û]r-ppa23 nneraḍum Belvolada Kâdiyûrumam bâl-ga24 chchu-goṭṭam [1] Mangala-mabâ-śris [*]
TRANSLATION.
21 kâdi
55
Hail! While the samvatsara named Saumya, the eight hundred and seventysecond (in) the centuries of years that have gone by from the time of the Saka king, was
current :
(Line 2) Hail! When Krishnaraja (III.), the glorious Kannaradeva,- a very bee on the water-lilies that were the feet of the favourite of fortune and of the earth, the Paramésvara, the Paramabhattáraka, Amôghavarshadéva-(Vaddiga); a very Trinêtra (Siva) in battle; a marvel with elephants; a wrestler against forest-elephants; he who wears the girdle (of prowess), having attacked the Mûvadi-Chôjalo Rajâditya, and having fought and killed him at Takkôla, was going in triumph :"1
(L. 5)-Hail! The Dharmamahárájádhiraja Satyavakya-Kongunivarman, the lord of Kôlâla the best of towns, the lord of the mountain Nandagiri, the glorious Permânaḍi, the
Read adsiramam, or sásiraman; compare page 48 above, note 5. Read mandrum.
I read originally Kóteyurumam. The present ink-impression, however, shews clearly Kddiyurumam, as given in Mr. Rice's text,- or, of course, optionally Kádiyirumam.
Read Bútugam; the copulative ending is not required.
Regarding the marks after this word, see note 4 on page 53 above.
See note 7 on page 53 above, and the Postscript on page 83 below.
7 Ânevedenga. This biruda occurs in also line 1 of the Soratûr inscription of Krishna III. of A.D. 851 (Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 257).-I have previously translated it by "a very marvel of refuge," and "a marvel in giving support (or, in resistance)," taking dne as the infinitive, in e, of dnu, to which Reeve and Sanderson's Dictionary gives the active meanings of 'to stay, prop, support; to oppose, resist.' I now, however, follow Mr. Rice's translation; partly because Mr. Kittel considers that more suitable, since in his opinion analke would have been used if the meauing had been such as I then thought, and partly because I have elsewhere met with the biruda Turagaveḍenga, which can only be rendered by "a marvel with horses."
Vanagajamalls. This biruda of Krishna III. is used in line 8 of the śravana-Belgola epitaph of Nolambântaka-Marasimha II. (above, Vol. V. p. 176). In a slightly different form,- Madagajamalla, "a wrestler against rutting elephants," it occurs in also line 2 of the Soratur inscription (see the preceding note). For the recognition of Gandamartanda as a formal biruda, and as denoting Krishna III., in line 9 of the Sravana-Belgola epitaph, I was indebted to Mr. V. Venkayya, who detected it from the passage in line 56 ff. of the Karhad grant of A.D. 958 (above, Vol. IV. p. 285), which describes Krishns III. as founding temples of Kalapriyèsvara, Gandamartandêsvara, and Krishnêévara. I was not able to introduce an acknowledgment of this into the proofs of my paper on the Sravana- Belgola epitaph.
Kachchega. Finding kachehe given in Reeve and Sanderson's Dictionary in the sense of quarrel, dispute, fighting,' I have previously rendered this biruda by "a (real) fighter (or disputant)," and a somewhat similar biruda, Kachcheya-Ganga, by "the quarrelsome or fighting Ganga" (above, Vol. III. p. 183, note 4). Mr. Rice's translation renders it by "warlike." I owe the present rendering of it to Mr. Kittel, who, in support of it, has referred me to bira-gachche, 'a kachche fit for warriors or brave men. Kachche is a tadbhava of kaksha, 'a girdle, a string or zone for fastening a cloth round the waist. Kachcheya-Ganga may be rendered by "the girdled Ganga."
10 See page 51 above, note 4.
11 See page 51 above, note 5.

Page #79

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
truthful Ganga, the lintel of victory, the Gångéya among the Gangas, the Narayana among the Gangas,-he, when governing,
(L. 7) - Hail !,- being pleased in battle with the illustrious Maņalera, who is of the noble race of the Sagaras, which by its power brought down the stream of the river Gangå in order to ward off the affliction of all mankind; (who has the hereditary title of) lord of Valabhi the best of towns; who is a very Bhagiratha among noble men; who is a marvel among those who pierce ; who is a very Triņētra among the Sagaras; who cats off noses when he is angry; who is the sole Sudraka in war; who is the champion of Bûtuga (II.),- said “Make thy request !" Thereupon, he said, "Be gracious enough to give me thy favourite (hound) Kaļi, which is called the one that bays loudly;" 3 and he obtained it.
(L. 10)- On their loosing that hound at a mighty boar on the hill in the western quarter of the village of Belatûr of the Kelale district, the boar and the bound killed each other And, to commemorate) that, they set up (this) stone in front of the temple of the god Challèsvara at Åtukûr; and they gave land (yielding) two kandugas (of grain) in the open space of the channel, called the channel of the malti-treos, below the large tank.
(L. 13)- Any cultivator who destroys that land, and any governor of the district or any governors of the village who destroy this land, shall incur the guilt of the sin committed by that hound 16 If the Gorava who manages the estate should fail to do worship to that stone, he shall incur the guilt of the sin committed by the bound! Om !
(L. 15)- At the place where -- having followed and come up with the four-fold forces of the Chola, which stood to confront us without wavering, we were to come to close quarters and pierce them, we certainly saw not any others among our) valiant men who strode forward saying "We will meet the heroes that oppose us;" but we did see how,- the Chola himself being the witness, --- he (Maņalera) came to close quarters and pierced : who, then, could fail to be pleased with him, the Triņêtra among the Sagaras ? The king was at his back; a multitude of enemies faced him in front; and all those here on our side), who jealously sought to excel him, met with disaster :10 then, saying "I can stand back no longer," he, the sole sadraka in war, with the help of the god Hari (Vishņu) and the brave Lakshmi struck, like a lion, the forehead of the elephant that was called the fortress of the Chôle, so that it burst open. Om !
In ankakara, we take anka in the sense of fight, war.' Kdra is said to be a tad bhara of the Sanskrit kara, making, doing, causing; a maker, a doer.'- Kittel's Dictionary gives to shkakára the meanings of an influential or & chief servant; a leading bero. But, in such combinations as the present one, the rendering
champion,' which I fixed some time ago, seems more appropriate; especially as I find the following in the Madras Manual of the Administration, Vol. III. p. 34, under the word ankam :-"Challenge. In Malabar, a duel, "formerly frequent among the Nayar race. These combats arose from private feuds. A preparation and
training for twelve years preceded the actual fight in order to qualify the combatants in the use of thrir weapons. “ They were not necessarily the principals in the quarrel, generally their champions. These undertook to defend the "CAURE they had taken up till they were killed. Source of revenue to the local rajah, each combatant paying for " the privilege of fighting (maryauday]."-The last sentence, however, seems rather dubious; so, also, the twelve years' training.
Dayeya ; lit. " of (thy) favour or affection."
1 More pollu, lit. "tbe ostentatious barker," from more, shine, lustre; ostentation, and bollu, bagal, bagulu, bogal, dogulu, barking; crying out
• Oda-sattues ; lit. " died together."
The genitive is used of Challéeara as & neuter, to indicate the temple. There are many other instances of this in the ancient records.
• This seems rather & severe reflection upon the hound, after it had behaved 80 courageously. It must be justified on the understanding that all killing is sinful, no matter what the circumstances may be.
Sthana ; the temple and the property, including the present grant, belonging to it. • Chaturanga.bala is an entire or complete army, comprising elephants, chariota, cavalry, and infantry."
. Pochchariswea; lit. " who were breaking forth), starting into view, becoming evident or manifest, appearing; shining."
10 Seragur-dļdapo- ; lit. " sank into calamity, evil, mischief."

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No. 6.)
THREE RECORDS IN THE BANGALORE MUSEUM.
The Subsidiary Record at the Top of the Stone. (L. 20)-Hail! While Butuga (II.), having fought and killed Rachamalla, the son of the illustrious Ereyapa, was governing the ninety-six thousand :
(L. 20)- At the time when Kannaradeva was fighting against the Chola, Bütuga (II.), while embracing! Råjåditya, treacherously stabbed him with a dagger, and thus fought and killed him; and Kannaradeva gave to Butuga, in token of approbation, the Banavase twelvethousand, the Beļvola three-hundred, the Purigere three-hundred, the Kisukad seventy, and the Bâgenâd seventy.
(L. 21)- Being pleased with the manner in which Mañalera stood out in front of him and pierced (his foes), Bütuga gave to him), as a bálgachchu-grant, the Atukur twelve and the village of Kådiyûr of (the) Beļvola (district). May there be auspicious and great good fortune!
Further Remarks on the Western Gangas of Talakad. I have spoken, on page 40 above, of certain additions, modifications, and corrections, which I should have liked to be able to make in my article in Vol. V. above, pp. 151 to 180, before it was published, but which, for the reason given, it was impracticable to introduce into it. I enter on that subject now. And, to accompany my remarks, I give, on page 59 below, a revised table of the Western Gangas of Talakad, including the necessary alterations up to date.
In the way of additions, it is only necessary, at present, to state that an inscription at Kûragallu gives us the name of Paramabbe (or Saramabbe) as the wife of Bûtuga I., and that an inscription at Elkûru? gives us a Ganga prince subsequent to Rachamalla II.: the record does not disclose his proper name; but he was a Nitimârga, with the birudas of Jayada kukara, "the champion of victory,''8 and probably Komaravedenga, "a marvel among princes ;"9 and the record furnishes for him the date of the Vikarin samvatsara, Saka-Saṁyat 921 (expired), = A.D. 999-1000, without any specification of the month.10
1 Bisw-geye. We have to find here the opportunity for stabbing Rajiditya treacherously. Mr. Rice's translation gives "making Rajâditya Angry;" but there is no point in such a rendering. I originally translated "while they were taking the air together," on the authority of Reeve and Sanderson's Dictionary giving bisuge in the sense of 'going abroad, taking an siringi' but it seems that bisnge does not really occur in that meaning. Mr. Kittel says that he has no hesitation in translating "when he made close connection (noith him), i.e., probably, when he embraced him," - connecting the first part of the compound with, I suppose, biru, 3, 'to unite firmly, to solder; to join, to be united,' and this at once suggeste suitable meaning, namely, that pretended overtures of peace were made, and that RajAditya was stabbed at a meeting that took place between bim and Batuga.
Kallandgi; lit. " having become a thief; as thief." * See page 52 above, and note 4.
Or Kadiyur. • The numbers before some of the names indicate the members of the family who actually ruled, or probably ruled. over the Gangav&di province, and the order in which the succession went. When the exact relationship between two consecutive individuals is not established, dots are used instead of lines.
. Ep. Carn. Vol. IV., Hs. 92; and see page 69 below, note 1. 1 Ibid., Ch. 10.
# This biruda is ratber exceptional and peculiar; because ankakára is usually, and most naturally, preceded by a proper Dame, and jayada, or any word of that sort, is usually followed by uttaranga. But we have an analogy for it, in the case of Tapadankakåsa, "the champion of penance or asceticism," which occurs as a diruda or epithet of a Saiva priest named Varesvara in line 38 of a Balag&mi inscription of A.D. 1096 (my P. 8. O.-. Insors. No. 166; and see Mr. Rice's Mysore Inscrs. p. 172, where, however, it is rendered, together with the following word amalam, by "with a body purified by penance"). See also the Postscript on page 83 below.
T hiruda is given as Komarovedenge in the text in Roman characters, but as Koviravedange in the text in Kavarese characters. K Oviravedanga is unintelligible. Komaravedenga is likely to be correct; in the spurious Sadi grant, it is attributed to the alleged Ereganga, who is placed next after Batuga I. (above, Vol. V. p. 189).
10 An inscription at Belura, in the Mandy taluka, Mysore district (Mr. Rice's Ep. Carn. Vol. III., Md. 78). purports to give us * still later Ganga prince,-a Ganga-Permanadi, who, it says, was governing the Karpata in

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
In respect of modifications and corrections, I have first to say that everything in my article that was based, directly or indirectly, on the spurious Suradhênupura grant, must be expunged. This document appears to have been first brought to notice by Mr. Rice in 1894, in his Ep. Oarn. Vol. III. Introd. p. 3, where it was put forward as furnishing a date in the Sarvajit samvatsara, corresponding to Saka-Samvat 729 (expired),=A.D. 807-808, falling in the third year of Sivamâra II., and as fixing the commencement of his rule in A.D. 804. It is, however, not even an ancient forgery. In February, 1899, I received from Mr. Rice, with a copy of the text, a statement of facts which shew that it has been fabricated within the last thirty years or so, and with just the same object as that with which the ancient spurious grants were fabricated, namely, to establish an actual right or an asserted claim to property. And, with Mr. Rice's permission, I quote, in full explanation of the matter, what he wrote to me about this document, in his letter dated the 19th January, 1899, as follows :-" The "Saradhênupura plates are of no use. The story of them is this. They are in the usual form "of the Vijayanagara grants, engraved in the same Nagari characters generally employed in such "grants, signed as usual in big Kannada characters fri-Virúpáksha, and the seal on the ring " is a boar. But on reading I found that, though the first words were fri-Ganesaya namah, it "went on to nearly the end of the second side with the epithets and genealogy of the Gangas, "as contained in the various plates that have been discovered. This was certainly puzzling, as "at the time the grant was entered in my list no one except myself and the old Munshi who "helped me with the Mercara and Nagamangala plates was acquainted with this string of epithets
and names. On inquiry, however, I found that this Munshi (then dead) was one of the "principal shareholders in the village, which was shortly expecting the Inam inquiry. This "explained everything, as he was a man with a screw looge, though a good scholar, and wonld “often have misled me if I had not found out that he was not to be trusted. It seems evident " that the village had a Vijayanagara grant and that he must have got two plates engraved with "the knowledge he had acquired, and substituted them, having the whole put on a ring "together. Still, I thought that he had really perhaps had access to a Ganga grant, from which "he had taken the particulars and date. But I am now convinced that the whole thing was a
hoax. The date is an impossible one, and the changes in the names of kings (Bhůri Vikrama, "Nava Chokka, Purushottama) are concoctions of his own, as well as the final Narasimha"dharma-varma (note the order) which he gives as another name of Sivamära." In the face of this explanation, it is not necessary to pay any further attention to this document, or to make any further comments on it, beyond remarking that what this Munshi did is precisely what was done right and left in Mysore about seven centuries ago, and somewhat later in a neighbouring part of the country, where, Mr. G. R. Subramiah Pantulu has told us, forged grants of the Vijayanagara series are probably nearly as plentiful as the genuine grants, which are themselves extremely numerous; and the liberties that he took with some of the names that were available to him, illustrate exactly the liberties that the persons who fabricated ancient forgeries would take, sometimes in misrepresenting real names and sometimes in inventing imaginary names, in putting together pedigrees to serve their purposes.
the month Pbalguna, falling in A.D. 1028 (if we accept the Saka date), Saka-Sarvat 944 (expired). But, with this Saka year it wrongly couples the Durmukhin samvatsara, which would be either A.D. 996-97 or A.D. 1056-57. And, with so great # discrepancy,- to say nothing of the fact that the details of the date are not correct, either for the given Saks year (current or expired), or for A.D. 996-97 or 1066-57,- it is impossible to attach any value to the date or to the record itself. Moreover, the expression " governing the Karpa" is foreign to the phraseology of the Gange records, and suggests a much Inter period.
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XXVII. p. 277.
* It may be added, incidentally, that Mr. Rice speaks of the matter rather kindly, in calling the document simply a hoax. If any attempt was actually made to produce it before the In&m Commission, & criminal offence was committed, for which, on exposition of the real nature of the document, a substantial sentence of rigorous imprisonment would have been passed.

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No. 6.]
THREE RECORDS IN THE BANGALORE MUSEUM.
59
The Western Gangas of Talakad.
(1) Sivamara I. (About A.D. 755 to 765)
(2) Prithivî-KonguniSripurusha-Muttarasa. (About A.D. 765 to 805)
(3) Sivamâra II. (About A.D. 805 to 810)
(4) Nitimârga-KonguņivarmaPermanadi-Raņavikrama,
(About A.D. 810 to 840)
Aparajita-Prithivîpati I. A contemporary of Amoghavarsha I. in the period A.D. 814-15 to 877-78)
(5) Satyavákya-Konguņivarma
Permanadi-Rajamalla.
(A.D. 870-71)
Marasimha I.
(6) Satyavákya-Konguņivarma
Permanadi-Bütuga I.;
married Paramabbe. (A.D. 870-71 to about 908)
Hastimalla-Prithivipati II. (A contemporary of Parantaka I. in the period A.D. 900 to 940)
(7) Nitimårga-Kongunivarma
Permanadi-Ereyappa. (About A.D. 90% to 938)
(8) Râchamalla I.
(About A.D. 988)
(9) Satyavákya-Konguộivarma
Permanadi-Batuga II.
(A.D. 940 and 953)
By Rêvakanimmadi.
By Kallabbarasi.
Maruļadēva ; married Bijabbe.
(11) Satyavákya-Konguņivarna. Permanadi-Marasimha II.
(A.D. 568-64 to 974)
(10) Rachcha-Ganga.
(12) Satyavákya-Konguộivarma
Panchaladeva.
(A.D. 976)
(13) Satyavákya-KonguộivarmaPermanadi-Rachamalla II.
(A.D. 978 and 984)
(14) Nitimârga.
(A.D. 999-2000)

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[VOL. VI.
The other corrections affect that part of the succession that lies between SatyavákyaRajamalla, the grandson of Sripurusha-Muttarasa, and Satyavákya-Bütuga II., the father of Nolambântaka-Márasimha 11.; tbat is to say, the period between A.D. 870-71 and A.D. 940, which latter is the earliest fixed date for Bûtuga II.
To understand the matter fully and settle this period finally, we must first consider exactly the way in which Mr. Rice has dealt with this period, and the steps by which he has led up to it. We will start with Sivam&ra I., the founder of that branch of the Western Ganga stock with which we are dealing; for, we must at any rate go back to Sripurusha-Muttarasa, and so, while we are about it, we may as well run through the whole list of authentic names. It is not necessary to waste any time on the alleged names before Sivamâra I.; because they are all fictitious.
Mr. Rice has taken the spurious grants, and the dates put forward by them, as his guide, and has adapted the genuine records to them. And, from the two sources taken together in this way, he has arrived at the following succession and dates, starting with Śivamâra I., to whom he has assigned the period " A.D. 679 to 713+. Here, the initial date is based on the spurious Hallegere grant, which purports to give a date in the month Jyêshtba, Saka-Samvat 635 expired, falling in A.D. 713, as being in the thirty-fourth year of Sivamára I.
Differing from the Sadi grant, the spurious records from Mysore itself describe ŚripurushaMuttarasa as the grandson of Sivamêra I., and omit to mention his father's name. With this unnamed son of Sivamâra I., Mr. Rice apparently proposed to identify a certain Mêrasimha, who was at that time supposed to be indicated as a son of Sivamâra I. by the Udayêndiram grant of Hastimalla-Prithivipati II.; at any rate, he has proposed to place the Marasimha of the Udayêndiram grant, whom he has specified as "the predecessor of Sripurusha," next after Śivamâra I., and he has assigned to him the period from some date after A.D. 713 " to A.D. 726,"5_ the final date being fixed by the initial date which he has accepted for the next in succession. But the existence of this Marasimha is based on nothing but the imperfect original rendering of the Udayêndiram grant. The revised rendering of that record7 has shewn us that the Marasimha there mentioned must be placed at least a century after A.D. 726. And the Vallimalai inscription has shewn us that Sripurusha-Muttarasa was in reality the son of Sivamâra I.
Next after this Marasimha, Mr. Rice has placed Sripurusha-Muttarasa. To him, he originally assigned the period "A.D. 727 to 777,""- the initial date being taken from the assertion in the spurious Dêvarhalli granto_(formerly known as the Nagamangala grant)- that the fiftieth year of Sriparusha-Muttarasa was Saka-Samvat 698 expired,=A.D. 776-77. The final date was afterwards extended to " A.D. 804,"Il which was supposed to be the initial date
1 See, chiefls. Ep. Cars. Vol. III. Introd. Pp. 2 to 6, the Table on pp. 7, 8, and the Classified List of the Inscriptions after p. 36, and Vol. IV. Introd. Pp. 5, 8 to 12, and the Classified List after p. 38; also, for a few pointa, Coorg Insors. Introd. pp. 8 to 5. · Ep. Carn. Vol. III. Introd. p. 7.
Ep. Carn. Vol. III, Md. 113, with a lithograpb. • Ep. Carn, Vol. III. Introd. p. 8.
Ep. Carn. Vol. III. Introd. p. 7. • By Mr, Foulkes, in the Manual of the Salem District, Vol. II. p. 369. 1 By Dr. Hultzaeb, South-Ind. Insers. Vol. II. p. 375. * Above, Vol. IV. p. 140, A.
Coorg Insors. Introd. p. 4. 10 Ep. Carn. Vol. IV., Ng. 85, with a lithograph.- For facsimile of two sides of this grunt, se ubove, Vol. IV. p. 164, in my article on the spurious Sadi grant.
11 Ep. Carn. Vol. III. Introd. p. 7.- The natural inference is that the spurious Surudhénupura document was bronchto Me: Bice's netice after 1886 (the date of the publication of, his Coorg Issers.) and before 1894 (the date of the publication of his Ep. Cars. Vol. 111.). In order to deal with the spurious grants in the final manner in which they should some day be disposed of, we ought to know the exact order, and the years, in which eveh of them came to notice. Our information on this point is at present very scanty.

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THREE RECORDS IN THE BANGALORE MUSEUM.
established for the next in succession by the spurious Suradhenupura document. And it must be taken to be now cut down to A.D. 797, or earlier, by the subsequent assignment of this date to the next in succession.
Next after sripurusha-Muttarasa, Mr. Rice has placed his son, or alleged gon, sivamara II. He originally put him at some indefinite time between A.D. 813 and 869, placing him after the Chakiraja for whom the Kadaba grant purports to put forward a date in A.D. 813. He then allotted to him the date of " A.D. 804," as his initial date,- leaving the final date uncertain, - from the spurious Suradhënupura document. And he has now apparently carried him back to A.D. 797, if not earlier, from the sparious Manne grant, which mentions Lôkatrinetra-Marasimha as a son of Sivamara II., describes him as administering the whole of the Ganga province as Yuvarája, and gives a date in the month Âshadha, Saka-Samvat 719 (expired), falling in A.D. 797. Mr. Rice's suggestion is that Sivamâra II. was perhaps then a prisoner in the hands of the Rashtrakūtas, and that that is why this Marasimha is described as Yuvaraja in command of the whole Ganga country. With the additional name of Ereyappa,- Lokatriņôtra-Marasinga-Ereyappa,- this person is mentioned, again as Yuvaraja. in also another spurious grant, from Gañâm in the Seringa patam tåluka ;this record does not put forward any date.
Next after sivamara II., Mr. Rice has placed his alleged younger brother Vijayaditya, with any date up" to A.D. 869,"–this final date being necessitated by the initial date which be has proposed for the next ruler.
Next after Vijayaditya, he has placed Vijayaditya's alleged son Satyavákya-Rajamalla, with the proposed period " A.D. 869 to ? 893." Here, the initial date is based on the Biliúr inscription,10 which specifies the month Phâlguna, Saka-Samvat 809 (expired), falling in A.D. 888, as being in the eighteenth year of a Satyavákya, whose proper name, however, it does not disclose; and the final date is the initial date proposed for the next in succession. And to this Satyavákya-Rajamalla he has referred, in addition to the Biļiûr record of A.D. 888, the inscription at Husukůru, 11 which mentions the ruling prince both as Satyavákya and as Rajamalla, and gives for him the date of Saka-Samvat 792 (expired),= A.D. 870-71, without any details of the month, etc. This Husukuru inscription mentions also Butarasa-(Bütuga I.), who, it tells us, was then governing the Kongal nåd and Pûnad provinces as Yuvarája. And Bataraga is mentioned again in a fragmentary inscription at Chik-Kâti, which also refers itself to the rule of a Satyavákya, naturally identified by Mr. Rice with Rajamalla.
Next after Satyavákya-Rajamalla, Mr. Rice in 1894 placed a Nitimarga, whose proper name he did not then indicate, with the proposed period " A.D. P 893 to P 915,"13 to whom we shall revert directly. Since then, however, he has introduced the name of Raņavikramayya, an alleged son of Rajamalla the alleged son of Vijayaditya, - with the proposed date of " about A.D. 890," and with the suggestion that this Raņavikramayya may be the Batarasa-(Butuga I.) of the Hugukuru and Chik-Kați inscriptions, or may be someone else 14 The name of this
1 Coorg Insera. Introd, p. 4. Above, Vol. IV. p. 332.
Ep. Carn. Vol. III. Introd. pp. 3, 7. * Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. Introd. p. 9. - This Mappe grant has not been published yet. But I am able to quote it from photographs which Mr. Rice was kind enough to send me. $ Loc. cit. in note 4.
6 Ep. Carn. Vol. IV., Sr. 160. Ep. Carn. Vol. III. Introd. 7. # Ep. Carn. Vol. III. Intred. p. 8.
See Coorg Inscrs. Introd. p. 4. 20 . ant. Vol. VI. p. 102, No. 2 (Mr. Kittel's rendering), with a lithograph, aud Coorg Insors. p. 5 (MT. Rice's rendering).
11 Rp. Carn. Vol. III, Nj. 75.-I am dealing now, as on the previous occasion, with only the really important and useful records, mostly those which include personal names or dates, or which can by any other means be applied in a specific manner.
1 Ep. Carn. Vol. IV., Gu. 94. Ep. Carn. Vol. III Intr.d. p. 8. 1 Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. Introd. p. 11, and the Classified List after p. 89.

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[VOL. VI.
Ranavikramayya is taken from the Galigêkere grant. This is another obviously spurious record. It does not include any date, Saka or regnal; and, so, the proposed date of "about A.D. 890" is purely conjectural.
We revert to Mr. Rice's Nitimârga, with the proposed period "A.D. ? 893 to ? 915." Here, the initial date is based on an inscription at Honnâyakanhalli, which was understood to give "reason to suppose his reign began in Saka 815 (A.D. 893);" and the final date is based on an inscription at Iggali, which, however, is dated in the twenty-second year, not of a Nitimârga, but of a Satyavâkya, and therefore does not apply to the case at all. The suggestion has been thrown out, that this Nitimârga may be either Ranavikramayya or B ûtarasa-(Bûtuga I.), or both of them. And to this Nitimârga Mr. Rice has referred, in addition to the Iggali inscription (in reality, a record of a Satyavâkya), an inscription at Gaṭṭavâḍis (again, in reality, a record of a Satyavákya, and not of a Nitimârga), dated in the fifth regnal year, erroneously supposed, in consequence of confusing the appellations, to be A.D. 898,- another inscription at the same place," a record of really a Nitimârga, and dated in his fifth year, and therefore referred to A.D. 898,- and an inscription at Külagere, also a record of really a Nitimârga, dated Saka-Samvat 831 (expired), A.D. 909-910, without any details of the month, etc., and without any mention of the renal year.
Next after this Nitimârga Mr. Rice has placed a Satyavákya, whom he has identified with Ereyappa ; and to him he has assigned an inscription at Malligere," which refers itself to the rule of a Satyavâkya, without disclosing his proper name, and gives for him the date of SakaSamvat 828 (expired), A.D. 906-907, without any details of the month, etc., or of the regnal year. For this Satyavâkya-Ereyappa, he has proposed various other dates ranging from "about A.D. 900" to "about A.D. 925."10 These are based on records which do not include any Saka dates, and, mostly, not even regnal dates; so that the proposed dates A.D. are purely conjectural. And we need notice only one of those records here. It is an inscription at Jinnahalli, which refers itself to the seventh year of a Satyavâkya, whose proper name it does not disclose: Mr. Rice has identified this Satyavâkya with Ereyappa, and has consequently placed this record "A.D. ? 900:" but the record mentions this Satyavâkya by also the biruda of Guttiyaganga; Guttiyaganga was Satyavâkya-Nolambântaka-Mârasimha II. ;12 and the true date of this record is, therefore, A.D. 969-70.
Next after Ereyappa, we have the name of his son Rachamalla I., who was killed by Bûtuga II. in or before A.D. 940. In respect of Râchamalla, Mr. Rice has said13 that ". we "must apparently understand that on the death of Ereyappa, Râchamalla and Bûtuga were "rival claimants to the throne, and that the former did not actually reign, or if he did, only for "a short time." The only record, as yet brought to notice, referable actually to the life-time of this Râchamalla, is an inscription at Hiranandi. It does not contain any date, Saka or regnal. But Mr. Rice has proposed to place it "about A.D. 930." And he has suggested that, by this record, "we seem to be let into the plot by which Batuga endeavoured to get Râchamalla "into his power. He sent an officer to invite him to come to Manne, the royal residence, that "they might make a division of the country and the treasury. But Batuga, as we know, was "not to be trusted. His envoy was therefore met by five feudal chiefs and the headmen with the
1 Ep. Carn. Vol. IV., Yd. 60, with a lithograph.
Ep. Carn. Vol. III. Introd. p. 4.
Ep. Carn. Vol. III., Nj. 139; for the attribution of this record to Nitimârga, see Introd. p. 4, as well as the Classified List after p. 36.
Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. Introd. p. 11.
Ep. Carn. Vol. III., Nj. 97.
Ibid. Nj. 98.
1 Ep. Carn. Vol. III., Ml. 30.
Ep. Carn. Vol. III. Introd. p. 4, and Vol. IV. Introd. p. 11.
9 Ep. Carn. Vol. IV., Kp. 38.
See above, Vol. V. pp. 168, 180.
14 Ep. Cars. Vol. IV., Hg. 116.
11 Ibid. Hg. 110.
11 Ep. Carn. Vol. III. Introd. p. 5.
15 Ibid. Introd. p. 12; see also the translation of the record.
10 Ibid. the Classified List.

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- blunt answer - We do not wish any other than R&chamalla to rule over the kingdom of "Bayal-nad." This, however, hardly does justice to the original, which is in much more plain and forcible terms; and I will give my own rendering of it further on.
And finally, next after Rachamalla I. Mr. Rice has placed Satyavákya-Bütuga II., with, apparently, the period from about A.D. 930 to A.D. 963. The initial date follows from his opinion that the Hiranandi inscription, which he has placed "about A.D. 930," "brings us "to the death of Ereyappa and the beginning of BQ tuga's reign;" and the final date is the initial date of Nolambåntaka-Marasimha II., whom he has placed immediately after Batuga II.
In these arrangements, Mr. Rice has found himself more than once confronted with a difficulty in the shape of overlapping dates; and, in particular, he has found that the period A.D. 893 to 915, which he has provisionally" assigned to Nitimârga," seems to trench upon "the date Saka 828 (A.D. 906) given in Kp. 38,"-(the Malligere inscription)- " for his son, "whose distinctive name was Ereyappa." He has proposed to remove any difficnlty of this kind by the suggestion that " from instances like this "-(namely, an inscription at Kyâtanahalli, which has been supposed to mention Ereyappa as Yuvarája, and has been placed "about A.D. 916"), "and similar ones among the Hoysala and other dynasties, it is evident that the heir" apparent to the throne, when of age, was often associated with the king in the government, "and represented as himself performing all the functions of royalty. It is necessary to bear this "in mind in order to account for the frequent overlapping of dates in the reckoning of the "end of the father's reign and the beginning of his son's." We need not, however, consider what may or may not have been the custom among any other families. The overlapping of dates results only from pushing on Satyavákya-Rajamalla to too late a period, and from wrongly identifying Ereyappa as a Satyavákya instead of a Nitimârga. If the Ganga records are handled properly, there is no instance, as yet, of any overlapping dates at all; and we have no reason to expect to meet with any such dates.
I take the matter differently, and follow the genuine records. I have, indeed, allowed myself, in my previous article, to enter into certain speculations based on the possibility that, as the spurious grants unquestionably include most of the real historic names mixed up with the fictitious names of their own invention, they may also have preserved a few other germs of historical and chronological truth, more or less correct, or more or less distorted and in anachronistic sequence. But it seems very questionable, whether it is safe to allow them even so much credit as that. It appears more likely that we ought to set them aside as simply epigraphic curiosities, in respect of which we may consider hereafter, if it is thought worth while, how much or how little of the true history was known to the persons who fabricated them. but which we must not use in attempting to construct any of the true history. And on the present occasion, at any rate, I shall not make any use of them, except in connection with the name of sivamâra II.
The first four generations of the family are enumerated in the Vallimalai inscription, which tells us that the son of Sivamâra (I.) was Sripurusha-(Muttarasa), Sripurusha's son was Ranavikrama, and Raņavikrama's son was Rajamalla. This record is not dated ; and it, therefore, does not help in that way. Its great value consists in its disposing finally of the imaginary generation which the spurious grants from Mysore would set up between Sivamara I. and Sripurusba-Muttarasa, and in its giving us the true name of the person, Ranavikrama, whom the spurious grants call Vijayaditya, or in whose place, ignoring him altogether, they substitute & Vijayaditya.
1 Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. Introd. p. 12.
• Ep. Carn. Vol. III. Introd. p. 8. Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. Introd. p. 11.
• Bp. Carn. Vol. III. Introd. p. 4. . Ep. Ind. Vol. III., Sr. 147; and see page 68 below, note 6.
Above, Vol. IV. p. 140, A.

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Of Sivamâra I. we have not, as yet, any genuine record affording a clue to a specific date for him. But historical considerations require us to place him about A.D. 760. And the palæographic indications of certain genuine records which are fairly attributable to him, are fully in accordance with that view. I have proposed for him the period about A.D. 755 to 765. I may hereafter place him a very few years earlier or later. But, for the present, the period that I have proposed is a sufficiently close approximation to the truth.
Of Sripurusha-Muttarasa, again, we have not, as yet, any genuine record affording a clue to a specific date for him. On palæographic and historical grounds, I have allotted to him the period about A.D. 765 to 805. It may be necessary hereafter to place him ten years or so earlier, or even later; and also to allow him a somewhat longer period, because there seems to be a record at Mélagani or at Bissenhalli, overlooked by me, which quotes his fortysecond year. But here again, for the present, the proposed period is close enough to the truth.
Next after Sripurusha-Muttarasa, I have placed Sivamara II., with the period about A.D. 805 to 810. How far this entry can be upheld, must be a matter for future consideration, for the following reasons. In the first place, we have no genuine records fairly referable to him as a ruling prince. In the second place, we have no absolute statement anywhere, save in the sparious grants, that Sripurusha-Mattarasa had a son named. Sivamára. In the third place, in selecting A.D. 805 as his initial date, I allowed myself to be guided by the Suradhênupura forgery,- (not having any reason to suspect that it was so very modern and feeblo a fraud), on the chance that that document, though spurions, preserved a genuine date which, not only was not an impossible one, but was a very possible one, and one that would fit in exactly with the fact that the paramount sovereign, the Rashtrakūta king Govinda III., was actually in the Kanarese country, on the Tungabhadrâ, and apparently in Mysore itself, in A.D. 804,which
i See Coorg Inscrs. Introd. p. 4.
. It became "impossible" only on the discovery of the spurious Maope grant, purporting to be dated A.D. 797, which would establish in connection with Sivamira II. a date, when he either was ruling or else had ruled and passed away, eight years before the commencement of his rule according to the Suradhenupura forgery.
See the record of that year, mentioned in my Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts in the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. I. Part II.), p. 879. Mr. Rice (Mysore, revised edition, Vol. 1. p. 326) has identified the Ráme vara Artha, where, the record says, Govinda III. was then encamped, --with an island in the Tungabhadra, five miles south of Honnási in the Shimoga district, Mysore.--I take this opportunity of referring to passages in my Dyn. Kan. Distrs. pp. 396, 403, where I have suggested that a certain place, - in respect of which the lord of Vengt," i.e. the Eastern Chalukya king Vijayaditya 11., is said to have assisted Govinda III. in fortifying it, by constructing an outer wall round it, was Minyakheta, the modern Málkhed in the Nizam's Dominions, and that, subsequently, Amoghavarsha I. completed the fortification of the city and made it the capital of his dynasty. The place is referred to in verse 19 of the Ridhanpur grant of A.D. 807 (Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 71). The preceding verse tells us that Govinda 111. had, in the course of previous events, marched with his army to the banks of the Tungabhadra, and there had drawn to himself the wealth of the Pallavas," or, in other words, had levied tributo or fines from them; and, with the help of the record from the Kanarese country (Ind. ant. Vol. XI. p. 125), we may place that about the beginning of A.D. 804. And the use of the word yatra, "where," in verse 19, locates the place, round which the vd hy.dll-urili or "external circumvallation" was built for him by "the lord of Vengi," on, or somewhere in the neighbourhood of, the Tungabhadrâ. The reference may be only to a fortification of some large encampment actually on the Tungabhadrâ; and, in that case, we may locate that encampment, because of the mention of the Palla vas and the lord of Vengi, as far to the east as possible,- somewbere in the neighbourhood of the confluence of the Tungabhadra and the Kish på. But Malkhod is only some eighty-five or ninety miles away, on the north, from the Tungabhadra. It probably already existed, as a place of some importance. The usefulness of it, if fortified, with a view to resisting attacks from the cast, would be evident. And it is very likely that Govinda III, then decided on making it the capital, and caused the external fortifications of it to be built for him by the king of Vengt. In that case, the passage in verse 12 of the Deoli grant of A.D. 940 (above, Vol. V. p. 193, text linea 18. 19).-which Dr. Bhandarkar has interpreted as shewing that Malkhed was founded by Amoghavarsh I.
may be translated so as to mean that Amoghavarsha I. merely further embellished a city which had been selected
the capital, and had been fortified, by Govinda III. ; just as, among the Western Chalukyas, Pulakasin I. acquired Badami (page 8 above, verse 7), but his son and successor Kirtivarman I., in whose time, we know, the large Vaishnava cave at least was made there, is called "the first maker or creator" of it, i.e. the person who began to adorn the city with temples and other buildings (above, Vol. III. p. 52, and see Dyn. K . Distre. p. 345).

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would give him the convenient opportunity of doing what the spurious Manne grant asserts that he did, namely, of joining in the coronation of Sivamára II. And in the fourth place, it is not unlikely that we shall find, hereafter, that the Ganga prince who was imprisoned by Dhruva, was · released from long captivity and sent back to his own country by Govinda III., and then after no long time was imprisoned again by the latter king, was, not Sivam&ra II., but SripurushaMuttarasa, the fresh act of pride and opposition, which led to the second captivity, being the assumption by him of the paramount titles some time after his twenty-ninth year; and, if so, Śivamâra II. would have to be placed somewhat later than the period that I have proposed for him. On the other hand, some evidence in support of the existence of a Sivamara who may be taken as a son of Sripurusha-Mattarasa, is furnished by an inscription at Sivarpatpa,' which mentions a Sivamara who was governing the village of Kadabar, Kadabûr, or possibly Kadambůr or Kadambûr, under Sripurusha-Mattarasa and in perhaps his twenty-ninth year,(this record, however, does not assert any relationship), - and by & spurious inscription, or a record into which a spurious date has been introduced in putting it on the stone, at Kalbhavi in the Belgaum District, which mentions a Ganga prince named Saigotta-Sivamára, and preserves also the name of Kambharasa, as another variant of the name of the Ranávalóka-Kambayya of one of the Sravaņa-Belgo!& records and other documents, who was contemporaneous with Govinda III. And also, though for the line of descent from Sivamâra II. we are as yet dependent on only the Udayêndiram grant of the Ganga-Bana prince Hastimalla-Prithivipati II., of A.D. 915 or thereabouts, & record the value of which has still to be examined critically, -still, items of information, tending to corroborate that line of descent, are beginning to come to light: a Tamil inscription at Tiruvallam mentions a Sivamahåråja-Perumânadiga! and his son Pratipati-Araiyar, whom Dr. Hultzsch has very reasonably proposed to identify with the sivamåra and his son Přithivipati I. who are mentioned in the grant of A.D. 915; and the Hiri-Bidanur inscription mentions, as a contemporary of Vira-Nolamba son of Ayyapadeva, -(who wonld come about A.D. 940 to 950), - & certain Nanniya-Ganga son of a Ganga prince Pildavipati (which name also is evidently a form of Prithivipati, as pointed out by Mr. Rice), and the synchronisms justify us in finding in this Pilduvipati the Hastimalla-Prithivipati II. of A.D. 909 and 915. Accordingly, this entry also,-sivamara II., about A.D. 805 to 810,may be allowed to stand for the present as it is.
The son, or another son, of Sripurusha-Muttara sa was Raņavikrams; and Rapavikrama's son was R&jamalla. We learn this from the Vallimalai inscription, which may have omitted to mention Sivamâra II., either because there was really no such person, or because he did not rule, or because it sought to give only the actual lineal descent from father to son. Rajamalla may be safely identified with the ruling prince who is mentioned in the Hustkůru inscription by the proper name of Rajamalla, as well as the appellation of Satyavákya, and with the date of Saka-Saṁvat 792 (expired), = A.D. 870-71, without any details of the month, etc. He can be carried on, without objection, to that date. Bat he cannot be placed any later, if only for the reason that the Biļiûr inscription shews that a rale- of a Satyavákya (proper name
Bee above, Vol. V. p. 161, and p. 155, note 7.
Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 309. It is obvious, now, that in line 26 we should read Kambharasar, instead of the Kanoharasar then given by me. The passage is somewhat damaged; and, when that is the case, it is always emy to introduce confusion between the Kanarese ch and bh of the period of that record.
Mr. Rice's Insere, at Srae. Bef. No. 24; and see Dyn. Kan. Distre. p. 897, note 1.
* South Ind. Insers. Vol. II. p. 875. I find reason to think that in this grant, as it stands, we have, not a record that was actually written in that year, but a reproduction of some such record, made at an appreciably later time, into which some additions were introduced. This would account for the appearance in this record, in rather
fragmentary shape, of the fictitious Western Gangs pedigree, of wbich there is no hint at all in the other record of Prithivipati II, the Sholinghur inscription of A.D. 909 (above, Vol. IV. p. 221). South Ind. Ingers. Vol. III. p. 98.
Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. Introd. p. 10, and note 2. + Above, Vol. IV. p. 140, A.
• Ep. Caro. Vol. III., Nj. 75.

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not disclosed in it)- began in that same year, and, if we were to identify SatyavâkyaRajamalla, as Mr. Rice has done, with that Satyavâkya, thus making the year A.D. 870-71 his initial date, then we should have to allow a rule of sixty years by his father Rapavikrama,1 which is not admissible after so long a rule as that of Śripurusha-Muttarasa immediately before or almost so. And there is also another reason. Mr. Rice has brought to notice inscriptions at Baragûr and Hêmâvati which mention an intermarriage of the Gangas and the Nolambas during this period. The Baragûr inscriptions tell us that Satyavâkya-Rajamalla had a son Nitimârga, whose younger sister Jâyabbe was married to Nolambâdhiraja son of Pallavadhiraja, and that Nolambâdhirâja and Jayabbe had a son Mahendrâdhiraja, who was ruling (the Nolambavâḍi province) at the time when these records were written. One of these Baragar inscriptions is dated S.-S. 800 (expired), A.D. 878-79. This date is obviously the date of Mahendrådhiraja. And it follows that Satyavákya-Rajamalla must have come very appreciably before A.D. 878-79, for him to have a grandson who was then ruling (the Nolambavâḍi province), even if he was only an infant ruling it nominally. The date of A.D. 370-71, which is coupled with the name of Satyavâkya-Rajamalla in the Husukûra inscription, can, therefore, be only taken as his final date. And, pending the discovery of dated records which may fix anything more definite, we may divide the preceding interval into the periods of A.D. 810 to 840 for Ranavikrama and A.D. 840 to 870-71 for Satyavâkya-Rajamalla. I identify SatyavâkyaRajamalla with the Satyavákya-(proper name not disclosed)- of the Dodḍahundi inscription, and, consequently, bis father Ranavikrama with the Nitimârga- (proper name not disclosed) who is named in that same record as the father of that Satyavákya. No chronological question is involved in this; because that record does not contain any date, Saka or regnal. But the record can only be placed in the period A.D. 800 (or thereabouts) to 860; and it falls quite naturally into its proper place anywhere about A.D. 840. In connection with the records of Satyavákya-Rajamalla, we need only note further the fact that the Husukûru inscription mentions, as his Yuvaraja or chosen successor, Bâtarasa, who, it tells us, was then governing the Kongalnaḍ and Pânâd provinces. The Kongalnåd was an enchasira or eightthousand province,-see, for instance, an inscription at Kuragalla, which mentions it as such, i.e. a province that included, according to fact or tradition or conventional acceptation, eight thousand cities, towns, and villages. And the Pânâd or Pannâd was an arusdeira or six-thousand province; see, for instance, an inscription at Dêbûr.7 The two provinces were
1 Unless, of course, we place Śripurusha-Muttarasa appreciably later than even the period that I have proposed for him. In favour of doing that, it might be urged that there is the Sara guru grant (Ep. Carn. Vol. IV., Hg. 4, with a lithograph), purporting to be of his time, the characters of which prove one or other of two things,- either that the grant is spurious, or that it must be placed much nearer A.D. 870 than 805. But I do not think that Śripurusha-Muttarasa can be carried on any later than A.D. 814-15 at the utmost.
2 Ep. Carn. Vol. III. Introd. p. 4, and Vol. IV. Introd. p. 11. I am quoting the Baragar inscriptions from readings for which I am indebted to Mr. Rice.
Or perhaps Jalabbe, or something else; the final reading of the name seems to have not been fixed yet. See page 43 above. Ep. Carn. Vol. IV., Hs. 92.
On the question of these numerical components of the names of territorial divisions, see Dyn. Kan. Distrs. p. 298, and note 2, and Ind. Ant. Vol. XXIX. p. 277, note 18.
1 Ep. Carn. Vol. III., Nj. 26.- The Pânâd province figures, unfortunately, as a ten-thousand province throughout Mr. Rice's writings and maps (see, notably, Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. Introd. p. 4, and the maps in Mysore, Vol. I. pp. 300, 314). But it is correctly mentioned as a six-thousand in even line 18 of the spurious Merkåra grant, on which is based the erroneous assertion that it was a ten-thousand. The mistake is traceable back to Dr. Burnell, who wrote when the science of epigraphy was in its infancy, and who arrived at the conclusion that the akshara before the word sahasra, 'thousand,' in the passage in question, is a slight variation of the cave numerical symbol for ten' (South-Ind. Palao. p. 67). I pointed out, some years ago (Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 363), that, according to the lithograph in Ind. Ant. Vol. I. p. 362 (see also Coorg Insers. p. 4),- which undoubtedly represents the original much more correctly than does the representation of the akshara given in Dr. Burnell's book, the akshara is distinctly the syllable chhd. I did not venture then to decide what it might mean. But, with the Dêbûr inscription as onr guide, we know now that it is a Prakrit word meaning 'six,' and that the passage speaks of " the village

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evidently contiguous. The Panad province has been identified by Mr. Rice with the southern part of the Mysore district, below the Lakshmaptirtha and the Kávêri. The Kûragallu inscription seems to tacitly place in the Konga!nad province Kûragallu itself, which is in the Huņsûr tâluka of the Mysore district ; and, if it does so, then that province was immediately on the north-west of Panad.
We come now to the period between A.D. 870-71 and 940, which is the leading subject of the present inquiry. We have to deal with a Satyavákya and a Nitimârga, whose proper names are, perhaps, not so obviously fixed, as they might have been, by any records as yet brought to notice, and with an Ereyappa, for whom, under that name, the records do not as yet furnish any specific date. And here I have, as a preliminary, to draw attention to two important corrections,
In the first place, for the initial date of Nitimarga-Ereyappa, I adopted A.D. 893-94, which Mr. Rice deduced, from the Honnayakanhalli inscription, as the initial date of the Nitimarga of this period. But he has now withdrawn that date. He has told us that he thought there was a clue in the Honnayakanhalli inscription to Saka-Samvat 815 (expired), = A.D. 893-94, but that this does not now seem to be the case. And we are thus free from any necessity of placing the commencement of a rule in A.D. 893-94.
In the second place, the date of an inscription at Râmpurahas been misread. This record is rightly referred by Mr. Rice to the period with which we are dealing. And it really is a record of a Satyavákya, whose proper name is not disclosed in it. Whereas, however, the published version represents it as dated in his fourth year, I find, from an ink-impression that has reached me, that it is really dated in his thirty-fourth year. And there is nothing in this to surprise us ; for, not only have we an inscription at Iggali dated in his twenty-second year, but also Mr. Rice has told us that there is an inscription at Satanûr dated in his twenty-ninth year, and the Malligere inscription, noticed just below, gives a Saka date for him three years later still.
Next after Satyavákya-Rajamalla, then, we have to locate a Satyavákya and a Nitimarga. And the order in which they came, namely the Satyavákya first and then the
named Badaneguppe in the Edenåda seventy of the Punadu chhdsahasra or six-thousand." The Pageage is mostly in very bad Sanskrit; but it contains also the Prakrit form saptari, for saptati, seventy. The chha that is used in it for six,' figures leo in Marathi, in chhatils, thirty-six,' aud chhappann, 'fifty-six,' in both of which words the following consonant is doubled, instead of lengthening tbe a of chha. We have chha for six ' in PAli also, with the short a sometimes lengthened in composition, for instance chid-rattan,& period of six nights' (see Childers' PAli Dictionary). And the spurious Bangalore grant which parports to be dated A.D. 445, gives us the long d even with a doubling of the following consonant, in the word chhdnnarati, ninety-six' (Ind. Ant. Vol. VIII. p. 95, text line 2-3 from the top, and Plate).
1 See the maps in his Mysore, Vol. I. pp. 300, 814, and, more clearly on this point, in his Mysore Inscrs. Iatrod. p. 84.
Ep. Carn. Vol. III. Introd. p. 4.
Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. Introd. p. 11, note 4. • Ep. Carn. Vol. III., Sr, 148, with a lithograph. The published text gives Satyandkhya-Permmanadi. 31 dlutta ndlkaneya varshada, rendered in the translation by "the fourth year of the reign of SatyavákyaPermanadi." And the litbograph shows what is virtually the same thing, namely Satyavdkhya-Permminadigala alutta ndlkaneya warshada. This, however, in the lithograph, is only the result of manipulation, either of an impression or in the course of lithography. The ink-impression sbews distinctly that the real reading of the original is Satyandkhya-Permmdnadigala mú[va]tta-nalkaneya warshada, "of the thirty-fourth year of Batyavákyn. Permånadi." The akshara na is damaged and illegible, at the end of line 2. In the preceding akshara, the stroke on the right (proper left) side of the m is also damaged, and perhaps the stroke that makes the difference between a subscript w and 4;or, quite possibly, # was written by mistake for ; or, even the form pwonatta may have been used, instead of mavatta, which, however, is not so likely, But it is absolutely certain that this record is dated in the thirty-fourth year of a Satyavákya. . See, fully, in the preceding note.
See page 68 below. 1 Ep. Carn, Vol. 1V. Introd. p. 11. I assume that this is really a record of a Satyavákya, as implied.
I 2

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Nitimarga, is proved by the Saka dates given in the Biļidr, Malligere, and Kalagere inscriptions. The Biliúr inscription gives us the Satyaváky-- (proper name not disclosed), - with a date in the month Phalguna, Saka-Samvat 809 (expired), falling in A.D. 888, in his eighteenth year. The Malligere inscription gives us, again, the Satyaváky8 - (proper name not disclosed), - with the date of $.-S. 828 (expired),=A.D. 906-807, without any details of the month, etc., and without any specification of the regnal year. And the Kûlagere inscription gives us the Nitimarga-(proper name not disclosed), with the date of S.-S. 831 (expired),= A.D. 009-910, without any details of the month, etc., and without any specification of the regnal year.
We may safely identify the Satyavákys with the Batarass who is mentioned in the Husukūru inscription, of A.D. 870-71, as then governing the Konga!nad and Panad provinces as Yuvarája under Råjamalla. There is every reason to believe that, being the Yuvarája or chosen successor of Rajamalla, Batarasa was also his actual successor ; and there is, at any rate, no hint anywhere, as yet, that he died without succeeding. And we shall probably find hereafter that he was the eldest son of Rajamalla. Making this identification,- tben, for the period of Batarasa's own rule, we have, in the first place the Biļiar inscription, which mentions him simply as Satyavákya, and which gives a Saka date with details falling in February or March, A.D. 888, in his eighteenth year, and thus fixes the commencement of his rule in A.D. 870 or 871. We may place next the Iggali inscription, dated, without any details of the month, etc., in his twenty-second year, = A.D. 891-92: this record mentions & certain Racheya-Ganga, who, it tells us, then died fighting against the Nolamma or Nolamba; and it introduces the first certain mention of Ereyappa, whom it describes as convened with Satyavákya-(Batarasa) when the grant registered in it was settled. To somewhere about the same time, because it mentions Ereyappa in exactly the same way, we may refer the Kyatanahalli inscription : this record is not dated in any way, and it is noteworthy chiefly because it shows that certain epithets applied to Ereyappa in the Begur inscription and supposed to belong exclusively to him, had been already used by his predecessor: it specifically applies those epithets to the Satyavákya-Permânadi whom it mentions, not as Ereyappa, bat along with Ereyappa, from whom it most distinctly separates him. The Rampura inscription, dated in the month Mârgasira of his thirty-fourth year, belongs to A.D. 903 or 904 according to the actual commencement of his rule. And the Malligere inscription, dated Saka-Samvat 828 (expired), without any details of the regnal year, month, etc., carries him on to A.D. 906-907. There are also two other records of his time, requiring to be noticed here.
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 102, No. 2, with a lithograph (Mr. Kittel's rendering), and Coorg. Inscrs. p. 6 (Mr. Rice's rendering). Ep. Carn. Vol. IV., Kp. 88.
Ep. Carn. Vol. III., M1. 30. . See note 1 above.
Ep. Cam. Vol. II1., Nj. 139. 6 Ibid., Sr. 147.-It seems to be the treatment of this record that led Mr. Rice into wrongly stamping Ereyappa as a Satyavákya, through the translation of it giving " Satyavákyu ... Permanadi, Ereyapparaan," instead of "Satyavákya ... Permånadi and Freyapparasa." The translator ignored the copulative endings in Permmdnadigalurh Ereyapparasarum=ildu, line 11. The two persons are distinctly separated by those copulative endings. The following word, ildu, does not mean "halting," as rendered in the translation here, and in the case of Nj. 189 and 192 in the same volume, and of Hg. 108 in Vol. IV. It is equivalent to the more specific odan-ilds of Hg. 103, which means "being together, being in the company of each other, being convened." - It may also be noted that the Kytanahalli inscription, Sr. 147, has been wrongly interpreted as describing Ereyappa AB "Yuvardja of the entire Srirajya." The words occur as part of one of the adjectives qualifying the saints Bhadrababu and Chandragupta. And they can only mean something like "[reverenced] by all Ywardjas of the Srirajya."
1 Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. Introd. p. 11. . Ep. Carn. Vol. III., Sr. 148; as regards the date, see page 67 above, note 4.
Ep. Carh. Vol. IV., Bp. 38.

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One is an inscription at Karagalla: it mentions him, as the ruling prince, under the appellation of Permanadi; but it goes on to give his name in the form of Batuga; and it further mentions his wife Paramabbe (or Saramabbe) as "governing" the village of Kurgal, and Eroyappa 88 “ governing "the Kongaldad eight-thousand. And the other is an inscription at Kattemanu. ganahalli, which mentions Nîtimârga-Ereyapparasa as "governing" the Nugunad and Navalenád provinces or districts, of which the former appears to be the country on the banks of the Nugu or Nagu river, a tributary of the Kabbani, in the Heggadadávankote and Nanjangủa tâlukas of the Mysore district. These two records do not contain any dates, Saka or regnal. But they may be placed somewhere towards the end of the rule of Batuga I., because of the advance that they shew in the status of Ereyappa, as compared with the Iggali and Kyâtanahalli records. Next, then, after Satyavákya-Rajamalla, we have Setyavákya-BâtarasaBatuga I., with fixed dates ranging from A.D. 870-71 to 908-907.
Next after Satyavákya-Bâtuga I. came the Nitimêrge, whom we may unhesitatingly identify with the Ereyappa of the Iggali, Kyatanahalli, and Kûragallu records, and the NitimArga-Ereyappa of the Kattemanuganahalți record, of the time of his predecessor. As regards the period of his own rule, we have as yet no record that actually gives a Saka date for bim under the name of Ereyappa ; but the Kûlagere inscription gives for him, under the appellation of Nitimärga, the date of Saka-Samvat 831 (expired), = A.D. 909-910, without any details of the month, etc., and without any specification of the regnal year; and we may provisionally fix his initial date in A.D. 908. The relationship of Ereyappa to Butúga I., and the circumstances under which he succeeded, have not been ascertained yet. We shall probably
1 Ep. Carn. Vol. IV., Hs. 92. The name of his wife is given as Faramabbe in the text in Roman characters, and as Saramabbe in the Kaparese text. Both the texts give "Treyappa ;" but this is, no doubt, a mistake for "Ereyappa." -Mr. Rice (ibid. Introd. p. 12, and the Classified List of Inscriptions) has referred this record to the period of the rule of Ereyappa, and appears to treat Paramabbe (or Saramabbe) as a wife of Batuga II. But it is only in his predecessor's time that Ereyappa could be "governing" simply a province; and it is impossible to find here, correctly, any reference to Batuga II., who came after Kreyappa.
Ep. Carn. Vol. IV., Hg. 103. This record is, in my opinion, sufficient in itself to shew that Ereyappa was Nitimarga, not a Satyavákya; it mentions him as Nitimarga in line 1 in the first set of epithets, and as Ereppers (sccording to the published texts) in line 5 in the second set of epithets. The published translation, indeed has separated the appellation Nitimarga from the name Ereyappa, and has made them two distinct persons, by introducing the words "was ruling the kingdom of the world” in line 3, after the word Permmdnadigal and the result of this would be that the ruling prince was a Nitimarga, and that Ereyappa was a governor under him. But that addition to the text is neither necessary nor justifiable. The second Soasti, in line 8, introduces only
second set of epithets. The ruling prince is mentioned only as Permånadi, in line 10, which tells us that be and Ereyappa were convened together when the grant registered in this record was made.
The Malligere inscription, after introducing the raling prince as Satyavákya-Permånadi, perhaps goes on to introduce someone else, to whom it applies the epithets that are applied in the Kytanahalli inscription to Satyavákye-(Batuga I.) and in the Bégar inscription to Ereyappa ; and, if so, that other person must be Ereyappa, by that time entrusted with still greater powers and invested with still higher dignities. But the rest of the record is described as out of sight or illegible.
4 I did not on the previous occasion, and I do not now, overlook the point that this arrangement places Satyavákys next in succession after a Satyavákya, whereas it might perhaps be urged that we should expect Nitinarga to follow & Satyaváky, & Satyavákya to follow a Nitimarge, and so on. But the saka dates prove conclusively that this was not the case at this point. And we have plainly three Satyavákyas in succession later on in the men of Marasimha II., Panchaladva, and Rachamalla II. We do not know at prenent exactly how the appellations Satyavákya and Nitimarga were determined. But, if . conjectare may be hazarded, it is that Satyavákya was the customary appellation of the eldest son. We do not know that Marasimha II. was not the eldest son of Batuga II. : it seems probable, in fact, that he was so, because it is unlikely that he sbould abdicate after ruling for only ten or eleven years, unless he was considerably advanced in years when he began to rule : and the fact that his half-brother Maruladeva was the son of a king's daughter, would easily account for the Buceksion going first to Maruladeva's son Rachcba-Gangs. The Satyavákya of the Doddahundi inscription, i.e. BAjamalla, is distinctly specified (see page 45 above) as the eldest son of the Nitimarge, 1... Raņavikrama, of that record. And Nitimarga-Ranavikrama was a younger son, it we accept the existence of Sivamara II.
Ep. Carn. Vol. 11I., M. 80.

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find, however, that he was a younger son of Bataga I. And, from the fact that none of the records, that have as yet come to light, speak of him as the Yuvardja or chosen successor of Bataga I., and from certain other indications, it seems likely that he took advantage of the executive authority entrusted to him by Batuga I., and diverted the succession from the direct and proper line. There are hints to this effect, in the description of his son R&chamalla I. as a poisonous tree which was uprooted, and of Butuga II. as a pure tree which was planted in its place, by Krishna III., and in the fact that Krishna III. gave again to Butuga II. the Belvola, Purigere, Kisukad, and Bågensd districts, which had previously been given to him, as the dowry of his wife Rêvakanimmadi, by Amoghavarsha-Vaddiga. And there is also the statement in the Begür inscription, that Ereyappa governed the Gangavadi province as an united whole, after depriving all his enemies of their power. The exact application of this latter statement, indeed, is not yet certain : on the one hand, taken in connection with the mention of hostilities with the Nolambas in A.D. 891-92, in the time of Bâtuga I., and with the existence of an intrusive Noļamba record of A.D. 895-96 at Tåyalûr in the Mandya tâluka, it may mean that Ereyappa was successful against some determined effort of the Nolambas to overthrow the Ganga power altogether; and on the other hand, as the Bégûr inscription shews that he was, at that time, on very friendly terms with the Nolamba Ayyapadeva, the fact may be that the enemies whom he overthrew were his own relations, and that he was assisted in doing that by the Nolambas. Still, however this may be, we shall probably find heroafter that Bütuga II. was the eldest son of the Racheye-Ganga whose death in A.D. 891-92, in battle against the Nolamma or Nolamba, is mentioned in the Iggali inscription, and that Racheya-Ganga was the eldest son of Bûtaga I., and that it was the death of Râcheya-Ganga in A.D. 891-92 that enabled Ereyappa to secure the succession,- to the exclusion of Bûtaga II., who was eventually placed in possession of his rights by Ksishņa III. To the period of the rule of Ereyappa himgelf belongs the Bêgur inscription, which mentions him as Ereyappa, and describes him as lending a force to Ayyapadeva, for the purpose of fighting against a certain Viramahendra who seems to be the Eastern Chalukya king Bhîma II. This record has to be placed near the end of his rule. To an earlier period in his time belongs an inscription at Gattavadi, which mentions him as the ruling prince under the appellation of Nitimârga, and is dated, without any details of the Saka year, month, etc., in his fifth year, corresponding probably to A.D. 012-13. There is, apparently, an inscription at Marûr in the Hassan district, dated in his nineteenth year, which would carry him on to about A.D. 926-27. As we shall see, shortly, he must have ruled for not loss than twenty-five years, up to some date after A.D. 933. And we may provisionally fix the end of his rule in A.D, 938.
Nitimarga-Ereyappa left son named Rachamalla I. And it was by killing Rachamalla that Batuga II. obtained the succession. We know this from the Atakur inscription. That the event occurred in or before A.D. 940, is shewn by the Rashtrakața grant from Debli, dated in that year, which mentions the fact and implies that Batuga II. received material assistance from the Rashtrakůta king Krishọa III., who was his brother-in-law; for, it says, Krishna III. "planted in Gangapâţi, as in a garden, the pure tree Bhâtårya, having aprooted the poisonous
1 Regarding an instance in which he has been supposed to be thus described, see page 68 above, note 6. • Sea below. See page 57 above. • Page 49 above.
Page 68 above. • Ep. Carn. Vol. III., Md. 18; and see above, Vol. V. p. 165.
1 Page 49 above. # Ep. Carn. Vol. III., Nj. 98. This record mentions a certain Marag&mund, and a person whose name is given in the publiebed texts as Taparekere-Basavayya. The other Gattavadi inscription (Nj. 97), of the fifth vear of SatyayAk sa (proper Dame not disclosed), mentions evidently the same two persons, the first of them as Maragavunda, and the second of them as Tayura-Parekere-Basavayya according to the published texts. This brings these two records into immediate sequence. And Nj. 97 is, therefore, to be referred either to Satyaváky Batago J., or to Satyavákya-Batuga II. . Seo Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. Introd. p. 18.
10 Page 57 above.

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tree Rachhyamalla." And the event must also be placed some few years after A.D. 938, because we have a date in that year for Govinda IV., and the reign of Amoghavarsha-Vaddigs intervened after that and before the reign of Krishna III. That Rachamalla did actually succeed his father, is distinctly implied by the Deoli grant. And we have now a record which is to be referred to the period of his rule, and which probably discloses the actual outbreak of hostilities between him and Batuga I. It is the Hiranandi inscription, which tells us that " When Ereyappa ascended to heaven, Bhuvanâditya came and said that Kiriya-Rachamalla had given, at Mannebetta or Mannibida (P), half the country and the treagury; wbereupon, the five Samantas' and the Pergades and the governor (?) of the Bayalpad country said-We will not allow any other than Râchamalla to rule; then they fought at Magundi (or perhaps at Bhuvanäytana-Mâgundi) and the four sons of Nindiya-Korantiyarasa fought and died," etc. It is, thus, plain that Rachamalla I. did actually succeed to the leadership of the Gangas. And it seems that he deliberately gave half the principality to Batuga II., and thus paved the way to his own overthrow. At the same time, it appears tolerably certain that he ruled for only & short time. And we may probably place the death of Ereyappa, the accession of Rachamalla I, and the killing of the latter by Batuga II., all in A.D. 938.
In this way, Rachamalla I. was succeeded by Satyavákya-Batuga II., at some time between A.D. 933 and 940, and probably in A.D. 938, or very closely thereabouts. As has been intimated above, we shall probably find hereafter that Batuga II. was a grandson of Bûtuga I., and & son of the Râcheya-Ganga who died in A.D. 891-92. And we have, at present, nothing else to add to the account of him given on the previous occasion, except that certain inscriptions at Annigere and Gâwarawâd in the Dharwår district, and at Hali in Belgaum, shew that the exact name of the elder sister of Krishna III., who was one of his wives, was Révakanimmadi,' and that we have now a later date for him in A.D. 953.
On the present occasion, we are not concerned with the general history of the Gangas after A.D. 940. But it may be conveniently noted here, in connection with Pañchaladêva, that the war between him and the Western Chålukya Ahavamalla-Taila II., in the course of which Pañchaladeva was overthrown and killed, is referred to by the Kanarese poet Ranna,
Above, Vol. IV. p. 289, and Vol. V. p. 191.
* Ep. Carn. Vol. IV., Hg. 116; And see page 62 above.- I take the text, of course, as given by Mr. Rice. But there are points in it that call for comment. The text in Roman characters speaks of "Kongani-Kiriya. Bachamalla," but the text in Kanarese characters omits the Kongapi, and suggests, instead, some illegible biruda of the usual kind ending in vedenga. For the Marne-bettadol of the Roman text, the Kanarese text bas Manni. vididol,- presumably for Mannibidinol. There is nothing in either text, implying an invitation to go to Mannebetta or Mannibida. Koffs means "he gave, he has already) given," not he will give or would give." Bayal-nadan is certainly not the accusative singular of Bayal-ndd, governed by rdjyaman geyal : if it is the real reading at all, it is the nominative singular masculine of a base Bayal-ndda, with the copulative ending un, and it must denote some leading official, probably the Nalgdmunda, of the Bayalnád country; we have the same word in the locative, and in the ordinary nominative without the copulative ending, in the Kattomanuganahalli inscription (Hg. 103), which tells us, not that on the day that "there was a fight in Bayal-nad, when Bayalnad coming, attacked Kottamangala," but that "on the day, or at the time, when there was a quarrel with or war winst the Bayaludda, the Bayalndda came," etc. The lydm of the Roman text and iydm of the Kanarese text must be a mistake for fyem ; and (yem means, not " we do not wish," but " we will not give, we will not allow."
The five Samantas were probably the subordinate commanders of five bodies of local troops ; compare the reference to the Sdmantas of the Nagattara in the Bégar inscription (page 49 above). The same expression, av-edmantarum, and the five Sdmantas," - occurs in an inscription at Modaballi, Ep. Carn. Vol. III, Nj. 130.
Accordingly, & certain correction proposed for line 5 of the Hebba! inscription (see above, Vol. IV. p. 352, note 8) is not neerssary. The name Révaksnimmaçi is, I suppose, practically another form of Immidi-Rêvaks ; and, if so, it probably means "Rêvaka who was twice as beautiful or accomplished as any preceding Revsks" (see page 51 above, note 4).
. See the Postacript, page 88 below.
• See Mr. Rice's Karnatakababdanufdsanam, Introd. p. 288, where Abavamalla is wrongly identified with Iriyabedanga-Satyafraye, and PachAls is evidently mistake for Pafchsla.

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who mentions, in his Ajitatirthakarapurana or Ajitatir théivaracharita (finished A.D. 993-94), a defeat inflicted on the army of Pañchala by a general of Taila II. named Någadeva.
There is a great deal more to be said, both about the genuine history of the Gangas, and about the spurious records. Both these subjects are of extreme interest to me, partly because the history of the Gangas of Mysore is greatly intermingled, for a certain period, with the history of the Kanarese districts of the Bombay Presidency, which has always been my special line of inquiry; and partly because the ancient history of India, as a whole, deserves, and unfortunately still in many respects remains, to be worked out critically and on sound bases, with an elimination of all the fables that have been imported into it from the spurious records of Mysore, from similar records in other parts of the country, and from various chronicles and lists of kings, some of them of early date and some of them quite modern, which have been credited with an authenticity and value which they do not really possess at all. But certain preliminary studies must be completed, before either of these subjects can be handled finally.
In connection with the genuine history of the Gangas of Mysore, we must, among other things, determine more closely the date of the overthrow of the original Pallava dynasty of Kanchi, and of the supplantation of it by a branch of the Gangas in the person of, probably, Vijaya-Narasimhavarman. We must clear up certain points in the relations of the Rashtrakuta kings Dhruva and Govinda III. with the princes of Mysore. And we must examine more fully certain traditions of the later Ganga dynasty of Kalinga, on the east coast of Southern India, which have a distinct connection with Mysore. These topics will be dealt with shortly. And, for the present, it is sufficient to throw out the following few hints
as to what will be established.
We can now recognise clearly one genuine early Ganga prince anterior to Sivamara I. He is the Satyasraya-Dhruvaraja-Indravarman of the Goa grant, which shews him as a viceroy in charge of four provinces under the Western Chalukya kings Kirti varman I., Mangalêéa, and Pulakêsin II., under an appointment running from A.D. 591-92. He was plainly a close relation, and probably a brother, of Durlabhadêvî of the Batpûra family, the wife of Pulakesin I. He was an ancestor, and probably the grandfather, of RâjasimhaIndravarman I., the first king of the earlier Gånga dynasty of Kalinga, who adopted the era of A.D. 591-92 as the official reckoning in his dominions. And the name of "the original great Bappûra race," to which he is allotted by the Goa grant, must be derived from a secondary appellation of some great city in Mysore,- very likely of Kôlår itself.
We have perhaps another Ganga name, earlier than that of Sivamara I., and belonging to the period A.D. 880 to 896, in the case of the official named Kandarba, who was the administrative officer when the grant was made which is recorded in the Balagami inscription of the Western Chalukya king Vinayâditya and the Sêndraka prince Pogilli. The emblem at the top of that record is an elephant; the elephant was not the crest of the Western Chalukyas; nor is it likely that it was the crest of the Sendrakas; but it was the crest
1 See above, Vol. V. pp. 157, 160.
See the notice of this record in Dyn. Kan. Distrs. p. 355; and cancel my suggestion (id. p. 349, and in the Table at p. 336; also, in the Table in Vol. III. above, p. 2) that this person may have been a son of Mangaleis.
Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 142. For the emblem at the top of the stone, see the photograph in Col. Dixon's collection, No. 98, reproduced in my P. 8. O.-C. Insors. No. 152.
It seems highly probable that the name Sendraka is the origin of the later name Sinda. The Sinda princes are known for the period A.D. 990-91 to 1179, and chiefly in connection with the country round Pattadakal and Bagalkot in the Bijapur district and Yelburga in the Nizam's Dominions (Dys. Kan. Distrs. p. 572 ff.). But there was also a branch of them in the neighbourhood of the territory held in earlier times by the Sendrakas (id. r. 577);

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of the Western Gangas, and it is found above their records at Biļidr, Peggu-ûr, Ky&tanahalli, and Tayalür.
It is probable that Vijaya-Narasimhavarman represented the main line of the Gangas; and he was very likely a lineal descendant of Satyasraya-Dhruvarâja-Indravarman.
And it is becoming tolerably certain that Śivamâra I. and his descendants did not belong to the main line, but were the hereditary princes of the Konga!nad eight-thousand province. This would explain why Sivamâra I. and Sripurusha-Muttarasa called themselves "the Konguni king," and why their descendants assumed the appellation Konganivarman, Konguņivarman, Konginivarman, or Kongaļivarman, from which there was evolved, by the persons who fabricated the spurious grants, the name of the fictitious "Kongaņivarman, the first Ganga," as the imaginary founder of the line.
As regards the spurious grants, only ten, including the Sâți grant, were known when I wrote about them in Vol. III. of this Journal, p. 159 ff.; I dealt there with only some of the features in respect of which they have to be criticised; I could not examine any of the details, except the date, of the Hosûr grant, purporting to be dated A.D. 762, because I was not aware that the text of it, with a lithograph, had been published in Mr. Rice's article on "the Ganga kings" in the Madras Journ. Lit. and Science, 1878, p. 138 ff.; and, similarly for want of a lithograph or impressions, I was not able to examine any of the details of the Bangalore Museum grant, which purports to have been issued in the third year of Darvinita. Since then, some more spurious copper-plate grants of the same series have been published. And there are others already known, the publication of which is awaited. In the final examination of them, one interesting line of inquiry will be to collate the texts, examine all the peculiarities of vocabulary and diction, discover the locality in which these curious documents, or at least the majority of them, were fabricated, and trace the order in which they were concocted, and so, perhaps, the steps by which the fictitious pedigree was built up. In connection with all this, it will be desirable to see what real equivalents can be found for the false dates recorded in some of them, and in certain other records of the same nature connected with them : on this point, my present view is that, while some of the false dates are no doubt altogether imaginary, others of them may have been arrived at by calculations more or less correct, and others, again, give the true details of the dates on which the records were fabricated, or of dates, close to those dates, taken from almanacs accessible to the forgers, falsified in respect of the years by striking off an even number of cycles of the sixty-year system, or by similar means, in order to present a semblance of antiquity; and it is an
that branch had the crest of a tiger and a deer; and one of the branches at Bagalkot had the tiger-crest. The Sindas claimed to belong to the Nága race. And a statement referable to the eleventh century A.D., and to be accepted for what it may be worth, would allot the Sêndrakas themselves --(whom it mentions as Sendras)- to the lineage of the Bhujagêndras or serpent kings (id. p. 292).
i See the lithographs in Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 101, Coorg Ingers. p. 7, and Ep. Carn. Vol. III., Sr. 147 and Ma. 14.-In pointing out (above, Vol. V. p. 165, note 4) an objection to treating the Tâyalar record (Md. 14) AS "an intrusive Pallays inscription," I omitted to notice the fact that the emblem of the elephant proves conclusively that it is not such.
This exact expression occurs in an inscription at Kadlapura, Ep. Carn, Vol. 111., Nj. 110, which purports to be of A.D. 1148. It is extremely doubtful whether it is even a genuine record of that period. But, if we assume that it is genuine as far as it goes, then, of course, in putting forward Saka-Samvat 25 expired. - A.D. 103-104. As the date of "Kongapivarman, the first Gaoga," it simply put forward, in good faith, a false statement Bucoensfully palmed off on the officials of the period with a view to setting up a previous grant of the village. Historically, as regards the Gangas, the record is worthless; except in perhaps shewing that, by A.D. 1148, the date of A.D. 108-104 had come to be connected with the imaginary Kohgapivarman.
Ep. Carn. Vol. III., Md. 113, the Hallegere grant, purporting to be dated A.D. 713, and Nj. 122, the Tagadaru grant, purporting to be dated A.D. 267, and Vol. IV., Yd, 60, the Galigêkere grant, Sr. 160, the Gafijam grant, and probably (see page 66 above, note 1) Hg. 4, the Sangüru grant, all of them with lithographs.

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interesting fact that some of the dates do work out for precisely the period, the eleventh century A.D., which, as will be shewn, best provided all the historical conditions that necessitated the production of forged title-deeds to regain the possession of genuine endowments which had been confiscated and of which the original title-deeds had been lost, and made it possible to produce forged title-deeds to secure endowments the claims to which were false. And, before dealing with the matter finally, we shall have to consider which of the spurious records may really be accepted as ancient forgeries, worth examination, and which of them, notably, for instance, the extraordinary Harihar grant, which presents an attempt at two, if not three, alphabets, including some of the most modern Nâgari or Bâlbôdh forms,- may have to be rejected as modern forgeries, like the Suradhênupura document, and consequently to be dismissed as not worth any further thought. All this will take time. And in this line there is no particular objection to delay: partly in order to include in the final examination as many of these documents as can be brought together; and partly because, in view of what we learn from the Suradhênupura forgery can be attempted even in the present day, there is no particular object in compiling too quickly a manual of hints which would enable a modern forger to concoct a document that might prove not so easy to deal with as the ancient forgeries.
[VOL. VI.
In connection with both lines of inquiry, there are two questions of more immediate urgency. One is the duration and extent of the Chôla occupation of Mysore, and of some of the neighbouring parts of the Western Châlukya territories, during the eleventh century A.D., which, in consequence of the destruction of temples and the confiscation of endowments, created the chief reason for the production of the forgeries of the Western Ganga series; and, in connection with this, I shall edit in full an interesting record at Gâwarawâḍ in the Dharwâr district, with extracts from others connected with it. The other is the development of the alphabet of the Kanarese country during the ninth century A.D.: this will be of use, not only towards exposing fully the paleographic blunders of the ancient forgers, but also for arranging the proper order of genuine undated records not containing information that enables us to refer them to their exact places; and it will be illustrated, in the first instance, by a series of Rashtrakûța records, collotypes of which have already been prepared.
The two preliminary studies, indicated just above, will be published without much delay. Meanwhile, I am under the necessity of using such further space, as can be spared to me on the present occasion, chiefly in noticing, as briefly as possible, some remarks by Mr. Rice which are contained in his Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. Introd. pp. 6 to 8, and are by way of being a criticism of my exposé of the spurious grants in Vol. III. of this Journal, pp. 159 to 175.
We need not spend any time over Mr. Rice's opening assertion that "facts have proved "too strong, and Dr. Fleet has been compelled to admit the existence of the kings from "Sivamâra, in the 8th century, downwards, and perhaps Mushkara, two generations earlier." The assertion has been made carelessly, and without sufficient reflection. I have never made the alleged admissions. And nothing has ever yet been brought to light, that would justify me in making any such admissions.
Nor need we spend any time over the bad orthography of the grants,-over Visvakarman, the alleged writer (not engraver) of some of the grants which purport to be centuries apart in date,-over the identity of the witnesses in two of the grants which purport to be separated by an interval of two hundred and eighteen years, over a conjectural
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 173, with a lithograph.
Noticed in Dyn. Kan. Distrs. p. 441, note 8. I find that this record contains much more information than I thought from a cursory examination, made when I was writing my Dynasties in the leisure moments of official life, of the transcriptions of it and the Appigere inscription in Sir Walter Elliot's collection.

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alteration made by Mr. Rice, in the text of the twelfth verse of the Udayêndiram grant of the Ganga-Bapa prince Hastimalla-Prithivipati II., which we now know to be, not only a rather violent liberty, but one that is altogether unsustainable, and over the dubious title Rája or Vriddharaja. In each case, the facts are as I stated them. Mr. Rice's remarks are simply an attempt to divert attention from the main issue, the spurious nature of the grants. The points themselves will be dealt with, as far as may be necessary and without reviving any contentious matter, in the ultimate full examination of the spurious grants. They involve nothing of historical importance, except in connection with the Jain teacher Simhanandin, who seems to have been undoubtedly a real person, though the legends about him in Mysore, especially in respect of connecting him with the Gangas, were of a very wild kind. And the time for going. usefully into his history will come, when we examine the full Purânic genealogy and legendary history that were eventually, devised in connection with the Gangas of Mysore.
THREE RECORDS IN THE BANGALORE MUSEUM.
And we need not spend much time over a point, in connection with the invention of the fictitious pedigree that is presented in the spurious grants, which it would not be necessary to notice here in detail at all, but that I have, in this case, to deal with a more than usually unbecoming misrepresentation of what I said.
75
In 1894 I said "The question may very reasonably present itself,- What was the object "of the invention of the genealogy that is exhibited in these spurious records ?" I remarked,"There are plain indications that, just about the period,-the last quarter of the ninth century "A.D., that has been established above as the earliest possible one for the fabrication of "the Merkara grant, all the reigning families of Southern India were beginning to look up their "pedigrees and devise more or less fabulous genealogies." And the answer at which I arrived, was, that the Western Gangas had followed, in the person of the great prince Nolambântaka-Mârasimha II., the example that had thus been set, and that the time when their genealogy, as presented in the spurious grants, was invented, was fixed very closely by an inscription at Lakshmêshwar, which purports to be of his time and to be dated A.D. 968-69, and which then seemed to me "to represent, in a rudimentary form, the beginning of a longer "genealogy which was elaborated subsequently."
Mr. Rice has stamped as a "very remarkable statement" what I said as to there being indications that, about the last quarter of the ninth century A.D., there was a general. tendency in Southern India to look up pedigrees and devise more or less fabulous genealogies. We may dismiss that observation of his summarily; partly because he has made no attempt to shew how my statement was a remarkable one; and partly because my statement was and is in accordance with facts.
But we cannot dismiss so summarily what he said next. He has said that, "in support "of this very remarkable statement," I have given the information that "the Pallava puranic "genealogy first appears in the 7th century; that of the Rashtrakutas in 933; that of the "Western Gangas was probably devised about 950 but may have been concocted a little earlier; "that of the Cholas between 1063 and 1112; that of the Eastern Gangas in 1118." And on this he said, by way of comment,-"But it is singular that not one of these periods falls within "the 9th century, the time when all the royal families were imagined to be engaged with a "strange unanimity in 'furbishing up their pedigrees.' Another thing to be noted is that the "genealogy of the Gangas, with whom we are now particularly dealing, is in no sense puranic."
Now, in the first place, it is only with a reservation that it can be said that the genealogy of the Gangas is in no sense Purâpic. We know, from inscriptions of the eleventh century
2
Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. Introd. p. 7 f.
1 Above, Vol. III. p. 171. See Mr. Rice's Mysore, revised edition, Vol. I. p. 308 ff.
12

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at Humcha and other places in that neighbourhood, that eventually a fall Puranic genealogy and legendary history of the usual kind were duly invented for the Gangas of Mysore. But the Puranic element does not figure in the genealogy given in the spurious grants, with which I was dealing. And I treated that genealogy simply as what it is, namely a fictitious genealogy of & pretended historical kind; calling it specifically on one occasioni "the pretended historical genealogy of the Western Gangas." That I, naturally, treated the invention of it in connection with the invention of some of the Puranic genealogies, is no reason for saying that I stamped it as Puråņic. And I did not do so.
In the second place, as regards the extraordinary sentence which Mr. Rice has put, by the use of inverted commas, into my mouth, - no such sentence has ever been written by me; nor has anything ever been written by me, that could justify my statements being represented in that form. The sentence is founded upon words which were actually used by me. But it has been made up by Mr. Rice himself, from garbled extracts from different sentences written by me on different occasions. And my reference to the Pallava Purânic genealogy was made in a way very different from that in which it has been presented by Mr. Rice.
In 1894, in the remarks which, in particular, Mr. Rice was attacking in 1898, I made no mention at all of the Pallava Puranic genealogy; and I wrote: “The Puranic genealogy of "the R&shtrakūtas makes its first appearance in the Sangli grant of A.D. 933. The Purânic "genealogy of the Chalukyas presents itself first in the Korumelli grant of shortly after "A.D. 1022. The Chôļa Purâņic genealogy is, apparently, first met with in the Kalingattu“Parani, which was composed in the reign of the Eastern Chalukya king Kulôttunga-Chôdadêva "1. (A.D. 1063 to 1112). And the Purâņic genealogy of the Eastern Gangas of Kalinganagara “is first made known by a grant of A.D. 1118-19." I plainly put forward each date as the date at which we first come across each genealogy, and not as the date of its actual invention. And it should be obvious to anyone that the genealogies must have existed for some appreciable time, before they could be actually quoted in records.
So much I wrote in 1894, adding the opinion, from the Lakshmêshwar inscription, that, in the time of Noļambântaka-Marasimha II., the Western Gangas followed the general example that had thus been set, and that their genealogy, as put forward in the spurious grants, was probably invented closely about A.D. 968-69. Subsequently, in 1895 or 1896, in my account of the Pallavas, I wrote - "In their records, the Pallavas claim to belong to the Bharadvaja "gôtra. Some of the records give them a regular Puranic genealogy which appears first in the "seventh century A.D." And at this place I made no reference at all to any of the other genealogies. Further on in the same work, I had occasion to give a full notice of the legendary history, including the Puråņic genealogy, of the Chalukyas, taken, in its final and most complete shape, from a record of the period A.D. 1022 to 1063. And to this I attached the following note, the first part of which does little more than recapitulate what I had said in 1894,-“The Puråņic genealogy of the Rashtrakůțas makes its first appearance in the Sângli " grant of A.D. 933. The pretended historical genealogy of the Western Gangas may have been “concocted a little earlier, but was more probably devised about A.D. 950. The Chola Purâņic
Dys. Kan. Distrs. p. 342, note 1. • See Bp. Cars, Vol. IV. Introd. p. 6, para. 3, the last three lines. : Above, Vol. III. p. 171 f.
• Dun. Kam. Distrs. p. 316.-I say I wrote this "in 1895 or 1896," for the following reason. The date of a remark must be, ordinarily, the date of the publication of it. The last of the proof-sheets of my Dynasties were passed by me, for printing, in September, 1895. And the title-page was among them. It naturally was dated 1895. And that is the date that appears on the title-page of the very few separate copies that were struck off. Nevertheless, and though I expressly gave instructions that uniformity was to be observed, the date was changed, without my being consulted, to 1896, in the title-page as issued in the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. I. Part II after page 276,- appareatly because that volume was not issued till 1896. Dyn. Kan. Distrs. p. 336 ff.
• 1d. p. 342, note 1.

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« genealogy is apparently first met with in the Kalisigattu-Parani, which was composed in the "reign of the Eastern Chalukya king Kulôttunga-Chôdadêva I., A.D. 1063 to 1112. And the “Puranic genealogy of the Eastern Gaigas of Kalinganagara is first presented in a record of « A.D. 1118-19." Here, in this note, for the first time I mentioned the Pallava Puranic genealogy in connection with the others. But I did not adduce, s Mr. Rice says I did, that genealogy, which appears first in the seventh century A.D., as having been put together in the tenth century, as I then put it,- differing a little from my previous suggestion of the last quarter of the ninth century. What I said, is - "The Purâņic genealogy of the Pallavas has "been mentioned on page 316 above. This is the earliest such pedigree that has as yet come to " light. And possibly a discovery of it, in some ancient record, set the later fashion which " became so general."
These are the passages from which Mr. Rice has strong together the extraordinary sentence that he has put into my mouth. He has further, on the same occasion, quoted me as describing the reigning families of Southern India as "furbishing up their pedigrees." He has repeated this twice, as if there were something peculiar in the expression. I cannot find any passage in my writings, in which I used these words; nor can friends, who have searched for it, find it; nor can even Mr. Rice himself, to whom I have applied, give me the reference to any passage in which I have used it. I therefore cannot say whether I did use it, or not. Let it be taken for granted, however, that I did use it. It is a very appropriate expression. To furbish" means "to polish." And “polishing up" describes exactly the process that each Puråņic genealogy went through, at some time or another, before it was eventually settled in its final form,
We may leave here all these minor matters, with simply the additional remark that it is easy enough to apparently demolish an opponent by first attributing to him statements and admissions that he has not made, and arguments that he has not used, but that that seems hardly the proper way of carrying on even a controversy. And we may now turn our attention to a more important point, the paleographic question, upon which something useful may be said.
In 18941 I noticed some of the palæographic blunders in the spurious grants. There is a good deal more to be said in this line hereafter; for I dealt then with only two characters, the kh and the b. But these two characters themselves are letters which' furnish, as I said, "S leading test in dealing with southern records;" and the later cursive forms of them are, in certain circumstances, "tell-tale letters." The later cursive forms of them cannot be carried back to much, if at all, before A.D. 804. Through the occurrence of them in the spurions grants, I was enabled to present the conclusion that the Merkara grant, purporting to have been issued A.D. 466, and the Devarhalli grant (then known as the Nagamangala grant), par porting to have been issued A.D. 776-77, cannot have been written before the beginning of the ninth century A.D. And I indicated that the transitional period, when both the old square forms and the later cursive forms of the two characters in question were in use together, was somewhere about A.D. 865.
Mr. Rice has touched upon only one of these characters, the kh. He has asserted that of this character "both forms were indiscriminately used from a much earlier period;" and he has told us that he had determined the above some time ago :"3 but he has not favoured us with the reference to his examination of the question; and so we cannot consider in detail anything that he may have put forward, but can only say that he has determined a faot which, in Western India, did not exist. He has quoted the Tables of Dr. Bühler's Indische Palcographie, as giving the cursive form of the kh for the fourth, sixth, and seventh centuries A.D. And he has told as that "Dr. Bühler (p. 65 of his work) expressly points out that Dr. Fleet is wrong in
Above, Vol. III. p. 161 ff.
Ep. Corn. Vol. IV. Introd, p. 6.
* Ibid. p. 7, note 1.

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"his dictum as to the age of the cursive form." In support of his assertion that "both forms were indiscriminately used from a much earlier period," he has, further, specifically quoted an instance of the occurrence of the cursive kh in an inscription on "the Dharmaraja Manḍapa " at Mamallapuram on the east coast, which, as remarked by myself without any suggestion of dissent, has been assigned by Dr. Haltzsch to probably the sixth century A.D. He has admitted the undeniable fact that both forms occur in the Ganga grants that I was reviewing. And he has allowed us to understand that his conclusion is, that the preparation of those records should consequently be referred to a period in which both forms were in use, that is to say, in his opinion, to at any rate a much earlier period than A.D. 804.
Now, for the alleged instance of the fourth century A.D., Mr. Rice has referred us to Dr. Bühler's Table iii. col. XX. But neither does that column, nor does any part of that Table, present a form of the kh approximating in any way whatsoever to the cursive kh with which we are concerned.
For the sixth and seventh centuries, he has referred us to Dr. Bühler's Table vii. cols. V. and XXIII. Here, again, the form of the kh in col. V. does not approximate in any way whatsoever to the cursive, kh with which we are concerned: it is a very badly formed kh of the old square type; and it is, moreover, from a Valabhi record not connected in any way with the territories with which we are dealing. The kh in col, XXIII., however, is, indeed, probably a fully developed cursive kh of the type of the kh with which we are concerned; but I shall shew directly that it has nothing to do with the matter.
As regards the remarks made by Dr. Bühler on page 65 of his work, and referred to by Mr. Rice, they occur in his examination of what he called "the middle step" or period of the Kanarese and Telugu types of the southern alphabets. Dr. Bühler has there drawn attention to "the strongly cursive, already Old-Kanarese, kha, Table viii., 12, cols. III. to V., which by Fleet "(Ep. Ind. III. 162) is said to be not older than about A. D. 800, but which, in the closely cognate "Pallava inscriptions (Table vii., 9, col. XXIII.), appears already since the seventh century."l This, of course, is a more important matter, because Dr. Bühler was a very great authority. But, for reasons that will be indicated below, the Tables of his paleographic volume, and some of the results based on them, have to be received with great caution. And, in this case, the remark that he made is a misleading one, not by any means applicable in the way in which Mr. Rice would use it.
Finally, for the instance of the cursive kh in the inscription on "the Dharmaraja Mandapa," Mr. Rice has referred us to the lithograph in Capt. Carr's Seven Pagodas, Plate" xiv.,- (to which he might have added Plate xviii., which gives the alphabet of the record in tabulated form),and to the seventh stanza of the text in Dr. Hultzsch's South-Ind. Insors. Vol. I. p. 6, No. 19. Here, there are mistakes, which do not, indeed, involve anything of importance, beyond illustrating further the rudimentary and superficial manner in which Mr. Rice has dealt with the whole question, but which may as well be corrected in order to save perplexity and trouble to others. The intended record, the one of which Capt. Carr has given us a reproduction, is not on the Dharmaraja Mandapa; it is at the Gapêéa temple; the record on the Dharmaraja Mandapa is another copy of it, arranged differently, of which we apparently have not as yet any reproduction; the reference to Dr. Hultzsch's text should have been to p. 4, No. 18; and we look in vain to the seventh stanza for the word that is quoted by Mr. Rice; it is in the ninth verse that it occurs. Now, the inscription really intended is in rather elaborate characters, from which fact Mr. Rice has made a curious deduction; in respect of the lithograph of the entire record given in Capt. Carr's Plate xiv., he has said "there is nothing to show that this is a mechanical copy, but the highly florid nature of the alphabet insures that it must have been carefully "copied." There is, of course, a good deal of difference between copying carefully and copying
This is as given to me from the German; the English translation is not out yet.

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accurately. With characters so florid and elaborate as are those of this record, and "so faintly cat," and with the absolute certainty that the reproduction of them, though based on tracings to which "several days' labour" was devoted, was not a purely mechanical one, we have every reason to doubt the absolute trustworthiness of the lithograph. And what do we find on actual examination ? The kh quoted by Mr. Rice occurs in the word sumukhah, line 9; but the lithograph gives us samakhah, omitting twice the vowel u. The kh occurs in also the word khyátó in verse 5, line 5; and here the lithograph shewe tyato, omitting the d and turning the kh into t. Here are four mistakes in the reproduction, in only five syllables. But it is not necessary to criticise this reproduction any further; because I do not wish to rely on any faults in it. I grant everything that Mr. Rice wishes. I concede that we have here, in the word sumukhah, a cursive kh of precisely the same type, and almost of the same form, with the cursive kh of Western India which, I say, cannot be carried back to before A.D. 804. And I concede that this instance, adduced by Mr. Rice, is to be referred to probably the sixth century A.D. But it has absolutely nothing to do with the matter that we have in hand. It is a Grantha character,-- a character of an alphabet which, though derived from the same original stock with the alphabet of Western India, was developed on totally different lines and at a much earlier period, and which sbews, in the sixth century and perhaps before that time, many characters which, while preserving the leading features of the original type, already exhibit many and wide divergencies, both in the type and in the details. To the same alphabet belong the characters of the record in which occurs the cursive kh given in Dr. Bühler's Table vii., col. XXIII., No. 9: it is the Kailasanatha inscription of Rajasirnba, of which the text has been given by Dr. Hultzsch in his South-Ind. Insors. Vol. I. p. 12, No. 24, with a facsimile in a Plate issued in Vol. II.; and the kh in question is the kh of the word pramukhaiḥ in verse 7, near the beginning of line 11. And this record, again, has absolutely nothing to do with the development of the alphabet of Western India.
And here we may leave the details of the palæograpbic question, until the publication of the collotype facsimiles that I have in hand, which will shew the development of the alphabet of Western India during the ninth century A.D., and will prove everything that I have said about the letters kh and b, and a great deal more too. I have only to add the following general remarks.
In the first place, if we act on Mr. Rice's suggestion, and place the writing of those grants, which shew both forms of the kh and b, in the period when both those forms really were in use together, we must refer them to about the middle of the ninth century A.D. We must, then(one instance will suffice),-- place about A.D. 850 the Devarhalli grant, which purports to have been issued A.D. 776-77. And the reference of it to a period three quarters of a century (or even one quarter of a century) later than the date asserted by itself, stamps it as a forgery, just as much as the reference of it to any period later still.
In the second place, Mr. Rice has expressed surprise at my saying that the writers of this and other spurious records forgot themselves, and introducod tell-tale characters, when they used in certain words the later cursive forms. But there is no occasion for any such expression of surprise. That is exactly what the writers did. And they simply betrayed themselves in just the same way in which forgers are liable to betray themselves, and do betray themselves, all over the world. In a recent notorious Case in England, the first clue to the detection of an almost unparalleled series of forgeries, for genealogical purposes, was given by the fact that the forger forgot himself, and was careless enough to introduce a numeral of quite modern form into a date that purported to be of the sixteenth century.
Finally, a few words as regards the general subject of the present position of Indian palmography. The departments of Indian research are numerous; and each one is a complete
See p. 68 of Capt. Carr's book!

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study in itself. My special aim has always been to edit as many records as possible, and to write ap from them, and from records edited by others, such branches of the history as have engaged my interest. In the palæographic line, I have been satisfied to be able to determine for myself the age and reliability of any documents with which I might be concerned, and have been content to leave to others the systematic prosecution of that line of research. But I have also sought to help it on as far as possible, by means of the lithographs that were issued with my own articles, or that were prepared under my direction to accompany articles written by others. When, however, the science of Indian epigraphy and palæography was not very far advanced, it was thought more important to publish clear and easily legible lithographs, than to give facsimiles which an unpractised eye might find it difficult to deal with because of their including all the imperfections of the originals due to damage and decay. And that procedure necessitated a considerable amount of touching up by hand, either of the originals, or of the impressions of them, or of the proofs. The mistakes that may be made, in such a process, are well illustrated by the evolution of a cursive kh, from the old square kh of the original, in the lithograph, which was prepared in 1878 more or less under my own direction, of a record of A.D. 694, and by the introduction into Mr. Rice's lithograph of the Atakûr inscription, simply to suit & purely imaginary reading, of a syllable which does not exist in the original at all. The mischief of that procedure was recognised about 1882; and attention was then given to obtaining better impressions, from which there might be given, without any manipulation, mechanical facsimiles which would be absolutely faithful and reliable reproductions of typical originals. But, unfortunately, sufficient prominence was not given to the change that was then made, and to the reason for it; and the palæographic inquiry went on, without those who were concerned in it being duly informed. The palæographic line of research has been brought to a climax, for the present, by the publication of Dr. Bühler's volume. And it would be impossible to speak in too high terms of the way in which he sought to attain the objects aimed at in it. But it must be remarked that, great as has been the loss that we have sustained, in every line, through his sudden and premature death, it is peculiarly calamitous that he should have passed away just when so important a book had been issued by him and before it had been subjected to criticism which he himself could have attended to. The Tables of his volume are. unluckily, largely based on the manipulated reproductions that were issued in accordance with the earlier practice. And, moreover, the details of them were by no means all selected and arranged by him. For these reasons, and for others which a study of the work will disclose, we can only receive with great caution the Tables, and some of the results based on them, pat forward in his book. And we must hope that someone else will be forthcoming, to carry one stage further the inquiry that he brought so far.
I have to add a few words, by way of correction of views previously expressed by me, on the subject of the invention of the fictitious genealogy that is presented in the spurious grants.
In 1894 I suggested that it was devised by the Western Gangas themselves, in imitation of the Puranic genealogies of other families, that it was started in the time of NoļambântakaMarasimha II., and that the Lakshmeshwar inscription, dated A.D. 968-69 and purporting to be of his time, seemed to represent the beginning of it in a rudimentary form, and to fix very closely the time when it was invented.
I have, in the first place, to withdraw the Lakshmêshwar inscription as a basis for any such suggestion. This record is on a stone tablet which contains, after it, records that
1 See above, Vol. V. p. 155, note 8.
Above, Vol. III. p. 172.
See page 52 above, note 4. • Ind. An. Vol. VII. p. 101.

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purport to be of the time of Satyasraya-(Pulakėsin II.) and the Sendra prince Durgalakti (not dated), and of Vikramaditya II. (dated A.D. 735). And another stone tablet at the same placel contains a record of Vijayaditys (dated A.D. 723), followed by other records of the same king (dated A.D. 730), of Gangakandarpa-(Noļambântaka-Mârasimha II.) (dated, again, A.D. 968-69), and of Vinayaditya (dated A.D. 687). These records, though bearing such very different dates, are all in characters of one and the same period, and were all put on the stones at one and the same time. When I dealt with them, - more than twenty years ago, I believed, and said, that they are in characters of the tenth century A.D.; that is to say, I took them as having been put on the stones in the recorded year A.D. 968-69, in the time of Nolambântaka-Marasimha II. And I too carelessly endorsed that belief in 1894, without examining impressions of them again. That belief was wrong. The characters are of an appreciably later date, and are fairly referable to the second half of the eleventh century A.D. And there is no doubt that these records were put on the stones in connection with the rebuilding of the Jain temples and the restoration of their endowments under the Western Chålukyas of Kalyani, after the end of the Chôļa occupation, and for the purpose of what Sir Walter Elliot has called "the unification of the titles." As regards the historical value of them, it is obvious that the Chalukya records are, at the best, only copies of originals, to be taken for what they may be worth; and, for the present, we need only remark that, with the exception of the record of Satyafraya-(Pulakesin II.) and the Sendra prince Durgasakti, they are plainly based, more or less directly, on original charters which were deciphered intelligently,that they are questionable, as dishonest records, only in so far as the writers of them may have substituted names of villages and grantees, to suit their own purposes, for other names standing in the originals, and that, apparently, the only specially important item in them is the mention of the name Půjyapada, as that of the teacher of the alleged grantee, in the record of A.D. 730. As regards the Ganga records, they are questionable in the same way, as dishonest records, in so far as they may put forward fraudulent claims to property. The one that has been edited in full, includes the first three steps of the fictitious pedigree; and, therefore, it was based, in that portion, either on a spurious record, or on a draft of which the ultimate origin is to be traced to the spurious records. But that fact does not make it itself necessarily a dishonest record; because, by the time when it was put on the stone, the fictitious pedigree had evidently become an accepted story, liable to be quoted in even bona fide records. Even as regards the fictitious pedigree, it makes a mistake, in representing Nolambántaka-Marasimha II. as the younger brother of the imaginary Harivarman of the third generation. This, however, is a detail, of no real importance, which may be accounted for in any way that may seem appropriate. And the only item of special interest, that can be found in the record at present, is the mention of a Jain temple called Mukkaravasati. The important point, for the present, is, that this record was put on the stone about a century later than the date recorded in it, which is a date that fell during the period of NoļambåntakaM&rasimha II., and that, consequently, it does not place in the time of that prince the first attempt to devise the fictitious pedigree.
In the second place, when I formed the conclusions that I presented in 1894, we knew of but very few Western Ganga records, beyond these Lakshmêshwar inscriptions and the spurious
1 Noticed, but not edited in full, Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 111. Above, Vol. III. p. 172, note 4.
Coins of Southern India, p. 114. The possible bearing of this is too complicated & matter to be gone into on the present occasion,
It is mentioned, incidentally, among the boundaries of one of the properties claimed by the record. The mention of it suggests that, at some time before the eleventh century, there was a person named Mukkara, by whom the temple was founded, or after whom it was named. All else that can be said, in, that, if there was such person, he may have been Ganga-(which, however, the record does not assert),-or he may bave belonged to any other family, and that it is highly probable that he was the person from whoin there was evolved the imaginary Mokkara, or Mushkara, the alleged grandfather of Sivamera I., of the spurious grante.

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copper-plate grants from Sûdi and Mysore. Since then, Mr. Rice bas given us, in his Epigraphia Carnatica, Vols. III, and IV., about a hundred records on stone, from Mysore, which he has referred to the Ganga period, and nearly all of which are genuine and have been properly so referred. And we have further, in the way of genuine records, the Vallimalai inscription of Rajamalla grandson of Sripurusha-Muttarasa, from the North Arcot district, - the Biliūr, Peggu-ûr, and Kôtûr inscriptions, from Coorg - the Begur inscription of Ereyappa and the Sravana-Belgola epitaph of Nolambântaka-Mârasimba II., from Mysore -- and, from the Dharwar district, the Adaraguñchi and Gundûr inscriptions of the same prince and the Hebb&! inscription of A.D. 975. Neither anywhere in the whole of this mass of genuine materials, nor in any other such record known to me, is there the slightest allusion to, or hint of, the fictitious genealogy, anterior to Sivamára I., that is presented in the spurious records. And it is now plain that that genealogy was not claimed by Sivamära I. and his descendants, but was simply evolved by the persons who fabricated the forged grants, in concocting the necessary pseudo-historical portions of their spurious title-deeds.
The general subject of Purâņic genealogies will be an interesting topic for examination on some future occasion. Meanwhile, in respect of such of the great families of Southern India as can be traced back to before A.D. 1000, the position is as follows. The earliest such genealogy that we meet with, in any but a merely allusive and rudimentary form, is that of the Pallavas of Kanchî; and it appears first in the Kuram grant of the second half of the seventh century A.D. We meet next, as a matter of certainty, with that of the Rashtrakûtas of Málkhed, in the Nausari grants of A.D. 915. And that of the Yådavas of the Sêuņa country, from whom sprang the Yádavas of Dévagiri, is first found in the Samgamnêr grant of A.D. 1000.3 As a matter of certainty, the Puranic genealogy of the Cholas is first met with in the 80-called Leiden grant of A.D. 1019 or 1020;but it would be carried back, in somewhat different forms, to the period A.D. 900 to 940, if a fragmentary grant of Vira-Chola from Udayêndiram is a genuine original record and is referable to the time of Parantaka 1.,6 -- and to the year A.D. 915, if the Udayêndiram grant of the Gaoga-Bâņa prince Hastimalla-Prithivipati II., dated in the fifteenth year of Parantaka I.,7 is, again, & genuine original record actually drawn up in that year. The full Parâņic genealogy and legendary history of the Chalakyas are first met with in a record of the eastern branch, the Koramelli grant of the period A.D. 1022 to 1063. And the Purânio genealogy and legendary history of the Eastern Gangas of Kalinganagars are first found in a grant that bears the date of A.D. 1118-19.10 These are the dates at which, as far as our information goes at present, the genealogies are first met with. But, obviously, each of the genealogies had been selected, thought over, and elaborated, at a time appreciably earlier than that at which we first come across it. The earliest of them was that of the Pallavas. It was, probably, & discovery of it, in some ancient record, that set the fashion which became so general. And all the historical considerations point to the latter half of the ninth century A.D, and to the tenth century, as the period during which the other early great families of Southern India applied themselves to putting forward, or in some cases elaborating, claims to descent from the Lunar and Solar Races, and to working ap their own traditions 80 as to establish presentable historical connections with those races.
In the way of fictitious pedigrees of a pretended historical kind, without Purápic introductions, we have an instance in that of the Kadambas of Hângal,- from the name of
1 South Ind. Insors Vol. I. p. 144.
Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol XVIII. pp. 261, 267. . Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 212. • See, provisionally, Archaol. Suru. South Ind. Vol. IV. p 204. Above, Vol. III. p 79.
. See Dr. Haltzsch's remarks, above, Vol. IV. p. 223. South-Ind. Insors. Vol. II. p. 375.
. See page 65 sbove, note 4. Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 48.
1. Ind. In. Vol. XVIII. p. 165.

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No. 7.]
DATE OF THE KOTTAYAM PLATE.
Mayûravarman I. to that of Adityavarman, which is put forward in the Kargudari inscription of A.D. 1108. The alleged genealogy of the Western Gangas of Talakaḍ, as presented in the spurious records, is a genealogy of this same kind, without a Parânic introduction. A Purânic introduction was eventually prefixed to it. And, as far as is disclosed at present, in genuine records, that is to say, in records which contain all that fabulous matter, but put it forward bona fide, as a story that had come to be really believed, and without using it fraudulently,the fictitious historical pedigree and the Purânic introduction, both together, first appear in records of the eleventh century A.D. at 'Purale,' Humcha, and 'Kallur Gudda' in Mysore. The Purâtic introduction seems to have been invented in that century. We shall consider, on another occasion, the period to which the inception of the fictitious historical pedigree may be carried back.
88
POSTSCRIPT.
I subjoin a few supplementary remarks which suggested themselves after this paper had gone into pages.
Page 53, text line 3, and note 7. The reading a[nka]-Tri[n]tran may be accepted; see some remarks under Krishna III., in a note on the appellations of the Rashtrakuta king, which will be given in a subsequent article in this volume.
Page 57, note 8. Another instance of the occurrence of ankakara in a biruda the first component of which is not a proper name, is Chaladankakara, "the champion of firmness of character," in the case of the Rashtrakuta prince Indra IV. (Insers. at Srav.-Bel. No. 57, verses 5, 6).
Page 71, line 24. The date of A.D. 953 for Bûtuga II. is supplied by an inscription at Chinchli in the Gadag tâluka; see some remarks under Krishna III. in the place referred to above.
Page 72, line 2. It may be added that the killing of Panchala in battle at the command of Narmaḍi-Taila II. is attributed to the Mahamandaléévara Ahavamalla-Bhûteyadêva or Bhûtiga, whose descendant Barma was governing the Lôkapura twelve and other circles, at Toragal, in A.D. 1187, in the time of Sômêsvara IV.; see Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 96, text lines' 4 to 6 (the verse has not been well translated). I am indebted to Professor Kielhorn for drawing my attention to this reference.
No. 7. THE DATE OF THE KOTTAYAM (SYRIAN CHRISTIANS')
PLATE OF VIRA-RAGHAVA.
BY F. KIELHORN, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.
After a careful examination of the Grantha letters in the Kôṭṭayam plate of Vira-Raghava, above, Vol. IV. page 293, Mr. Venkayya has intimated that, on paleographical grounds, ViraRaghava's grant may be assigned to about the 13th or 14th century A.D. Convinced of the general correctness of Mr. Venkayya's conclusion, I have examined the date of the grant for the four hundred years from A.D. 1100 to A.D. 1500, and am enabled to state that during that period3 there is only a single day for which the date is absolutely correct, viz. Saturday, the 15th March A.D. 1820,
Ind. Ant. Vol. X. p. 249; and see Dyn. Kan. Distrs. pp. 559, 560.
See Mr. Rice's Mysore, revised edition, Vol. I. p. 308 ff.; also, his Annual Report for the year ending 31st March, 1891, which gives the date of the Humcha record as Saka-Samvat 999 (expired), A.D. 1077-78.
For the same period of years I have calculated the date of the Tiruppavanam plates of the Pandya Jatavarman alias Kulasekharadeva, from the data furnished by Dr. Hultzsch in Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 288, with the result that the only day between A.D. 1100 and 1500 which satisfies all the requirements of the date, is Saturday, the 29th November A.D. 1214. I may have an opportunity to treat more fully of this date on another occasion.
x 2

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The data furnished by the original date are "the day of the nakshatra) Rohini, a Saturday on which passed! (the day) twenty-one of) the month of Mina, (when) Jupiter (was in) Makara.”
In Saka-Samvat 1241 expired= A.D. 1319-20 the Mina-samnkranti by the Arya-siddhanta took place 3 hours 22 minutes after mean sunrise of Sunday, the 24th February A.D. 1320, which therefore was the first day of the month of Mina. Accordingly, the 21st day of the month of Mina was Saturday, the 15th March A.D. 1320. On this day (which was the 5th of the bright half of Chaitra) the moon was in the nakshatra Rohiņi during the whole of the day, and the true longitude of Jupiter by the Arya-siddhanta was 9$ 1° 14', i.e. Jupiter was in the 10th sign Makara.
I may add that in the period from A.D. 1100 to A.D. 1500 there are two other Saturdays, 95 years before and 95 years after the 15th March A.D. 1320, either of which answers two of the other requirements of the original date, but not all of them. They are :
Saturday, the 15th March A.D. 1225, which was the 21st day of the month of Mina, and on which the nakshatra was Rohiņi, while the true longitude of Jupiter was only 8 27° 58'; and
Saturday, the 16th March A.D. 1415, when the nakshatra was Rohiņi, and the true longitude of Jupiter 9° 4° 28', but which was the 20th day of the month of Mina.
I venture to hope that the results of Mr. Venkayya's examination of the plate and of my own calculations will be considered to render it extremely probable that Vira-Raghava's grant was made in A.D. 1320, and not in either A.D. 775 or so strangely.early a year as A.D. 230,3
No. 8.- MAYIDA VOLU PLATES OF SIVASKANDAVARMAN.
BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; DRESDEN. These copper-plates were found about the middle of 1899 by a man who was digging the soil of a field in the pádu or abandoned village north of Mayidavôlu. The pádu is about four acres in extent and contains the rains of a small old temple. Mayidavola* is a small village 12 miles east of Narasarávapéta, the head-quarters of a tâluka of the Kistna district. As good lack would have it, the find of the plates came to the notice of that zealous antiquarian, Mr. J. Ramayya, B.A., B.L., to whom epigraphy is already indebted for the Chikkulla plates (above, Vol. IV. p. 193) and the Tottaramůại plates (ibid. p. 318). He forwarded the plates to Mr. Venkayya, who sent me three sets of ink-impressions and the following description of the original :-"Eight plates and fifteen sides. The length of the plates varies from 67" to 7". As regards the breadth, the plates are slightly narrower in the middle than at the ends; the average may be taken as 21". The plates were held together by a ring which is 31' in diameter and " thick; it has been cut by me before taking the impressions. The ends of the ring are secured in an elliptical sonl which measures very nearly 1}"x 11". The seal bears in relief an animal couchant and facing the proper right- apparently a bull, as it has a hump on its back-and
1 I owe a literal translation of the date to Dr. Hultzsch.
The same number of years (or, more accurately, the number of 84699 days) intervenes between the two days in the 7th and 8th centuries A.D. whicb would answer all the requirements of the date, vis. Saturday, the 10th March A.D. 680, and Saturday, the 11th March A.D. 776.
See aboven Vol. IV. p. 293, note 7. So far as I can see, the astronomical calculations of Mr. Kookel Keloo Nair were not quite correct. Saturday, the 6th March A.D. 280, was the 21st day of Mina and the nakshatra for part of the day was Robiņi, but Jupiter was in the sigo Kumbba, not in Makars.- I do nos venture to hope that we ever sball find in an inscription date of the third century A.D. that would admit of exact verification.
• See Mr Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 72.

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Mayidavolu Plates of Sivaskandavarman.
H
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E. HULTZSCH.
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W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

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ਅਰਜਨ
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No. 8.]
below it, the legend Śivaska[ndavarmmanah?] in an alphabet which appears to be slightly different from that of the inscription. The bull and the legend are enclosed in a circle which is partially preserved."
MAYIDAVOLU PLATES OF SIVASKANDAVARMAN.
85
After I had despatched the manuscript of this article to the press, Mr. Venkayya sent me the original copper-plates and informed me that, at the instance of Mr. J. Ramayya, they have now been presented to the Madras Museum by their owner, Mayidavolu Jaya Ramayya. The writing on the plates is carefully done, and its preservation is tolerably good; all damaged syllables can be supplied with certainty.
Like the Hirahaḍagalli plates,' the new copper-plate grant was issued from Kanchipura by Sivaskandavarman of the Bharadvaja gôtra and of the Pallava family (11. 1-3). As he is here styled Yuva-Maharaja or heir-apparent, the date of the grant (1. 25 f.) is apparently prior to that of the Hirahaḍagalli plates and has to be referred to the reign of Sivaskandavarman's unknown predecessor. Sivaskandavarman granted to two Brahmanas a village named Viripara (11. 10 and 12), which belonged to Andhrapatha3 (1. 9), i.e. the Telugu country. Viripara, which I am unable to identify, must have been situated near Amarâvatî in the Kistna district; for Sivaskandavarman addressed his order regarding the grant to his (or his father's) representative at Dhaññakaḍa (1. 3), the modern Amarâvati. We thus learn that, during the reigns of Sivaskandavarman and his predecessor, the Pallava kingdom included not only in the south-the Tondai-mandalam, to which their capital, Kanchipura, belongs, and perhaps in the west-the Bellary district, in which the Hirahaḍagalli plates were purchased, but-in the north- the Telugu country as far as the Krishnâ river.
The date of the grant (1. 25 f.) is given in words and numerical symbols. It was the 5th tithi of the 8th fortnight of summer in the 10th year (of the reign of Sivaskandavarman's predecessor). As shown by Professor Kielhorn, neither numerical symbols nor season-dates have been found in records later than the 8th century A.D. But the subjoined grant has to be assigned to a much earlier period because of its archaic alphabet, and because, like the Nâsik inscriptions of the Andhra kings, the Hirahaḍagalli plates, and the plates of Vijayaskandavarman, it is written in Prakrit.
The language of the inscription is a Prâkrit dialect which differs from the literary Pâli in several respects. Thus consonants are softened in kada (1. 3), bhada (1. 15), and khadaka (1. 13), but hardened in papesa (1. 15) for pavesa. The unaspirate takes the place of the aspirate in Amdhapatiya (1. 9). The letter y is sometimes replaced by j, e.g. in jo (1. 21) and majâdá (1. 18) for Sanskrit maryádá (mariyada in Pâli), while y takes the place of j in Bharadaya (1.2) for Sanskrit Bharadvaja and of ch in ya (1.6) for cha (which occurs in lines 17 and 20). Two cases of peculiar samdhi are sayatti (1. 27) for svayam-iti and Gonamdija (1. 9) for Gonandi ajja. Of inflected nouns may be noted the Mâgadhi nominatives vejayike and vadhanike (1. 5 f.), the ablative purato (1. 1), and the neuter adim (1. 10) for adi (against dáni, 1. 5, for idáním). The personal pronoun of the first person is represented by the base amha (11. 5 and 21), the nominative amho (1. 23) and the instrumental amhehi (11. 5 and 10). The inscription contains several verbal forms, viz. the gerund atichhitûna (1. 21 f.) from ati + chhid, the presents anapayati (1. 4) and vitarama (1. 13), the imperatives pariharatha and
1 Edited by the late Professor Bühler, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 2 ff.
p. 101, 1. 2.
The same title is applied to Vijayabuddhavarman in the plates of Vijayaskandavarman; Ind. Ant. Vol. IX. On the synonymous terms Ândhra-mandala, Andhra-patha, and Vaduga-vali, see South-Ind. Inser. Vol. III. See above, Vol. III. p. 94 and note 5.
p. 90.
See Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 5, and Dyn. Kan. Distrs., 2nd edition, p. 320.
The same two words occur in the Hirahaḍagalli plates, 1. 9. The plates of Vijayaskandavarman have vaddhantyam (1. 8 f.).
Above, Vol. IV. p. 195 and note 4.

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parihardpetha (1. 20), and the potentials karejja, kárápejja and karejamo (11. 22-24), which correspond to Pali kareyya, kárápeyya and karsyydma.
As regards orthography, double consonants are rarely expressed by a compound letter, as in pattika (1. 28), sagotta (11.2 and 7 f.), and vammo (1. 3), or by & nasal with preceding anusvára (in Dhamia', 1. 3). Generally the writer follows the practice of the cave-inscriptions, where & single consonant does duty for the double letter; Bee Agivesa (1.7 f.) for Sanskfit Agnivésya, ditha (plate i. a) and chhatha (1. 26) for dittha and chhaffha, sampadata (1. 11) against datta (1. 27), ana (1. 17) for annal (añña in Pali), Palava (1.2) for Pallava, sava (11. 12, 17, 19) for savva (sabba in Pali), and tasa (1. 23) etc. for tassa eto.
The alphabet of the new plates is an epigraphic curiosity. Though on the whole resembling that of the Hirahadagalli plates, it exhibits a few letters which differ from the corresponding characters of all Indian alphabets. Thus the letter & consists of two equal carves, one below the other, but not connected with it. The letter m consists of the same upper curve and of a loop which starts from its upper right corner and reaches below the line; in the group mmo (1.3) the same loop is attached once more to the right of the syllable mo. The dental and lingual nasals are not distinguished from each other, but represented by a symbol which assumes various slightly dissimilar shapes and resembles d and d so closely, that only the context can show which letter is meant in each individual case. I have transcribed it by n wherever it cannot be read as d ord. The j of vejayike (1. 5) looks, roughly speaking, like an angle and a circle. This circle is open on the right in tujasa (1. 8) and orájo (1.1), while it is joined to the horizontal leg of the angle in odijasa (1. 9). In majaddya (1. 18) and karejamo (1. 24) we have the usual form of já. The group ija in karejja (1. 22) and kárápejja (1. 23) is identical in shape with jo (1. 21). Finally I would draw attention to the letter e in etasa (1. 11) and etehi (1. 16), which looks like an archaic Tamil su.
Plates ü. to vii. are marked with the numerical symbols 2' to '8' on the left of the first side between the ring-hole and the margin. The symbol .10' and' duplicates of the symbols '5' and '6' occur in the date portion on plate vii. 6. The symbol. 4 differs from that of the Hirahadagalli plates and already resembles the corresponding modern figure.
TEXT. First Plate; First Side.
Ditha[] [ll]
First Plate; Second Side. 1 KArJchipurato yava-maharajo 2 Bharad@ya-sagotto Palavanam
Second Plate; First Side. 3 Sivakha[m]davammo Dhambakade 4 våpatam anapayati [lo]
1 This form occurs in the Birghadaealli plates, 11. 6 and 43. . In thn Hirahadagalli plates the jjd of kararejja (l. 40) differs from the go of Ordjo (1.2). • The symbol, if any, on the first plate is obliterated. • From Mr. Venkuyya's ink-impressions and from the original plates.
The aime words entered on plate i. a of the Hirwbudagalli plates.
. The first syllable of this word is almost entirely obliterated, but can be supplied with certainty from line 1 of the Hirabadagalli plates.

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Mayidayolu Plates of Sivaskandavarman.
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No. 8.)
MAYIDAVOLU PLATES OF SIVASKANDAVARMAN.
Second Plate; Second Side, 5 amhehi dani amha-vejayike 6 [dham]m-&ya-bala-vadhanike ya
Third Plate; First Side. 7 bamhandnam Agivess-sagottass 8 Puvakoțujas& Agi(gi)vega-sagottasa
Third Plate ; Second Side. 9 Gonamdijasa Ardhâpati(thi)ya-gåmo 10 [Viripajraml amhehi udak-adim
Fourth Plate; First Side. 11 sampadato [1*] etasa gåmasa 12 Viriparasa sava-bamhadeya
Fourth Plate; Second Side. 13 pa[r]i[h&]ro(re) vitarama [*] alona[kh]Adakam 14 arathasam[vi]nåyikam aparamparàbaliva[dam]
Fifth Plate; First Side. 15 abhadapapesar akūracholaka16 vinásikhat[&*]samvåsam [1] etehi
Fifth Plate ; Second Side. 17 anehicha sava-bamha18 deya-majadaya
Sixth Plate; First Side. 19 sava-parihârehi parihårito [19] 20 pariharatha pariharåpetha cha [lo]
.
Sixth Plate; Second Side. 21 jo amha-âsanan atichhi22 tầna pila bådh[a] karejj& [vâ]"
23 24
Seventh Plate; First Side. [ta]: kåråpejja va tasa amho sârira[m] sasanam karejamo [lo]
1 of the first three syllables only slight traces can be distinguisbed, but the same word is quite distinct in line 12
This akahara and the first akshara of the next plate seem to have been scored out by the engraver, who had omitted kardpajjd and had begun to write od tasa, but found out his mistake when he had got m far as ta.
See the preceding note.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. VI.
Seventh Plate; Second Side. 25 sa[m]vachhara[m] dasamam 10 gimna! 26 pakho chhatho 8 divasam pamchami 5 [1]
Eighth Plate. 27 Ânati sayatti datta 28 pattika [11]
TRANSLATION.
(This edict) has been seen.
(Line 1.) From Kanchipura the Yuva Maharaja Sivaskandavarman (of the family) of the Pallavas, who belongs to the gôtra of the Bharadvajas, orders (his) official (vyáprita) at Dhanbakada* (as follows) -
(L. 5.) For conferring on ourselves victory (in war) and for increasing (our) merit, length of life, and power, we have now given, with libations of water, the village of Viripara in Andhrapatha to the two) Brahmanas Puvakoguja of the Agnivê ya gôtra and Gonandija of the Agnivèsya gôtra.
(L. 11.) To this village of Viripars we grant all the immunities (enjoyed by) brahmadéyas.
(L. 13.) (Let it be free from diggings for salt,7 arathasamvináyika, free from the supply of) bullocks in succession, free from the entrance of soldiers, free from the supply of) boiled rice, water-pots, . . . . . cots and dwellings.
(L. 16.) With these and all the other immunities (prescribed by the rules regarding all brahmadéyas (we have caused it to be exempted.
(L. 20.) (Accordingly) youl0 have to exempt (it) and cause (it) to be exempted.
(L. 21.) Who, transgressing our edict, shall give or shall cause to be given trouble (and) annoyancell (to the donees), on him we shall inflict bodily punishment.
This is an abbreviation for gimhanan; compare Násik No. 11, 1. 12, and No. 14, 1. 1.
. With the word dithan or, in Sanskrit, drishtam we have to supply idam idsanam. It is the equivalent of the modern true copy' or 'examined' at the foot of official letters and Government orders. For a different explanation of drishtam see above, Vol. III. p. 259.
• For other instances of this elliptical use of the genitive see above, Vol. IV. p 197, note 6, and Vol. VI. pp. 15 and 19.
• Compare anapayati Gopadhana amacha in the Nasik inscriptions Nos. 11, A and 15.
The corresponding word in the Hirabadagalli plates, vijaya-vejayike (1.9), is omitted in Professor Bühler's translation (Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 8).
. 1.e. GônandyArya. Compare Nandija in line 21 of the Hirahadagalli plates. * This term and the next one occur in the Nasik inscriptions Nos. 11, A, 11, B and 16. . Compare line 33 of the Hirahadagalli plates.
. With the last term compare a-khatra-rás-oudanam (above, p. 14, text line 8), and see line 81 of the Hirahadagalli plates, where the photo-lithograph reads akúra", and not akarao as the printed text. The word cholaka or yollaka is probably related to chullaki, a kind of water-pot;' binasi or vinesi remains obscure.
10 Viz the inhabitants and officials of the district, etc. See line 85 of the Hirahadagalli plates, and Ind. Ant. Vol. IX. p. 101, 1. 10 f, where Professor Buhler's improved reading (Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 2, note 2) has to be further corrected by reading with the photo-lithograph pariharatha parihardpetha. The translation would then run :"Knowing this, you, the villagers (and) officials, exempt it and) cause (it) to be exempted with all the immunities!" In line 7 of Dr. Fleet's text join Mahdnarak adevakula, and in line 6 f. read Atukassa kasita . chhetta "the .!. field ploughed by Atuks."
11 Here and in the Hirahadagalli plates (1. 40) one would expect the acc sing pilan badham instead of the acc. plur. pila badhd.

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Mayidavolu Plates of Sivaskandavarman.
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viib.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
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Bowhut of suy wide - 2 0 - - - - - riptir naque par
Armenian Epitaph at the Little Mount near Madras.
JL, B, 347-7346m
Collotype by Römmler & Jonas, Dresden
E. -ULTE
SCALE 35.

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No. 10.)
GADAG INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-BALLALA II.
(L. 25.) The tenth-10th-year, the sixth-th-fortnight of gummer, the fifth5th-lunar day.
(L. 27.) The executor (djfaptı) (was) myself. Accordingly (this) set of plates (paffiká) has been given to the donees).
No. 9.-THE ARMENIAN EPITAPH AT THE LITTLE MOUNT. BY FATHER VARTAN MELCHISEDECE, OF THE MECHITHARIST CONGREGATION, VIENNA.
Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities (Vol. I. page 175 f.) contain a short, but excellent description of the three sites on the south of the city of Madras which are connected with the legend of St. Thomas. These are the village of St. Thomé, which claims to possess the apostle's grave; the Little Mount, where he is said to have suffered martyrdom; and St. Thomas's Mount, the church on the top of which contains the famous inscribed cross. The church at the Little Mount is reached by a flight of stone steps, and at the foot of these is set up a stone which bears a cross and; below it, the subjoined Armenian epitaph. The stone lately attracted the attention of His Excellency Sir Arthur Havelock, the Governor of Madras. At his instance Dr. Hultzsch sent inked estampages of the inscription to Professor H. Hübschmann, of Strassburg, who was the first to decipher it. It is dated in the year 1112 (of the Armenian patriarch Moses), 1.6. A.D. 1683, and is the epitaph of an Armenian merchant, named David, the son of Margare.
1 Hais & tapayn 2 Khujay Davuthi
TEXT.
3 ordi Khujay Margar4 By thvin' oh ah b.
TRANSLATION. This is the grave of Khojas David, the son of Khoja Margard.
In the year 1112.
No. 10.GADAG INSORIPTION OF VIRA-BALLALA II.;
SAKA-SAMVAT 1114.
By H. LÜDERS, PH.D.; GÖTTINGEN. This inscription is on a stone standing up against the back wall of the temple of TrikuteSvara ate Gadag, the obief town of the Gadag taluka in the Dharwar district of the Bombay
1 See above, VOL. IV. p. 174 ff.
As read by Professor Hübechmann from the inked estampages. • This is a cockneyism for Old-Armenian ais,'this,' which has become as in New-Armenian.-H. H. • Read tapan.-H. H.
• In Old-Armenian this would be Darthi, the genitive of Davith. The form Daouth seems to be due to the influence of Da'id, the Arabic form of the name. David.'- . H.
. Dr. Karst considers Margarayi to be the genitive of Margard; and is the definite article.
Instead of thrin, of the year,' we ought to have ithein, with the locative prefix # This is the Persian dalys, 's lord, mastor,' title generally applied to preceptors and merchanta.
This name is identical with the Armenian word margard, 'prophet

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Presidency. An abstract of its contents was given by Dr. Bhau Daji in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. IX. p. 321 f. The text was first published, together with a translation, by Dr. Fleet in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. II. p. 298 ff.; and a very small photograph of it is given in P.S.O.C.I. No. 98. I now re-edit it from Dr. Fleet's excellent impression, made over to me by Prof. Kielhorn.
The inscription contains 56 lines of writing which covers a space of about 3' broad by 4' 6" high, and is throughout in an extremely good state of preservation. At the top of the stone are some sculptures:- In the centre a man worshipping a linga with a head lying on a yoni;1 to the left a figure of Ganapati, beyond which is a figure of Siva's bull Nandin; to the right a figure of a Sakti, beyond which are a cow with a calf and a crooked knife.-The size of the letters is about ".-The alphabet is Old-Kanarese. In the first and third lines some of the letters are drawn out into ornamental flourishes. The language is Sanskrit. In lines 6 and 32 we have the Kanarese words hoy and malaparolganda. The main portion of the text is in verse; only lines 31-33 and 41-46, speaking generally, are in prose, and besides a few words in lines 1, 36, 37 and 39, and the introductory remarks to the benedictive and imprecatory verses in lines 46, 47, 48, 49 and 53.- As regards orthography, the groups ddh and bbh are generally spelt dhdh and bhbh, the only exceptions being Vishnuvarddhana- in 1. 8 and pâtayeddhartta in 1. 51; and b is written instead of v before a consonant in brati- in 1. 5 and kabya- in 1. 37.
The inscription, which records a grant of land by the Hoysala king Vira-Ballēļa II., contains a number of historical references which have been dealt with already by Dr. Fleet in his account of the Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts. The following remarks are therefore chiefly based on Dr. Fleet's discussions.
Opening with two verses invoking the protection of Vishnu and praising the king, the inscription gives in verses 3-7 the well known legendary account of the origin of the Hoysalas. They claimed to belong to the lineage of Yadu; in this race there was a king called Saja, who, changing the name of the family, caused Yadu, the first of it, to be forgotten.' Once there lived at Sasakapura an ascetic who, while engaged in performing his rites, was attacked by a tiger. He called Sala for assistance with the words: Hoy Sala, Slay, O Sala.' Sala killed the tiger, and thus acquired for himself and his descendants the name of Hoysala and a tiger as emblem of their banner. Sasakapura or Sasapura seems to have been the seat of the first rulers of the dynasty. In inscriptions incised in Saka 1060 and 11063 Vinayaditya, the first historical king, is represented as ruling at Sosavaru, and there is no reason to doubt the correctness of this statement, as the passages containing it were evidently taken from older records. Mr. Rice is undoubtedly right in identifying Sosavara with Sasapura, but his identification of Sasapura with the modern Angadi in the Mâdgere taluka of the Kadar district, Mysore,5 does not seem to be well founded.
The inscription then turns to the historical genealogy of the family. After other kings, Vinayaditya became king (v. 8). His son was Ereyanga (v. 9), who again had three sons, Ballala, Vishnuvardhana and Udayaditya (v. 10). Nothing beyond the name is recorded
1 Dr. Fleet, loc. cit. p. 298, speaks of three heads on an altar,' but the drawing accompanying the impression shows one only.
Probably already in the time of Ballala I., and certainly in the time of Vishnuvardhana, the capital was Valapura, the modern Bélár, whence during the reign of Vishnuvardhana the seat of government was shifted to Darasamudra, the modern Halêbiḍ; compare Dr. Fleet, loc. cit. p. 491.
Inscriptions in the Mysore District, Part II. p. 203; Mysore Inscriptions, p. 329, where the name of the town is given as Sosulys. Ibid. p. 260, Vinayaditya is said to have been born at Sasapura.
Insor. in the Mysore District, Part II. Introd., p. 18.
Ibid. Part I. Introd., p. 18; Part II. Introd., p. 18.

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of UdayAditya, the inscription speaking in the following verses only of the elder two brothers, of whom, after some general praise (v. 11), it is said (v. 12, 13) that, when the elder of them, the mighty one, who attacked Jagaddêve, the lord of elephants, with his own horse in the van of battle and overturned him and took away his sevenfold (sovereignty), had ruled the kingdom, after him his younger brother also, Vishņuvardhana, reigned for a long time. In other records the defeat of Jagaddeva is attributed to BallA!a's successor Vishnuvardhana. In an inscription at Bêlûr and in another at Hosakôtes Vishịuvardhana is called a Bhairava in destroying (or conquering) the armies of Jagaddeva,' and in an inscription at SravanaBelgolat he is said to have drunk the rolling sea of the armies of the lord of MAļava, Jagaddeva, and others, sent by the emperor (chakrin). The discrepancy between these statements is removed by an inscription at Lalanakere, where it is said that at Dôrasamudra the three brothers, Ballala, Vishnu and Udayaditya, destroyed the army of Jagaddeva and captured his treasury. The joint victory of the three brothers over Jagaddeva must therefore have occurred before A.D. 1118, the earliest reliable date, as far as I know, for Ballâla's successor VishnuVardhana. As to Jagaddeva, the term saptárga used of his kingdom in the present inscription would seem to indicate, at first sight, that he was an independent ruler; but it is apparently only a hyperbolical phrase, as the Sravana-Belgola inscription leaves no doubt that he was a feudatory of some emperor who can only be the Western Chalukya king Vikram Aditya VI.7 I am therefore inclined to agree with Dr. Fleet, who looks upon Jagaddeva as identical with the såntara prince Tribhuvanamalla-Jagaddêva of Patti-Pombuchchapura who, according to the Balagåmye inscription, was ruling as Mahamandalesvara of Jagadekamalla II. at Sêtavinabida in A.D. 1349, and who, according to an inscription at Anamkond, 10 after the defeat of Taila III., laid siege to the fortress of Anumakonda. The latter event must have taken place between A.D. 1150 and 1163. There would thus lie an interval of at least 32 years, but probably a much longer time, between the Jagaddēva of the Hoysala records and that of the Chalukya and Kakatiya inscriptions, so that, if the identification should prove correct, Jagaddeva must have enjoyed a considerably long reign.
The next verses (14-17) speak of the conquests and pious gifts of Vishnuvardhana, who having given away in religious gifts the whole of his own territory, in order to have a kingdom of his own, invaded Uchchangil and other territories belonging to his enemies; who, invading the whole country from his own abode to Beļvola, bathed his horse in the Krishnavêrņa; who is again and again reminded by his servants whenever they wait upon him: Know the Hoysala alone among (all) princes to be unconquerable for king Paramardidáva." The
1 I take tatra in the sense of tayon, and the two verses as forming one sentence.
Mysore Inser. p. 263. • Inser, in the Mysore District, Part I. p. 36.
• Inscriptions at Sravana-Belgola, No. 138, p. 107. This inscription gives only the direct line of descendants. omitting Ballkļa 1. and Udayaditya altogether.
Insor, in the Mysore Distr. Part II. p. 200.
• Immor, at Sravana-Belgola, No. 69, p. 57; compare Inscr. in the Mysore Distr. Part I. p. 120, and Mysore Inacr. p. 266. Mr. Rice says (Inscr. in the Mysore Distr. Part II. Introd., p. 19) that BallAlA I. died in A.D. 1104, but I do not know his authority for this statement.
Vikram Aditya, it is true, did not bear the title chakrapartin, but his three successors, Sombvars III. Jagadékamalla II. and Tails III., styled themselves, respectively, Sarcaffiachakravartin, Praldpachakravartin and Chalukyachakravartin, and it is therefore quite intelligible that in a record written in Saks 1081 this title sbould have been conferred on Vikramaditya uso. • Dyn. Kan. Distr. p. 494.
Mytore Inser. p.97 ff.
10 Ind. ant. Vol. XI. p. 13. 11 Regarding this place see the note by Dr. Fleet, Dyn. Kan, Distr. p. 285.
Different translations bave been proposed for this verse by Dr. Fleet, Dyn, Kan. Distr. p. 497, and Dr. Bhandarkar, History of the Dekkan, p. 87. The version given above differs from that of Dr. Bhandarkar especially as regards the word pratywpachdram.
2

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warlike exploits of Vishnuvardhans teed not be discussed here, as they have been treated at great length by Dr. Fleet, who also was the first to identify king Paramardideva with the Western Chalukya king Permádi-Vikramaditya VI., the feudal lord of Vishņu. vardhana.
Vishnuvardhana's son and successor was Narasimha, who married the noble Échaladevi (vy. 18. 19). Their son was Vira-BallAls II, to whom the rest of the eulogy (vv. 20-36) is devoted. He is said (v. 20) to have acquired the kingdom by worshipping Vajreśvara. This term seems to refer to Indra; but, as vajra is occasionally used also with reference to the chakra of Vishnu, Vajrêsvara may possibly be meant here for Vishpu. At any rate it is stated in another record that he had gained the empire by being the favourite of Vijaya-Narayana, and in the present inscription also he is represented as an ardent worshipper of Vishņu (v. 24). After A series of laudatory verges (20-33) and the general statement that the Angas, Kalingas, Vangas, Magadhas, Chôļas, M&lavas, Pandyas, Keralas and Gurjaras were in fear of him (v. 34), the Inscription gives in verses 35 and 36 a more detailed account of two of Ball&la's campaigns : And by force, he, the strong one, defeated with cavalry only, and deprived of his sovereignty, the general Brahman whose army was strengthened by an array of elephants, and who had conquered sixty tusked elephants with a single taskless* elephant, when, on account of an insult to his father, he was tearing the royal fortane from the fimily of the Kalachuris, And cutting off Jaitrasimhs who was, as it wers, the right arm of that Bhilleme, he, the hero, acquired also the sovereignty over the country of Kuntala.'
The general Brahman mentioned in the former verse was the councillor and general of the last Chalukya king Sômēsvara IV. His name occurs in several Chalukya records from A.D. 1184-85 to 1186-87,5 and in one of them he is called 's fire of death to the Kalacharyas. Like his father Káma or Kavana, he had originally been in the service of the Kalachuryas. Kavana is mentioned as the dandandyaka of king Sankama in a Harihar inscription, and again as the commander-in-chief of all the forces of that king in a Balagårve inscription of A.D. 1179, and as the dandandyaka of Abavamalla in a Balagánve inscription of A.D. 1181.0 And Brahman himself is called the mahápradhana, sénadhipati and dandanayaka of king Søvidêva in a record of A. D. 1175. The reason for his rebellion is given in our inscription in the words
nyakkárena pituh.' Dr. Fleet renders them in contempt of his father, but I doubt that the words admit of such an interpretation. I can only translate them as I have done above, and, considering that the records make it highly probable that Kåvapa was still alive when Brahman revolted against his sovereigo, I see no difficulty in assuming that the account of the motives of Brahman as given in our inscription is correct. As to Jaitrasimha, by whose conquest Ballkla is said to have acquired Kuntala or the southern Maráthe country, there can be no doubt that he is identical with the Jaitasimha mentioned as the minister of the Yadava king Bhillama in the Gadag inscription of Saka 1113.7 On the other hand, I see no cogent reason why this Jaitrasimha should be identified with Bhillama's son and successor Jaitugi or Jaitrapala. The names, it is true, are similar, but if Jaitrasimba had been Bhillama's son, one should certainly expect that
1 See e. g. Mysors Isacr. p. 162. · Ibid. p. 266.
• Bhujabhrit seems to be an equivalent of bhujabala, and is apparently used here in allusion to Balilla's biruda Bbujabals, just as obra is used in the next verse.
For tdbara the dictionaries give the meaninge 's bull without horns; a beardless man; & eanach ;' here it evidently denotes toskless elephant as opposed to dantin, the tooked elephant. A revised translation of the verse was given by Dr. Fleet in his Dyn. Kan, Distr. p. 484. I differ from bim only with regard to the words ayakkariņa pitu. .
• For this and the following dates soe Dr. Fleet, Dyn. Kon. Diatr. p. 464. • Mysore Insor. p. 117. 7 Abone, Vol. III. p. 217 ff. . See especially Dr. Bhandarkar, History of the Dekkan, p. 106.

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93
this relationship of the two had been hinted at either in the present or in the Gadag inscription referred to above.
Lines 31 ff. then record that the Pratápachakravartin, the glorious Vira-BallAlađeva, who was adorned with such titles as the refuge of the whole world, the illustrious favourite of the earth, Maharajadhiraja, Paramétrara, Paramabhattaraka, the lord of the excellent city of Dvârâvati, the sun in the sky of the Yadava family, who has perfection as his orest-jewel, the destroyer of the Malapas, who is fierce in war, a hero even without anybody to help him, who is brave even when alone, who has success even on a Saturday, the conqueror of hill-forts, & Råma in war, having established his victorious camp at Lokkigundi,- at a lunar eclipse on Saturday, the day of the full-moon of the month Margasirshs of the Paridhävin year, when 1114 years had elapsed of the era of the sake king, after having washed the feet of the holy acharya Siddh&ntichandrabhushaņapaņditadêve, also called Satyavákya, who was the disciple of Vidyabharaṇadêya and the disciple's disciple of Sômêsvaradeva of the lineage of) the dchárya KAļamukha, granted out of devotion, with oblations of water, the village of Hombalalu in the Beļvola three-hundred, with its boundaries as known before and together with the right to hidden treasures, underground stores, water, stone, gardens, eto., together with the tribhôga, together with the full proprietorship of the ashtabhôga, together with the right of appropriating all things such as tolls and fines, for the sake of the anga-and ranga-bhôga of the Holy one, the guru of all moving and immoveable things, the holy god Svayambh-Trikațêsvara, for the sake of repairing anything that might be broken, torn, or worn out through ago, etc., for the sake of providing for instruction, and for the sake of feeding, etc., ascetics, Brahmanas and others, making it a sarvanamasya grant not to be pointed at with the finger by the king or the king's officials.
Inserted into this portion of the text are eleven verses (37-47) glorifying the god siva SvayambhQ-Trikatdevara at Kra tuka and the chief priest (sthandohárya) of his shrine, the said Siddhântichandrabhashanapanditadêva, called also Satyavákya, of the lineage of the acharya Kalamukha. Among the verses in praise of the latter, special interest is attached to 'verse 39, where the Pandit is called the living lisiga by whom the god who is the lord of the three peaks (Triküfésvara) by his three stationary lirigas, in the opinion of people became at the same time a lord of four peaks (chatushkutesvara). This is an allusion to the legend that Siva in the form of a linga descended upon the three mountains Kålêsvara, Srisaila and Bhimêsvara, and that these three lingas marked the boundaries of the country which was in consequence called the Trilinga, Telinga or Telugu country.
The members of the Saiva school of Kalamukhs seem to have enjoyed considerable local fame. They were originally established at Balagâmve, where a quarter of the town was called after them the Kalamukha Brahmachárin quarter. The numerous records at Balagånve, together with the present inscription, the Gadag inscription mentioned above, and another Gadag inscription of the time of Vira-Ballala II., furnish the following line of acharyas, all of whom
1 The data is expressed both in words and in figures.
Arden, Progressio, Grammar of the Telugu Language, p. 1, (and Ind. Ant. Vol. XXI. p. 198 note 18).
Mysore Inor. p. 147, (and above, Vol. V. pp. 220 to 226]. • Tbid. pp. 74, 77 ., 80 ., 88 f., 87, 91, 92, 95 f., 99, 101 7., 105 ., 111, 160, 174.
Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 166 1. The last two inscriptions record granta in favour of the same temple m the present one,
• Another branch of the lineage of Klamukha Chakravartimoni at Balagárve is mentioned loo. cit. p. 172,

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from Somê van onwards, with exception, of course, of Chandrabhúshana, were in the service of the temple of Dakshina-Kedårêsvara at Baļag&mve:
Kedåra aktipanditadêva.
Srikanthapaņditadêva.
S8mêsvara-(or Sómanátha-)panditadàva;
A.D. 1099, 1102, 1112.
Vidyabharanapanditadêva;
A.D. 1129.
Gautamapanditadêva;
A.D. 1129, 1149.
Chandrabhushanapanditadêva.
A.D. 1191, 1192, 1199.
Varnasaktipanditaddva, Rajaguru; A.D. 1155, 1158, 1161, 1168, 1171, 1179, 1186, 1192. Lines 46 ff. contain the usual benedictive and imprecatory verses, and the inscription ends with the statement that, by order of king BallAladêva, the dásana was composed by Agnisarman, an emperor among the learned.
The date of our inscription corresponds, as shown by Prof. Kielhorn, to Saturday, the 21st November A.D. 1192, when there was a lunar eclipse visible in India, commencing 0 h. 18 m, before mean sunrise.
Of the localities mentioned, Kratuka is the modern Gadag itself; Lokkigundi, the modern Lakkundi, 5 miles east-south-east of Gadag; and the village of Hombåļalu, the modern Hombal, 7 miles north-west of Gadag.
TEXT. 1 Svasti Traiļdkya pályatê yêna sadayam sat[t]va-vpittinål devo
Yadu-sárddalah Sri-patiḥ srøyseesstu vah || [1] 2 Déyah samasta-s&manta-mastaka-nyasta-sâsana) A-chamdr-&rkkam pripaḥ påyåd= - bhuyam=anbhodhi-mekhylâm || [2]. 3 Asttekshitau kshatriya-pungavån&m* siro-manib fri-Yadu-námadh@yah yad-anvavayê
& Harir-dhdha(ddha)ritri-bhår-Avatár-&rttham=ajdąpi jatah || [3] Tad-anvavayê 4 bahay babhyur-bhbhubbhu)j-odbhava visruta-kirtti-bhajah ady=&pi lokê charit
Adbhutáni yênha puranesha pathatti samtaḥ 11 [4] Kala-kramên=&tha
babh va kaschin=mah5 patis-tatra sal-abhidhånah kulasya kritvá vyapadéśamanyam vismáritó yêna
Yadus-tad-Adyah [5] Kên=&pi bra(vra)ti-patina Bra-dévakäryyê sárddalam
grasitum=up&gatan ni6 hamtum &dishtaḥ sasa kapuré sa hoy=Sal=&ti prapatuta kila vinihatya
Hoysal-Akhyam || [6] Tatab-prabhfiti tad-vamse pravřittam Hoysal-Akhyaya sârdad lasachs dhvaja
1 Vidyabharapa is once called the younger brother of some vars; ibid. p. 91.
"A pupil of Våmabakti was probably Sv&midevs or Såvidêva, of whom in an inscription at Balagårve dated in A.D. 1181 It is said that his head was marked by the lotus bands of the excellent mm Vamasaktike, the Siva seer; compare ibid. p. 119.
• Prom an impression supplied by Dr. Fleet. 4 The woond andra of this word has been drawn out by the engraver into an ornamental figure.

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No. 10.)
GADAG INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-BALLALA II.
95
7 sy&sid=amkaḥ satru-bhayam karaḥ 11 [7] Aparesha cha tad-rajyar bhuktavatsy
atha rajadu Vinayaditys ity=&sit=kramaśaḥ prithivipatih || [8] Eroyang
Abhidhand sbhánenripati. 3 satasya ch=&tmajah gunair=ananya-sâmányaiḥ prakhyatah prithivi-taļ8 11 [9]
Atha taey=&pi BallAla-Vishnuvarddhana-namakau abhatám-atmajanminâv
Udayaditya9 paschimau || [10] Tējasvinsu bhdta-hita-pravrittau lôka-pajitau y&v=abhasayatâm
visvar suryyl-chandramas&v=iva 11 [11] Rana-sirasi yêna balina gajapatim=
Akramya nija-turangêņa [1] 10 vinipâtya Jagaddávam sapt-A[gar tasya ch-Spahfitam || [12] Tatr Agraje
nijam råjyam-upabhuktavati kramat annjópichiram rajyam bubhujê
Vishnuvardhdha(rddha)naḥ || [13] Y dedam-agraha11 riksitya samastam nijam sya-rajy-Arttham Achakrâm=ôchchamgi-prabhşitîn=anyân
dvishad-debån 11 [14] Arabhya nija-nivåsåd -Beļvola-paryyamtam-akhiļam=pi
vishayam | Akramya 12 yôna dhautar taraga-vapu) Krishnavêrņnayam [15] Yaḥ smäryyatê niyuktaih
pratyapacharam nfipêshv=asâdhyataya | Paramarddidêve-nfipatêr-Hoysalamava13 dhåray-êti muhuh | [16] Yên-âgraharah kratavo mahanani shodaja
anyány-api cha punyâni paunahpunyêna chakrirë 11 [17] Narasimha iti
khyôtô jot14 geasy-&tmajo nripah yaaya varnnayitum n=aiva sakyanto madrifair-gganah
11 (18°) Tasya Srir-iva Daity-&reh Samkarasy-êva Pârvvati | Abid-Êchaladér
Iti maha-dêvi kul-Odgata || [19] 15 Tên-api tasyam-atula-prabh&vô Vajrêêvar-Aradhana-labdha-rajyab jätab sutô
dôr-yva(bba)la-chakravartti sri-Vira-Ballaļa iti prasidhdha(ddha)b 11 [20*]
Madhyasthyên=ônnaty kamchana16 vibhavêna vibudha-svyatays yo jamgama iva Mêrurummahîbhfitâm=agranir
jjagati 11 [210] Sim-&tikrama-bhfrör=atigambhirasya vipu!a-sat[t]vasya !
ratna17 karasya yasya cha na kô=pi lakshmivator-bhbhê (bbhé)dah II [22] Charitam
Bharat-adinâm=api bhuvanê távad=eva bôdya(dhya)m=iha 18k-ottará na
yâyad-drisyantê yasya sadha-gu18 nâh || [23] Vishnan nisargga-sidhdha (ddha)ń bhaktin yasy=&dya paśyatâm
pumsim Prahrád-&di-kath api na vismayâya prakalpantd 11 [24] Tan-na
tapas-tan-n-êshtam tan-na hutan tan=ns dånam-ast=ihaa 19 sakrin=na yêna vihitam dôéê kalê chs [p]trê cha || [25] Strishy=arbhbha
(rbbha)késhu sudroshy-any­api yêahu kåshuchij-jagati Bð Ssti na
jand vidhatte yaḥ påpan yatra sasitari || [26] Shat-tarkka 20 kâvya-nataka-Våtsyâyana-Bharata-råjanitishu cha anyesha téshu têshu cha
fåstrêshv=akhiļêshu yaḥ kusalaḥ || [27] Sarvvéshu darśanêshu cha bhuvi
tårkkika chakravartting 21 yasyal n-aivosti prativadt vâdi-mada-dvirada-kbaarinah II [28] Sarvv-lyudh
ajiva-purahsarêņa samasta-vidyaj-jana-vallabhêna Sastråņi sastraộicha yêna
18ké s&22 náthatâm=adya chiråd=gatâni || [29] Yan-nâmadh@yam=api visva-[vi]}&sinin am
lokê vaikarana-karmmaņi sidhdha(ddha)mamtrah | tasys pragalbhs-vanita. kusumayudhasya
1 Originally bhaktig had been engraved, but the lower dot of the disarga seems to have been effaced.

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23 saubhAgya-yarnpana-vidhau katamaḥ samartthaḥ || [30] Vishvag-v&ji-khura-praharadaļita-kshoại-tala-próchchaladh-dha?i-dhyårta-nimiļit-akhiļa-digil
dvandvapradôsh-agamo | ddt-i24 v=stipatiyasi muharriba svas-sardarlbhiḥ saman viråņ&m=abhisárapa vitanuté yat-khadge-yashtir=dvish&m || [31"]
Sasvad=yat-samaw &vatára-pifuneshva Shanyams25 neshv=itas-taryyeshu 8V8-pati-prapåsa-chakitaḥ kshubhyanty=ar&ti-striya) | apy
tah subhata-avayamvara-Iqrité mandara-malam=ito hastabhyam parigrihya naka26 vanitaḥ sajjibhavanty=ambare || [32] Yasmin=Hoysala-bhumipala-dharan-sämrajya
simhasanád=&radhe satim atta-våranapatêr=yyadhdhå (ddha)ya púryv-&sanam
sadya[b] 8va27 8va-kula-kram-agata-mahi-s&mrajya-simhâsan&t=pratyarttbi-ksbitipkļakair-api r anê
valmikam=åruhyatd# 11 [33] Yasmin=dig-vijay-arttham=udyatavati prasthana -
bhêri-rave 28 gar bhire sphatamuachcharaty=8vanibhřitev-anyeshu vårtt=aiva ka [*] darada
Anga-Kaļiņga-Vamga-Magadbåg=Chóļ&a=tath& Málavab Påmøyaḥ Kerala-Gârijaraprabh fitayo=py=ajjbanti sadyo dhpi.
. 29 tim II (34) Nyakkarêņa pitaḥ Sriya Kalachuri-kshatr-Anvayat-karshata yên
aikens hi tûbarêna kariņa shashtir-jjita dantinám tam cha Brahma
chamů patim gaja-ghat-430 yashtabdha-sainya hathadeyên=&bvair=api kövalairubhbha(bbhu)ja-bri(bhri)ta
nirijitya rajyam hfitam || [35] Uchchhidya Jaitrasimhamdakshiņam=iva
tasya Bhillamasya bhujam virêņa yềna labdhan Kuntaļa-des-adhi31 patyam-api # [36] SA cha samastabhavanasraya-briprithvivallabha
maharajadhiraja-paramégvara-paramabhattårska-Dvåråvati paravaridhisvara
YAdayakulambaradyu. 32 mapi-samyaktvachad&maņi-malaparolganda-kadanaprachamda-asah&yafura-ekamga vira
SaniyArasidhdhi(ddhi)-giridurggamalla-chaladanka Ráma-ity-&di-samasta-prasasta-n & m
Avali-vi33 rajamâna[ho] Srimat-prat&pachakravartti-sri-Vira-BallAla-dôvô Lokkigundi-nivesita
vijayaskamdhkvárab Il @ Asti Svayambhaḥ Kratuk-abhidhanê grama
Trikütésvara34 námadh@yah [1] Sivah samasta-kshitipala-mauļi-mapi-prabha-ramjita-ramya-pithah
|| [37] Tasya sthån-&charyyaḥ Kalamukh-Acharyya-samtati-prabhavab
Sidhdhår(ddh&tichandrabhUshapapam35 ditadbv-Abhidho Seti munih 11 [38°] Tam Trikate varar devam lingais-taib
sthåvarais-tribhihi jamgamêna samam yena chatubkūtēs varam viduḥ || [39]
Satata-sarir-årdhdha(rddha)-sthita-Gauri-bhrisa-samgami36 dəvadhûshy=adya | Siva iva virajyamán yo bhâti brahmacharyyasthaḥ || [40*7
Yal=cha 11 Kula-saileshu chalatay-api maryyad&m=atipatatsu simdhusha cha
satyam na Satyavákya-dvitiya37 nama parityajati 11 [41"] Anyatra kabya(vya)-nataka-Vatsyayana-Bharata-rajanity
Adau 1 [n=ai]va kathå-sidhdhA(ddha)ntêshy-akhiļåshy=api yasya n=&sti samaḥ || [42*] Yêna cha || Âdfiéyéta kada
Bend prooholhalad-d#76-; compare Kathdaaritadgara, 101, 291: gulpha-dagha-choMalad-dallau (kdrdgrid).
• Compare Mr. Rice'. Insor. in the Mysore District, Part Il. p. 206, line 7, and, as pointed out to me by Prof, Kielhorn, Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 69, L. 18.
• Bend chatuchkete.

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No. 10.]
38 chid-viérâmô varidhau taramgåpâm na tv-êva kripâ-bhaja pradîyamanê sénatâm sat[t]rê 1 [43*] Annên=aiva na kêvalam-api tu suvarpp-aushadh-âmbuvastr-adyaiḥ antô n-âsti ja
GADAG INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-BALLALA II.
39 nânâm nirantaram tarpyamâpânâm || [44] Yêna ch=âtra sthânê Udhdhri(ddhri)tya jirnnam-akhilam nirmmâya cha natana [m] puram ramyam | dev-Antikam=ânîtâ vêsya-vithi sthita parataḥ II [45*]
41 ha
40 Amrit-ôpama-pânîya-pûrnpå pushkarani krita vanam cha Nandana-[sâm]yam nânâpushpa-lata-vritam || [46] Kim jalpitêna bahuna grava-pråkåra-valaya-bâhyam-iyad-yat-samasti tat-tat-samastam-api tasya nirmmânam | [47*] Tasya bhagavatas-charachara-gurôḥ śri-Svayambhu-Trikûṭêsvara-dêvasy-âmga-ramga-bhôgakhanda-sphuțita-jlrup-dhdha(ddha)42 râdy-arttham vidya-dân-ârttha [m] tapôdhana-brâhman-âdi-bhôjan-âdy-arttha[m] cha Belvola-trisat-ântarggata-Hombâlalu-nâmadhêya-grâmam pûrvva-prasidhdha (ddha)simâ-samanvitam nidhi-nikshêpa
43 jala-påshân-ârâm-âdi-sahitam tribbig-bhya[n]taram-ashtabhðga-tējab-evåmya-yuktath salka-damḍ-Adi-sakala-dravy-opârjjan-ôpêtam Sakanripakal-âtita-samvatsara-sa
44 têshu
chaturddas-adhikeshv-ékâdasasu
amkatô-pi 1114
Paridhavi-samvatsar-ântarggata-Marggasirsha-paurnṇamasyam våre soma-grahanê tasya Kalamukh-a
45 charyya-Somlévaraděva-praéiahyaaya Vidyabhaagadiva-lahynaya
97
namadhiyasya Arimad-acharyya-Sidhdhá (ddha)ntichadadrabhûshapapaitadevasya pâda-praksha
varttamânaSanaiśchara
Satyaváky-para
46 lana[m] kritvå råjñâ râjakîyair-apy-anamgaliprêkshapiyam sarvvanamasyam kritvå dhârâ-pûrvvakam bhaktyâ dattavân | Asya cha dharmmasya samrakshanê phalam-ida
47 m-adâharanti arshayah
sma
tapô-mahima-sakshâtkrita-dharmma-sthitayo Many-âdayo mahBahubhir-vvasudha bhukta rajabhih Sagar-âdibhiḥ yasya
48 yasya yada bhûmis-tasya tasya tada phalam || Ganyante pâmsavo bhûmêr= gganyante vrishti-bimdavaḥ | na ganyatê Vidhâtr-âpi dharmma-samrakshanê
phalam | Apaha
49 rataḥ samartthasy-apy-udâsînasya tair-êva viparitam-api phalam-ndâhritam || Svadattam para-dattâm và yô harêta vasumdharâm | shashtim varsha-sahasrâni vishthâ
50 yâm
jayatê krimiḥ | Para-dattâm ta yô bhûmim-upahimsêt-kadâchana | sa badhdhô (ddhó) vârupaiḥ pâśniḥ kshipyate pûya-sôpitê | Kulani târayêt-karttâ 51 sapta sapta cha sapta cha | adhô sdhaḥ pâtayêd-dhartta sapta sapta cha sapta cha Api Gamg-âdi-tirtthêshu hamtur-ggâm-atha va dvijam | nishkritiḥ syân-na dêvasva-brahmasva-hara
52 pê nṛinâm | Vindhy-âtavishv-atôyâsu #ushka-kara-dayinab [1] krishna-sarppå hi jayamtê dêva-dravy-âpaharakaḥ | Karmmanâ manasa vacha yah 53 samartthô-py=upêkshatê | chamala[b]
88.
syât=tad=aiva
sarvva-karmma
bahishkritaḥ || Ata êv=aha Ramachandraḥ || Sâmânyô=yam dharmma-sêtur= nripânâm kâlê kalê
1 Bead pushkarist; but compare Pali pokkharant.
54 pâlaniyo bhavadbhiḥ sarvvân-êtân-bhâvinaḥ pârtti(rtthi) v-êmdrân-bhuyo bhûyô
yâchatê Ramachandraḥ || Mad-vamajaḥ para-mahipa
55 ti-vamsaja và pâpâd-apêta-manasô bhuvi bhavi-bhûpâh yê pâlayanti mama dharmmam-imam samagram têshâm mayâ virachitô smjalir-êsha 56 mûrdhni || Ballaladeva-nripatêr-âdêsâd-Agnisarmmaņa padhdha(ddha) tir-êsha sårasvata-sårvvabhaumêna (na) ||
rachitâ | sâsana

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VI.
No. 11.-NILGUND INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF AMOGHAVARSHA I.;
A.D. 866. BY J. F. FLEET, I.C.S. (RETD.), PH.D., C.I.E. This inscription is now brought to notice for the first time. And I edit it from an inkimpression obtained by me in 1887. I edit it, partly because it is interesting in itself, and partly because it is closely connected with the Sirûr inscription, of the same date, of which a version has been given by me in the Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 215 ff. A revised version of the latter record will be given shortly, in the course of some papers which will illustrate the development of the alphabet of the Kanarese country during the ninth century A.D. And it is convenient to publish the Nilgund record first, because, as far as the words Annigereyol=vre in line 22, it was based on the same draft on which was based the same part of the Sirûr record. and, though on the one hand parts of it could hardly have been deciphered without the help of the Sirûr record, on the other hand it supplies a few aksharas which are illegible in the Sirûr record and could not be supplied from any other source.
Nilgund is a village about twelve miles S. W. W. from Gadag, the head-quarters of the Gadag täluka of the Dharwâr district. It is shewn in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 41 (1852) as Neelgoond.' The modern form of the name is carried back to A.D. 1879 by the Dambal grant of that year, which mentions the place, in Nagari characters and in a Sanskrit verse, as Nilagunda. The present record gives its name in the older form of Nirgunda ;' the purport of it places Nirgunda in a circle of villages known as the Mulgunda twelve, which, again, it places in the Boļvola three-hundred district; and Mulgunda, from which the circle took its name, is, of course, the modern Mulgund, about two miles on the south-east of Nilgund. The inscription is on a stone tablet which was found standing in front of the house of AngadiRåchappa, in the village of Nilgund.
At the top of the stone there are sculptures, of which the principal ones are the goddess Lakshmi, squatting and facing full-front, with an elephant, on each side, standing towards her : the tips of the trunks of the elephants, which are aplifted, moet above her head, and each of them holds something which may be either a flower or a water-pot or some sacred symbol ; and above them, and perhaps supported by them, there is a smaller image, representing probably Vishņu, squatting and facing full-front. Below the figure of Lakshmi, there is a svastika. On the proper right of the latter, there are & cow and a calf; and on the proper left, two objects which, in the sketch submitted to me, look like a thick-set bush and a flowering plant, each in a tub or stand. - The writing covers an area about 3' 41' broad by 5' 11" high. Lines 1 to 15 are in a state of fairly good preservation. Lines 16 to 25 have suffered a great deal of damage ; and there are many syllables here, in addition to those which I have placed in square brackets, which could hardly have been deciphered with any certainty, if at all, without the help of the Sirûr inscription. Lines 26 to 35, also, are considerably damaged, but not to the same extent.-- The characters are Kanarese, boldly formed and well executed. They are of a good antique square and upright style, presenting an appearance much older than that of the characters of the Sirur inscription, of the same date, of which & collotype will be published hereafter. And the size of them ranges from about f' in the ya of traya, line 12, to about 13
1 See a remark made on page 74 above.
Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XII. p. 357, text line 129.
• The dental nd can be recognised clearly in the impression, both in Nirggundada, line 26, and in Igunda, line 2; and it is, of course, exactly what we should expect. The Nilgand inseription of A. D. 982, however, for some reason or other gives the name as Nirgunds, with the lingual d above, Vol. IV. p. 206, text line 30).

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No. 11.)
NILGUND INSCRIPTION OF AMOGHAVARSHA I.
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in the la of Kulappayyan, line 22. Only the first part of the ink-impression, containing lines 1 to 13, is suitable for reproduction; and here the largest akshara seems to be the kd of kdntendu, line 3, which is about 2"high. The record nges final forms of t in line 16, of in lines 28 and 33, of r in line 27, and of in lines 25 and 27 (twice). And it marks, in the usual way, the difference between the lingual d and the dental d; this can be recognised in the då of Gandan, line 6, though the akshara is somewhat damaged. As regards palæography, the record, which belongs to the transitional period, favours the older rather than the later types, not only in general style, but also in details. The kh occurs twice: in likhitan, line 35, it is somewhat damaged, and it is difficult to decide whether we bave there an old square kh rather loosely formed, or a later cursive kh; but in the kha of samkha, line 12, No. 14, we have clearly the later cursive character. The j is damaged and undeterminable in vijaya, line 19, and rajyabhiosiddhi, line 20; but in every other instance it is unmistakably the old square j, of the closed form, and there is no reason to infor anything else from such marks as are discernible in lines 19 and 20: in the lithograph, the intended form of the character is recognisable best in the ja of dhiraja, line 9, No. 22. The si occurs three times, in ôttunga, line 13 (the last akshara but one), and Nripatunga, line 17, and sainvatsarangal, line 19-20: in each instance, it is damaged and not determinable with certainty ; but such marks as are recognisable, indicate that in each case it follows the usual rule which connects it with the j, and is of the old square type, with the closed form. The b is damaged and undeterminable in baran, line 17, and bbrahmanaruman, line 29; but in every other instance it is unmistakably the old square b, of the closed form, and there is no reason to infer anything else from such marks as are discernible in lines 17 and 29: the intended form of the character is recognisable best in the bdha of labdha, line 3, No. 24. The ? is damaged and undeterminable in Lattalúra, line 16, Lakshmivallabhêndra, line 17,' salutt-ire and kálátita, line 18, salutt-ire, line 20, Kulappayyan, line 24, kalan, line 26, and káld-kale palaniyo, line 34: in the li of mandalikarkkaļd, line 10, No. 23, and in the lå of lánchanan, line 16, we have the later cursive 1, and so also in the upper l in vallabho, line 5, ella, line 12, and kallar, line 35; but in every other instance we have unmistakably the old square 1, and the intended form of it is illustrated very well by the la of alarakitan, line 3, No. 20; the formation of it here exhibits, though not to a very marked extent, the prolongation, with a sweep to the right, of the downstroke that makes the end of the letter, which (as will be shewn more clearly hereafter) had been the first step in the development of the later cursive type from the old square type.- As regards the language, we have Sanskrit ordinary verses in lines 1 to 8, and Sanskrit benedictive and imprecatory verses in lines 30 to 35, with, among them, a verse in praise of the god Vishnu which seems rather out of place there; the remainder of the record is in Kanarebe, of the archaic type, in prose. The record uses two words which are not included in dictionaries, namely, in lide 10, prátirajya, employed in the sense of pratiraja,' a hostile king ;' and in line 24, rajafrávita, for which the best translation seems to be a royal decree. In Varanasiyul, line 27, we have the locative ending ul, which, in genuine records, is of sufficiently rare occurrence, as compared with the endings of and al, to be
See above, Vol. III. p. 104. I owe this reference to Prof. Kielborn,
* The word rdja-Ardoita,- or rdja-frávita, as sometimes written, and perhaps in the present record, but wrongly,-- means, literally, caused to be heard by the king, spoken by the king. It has been met with before, in an inscription of the period A.D. 680 to 696 at Balagámi, where we have rdja-brdoitamedge, "on a royal decree being (issued), " i.."under or in accordance with a royal decree" (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 145, text line 11-19), and in an inscription of the period A.D. 788 to 747 at Aibole, where we have rdja(ja)-6rdvitan mahdjanamu naka(ga)ra-irdvitar, "s decree by the king, a decree by the Mahdjanas and the people of) the city” (id. Vol. VIII. p. 286, text line 4-6, it may be noted here that, at the end of line 5 of this record, the correct reading is Farandsiol, for Várandsiyol).--The Addr inscription helps to illustrate the term, by giving us [vi]Ondoya, “having caused to be heard everywhere, having made proclamation" (Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 69, text line 7-8). - We have the same erroneous longthening of the a of raja in rdja(ja)-rakahitan dharmma, "a religious grant protected by the king," in the Beltr inscription of A.D. 1021 or 1022 (id. Vol. XVIII. p. 274, text line 37).
02

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100
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
worth noting. As regards orthography, the only points that present themselves are (1) the use of ri for si in the word srishti, lines 12 and 33, though everywhere else the vowel seems to be used correctly; and (2) the occasional omission to double a consonant after r, in the second jayati, line 1, in Gârjarámé, line 6, in árthan, line 25, in brahma-svam, line 31, and in nripânán, line 34.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of the Rashtrakûta king Amôghavarsha I., who was on the throne from A.D. 814 or 815 to A.D. 877 or 878. It mentions him by also the birudas of Atiçayadhavala, Lakshmivallabhendra, and Nripatunga. His proper name is not yet known. But, from the way in which his sovereignty is likened to the sovereignty of the god Vishnu, and from the attribution to him, in that passage, of the biruda Lakshmivallabhêndra orchief among the husbands or favourites of Lakshmi or Fortune," and of the epithet surasuramardana or "subduer of gods and demons," which would hardly be appropriate in any ordinary description of a king, it seems likely that his name either was Nârâyaņa or Vishnu, or else was a name beginning with the word Vishņu. It inentions an officer of his, named Devaņņayya, who, residing at Annigere,' which is the modern Annigere
The following other instances, the dates of which are known or oan be fixed approximately, may usefully be put together here, from genuine records, and from others for questioning which there are no primd facie grounds. Várapalivadul; Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 145, line 13; at Balagámi; of the period A.D. 680 to 696 : and, in line 15 of the same record, elpattaruļas, in which we have the copulative or emphatic ending and after the w. Tingalul. púrnnamásadul, oishupadut, gdnadul, and V&randsiyul; Ind. Ant. Vol. VIII. p. 285, lines 3 to Aihole: A.D. 708. Urul and ok kalul Bp. Carn. Vol. III, My. 55; at Varuda; A.D. 765 to 805. Okkalul again; Ep. Carn. Vol. IV., Hg. 93 ; at Matakere ; about A.D. 783. Ma(md)vindilarul and ndyakarul: Ind. Ant. Vol. X. p. 39, No. 2, lines 6,8; at Galganpode; A.D. 850 to 900, or somewhere thereabouts, Pathadul, besadul, and kóteyul : Rp. Cars, Vol. III, Nj. 75; at Husukaru ; A.D. 870-71. Nadinul; Ep. Carn. Vol. IV., Ag. 103 ; at Kattemanuganahalli; A.D. 870-71 to about A.D. 908. N ddul: Kp. Carn. Vol. III., Nj, 134, at Nandigunda; A.D. 1021; and further on in this record we seem to have a very exceptional locative, badagalalu or budagalal. We can now recognise ello, ma development of the wf-ending, ia Mangalulle, "at (the village on Mangal," in Ind. Ant. Vol. X. p. 103, line 8; at Mahakūta ; A.D. 696 to 733-34. And we have the same ending presented in sanghadulle and Kaleappinulle, in Inscrs. at Śrso.. Bel. Nos. 31, 34; date not yet fixed.
. See page 106 below, note 2.
* Tbis name occurs in line 22 of the text. In other ancient records, as far as they have come under my notice, it is always written with the linganl ,Appigere, and the vowel is sometimes marked long-Angigere, A balf-Sanskritised form, in which tațdka is substituted for kere, occurs in a verse in & record of not long after A.D. 1176 (Insors, at Srae.-Bel. No. 42). the transcription gives there, also, the lingual 9; and the metre marks the vowel as short,- Annitataks. Whatever may be the explanation of the use of the dental us in the present record and in the Sirår inscription, we may take it as tolerably certain that the more correct form of the name was always that with the lingos! . The vowel, no doubt, was liable to be used either short or long.-As regards the etymology, the first component of the name may be s proper name; or it may be a variant of anno (1), 'excellence, purity,' or of anne (3),- dni (3), which occurs in drikalls, 's hailstone, and (see, particularly under als, 1) may perhaps mean water, cloud, or rain;' or it may quite possibly stand for hanni, the sunflower, which we have in the name Haopikeri (see further on in this note), on the analogy of gw for hógu (above, Vol. V. p. 262). With the dental, there does not seem to be any word anni; and the words anne (1), (8), and (8), do not give any suitable meaning.- As regards the modern form, the compilation Bombay Places and Common Official Worda, issued in 1878, certifies it as Aonigêri,' with the lingual on and the long *: but I feel tolerably certain that, in giving gori, kéri,' street,' instead of gere-kore, ' & tank, it does not even represent any correct modern custom outside official circles; for, to the best of my remembrance, the inhabitants of the town always pronounce the name as Angigere. The Indian Atlas sheet No. 41 (1862) hos Anigeeree,' which rather suggests that the writer was thinking of giri, a hill. The Map of the Dharwar Collectorate (1874) has Annehgeree,' which suggests that the person who then took down the name, beard, correctly, gere. The Postal Directory of the Bombay Circle (1879) hus Annigeri.' And the Dharwar volume (1884) of the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency uses that same form; ..g. pp. 389, 440, 650, 651.-In COD Deotion with the official certification of the modern name s'Anplgéri,' I may add the following remarks, which will be of use in respect of some other names also. In the Kanaren districts of the Bombay Presidency, there is a constant tendency to substitute i for the finale of nominal bases and verbal roots,- for instance, mane, ' house,' will just as often, if not more frequently, be written mani, and kare, 'to call,' often becomes kari, for conjugational purposes; also, the old character has passed out of use altogether; and the mark which distinguishes the long 1, 4, and 6, is rarely, if ever, used in writing. The result is that a nondescript word kori is

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No. 11.]
NILGUND INSCRIPTION OF AMOGHAVARSHA I.
101
or Annigere, about twelve miles west of Gadag,- was governing the Beļvola three-hundred district. And it mentions also a relative of Dêvannayya, probably named Kulappayya, who was governing the circle of villages known as the Mugunda twelve. The object of it is to record an assignment of the tax on clarified butter or ghee. The assignment was made under
used to represent, indifferently, either kore (kero), 'tank,' or kéri,' s street ;' and it is impossible to decide which
as the final of a place-Dame, unless one can hear the name pronounced by resident of the village alf, or can find it in an ancient record. In cases in which I have been unable to ascertain whether the real termination is kere or kéri, I bave used that nondescript word keri, M & reminder to myself that the name has not been determined ; and it is for that reason that I have written, for instance, Kattageri, Bendigeri, and Hapnikeri (Dyn. Kan. Distrs. pp. 448, note 1, 526, 656). There is, perhaps, more trouble with the words kere and kéri than in any other detail. But no one, who has not tried it in person, can realise how difficult it is to get at the really correct and undeniable spelling of many & place-name, unless some indication is derivable from an ancient record. My experience is that, among modern publications, the older sheets of the Indian Atlas, though by no means infallible, are in many respects the best guide, in spite of the went of any definite system in them, or rather, because no attempt was made in them to sim, in vain, at any uniformity of system on lines whicb, at that time, had hardly become definitely fixed even among scholars. The revised sheets are not so useful a guide, because in them (as also in the Bombay Survey sheets) the spelling is adapted to the modern official system. The chief festores of this system are, the use of a, a, i, and, instead of w, a, ee, spd oo, and the use of d, instead of r, for the lipguald. It would be good enough, if it were in safe bands; that is to say, under the control of someone who could determine the exact correct spelling everywhere, and could enforce the uniform use of it. But it is not in such bands. It frequently gives the long á where it ought to give the short a, and vice versd. It has a particularly weak point, in failing to make any distinction between the dental d and the lingual d, which latter usually appears as r in the older sheets of the Indian Atlas. It has produced such monstrosities as . Kánara and Kánarese,'-(sopposed to be critical forms),- instead of the parely conventional but thoroughly well established words Kennta and Kanarese. And, as specific instances of the fsilure of this system in official hands, we may quote, from the Bombay Survey sheet No. 272 (1894), Kanyad and Kutvad, which are given there instead of Kanvád and Kutyád, and Shirti instead of Shirhatti, and, from sheet No. 239 (1887), Bagni, instead of Bagni (regarding these names, see Ind. Ant. Vol. XXIX. p. 278 and note 23, p. 276, and p. 277, note 17). The best way to determine the real name of a place, is, naturally, to make local inquiries in person. And it is, of course, the cultivators and the hereditary village-officials, not the district officials and their clerks, - who can best farnish information as to the true names of their villages. But what they pronounce, has frequently to be written down by an ordinary clerk who takes no real interest in the matter. And that is where all the mistakes come in now, and, apparently, came in in earlier times also.- In illustration of the way in which the cultivators can help towards the identification of socient places, we may refer to the case of Bagalkot in the Bijapur district. The cultivators call it BAgadikote. This name is accounted for, though the exact form of it is not absolutely justified, by the fact that the ancient name of the place was Begadageya kote, Bågadigeyakoțe (see Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 170). This name, adduced by the cultivators, first put me in the way of identifying Bågadage with Bagalkot. And, in addition to the epigraphic passage which I then quoted, I may now refer to a record of A.D. 1049 at Sirûr, eight miles on the south-east of Bagalkot, which mentions Bdgadagd-rdjapatha, "the highway to Bågadagå."In illustration of the way in which the cultivators preserve the real names of places, we may take the CAD of village close on the east of Gadag and incorporated with that town for municipal purposes. The name of it is certified in Bombay Places as 'Betgêri;' and, I may add, in the Dharwar volume of the Gasetteer it appears as Bettigeri'(pp. 712, 713), which illustrates very well the vagaries of official practice. But the cultivators call it Batgere. And the ancient name occurs as Battakere in record of A.D. 888. In this instance, it happens, the official mistake, of substituting kdri for kere, is carried back to A.D. 1379 by the Dambal grant, which mentions the place as Battagèri (loc. cit. in noto 2 on page 98 above, text line 125), evidently as the result of an ancient official failing to catch the name correctly, and it may be remarked that the same record also mentions as Knujagéri, in line 126, a neighbouring village, the name of which is found in a record of A.D. 933-34 as Kovujagere, or possibly Kovujamgere.- I would make, here, & correction in the name of a village in the Karajgi taluka, at which some early Kadamba copper-plate grants were obtained (see Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 39 f.). The name of it figures in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 42 (1827) as 'Dew geeree, and in the Map of the Dharwar Collectorate (1874) Deogeree,' and in the Postal Directory (1879) Deogiri,' and in the Dharwar volume (1884) of the Gasetteer as Devgiri' (p. 665). I was told that the cultivators call the place Dévagere and Déogere. But I was assured that that is s mistake, and that the real name is Dévagiri. And I, therefore, gave the Dame as Dêvagiri in editing the grants in question, and elsewhere (e.g. above, Vol. V. p. 178). Subsequently, I was led to believe that the real name is Dêvagere; and I have used that form in, for instance, Dyr. Kan. Distrs. p. 287. But I have since then found, from records of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries at the place itself, that the ancient name was Devargeri, sometimes perhaps written Dövag@ri, without the anusedra in the second ayllable. I also notice that the Natire gentleman, to whom I was indebted in the first instance for impressions of them, wrote the name, on the first of the impressions, as Dévagiri in English characters (according to official custom),

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(Vol. VI.
the authority of a rajafrávita or royal decree of Amôghavarsha I. And it was made to the hundred-and-twenty Mahajanas of Nirgunda,-doubtless in order to make the proceeds of the tax available for expenditure by them on communal purposes, instead of being credited to the royal revenues.
The passages containing the details of the date are partly illegible. But enough can be deciphered to shew that the date of this record is the same as the date of the Sirûr record. The full details, then, are an eclipse of the sun on the new-moon day of the month Jyaishtha of the Vyaya saivatsara, Saka-Samvat 788, in the fifty-second year of the reign of Amoghavarsha I. And the corresponding English date is Sunday, 16th June, A.D. 866, when there was a total eclipse of the sun, visible in India, at 9 h. 4 min. after mean sunrise.
TEXT. 1 Om [ll*] Jaya[t]i^ bhuvana-káraṇam Svayambhur-jayati Parandara-nandanð
Muráriḥ jayati Giri2 [s]ata-niruddha-dêhê durita-bhay-&paharê Haras-cha dévaḥ [ll*] Sa? vô=vyâd=
Vêdhasa dhama yan-na3 [bhi]-kamala[m] kritam Haras-cha yasya kant-enda-kalaya kam-alam ksitam [II]
Labdha8-pratishtham=achiraya 4 [Ka]li[m] su-dûrâ(ra)m=utsäryya saddha-charito(tai)r=ddharani-talasya křitvå
punaḥ Kritayuga-sri (Sri)yam=&5 [p]y=ab[@]shår c hitram kathan Nirupamaḥ Kalivallabhô-bh at [ll*]
Prabhutavarsh Govinda-raja(jah) sauryyéshu ö vikramaḥ11 jitvå jagat=samastam yat=Jagattumga iti frutaḥ [11*] Kêraļa-13
Mâļava-Gaudan!-82-16Gûrjare[m]-Chi
but as Dévagért in the Modi or current Marátht characters. And I entertain no doubt that what the cultivators really call it, is, not Dévagere (as reported to me), but Devageri, and that this is the form that ought to be used for the future. 1 See page 99 above, and note 2.
See note 4 on page 107 below. # See Prof. Kielborn's result in Ind. Ant. Vol. XXIII. p. 123, No. 59, and Von Oppolzer's Canon der Finaternisse, p. 198, No. 4939, and Plate 99,- The week.day is specified in the Sirar record, but not here. - The Śaka year 788 has to be taken as the expired year: for, as pointed out by Prof. Kielhoru, by the mean-sign system the Vyaya samvatsara lasted from the 23rd September, A.D. 865 (in 8.-9. 788 current) to the 19th September, A.D. 866 (in 9.-8.788 expired), and by the southern lunar-solar system Vyaya was S.-S. 789 current (788 expired), - A.D. 866-67,- (as also by the northern system of the same kind).
• From the ink-impression.
Represented by a plain symbol; and so also in lines 9 and 30. • Metre, Pushpitágra.
7 Metre, $18ks (Anushțubh). 8 Metre, Vasantatilaka.
• Metre, sloks (Anushtabb). 10 The Sirar inscription, line 3, bas precisely the same reading, Prabhitavarah6 Govinda-ndjd. The run of the metre would have been better suited by Prabhutavarsha.Govind 6 ndjd.
11 Sirar, line 3, has the same, lauryydhu vikramah, but the # of the ryyd was omitted at first and then was added by way of correction. It would be diffoult to make any sense of fauryy-Ishw-vikraman having heroism. arrow.prowess' and it can hardly be thought that hauryylahu Vikramah," very Vikrama in deeds of heroism," was intended. I can only suggest that the words are & mistake for sauryydya vikramaih, or else that the text is altogether corrupt here.
Read yaj Jagattunga, which, however, in view of the past participle jitud, must probably be treated as a mistake for y8 Jagattunga. In Sirur, line 4, the pronoun was omitted altogether and the reading is Camalot(at) Jagat[*]unga.
13 Metre; the first two pddas Are Aryagiti, and the last two are Åry: or, we may say, the verse is an Arylgiti, in the last pada of which the metre of an Ary has been followed. There is a mixture of metres again in the next verse.
Sirur, line 4, has Sauțdn. In each record, the reading is quite distinct.
# Sirdr, line 4, has Gwjand: it gives the short , according to the undoubtedly more correct spelling of the name in the second syllable, it omits ther; and,-se the writer noems to bave intended Gurjjands witbout saudhi with the following word,-it omits a final.

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Nilgund Inscription of Amoghavarsha 1-A.D. 866.
0
W. GRIGGS, COLLOTYPE.
SCALE .20
F. FLEET.

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No. 11.)
NILGUND INSCRIPTION OF AMOGHAVARSHA I.
103
7 trakuța-giridu[r]gga-sthån=ba[a ]dhvá Kanch-Isan-atha sa Kirttinarayaņo
játah' [II*) Ari-nțipati-makuța-ghatti8 ta-charanas-sakala-bhuvana-vandita-sanryyah Vamg-Åmga-Magadha-Majava-Veng
16e (Sai)r-archchitô=Tiśeyadhava[lah] [ll] 9 Om Svasti Sri Samadhiga tapañchamaha abda-mahârâjâdhiraja-paramāśvara-bhattáraka
chatur-udadhi. 10 valaya-valayu(yi)ta-sakala-dharátala-prátirajyo-Aneka-maņdalikarkkaļ kataka-kați
sûtra-ku11 ndala-k@yara-hara[bha]rap-kļarnkrita-gaạika-s&hasrab-châmar-åndhakar- & dho-diryya
viryyamâna?-Svi(sve)12 t-atapatra-traya-kaļaha-kâhala-Samkha-pålidhvaj-ôruokêtu-patak-achchhadita-digantar.
ella sri(spi)shti13 sênápati puravara-taļavargga-daņdanayaka-sâmant-ady-ânêkal-vishay a-vinâ m (n)-11
ottu[]ga-[ki]14 rîța-makuța-ghrishta-pådäravinda-yugma nirjjita-v [ai]ri ripu-nivaha-Kala-danda dushta
mada-bha[m]janan-a15 môgha-Ramar para-chakra-pañchânanaṁ sur-Asura-marddanam vairi-bhaya-[ka]ram
badd[e]-ma[no]haram a[bh]imana16 man[aliram Ratta-vams-odbhava[m] Garuda-lañchaîchha)naml3 tiv[i]!i
pareghoshaņa[m Lattalûra-p]u[ra]-paramê vara[m] śrîmat
• Sirûr, line 5, has jigati, which was then corrected into jagati.
• Metre; the first two padas are Åryd, and the last two are Udgiti; or we may say, the verse is an Ary4, in the last pada of which the metre of an Udgiti has been followed.
• Sirûr, line 6, omits the Om and the Srt.
• Sirûr, line 7, also has yuta.-Prof. Kielhorn bas given me, from the Daiakundracharita, the quotation ratedkara-cold-mdkhald-palagita-dharan, which suggests that the original source of the draft used in this record had chatur-udadhi-reld-ralagita, eto. Compare, in some respecta, lines 1, 2 of the Begur record (page 48 above). 5 Sirûr, line 8, also has prátirdjy.
Read ganika-sahasra. 7 Sirur, line 9, has dudhakdra-oddiyya-efyga-mana. The words ofrya, 'bravery, or heroism,' and mana, pride, seem altogether inappropriate in this passage. And I can only suggest that the intended reading was andbakdra-dedi pyamdna, or else that there may have been meant dodhyamdna, "being waved to and fro like fans," which we have in line 47 of the Kadaba grant (above, Vol. IV. p. 342), applied, however, to chauris, not to white umbrellas.
• Sirar, line 9, omits this word, kdhala..
• The reading is quite distinct here. And it can be recognised, now, that in Sirûr, line 7, the writer or engraver first formed, instead of ru, tbe k of kitu, and then, before attaching the d, corrected the k intor, and then added thes. This disposes of the Okakétu, tbe "banner of a bird, or bird-ensigo," which I thought was indicated by the Sirar inscription.
• Sirar, line 10, has the same reading, ddy-dndka. In each record, the reading is quito distinct. Ady-anéka would be more in accordance with custom. But the use of ddya instead of ddi in such a combination, though somewhat unusual, is hardly to be treated as a mistake.
11 In Sirur, line 10-11, the reading is very clear,- vishaya-vindow.olturiga, except that the ti of vindms is rather intermediate between vi and dm. And the reading is equally certain here, though the subscript of vindms is a good deal damaged. We might accept vind mns as a mistake for the usual Sanskrit word vinama,
bent down,' etc., or for a word vinamna which might be justified by the use of namna by Kadarese authors as an eguivalent of samra, bowing, bent, etc. (see Kittel's Kannads-English Dictionary, under namng and samn. krita; and I think that I have met with either namns, Admna, vinama, or pindmsa in Kaparene records, though I cannot at present find the passages). But, as has been pointed out to me by Prof. Kielhorn, no such word would give any suitable meaning here, and what is needed after ddy-dndka is some expression meaning chief or ruler of a district. I am inclined to think, therefore, that what was really intended was vishay.ddhindth-ottunga,
From this point, the present record, and the Sirur inscription alo,- pays more attention to the case. endings of the nominatives in a, which are disregarded altogether in the preceding part of this passage. Sirar, line 11-12, has here s reading which indicates that there was intended there bhawanan ambgha, without saddhi.
u Birur, lino 18, has the same mistake, ficha for siehha.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. VI.
17 Amôghavarshal-Nřipatu[n]ga-nam-a[mm]kita-[La]kshmivalla]bhêndra chandr
Aditya-kəlam-[baram] [ma]hå-Vishọ[u]va rajyam-bol=uttar-êttaram 18 râjy-abhi(vrijddhi sa[ljutt-ire Saka-nfipa-ka[1-4]tita-samvatsara-data[rn]gal-êl-ncar
eņbhatt-enţa]éneye Vyaye-[samvajtsara[m] pra19 [va]rttise [srijma[d-Ajmôghava[rsha]-Nfi[pa]tu[m]g8-[nam-amkitand vijaya
rájjya-pravarddhamana-samvatsa[ra]20 [n]gal-ayva[tt-eradum-uttar-6]øttaram [rêjy-abhi vriddhi? 881]u[tt-i]re
A[ti]ša[yadha]vaļa-Dare[n]d[ra]-de[va] 8-prasada dind=4]21 môgha[varsha]-dêva-p[A]dapa[m]kaja-[bhra]mara[m] vifishta-ja[n-asra y a n = a ]ppa
Srimad-Dêvannayyam Belvo[18] - 22 mûnuruman=aļattum Anni gereyol-ire A[ta]na ma[y]do[nam] Kulappayya[m]
Mulgunda-pa23 neraduman=&ļutt-ire ta[d-a]ntarggatall-Jyêshtal-misada krish[n]a-pakshad
amåseyu[m] suryya-graha24 namum-agi Kuslappa]yya[m]-binnapa[mn]-[e]yye Dôvannayya[m] Amogha
varshadêvaro! râja(Pja)-árå25 vitam-madi tad-anuma[ta]dind=irvvorum mata[pi]tsi ...... 18m-8[r]than
[p]unyam=&g[iy=&] grahaņado [1] 26 Nirggundada nûr-irppadimbaruń mahajanada ka[la] in kalchi tuppa-deroya[m]
sa-bhôga-såda (dha)27 kam-agi bitto[r] [ll] I dharmmama[i k]ådom Våraņâsiya! sûryya-grahaņado!
såsira kavile28 yaṁ vêda-vidarkkal-appa bråhmaņarkkalge kotta punya-phalaman=a(Pe)ydavon idan=
alid-apt-[&]vam 29 sâsirs kavileyun 16 såsi[r]vvar=[bbr] Ahmaparumam Våraņa[s]iyuman=alida pañchs
mahapaka
Read Grimad-Amoghavarsha. Sirûr, line 18, omits the Amoghavareha here, and has brf-Nripatunga.
• Sirúr, line 14, has the same reading, vallabhandra. But the constration requires the genitive, vallabhendrana or vallabhendrand.
Sirûr, line 14, has oh andr-ddityara kedlar-varegan. In the present record, there are only two akaharas after kdlath, both much damaged. The first of them seems to be ba, rather than ea. The second of them may be ran, in which case barani was written, quite correctly; or it may be gat in which cane bagarh was written by mistake for baregai.
* Sirar, line 14, divides the words, and has rdjyash-bol uttar-áttaran.
. The akshara, given here in square brackets are supplied entirely from Sirar, line 16. But there is no doubt about the correctness of them, as tbe name of the samvatsara is quito recognisable, and so also are the other details in line 23.
• The preceding note applies here also.
+ Sirûr, line 17, gives rdjy-dbhidriddhi; and the same seems to have been the reading here also. But we regoire in this place the instrumental rdjy-dbhiosiddhiyit. The nominative seems to have been carelessly repeated from line 18 above, where it is quite correct.
* Sirur, line 17, omits the deva.
Sirar, line 19, makes sandhi, and bas dfuttun-anni. As regards the wni, which is quite distinct here as well as in the Sirur inscription, but is probably a mistake for ni, see page 100 above, note 8.
10 Both here, and in line 24, there seems to be the vowel + attached to the k. Bat the same may perhaps be Kalappayya, or even Kalappayya. 11 Read tad-varsh-dntarggata.
13 Read Jydahtha; or, more correctly, Jyaishtha. 11 Sirar, line 19, has amaseyum, with the short a in the second syllable. Either form is admissible. The week day, which is specified in the Sirûr inscription, is omitted here.
14 Sirdr, live 19, has the influitive form dge, instead of the past participle which we have here.
11 Three aksharas are quite illegible in the ink.impression here. We should expect something like indys. dharm-drthan, puny-dpydyan.drthan, puny-dbhivriddhy.arthan, etc.; but none of these expressions adapta itself to such traces as are discernible.
# Bead kavileyuman, since we have brdhmanaruman instead of ordhmayari

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No. 11.)
NILGUND INSCRIPTION OF AMOGHAVARSHA I.
105
30 takan-akkun Om [ll] Vyåsa-vákyan [l*] Sva-da[tt&m] para-datta[m] vå
y harêti: Vasundharam shashtim varsha-sabasra31 ņi vishthåyåṁ [A]yatê krimiḥ [11*] [D8]va-s[v]an visham=ity=[A]hur-brahma
evam visham-[uJchyatê vigham=&k[&]kinan hanti bra32 hma-sva[m] patra-pantrika[m] [llo) Brahma-svam pranay&d=bhuktvå dahaty=
8-saptaman kulam v[i]kraméņa [y] bhôjyante* dass pa33 rvvån=das=&varân [11] Jayati []thiti-sa [m]hára-sri(spi)shţikára [ņa]-kâraņa[m]
Hariredditija-kånt-sya-kusê[saya]-himagama[h] [11] 34 Sámányoyan dharmma-s[ēt]ar-připa [ņam kald)-ka[18 pålani]y bhavadbhiḥ
sarv vån=ôtån=bhävinah pârtthivendran-[bhůy6]35 bhûyd yâchaté Råmabha (drah] [11"] .................... bhattara
likhitam i kallam Nagamudda(?)na(?)..........? [11]
TRANSLATION Om !-(Verse 1; line 1). Victorious is Svayambhu (Brahman), the cause of the world ; victorious is Murári (Vishnu), the son of Purandara (Indra); and victorious is the god Hara (Śiva), whose body is imprisoned by the embraces of) (P&rvati) the daughter of the mountain (Himalaya), and who removes sin and fear!-(V. 2; 1. 2). May he (Vishnu) protect you, the water-lily (growing) in whose navel is made & habitation by Vedhas (Brahman); and Hara, whose head is adorned by a lovely digit of the moon!
(V. 3; 1. 3). Since, with his pare actions, he in no long time drove far away from the surface of the earth Kali who had secured a footing there, and made again complete even the splendour of the Krita age, it is wonderful how Nirupama-(Dhruva) became (also known as) Kalivallabha.
(V. 4; 1. 5). There was his son) Prabhůtavarsha-Govindaraja (III.), who, having conquered the whole world by his heroism and deeds of prowess (?)," was known as Jagattunga. - (V. 5; 1. 6). Having fettered the people of Kerala and M&lava and Gauda, and, together
Read pdtakan. The ta stands in the margin, before the ka. There are some indications that an attempt was first made to supply the ta below the pd of the preceding line.
• Metre, Sloka (Anushtabb); and in the next three verses . Read hardt=t#; or harati. . Read bhókahyantd; or bhunjate.
Metre, Salint. • Eight or nine akahanas aro illegible here. 7 Four or five aksharas are illegible here.
• Tbe reading Purandara-Nandand is quite clear and unmistakable in the present record, and in line 1 of an inscription of A.D. 897-98 at Chinchli in the Gadng taluks, and evidently in also the impressions of an inscription at Kalaõjar, referred to "about the eighth century," from which the verse has already been brought to notice by Prof. Kielborn (above, Vol. V. p. 210, note 8). And it seems impossible to translate the word otherwise than by "son of Paramidara." Bat, Visbņu was one of the roayambhu or self-existing gods; the later mythology represents him as the younger brother of Indrs; and, as yet, we know of no other statement that would make bim a son of Indra, and we know the expression "son of Indna" only as an epithet of the monkey king Vilin, of Arjuns, and of Jayanta.
This verse is met with, earlier, in lines 13, 14 of the Want grant of A.D. 807 (Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 157), in the description of Dhora, i.e. Dhruva ; and we know from that record that Nirupama and Kalivallabhs were biridas of Dhruvs. The prind-facic meaning of the biruda Kalivallabha would be "favourite of Kali,- Kali being the personification of the present age. But the verse points out that it would be curious that an enemy of Kali should be called the favourite of Kali, And, either the biroda means "the favourite of brave men," or else, w has been suggested to me by Dr. Hultzuch, we must explain it by taking kali in its meaning of dissension, war, battle,' in which case we may render the appellation by " fond of war."
10 In this and the following two verses, there are no verbs except past participles. I sapply, in such terms as soem appropriate, that which appears necessary to complete the construction. It seems likely that these three verses are detached escerpts from some longer composition, which has not yet come to notice in the records of the dynasty, just as the preceding verse about Nirapama-Kalivallabba is an excerpt from the full description of Dhruva given in the Want grant (son the preceding note).
11 See page 102 above, note 11.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
with the Gurjaras, those who dwell in the hill-fort of Chitrakuta, and then the lords of Kâñichi, he became (known as) Kirtinârâyaṇa.
(V. 6; 1. 7). (And then there came his son) Atisayadhavala-(Amôghavarsha I.), whose feet are rubbed by the diadems of hostile kings (bowing down before him), and whose heroism is praised throughout the whole world, and who is worshipped by the lords of Vanga, Anga, Magadha, Mâļava, and Vengi.
(Line 9)-Om! Hail! Fortune! While, to an extent ever greater and greater, the increase of the sovereignty of him, Lakshmivallabhendra, who is distinguished by the name of the glorious Amôghavarsha-Nripatunga,- the Maharajadhiraja and Paramésvara and Bhattaraka who has attained the pañchamahásabda ; he who has covered all the territories of the numerous chieftains of the hostile kings, over the whole surface of the earth which is girdled by the belt of the four oceans, with his thousands of courtesans decorated with waistbands and belts round their hips and ear-rings and armlets and necklaces, and with the darkness (caused by the multitude) of his chauris, and with his very brightly shining (?) three white umbrellas, and with his battle-horns and conches, and with his broad standard of the palidhvaja-banner and his (other) flags; he who is a born leader of armies; he whose feet, resembling water-lilies, are rubbed by the lofty tiaras and diadems (bowed down before him) of Dandanayakas (in charge) of capitals and groups of places, and of chieftains and other lords of districts (?); he who has conquered his foes; he who is a very staff of Death to the host of his enemies; he who breaks down the pride of wicked people; he who is a very unfailing Râma; he who is a very lion to the army of his enemies; he who subdues gods and demons; he who causes fear to his foes; he who captivates the minds of truthful women; he who is the habitation of haughtiness; he who has been born in the race of the Raṭṭas; he who has the Garuda-crest; he who is heralded in public with the sounds of the musical instrument called ţivili; (he who has the hereditary title of) supreme lord of the town of Lattalûra,was continuing, like the sovereignty of the great Vishnu, so as to endure as long as the moon and sun might last:
(L. 18)- While the Vyaya samvatsara, the seven [hundred and eighty-eighth] of the centuries of years elapsed of the era of the Saka kings, was current; and while the
1 Ie. "a very Narayana (Vishnu) in fame." A verse in the description of Govinda III. in the Baroda grant of A.D. 811 or 812 presents this biruda in the form of Kirtiparasha (Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 159, text line 24). I then translated it by "the personification of fame." But there is no real authority for that. And, on the other hand, Purusha was Vishnu, who, again, was Narayana; and the composer of that verse evidently used Kirtipurusha instead of Kirtinarayana, simply to suit his convenience in framing his lines.- The Sirûr version of the verse has, instead of jatah, jigati, which was then corrected into jagati," he (became known as) Kirtinârâyana on the earth." The Chinchli inscription of A.D. 897-98 (mentioned in note 8 on page 105 above), however, presents clearly játah, again. And jdta, which means ordinarily born,' seems to be used here in the meaning of happened, become, present, apparent, manifest.'
2 We might take this as simply an epithet, and translate it by "the chief among the husbands or favourites of Lakshmi or Fortune." But various analogies justify us in finding in this word a formal vallabha-appellation of Amoghavarsha I., which in its simplest form would be Lakshmivallabha.
The present passage is one of a limited number in which this epithet is applied to paramount sovereigns. Two other instances have been given by me in Gupta Inscriptions, p. 296, note 9; and a few others will be
adduced on some more convenient occasion.
The genitive mandalikarkald seems to be governed by digantar-ella, the last member of the following compound, rather than by any of the preceding members of it.
From talavarga, which we have here and in Sirar, line 10, we have Talavargin, which occurs as an official title in Vol. IV. above, p. 258, text line 14.
Kittel's Dictionary gives badde, 'a truthful woman,' and indicates that it is a feminine form of badda, ' firm, true,' which is a tadbhava-corruption of the Sanskrit baddha. The whole word badde-mandhara,-half Kanarese, half Sanskrit, is a viruddha-samdsa (more popularly known as an arisamdea), "an incongruous or improper compound, a compound of heterogeneous words or words dissimilar in kind," which, according to the Sabdamanidarpana, sutra 174, is allowed only when sanctioned by poets of old, as, for instance, especially in biradas.

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No. 11.)
NILGUND INSCRIPTION OF AMOGHAVARSHA I.
107
fifty-[second] of the augmenting years of the viotorious reign of him who is distinguished by the name of the glorious Amoghavarsha-Nripatungs was continuing (with) an inorease of soveroignty to an extent over greater and greater
(L. 20)-While, by the favour of his majesty the king Atisayadhavala, the illustrious Devaņņayya, a very bee on the water-lilies that are the foot of Amoghavarshadova and a very asylum for excellent people, was dwelling at Annigere,' governing the Beļvola three-hundred ; and while his brother-in-law]' Kulappayys was governing the Mulgunds twelve :
(L. 23)- When it was the new-moon day of the dark fortnight of the month Jyoshtha in that [year], and when there was an eclipse of the sun-on Kulappayya making a request, Dévannayye obtained a royal decree from Amoghavarshadeva, and, with his (Amoghavarsha's) approval, the two of them, for the . . . . . . of their parents, in a meritorious manner, at the time of that eclipse, laved the feet of the hundred-andtwenty Mahajanas of Nirgunda, and relinquished(to them) the tax on clarified butter, with a conveyance of the usufruct of it.
(L. 27)- He who protects this act of religion shall attain the reward of the merit of giving at Våraṇasi, at the time of an eclipse of the sun, a thousand tawny-coloured cows to Brahmaņs who know the Vêdas; whosoever destroys this, shall incur the gailt of the five great sins of destroying a thousand tawny-coloured cows and a thousand Brahmans and Varaṇasi ! Om ! And there is the saying of Vyasa :-(V.7; 1. 30). He who confiscates land that has been given, whether by himself or by another, is born as a worm in ordure for the duration of sixty
Regarding the second syllable of this name, w written bere, see page 100 above, note 3.
The meanings given to mayduna ia Kittel's Dictionary, which seem to mark clearly the relationship that is ordinarily intended, are 'a sister's husband, a husband's brother, a wife's brother ;' and otber meanings are connection, friend, or busband,' and 's brother's son in his relation to a sister's son. Reave and Sanderson's Dictionary gives (ander maiduna, which is the same word) 'the son of mother's brother, or of a father's sister, or a man's brother-in-law, if younger than one's self ;' and on this authority I have, I think, sometimes translated it by cousin.
Lit., "Dévannayya having made a rdjabrdoita on Amoghavarsbadeva." For rájabrdvita, '& royal decree,' soo page 99 above, note 2.
Bids means to let loose, to quit hold, to let go, to leave, to abandon, to give ap,' eto, eto, We might perhaps anderstand it to mean bere that the tax in question was abolished. Bat the verb is often used, in the Ancient records, in the place of kodu, 'to give;' that is to say, in the sense of 'to relinquish, to assign;' see, for instance, Vol. IV. above, p. 65, text line 23, and p. 353, lines 31, 34, and Vol. V. p. 25, lines 25, 26, 28, and Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 127, line 12, and Vol. XII. p. 925, line 19, p. 256, line 18, and p. 271, line 17-18: and the causal bidiss occurs in the sense of 'causing to relinquish, saign, or allot,' in Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 225, line 10. The expression sa-bhoga-addhakan-dgi,"in a manner accomplishing or effecting the enjoyment, with a conveyance of the usufruct," seems to shew clearly that it must be taken in that sense here. And there are three other references to the same matter, of the same period, one of which distinctly specifies a grant of the tas in question. The Sirar inscription, of precisely the same dato (see page 88 above), records that Déraq pay, while governing the Bel vols three-hundred, laved the feet of the two-bundred Mahdjands of Srivars and relinquished to them) (bitton) the tuppadere. An inscription at Soratur, dated, without fall details, in the same year, the Vyaya sanoatiara, Baku-Samvat 788 (expired). - A.D. 866-67, records that, while he was governing the Purigere udd, the Maldadmanta Kappeyarsas graciously abandoned (wļidon) the tuppadere to the fifty (Mandjanan) of Baratayura." And an inscription at Giwarawid, dated in 9.8. 791 (expired), in A.D. 869, records that, while be was still governing the Befvola three-hundred, Deva nayys, under a royal decree (odjairdvita), "laved the feet of the Maldjanas aad . . . . . . of Gavadivide, and gave (to them) (dd na nagofta) the tuppada tere, to continue as long the moon aad son should last." It seems probable, now, that did whorld be taken in the same sense of assigning' in line 6 of the Balagimi inscription of the time of Vinayaditya and the Sandraks prince Pogilli (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 144). And the purport of that record, accordingly, will be that Kindarba, under royal deere, conferred a favour on the specified establisbmeate, eto, aby assigning to them the specified fees and duties.
One might, perhape, rather expectat Varanasi." But plenty of other cases might be quoted, in which the accusative is used just as it is here. We may quote, in particular, line 13, 14 of the Doddabupdi inscription (page 44 above), where the destruction of only Várapisi is meutioned.

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thousand years !-- (V. 8; 1. 31). They say that the property of a god is poison ;l and the property of a Brahman is said to be poison : but poison kills only one person ; whereas the property of a Brahman kills one's sons and grandsons !-(V.9; 1. 32). If a man enjoys the property of a Brahman through (breach of) trust, he burns his family to the seventh generation, and those who enjoy it by force (burn) ten ancestors and ten descendants !-(V. 10; 1. 33). Victorious is the god Hari (Vishạn); the cause of continuance and destruction and creation, who is a very winter to the water-lilies that are the faces of the wives of the demons ! -(V. 11; 1. 34). “This general bridge of religion of kings should at all times be preserved by yon;" thus does Råmabhadra make his earnest request to all future princes!
(L. 35)-Written by..... bhatta. Nagamadda () [set up] this stone.
No. 12.-TWO PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF
KRISHNARAYA OF VIJAYANAGARA.
By H. LUDERS, PA. D.; GÖTTINGEN. Inked estampages of these two inscriptions were sent to me by Dr. Hultzsch through Prof. Kielhorn. The first is engraved on the four faces of a pillar lying on the ground near the steps leading to the temple on the hill at Mangalagiri, 12 miles north-east of Gantur in the Kistna district.
It contains 257 lines of writing.-The average size of the letters is ". At the top of the fourth face is a representation of the sun and the moon. The alphabet is Telugu. The chief points in which it differs from the modern script are the following. The talakattu is a flattened semi-circle. The dirghamu goes right down to the bottom of the line, except in td, na and há, where it is represented by the curve above the line which in the modern alphabet appears in há only. The gudi is like the upper half of a circle, and to denote i, the tip is sometimes slightly curved inwards ; see e.g. si in l. 241. Bat in most cases it is absolutely impossible to distinguish between the long and the short vowel, except in mi, which appears in the modern form (1.25). Medial & has the form of a sickle or & semi-circle open to the left. In mau (11. 54, 107), yau (1. 63), and ryau (1. 224) the diphthong is expressed by attaching the ordinary sign for au to the right of the letter and the sign for é to the middle bar or to the r. Initial a, e, ga, gha, chha, ta, pa, da, pa, pha, ma, ra, fa, sha and ha show still the ancient forms. In the case of sha this is all the more remarkable as already in the Vånapalli plates of Anna-Vêma, dated in Óska-Samvat 1300,5 occasionally a form of sha appears wbich on account of the division of the middle horizontal line comes nearer to the modern form (see e.g. 11. 2, 18, 30). Ka, on the other hand, shows, except in ka in 11. 22, 177 and kl in 1. 23, an advanced form which in its characteristic lines already resembles the modern form. La has a peculiar form, differing from the sign used o.g. in the Bițraguņķa grant of Samgama II. (Saka-Samvat 1278) and the Vanapalli plates as well as from the modern sign. The ottu, the small vertical stroke underneath the letter, which in the modern alphabet is the sign of aspiration, is nover found in kha, chha and tha, but, as a rule, it is used in gha, dha, dha, pha and bha, when no other sign stands below
1 With the first second, and fourth clauses, supply "if confiscated, or missppropriated." • This verse seems rather out of place in the middle of the benedictive and imprecatory versen.
• Compare the expression in the Tufàm inscription, which describes Visbņu as "s very frost to (eawo the withering on the beauty of the water-lilies which are the faces of the women of the demons" (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 270).
• No. 267 of the Government Epigrapbist's collection for the year 1892.
Above, Vol. III. p. 59 I., Plates. 6 Abore, Vol. III. p. 218., Plates.

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the letter, as in ghna, dhua, bhri, bhya, etc. Occasionally, however, the ottu is missing without any reason ; examples for gha are found in 1. 18; for dha in l. 48; for dha in 11. 153, 228; 214 (dha); 39, 130, 178 (dhi); 180, 218 (rdhi); 93, 116, 198 (dhu); 27, 82, 163 (dhdha); for bha in 11. 33, 39, 231; 170, 187, 230 (hu); 15, 85 (ha); 233 (bhá); 141, 233, 244 (bhô). As in the latter cases the talakaffu disappears, it is, of course, impossible to distinguish bha and bhô from bd and bô. In the groups chchha and Tchchha the chha is written above the cha (see 11. 15, 102, 160), the subscript chha apparently being found impracticable on account of the loop in the middle of the letter. As first letter of a group, r is represented by the full sign in rchi (II. 220, 224, 236), and before y and u with the exception of rua in l. 177, rvá in l. 24, and rvi in I. 21, 33. Here, as in all other cases, the secondary sign has been used. The language is Sanskrit, and the whole text is in verse, with the exception of the introductory phrase fubham-astu in l. 1, the concluding Telugu words fri frí frím jęyunu in l. 257, and a few explanatory remarks in Telugu in 11. 46 f., 49 f. and 121.-As regards orthography, it will sufice to state that the doubling of Consonants after r occurs only in Rompicharlla (1. 149) and vargga (1. 240). After anusvára a consonant is doubled in vedäntta (1. 10), Krishnamdmbbaya (1. 61), samttana (1. 90), Glerártta (1. 140), anamtta (11. 149, 225), sandhdhanitan (1. 163), Romppicharla (1. 226), -ámkkitan (1. 243), and probably in Konddakavúri (1. 255). A superfluous anusvára has been inserted in Timmma (1. 40, 252). In nigrimhya (1. 5) and Samhya (1. 246) the anusvára is due to faulty pronunciation. The group ddh is written dhdh in anadhdha (1.8), påtaladh-dharani[mo] (1.27), budhdha (1. 48), yadh-dhati (1. 82), yudhdha (1. 86), sandhdhánitar (1. 163), and perhaps - odhdhita (1. 83). The words mandapa and pradhana are written mantapa (11. 155, 168, 173, 184,204) and prathana (1. 29; pratána in l. 113).
The proper object of the inscription is to record a grant by SAVA-Timma, the prime. minister of king Krishnaraya of Vijayanagara. It opens with invocations of Vishnu in his boar incarnation (vv. 1, 2), as lord of Kåkula (v. 3), and as Rama (vv. 4, 5). The title of Kakup&ba seems to refer to Vishnu as worshipped at Srikakulam, 19 miles west of Masulipatam in the Kistna district. Mr. Sewell in his Lists of the Antiquarian Romains in the Presidency of Madras, Vol. I. p. 55, states that there is a temple at that place dedicated to SrikakulêsvaraSVÅmin and considered to be very sacred.
The following verses (6-8) are a eulogy of king Krishnaraya. They contain no historical information besides the statement that 'king Kțishna's pillar of victory is shining in the court of Kalinga,' an allusion to his conquest of the eastern coast.
The next verges (9-15) give an account of Krishnaraya's prime-minister salva-(or SAļuva-) Timma. He belonged to the gôtrad of Kaundinya, and was the son of the minister Raoha and the grandson of the minister Vêma, and it may be added here that vv. 43, 44 and 47 incidentally mention the name of his wife, Lakshmi. Two verses (13 and 14) are devoted to his conquest of Kondaviti, s.o. Kondavidu, the well-known hill-fort in the Narasa råvapôta tâlnks of the
1 But if the subscript sige stands far enough to the right, the otto appears occasionally see rghya in l. 159.
That this temple existed long before the time of our inscription is proved by the fact that it contains Bumber of inscriptions ranging from the latter half of the eleventh to the beginning of the sixteenth century A.D.
1 Or, as it is called bere, kula.
• I have used throughout the Sanskrit forms of these names, Rdcha, Toma, Timma, 4ppa, etc., though in the text we find also the longer forms Timmaga, Appaya (11. 56, 149, 150, 168, 189, 227). Except in Timmdkhye in l. 42, the longer forms are invariably used in compounds before & word beginning with a vowel, m in Appaydmdlya, Gópaydmdtya, T'immaydmdtya, Vemaydimdiya, Rdehaydudlya, Opaydrya, 4ppaydrya.
Perhaps the praire bestowed on SAVA-Timma in vv. 11 and 13 for his literary at tainments was not anita unfounded. In his Index to the Sanskrit Mar. at Tanjore, p. 169, Burnell mentions an exceedingly diffuse' commentary (oydkhydna) on Agastya's Bllabhdrata by Timmaya, dating from the beginning of the sixteenth century. The work apparently is the same as the Bdlabhdrataty dlhyd na described by Taylor in his Catalogue of Oriental Mus., Vol. I. p. 168, where the name of the suthor is given as Sauva-Timmanna dandand tha. The date, the title and the surname of the author make it highly probable that bo is identical with the minister of Kriahaar ve

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Kistna district. From vorge 13, where it is said that he captured the swan-like kings appointed by Ghajapati in Kondaviti,' it appears that Kondavidu was governed at that time by some chieftains subordinate to the Gajapatis of Orissa. This agrees very well with what we can gather from other records. Until the beginning of the 15th century A.D. Kondaviņu was ruled by the Reddis,-the Tottaramadi plates of Kața-Vêma, the latest record of the dynasty hitherto published, being dated in Saka 1333. Not long afterwards the country must have been occupied by the Gajapatis. In Saka 1377, the cyclic year Yuvan, we find as ruler of Kondavidu a certain Gånadeva Rautaraya, whose family was connected with that of the Gajapatis, and who apparently was a tributary of the Gajapati king Kapila.
The capture of Kondavidu formed part of Krishnaraya's victorious campaign against the Gajapatis of Orissa. A detailed account of it is given in the Chronicle of the Kings of Vijayanagara written about 1525 and 1535 by two Portuguese horse-dealers, Domingo Paes and Fernão Nunes. There we are told that after the conquest of Odigair or Digary (Udayagiri) king Crisnarao (Krishnaraya) laid siege to Comdovy (Kondavidu) which was one of the principal towns of the kingdom of Orya (Orissa). The king of Orissa approached with a large army in defence of his country. When Krishnaråya had heard of this, he left a portion of his troops at Kondavidu as a guard against any attack from behind, and advanced himself four miles (legoas). On the banks of a great river with salt-water, which apparently is the Krishna, a battle took place which ended in the defeat and flight of the king of Orissa. After this victory the king told his "regedor' Salvatinea (S&ļva-Timma) that he intended to continue the siege of Kondavidu. After two months the fortress surrendered, and Så!V8-Timma was appointed governor of Kondavidu. Bat as he wished to accompany the king on his further expedition against the king of Orissa, he conferred, on his part, the governorship on one of his brothers. After taking the fortress of Comdepallyr (Rondapalle) and occupying the country as far north as Symamdary, Krishñaráya made peace with the king of Orissa and married one of his daughters. The 'river,' apparently the Kțishņâ, marked henceforth the boundary between the two kingdoms. After another expedition against Catuirs on the coast of Charamãodel (Coromandel) the whole country was pacified, and Sålva-Timma was sent by the king to Kondavida to organize the administration of the newly acquired territory. On his way to Kondavidu, Salva-Timms defeated a general of the king of Daquem (Dekkhan), called Madarmelaquo. A few months Salva-Timma stayed at Kondavidu, organizing the civil and judicial administration of the province. Then he returned to Bisnaga (Vijayanagara), where he was received by the king as the principal person of the kingdom. The narrative of the chronicle has the appearance of being, on the whole, perfectly reliable. If the inscription differs from it in ascribing the capture of Kondavidu to Salva-Timma alone, it is apparently only because he was the general in command of the Vijayanagara forces.
As a counterpart it may be quoted here what local tradition has to tell about the capture of the fort. According to Mr. Boswell,o the story goes that about the beginning of the 16th century the last king of the Reddi dynasty of Kondavidu died childless, and his seventy-two
1 Above, Vol. IV. p. 818 8. Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 890 ff. The date is irregular.
Chronica dos Reis de Binnaga. Manusoripto inedito do wculo XVI publiondo por David Lopa, Lisboa, 1897, p. lxxxvi .
• Ibid. pp. 19-24.
. The conquest of Udayagiri sod ita dependencies took place in 1618; compare Sewell, Liste of Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 107, and Sketch of the Southern Dynasties, p. 109.
• This seems to be the battle referred to in an inscription at Médaru ; see Sewell, Lisle of Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 51.
7 Symamdary is described . ' very large town.' I therefore consider it to be Bajamahbodri (Rajubandry) Symamdary being probably an error for Rasmandary or similar form.
. I cannot identify this place. . Ove very slight mistake will be noticed hereafter.
Ind. Asl. Vol. I. p. 183.

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chiefs could not agree upon the selection of a successor. Křishnaraya resolved to make use of this state of things, and to acquire for himself the kingdom. To accomplish his designs, he sent & wily and unscrupulous Bråbman to Kondavidu. This Brahman was directed to set up and consecrate a new image in the temple of Gopinathasvâmin at the foot of the fort, and to invite the seventy-two chiefs to the celebration of these rites. They descended from their bill-fortress and were all seated in the great hall. From thence one by one the priest led them to the inner shrine to view the new image. As they stepped into the inner hall, and bowed at the threshold, two ruffians, who were concealed in the chamber, stepped forward, and before the victim had time to raise a cry, precipitated him into a deep well whose mouth it was impossible to discover amid the surrounding gloom. When all had thus found their death, Křishnaraya had no difficulty in seizing the fort. In a Telugu chronicle extracted by Mr. Sewell the name of the wicked Bråhman is given as Råmayya Bhaskarudu. It is hardly necessary to point out that the story, as it stands, is incompatible with the historical facts. Whether it is purely fictitious or based on events which occurred at a different time, cannot be decided at present. At any rate it shows once more that local traditions and local chronicles, by themselves, have no historical value, even when they refer to events of comparatively modern times.
The date of the capture of Kondavida is given several times, expressed in words, letters and figures. It took place on Saturday, the Hariv&sars of the bright half of the month Åghadha in the Saka year 1437. For Saka-Samvat 1437 expired, this corresponds to Saturday, the 23rd June, A.D. 1515, when the twelfth tithi of the bright half of Ashâdha ended 3 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise.
Vv. 16-19 give a short genealogy of the two ministers Appa and Gôps. They were the Bone of the minister Timma, who belonged to a family from Nadindia and to the gótra of Kausika, and his wife Krishnamba or Krishnamâmb& who was the sister of S&ļva-Timma, as appears from vv. 19 and 28, where Apps and Gôpa are called SAļva-Timma's sister's sons (bhaginya). Later on, however, in v. 30 Gôps is incidentally spoken of as his son-in-law (jámátrs), and in v. 27 as his younger son-in-law (jamdtary=avard), which term, if used in its strict sense, would imply that both brothers were married to daughters of S&ļva-Timma, their cousins. Of the following verses, vv. 20-23 are in praise of Nadiņdla-Appa, vv. 24-28 are glorifying Nadiņdla-Gôpa, and vv. 29-34 give a description of the latter's pious gifts. With v. 35 the text returns to Nadiņdla-Appa, the list of whose donations fills vv. 36-59. Of
Sketch of the Dynasties of Southern India, p. 48.
. Of course, this does not exclude that some of their statements may be correct. The account of the Telugu chronicle, for instance, is partly confirmed by the inscriptions and the Portuguese chronicle.
. For details I refer to the translation.
My thanks for the calculation of this and the following dates are due to Prof. Kielhorn who has also favoured me with the following additional remarks regarding the term Harindsara. According to Molesworth's Marathi Dictionary, Hariodsara is a term for the first quarter of the 12th lunar day, and a common term for the 12th lunar days of the light fortnight of the months Åsbadha, Bhadrapada, and Karttika, upon which, respectively, cecur the sakahatras Anorddha, Sravans, and Bevati. In accordance with the latter meaning we find ag. in two Bombay Panchanges for Saks 1789 and 1814 Harirdsara written opposite to Ashddha-bukla-paksha 12, with, in either case, the Anuradhd-rakshatra, but not in a Bombay Pañoldiga for Saka 1812, where the makahatra on dalddha-bukla-pakana 12 was Visakb. That in the inscription also Harindsara is used with the same meaning, is proved by the fact that on the day in question the moon was in the sakshatra Anuradba by the equal-space system and sccording to Garga for 1 h. 58 m. after wean sunrise With regard to the origin of the name, it may be pointed out here that the 12th tithi of the bright half of Åsbadba was considered to be pre-eminently auspicious for the worship of Visbņu. The Dharmaaindhu says Arddha-fukla-doddalydís Vamasa-pájanina naramddhaphalam. It is therefore also called Vaishnava-dithi (Ind. Ant. Vol. XXVI. p. 883, No. 17) and described as mahdtilki (ibid. Vol. XIIL p. 181, Plate IV. A, L. 16). Harinduara must not be confounded with Hariding which, according to Molesworth, is simply term for the elddalt or 11th day of the waxing or waning moon, and in this sense occurs 6.g. in Inscriptions in the Mysore District, Part I. p. 68 (Hariredind).
. On Nadi dia, the modern NAdendis, see below, p. 116 and vote 4. • Here called ancaya.

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historical value are verses 21, 27, 28 and 85. V. 21 states that Nadindla-Appa obtained from king Krishna and the minister S&ļva-Timma the right to use a palanquin, two chauris, and & parasol, and the posts of commander-in-chief of an army, of superintendent of Vinikonda, Gutti and Amaravati, and of sole governor (ékadhuramdhara) of that kingdom. Vinikonda is apparently the modern Vinukonda, a hill-fort and town in the Kistna district, about 37 miles west-south-west of Kondavida. Gatti (Gooty) is the well-known hill-fort in the Anantapur district, and Amarávati is the equally well-known Buddhist site in the Kistna district. Vv. 27 and 28 state in very similar words that Salva-Timma gave to Nadindla-Gôps the right to use a palanquin and two chauris, and the posts of general of an army and sole governor (ikadhurandhara, dhauréya) of the town and country of Kondaviti. Bat in v. 35 we are told that in the year Yuvan, marked as Salivahana-Saka (Salivahana-Sak-dska), Nadiņdla-Appa obtained the regentship of Kondaviti from Salva-Timma.
The apparent discrepancy between these statements may be solved, I think, with the help of the data furnished by the Portuguese chronicle. We have only to assume that NadiņdlaAppa was temporarily appointed after the capture of Koņdaviļu, when Såļva-Timma left the country in order to accompany the king on his expedition against Orissa, and that afterwards, when Så!va-Timma had settled the administration of the country and intended to return to Vijayanagara, he installed Appa's younger brother Gops as governor of Kondavidu, while Appa himself received the governorship of Vinikonda, Gutti and Amaravati. That Appa was appointed immediately after the capture of the fort, is shown by the date. There can be no doubt that it was Saka-Samvat 1437 expired, which corresponds to Yuvan, although the chronogram does not work out quite correctly. The first three letters present no difficulty, o(a) being 7,16) 3, and v(d) 4, but, according to Burnell, h(a) has the value of 8, whereas here it would have to be taken as 1.9 Secondly, the above assumption agrees with the fact that five years afterwards, in Saka-Samvat 1442, Gôpa was ruling as governor of Kondavidu. And from v. 45, where Appa, 'the lord of Vinikonda etc.,' is said to have made a grant in Saka-Samvat 1439, we may perhaps even conclude that the new arrangement was made in or before that year. The chronicle, it is true, does not mention the second appointment of a substitute, and the first substitute is called there the brother of Salva-Timma, which certainly is a mistake. On the other hand, the statement that the real governor of Kondavidu was Saļva-Timma, and that he, on his hand, appointed a regent, is fully borne out by the terms used in v. 35, and the fact that he granted a village situated in the territory of Kondavidu.
The list of Nadiņdle-Gôpa's gifts comprises only three items.
1. (V. 29.) In the Saka year counted by Raghavaya (i.e. Saka-Samvat 1442) he erected some new buildings (harmya) adorned with a wall (vapra) and a gate-tower (gópura) in honour of the god Raghava in Achalapuri. This is the Sanskrit equivalent of Kondavidu, as we learn from the following verses that the temple of Raghava or Raghunkyaka was situated in that town.
2. (Vv. 30-32.) In the Saka year to be counted by the towns (3), the Vedas (4), the oceans (4), and the moon (1), in the year Vpisha, on an auspicious day, on Monday, the day of full-moon in the month PhAlguna, he set up an image of Raghunayaka in the town of Kondaviti. This image was surrounded by statues of Rama's followers.. For Saka-Samvat 1443 expired, the date corresponds to Monday, the 10th February A.D. 1522, when the fullmoon tithi of PhAlguna ended 18 h. 20 m. after mean sunrise.
1 The older form of the name seems to have been Vishnulunda, see above, Vol. IV. p. 195, note L
• The chronogram is altogether a very poor one; it has three letters, or, if anka is to be considered part of it min Sdfupfika in v. 14, even four letters too many.
See tbe Konduvidu inscription which will be pabliebed at an early date in this volume. • For details I refer to the translation.

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3. (V. 34.) In order to do the performance of niyôga, exceeding seventy-two, he presented to the temple of the holy S&ļuva-R&ghava the fertile village of Unnuve, defined by its four boundaries and completely furnished with all necessary things, together with the eight powers and enjoyments. The temple of Saļuva-Raghava seems to be identical with the temple of Råma at Kondavidu referred to in the preceding verses. The village of Unnuya is the Vunnava of the map, 5 miles south-south-east of Kondavidu.
Of the nineteen grants of Nadiņdla-Appa enumerated in'vv. 36-59 one is undated, six were made in Saka 1438, ten in Saka 1439, one in Saka 1440, whereas one (v. 38) lies as far back as Saka 1414. This last date seems to me open to grave doubts ;' at any rate, it is difficult to see how Appa could have granted & village in the principality of Kondavidu 23 years before the occupation of the country. The localities mentioned are situated in the modern tålukas of Vinukonda, Narasarávupóta, Guntur, Bapatla, Bezvada, Ongolu, and Palnad (P). As we do not know the exact date of Appa's installation as governor of Vinikonda etc., we cannot say with certainty whether he made these grants in the latter capacity or at the time when he was still governor of Kondavidı. And even from those cases where the granted villages are expressly stated to have been in the siman of Vinikonda, no conclusions can be drawn in this respect, as there is no reason to believe that Vinikonda formed a separate province before the country was divided between Appa and Gôpa.
1. (V. 36.) In the Saka year to be counted by e, the fires (3), the oceans (4), and the earth (1), in the year Isvara (1.6. Saka-Samvat 1439 expired), having founded an excellent village bearing the name of App&pure, which was supplied with a tank and with some good arable land between Vinikonda and the river Kunti, he gave it to the temple of Angadi-Gôpinatha-Hari, From v. 47 we learn that this temple was in the town of Vinikonda. The river Kunti may be the Guņdlakamma, or, more probably, one of its tributaries. 4 miles south-west of Vinukonda, on the left bank of the Grandlaksmma, the map shows Sabinivina Appavupuram, which probably is the same as the App&pura of the inscription.
2. (V. 37.) To the temple of Ananta-Gôpingtha, situated at Rompicharla, he gave the village of Gôpavara. Rompicharla is 10 miles west of Narasaråvapêţa. Gópavara may be the Gopapuram of the map, 8 miles south of Rompicharla.
3. (V. 38.) In the Saka year contained in the Indras (14), the oceans (4), and the moon (1), (i.6. Saka-Samvat 1414), he presented a wall (vapra) and the whole village of Painimarri to the temple of Madhavidêvi in the town of Madderéls, to be enjoyed as long as the earth will last. Madderbla or, as it is called in v. 48, Madderála seems to be the Madheralah of the map, 21 miles south-west of Bapatla, 6 miles west of Môtupalle. Paiņimarri may be the hamlet of Pamidimarrn, the Payidimarri of the map, 8 miles south of Narasarayapêta, thongh the distance between Pamidimarru and Madheralah amounts to 30 miles.
1 Dodsaptaty-adhikdra niyog a-kalandu kartus. I do not know what is meant by this phrase. It occurs again in the Kondavidu inscription compare p. 112, note 8), l. 88: dedeaptaty-adhikdy niyoga-rachanda ... kritod.
1 There seems to be some confusion in the verse. The vapra which Appa is said to have erected in Saks Sarhvat 1414 is apparently the same which according to v. 48 be built in Baka-Sathvat 1488.
With krited gråmaparan compare arayuti-kaland-wirmit. Appdpur-dkhyasi... grdmania in v. 58, Appd purato... cirachayya in v. 54, and grdmas cidadya in v. 66.
With kiyanndtratan compare kiyat maarayutya bhdmim in v. 54, and arayutya mimewehitado in v. 65.
The Gundlakamma seems to be identical with the Orokars mentioned in v. 40.
. In the village is a temple dedicated to Gepalsavimin, which probably is identical with the temple mentioned in the inscription; se Sewell, List of Antiquities, Vol. I. Appendix, p. xii.
There is also Mudderslapuudoo (Madderklapdda) 64 miles north by east of Ongolu in the Nellore district on the right bank of the Guņdlakamma.

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4. (V. 39.) In the Saka year to be counted by the Brahmans (0), the fires (3), the Vêdas (4), and the moon (1), in the year Isvara (1.6. Saka-Samvat 1439 expired), he erected a temple (alaya), adorned with a solid hall (mantapa), a wall (vapra) and a plastered mansion (saudha), to Ramešvara in the fort of Vinikonda.
5. (V. 40.) In the Saks year contained in the elephants (8), the fires (3), the Vedas (4), and the moon (1), in the year Dh&tfi (i.6. Saka-Samvat 1438 expired), he built a splendid temple of Siva at the village of Nandipati near the river called Omkara. Nandipâţi seems to be the Nundeepaudoo (Nandipadu) of the map, 8 miles north of Ongôlu. It is situated on the right bank of the Guņdlakamma which in that case would have to be identified with the Omkâra river.
6. (V. 43.) In the Saka year to be counted by the treasures (9), the Râmas (3), the Vêdas (4), and the earth (1), in the year fśvara (i.e. Saka-Samvat 1439 expired), on the day of full-moon in the month Sråvaņa, he presented a plastered hall (manfapa) of stone to the temple of the great Virêśvara in the village called Nuntulapâţi in the sîman of Vinikonda, for the benefit of Salva-Timma, the husband of Lakshmi, 29 miles south-south-west of Gustûr, 34 miles east-south-east of Vinakonda, the map shows Nutalupądu, which possibly is identical with the Nântulapâți of the inscription. The date is the same as that of the grant recorded in v. 46.
7. (V. 44.) In the Saka year to be counted by the air (O), the oceans (4), the Vedas (4), and the earth (1), in the year Bahudhânya (i.6. Saka-Samvat 1440 expired), he built a fine large hall (mantapa) and presented it to the temple of Agastya-Mahestara at Kråñja for the benefit of 8A]va-Timma, the husband of Lakshmi." Kranja is the modern Kaza, 9 miles north-east of Guntur.
8. (V. 45.) In the Saka year to be counted by the treasures (9), the fires (3), the Vedas (4), and the earth (1), in the year føvara (i.e. Saka-Samvat 1439 expired), he founded sarvamányan, (which supplied) the taxes and fees (méra)' (due) to village accountants (karamika), for the eternal prosperity of his father and mother in the Vaikuntha heaven.
9. (V. 46.) In the Saka year to be counted by the treasures (0), the flres (), the Vēdas (4), and the earth (1), in the year Isvara, on an auspicious day, on Monday, the day of full-moon in the month Sravana, he gave the agrahara Mallavara, filled with all kinds of riches, to be enjoyed for ever, to the temple of Channa-Kesava-Ramanatha, the lord of that village, whose nature is knowledge. The date is irregular. It corresponds, for Saka-Samvat 1489 expired=Isvara, to the 1st August A.D. 1517, when the full-moon tithi of Sravana ended
1 Brahman, with the value of 9, cours Again in yv. 52 and 54 (and the synonym 4ja above, Vol. IV. p. 193]. I have found it only in the list given by Mr. Rice, Mysore Inscriptions, p. II f. The use of Brahman in this sense is rather strange, especially as its synonym pitamaha is mentioned by Bérant among the numerical words for 1.
• There is another Nandipada six miles south by east of Udayagiri in the Nellore district. But this would seem to be too far to the south as to be the village referred to in the inscription.
The phrase Lakshmi ndyaka-8dfoa-Tiwma-sibhard occurs again in v. 47, and with the addition of puny dya in v. 44 and v. 28 of the Kondavida inscription (compare p. 112, note 8). The meaning is that the gift was made for the benefit of SAVA-Timma and his wife Laksbmi, as clearly stated in the Telugu portion of the Kondavida inscription, 1. 168 ff. The words Lakshmi-ndy aka are apparently used on account of their ambiguity.
• See the preceding note.
Sarramánya, exempted from all taxes,' is always applied to villages or portions of land allotted to Brábmaņa or some temple,
[For mora and keramika see Brown's Telugu Dictionary.-E. H.]
Achalam, literally inwovable, seems to bave here this meaning. • See below, p. 129. note 5.

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19 h. 7 m. after mean sunrise. But this day was a Saturday, not a Monday. Mallavarágrahâra may be the Mullawaram Agra of the map, 4 miles north of Tummarakota in the Palnád taluka, on the right bank of the Krishna, or Mallavaram, 104 miles north-east of Kondavida, or Mullavarum, 11 miles north-north-west of Ongolu. There is also a Chinna Mullavarum, 23 miles north-north-east of Ongolu.
10. (V. 47.) In the Saks year to be counted by the treasures (9), the fires (3), the Vedas (4), and the earth (1), in the year fśvara (i.6. Saka-Samvat 1439 expired), on the day of full-moon in the month Vaisakha, he presented a beautiful large hall (mantapa) and a very high wall (pråkára) to the temple of Angadi-Gôpingtha-Hari in the town of Vini. konda for the benefit of Salve-Timma, the husband of Lakshmi. The same temple we have met with already in v. 36.
11. (V. 48.) In the Saka year contained in the elephants (8), the fires (8), the Oceans (4), and the moon (1), (i.e. Saka-Samvat 1438), he presented to the temple of Madhavidêvi in the town of Madderála the wall (vapra) which he had caused to be heightened. This temple was mentioned already in v. 38.
12. (Vv. 49, 50.) In the Saka year contained in the Vasus (8), the fires (3), the Vedas (4), and the moon (1), in the year Dhatri (i.e. Saka-Samvat 1438 expired), having presented the whole village of Atukůru, surnamed Nadiņdla, to the Bråhmans, he gave them a large tank, causing the growth of rice-fields and sugar-cane, for the performance of the daily ceremonies of bathing and praying at the samdhyás, etc. This statement is repeated in different words in the second verse. Atukůru is the Autcoor of the map, 11 miles north of Bezvada.
13. (V. 51.) In the Saka year contained in the elephants (8), the Râmas (3), the oceans (4), and the earth (1), in the year Dhâtfi (i.. Saka-Samvat 1438 expired), he preBented & solid temple (prásåda), adorned with nine golden pinnacles (kumbha), and a beautiful large hall (mantapa) to the temple of Hari, the lord of Mangalasaila, and gave also the village of Mangalasaila to the temple of Nrisimha, Mangalasaila is, of course, identical with Mangalagiri, where the inscription was found.
14. (V. 52.) In the Saka year counted by the Brahmans (9), the fires (3), the Vedas (4), and the moon (1), in the year isvara (ie. Saka-Samvat 1439 expired), baving presented to the Brahmans the village of App&pura, which he had formed by taking off a portion of the land in the siman of the village of Rêtûri, he gave, in aid of them, a large tank for the cultivation of paddy fields, etc. This tank is described in the next verse. Rêturi is the Return of the map, 7 miles north by west of Bâpatla. One mile to the north-west of it the map shows Appaparam.
15. (V. 54.) In the Saka year marked by the Brahmans (9), the fires (3), the oceans (4), and the moon (1), in the year Isvara (i.6. Saka-Samvat 1439 expired), having taken off some land in the siman of Nadiņdla and having founded App&pura, which was supplied with a tank, he gave it to the Brahmans. Nadiņdla, which apparently is connected with the name of the donor's family, is the modern Nådendla, 9 miles east-south-east of Narasarayupêţa. 3 miles south-west of Nådendla, 8 miles south-east of Narasarâ vupêţa, the map shows Appapuram.
16. (V. 55.) In the Saka year to be counted by the treasures (9), the Råmas (3), the Vedas (4), and the earth (1), in the year Isvara (1.6. Saka-Samvat 1439 expired), having taken off a suitable portion of land in the territory of Yerchûri and having founded a village
Prof. Kielhorn adds that in Saks-Samvat 1439 current - Dhitri the full-moon tithi of the second (wija) Sravans commenced 6 h. 44 m. after monn sunrise on Monday, 11th August 1616, but he thinks it not at all probable that this day is intended. * See above, p. 114, note 8.
See the translation • For inscriptions at this village see above, Vol. IV. p. 87 t.

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adorned with a tank and containing 10 Kesaripati-puffis, he gave it to the temple of Aubhala-Narasimha-Hari at Yerohari. This is the Vêlchůru, Yêlchůru, or Elchûr, 121 miles south-west of Narasarávupêţa, 4 miles north of Kommalapadu Bangalow, mentioned by Mr. Sewell, Lists of Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 73. On the map the name of the village is missing, though its site is indicated.
16a. (V. 56.) To the temple of Ananta-Gôpinátha at Rompicharla he gave the village of Gôpavara. This is merely a repetition of v. 37.
17. (V. 57.) In the Saka yoar to be counted by the Vasus (8), the firos (3), the Vedas (4), and the earth (1), in the year Dhâtpi (.e. Saka-Samvat 1438 expired), on the day of full-moon in the month Vaisakha, he gave the whole village of Bhartapundi in the siman of Vinikonda, which he had marked with his own name, together with the eight powers and enjoyments, to the learned Rayaņa-Bhåskara who belonged to the gôtra of Vasishtha. The map shows Bhartapudi 5 miles north-east of Bapatla, but the identification must remain doubtful. As the distance between this Bhartapadi and Vinukonda is about 52 miles, it could hardly be said to be in the siman of Vinikonda.
18. (V. 58.) In the Saka year contained in the elephants (8), the fires (3), the Vedas (4), and the moon (1), in the year Dh&tsi (s.8. Saka-Satrvat 1438 expired), on the day of full-moon in the month Sravana, having taken off at Yêrchûri in the siman of Vinikonds & village called Gôpapuram, containing 10 Kesarip&fi-puffisa and adorned with a tank, he presented it to the Bráhmang. Yêrchûri we have met with already in v. 55; 1} miles north-west of it the map shows Gopaparam.
19. (V. 59.) In the Saka year to be counted by the treasures (9), the Råmas (3), the aggregate of the pursuits of life: (4), and the earth (1), in the year fávara (.e. SakaSamvat 1439 expired), on the day of full-moon in the month Karttika, he gave the whole village of Annavara in the siman of Vinikonda, marked by his own name, together with the eight powers and enjoyments to the learned Dêcha of the gôtra of Kau dinya. Annavaram is a very common name, which makes a strict identification impossible. The map shows an Annavaram Kandrike 5 miles west of Narasarayapeta, 20 miles north-east of Vinakonda, another Annavaram (Anna warum) 25 miles south by west of Vinukonda, and a third Annavaram 17 miles south-east of Narasarávupêta, 35 miles east of Vinukonda.
The list of Nadindla-Appa's donations concludes with a verse (60) in praise of Salva-Timma, and the last verse of the inscription (61) records that Salva-Timma assigned the village of Kondakâvûri to the temple of Trikûtêsvara-Nitaladfis, 1.6. Trikûtêśvara-Siva, the lord of the whole world, as long as the moon and the sun and the stars endure. Kondakâvûri is the modern Kondakâyüru, 8 miles south of Narasarâvupêta.
The second inscription, also in Telugu characters, is engraved on the four faces of a pillar lying in the temple of Ködaņdarâmasvâmin at Kâzâ, 9 miles north-east of Guntur, in the Kistna district. It contains 258 lines of writing. The average size of the letters is * With the exception of the last verse, beginning in 1. 255, the whole text of the inscription is identical with that of the Mangalagiri inscription. Only the order of the verses differs, as shown by the following comparison : Kaza 1-35=Mangalagiri 1-35; K. 36=M. 55; K. 37-40=M. 36-39; K. 41, 42=M. 45, 46; K. 43=M. 40; K. 44=M. 47; K. 45-47=M. 41-43; K. 48-54= M. 48–
Regarding the term putti see above, Vol. III. p. 93, note 1. Kisaripati-putti seems to inean the putti (used in the village) of Kesaripadu, which cannot be traced on the map.
* See the preceding note.
I have not found the word varga in any of the published lists of numerical words. The meaning of four is, of course, due to the chaturvarga.
• [He is styled dra-Décha, 'the Decha of (this) village.'-E. H.] * No. 265 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for the your 1892.

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543 K.55=M. 44%B K.56=M. 573 K.57=M.59%; K. 58=M. 583 K.59=M. 60. M. 36, which is only a repetition of v. 37, occurs in K. once only. In neither case any principle seems to have been followed in arranging the verses. Under these circumstances I have thought it unnecessary to publish in full the text of this inscription; but I have given all the various readings which it presents in the notes on the text of the Mangalagiri inscription.
The last verse recorda that in theSakayear to be counted by the Vasus (8), the fires (3), the Vedas (4), and the moon (a), (i.e. Saka-Sanvat 1498), the minister Appa built a plastered hall (manfapa) at the temple of Agastyéśa at Nallapåţi. Nallapada, the Nelapadu of the
map, is 15 miles north of Guptar. According to Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 75, there are several temples in that village. The map shows another Nallapadu 4 miles west of Guntür, but no remains of temples seem to exist at this place.
A.-Mangalagiri Pillar Inscription.
TEXT.I
First Face. 1 शुभमस्तु ।[*] अव्यादादिवराहो वस्मरसामु2 हहन्महीं । निजांगसंगसंजातसांद्रस्वेदो3 दयामिव ।[१] कल्याणमाकलयतादयमादि4 पोत्री धात्रीमदरा' सरसां स रसातिरेकात् । 5 संश्लेषसंभ्रमवशात्महसा निरंह्य दंतेन 6 किंचिददुनोदधरं धरायाः [ २ ] उरसि निहितल7 मीबाहुवल्लीयुगेन स्वकरयुगळमेकीकृत्य केली8 विनोदे । कुवलयदळदामानध्वमंदारमा 9 लां दधदिव वितनोतु श्रीकळां काकुळेशः [] श्रीरा10 म] श्रियमातनोतु जगतां वेदांत्तवेद्यो ह. 11 रि' । ओनानंतसदात्मकोपि मघवत्कार्याय मा12 यातनुः । यं दृष्ट्वा रिपवोपि रावणमुखाः का. 13 लावसाने दिवं याता[:*] श्रीहनुमहिभीषणमु14 खा जाता: क्वतार्धा भुवि [४] प्रहेंद्रादिशिरोम16 णिच्छविरविप्रातमयूखारणं भूषाच16 "भिदश्मिरश्मिलहरीभंगाकिशृंगारितं । मंजीर17 क्वणिर्मराळवनितामंजुखनैरंचितं वंदे
18 रामपदारविंदमनघं वंदारकल्पद्रुमं ।[५] 1 From inked estampages supplied by Dr. Holtzach. .K.'माधि.
- Read °मुद्ध , as correctly in K. • In K. the anusodra of "संघम' is written twice
IRead निरह. .K.दराया:, but perhaps corrected.
7 Read भत. 5. वेदांत.
• Read fout', as correctly ip K. * Read aluf, as correctly in K.
u Read भिमरमि

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ज्य
19 अस्ति श्रीकृष्णरायाख्यो नरनाथशिरोमणिः । राज20 न्यचूळिकारननोराजितपदांबुजः [4] श्रीकृष्णक्षिति21 पालदत्तमणिभिर्विहकवीनां रहा नानारत22 विचित्रकुहिमभुवो रत्नाकरत्वं गताः । भन्दिः' 28 केवलनीरपूरनिलयमंभाव्यते सजने । ' 24 भोधिजलधिः पयोधिरुदधिर्वारा निधिर्वारिधि[: ।। ७"] 26 पालानं रिपदंतिनामरिपशीर्यपममीका26 ध्वर वैरिखांतनिखातशंकुरुदितो दीप्रः प्रता27 पांकुरः । पाताळावरणी' वराहवपुषो दं. 28 ट्रा विभिद्योहता श्रीकृष्णक्षितिपस्य भाति विजय29 स्तंभः कळिंगांगणे [। ८*] महाप्रथान श्रीसावति-' 30 मस्सचिवशेखरः । श्रीमष्णरायनृपतेस्मामान्य31 मधितिष्ठति ] श्रीसाझवतिम्पसचिवः कौडिन्यकल 32 शेखरः । वेमयामात्यतनयराचयामात्य33 नंदनः' [१०] विझो नैक विशेषं वितरणविभवैविहदले. 34 सराणां पद्मावाणीविलासै: प्रगुणमणिगणे: 35 पमलाक्षीसहौः । रम्यप्रासादहारतुल36 परिकरैरखहस्त्यादियानैसम्यक्तभ्यो विशेष 37 समरविजयतस्माब्वतिभ्यस्य नूनं [११] पंकप्रवे. 38 परिमार्जनलज्जया किं पंकेरहालयम
पास्य भवन्मुखानं । पद्माधितिष्ठति सह सुषया
च वाण्या चौहत्तमझ चतुरानन सावति-॥ 41 म्म [ १२*] सप्तांगोपेतशक्तित्रितयचतुरुपायै42 कमंत्रीशसाळवे तिम्माख्ये कोंडवीयां गजप43 तिनिहितान राजहंसान एहीत्वा । धाटी44 माटीकमाने परनृपतिखगाः क्षुत्पिपासाति45 खिवाः शाकाब्दान् मार्गयंते गिरिपुरजलधि46 मासु गूढं प्रलीनाः [ ११*] १४३७ शकाब्दालु [*] सुगू
1 Read अधि:
Read सबनरं-. Read Ta r t; in K. a small amurtdra has been added afterwards, • . ममक्षा read महाप्रधान:- K. बौसाळ्वसिम्म • K. श्रीसाळवतिम्म.
1K. यामा। त्यनंदन:• In K. between the d and m of fruit the subecript sign for t has been inserted. • The anuandra is very small, and has been inserted afterwards. "K.तिम्प्रस्थ.
nK. वि.

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47 ढंप्रलीनाः अक्ष[र*]संज' ["] साळुवांकशकवत्सरग48 स्याषाढशुध्धहरिवासरसोरी' । साम्वतिम्मसचि49 वेन रहीतं कोंडवीटिनगरं नगराजं ।। १४.] सा50 कुवांक पक्षरसंन्न । १४३७ शकवर्षालु [*] पु51 बारामतटाकदेवसदनब्रह्मप्रतिष्ठानिधि का52 व्यं चेह पपरत्र' सौख्यजनकासंतानकास्म58 प्त तान् । आवृत्तान् गणनातिवति कृतवानासेतु54 शीताचलं श्रीकृष्णक्षितिपालमौळिसचिव[:"] श्रोसाBB व्वतिम्मप्रभुः ।। १५"] कौशिकान्वयसंभूतो ना. 56 दिंडकुलशेखरः । अस्ति 'तिम्मयमंत्रीशचन्म67 यात्मविवेकधीः ।[१६] कृष्णांबारुंधती ख्याता 58 भतुवाक्यमरुंधती । अनसूयैव सर्व59 व सानसूयेति गण्यते ॥ [१७]
Second Face. 60 नादिंडतिम्पयामात्यः कळत्री 61 कृष्णमांब्बया । तत्पुत्रावष्य62 यामात्यगोपयामात्यशेखरौ [ १८] 63 श्रीसाझवतिम्मसचिवभागिनेयौ कु64 लोहहौ । नादिंड्डयप्पयामा65 त्यगोपयामात्यशेखरौ ।। १८] पप्पो 66 नादिंड्डयप्पस्तावाप्यमूर्ति67 प्रचेतसौ । पश्चिमोदन्वदीशानद68 क्षिणोदन्वदीश्वरौ । २०*] श्रीकृष्णक्षितिपा. 69 च तिम्पसचिवात्पलंकिका' चाम70 रे । चत्र' यो विनिकोंडगुत्तिकनक71 माभृत्युराद्यक्षतां । मत्तेभाख72 पदातिसंकुलमहासेनाधिपत्यं 73 महत्तदाज्यैकधुरंधरत्वमग74 मवादिंड्डयप्पप्रभुः ।। २१"] जंभ
16. अक्षरसंज्ञ. • K. तिम्पय. 1 Read 'किका. • 6.6*; read an.
- Read गई; K.सौरा.
I Read परत्र, scorrected in K. • Read पिmcorreotly in K. K. यामन्यमी. . This sign of punctuation is superfluous. • Reud trueat, as correctly in K.

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[VoL. VI.
75 हिटकुंभिकुंभहयसचिवशची76 चारुवचम्येजकुंभव्यक्तव्याप्तानु77 लिप्तप्रसमरममृणक्षोदक:78 रपूरः । यत्कोतिः कार्तिकेंदं प. 79 रिहसति निजैः 'खेतमाहतवादै. 80 स्मोयं नादिंड्डयप्पप्रभुम81 णिरखिलस्तुत्यकीर्तिप्रताप: ।। २२"] य82 वाटीघोटकोटीखरखुरदकित83 मातलोडूतधूळीपाळोपाता 84 ककळीकतधरणितले खड्गयुग्यस्य 85 बाहुः । निहालाभोलभूभृ. 86 बुजगपतिरिव प्रेक्ष्यते युध्वरं87 गे सोयं नादिंड्डयप्पप्रभु58 रवनिभराक्रांतबाहुप्रतिष्ठ: ।। २३*] 89 गोपो नादिंडगोपश्च तुल्यावि90 ति कथं स्तुमः । एकसंत्तानवा.' 91 न्पूर्वस्मप्तसंतानवान् परः ।। २४*] ए. 92 के चाद्याविता' ये वितरणनिगमा93 न् वेधसा सिंधुचंद्रप्राया जा. 94 छ प्रपवाः कति च पशदृषद्दार95 जात्यातिमूढाः । धत्ते चाद्याप-10 96 यस्तावितरणनिगमान् गोप97 याय:॥ करब्बिं कल्पद्रं कामधे98 - इदि वदनदृशोचंद्रचिंता99 मणी च ।। २५"] "यबैरिक्षोणिपालप्रकर100 पुरमहाचंद्रशालाग्रहांत[:*]."
1 Read 'वचीज, as correctly in K.
15. यत्कीर्ति. - Read कार्तिकदं.
Read fahr.
• Rnd बाटौं. • Perhaps the actual reading in our , min E.
Read yr; the anusedra stands at the beginning of the next line. •E.संतान
• Bead fal, a correctly in K. * Bead SWT, w correctly in K.
Originally had been engraved instead of , but it seems to have been corrected. Theft has possibly been corrected out of fo.
___uK. त--

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101 बोखंडस्तंभकुंभजगपति 102 ढालोढदेहावाहाः । मूर्छ103 मोहा[:*] सूखलंत: सपदि गतविषा 104 वैनतेयेन सद्यो द्योमार्ग यां. 105 ति सोयं दिनमणिविनुतो भा106 ति नादिंडगोपः ॥ [२६] श्रीकृष्णक्षितिपा107 लमौळिसचिव[:*] श्रीसावतिम्मप्रभु108 र्जामातयंवर धुरंधरवहे श्री109 गोपमंत्रीखरे । 'प्राधत्ताखिलकों 110 डवोटिनगरीसाम्राज्यरौरेय-' 111 कां मत्तेभाखपदातिसैन्यकलितां' 112 पलंकिकां चामरे ।। २९] श्रीकृष्णरा113 यनरनाथशिरःप्रतानश्रीसाझव-10 114 तिम्पसचिवेश्वरभागिनेय: । ना116 दिंडगोपसचिवो नयतत्ववे-1 116 दी श्रीकोंडवोटिनगरकधुरंधरो117 [भूत् ।। २८"] राघवायगणिते शकव118 [] राघवाय रचिताचलपुर्या । 119 वप्रगोपुरमयनव[*]āर्गो-13 120 पमंत्रितिलकेन सपर्या: ॥ [२८]
Third Face. 121 राघवाय १४४२ अक्षरसंन्न [*] शाकाब्दे पु122 रपेदवार्धिशशिभिगण्ये वृषे वत्सर फालान्यां 123 विधुवासरे शुभदिने श्रीकोंडवीटीपुर । नादि124 डान्वयगोपमंचितिलक[:] श्रीसाळवतिम्पप्रभोर्जा
1 Rend °भशुंभाजगपरिव-, m correctly in r.
• The subscript sign which I have read kh is rather indistinct, and may be meant for something else ; in K., however, the reading is quite certain.
The amsodra stauds at the beginning of the next line. • Read धुरंधरवरे.
Read HTETIT. • The anuspara stands at the begioning of the next line.
Read ette, as correctly in K. • Read at, as in K., where all seems to have been corrected out of ai.
The anuspara stands at the beginning of the next line, 10 K. 'प्रथान; rend 'प्रधान. I Read 'तत्ववे..
The anusodra and the sign of punctuation stand at the beginning of the next line; K uwait. WK. वाइम्य
- Read सपर्या, as correctly in K. K. वादिश.

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125 माता रघुनायकस्य कृतवान् सम्यक्प्रतिष्ठावि126 धिं ।। ३..] सुग्रोवलक्ष्मणविभीषणजांबवनिशत्रुघु127 युक्तभरतेन हनूमता च । सीतापतिं सप128 रिवारकमंगदेन रामं च गोपसचिवोकृत सु129 प्रतिष्ठं [ ३१] सीतारामसमन्विता सभरता चैषा 180 अयोध्या तता' शत्रुधाधिकलक्ष्मणा विजय131 ते श्रीकोंडवोटोपुरी । सुग्रीवो हनुमान्विभीष' 132 ण प योजांबवत्वंगदो रामं सावरणं प्र. 133 तिष्ठितमतावादिंडगोपप्रभुः ।। ३२"] श्रीकोंडवीटि134 पुरिनायक रामचंद्रः किं चंद्रकां' समधि135 गत्य यः कळंकः । पायाति यावदिति साव136 केतनत्वं धसे न चेत्कुत इदं गरुडध्वजस्य ।। ३३] हा. 137 सप्तत्यधिकां नियोगकलनां कर्तु बुधग्रा. 138 मिणीः' । श्रीमत्मावराघवाय महितो ना139 दिंडगोपप्रभुः । प्रादादुवुवनामकं सु140 फलितं सीमाचतुष्कान्वितं । सर्वाक्रांत्ततया 141 समस्तमासमाष्टैखयंभोगान्वित" [२४] सालिवा142 हनशकांकयुवाब्दे सालिवाहनसमोप्प143 यमंत्री । सावतिम्मसचिवादुदवापत्कों144 डवोटिनगराधिपलक्ष्मी [ ३५] शाकाब्दे नववड़िवा145 धिवसुधागडेखर वत्सर सुक्षेत्र विनिकोंड. 146 कुतिसरितोर्मधे॥ कियन्मात्रतः । त्वा ग्राम147 वरं तटाककलितं चाप्पापुराख्यान्वितं । प्रा148 दादंगडिगोपिनाथहरये नादिंड्डयप्प149 प्रभुः ।। ३६"] अनंत्तगोपिनाथाय रोपिचर्मनिवा150 सिने । प्रादाहीपवरं ग्रामं नादिंडाप्यय
1 Rend T, na correctly in K.
K.नुमाहि. • Read श्रीवास्वंगदी orौजांववस्त्वंगदी or श्रीनववर्यामदी. • Read °मधावा. probably corrected in K. •K. पुरना read चंद्र.
• Read चंद्रता, as torreetly in K. - Read मणी :, m correctly in K. the followirgaign of prnetuation is roperfinons and wanting in K. • This sign of punetuation is superinous and wanting in K. K. क्रांततया. 1. Rend orteat, us correctly in K.
1 Read'मध्ये, as correctly in K. 11 This sign of punctuation is superfluous.
K. घमंत.

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151 मंत्रिराट [ ३७*] मद्देरेलपुरमाधविदेव्यै वप्रमि। 152 द्रजलदींदुगशाके । पैणिमलिमदिशत्पंपू153 4 ग्राममावसुधमप्पयमंत्री ।। ३८] ब्रह्मा164 निवेदशशिगण्यशकेखरेब्द नादिंड्रयप्पसचिवो वि. 156 निकोंडदुर्गे । रामेखराय घनमंटपवप्र156 सौधारम्यालय समतनोत्समतारसन्नः [][३८] 157 "शाकेशवहिनिगमेंदगदातुवर्षे नादिति-' 158 सचित्रात्मभवाप्ययार्यः । पोंकारनामस159 रिदंतिकनंदिपाटिग्राम शिवालयमनय. 160 मसावकार्षीत् ॥ [४०] स्वच्छस्वच्छनखावळिच्छविशिखाके161 कोमराकोवृतं भूषोहासिभुजंगपुंगवल162 लबाळामणाशान्वितं । वैरिव्रातशिरोमिळिंद. 163 वनितासंदोह संध्यानितं । वंदे दक्षमखा164 रिपादकमलं बंदारबंदार्चितं ।। ४१] दक्षप्र165 जापतर्मर्धा मेषमूर्धायते क्षणात्" । यहोरकरणा166 वैशात्म वो वीरखरोवत" 10 ४२"] शाकाब्दे निधिरामवेदध167 रणोगण्येवरे वत्सरे बावण्यां विनिकोंडभीमनि' सु168 दालिप्तं शिलामंटपं । ग्रामे नंतुलपाटि169 नामनि महावीरेखरायादिशत् लक्ष्योनायकसा." 170 कवतिम्पविभवे नादिंड्डयप्पप्रभुः [ ४३] शाकाब्दे गग171 नाब्दिवेदधरणीगण्य च संवत्सरे विख्याते बहु172 दान्यनामनि" महावादिंड्डयप्पप्रभुः । क्रां173 जागस्त्यमहेखराय विपुलं रम्यं महामं174 टपं लक्ष्योनायकसाळवतिम्पविभवे पुण्याय क
The gudi han beon aded fterwards; the asusodra stands at the beginning of the next line; K.indiatinet. • Read जलधौंदु', ns correctly in t.
.K.indiatinet; read अपरिप• Read सौधरम्या.
. Read ', us correctly in K. • Bead aura', w correctly in K.
15. विमा. • Road मचलान्वितं. • Rendu f, au probably correctly in K. The sign of panctuation is superfluous sod wanting in K. 10 For the akahara, Teo to something else seems to have been originally engraved. 11 Read out, us correctly in K.
13 Read zetafa, as correctly in K. u Read for as enrrectly in K.
" Red मी . 15. स्मिा', or prrhaps तिम
" Read नाधिषद. > Read T , correctly in K; TT hoe been corrected from T.

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[VoL. VI.
176 वादियत् । [४४.] निधिशचिनिगममागखथाकखराब्दे प्रभु. 176 वरविनिकोंडादोशनादिंड्रययः । निजजनकजन177 न्योनित्यवैकुंठसिधै करणिककरमरान्' सर्वमान्या. 178 नकार्षीत् ।। ४५.] थाकाब्दे निधिवडिवेदधरणोगयेखर वा- . 179 रे श्रावस्यां विधुवासरे शुभदिन नादिंडयणप्र180 सुः । प्रादाबावराणहारमचलं सर्वधिसंपू-' 181 रितं तडामाधिपचंनकेशवरमानाथाय बो182 धामने [ ४] शाकाब्दे निधिवड़िवेदधरणीगस्थेश्वरे वन183 रे वैशाख्या विनिकोंडनामनि पुरे रम्यं महा
Fourth Face. 184 मंटपं । प्रादादंगडिगोपिनाथ186 हरये प्राकारमत्युबतं समोना186 यकसावतिम्मविभवे नादिंड्डय187 प्यप्रभुः ।। ४७'] महेरालपुरमाधवदेव्यै [व]-' 188 सुबततरं प्रविधाय । नागडिज189 सधीदुगमाके वर्षे एनमदितीप्यय-' 190 मंत्री ।। ४८"] शाकाब्दे वसुवडिवेदयशिरी वर्षे 191 च दाचाहये नादिंडोपपदातुकू192 कमखिलं छत्वा खयं विप्रसात् । सं." 193 ध्वाखानपाडिकादिविधये तभ्य194 स्मटाक" महत्" शायारामवरघुसा195 धनमदाबादिंडयप्पप्रभुः" ।। ४८"] उ. 196 "त्पुखोखोलवलकमलवनमिळद्राना" 197 सावतंसं कारिक्रौंचचक्रकम198 गतिमिधुनकोडखेलामनो" । पा199 रावारांवकारं तटपुटटितोता
1 Bead Fest; K. illegible.
The third of this word is expressed by the old sign. K. seems to read by correction. .K. सुभ.
Hend vifto ; K. illegible. •K. probably "तिम • Bad माधवि.
18.व. • Rand'वर्ष एनमदिवाप्पय-; in K. probablr corrected.
• Read चाचा',ncorreetly int. * The anasedra stands at the begioning of the next line.
11 Read Muza, correctly in K. 11 Read Heer
K.धनमधाबा.
- Read जी. 1. The wwwsodra stands at the beginning of the next line.
14 Bend Ofaya, us correctly in K.

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TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF KRISHNARAYA.
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200 लतासं तटाकं कृत्वा नादिंयप्पप्र201 भुरकततरां विप्रसादातुकूरो [..] 202 शाकाब्दे गजरामवादिमहिरी दाचा' 203 स्यवर्षे घनं प्रासादं नवहमक204 भकलितं रम्यं महामंटपं । श्रीमन्म205 गळशैलनाथहरये. नादिंडयप्पप्रभु 206 मि मंगळशैलनामकमपि प्रादात्' 207 दृसिंहाय च ।। ५१] माकादे प्रवत्रुि208 तिशशिगणिते घेश्वराख्ये वर्षे स्टूरिणाम.' 209 'नीमन्यवयुतिकलनानिर्मिताप्यापुरा. 210 ख्यं । दत्वा प्रामं बिजेभ्यस्तदुपछतिछते मा. 211 सि.सस्वादिसिधै। प्रादाबादित्यप्पप्रभुमषि212 रुदधिप्रख्यमकं तटाकं [१२] पप्यापुरै वार्दिसम213 स्तटाक" पद्माकरीयं हिजराणवासः । यो" वर्ग 214 चाचुतथासिधाम ग्रीने पयःपूर्णत216 या नदीक" [ ५३] नादिंहसीधि कियतीमव. 216 युत्व भूमिमप्यापुरं च विरचा217 व तटाकयुक्त" [1] नादिंडयष्यस218 [चि]वोदित तजिभ्यो" ब्रमाग्निवार्षि219 शशिशाकगुणेश्वरदे । [५४] मावादे निधिरा220 मवेदधरणीगखेश्वरे वत्सरे ये-- 221 रादनयुत्व' भूमिमुचितां प222 माकराखंचतं । ग्रामं केसरिपाटि223 "पुटिदशकमायं विधायादियो224 [ोभळनारसिंहरये ना225 [दिइयप्पप्रभुः ।। ५५" पनत्तगोपिना.
Benda , w correctly in K. Read Off 9797-, correctly in K.
The amusodra stando at the beginning of the next line. •The amendra standar: the berinning of thenrxeline.
K. Inserte superfluous sign of panctuation after my. • Bend प्रादाब
Rend' च ,scorretly inr. ..रेरित • Read era, corrretly in K. "Band दखा.
11 K. ; rond 1* Read , us onrrectly in K.
M Rand am. * Rend , correctly in K. WRend विरषucorrectly in K. ".। गा.दिवबीd वशिलेबी. "Rand राव.
» Bead gft.
Pata

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226 [था]य रोप्पिचर्लनिवासिने । प्रादाही227 पवरं ग्रामं नादिंडाप्पयमंत्रि228 राट् [ ५६*] शाकाब्दे वसुवडिवेदधरणीग229 रथे च दात्रब्दके वैशाख्यां विनिकोंडसो230 मनि सुधी' नादिंडयप्यप्रभुः । वा231 [सि]ष्ठाय च भतंडिमखिलं ग्राम 232 खनामांकितं प्रादाद्रायण233 भास्कराय 'निधुषेष्टेवयंभोगान्वितं [॥ ५७] 234 शाकाब्दे गजवनिवेदयशिगे' वर्षे च दा. 235 चाह श्रावस्यां विनिकोंडसोनि 236 कतधो दिंड्डयप्पप्रभुः । येच237 राववयुत्य गोपपुरमित्याख्यं [हि]. 238 जेम्यादिश ग्रामं केसरिपाटिपुटिदश[क]-1 239 प्रायं सटाकोज्वलं" ॥ [ ५८*] शाकाब्दे निधिरा." 240 मवगंधरणीगण्येवरे वत्सरे कार्तिक्या" 241 विनिकोडसोनि मुक्ती नादिंड्डयप्प242 प्रभुः । प्रादाधववराभिदं च सकलं 243 ग्राम खनामांकित कोंडिब्यान्व244 "ययूरदेचविदुषेष्टेचर्यभोगान्वितं" 245 [५] यावबहुमुतात्रियंबकमुता-" 246 "श्रीसंघपुत्रीपय[:*] पूरास्ते पुनते भु. 247 वं च सकलां श्रीकोंडवीटोपुरी । या248 वत्काव्यसुधाबुराशिलहरोहेला 249 विधत्ते कविस्तावत्मामुवतिम्मकोतिलति
1 This verse is a repetition of v. 37, and occurs ia K. once only. ..धापब्दक।rend धाब्दके.
• Read ourate, as correctly in K. • The ansardra stands at the beginning of the next line.
.K.दाधा. . Read força, us correctly in K. K T .
.K.वाचाय; read धावाये. .K. कीडडसौबि.
WK..भ्योदिश; read यीदिशहाम. 11 Read Off; in K. a very small Z seems to have been added afterwards. W Read °कीज्वलं.
K.निदिरा15. का; read बार्तिक्या. ". प्रादादा; read पादादनवराभिधं. Mr. perbepe 'द
11 The anusodra stands at the beginning of the next line. 10 In K. the ar of the Art Fat appears to have been currected from some other akahara; "frate, perhapo correetel.
11 In K. the visarga was inserted afterwards; read two.

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er en faut
250 2T 'godora ufo [eo] 251 CATHETTOat 252 fratera69fafa253 # TUTHER: 1 970. 254 xifranceataferentes 255 yaraf He f t 256 è afaceri faventaseret257 or [42]
AT
ABRIDGED TRANSLATION (Line 1.) Let there be prosperity!
(Verse 1.) May the primeval boar protect you, he who lifted the earth that was wet as if it (were a woman that had fallen in love with him and) were in violent perspiration on account of the touching of his body!
(V. 2.) Let this primeval boar devise what is propitious! When he had lifted the wet earth from the flood of water, he held it with great force for fear lest it should slip down, and (thereby) hurt a little the lower part of it with his task (like a lover who, when he has lifted his mistress in ex0688 of passion, bewildered by the contact with her body, squesses her with great force and inflicts a little wound to her lower lip with his tooth).
(V. 3.) The lord of Kakula who, in love's wanton sports, interlacing his own (blue) hands with the tender (white) arms of Lakshmi clinging to his chest, wears, as it were, a garland of mandára flowers entwined with strings of leaves of the blue water-lily, - may he exbibit the skill of fortune!
(V. 4.) The holy Ráma (who is identical with) Hari, who may be known from the Vadánta ; to who, thougb his nature is knowledge, without end," and existence, yet, in order to perform the duties of Maghavat, wears an illusory body; at whose sight even his onemies, such as Revans and the rest, went to heaven' at the end of their time, and others, such as Hanumat and Vibhishapa, felt perfect satisfaction on earth, let him grant welfare to the worlds !
(V.5.) I do homage to the sinless lotus-like foot of Ráma, the tree of desires to those who worship it, which is reddened by the splendour of the crest-jewels of Indra and the other
1 Rend gine . The following verse is not in K.
* The amandra stands at the beginning of the next lige. • The aserdra stands at the beginning of the next line. . The subscript sign of the first akshara of this line is very indiatinet. . For the reading of K, see the text.
1 Both here and in the next verse the boar and the earth are represented as two lovers, and the words have to be taken in a double meaning.
Literally, on acount of the unstendiness of the contact.'
A. Lalahm is represented as bring of white or golden colour, manddra seems to be used here as a name of the white variety of Calotropis Gigantes, not of the searlet-flowering Erythrina Indica.
10 Compare Vidd shta eddy.dtmand... Vishnaod in I. 185 of the Pithapuram inscription of Prithvi varn; above, Vol. IV. p. 46.
DI I have translated ananta, as this is the reading of both insoriptions. But I think it not unlikely that amuta is mistake for dnanda jadw.dwonla.sad corresponding to the well known sach-ohid.dnanda wbieb in such texts an the Rdmadpanlya Upanishad is frequently applied to Rima-Vishnu. 11 1.e. Indra.
11 Le, obtained salvation.

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(gods) bowing (before him) as (the lotus is reddened) by the early rays of the sun; which is embellished by the waves of light from the thunderbolt of the slayer of Vritral as (the lotus is embellished) by flights of bees; and which is distinguished by the tinkling of its anklets as (the lotus is distinguished) by the sweet sounds of the female flamingoes.
(V. 6.) There is (a king) called the glorious Krishnaraya, the head-ornament of kings, whose lotus-like feet are illuminated by the crest-jewels of princes.
(V. 7.) Through the precious stones presented by the glorious king Krishna the houses of the learned and the poets have pavements sparkling with jewels of different kinds, and have (thus) become jewel-mines; veracious people (therefore) speak of the ocean which is (now) only a receptacle of floods of water (only in terms meaning water-receptacle, such) as ambhodhiḥ, jaladhiḥ, payodhiḥ,'udadhiḥ, várám nidhiḥ, váridhiḥ.
(V. 8.) In the court of Kalinga is seen the pillar of victory of the glorious king Krishna, (resembling) a stake for (tying) the elephants of his enemies, a post for (sacrificing) his foes in battle like cattle at a sacrifice, a shaft thrust into the hearts of his enemies, a lofty radiant shoot of splendour, the tusk of the boar-bodied (Vishnu) rising from the lower regions by piercing the earth.
(V. 9.) The great chancellor, the glorious Salva-Timma, the best of ministers, rules the empire of the glorious king Krishnaraya.
(V. 10.) The glorious minister Salva-Timma, the best of the family of Kaunḍinya, is the son of the minister Racha, the son of the minister Vêma.
(V. 11.) We are not aware that the leaders of the learned differ in any way (from SalvaTimma) as to their wealth (obtained) by donations, their sports with Padma or Vânt, the number of their excellent jewels, the thousands of their fair-eyed women, their beautiful mansions and palaces, their unequalled attendants or their carriages for horses, elephants, etc.; (but) verily, well we know how (in one thing) Salva-Timma differs from them, for he is victorious in battle.
(V. 12.) Was it, because she was ashamed (of being obliged) to clean herself from the contact with the mud, that Padmâ gave up the dwelling in the mud-born (lotus) and abides in the water-born (lotus) of thy face, together with her daughter-in-law Vânî, O Sâlva-Timma! (who on that account art both) Chauhattamalla (and) Chaturânana ?6
(V. 13.) When Salva (or the hawk), surnamed Timma, the one chief minister on account of (his knowledge of) the four means and the three powers together with the seven constituents (of government), after having captured the swan-like kings appointed by Gajapati in Kondaviti, is planning an attack, the hostile princes, secretly absconding, tormented by hunger and thirst, are searching for the Saka years in the mountains (7), the towns (3), the oceans (4) and the earth (1), (thus) resembling birds which, flying off unnoticed, tormented by hunger
1 I.e. Indra.
Or, oceans, ratndkara being a common term for ocean. Ie. the goddess of learning.
Le. the goddess of riches. Vani (Sarasvati) is called here the daughter-in-law of Padma (Lakshmi), because, as a rule, learning and wealth agree as little with each other as, according to Indian ideas, a mother-in-law with her daughter-in-law.
Sarasvati is generally supposed to dwell in the mouth of Chaturânana (Brahman), while Lakshmt is the consort of Vishnu. Chauhattamalla, therefore, seems to be used here as a name of Vishnu, though I do not find it mentioned anywhere else. Chauhatta seems to be equivalent to the Sanskrit Chaturhasta; compare Chaturbhuja, a common name of Vishnu-Krishnu.
The four means (updya) are siman, dána, bhéda, and danda; the three powers (fakti) are prabidea, utadha, and mantra; the seven constituents of government (anga) are sed nin, amatya, suhrid, kósa, rashtra, durga, and bala; compare Amarakóia, II. 8, 17; 19; 20. The four numbers give the date 1437.
I have found pura with the value of 3 only in the list of numerical words given by Mr. Rice, Mysore Inscriptions, p. xx f. It occurs in the same meaning in v. 30 below. Para in this sense refers to the three cities built by Maya and destroyed by Siva.

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and thirst, are looking for herbs and (rain-giving) clouds in the mountains, the towns, the Oceans and the earth.
(V. 14.) On Saturday, the Harivesars of the bright half of the month Ash&dha, to be counted in the Baka year marked by saļuva (8&ļuvanka), the town of Kondaviti, the excellent hill-fort, was taken by the minister Sålva-Timmad
(V. 15.) (The procreation of) & son, the planting of a grove, (the construction of) a tank, (the consecration of) temple, the marriage of a girl) to & Brahman, (the hoarding of a treasure, and (the composition of) a poem are the seven samtánaka acts which cause happiness in this world and in the next one; the glorious lord Sålva-Timma, the prime-minister of the glorious king Krishna, has so often performed them, from the Bridge to the snowy mountain, that one cannot count them.
(V. 16.) There is, born in the lineage of Kausika, the best of the family of Nadiņdla, an excellent minister, Timma, who has the true knowledge of him whose nature is intelligence,
(V. 17.) Krishņâmbå, renowned as Arundhati, because she does not oppose (arundhati) the command of her husband, is regarded as Anasuya, because she is always free from spite (anasuya).
(V. 18.) The minister Nadindla-Timma was married to Krish pamámba; his sons were the excellent ministers Appa and Gopa.
(V. 19.) The sister's sons of the glorious minister Salva-Timma, who continued his family, were the excellent ministers Nadiņdle-Appa and (Nádiņdla-) Gopa.
(V. 20.) Appa, who manifests himself in the waters and who bears the epithet) Prachêtas, and Nadiņdla-Appa, who is easily accessibles and intelligent, are the lords, the one of the Western, and the other of the southern ocean.
1 Ia order to remove any doubt about the meaning of the words giri-pura jaladhi-kshme gidhanis prallad an explanation has been inserted at the end of the stanz : 1 487 Sak-dbddls [1] - gidian prallads aksha[ra]. sania, i... '1487 sakn yenrs; 'gidhar pralindig a notation by letters. We have therefore to take #(w) 7, g() As 8, dhas) 4, and plra) - 1. There is a slight irregularity in the last akahara. Acoording to the catablished unge, in groups of consonants the last consonant only counts (comparo Burnell, South India, Palao. grapky, 2nd ed., p. 79), whereas in this card p must liave been intended to express the numeral, r having the value of 3. As the reading pralind) is supported by both inscriptions as well as by the Kondavidu inscription (compare p. 112, note 8), I have not ventured to alter the text, although the reading prallud seems to me far better. In that case the meaning would be that the princes are searobing for the Saka years deeply hidden in the mountains, the towns, the oceans and the eartb, which, from an Indian point of view, would be an excellent pun, whereas in the text as it stands the words gidhan prallads are quite superfluons. .
With maga-rdjan compare the terms durygd yderis adrovabhannel and giri-parah applied to a hill-Port in an inscription of the time of king Bakka; South-Ind. Inacr. Vol. I. p. 187. The nenter form of the word, though not in socordance with grammar, is warranted also by the Kondavida insoription (compare p. 112, note 3).
• Here again, at the end of the states a glosa has been inserted, stating that 8dfvodska is s chronogram : Safudska akahara-sa njia | 1437 Saka-sarahdh. It appears that o) is 7, 7(w) 3, (dr) 4, and k(a) 1. This again is not quite in accordance with the table given by Burnell, whereas the value of 9. The author of the inscription apparently looked upon as equal to or I.
The seven sashidnar or sachlatie are mentioned also in v. 24 below, in v. 18 of the Ganapevaram inscription of Gapapati, above, VOL. III. p. 88, in v. 9 of the Vinapalli plates and v. 17 of the Nadopdru plates of Anna-Véma, ibid. pp. 61 and 889; compare the notes of Dr. Holtsach on the first two passages.
1... Rama. With olinmay.dtman compare the epitheta fidu-duanta-tad-dimaka and bodh-dimas applied to Bama in vv. 4 and 46.
This would be the literalmenning of the passage, but the sathor did not want to say that Krishnamba really was called Arundhatt. In the Kondavida inscription compare p. 112, note 8) unam has therefore boon substitated for bly did. IL... Varupa.
Apya-mirti, u applied to Adindla-Appe, seems to mean whose person is obtainable,' i... who is easily accessible

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(V. 21.) It was the lord Nadindla-Appa who obtained from the glorious king Krishna and the minister Timma (the right to u86) a palanquin, two chaurist and a parasol, and the posts of superintendent of Vinikonda, Gutti, and the city on the golden mountain (Méru), of commander-in-chief of a large army consisting of ratting elephants, horses and infantry, and of sole governor of that kingdom.
(V. 22.) The man whose fame- & swelling smooth cloud of pulverized camphor, anointing, covering and spreading on, the beautiful rounded breasts of Sachi' which resemble the two frontal globes of the elephant of the slayer of Jambha!- derides the moon in the month Kárttika by asserting that it has not its equals in whiteness, that man is this excellent lord Nádindla-Appa whose brilliant fame (therefore) is to be praised by all men.
(V. 23.) The man) whoso arm, when it brandishes a sword on the battle-field on the surface of the earth which he has made (appear) like the Påtala world by the clouds of dust whirled up from the ground crushed by the hard hoofs of millions of bis war-horses, looks like the formidable licking lord of the serpents who supports the earth, that man is this lord Nadiņdla-Appa whose arm (therefore) is the support on which the weight of the earth rosts.
(V. 24.) How can we praise Gopa and Nadindla-Gopa as being alike to each other ? (For) the former has (only) one samtána, while the latter has seven of them.
(V. 25.) Some, (although they were) taught the rules of donation by the creator, are dull (or cold), such as the ocean and the moon, and some are exceedingly stupid, because they belong to the class of cattle, stone or wood; (but) the honourable Gôpa, teaching them the rules of donation, carries in his hand the ocean, in his heart the tree of desires and the cow of wishes, in his face the moon, and in his eye the stone of desires.
(V. 26.) Having their bodies licked by the lords of the serpents decorating the sandal-wood pillars in the large apartments on the top of the houses in the towns of the numerous kings hostile to him, becoming totally insensible and faltering, (but) having instantly lost their poison through (the presence of) Vainatêya,10 the horses of the sun are suddenly walking along the sky; -brilliant is he, this Nadindla-Gôpa who is praised by the sun."
(V. 27.) The glorious lord Salva-Timma, the minister of the glorious Kšiehpa, the first among kings, gave to his younger son-in-law, the glorious Gopa, the best among governors and
[Compare above, Vol. IV. No. 4, verse 8.-E, H.]
· [The city on the mythical mountain Meru is Amar vatt, the residence of god Todra. Here this poetical term is applied to Amaravati in the Kistna district.-E..] The wife of Indra. Literally, having for companions.
"I.. Indrs. • Il my translation is correct, we should rather expect mija.fodlin.pdvaita.vddain instead of mijai frdtim-ddraita-eddail, which, however, is supported also by the Kondavida inscription (compare p. 112, note 8).
1 Pátála is the abode of the serpents.
. As to the seven santanar cowpare the note on v. 15. In the case of Gope, ... Krishna, sadna seems to refer to the one celestial tree which Ksishpo, on the advice of his wife Satyabhama, carried off from lodra's beaven, though the name of this tree is generally given as P&rijata. But the names of the five celestial trees are sometimes mixed up; compare e.g. v. 16 of the Vanapalli plates of Apga.Vema, above, Vol: III. p. 68, where the Pârijata tree takes the place of the Kalpa tree, or v. 8 of the Bitragunts grant of Samgama II., ibid. p. 26, where Kalpa is used for the celestial trees in general; see also the note of Mr. H. Krishna Sutrl on this pasange. There is hardly any allusion to Santana-Gopala, one of the Dames of Krishna, when worshipped giver of progeay.
Snakes are supposed to be fond of sandal-wood. The towns of Gopa's enemies were deserted by their inbabi. tanta and therefore abounded in snakes. The houses were so high that their tops touebed the sun.
* L., Garoda. This bird must have been the device on Gopa's banner (compare v. 88 below) which had been planted on the top of the palaces of his conquered enemies.
11 The sun is grateful to Gopa whose banner ved his horses.

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an excellent minister, the post of governor of the whole empire of the city of Kondaviti, together with an army consisting of ratting elephants, horses and infantry, and (the right to 1688) a palanquin and two chauris.
(V. 28.) The sister's son of the prime minister, the glorious Salva-Timma, the chancellor (pradhana) of the glorious Krishộarkys, the first among kings, - the minister Nadiņdla-Gôpa, versed in the principles of policy, was the sole governor of the excellent city of Koodavîți.
(V. 29.) In the Saks year counted by Raghavaya the excellent minister Gopa showed his veneration for the god) Raghava in Achslapuri by (orecting) new buildings adorned with & wall and a gate-tower.
V. 30 records the setting-up of an image of Raghunayaka.
(V. 31.) Rama, the husband of Sita,d with a circles consisting of Sagriva, Lakshmana, Vibhishana, Jambavat, Bharata together with Satraghna, Hanůmat and Angada, were duly set ap by, the minister Gopa.
(V. 32.) Possessed of Sita and Rama, Bharata, Satrughna and Lakshmana, this excellent city of Kondaviți is flourishing (like) Ayodhya; (but) here are also) Sugriva, Hanumat, Vibhishapa, Jåmbavat and Angada, (for) the lord Nadiņdla-Gopa set up Råma with his circle.
(V. 33.) O Ramachandra, glorious lord of the city Kopdaviți, dost thou, having become a moon (chandra), assume the ensign of the hawk (sáļuva), because thou thinkest that the bare comes in as a stain ? If not, why (dost thou assume) this (onsign) of him who has the Garuda as his emblem ?
V. 34 records the grant of a village to Salava-Raghava.
(V. 35.) In the year Yuvan, marked as salivahana-Saka, the minister Appe, who is equal to Salivahana, obtained the regentship of the city of Kondaviți from the minister SâlvaTimma.
* At the end of this verse we fiad, as before, the explanation of the chronogram Raghandya 1449 akaharasamjha.' This time it shows Dothing pecaline, r(a) being 2, g(a) , v(d) 4, and y(a) 1.
* This seems to mean' with Site on his lap.
3 Sapariedraka is apparently the same as adrarars in the next verte. Aparans seems to be a technical term for the circles formed by the statues of Rams's follower round the statue of their master. Thuo we read in the Rama purtatapaniya-Upanishad, v. 49 ft:, that Rama is surrounded (dorita, vv. 55, 56) by five circles, called doarana in Narayana's Dipikd. Tbe third of these circles is formed by the son of the wind (Hanumat), Sugriva, Bbsrata, Vibhabana, Lakshmana, Angada, Arimardada (Satraghs) and Jambavat (vv. 68, 54), exactly the same persons as those mentioned above. Site is not mentioned in the description of the Upanishad, though in the preceding verso 47 she is represented as sitting on Rama's lap; compare also v. 26. That the author had in view some arrangement of statues similar to that described in the inscription, and not, as the commentator tbioks, of figures drawn in diagram, is probable from the fact that in describing the position of the figures he uses the terms wdag.dakalipayo, agratal (v. 60), palohimd (v. 51), dgndy ddishu (v. 68), wberons in the description of the dingram (v. 68 7.) he speaks only of madhyd, tatpdrivd, etc.
Lo either Vishņu or SAJva-Timme. I am not at all sure that my translation of this verse is correct. Its principal object apparently is pun on the name of the god, Slava-Raghava, mentioned in the next verse, compare 1. 41. 42 which in a similar way praise Siva Virdvars mentioned in v. 48. The Dome of the god is certainly connected in some way with that of SALV-Timma, where, to judge from the analogy of such dames as NAdindleTimma, eto, the first part would seem to be properly family name. Whether 8Alva in this sense has anything to do with the tribal name of the Salvas or Salvas, must be left undecided; compare Winternitx, Mantrapdtha, b. alvii. On the other hand, in the titles Ganda Kadri Sdfuna, borne og. by Narasimharaya of Vijaya.
GSA and Venkata I. of Karnata (South-Ind. Inaor. Vol. 1. pp. 86, 181), and by the former king even with repeti. tion of the last word (Sduna-Iduna; ibid. p. 182), adfuta is clearly only a biruda. According to Dr. Hultzsch it means the bawk, and in this sense, and s ynonym of Garuda, it seems to bave been used in the present care aloo.
5 As to the chronogram see the remarks on p. 112 abore.

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Vv. 36-40 record various grants.
(V. 41.) I worship the lotus-like foot of the destroyer of the sacrifice of Daksba,' which is revered by the hosts of the gods; which is covered by the brilliant rays of the lines of its exceedingly white nails, as (a lotus is covered) by ducks kept for pleasure, which is adorned with huge serpente glittering like ornaments, as (a lotus is adorned) with the floating fibres of its stalk; which is surrounded by the heads of the hosts of his enemies, as (a lotus is surrounded) by flights of female bees.
(V. 42.) Let that Virdsvara protect you whose deep com passion with heroes was the cause of Daksha-Prajapati's head becoming quickly the head of a ram !
Vv. 43-49 record various grants.
(V. 50.) Having made at Åtukuru & tank, where lines of swans meet in the clusters of the widely opened water-lilies floating on the waves; which is charming, because the curlews are (seen there) striding in circles and sporting in pairs, (pressing each other) with their throats, (at the same time) uttering sharp cries, which is the rival of the ocean; where a loud dabbling noise originates in the cavities of the banks, the lord Nadiņdla-Appa presented it completely to the Brahmans.
Vv. 51 and 52 record two grants.
(V. 53.) This tank at App&pura, resembling the ocean, which, abounding in lotuses, was the abode of the kings of birds, became a forest, a field of rampant naddy, and in the hot Beason a stream, because even at that time, it was full of water. .
Vv. 54-59 record various grants.
(V. 60.) As long as the floods of the daughter of Jahnu, the daughter of Tryambaka and the holy daughter of Sahya are purifying the earth and the whole city of Kondaviti, as long as a poet is sporting in the wavor of the nectar-ocean of poetry, so long shall the creeper of Saluva-Timma's fame continually blossom on earth!
V. 61 records a grant by Salya-Timma. (L. 257.) Happiness! Happiness! May it cause bappiness!
1 L... Sive.
1 This is an allusion to the legend that Sirs, irritated because he had not been invited to the sacrifice of DakshR-Prajapati, the father of his wife Satt, decapitated his father-in-law, but afterwards, out of pity, revived bin and gave him the head of a rain.
I find it impossible to render the niceties of the text in my translation. The terms ued are such as to convey the idea of an aroun, where circles of kings (rajahasis-dvaluta) are assembled, where wrestling (mithuna-kroda-khald) takes place, where a champion (askakdra) appears, and where loud applause (uttala-tdla) is heard.
Doijardja seems to be meant for rajahansa.
• The daughter of Jabnu in the Ganga. The daughter of Tryambaka is the Godavart which rires on toont Tryambaka; compare the verse iu Rudrablatta's commentary ou the Vaidyafuana, quoted by Aufrecbt, Cat. Cod. Samor. Bibl. Bodl. p. 318a :
Yatradgard Tryambaka-pareatdohacha Godavari Sindhunadena yubidi
tatrodati Godd-rata-madhya-ddit Shatkadtak.dkhyan nagarath suramyam | The Tryambaka forma part of the chain of mountains on the north-west side of the leninsula which commonly are called Sabya; in the Foyupurdna, 1, 45, 104, the Godavari therefore apprare in the list of rivers which rise on the Sahya. Here, however, the daughter of Sabya is the Krisbņi, as shown by the corresponding verse in the Kondavida inscription (compare p. 112, note 8), where Krishnavennd bas been inaurted instead of Sahyaputri Rivers are frequently called the daughters of the mountains where they arise, even in the dry geographical description of the Vdyupurdna the rivers rising on mount Mahendra are called his daughters (45, 106). The statement that the Krisbņš parifies the city (purt) of Kondavidu is, of cuurse, puerical exageration, the distance betweea Kondavidu and the river being more than twenty milos.

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255 . . 256 257 ufak 258 #
B.- KAZÅ Pillar Inscription. END OF THE TEXT.!
Fourth Face. . . . Para refragas HZU I HUET 5
taugafTZ [eo] Ayam [*]
No. 13.- TWO GRANTS OF DANDIMAHADEVI.
By F. KIELHORN, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. The two grants of which at Dr. Haltzech's request I give an aboount here from excellen, impressions supplied to him by Mr. Ven kayya, were preserved in the office of the Collector of Ganjâm and will be deposited in the Madras Museam. There is no information as to where or by whom they were discovered. They have been briefly noticed already in Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 32 f., Nos. 216 and 217;5 and I have for years been in possession of rubbings of them which formerly belonged to the late Sir A. Cunningham. The grants record donations by a lady named Dandimahadevi, whose ancestors are enumerated in both, in almost identical verses.
A.-DANDIMAHADEVI'S GRANT OF THE YEAR 180. This is a single copper-plate which measures about l'}" brond by 101" high, and is inscribed on both sides. On to its proper right is soldered a seal, half of which sticks to the plate, while the other half projects beyond it. This seal rests on an expanded lotus flower the petals of which enclose it; it is circular and measures 21" in diameter. It bears in relief on a countergunk surface, across the centre, the legend Srimad-Dandimahadevi, in characters resembling those on the first side of the plate; above the legend, a conchant bull facing to the proper right, with the sun and the moon's Crescent above its hump and a conch-shell above its hips; and below the legend, two straight lines over an expanded lotus flower the stalk of which rises out of the margin of the seal.-The writing is well preserved. The size of the letters is between and to" on the first side of the plate, and between about and j' on the second side. Both the general style of writing and the forms of individual letters shew that the two sides of the plate were written by different persons. The writer of the first side, who affects a monumental style of writing, apparently has taken some pride in his work and has done it fairly well; the writer of the second side, who writes in a current hand, has performed his task in a very slovenly manner and committed many blunders, some of which I am unable to correct. The characters on both sides belong to the northern part of Eustern India. They
1 From an inked estampage supplied by Dr. Haltzsch. • Up to this, the text is practically identical with that of the preceding inscription. * The annsodra stands at the beginning of the next line. Rendayu; after this comes a sign the meaning of which I do not know.
The prince IndulAIA of Mr. Bewell's account, to whom is aseribed the fest of having rescued his brother's throne, owes bis existence to the epithet eyedha-bhbgfndra-Illah in verse 6 of the two grauts. Most of the priuces who are really mentioned in the grants have been omitted by Mr Sewell's ivfumant.

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may be classed together with those of e.g. the Nadagam (in Gañjam) plates of Vajrahasta of saks. Samvat 979 (No. 357 of my List of Insor. of North. India), the Bâmanghati (in Orissa) plate of Ranabhañja (ibid. No. 655), the Orissa (?) plates of Vidyadharabhañja (ibid. No. 658), the Patna, Katak and Kadopali plates of Mahabhavagupta I. and II. (ibid. Nos. 659, 660, 664 and 665), the Buguda (in Gañjâm) plates of Madhavavarman (ibid. No. 673), the Gañjâm plates of Prithivivarman (ibid. No. 672), and even the Assam plates of Ratnapalavarman, Indrapâlavarman and Balavarman (ibid. Nos. 711-714). To prove this with full details would lead me too far here, but I may invite the reader's attention at least to the forms of the aksharas ta and tta used in the present inscription (e.g. in the word kheta in line 30, and in Ummaffa- at the end of line 5), the type of which is equally found in all the eastern inscriptions enumerated, while it is absent from the records of other parts of Northern India. Of peculiar forms of letters on the first side of the plate I would point out that of the letter n (e.g. in nitási-, 1. 3, and anandans, 1. 4), which has found no place yet in our paleographic Tables ; it also occurs in the Nadagam plates of Vajrahasta (above, Vol. IV. p. 189, and Plate, e.g. in bhuvana-vinuta-, l. 1). I may mention besides that in the word charitärtha- in line 12 ther of the akshara rtha clearly is written on, not above, the line. On the second side attention may be drawn, amongst other things, to the form of the letter h (e.g. in mahiyasi mahim-ahi- in line 20), which also is absent from our palæographic Tables, but occurs e.g. in the Orissa (?) plates of Vidyadharabhañjs (Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. LVI. Part I. Plate ix.); to the form of the subscript a, 6.g. in chi[hna]-bhátá, 1.21, and vabhava, l. 22, which is the form of 4 constantly used in the Nadagam plates; to the medial & in patharha (for yatharhan), l. 28, in the nå of Dânálavaḥ, 1. 40,9 and in the grå of -gráma, 1. 41; to the fact that the letters t, r and i occasionally are turned the wrong way, as in chiram- and suta tasyd in line 20, and dhiraja-, 1. 23; to the final t in samvat, 1. 35, and frimat, 1. 38; to the occurrence of the rare letter jh in ajhårata- at the end of line 42 ;' and to the apparently very modern formspeculiar, so far as I can see, to Orissa- of the letters p, ph and sh in the corrupt passage md bhuda aphasana sah para-datishu in line 37. Nor would I omit to mention that in line 26 the first akshara of the word which I have transcribed by [sth] andntari[k]&n= is denoted by a strange sign which bears no resemblance at all to the ordinary sign for sth. But what in this inscription-a record which from its general appearance could hardly pretend to any great antiquity - seems to me most remarkable, is the employment of numerical symbols in the date of it (in lines 35 and 36), which I have transcribed by samvat 100 80 Márgafirsha-vadi 5 (?). In this respect, I can compare with the present grant only the Bâmånghâti (in Orissa) plate of Ranabhañja, in which the year of the date is similarly denoted by numerical symbols (for 200, 80 and 8). It is noteworthy that both these grants come from the same part of India, where
1 In some of these inscriptions it is difficult to distinguish between the signs for fand, and there are some in which no difference at all is made between the two
The same sign for nd is used in line 89, in the word transcribed by [pe P]nd[16]. The medial d is occasionally written in the same manner in the Kadopali plates (above, Vol. IV. p. 258, Plate), in the aksharat gd, ngd, ffa, dad and 6d (and also in ad).
The sign for jh, bere employed, resembles the sign for the same letter used in the Assam plates of Vallabhadêra, above, Vol. V. p. 185, 1. 41, in the phrase sa-jhdta-vitapa. A similar sign for jl also occurs in line 11 of the Kudopali plates, above, Vol. IV. p. 258, where the actual reading, as I now see, is sa-jhafa-vitap-dranya (for sa-jhdfa-cifap-dranyab), not sa-(od ntta-pitfap-dranya.
• The sign employed by the writer is perhaps really meant for thd, not atha.
Above, Vol. IV. p. 196, note 4, I have giveu the latest known copper-plate inscriptions with numerical symbols, tbe time of which can be fixed with certainty, and have stated that they are all anterior to A.D. 800. The only stone inscriptions with numerical symbols which are later than A.D. 800, 80 far as I know, are Nos, 501, 545 and 560 of my List of Insor. of North, India.
• See Jour. Beng. As. 800. Vol. XL. Part I. Plate ii. last line; and Prof. Bühler's Ind. Palaographie, Plate IX. col. xviii., wbere (probably only in consequence of the numerical symbols) Raqabhaija's plate is assigBed to the 9th century A.D.

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such symbols therefore would seem to have been longer in practical use than in other parts of the country. As regards the individual signs employed in this inscription, the symbol for 100 is something between lva and lu, just as the symbol for 200 in the Bâmanghati plate is lú; and that for 80 is nearly identical in both plates. The exact form of the symbol - if it be intended as such for the number of the tithi of the date I have not been able to trace elsewhere, and I am very doubtful whether I have correctly taken it to denote. 5.' -Excepting the description of the boundaries in lines 42 and 43, where some local dialect appears to be used, the language of the inscription is Sanskřit. The first part of the grant up to line 22, which gives the genealogy of Dandimahadevi, is in verse, but includes a short prose passage in line 3. The formal part of the grant, from line 22 to the end, is in prose, except that in lines 36-39 it contains some benedictive and imprecatory verses or fragments of verses-here, as in some cognate inscriptions, given very corruptly-88 well as a verse which records the name of the composer of the prasasti, s.c., as I take it, of the genealogical account. In respect of orthography the only general remarks called for are, that the letter b throughout is denoted by the sign for o, and that the writer of the second side (like some Telugu writers) has found some difficulty in distinguishing between the vowels i and i. The second side of the grant, as I have intimated adready, has been written so carelessly that it would be impossible here to point out all orthographical mistakes. On the first side it may suffice to call attention to the use of the akshara tsa instead of chokha in the word saptatsada (for saptachchhada) in line 2, which finds its counterpart in the common sa invachchhaa (for samvatsara).- I regret that in the formal part of the grant there are several words or phrases regarding the exact reading and interpretation of which I am uncertain. They are the words transcribed by pa[vá ?]ka-, 1. 27, gôku (tal., 1. 29, =lékhari-pravesande[t]iya, 1. 31, and (pů?]nd[ko], 1. 39. I also am anable to interpret the greater part of lines 42 and 43, which, as stated already, are not in Sanskrit.
The inscription is one of the Paramabhatfárika Maharajadhiraja-Paramétvari Dandimahadevi (1. 24), whose ancestors are enumerated in verses 2-9. There was a king named Ummaţtasimha (1.5), from whose family sprang Mengapada (1. 7) and other kings. In their family there was the king Lôņabhara (1.9); his son was Kusumabhara (1. 13); after him ruled his younger brother Lalitabhara (1. 13); he was succeeded by his son Santikara (1. 15), and he again by his younger brother Subhakara (1. 18). When the last of these princes died, his queen ascended the throno, and afterwards her daughter Dandimahadevi (1. 20) ruled the earth for a long time. This queen, a devout worshipper of Mahêśvara (Sivu), from the camp of victory.' - appropriately compared in verse l with the commencement of autumn (the season of war) - at Guhêsvarapataka (1. 3), issues the following order to the present and future functionaries in the Kôngôda-mandala (1. 24), vis. the Mahasamantas, Maharajas, Rájaputras, Antararigas, Kumdrámdtyas, Uparikas, Vishayapatis, Tadayuktakas, Dandapafikas, Sthanantarikasi and others who enjoy the royal favour, those belonging to the regular and irregular troops and (royal) favourites ;* and to the people, headed by the .. . Samantas and Samavajins, who dwell in the eastern division of the Varadakhanda-vishaya (1. 26) :
"Be it known to you! For the increase of the religious merit of our parents, ourselves and all beings, we have, on the occasion of a sam kranti (1. 34), by means of a copper-charter
1 The doubtfal siga seems to me to bear some kind of resemblance to the symbol for 5 in the Chikkulla plates, above, Vol. IV. p. 197, 1. 26, Plate.
Her name is not given, but from the epithets applied to her in verse 9 wo may suspect that it was Gauri.
: I do not remember having met this term before; sthanddukanapika coburs above, Vol. III. p. 320, 1. 11 of the text, and othduddhikrita in Ind. Am Vol. XXV. p. 179, 1. 14.
• Compare above, Vol. IV. p. 200, 1. 10, chdta-bhafa-callabhajdtiyd; instead of balladha we have rdjevnllabha sbore, Vol. III. p. 342, 1. 6; p. 347, 1. 7; and elsewhere.
* See below, p. 138, note 26.
6 The term sámardji[] occurs above, Vol. IV. p. 258, 1. 14; instend of it we have samardjika, ibid. p. 200, 1. 11; and samadyika, above, Vol. 111. p. 352, 1. 27 (where the published text bas same[*]l-asika).

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with pouring out of water given, in the way of & perpetual endowment and free from taxes, the village of Villa (1. 29) which belongs to this vishaya- with the uparikara, with the uddesa, with its weavers, gôkutas (?), distillers of spirituous liquors and other artisans (?), with its hamlets (?), landing places (or steps on the river-side), ferry-places* etc. and thickets, exempt from all molestation, not to be entered . . . . ., in accordance with the maxim called bhumichchhidra and for as long as the moon, the sun and the earth endure- to the door-keeper Dhavala (1. 34), the son of V&s[u ?] . . and grandson of A pratid åg hosha, an immigrant from Vingipätaka (R), belonging to the Vißvåmitra gôtra, with the pravara Dêvarsta and anupravara Audala, and student of the Kaņva-sakha. Wherefore, out of respect for what is right, you should preserve this our gift!"
This order is followed in line 35) by the date, the 5th (P) of the dark half of MÅrgasirgha of the year 180; and (in lines 36-38) by benedictive and imprecatory verses. Lines 38-40 repeat that this is a charter of Dandimahadevi; give the name of the author of the prasasti, the poet Jambhala, son of the great poet Jayatman (?); and record the names of certain officials, vis. the Ránaka D&ņålaya who was the dútaka (?) of the grant, the Mahakshapatalika Nfi[simha ?], the Mahdsandhivigrahin Ugråditya, and the Mahapratihdra (?) Prahåsa.
Line 41 adds that a quarter (P) of the village of Villa on the occasion of a samkranti was given by Dhavals to the Brahmans; lines 42 and 43, in which the names of the villages of Hôņdala and Khairapata occur, apparently state the boundaries of the village granted ; and the inscription ends with the name of the engraver, Sambhaka.
Beyond saying that, judged by the writing, this inscription could hardly be older than the 13th century A.D., I do not venture at present to express any opinion regarding its age. I do not know to what era the year 180 of its date and the year 288 of the date of Ranabhanja's grapt should be referred, and can only trust that other inscriptions, similarly dated, will be obtained from the same part of the country, which may both help us to fix definitely the dates of these grants and throw more light on the general question of the employment of numerical symbols in Eastern India.
The place Gabèsvarapataka from which the grant was issued, the villages mentioned in it, and the vishaya in which they were situated, I hawe not found on the mape. The name Kóngôda of the mandala to which the vishayas of both the grants A and B belonged I have from the first ventured to identify with the name Kong-u-t'o (Kong-yu-t'o) of Hinen Tsiang (Beal's Si-yu-ki, Vol. II. p. 206), and I am assured by Professor S. Lévi that from a linguistic point of view this identification is in every respect anobjectionable. As stated by
· The phrases akaratodna and akarlkritys are very common in grants from the fame part of India.
1 Above, Vol. IV. p. 254, I have translated 8dddfa by with all their localities, but udalia has probably s more specific meaning. Sparikaraḥ a6dddías (which apparently is the proper reading also in Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. LXIV. Part I. p. 125, 1. 4 from the bottom) may be equivalent to the drangah aparikarah of other inscriptions.
In the phrase which commences bere the reading of the word gókuta appears to be certain, but its meaning is not apparent. For some expressions (the exact morning of which is uncertain), in which the word prakriti occurs, see Ind. Ant. Vol. XXV. p. 183, note 82. For the general import of the pbrase bere used I would compare above, Vol. V. p. 112, lines 66 and 66, where the village-artisans are stated to be included in the grant; also Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 58, 1. 52, and above, Vol. IV. p. 296, "We (also) gave the oil-mongers and the five (olassos e) artisans ms (his) slaves." For taxes on looms alo. see South-Ind. Inger. Vol. I. pp. 88, 89, 109, 156 oto.
• Compare above, Vol. V. p. 62, last line of the text ("ferry-boato" ato.).
The phrase commencing with 18k hanf(?)- I am unable to explain. It recalls, of course, svob well. known expressions as achafabhataprardia, achdtabhataprardiya, akinehitpragrdhya, ahastaprakahpaniya, etc.
According to the grant B the Kongda-mandala (or-mandalaka) was in Dakabiņa-Kobal.- Por a village or town named Kaingád a spe above, Vol. IIT. p. 44.

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Mr. Beal, Sir A. Cunningham supposed Kong-2-t'o (hitherto transcribed by Konyodha) to be Gañjám, and Mr. Fergusson took it as nearly certain that the small kingdom of Kong-u-t'o was
somewhere between Kattack and Aska' (in the Gañjam district). Inasmuch as both our grants come from Gañjâm, either statement would tend to support my identification. On the maps I have searched in vain for a dame like Kongoda. In Hiuen Tsiang's account of the kingdom of Kong-u-t'o there is one point to which, in concluding these remarks, I may draw attention. The written characters of the people of that kingdom, he says, are the same as those of Mid-India.' In other words, they belonged to the northern alphabet, just as is the Case with the characters of the grants here edited, grants which otherwise one would rather have classed with the southern inscriptions.
TEXT.
First Side. 1 Om[ll] Svasti: vyastajal-Abhra-vibhrama-haraih sveta[tpa]tr-5ôtkarair=
avathiya-frutichamaraig=va(cha) 'bha(ha)sita-vyákota-k2 sôdayair-uddamair-mmada-saurabhais-cha kariņám=&kshipta-saptatea(chchha)d-Bâmðdaiḥ
Bannihitun ead=aiva Sara3 d-Arambha-riyam-vi(bi) bhrataḥ 11 [19] Srimad-Gubesvara påţta(ta)ka-niv&si
vijayaskandhâvârât || Sarvv-888-pa4 ripuran-adhika-ruchirayas=t&pam=astan=nayann=&nandan-kritavân(ã)-janasya manasi
10 praptam=pratishtha (shtha)ñ=chiram [1] 5 saddsishți-pratirôdhi yêna cha tamo nirmmülam=0(a)nmülitam
grimán-indur-iv-ávanipatir-abhad-Ummatta6 singh-Ahvayah 11 || [2] Tad-vamśâd=abhavann=anindita-guņa muktamayaḥ
sadgata 19 sad-vpittaḥ sukha7 8 (61) talâh kshitibhřitaḥ 13 sri-Madgap&q-14Adayah | yê nita hriday-8gra-tapa
8&(sa)manê de8 v-anganabhiḥ svayan-kaņķhaslesha-sakha[] sthiti-praņayinð hår-Abhiramaḥ
kritâh || [3] Ta9 d-vamsəbhavad=arjjita[be]46 krita-vo(ba)dha-priti[h] pratit-dayo dôvab
datruvadhu-mukhônda-tarapi[b] " Sri-Lô10 nabhård 18 připaḥ [1] yasy-Akramya garapratapa-sikhinaḥ prithvibhțita[h]"
prðdva(ddha)tán dúramsarva 11 digantarëshu tarasd * svairamaprasasruh karaḥ 1 || [4] Tasy=&tmajaḥ
pranata-pârthiva-chakra-cha12 nirvvyšja-rôpita-padas=charitártha-Dâmá [1] viståri-saurabha-gun-8daya-pürit-Asas=
tasm -45
From impressions supplied by Mr. Venkayya,
Denoted by a symbol. : Metre of verses 1-4: Sardilayikra ta.
• The grant B bas-pibarama-dharaih. B has redtdtapratre; read fedtdtapatra
• B has artiya-; read abofya.. 1 B has hasita..
• B has taptachchhad.. • B has pdtaka-sanita-vio; I should have expected pdtak-dodsita-ve". 1° B has only prdtai chiras.
1 B has sit-dhaya ; read wish-dheayah. 1 B has sadiatdh; read sangatd” (or regatd). Bomite sad-opittd. 1 B has athitibhrital.
# B has frimadagapdd- ; read trf-Mangapdd-(P). 15 B has urgita.. * The sign of visarga was originally omitted, but seems to have been inserted afterwards; B has attin. #1 This sign of cisarga also was originally omitted 18 Bhas - Lánabard. 19 This sign of visarga also was originally omitted.
B has tarihd. 11 B bas kard I.
" Metre: Vasantatilakt. Instead of taunda B has trimd, which is a better reading.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
13 d-abhût-Kusumabhara iti kahitisah || [5] Abhrita Lalita ]bharaḥ kahmabharam-bhari-têjas-tad-ann
14 tad-anujanmå vyadha-bhogindra-lilah anayad-amalimanam
uchai(chchaí)r-api ripu-rama
+ Tasmin-nripe
15 pinâm-añjan-ônmiéram-aérah || [6]
tanujaḥ sast-âvanêr-ajanê(ni) 88+
16 ntikar-Abhiva (dha)naḥ [1]
rêmê yavo(tha)-sva (su)kham-apasta-bhiya janêna || [7] Tasya
[VOL. VL
yên-ôddhritêskv=akhila-durmmada-kanṭakeshva(shu)
yad-yndahparam=
17 prasa (a) sya-charit-a[r]jita-bhuri-ka (ki) rtti[r]=vvivambhara-vibhur-abhâid=anujas = tato-pi [1] érêyôbhir-êka-padam-ity-a
18 khilaiḥ
Second Side.
divam-upbynshi tat
śri(éri)t-âtma yaḥ ári-Subhakara iti prathitô yavô(tha)rtham || [8*]
Tasya tripishṭapa-jusha[b]5 paraméévara
19 sya dêvî samasta-jana-ma(na)ta-padpadmi [*] singhâsanam 7 sasikarAmala-ka (ki)rtti-gauri Gaur-iva gaurava
20 padam chiram-adhyarohataḥ || [9] mahi(h)ya [1] mah-ahi(ht). 21 nasa (ya) 13 matys
chê(chi)ra-kêlam=apâlayata14 || [10*1
16 Avichchhâ[nn]âyatiprâ[s]au vamsê[ka]ra-mahibhritâm [1] chihna]-bhuta pa22 tâk-êva ya va (ba) bhuva vibhushanam || (1) larany-ampita-niḥsyanda.
sundaram dadhati vapuḥ (1)[11] Paramama
23 hêsvari 17 måtâpitri-pâdânudbyt paramabha(Harik
(ms)&rkjdhirkja
paramêéva
24 ri(rî) śrimad-Danḍimahâdėvi 18 kusalini { K0[h]gôda-mô(ma) 98(odale
vartama[na"]-bhavishyan-ma (ma)hâ
bha[fa]-chata-valla[bha*]jātinā 34 Varaḍa27 khanda-vishayê pu(pů)rvva-khanḍė
nivåsino ja
B has wadhyarót (or róta); read madhyarbhat. 10 Metre of verses 10 and 11: Sloka (Anushțubh).
11 B bas Dandimahdot; read Dandimahddévt.
13 B has mahinasd.
Tato 10 Danḍimahadevill suta tasya 13
25 30 sâmamtam-maharaja-rajaputr-ântaranga-kumarâmâty-ôparikarika-visha ya pati-ta26 39 dâtyukuka-danda vasika-[sth?]ânântari [k]ân-anyân=[cha?]
rajapradina(n)
Verse 11 contains six Pâdas.
"B has tasya.
14 Read =apalayat.
pavá?]kaamanta-sāmavāji-penmukha
1 Metre: Malinf; B omits the first two words of this verse.
1 Bead aéru, which is the reading of B.
Metre of verses 7-9: Vasantatilaka.
B has yathd-suddham.
This sign of visarga was originally omitted.
Read -pddapadmd.
7 B has sihdeanamh; read simhdeanaṁ.
Above the aksharas mahadevi suld tasyd of this line 10 aksharas are engraved in small letters. So far as
I can make them out, they are admamtasya mudamalapaja; I do not understand their meaning.
15 Read avichchhinn-dyati-prdptau (?) vamiakara-mahibhritam.
16 Read -nisyanda-.
17 Read Adivart.
10 Read-Dandimahddbol kufalint. 19 This sign of punctuation is superfluous. In the following name the sign of anusvára is very faint in the impressions; in the grant B the name is written Kongóda-.
20 Bend admanta-mahdrája-.
" Read -6parika..
The second akshara of this line, transcribed by tyw, is really tyd with the sign of a below it; of the 10th akshara, transcribed by athd, the sign for sth seems to be no proper lester at all. Read ddysktaka-ddyḍapdiska. In B sthandntarikán is quite clear.
31 Read any dmé=cha.
24 Read "jdt lydn; compare above, Vol. IV. p. 200, 1, 10, and note 9.
Bead pradhana-(?) or rdpaka- (P). For the following admandji compare ibid. p. 358, 1. 14, and note 16.

Page #172

यतीय नियम से सिया (नागका सलयाना न यानि लिय विरून जी सुदा कवि या लिवियत माया गर्न तदोराय मालक ययसायमागाम गति समृषिप्रतिज्ञा विद्यालय-नामा मिलन गर्लिने यी मानिग दानवी प्रतिसयु दायः जायला गुनाह नःस सीनता भितरु १०० बस माहाट्स: समीना कृत्याना या मज याऊ गरिः खयल
ल ल
নামঃ मुখল
हिन्दुराय लिन लाद यादव:
10
लखख ताग्यः यतीकारूষনারভরমঃ, ঈীद्वय ह दियाসसকराघवयाविक्य रात बना मा तिला
सुवास
নिী৭%% শফল লজনঃন। ফনबु गुरु साधी गुलाल : 157 गये दकलि गायक लনানহতএনनर व पदिय मुख्य
टिकरा सिवाज निति राति काल 1. বিজলে সংগ্রা ফাকা পেয়ে বার खादी समस्त रानामनुपदपा लिया
का तक
रुং। াব प यह साल ভাষ
Te
2
8
10
12
14
First Side
16
यस লयतः याला
J. F. FLEET.
SCALE .60
कला मालका
FROM IMPRESSIONS SUPPLIED BY DR. HULTZSCH.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
2
12
14
18
Ganjam Plate of Dandimahadevi. - The year 180.

Page #173

20
26
28
22
24 ff
30
32
34
Second Side
40
देह से
यूसीम
भाव से कर कालया ॥जीयक मতভাথ वर में लिंगला देহगि৪। वनुग्रहित राव धुঃगया गंगा 22 आशिषा छ गुरु का भौम यশकाय व कुदिन लवक सावि PRABHF সাछনসतुমনামদकी का बयान तू काय का दान নাািল৯নगवार बहुत यहा पनि य 20 विल्सनल्स मुळी राমकाह बाद दो वा बाई काय तो तब बराल व्यक्ति दिया নরিলগামमा पनि काषाय बाऊल দিकपिल्लू
मुं
মनृ
तথककक
क
42
इस
30
38 मई
वेदमा सजगतात
विश
अटल जाता युद्धकयम
अप राजावादशन
सत्र बदलाव हो हादगा कि एक व्यह प्रत्यादिना पवार
पालकिया
/ 4 पुरा सायद
20
24
28
30
32
34
36
টयतः बद
IS চ
सयानविडान्तः का मूल से जहा बाग हिमाय भवा दालन जिल् दाल क्य माडा चल ম(
लिई GS 40 बाडला यक
S
जाताना हेस बल्ले वा बनाउ दशावत सतना जि
38
तह 42
Pa

Page #174

No. 13.3
TWO GRANTS OF DANDIMAHADEVI.
139
28 napad&na palya)tharha [th*] månayati 76(68)dhayati(ti) pramajñapayati [18]
"Viyitam=asu bhavåra29 tadashasamana-Villa-gråma[
h s ya(88)parikara[1] söthdshaḥ sa-tatravậyagóku(ta)saundi-7 30 k-Adi-prakutitaḥ sa-kheta-ghata(tta)-nadi(di) tarasthån-Adi(di)-gulmakaḥ sarvva
pida-va31 rjitd=18khari-prav@sanks[t]iya bh[a]michhidr-&pivåna-Pny&yên=&-chandr-Arka-kshiti
sama-kelam ma(mk)tâpitro32 r=&tmanaḥ sarvva-sa[testvång[n-cha] puky(ny)-4[bh]ivri[d*]dhaya Vinginațaka-10
vin[i]rgatâya Visvamitra-gôtråya Dêva33 rata-pravarsya Andal-ba.'1 napravarkya Kanda(nya)skkh-[á]ddhyâyil?
Apratiqaghôsha-pautrảys Vas[a ?]. 34 15 . . -putrays pratihárs-Dhavaldys sankrantyan hast-odakên=&sm[8]bhis
tâmyrasása[n]iksity=&kshapanivi-dha-14 35 rmēņ=&karatvena pratiyâ(på)ditasad=16&sh=&sma-datiæddharma-gauravád=bhavadbhiḥ
pariphalaniyal (llo] Samvatl? 100 36 80 Margaslesha-vadi 5CP) [H] 18Vahabhir-vasuddha [da"]ttál rájậna Sagar
Adibhih (1) yasya yasya yada bhumiħ tasya tasya 37 tad pålah [li'] MAXO bhad=aphasanå sah para-datisha på[tth]iva [11] Sva-data
pam-datam VÀ yo hard Vasuddhara [1] Bavishthaya 38 kpimir-bhatva pitribhi saha pachyataḥ I(II) Śrimat Dandimahadevya
távachbheanam-ast=idar | Prasasti samasta39 vachasa kavin=éha m&(ma)hákavêh [1] krita Jambhala-nämn=yam=&tmajénan
Jayatmanah [ll] *[På P]n[k8]=pi rånaka-br.
1 Read -wiedri-janapaddthfacha (P).
Bead samdihid. • Read Viditammartw bharatam-tad-visaya-sarbaddha..
of the name of the village (read by me Villa-) the consonant of the first akalara has somewhat odd form, and the second akshara might possibly belga; below, in line 41, the name is written either Vila- or Vila.
. Read dddian.
• B has distinctly gluta; in the present inscription the sign transcribed by fa differs somewhat from the sign for ta whicb elsewhere is used here.
* Read - faundik-ddi-prakritikan.
• B has Ithani-praediatay[4]. I do not find a similar term (containing Ikland) elsewhere, and am unable to suggest a suitable emendation. Read bhumichchhidr-dbhidhdna. .
10 Rond Vingipdtaka-(P) or Vongipdtaka-(?). 11 Besd Ordy-Andal-dty.ans.
11 Read dadhydyind, and compare above, Vol. IV. p. 258.1. 16 of the text. With the following name which is clear in the impression, compare Kbighosha and Vallabhaghoeka, above, Vol. IIL p. 84, L 12 of the text.
1 Here one akshara is mutilated and illegible in the impression. 14 Read tdmraidsanskrity-dkahayantof-dha.. 16 Bead ditar tad-dehedamad.dattir,
Bead odbhis paripdlantyd. 11 Read saneat; compare my introductory remarks.
1 I consider it unnecessary to correct all the numerous mistakes in the following vernes; compare above, Vol. IV. p. 201, 1. 98 ff., and p. 959, 1. 82 ft.
Read ndjdnal, which actually occurs in Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 49, 1. 18. Instead of it, we have rdjdne also above, Vol. III. p. 19, L. 84, and Vol. IV. p. 801, 1, 24; rdjanai in Iad. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 876, L. 19; and rdjana above, Vol. IV. p. 269, 1. 21.
• Intended for ad bhdd-aphala-laskdeal para-dattisbu (instead of the ordinary para-dattali) pdrthiodh Compare e.g. above, Vol. III. p. 46, 1. 07. The second half of the verse, commencing with addndt, is omitted here.
11 Read Grimad-Dandimaldddny dostduaolmohadanan(?) or tdmra-dianam-(P).
* Metre: bloka (Anushtabh).- Rond praiastih; for the following samasta, which is quite clear in the impressions, I cannot suggest a suitable emendation.
** Read jana Jayatmanah (P).
* The engraving is quite clear here, but I can read with confidence only the second skolera (nd). Rend adtak. ().

Page #175

140
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
40 Dân&lavah mahakâshapatala śri-Nri må(ma)hasandhivigrahi(hi) Ugråditya[b] måpratira éri-P[r]ahasab [II]
41 Vila-grâmâ chat[v][6] bhg[b] | tan-maddhê (dhyê) vrâ(bra)hmanânâ[dêsha ?] bhaga[b] sankrantyâ[m]
datam? [II]
42 U[tta]ra-parvvata-sikhara såddhi
pôchâḍigâḍi
delay)
Dhavalêna hast-ôdakéna
tivaḍisigâḍi
hôṇḍimasigagâḍi
såddhi ajhêrata
43 [ga]kagâḍi såddhi Honḍala-grama såddhi Khairapata-grama såddhi cha[tu]sim-opalakshita [1] Utkâmppalo Sambhakêna [11]
[VOL. VI.
B.- UNDATED GRANT OF DANDIMAHADEVÎ.
This is another single copper-plate which measures 101" broad by from 83" to 8" high and is inscribed on both sides. On to its proper right is soldered a circular seal, 23" in diameter, in the same manner as in the grant A. This seal bears in relief on a countersunk surface, across the centre, the legend frimad-Dandimahadevi, in the characters of the inscription;11 above the legend, a couchant bull facing to the proper right, with the sun and the moon's crescent above its hump and a conch-shell above its tail, and on each side of the bull what may be either an elephant-goad or a lampstand; and below the legend, two straight lines over an expanded lotus flower the stalk of which rises out of the margin of the seal.-The writing is well preserved. The size of the letters is between and ". The characters furnish another specimen of the northern alphabet peculiar to Eastern India; they closely resemble those of the Orissa (P) plates of Vidyadharabhañja, Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. LVI. Part I. Plate ix. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. Lines 1 to (the middle of) 20 are substantially identical with lines 1 to (the middle of) 21 of the grant A. The remainder of the text, which contains the formal part of the grant, is in prose, except that it includes a benedictive and imprecatory verse in lines 35-37. In respect of orthography, what strikes one most is the promiscuous employment of the three sibilants: s is often used for &, and nearly as often for s (e.g. in salila, 1. 33, and sakalam, 1.36); sh for f in shasana-darshandd, 1. 34 ; & for sh in purusas (for purushaih), 1. 37; and s for sh in manusya-, 1. 36. The consonant b is throughout denoted by the sign for v, and medial û by the sign for u. Besides it may be noted that t is used for d in bhumichchhitr-, 1. 29, and Autalya-, 1. 39; and that upejushi, 1. 14, is written for upêyushi; -ápivirdhayé, 1. 33, for-abhivriddhay8;18 and udárhita, 1. 36, for uddhṛita. In general, the formal part of this grant is less faulty than that of the grant A; its phraseology is about the same.
This is another inscription of the Paramabhattárika Mahárájádhirája-Paramêtvari Daṇḍimahadevi (1. 21), the names of whose ancestors are given exactly as in the grant A. From 'the camp of victory' at Guhéévarapaṭaka (1. 3) this queen issues the following order to the
1 Read mahdkshapatalikah.
Here part of the name (perhaps simhaд) has been omitted.
Read mahdpratikdrah (P) irl-.
The reading of the name here may be either Vila- or Véla-; compare above, 1. 29, where the name apparently is written Villa,
Read Andmeka-(?).
Read dattaḥ.
• Bead -gramasya. The passage which begins here I do not understand. It apparently gives the boundaries of the village, but is not in Sanskrit. The word adddhi (or adddht), which occurs in it five times, is written in another (unpublished) Gañjam grant both fdndhi and sandhi; compare simd-sandhayaḥ above, Vol. III. p. 223, 1. 16.
Read chatuheim-6palakshitaḥ; compare above, Vol. IV. p. 200, 1. 18.
10 Bead atkirnṇam. (The Gañjam grant mentioned above, note 8, has the extraordinary word wdagirttam for utkirṇam).
11 According to Mr. Sewell's informant the legend is "Srt Mahd Somandthasedmi in Telugu characters," This statement is purely imaginary.
13 In line 30 this word is written correctly.

Page #176

No. 13.)
TWO GRANTS OF DANDIMAHADEVI.
141
various functionaries, as they may be present from time to time, in the Kóngôda-mandalaks in Dakshiņa-KobalA (1. 22), vis. the Mahasamantas, Mahârdjas, Rajaputras, Antarasigas, Kumárâmatyas, Uparikas, Vishayapatis, Tadayuktakas, Dandapafikas, Sthanantarikasi and others who enjoy the royal favour, those belonging to the regular and irregular troops and (royal) favourites; and also to the Mahamahattaras, Brihadbhôgins, Pustakapdlas, . . . . and other officials in the Arttaņi-vishayx (1.25):
"Be it known to you! For the increase of the religious merit of our parents, ourselves and all beings, we have, on the oocasion of the uttarayana' (1. 32), with pouring out of water given, free from taxes, the village of [G&]ras&mbhê which belongs to this vishaya- with the uparikara, with the uddésa, with its weavers, gókufas(?), distillers of spirituous liquors and other artisans (?), with its hamlets (P), landing-places (or steps on the river-side), ferry-places eto. and thickets, exempt from all molestation, not to be entered . . . . . , in socordance with the maxim called bhimichchhidra and for as long as the moon, the sun and the earth endare- to the Bhattaputra Purushottama, of the Kasyapa gôtra, with the pravaras KASYAPA, Avatsara and Naidhruva, a member of the V&jasanêya charana and student of the Kinya sakhd (of that Vêda). Wherefore, seeing this order, out of respect for what is right and out of respect for ourselves, nobody should cause any obstraction !
This order is followed (in lines 35-38) by a benedictive and imprecatory verse; by the names of the writer, the Mahákshapatalika Bhôgada, and of the engraver, the copper-smith Kanthap]kaka; and by the statement that the village granted is (given as) contained within its well-known four boundary lines.
Lines 38 and 39 add that half of the village was given by the grantee Purushottama to the Bhaffaputra Ravika, of the Kausika gôtra, with the pravaras Audalya, Visvâmitra and Devarata.
The inscription is not datod. Regarding the localities mentioned in it I can only refer the reader to my remarks on the grant A; the village granted by the present inscription, and the vishaya in which it was situated, I have not been able to identify.
TEXT.
First Side. 19 ..... . Tată6 Dandimaha[de]vi sutá tasya7 mahiyasi 17 20 mahim-shinask(y) maty 'chira-kålam=apalayatas 11[10] Para[ms]mahesvari
m&ta(tá)pitfi-pådanudhy&ta parama21 bhattårika maharajadhira(ra)ja-paramêsva(sva) Srimad-Dandindi)mahadevi
kasali(li)ni || tha || Dakshina-Kô22 salAyam Kôngôda-mandalake yathåkal-Adhyâsind
1 For this term and some others in what follows see the notes on the preceding grant.
* I do not remember having met with the terms bribadbhagin sad pustakapdla in other grants; with brikado Magin one may compare the ordinary Llogapali. I am not able to explain the term [kw]takolare of the text.
I tako stlard yard (like the expression standyana-nimitll of several Eastern Chalakys grants) to be used in the sense of uttardyaya-sankrantas, on the ocasion of the sun's Outering upon his northern course,
From impressions supplied by Mr. Venkayy
• Except for some various reading the most important of which have been given above under A, the preced. ing portion of the text is the same min A,' and need not therefore be published.
• Metre : Bloks (Apushtubh). 7 Rend tacyd, which is the reading of A.
Read aaplayat. • The name akalara tha, between two signs of panetaation, is used at the end of Vidyadharabhaija's plates mentioned above. Compare Ind. An. Vol. XVII, p. 140, note 46, aud Prof. Bühler's Ind. Palaographie p. 86. There should have been no siga of punctuation after kuhalins.

Page #177

142
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VI.
Second Side. 23 'bhavishyan-mahasamanta-maharaja-rajapatr-&ntarangara-kamarámaty-u ()parika
vishayapati-tadaya24 ktaka-dandapafika-sthånåntarika[n) anyán=api
rájaprasádinag-chata-bhatavallabhajatiy[&]25 n=Arttaņi-vishayê-pi mah&matatura--vri(bri)had bhôgi-pastakapAla-[ku]takolas
Ady-[&]dbikarana 26 yath&rha[m] månayati (b)dhayati SajñApayati cha [l] Viditam=astu
bhavata (ta)m=êtad-vishaya-samva(mba)ddha-[Ga]27 rasambha-grāmaḥ sôparikaraḥ soddasaḥ sa-tayra(ntra)våya-gokata-40(san)oļi[k]-&di
praksita (ti)kah 28 sa-khêta-ghatta-nadi(df)tarasthån-Adi-gulmakaḥ sarvê(rva)-pi(pt)dA-vivarjito=10khant
praveśatay[&] 29 bhumichchhitr-&pidh na-nyáyên=&-chandr-Arka-kshiti-sama-kala[m] matapimatapi30 trôr=&tmanah sarva-sa[t"]tvånan-cha pany-abhivriddhay& Kabyapa-gôtráya K31 Syap-Âvachchh8-"Naidhrava-pravardya 107&jasồna-charanaya Kanvadakh-dyadhy[a]y[i]-\1 32 nə bhata(tta)putra-Purushota (tta)maya ih-aiva utrdyang datam matapitro33 ra&tmanas-cha puny-Apivirdhage14 saliladhård-parasarêna 16 chandr-Arka-kshi34 ti-sama-kalam=akari(ri)ksitya pratipadit8=småbhir-yatâm (tah) 16 sh&(68)881&
darsha(ra)na35 d-dharma-go(gan)ravád=asmad-gauravách=cha
kênachit-paripanthing bhavitavyam [11] Iti17 kama36 ladal-Amvu(mbu)vindu-1814[**] ert(fri)yam=anuchintya mantisya (ahya)-ji(jt)vitan
cha [1] Sa(sa)kalam-idam=udArhita18 vu37 dhva na hi parašai(shaih) para-ki[r]tayo vilopy&[] || Lekhako
må(ma)hakshapatalika-Bhôgadaḥ | Utkimnamo tam38 [vá P]ra-So[ Kantha P]kakồna (II) Gråmô-yar prasidhdha-[da]taḥsima[s=cha ?]°1 [ll]
Asya gråmasy-A[r]ddhô bhågah Purushota (tta)mêna Kau39 sika-gôtraya? Antalya-Visvâmitra-Devaraja-pravara-bhata(tta)patra-Ravik&ya dattah
ardhdha amnsam (11"]
1 Before this one misses the word vartamdna.. . Read -dntaranga-.
Read mandma hattara.. • Officials named pustakapdla I have not found mentioned elsewhere; the following [b]taklap I Am anable to explain; and instead of -[4]dMkarana I should have expected adhikara nikdm. . Read sa mdjid payati.
See above, p. 189, note 8. 1 Read bhumichohhidr-dblidhana.. Read matapi- (only once).
Bend Ausland 1. See the same form of the word (vajasins-for Vájovandya) above, Vol. IV. pr200, 1. 14, and note 18. 11 Read .ddhy dyi..
Originally ndya) was engraved; rend midyedhagiaaottard gayi. 1: Readdattó ; but this word and the following 48.fur olindhayd should beror bean omitted.
* Read puny-dbhiuriddhaydoompare pony dpipirdhayd above, Vol. IV. p. 900, 1. 18, and punyayar. pivarddha& ibid. p. 259, 1. 18.
Read saliladhard-puransarna (torrara), compare above, Vol. III. p. 6 . 105 Yol IV. p. 200, 1, 19; and elsewhere. Some granta bave saliladhdrd-puramarena vidhind.
16 Compare above, Vol. IV. p. 901, 1. 21. 11 Metre: PushpitAgra. For the spelling of some words of this vorso compare ibid. 1). 88 and 88 16 Read puddhrita cha buddhod.
Read utkirnar. 20 Read tambdra. ( for tdmrakdra-P); compare kdsedra for hdshayakdra.
11 Read prasiddha-chatualmaincha. The last ak shara, wbich I have given u foha, looks in the original like mi, preceded by part of the letter f. 13 Bead .gotrdy=Audalya..
#1 Bend. Dduardta.. 11 Intended for erdhaniah, bat the words are superfluou.

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No. 14.)
PLATES OF THE TIME OF SASANKARAJA.
143
No. 14.-PLATES OF THE TIME OF SASANKARAJA;
GUPTA-SAMVAT 300.
By E. HULTZSCH, PH.D. These plates were received in February 1900 from Mr. H. D. Taylor, I.O.S., Acting Collector of Gañjam, in whose office they had been lying unclaimed. It is not known where they come from. They will be deposited in the Madras Museum.
These are three copper-plates, the first of which bears writing on one side only, and the other two on both sides. But the second side of the third plate is so much worn that I have not been able to read the whole of it. The plates measure 51" in breadth and 21" in height. Their edges are slightly raised into rims for the protection of the writing. On the left side of each plate a hole is bored for passing through a ring, which is 31' in diameter and about *" thick, and which was cut by Mr. Venkayya on receipt of the plates. The ends of the ring are secured in the base of an elliptical seal, wbich measures 1" by 19". In the depression of the seal are, in relief, a couchant bull facing the proper right, a vertical line across the breadth of the seal, and at the bottom the legend Sri-Sainyabhitas[y]a.
The alphabet is the acute-angled type with nail-heade,' which forms the transition from the Gupta to the Nagari alphabet. Two signs of interpunctuation are used, viz. a single horizontal line (11. 1, 24, 27) which corresponds to the single vertical line of other records, and the usual double vertical line.- As regards orthography, I would note that the upadhmaniya occurs twice (11. 5 and 17) and that b is throughout represented by the sign for u. In sarihara (1.16) the guttural nasal stands for the anusvára; in nri(tri)bhuvana (1.17) the vowel si takes the place of the syllable ri; and in sanhấta (1. 5) h is an error for gh. The group ddy is simplified into dy in udyotita (1. 15), while t is doubled before r in fatattrayé (1.2), matapittróh (. 21) and gôttra (1. 22). The anusvára is generally changed into the corresponding, nasal before oonsonants of the five first classes. Two cases of wrong sandhs are paradatta m=vd (1. 27) and
dát-maharajao (1. 8). The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. The bulk of it is in proge; lines 24 to 29 contain four imprecatory verses; and after them there seems to have been a fifth verse of which I can read only the last word (1. 31). The Sanskrit of the prose portion is not very correct. Thus in line 8 f. the words priya-tanayo maharaja(ja)-Yafobhitah ought to stand in the genitive case and the following pronoun tasya ought to be omitted ; in line 11 foar words have to be transposed; line 16 contains a compound in which two superfluous synonyms are included; and in line 21 f. we find arddhana and 'purassarona for arthé and purassaram.
The inscription is dated in the Gaupta year three hundred (1.8), 1.e. in GuptaSamyat 300 = A.D. 619-20, and during the reign of the Maharajadhiraja Sasankardja (1. 3). This king is probably identical with Sasanka, the king of Karnasuvarna, who, according to Hinen Tsiang, murdered Rajyavardhana, the elder brother and predecessor of the great king Harsha of Thânêsar. In Båņa's Harshaoharita the slaying of Rajyavardhana is attributed to the king of Gauds who, according to one manuscript of the Sriharshacharita, was called Narendragupta, but who, according to the commentator on the Harshacharita, was named Sasanka. The translators of the Harshacharita very ingeniously find an allusion to king Saskóka in the word dabasla-mandalam. If the Sasanks of the Si-yu-ki and of the Harshacharita is
1 See Professor Bübler's Indische Palaographie, $ 23. Benl's Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. I. p. 210. Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 70.
Bombay 1892, p. 195. Ibid. p. 199, and Cowell and Thomas' translation, p. I-and p. 275.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
really identical with the Sasankarkja of this inscription, it follows that he must have continued to reign at least 13 years after the murder of Rajyavardhana and the accession of Harsha.
As, at the beginning of the inscription, Sagånkarája is mentioned as the Maharajadhiraja ruling the earth, he must be understood to have been the sovereign of the prince who issued the grant. This was the Maharaja Mahásdmanta Madhavardja II. (1. 17 f.) of the Silodbhava family (1.10), the son of Yaibhita (1.9) and grandson of Madhavaraja I. (1.8). He was a worshipper of siva (11. 14-17) and, to judge from the legend on the seal of his grant, bore the surname Saingabhita. The only other inscription of the same dyoasty, which has been publisbed, are the Buguda plates of Madhavavarman, surnamed Sainyabhital of the family of Sailodbhava. As the alphabet of these plates is considerably more modern than that of the subjoined inscription, it follows that Ysáðbhita's son Sainyabhita Madhavavarman of the Buguda plates was a remote descendant of Yasobhita's son Saingabhita Madhavarája II., the contemporary and subordinate of Sabaikaraja.
At an eclipse of the sun (1. 23) Madhavardja II. granted to a Brahmaņa the village of Chhavalakkhaya (1.18 f.) in the Krishpagiri-vishays. He issued his order from the victorious Koingeda' (1.8) on the bank of the Salima river (1.7). None of these local names can be traced on the map at present. Krishwagiri, the head-quarters of the vishaya,
might be identical with its synonym Nilagiri, which is a name of Jagannatha (Puri) in Orissa.s Kôngêda is mentioned in the form Kaingoda as the residence of Madhayavarman in the Bugada lates (1.29), and the Kongdda-mandala oocurs in the two grants of Dandimahadevi. Professor Kielhorn identifies Koigoda with the Kong-u-toof Hinen Tsiang. .
TEXT.5
First Plate. 1 नों' स्वस्ति । चतुरुदधिसलिलवीचीमेखलानिलीनायां सद्दीपा-' 2 गरपत्तनवत्या वसुन्धरायां गौप्ताव्द वर्षशतचये वर्तमान 3 महाराजाधिराजाश्रीशशाङ्कराज्ये शासति गगणतल4 विनि[:] मतभगीरथावतारिताया हिमवहिररुपरि 5 पतना[द*]नेकशिलासंहातविभिबवधि पातालात्तजलौघे० 6 सुरसरित व विविधतश्वरकुसुमसच्छबोभयतटा
Second Plate; First Side. 7 तविनिपतितजलाशयायाः श[]लिमासरितः "कुला[पकण्ठा8 "जयकोङ्गदात्महाराजमहासामन्तथीमाधवराजस्व प्रियतनयो 9 महाराज()यशोभीतस्तस्यापि प्रियसूनुः स्वगुण[मरीचिनिकर10 "प्रबोधितशिलोजवकुलकमलो विकोशनीलोत्पल
1 In taking Sainyabhita (verse 9 of the Buguda plates) masurname of Madbaravarman (r. 12 of the same plates) 1 differ from Professor Kielborn, who understands Madhavavarman to have been the son of Sainsabhita
Above, Vol. III. p.41R. See my Reports on Sawbrit Manuscripts in Southern India, No. I. p. 59, note 3, and p. 69, No. 291. .See page 136 above.
From the original ooppor-plates. Expressed by a symbol. 1 Read सहीपगिरिपतनवल्या. Read गौशाद.
• Read राजनीशशारराजे. • Read संघातविभिनवहिपातितासर्जलौघाया:(२).
॥ Read कूलोप. - Read°विनयकीदान्महा. "Read प्रबोधित.

Page #180

Plates of the time of Sasankaraja.-Gupta-Samvat 300.
৩ বি + ব য য য ব স যor x ফয়। এyঘ য সব অস্বীকৃষ/স!খ যযন্ত। য খাব পদদ ' ম8ি | u | ২৪ ৭xx &
vখ৭. + গুদামসহ য ব
x2r । ৩। সমধেfaqY 15. যমগুপ্ত |
it a.
E
বzikফযফমসঃখ'য%ar।। যয়ন যzzzর ৫৪াসে,/A|
নায়লস্বধবে/প্রযু£ধিক। 104) 5 বব গেমকম।
সুদ, য84,৪৭৫ষ ৪ ৭১ ৭। zah ৫৪৪.৫ এz/z ( য য য ব 12 খব খ406 vz144) মবে day |
12
tib.
এম ফng d/5( যহয়কথi৫৪ (৪] সুস'র বিগ্রহ পঞ্জ নববন্ধু,
384ম সখি । । ৩ হয) সংbjঃয ঘbযুর যন্ত্র। 1 য দখqzJk4ণ 'নবধ ভযম। = বযskযখা।
। a০৭'এফৰি8ে44113. ৪০
E. HULTZACH.
W. GRIQES, PHOTO-LITH.
SCALE,99

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iii a.
Wannবগু949818থনক। 22 25 #s/
। aa '3ষাযduীযই৷ ৫+ এ এন 50z53 vহঃ ১৭
স্ত্র শ্রম মন্ত্রবধs%। ২০ এnzযzঃ যুব যব গ্র25াবে ১০
itab.
su re
৪০

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No. 14.]
PLATES OF THE TIME OF SASANKARAJA.
145
11 प्रतिस्पर्थि(नी)खगधारानिशितनिश्शेषप्रतिहतरिपु12 वली' दीनानाथक्वपणवनीपकोपभुज्यमानविभवः स्वभु13 जपरिघयुगलोपार्जितनृपश्री[:] कमलविमलरुथर'
Second Flate; Second Side. 14 तनुजगन्म[ण्ड']लमण्डनश्रुतशौर्यधैर्यगुणान्वितो महावृषभपर्या15 'ककुधोपधानविन्यस्तवाहीवालचन्द्रोद्योतितजटाकलापैकदे16 शस्य भगवतस्स्थित्युत्पत्तिप्रलयसृष्टिसङ्कारकारणस्य 17 'नृभुवनगुरो पादभक्तः परमब्रह्मास्यों' महाराजमहासा18 मन्तथीमाधवराजः कुशली कृष्णगिरिविषयसंवद्यच्छवल-' 19 क्खयग्राम वर्तमानभविष्यकुमारामात्योपरिकतदायुक्तकानन्याच" 20 यथाई। पूजयति मानयति च [*] विदितमस्तु भवतामयं ग्रामो
Third Plate ; First Side. 21 स्माभिरईण मातापिचोरात्मनच पुण्याभिषये सलिलधारापुर22 "स्मरणाचन्द्रार्कसमकालीनाक्षयनीये' भरद्वाजसगोचायाङ्गि23 रसवाईस्पत्यप्रवराय छरम्यस्वामिने सूर्योपरागे प्रतिपादित[:"] ॥ 24 उतच्च स्मृतिशास्त्रे । "वहुभिवसुधा दत्ता राजभिमगरादिभिः [1] 25 यस्य यस्य यदा भूमितस्य" तस्य तदा फलं ॥ षष्टिं वर्षसहस्रा. 26 णि स्वर्गे मोदति भूमिदः [*] भाक्षेप्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके 27 वसेत्"] ॥ स्वदत्ता" परदत्ताम्बा (1) यो हरेत वसुन्धरा[म् ।"] स विष्ठायां
Third Plats; Second Side. 28 [कमि]भूत्वा पितभिस्मह पच्यते ॥ मा "भुतफलशङ्का व[:] परदत्ते29 [ति] पार्थिव[:]स्वदाना[*] फलमानन्त्य (1) परद[त्तानुपालने] ॥... 30 . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 [प्रयच्छति ॥ .
fufua ought to stand before ICT, and forear before fun. I Rend बली.
• Read चिर. • Read °ककुदीपचानविन्धतबाहीलिचन्द्रोदयीतिक.
• Read संहार, • Read चिभुवन. 7 Rend चाची.
- Read संबद्ध • Read भविष्याकु. " Band °यांच.
॥ Read यथाई " Read र.. U Read 'सरमा
" Rend °वीमोचयपीयी. " Read बाईस्थत्य. 16 Bead .
W Read भूनिस्तस्य" Read स्वदचा परदत्तो वा. " Bend भूदपव.
• Read नम्त्यं.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VI.
TRANSLATION. (Line 1.) Om. Hail! While the Gaupta year three hundred was current (and) whilo the Maharajadhiraja, the glorious Sasankargja, was ruling over the earth surrounded by the girdle of the waves of the water of the four oceans, together with islands, mountains and cities,- from the victorious Kongeda near the bank of the Salima river, on both of whose banks, covered with the flowers of various excellent trees, pools of water have formed, and which therefore) resembles the river of the gods (Ganga), which issued from the sky, which was brought down by Bhagiratha, (and) the streams of whose water are split and dashed outside by many masses of rock at (her) fall on the top of the Snowy Mountain,- the dear son of the Maharaja Yasôbhita, (who was) the dear son of the Maharaja Mahdsamanta, the glorious Madhavardja (I.), the very pious Maharaja Mahásdmanta, the glorious Madhavardja (II.), who has caused to bloom the lotus--the Silodbhava family, by the mass of rays- his virtues ; who has repulsed the armies of all the enemies by the sharp edge of (his) sword which rivals an unfolded flower of the blue lotus; whose wealth is being enjoyed by the distressed, helpless, poor, and mendicants; who has acquired the prosperity of a prince by the pair of his bar-like arms; whose body is as spotless and as brilliant as a lotus; who possesses the virtues of learning, courage and constancy which adorn the whole world ; (and) who is devoted to the feet of the blessed lord of the three worlds (viz. Siva) who is the cause of existence, creation and destruction, whose arms are placed on the hump of the great bull (viz. Nandi) as on the pillow of a couch, (and) whose matted hair is illuminated in one place by the crescent of the moon,being in good health, suitably worships and honours princes, ministers, officers, their subordinates, and others who are present or shall be present at the village of Chhavalakkhaya which belongs to the Krishnagiri-vishaya, (and informs them as follows) :
(L. 20.) “Let it be known to you (that), for the sake of (our) father and mother and for the increase of (our) own merit, with libations of water, at an eclipse of the sun, we have given this village, to last for the same time as the moon and the sun, to Chharam pasvåmin who belongs to the gôtra of Bharadvaja (and) has the prataras of Ångirasa and Barhaspatya."
(L. 24.) And it is said in the Law-book (Smritibástra): [Here follow four of the customary verses, and perhaps a fifth verse which is obliterated.]
No. 15.- TWO PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS AT AMARAVATI.
BY E. HULTZBQH, PH.D. These two inscriptions (Nos. 269 and 270 of 1897) are engraved on the four sides of a pillar at the southern entrance to the central shrine of the Amardivara temple at Amaravati in the Sattenapalli täluka of the Kistna district. The alphabet is Telugu, and the languages are SanskȚit and Telugu.
A.- Inscription of Keta II.; .
Saka-Samvat 1104. This inscription contains 52 Sanskrit verses. There are passages in Telugu prose in lines 108 to 127, 131 to 149, and 170 to 187.
The inscription opens with the mention of the city of Sri-Dhânyakataka, which contains the Siva temple called Amaréávara, and close to which is a very lofty Chaitya' of god Buddha
This meaning of vikola is not given in the dictionaries. · The words srishti and rareldra are mere repetitions of utpatti and pralaya. • In the Baguda plates (1. 44 f.) the same four verses are stated to be quotations from the Law of Manu.

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No. 15.]
TWO PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS AT AMARAVATI.
147
(v. 1 f.). Dhányakataka is the old name of the present Amaråvatt;' the temple of Amarèsvara is the one in which the inscription is preserved; and the Chaitya of Buddha is the famous Amaravati Stậpa, which at the time of the inscription must have been still in good preservation. In that city, the inscription continues, was a royal family which claimed descent from the feet of the Creator (v. 3 f.), i.e. which belonged to the sidra caste. Four generations are mentioned, vie. Bhima I. (v. 6), Keta I. (v. 24), Bhima II. (v. 28) whose wife was Sabbamadevi (v. 32), and Keta II. (v. 33). Nothing of historical importance is related of any of these princes in the 43 Sanskrit verses with which the inscription opens. The first passage in Telugu (1. 108 ff.) gives a list of the birudas of Kota II. He was styled the Mahamandalákvara Kota-Kotaraja, - in which the word Kóta, 'the fort, perhaps refers to the fort of Dharapikotanear Amaråvati, -
the lord of the district of six-thousand (villages) on the southern (bank) of the Krishnavenna river, obtained through the favour of the glorious Triņayana-Pallave,' and 'the lord of SriDhanyakațaka, the best of cities. Two farther generations of the same family are known from the Yenamadala inscription of Gapapåmba, which mentions Kåta (identical with Kota II.), his son Rudra, and the latter's son Beta who became the husband of the Kakatiya princess Gapapåmba.
The grants recorded in the inscription were all made on Thursday, the tenth tithi of the bright fortnight of M&gha in Saka-Samvat 1104,6 The grants are five in number. The 1st, 2nd and 5th are specified both in Sanskfit verse and Telugu prose, while the 3rd and 4th are only worded in Telugu :-(1) Keta II. granted to Buddha the village of Kranteru in the district of Kandravidi, and the villages of Medukonduru and Donkiparru in the district of Kondapadumati (v. 44 and 11. 121 to 124); (2) Keta II. granted to Buddha 110 sheep, the milk of which had to be used for ghee to feed two perpetual lamps (v. 46 and the subsequent Telugu passage); (3) Gasevi-Suramadevi, one of the king's concubines, gave to Buddha 55 sheep for & perpetual lamp (1. 141 ff.); (4) & similar gift was made by Prolamadevi, apparently another of the king's favourites (1. 145 ff.); and (5) Keta II. himself granted to Brahmaņas the following villages for the merit of his mother Sabbamadevi,7 of his father Bhimaråja,8 of his elder brother Chôdorája, and for his own merit :- Kökallu (v. 48) in the district of Gondanâtavadi (1.173); Giñjipadu, Challagard and Tâțivaya (v. 49) in the same district (1. 176); Ammalapúņdi (v. 50) in the same district (1. 179 f.); Kuņțimaddi and Uppalapaļu (v. 51) in the same district (1. 182); Sattenapalli, Chintapalli (v. 51), Ketepalli and Erragunta (1. 184 f.) in the district of Kondapadumati (1. 183 f.); and Onkadona (v. 51) in the district of Doddikaņdravadi (1. 185). The names of these villages were changed, respectively, into Sabbambikapuram (1. 174) after the name of his mother; Bhimêvuram (1. 177 f.) after that of his father ; Chôdávuram (1. 180 f.) after that of his elder brother; and Jagamechohugandapuram (1. 185 f.) after one of his own surnames.
1 See above, p. 85 and note 4 The village of Viripera (loc. cit.) is perhaps the modern Vipparla (No. 95 on the Madras Surey Map of the Sattenapalli taluks), 12 miles west of Amaravati.
Four of these are not Telugu, bat Kanarese, vis. Kaligala-mogada-kai, Bddvarig-fva-kai, Gandara-ganda and Nanni-martanda.
See Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 64. • The same diruda occurs in the Yeonmadala inscription ; above, Vol. III. p. 96. . Above, Vol. III. p. 94.
6 This date is given five times: v. 44, II. 119 to 121, v. 46, 1. 133 f., Aod v. 47. Professor Kielhorn kindly contributes the following remarks: The date is incorrect. It would correspond, for S. 1104 current, to Saturday, the 16th January A.D. 1182; for S. 1104 expired, to Wednesday, the 6th January A.D. 1188, when the 10th tithi of the bright half ended 10 h. 65 m. after mean sunrise, and for 8. 1105 expired, to Tuesday, the 24th January A.D. 1184. I am of opinion that the year intended is S. 1104 expired, and that either the week-day or the tithi has been quoted incorrectly." 7 Identical with SabbamAdbyt (v. 82).
Identical with Bhima II. (v. 28). • The same person is mentioned in No. 267 of 1897 as (bio) elder brother Kota Chodaraja' (anna G6fa. Chodards).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VI.
It appears from the foregoing abstract that the majority of the villages were granted to Brahmaņas, but that, in spite of that, and though Keta II. and his predecessors were worshippers of Siva-Amartávara, he granted three villages and two lamps to Buddha, and two further lamps were granted to Buddha by two of the inmates of his harem. This proves what is already suggested by the second verse of the inscription, that at the time of Kêta II. the Buddhist religion continued to have votaries in the Telugu country and was tolerated and supported by the Hindu rulers of Amaravati. I hope I am not unjust to Kota II. if I suggest that his gifts to Buddha were a case of Cherchez la femme!' The two devis of his who granted lamps to Buddha may have been Buddhist upásikás and may have induced him to join them in making donations to their own god, though he professed the Saiva creed. It may have been to atone for his apostasy that he subsequently granted a large number of villages to Brahmaņas, as recorded in the inscription.
The villages granted by Keta II. belonged to four different districts :- Kandravadi, Dodļikandravådi, Kondapaļumati, and Goņdanåtavaời. Kandravåļi is evidently the same as the Kapderuyadi-vishaya of the Eastern Chalukya inscriptions, which also mention an UttaraKanderuvadi-vishaya. Doddikanţravadi is perhaps meant for Doddakaņdravadi, 1.6. 'the great Kapdravaời.' The district of Kondapadumati corresponds to the eastern portion of the Sattenapalli täluka of the Kistna district; for, the villages of Medukonduru, Donkiparru, Sattenapalli, Chintapalli and Erregunta* are identical with the modern Medikondur, Dokiparru, Sattenapalli, Chintapalli and Yerraguntapadu. Gondanktavadi is identical with the Konnatavadi-vishaya which was ruled over by Kèta II. according to the Yenamadala inscription. It corresponds to the western portion of the Sattenapalli täluka; for, the villages of Giñjipadu, Challagare, Tadiv&ye, Kuntimaddi and Uppalapadul are identical with the modern Gunjapalli, Challagaregi, Taduvaya, Kuntamaddi and Vuppalapadu.
The date of the present inscription was probably the very day of the accession of Kota II. to the throne. Two other inscriptions of the Amarêsvara temple (Nos. 257 and 264 of 1897) are dated on the very same day. From the first of them we learn that Sabbê (or Sabbama), the mother of Keta II., was the sister of Gonka, 10 who is probably identical with Gonka III. of Velanå du. Later inscriptions of Keta II. at Amaravati and Peddacherukuru are dated in Baka-Samvat 1118, 1122 and 1181,19
TEXT.18
East Face. 1 q115 [*] of T[a]*2a [gi TT 1 TK2 THTning for: # [2] o []
1 See verse 3 and 1. 118 f.
See above, Vol. V. p. 119. • Ibid. p. 127.
• Ketepalli cannot be identified. • Nos. 188, 186, 148, 82 and 164 on the Madras Survey Map of the Battenspalli taluka. . Above, Vol. III. p. 102, v. 11.
7 Kokalla and Ammalapandi cannot be identified. . Nos. 19, 20, 21, 18 and 51 on the Madras Survey Map of the Sattenapalli taluka.
See below, p. 156, note 2. 16 No. 267 of 1897, 11. 29 to 89:
भूपावरबयुतसल्कुलवार्षिजाता गोषितौशशशिनो भगिनी गुणाबा।
सम्बाया बमवचारकरा मुटं बोसस्थामवस्पियतमा पुरषीतमस्य । 11 See above, Vol. IV. pp. 86, 87 and 88.
Nos. 261, 261 and 244 of 1897. From an inked estampage, prepared in 1897 by Mr. H. Krishna Sastri. * All the verses of this face, with the exception of verse 2, are found also on the east face of No. 262 of 1897.
1 Expressed by a symbol.

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3 साबिध्यो यत्र धाचा प्रपूजितः । चै4 त्यमत्युब्रतं यत्र नानाचित्रसु. 5 चित्रितं । [२] पस्ति तब स्थिरेख> राजामाज्ञावतां 6 कुलं । अमरेवरदेवेन रक्षितं रचकं तृणां ॥ [३] जातं सु7 रेंद्रदैत्येंद्रमुनींद्रगणवंदितात् । श्रेयसा 8 भूयसां दातुर्वातुर्यचरणहयात् ॥ [४] शो9 णीक्षेमंकरा भूपा यत्र शत्रुभयंकराः । 10 शंकरामाधुवृत्तानां शंकरस्य तु किंकराः ॥ [५] 11 तचामरेशसंकाशी भीमो नाम नृपोभवत् । 12 विखे विखंभराधीया यत्पदांबुजषट्पदाः ॥ [*] . 13 उर्चीपतिषु सर्वेषु सदृक्षो यस्य नेक्षित: । 14 प्रजानां पालने सम्यग्हिषासुन्मूलने तधा'। [*] 15 चक्रे पवित्रचारित्रो भक्त्या शक्त्या च भव्यया । 16 यमुरयावरीशांच वरदान्करदानपि ॥ [-] यो 17 भूरिभक्तिसुप्रीतशवस्मर्वमनोरथान् । 18 वतवाभित्रसंघस्य वत्तवाञ्च्छत्रुसंहतः ॥ [e*] . 19 विस्मापितजना यस्य विस्तारितरणांतरा । 20 वीरपूरितजंभारिपुरा रणपरंपरा ॥ [...] 21 यस्य माचक्रशक्रस्य चक्रिचक्रसमौजसा ।। 22 चक्रेण विक्रम्य दिया चक्रं चक्रे भृशं वशं ॥ [११] 23 क्षिप्रं विपक्षवचांसि पाटयंतीतिपाट24 वात् । नृसिंहनखरेभ्योपि प्रखरा यच्छरा बभुः ॥ [१२] 26 कात्या पूर्ना' रणे तूरन यहनु:प्रेरितेशरैः । 26 पईचंट्रैव्यलयंत' वाचंद्रा विरोधिना ॥ [१३] 27 महामहीधानारोहन्धद्रशे विद्रुता हिषः [1] 28 तीही:] चुयाः पुनशास्त्रै भयातिशयादिव । [१४] 29 यजटोटदोईडचंडायुधविखंडिताः [*] 30 अखंडविक्रमाशाक्रमाक्रामबरयः पुरं [u] [१५] 31 पांसुव्राते समुबूते यहयैसमरीध्वत: [*]
1 The ansedra stands at the beginning of the next line. * No. 262 of 1897 reads out. " Read gret. • No. 962 of 1897 resda मितेः. - Read समते.
• Read रोडवैः.
• Read तूप • No. 262 of 1897 reads चंद्रबी.

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[VoL. VI.
32 व्योमव्यापिनि सक्लेशं समुस्सप्ताखसप्तयः ॥ [१६] 33 नमयंती भुवं भीमाः पदन्यासन यहजाः । 34 हिङ्गजानां रणे चक्रुहिम्गजानां च पीडनं । [१७] 36 चलयद्वी रणारंभेष्वचलामचलैमह । 36 यहलैशत्रुशौर्याणां चालनं लीलया वत । [१८] 37 प्राकारैः पातितैस्सम्यकपरिखाः परिपूयं यः । 38 प्रध्वंस' रिपुदुर्गाणां प्रागभावसमं व्यधात् ॥ [१८] 39 दूरस्था अपि वीरस्य यस्य भ्राजिष्णुतेजसः । 40 प्राज्ञां कुर्वति सबै स्म भूभृतः प्राभूतप्रभाः ॥ [२०] 41 येन धर्मप्रधानेन कारस्थोपतचेतसा । पु42 वा इव परित्रातारात्रवशारणागताः ॥ [२१] 43 चरित्रेण पवित्रेण विद्यया निरवद्यया । 44 भूषितास्तोषिता येन भूसुरा भासुरान्वयाः । [२२] 45 विवेकेनारिषडामरिवर्मा भुजौजसा । जि46 त्वार्जितचतुर्वर्गो नृपवनें रराज य: ॥ [२३] *
North Face 47 @ तस्य प्रशस्यचारित्र[ख्या]त: 48 केतनृपस्मुतः । पटुटनातिहर[णे] 49 रणे वितरणे च यः ॥ [२४] युद्धे यई50 तिभिबारिकिरीटमणिभि[:] श्रिता । घना51 हतोत्तप्तलोहस्फुलिंगैरिव भूर52 भात् ॥ [२५*] बहुशोभिमुखप्राप्त 53 स्फुटाभ्यागमपर्वसु । राजम 54 डलमग्रासि सम्यग्यहाहुराहु55 णा ॥ [२६] सर्वसर्व[स]हाधीशगर्बपर्श्व56 तपाटने । पटुः प्रथीय्यान' प्रथिती 57 यत्प्रतापपविभुवि ॥ [२७] तस्यासीद्धी58 मभूमीशस्तनयो विनयोवतः । 59 यशोभाशत्रुभूपानां भामां
60 भानुरिवाहरत् ॥ [२८] दूरपाता दृढाINo. 282 01 1897 reads प्रध्वंसं.
.No. 282 of 1897 reada °प्रदाः, • The anusidra stands at the beginning of the next line. Bend प्रथौयान.
- Read 'पवि वि.

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61 घाता भोषणा रुक्मभूषणाः । भ. 62 मोघा यस्य बाणौघा रेजिरे स63 मराजिरे । [२८] विक्रमादक्रियतो64 चर्येन नानाधराधराः । वस्तश65 बुधरित्रीशकुलाकुलगुहारहाः ॥ [३०] 66 कताः पुण्यवता येन सबसंप67 समन्विताः । विबुधा भूमिविबु68 धा विबुधा इव विष्णुना ॥ [३१] त 69 शार्या सब्बमादेवी ख्याता70 भू[वि वीरसूः । वंश्याशौ71 •बता यस्याः पित्रो[:*] खश72 रयोरपि ॥ [३२] तस्मात्तस्यां समु73 दूत: केतभूप: प्रतापवान् । 74 सद्गुणैरुपमानानां योका75 (दुपमेयतां ॥ [३३*] नेता सम्य76 प्रजानां यो जेता युद्धेषु 77 विद्विषां । दातास्थिभ्योर्थितार्था78 नां त्राता [च) शरणार्थिनां ॥ [३४] य[:] 79 प्रवीकृतभूपालो भूपाल80 नयपंडित: । पंडितस्तुत81 सत्त[*] सत्तजनवत्सलः ॥ [३५० येन 82 ध्वस्तविभूतीनामरातीनाम83 भून्मुखं । अंतस्मंतापसप्ता84 चिईमेनेव मलीमसं ॥ [३६] बा85 णैः किरणदेशीयैवीतदेण्यावि86 पुहिपान् । तिग्मांशकल्या भिंद87 ति यगटा[स्म] मरोद्भटाः । [३७*] चित्तख88 शिवमौळींदुसुधाः इव यहिर[: ।] 89 मधुरा नित्यमानंदममंदं तन्व90 ते सतां ॥ [३८] प्रतिग्राम प्रतिधुरं प्र91 त्योकः प्रतिचत्वरं । प्रतितीर्थ प्रति
The amusedra stands at the beginning of the next line.

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[VoL. VI. .
92 सभं यस्यौदार्य प्रशस्यते । [३८] 93 चित्रैस्मत्रालयैर्यस्य पृथिव्यां []94 थितं यशः । बुभुक्षभिक्षसं]9 घातप्रभूतप्रीतिहत[भि]: [॥ ४०*] []
West Face. 96. अनंतप्राणिसुप्रीतिकारिभिर्भरिवा-' 97 रिभिः । तडागैस्मागराभोगर्यो विभूषि98 तभूतलः ॥ [४१*] पारामान्योतनीसारान्ह 99 रीभिशोभितांतरान् । उत्कुलकंजकिंज100 एकजपिंजरितांतरैः ॥ [४२.] देवालयै101 स्मुधाशुभ्रस्मुवगर्नकलशांकितैः । पता102 काचुंबितांभीर्यहो नीत उबतिं ॥ [४३] 103 शाकाब्दे युगखेंदुरूपगणिते माघे 104 दशम्यां तिथौ शुक्लायां गुरुवासरे 106 गुणनिधिसंप्राप्तराज्योबतिः । श्रीम106 केतनृपस्ममस्तगुरवे ग्रामान्वरेण्यान्ब107 इन्संप्रादात्मगतेश्वराय विपुल108 बीईर्मसंवृद्धये ॥ [४४*]. . स्वस्ति चतुस्ममु. 109 द्रमुद्रितनिखिलवसुंदरापरिपालकत्री110 मचिणयनपत्रवप्रसादासादितक्रिष्णवेण्णा' 111 नदीदक्षिणषट्सहस्रावनीवनभ भयलीभ112 दुर्जभ चोडचाक्यसामंतमदानक[प]113 मृगेंद्र विभवामरेंद्र श्रीमदमरेवरदेव114 दिव्यश्रीपादपद्माराधक परबलसाधक 116 श्रीधान्यकटकपुरवराधीखर प्रतापलंके116 खर कलिगळमोगदकै बेडरिगीवकै गंडरगं. 117 ड गंडभेरुंड जगमेञ्चुगंड नविमात118 ड नामादिसमस्तप्रशस्तिसहितं श्रीमबहा. 119 मंडलखर कोटकेतराजुलु शकवर्षमुलु
120 ११.४ गुनेंटि माघ शुद्ध १. गुरुवारमI Rend "भिभूरि. - Read "खुवर'.
• Badavषया. • The amusedra stands at the beginning of the next line,

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TWO PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS AT AMARAVATI.
121 न श्रीमद्दुडदेवरकु सुंकमुलोनुगा सर्व्वा122 यमुलतोनाचंद्रार्कमुगानिच्चिन ऊड्लु कंड123 वाडिलोनि ते कोंडपडुमटिलोनि मेडु124 कोंडूरुनु डोंकि' [ ॥ *] ई ध[]म नडप125 निवास पंचमहापातकमुलु सेसिनवा
126 रु वारणासि वञ्चिनवार तम पेह कोडुकु क127 पालमुनं गुडिचिनवारु [ ॥ *] खदत्तां परदत्तां 128 वा यो हरेत वसुंधरां । षष्टिं वर्षस
129 हस्राणि विष्ठायां जायते क्रिमिः ॥ [ ४५ *]
130 वेदाशेंदुमिते शाके माघे शुक्ले गुरोर्दिने । दशम्यां' 131 केतभूपाली दीपो बुद्धाय दत्तवान् ॥ [ ४६ * ] स्वस्ति सम132 स्तप्रशस्तिसहितं श्रीमन्महामंडलेश्वर कोटकेतरा - 133 जुलु शकवर्षमुलु ११०४ गुनेंटि माघ शुद्ध १० 134 गुरुवारसुनं दमक धागा श्रीमहु
135 इदेवरकुनखंडवत्तिंदीपमुलु रेटिकिने इचिन इ
136 एड्लु ११० [*] वीनिलीन दामकअमरबीयुंडु [एं ] भदेनु गो
187 feoयलं जेकोनि आचंद्रार्कमुगां दन पुत्रानुपौत्रिकमुन
138 नित्य मानेंडु सेसि नेयि वोयंगलवांडु ॥ ऊटुकूरि के
139 तेबोयुंडु एंभडेनु' गोयिलं जेकोनि आचंद्राक्कम -
140 गां दन पुत्रानुपौत्रिकसुन नित्य मानेंडु सेसि नेयि वो141 यंगलवांडु ॥ © भोगस्त्रीललोनं गसविरमदेवुलु द142 नकु धमर्त्यमुगा श्रीमहुहदेवरकुनखंडवर्त्तिदीपमु
143 नकिञ्चिन इन्पएड्लु ५५ [*] वीनिं जेकोनि सब्बकमारेबोयंडु
153
चंद्रा
144 कंसुगां दन पुत्रानुपौत्रिकमुन नित्य मानेंडु सेसि नेयि वोयं - 3 145 गलवांडु ॥ भंडावु प्रोलमदेवुलु दनकु धमर्त्यमुगा 146 श्रीमहुङ्घदेवरकुनखंडवर्त्तिदीपमुनकिञ्चिन इन्पण्डलु ५५ [*] 147 विनिं* जेकोनि चेंबलि कोम्मनबोनि कोड्कु माचेनबो डु 148 चंद्रार्कसुगां दन पुत्रानुपौत्रिकमुन नित्य मानेंडु
149 सेसि नेयि वोयंगलवांडु ॥
श्री श्री श्री [॥ *]
1 The anusvára stands at the beginning of the next line.
The anusvdra stands at the beginning of the next line.
2 Read एभदेनु.
• Read बौनिं.

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[VOL. VI.
South Face 150 शाक[ब्द] वार्षि[ता]रा[पथ]शशिवसुधासम्मि[ते] 151 मा[५]मासे शुक्ने प]क्षे दशम्यां त्रि[दि]वपरिवढा152 चार्य[व]रे वरेण्य । सोयं संप्राप्तराज्यस्मकल153 गुणनिधिः केतविश्वभरेशो प्रामान् विज्ञातसीमा. 154 न् प्रथितगुणगणान् प्राददाताधणेभ्यः ॥ [४७*] 155 ग्राम [को]कलनामानं प्रशस्यं सस्यसंप156 दा । विहयो हिजवर्येभ्यो जनन्या[:*] श्रेयसेद157 दात् ॥ [४८] गिंजिपाडं चमगरां ताडिवायं 158 च शोभनान् । प्रामान्दिजत्रा' कृतवान्भूय159 से श्रेयसे पितुः । [४८"] सम्यगम्मल[डि"] च ग्राम 160 भूमिगुणान्वितं । विप्रसाखतवान्नातु161 ायसे' श्रेयसे मुदा ॥ [१०] सत्तेनपनिं प्रा 162 दिशदुप्पलपाईं च चिंतपक्षी च ता' । 163 भोंकदीनकुंटिमही धमार्थ स्वस्य स 184 विजेभ्यो अामान् ॥ [५१"] ब्रीहिवातैमुजातै165 रलघुफलभरैशालिसस्यैः प्रशस्यैकहा166 []मप्रल्लैस्तिलयवच[ण] कैर्मुग167 माषैस्सपोषैः । धान्यैश्चान्यैसमृदा 168 दिशि दिशि लसिताशोभनैशाकवाटैशोभ169 तां श्रीसमेतास्सकलजनदयामुस170 वाशखदेते ॥ [५२] . स्वस्ति समस्तप्रशस्तिसहित 171 श्रीमन्महामंडलेखर कोटकेतराजुलु त172 म तल्लि स[ब्ब]मदेवुलकु धमात्यमुगा श्रीम173 ब्राह्मणो तमुलकं गोंडनातवाडिलोनिश्चिन यू174 , कोका दीनि पेरु सब्बाविकापुरम ] तम सं. 175 हि भीमराजुनकु धर्मात्य मुगा श्रीमहाय176 णोत्तमुलकुं गोंडनातवाडिलोनि
लोनिचिन यूडिलु]
1 Verses 17 to 62 are found also on the south face of No. 884 of 1897. . No. 284ot 1897 reads प्रथितपृथुगुणान. • The anuandra stands at the beginning of the next line.
The anusodra stands at the beginning of the next line. INo. 264 of 1897 reads दुप्पुलपाई. .No.264 of 1897 read. समृवा.
• Eee Panini, V. 4, 55. • Read न्यायस:.No. 264 of 1897 reads तथा.

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177 गिंजिपाड चल्लगरा ताडिवाय इवि भीमा178 वुरमुलु [*] तमव चोडेराजुनकु धमार्थम179 गा श्रीमद्राह्मणोत्तमुलकुं गोंडनातवा160 डिलोनिच्चिन यूर अम्मलपुंडि दीनि पेरु चो181 डावुरसु [*] तनकु धार्थमुगा श्रीमहा182 प्रणोत्तमुलकं गोंडनातवाडिलोनिच्चिन 183 यूड्लु कुंटिमहि उप्पलपाडु कोंडपडु184 मटिलो सत्तेनपनि चिंत्तपनि केतेपलि एल्गुि-1 185 टलु दोष्टिकंड़वाडि अंदु ओंकदोन इवि ज186 गमञ्चुगंडपुरमुलु [*] ईयग्रहारमु187 लु सबक()रपरिहारमुगा मबिञ्चितिमि ॥
ABRIDGED TRANSLATION. Om. (Verse 1.) “ There is a city (named) Sri-Dhanyakataka, which is superior to the city of the gods, (and) where (the temple of) Sambhu (Siva) (named) Amaresvara is worshipped by the lord of gods (Indra);
(V.2.) “Where god Buddha, worshipped by the Creator, is quite close, (and) where (there is) a very lofty Chaitya, well decorated with various sculptures.
(V. 3.) "In that (city) there is a family of powerful kings, enjoying uninterrupted prosperity, protected by the god Amaresvara, (and) protecting men ;
(V. 4.)" Which (family) was born from the pair of feet- worshipped by the crowds of lords of gods, lords of demons, and lords of sages,-of the Creator, the bestower of great bliss."
In this family was born Bhima (I.) (v. 6). His son was Keta (I.) (v. 24). His son was Bhima (II.) (v. 28), whose wife was Sabbamidovi (v. 32). Their son was Keta (II.) (v. 33), a worshipper of Siva (v. 38). He built alms-houses (sattrålaya, v. 40) and constructed tanks (tadaga, v. 41), gardens (dráma, v. 42), and temples (devalaya, v. 43).
(V.44.) “ In the saka year reckoned by the Yugas (4), the sky (0), the moon (1), and ripa (1),-ie. 1104),-in (the month of) Magha, on the tenth tithi of the bright (fortnight), on a Thursday, the glorious king Keta, a treasury of virtues, possessing great prosperity, having been raised to the kingdom, gave, for the increase of (his) merit, many excellent villages to the preceptor of all (men), the lord Sugata (Buddha).
(Line 108.) “Hail! The glorious Mahamandalesvara Kota-Ketaraja, who was possessed of all the glory of such names as the lord of the district of six-thousand (villages) (Shatsahasrdvani) on the southern (bank) of the Krishnaveņnd river, obtained through the favour of the glorious Triņayana-Pallava, the protector of the whole earth surrounded by the four oceans ; inaccessible to fear and greed; the lion to the rutting elephants-the Choda and Chaļukya Samantas; resembling the lord of gods (Indra) in power; the worshipper of the divine lotus-feet of the holy god Amarèsvara; the destroyer of hostile armies; the lord of Sri-Dhânyakataka,
1 The amusodra stands at the beginning of the next line.
This seems to imply that the date of the grant was that of the king's accession to the throne. A similar statement occursic verse 47.
12

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the best of cities; resembling the lord of Lanka (R&vana) in valoar; he whose hand closes with heroes; he whose hand gives to suppliants; the hero of heroes; the double-headed eagle (Gandabhêrunda); the hero praised by the world (Jagamechchuganda); and the sun of truth, in the Saks year 1104, on the 10th (tithi) of the bright (fortnight) of Magha, on a Thursday,gave to the holy god Buddha the following) villages, together with all revenue including tolls, for as long as the moon and the sun shall last :- Kranteru in the district of) Kandravați, and Módukondûru and Donkiparru in the district of) Kondapadumati. Those who do not keep up this charity, will have committed the five great sins, will have destroyed Varanasi, (and) will have eaten from the skull of their eldest son." Here follows an imprecatory verse (45).
(V. 46.) "In the Saka (year) measured by the Vedas (4), the directions (10), and the moon (1),- (i.e. 1104), on the tenth tithi of the bright (fortnight) of Magha, on a Thursday,king Keta gave two lamps to Buddha.
(L. 131.) “Hail! He who was possessed of all glory, the glorions Mahamandalesvara KotaKétaraja,- in the Saka year 1104, on the 10th (tithi) of the bright (fortnight) of Magha, on a Thursday,- gave for his own merit to the holy god Buddha 110 sheep for two perpetual lamps. Having received fifty-five sheep among these, Dâmaka-Amare-Bôya with his sons and further descendants has to supply daily one manad of ghee as long as the moon and the sun shall last. Having received the remaining) fifty-five sheep, Kete-Boya of Utukūru* with his Bons and further descendants has to supply etc.
(L. 141.) Gasavi-Sarama-dôvi, (one) among the concnbines (of the king), gave for her own merit to the holy god Buddha 55 sheep for a perpetual lamp. Having received these, SabbakaMáre-Boya has to supply etc.
(L. 145.) "Prôlamadêvi, (who was in charge) of the treasury, gave for her own merit to the holy god Buddha 55 sheep for a perpetual lamp. Having received these, Mâchena-Boya, the son of Kommana-Boys of Chembapti, has to supply atc.
(V. 47.) "In the sake year measured by the oceans (4), the sky (0), the moon (1), and the earth (1),- (ie. 1104),- on the tenth tithi of the bright fortnight of the month of Magha, on an excellent Thursday,- that treasury of all virtues, king Kêta, who had obtained the kingdom, gave villages whose boundaries were well known, (and) whose numerous advantages were famous, to Brahmaņas."
He granted to Brahmaņas the village of Kôkallu for the merit of his mother (v. 48); Giñjipadu, Challagara and Tadivaya for the merit of his father (v. 49); Ammalapûndi for the merit of his elder brother (v. 50); and Sattenspalli, Uppalapádu, Chintapalli, Onkadong and Kuntimaddi for his own merit (v. 51).
(L. 170.) “Hail! He who was possessed of all glory, the glorious Mahamandalesvara Kota-Ketarija, gave, for the merit of his mother Sabbamadevi, to the best of holy Brahmanas the village of Kôkallu in the district of) Gondanktavadi, (changing) its name (into) Sabbimbikapuram. For the merit of his father Bhimaraja, (he) gave to the best of holy Brahmaņas the villages of Gißjipadu, Challagara (and) Tadivaga in the district of) Gondanktavādi, (changing) their names into) Bhimavuram. For the merit of his elder brother Chôderája, (he) gave to the best of holy Brahmaņas the village of Ammalapundi in the district of) Gondanktavadi, (changing) its name into) Chodávuram. For his own merit, (he) gave to the best of holy Brahmaņas the villages of Kuntimaddi and Uppalapadu in the district of) Gondanâtavkļi; Sattenapalli, Chintapalli, Ketepalli and Erragunţa
1 See Dr. Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary, s.v. moge 6.
• In modern Telugu edlu, the plural of eddu, means bullocks'; but inpa-edlu (11.135 ., 143 and 148) or inup edlu (below, p. 158, 1. 218) must be synonymous with goriyalu,' sheep,' in 11. 136 f. and 189.
According to Rrown's Telugu Dictionary this measure in the sixteenth part of a timu. • This is perhaps the modern Vutukur, No. 76 on the Madras Survey Map of the Sattenapalli taluka.

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in (the district of) Kondapadumati; and Ohkadona in (the district of) Doddikandravadi, (changing) their (names into) Jagamechchugandapuram. We have exempted these agrahāras from all taxes."
B.- Inscription of Bayyamamba3
Saka-Samvat 1158. This inscription is engraved on the south face of the pillar, below the end of the inscription of Reta II. It consists of 12 Sanskrit verses and a passage in Telugu prose (11. 215 to 220).
This is another grant to god Buddha at Sri-Dhanyaghati (i.e. Amaravati), made on Thursday, the eleventh tithi of the bright fortnight of Jyeshtha in Saka-Samvat 1158 (expired), the cyclic year Jaya. According to Prof. Kielhorn, “the date corresponds to Thursday, the 11th May A.D. 1234, when the 11th tithi of the bright half ended 3 h. 50 m. after mean sunrise." The donor was Bayyamāmba (v. 11) or Kota-Bayyalamahadevi (1. 216), the daughter of the Mahamandalesvara Rudradêva-Maharaja (1. 215 f.), the son of Budda (v. 5) and grandson of Durga (.4), who belonged to the Chaturthakula (i.e. the Sudra caste) and resided at Madapalli in the district of Nathavadi (1. 215) or Nathavatil (vv.1 to 3). From the word Kotas which is prefixed to the name of Bayyalamahadevi in l. 216, it may be concluded that she was married to one of the chiefs of Amaravati. Verse 12, which is mutilated, contains the name of Manma-Geta, i.e. — the grandson Keta.' This seems to refer to Keta II. of Amaravati, the grandson of Këta IVery probably Bayyamâmbå was one of the wives of Kêta II.
TEXT.
South Face (continued). 186 ों [*] अस्ति स्वस्तियुतो देशो नाथवाटीति विश्रुतः । पूगपुवागवकुळ189 निचुकाळिमनोहरः । [१] तत्र श्रीमत्पुरवरं मडपल्लिपुरं परं । 190 परैरभेद्यसुद्योतविद्योतितदिगंतरं । [२] धातुस्समसजगतां' क191 तश्चरणपंकजात् । जातं विशिष्टं तचास्ति चतुर्थ कुलमत्तमं । [३] त192 चाभवत् पृथुयशाः परिमातदोषो खंभीजबंधुरिव नंदि193 तसर्बवर्गः । "शौय्यादिवर्यगुणगवितभृत्यवर्गो दुर्गक्षितो. 194 [श *]ति सुप्रथितः प्रिथिव्यां" ॥[*] तस्यासीत्तनयः प्रभूतविनय195 . . हितश्रीयुतो "नानासहिजमुख्यपोषणरतश्चान196 . . गाश्रयः । प्रत्यर्थिप्रबलप्रवृहनरकच्छेदी विधेयस्म[दा] 197 [जा*]तो विष्णुरिवापरो "गुणनिधिबद्दक्षमावल्लभः ॥ [*] [त]198 [स्य](1) पनो मुष्पमांबा पुरारिचरणांबुजे । जातकौतुकसा199 कूतविति:" पतिपरायणा ॥ [4] मुप्पमाबुद्ददंपत्योर्जातो
This name was derived from his surname Jagamechcbuganda ; see 1. 117. 1 Regarding these two geographical names see p. 159 below. 1 See p.147 above.
• See Brown's Telugu Dictionary, s. v. manamada. • Expressed by a symbol.
• Read °मुद्योत.
- Read मस्त. - Read "मुत्तम.
- Read परिधत.
10 Read शौर्यादि. 1 Read पृथिव्यां.
- Read 'सद्दिन u for of forf is entered above the line.
- Read°चिः .

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200 रु[द]नरेखरः । विश्वविखंभराधीशो योसौ धर्म इवापर[:] [॥ ७'] 201 तस्य पनी मैलमांबा धर्मकीतिरिति श्रुता । विश्रुतत्रत]202 संपवविवचिंतामणि[:*] स्वयं ॥ [८] अजीजनत्मतान' अ. 203 टौ विष्टपे शिष्टसम्मतान' । लोकपालप्रतीकाशान् या म204 हिंन्नेव भूयसी ॥ [] चातुर्योदार्यभूमिस्त्रिभु205 वनविवरख्यातसौभाग्य *]भाग्या या च श्रीकीर्तिमुत्ति:*] सकल206 गुणिगणानंदसंदीदात्री । 'इष्ठापू दिकर्मप्रतिप207 दमुदिताखर्ध्वगीर्वाणगर्खा सर्बोर्बीवक्रवालस्फुरदुरु-' 208 महिमाक्रांतलोकावकाशा ॥ [१०] तत्पुत्री बय्यमांबा प्र209 "धितगुणगणा सत्कलापूर्ववर्ना (i) [शि]ठा_प्राप्तकीर्तिः"] स्वयमपि
विदुः 210 षामग्रणीरग्रगण्या । वि[][*] पद्माकराणां तरणि[चि]रसौ या च 211 सौजन्यसिंधोरुलासा[येंदु]रेखा निखिलज[न]नुतालंकि[तिमत-10 212 धायाः ॥ [११] भाकादे तर्कबाणक्षितिरशिगणिते॥ वत्सरमिंज
याख्ये ज्ये218 ष्ठे मा[सी]ज्यवार सुररिपुदिवसे शुक्लपचे प्रश[स्ते] । प्रादा[त] श्री214 [धान्यघाटीस्थितिकतरचये बुधदेवाय भूम्ने सा []वी मन्नगेत216 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [॥ १२] श्रीमन्म(महामंडलेखर
नाथवा[डि] रु218 द्रदेवमहाराजुल कूत कोटवय्यलमहादेविषम 217 गारु [द]नुकु धमार्थमुगा 218 मखंडदीपमुनकुनिचिन" इनुपडलु ५५ [*] वीनि जेको नि] 219 गुंटिपनेबोयुंडु [द]न पुत्रानुपत्रिकम नित्य 220 [मा] नडु नयि पोयंग[ल*]वांडु ॥ भो [*]
ABRIDGED TRANSLATION Oim. In the district (desa) of Nathavati, in the town of Madapalli, in the Chaturthakula which was produced from the foot of the Creator, was born Durga (vv. 1 to 4). His son was Budda, whose wife Mappamamba was devoted to Siva (v. 5 f.). Their son Rudra married Mailamambd and had by her eight sons (vv. 7 to 9) and a daughter, Bayyamamba (v. 11). 1 Rend विचिंता • Read वानटी
• Read °समाता• Read मूर्ति :. Read TET.
• Read चक्रवाल. 1 Read प्रथित. - Read पूर्णव
• Read शिष्टार्श. " Read °कति.
- Read "मशि. " Read प्रादाछौ.
# Rend yr. " Read wio; the annerdra stands at the beginning of the next line. Read any. 4 Read बीमार " Rend निश्चिन.
" Expressed by asymbol.
जल कूत
श्रीमधदेवरकुनाल
को नि

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(V. 12.)" In the Saka year reckoned by tarka (6), the arrows (5), the earth (1), and the moon (1),- (i.e. 1158), in this (cyclic) year called Jaya, in the month Jyêshtha, on a Thurgday, on the day of Mura's enemy (Vishnu), in the auspicious bright fortnight - this queen [the wife of] Manma-Gêts . .
gave, for the sake of (her) prosperity, (a lamp] to god Buddha who is pleased to reside at Sri-Dhânyaghâți.
(L. 215.) "Köta-Bayyala mahadevi-8mma, the daughter of the glorious Mahamandalesvara Rudradêva-Maharaja of Nathavadi, gave for her own merit to the holy lord Buddha 55 sheep for a perpetual lamp, to last as long as the moon and the sun. Having received these, Gupti. Ane-Boya with his sons and further descendants has to supply daily one mana of ghee. On."
POSTSCRIPT. In connection with the preceding inscription of Bayyamâmba, I publish below a short Telugu inscription of her father on a pillar of the ruined Kanakadurga-mandapa at the foot of the Indrakila hill at Bezvada (No. 279 of 1892). It records the gift of a lamp to the Mall@svara temple at Bezvada by the Mahamandalesvara Rudrad êvar&ja of Madapalla in Natavadi, the Bon of Buddaraja, who was the brother-in-law of the Kakatiya king Ganapati. The date of the grant was Thursday, the 15th tithi of the bright fortnight of Vaisakha in Saks-Samvat 1123 (expired), the cyclic year Durmukhi, which is a mistake for Durmati. According to Prof. Kielhorn, “the date corresponds to Thursday, the loth April A.D. 1201, when the 15th tithe of the bright half commenced 1 h 38 m. after mean sunrise."
The town of Madapalla and the district of Natavadi are identical with Madapalli and the district of Nathavadi or Nathavati in the inscription of BayyamAmba. Mr. Ramayya identifies Madapalla or Madapalli with a village near Madhira, a station on the Nizam's State Railway, and Natavadi with the district of Nat[ri)pati in the Chikkulla plates. As, however, Lendaļura, whence the Chikkulla plates were issued, is the modern Dendulůru near Ellore, Madapalla or Madapalli might as well be the same as the village of Madapulli' which is mentioned in the Postal Direotory of the Madras Circle, p. 746, as being situated near Ellore.
TEXT. 1 o afer [1*] 040gt PPPP []y giferaat e 2 शाख शुध्न १५ गुरुवारमुन स्वस्ति समधिगतपंचमहा3 शब्दमहामंधलेश्वर' मडपज्ञपुरवराधीखर चाळक्य4 राज्यमूलस्तंभायमान शिष्टे[]निदान श्रीम[*]त्रिभुवना
धीखरपादाराधक परबलसाधक नामादिसमस्तप्रश6 स्तिसहित श्रीमन्महामंडलेश्वर नातवाडि रुद्रदेवराजु7 लु समस्तप्रशस्तिसहितुलै[न] काकतियगणपतिदेव[म]8 हाराजुल मदि तम तंडि बुहराजुलकु सुतिगानु
1 Lo. the eleventh tithi. * See above, Vol. III. p. 95; Vol. V. p. 142 1.; and Vol. VI. p. 89. • See p. 167 above.
• See above, Vol. V. Add. and Corr. p. 1 f. • From an inked estampage. Expressed by a symbol. Reading . Read V.
• Read #17
1. Read arva

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9 249HEENHETETT ST[E]TERIU10 [ru]t of we[t]a[u]yafafan [] 44 [1*) afar
[fa] art11 [C]ginis gauge G T farceu - 12 Marts afa Tourraig
TRANSLATION. Om. Hail! On Thursday, the 15th (tithe) of the bright (fortnight) of Vaisakha in the Saka year 1123, the Durmukhi-samvatsara, - Hail! the glorious Mahamandalåsvara Rudradevaraja of Nätavadi, who was possessed of all the glory of such names as the Mahaman dalesvara who has obtained the five great sounds; the lord of Madapalla, the best of cities; the chief pillar, as it were, of the Chiļukya kingdom; the end of (i.e. fulfilling) the desires of holy men; the worshipper of the feet of the holy lord of the three worlds; and the destroyer of hostile armies, gave--for the salvation of his father Buddaraja, the brother-in-law of KikatiyaGanapatidêva-Maharaja who was possessed of all glory,-- 55 goats for lighting a perpetual lamp, as long as the moon and the sun shall last, before the god Mahadeva of the Malleśvara (temple) at Bojavada. Having received these, Konda-Sûre-Boya with his sons and further descendants has to supply daily one mana, (stamped with) a Nandi, of ghee.
No 16.-SOME RECORDS OF THE RASHTRAKUTA KINGS OF MALKHED.
BY J. F. FLEET, I.C.S. (Retd.), Pı.D., C.I.E. This is the first of some papers which will deal with some selected records of the Rashtrakūta kings of Malkhed. The records have been chosen, partly because of the general historical interest that attaches to them, and partly in order to illustrate the development of the alphabet of the Kanarese country during the ninth century A.D.) As regards the latter point, I cannot undertake to deal fully with all the palæographic details: to do so, would be beyond my particular sphere of work, and would occupy time which I prefer to devote to other matters of wider interest; and I must leave that line of inquiry to be dealt with, in its minute particulars, by anyone who is more concerned than I am with the special illustration of Indian palmography. I shall notice a few details that may seem of particular interest. But, for the most part, I shall only deal, on somewhat broad lines, with certain characters which furnish leading tests in determining the sequence and approximate dates of undated genuine records which belong to the period in question or may fall within about half a century before it, and in arriving at some conclusion as to the order in which certain spurious records were fabricated and the periods to which they are really to be referred.
A.-Hatti-Mattür inscription of the time of Krishna I. This inscription is now brought to notice for the first time. I edit it, and the collotype is given, from an ink-impression obtained by me in 1882.
1 Ther of rkka is indistinct.
The anusodra stands at the beginning of the next line; read ifc. • See some remarks on pages 74, 77, above.

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Fatti-Mattûr, or "cotton-Mattar, "-evidently so called to distinguish it from a neighbouring village, which seems to be known either as simply Mattûr, or as Dombara-Mattur, "Mattar of the Doms or Gipsies," -- is a village about six miles N.-N.-W. from Karajgi, the head-quarters of the Karajgi taluka of the Dharwår district. The Indian Atlas sheet No. 42 (1827) shews it as Huttee Muttoor.' It is mentioned, by its full appellation, in the Bhairanmatti inscription of the period A.D. 1069 to 1076, which speaks of the measuring)-rod of Pattiya-Mattaüra. The present record mentions a village named Maltavur, which may be either Hatti-Mattûr itself, or the other Mattûr, which is three miles and a half S.-E.-by-E. from Hatti-Mattûr. The inscription is on a virgal or monumental tablet, on the bank of the tank at Hatti-Mattår.
The upper part of the stone is occupied by sculptures, which shew, in the centre, & linga, with a priest standing to it; on the proper right, the bull Nandi, with the sun above it; and on the proper left, a cow and calf, with the moon above them. The writing, which is in a state of good preservation, covers an area about l' ll}' broad by 1' 5" high. The characters are Kanarese, boldly formed and well executed. The size of them ranges from about 1' in the of éridor, line 4, to about 13" in the i of ivu, line 5; and the fri in line 1 is about 38' high. The characters include final forms, or forms with the viráma attached, of r in lines 3 and 4, and of in lines 3 and 5. As regards the palæography,- the kh does not occur. The j and the occur in rajyari, line 2, Nos. 4 and 5; and they are both of the old square type, closed. The b occurs in irbbara, line 5, No. 6, and is, similarly, of the old square type, closed. The l occurs three times : it, also, is of the old square type, but with rather & marked prolongation and sweep to the right of the downstroke with which the formation of the character ended; this feature, which was the first step in the development of the later cursive type of the character, can be seen very clearly in the la of Akala, line 1, No. 6, and also in dlayake, line 4.-The language is Kanarese, of the archaic type, in proge. The orthography does not present anything calling for comment.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of a king Akalavarsha, who becane of the locality to which the record belongs and of the standard of the characters, is to be identified with the Rashtrakūta king Akalavarsha-Subhatunga-Křishpa I. The object of it is to record the death, in some local affray, of two heroes named Disamma and Eroya.
The record is not dated. But it is to be placed after A.D. 754, which date we have for Dantidurga, the predecessor of Krishna I., and before A.D. 783-84, which date we have for his successor. And we may place it roughly about A.D. 765.
TEXT. 1 Svasti śri-Akalavarisha-bhatarar&6 pri2 thuvi-rajyan-geye Surageyurt De3 samm-Eroyar Maltavura Ar-alivino! 4 iridu satta svargg-alayakes erid(or] [II] 5 Ivu tammutti-irbbara kalga! [ll]
Above, Vol. III. p. 281.
See page 41 above. # For an account of him, see my Dynasties of the Kanaren Districts in the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. 1. Part II.), p. 390. • From the ink-impressiou.
Read bhatdrar. • We have bere the use of the dative for the accusative; see page 43 above, note 5. It occurs again in line 4 of the Naregal inscription, B. below.
7 Mr. Kittel'. Kappada-English Dictionary gives this word with only the single t, -tammutu. It is presented again with the double ft in tammatt.irbbor in an inscription at Kůragallu (Ep. Carn, Vol. IV., H. 92).

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162
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
TRANSLATION.
[VOL. VI.
Hail! While the Bhatára,1 the glorious Akalavarsha-(Krishna I.), was reigning over the earth-In the destruction of the village of Maltavur, Dâsamma and Ereya, of the village of Surageyur, pierced (some of their foes) and died and ascended to heaven. These are the stones of those two men themselves."
B. Naregal inscription of the time of Dhruva.
This inscription was brought to notice by me in 1895 or 1896, in my Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 394, note 3. It is now edited for the first time. I edit it, and the collotype is given, from a plain uninked estampage sent to me in 1882 by Mr. Govind Gangadhar Deshpande."
Naregal is a village about eleven miles E.-N.-E. from Hângal, the head-quarters of the Hângal taluka of the Dhârwâr district. The Indian Atlas sheet No. 42 (1827) shews it as Neirgul.' The record gives its old name in the form of Nareyamgal, and tacitly places it in the Banavasi twelve-thousand province. The inscription is on a virgal or monumental tablet, found on, and apparently built into the wall of, the sluice of the tank.
I have no information as to whether there are any sculptures on this stone. The writing covers an area about 2' 2" broad by 1' 0" high, and is in a state of excellent preservation throughout. The characters are Kanarese, boldly formed and well executed. The size of them ranges from about " in the th of prithuvi, line 1, to about 1" in the upper t of sattu, line 4; and the rgg of svargg, line 4, is about 33" high. The characters include final forms of n (damaged) in line 4, and of in line 3; and the distinct form of the lingual d7 is clearly recognisable in Kádavam, line 4. As regards the paleography, the kh and do not occur. The j occurs in rajyam, line 1, No. 11, and is of the old square type, closed; and so, also, is the b, which we have in Bbanamási, line 2, No. 5. The l occurs in three syllables, and is perhaps seen most clearly in the lo of puyyalol, line 3, No. 13: it, also, is of the old square type; it does not present, here, the marked prolongation and sweep to the right of the downstroke which we have met with in the Hatti-Mattûr inscription, A. above; and the downstroke is closed in onto the body of the letter, towards the bottom. As regards the way in which the vowel o is formed in the same word, puyyalol, see page 164 below. The language is Kanarese, of the archaic type, in prose. The record gives us, in line 4, Domma, as another form of Domba, Domba, 'a
1 This word, a title of paramount sovereignty, as used here,-occurs sometimes with the double tt, bhattára, in which form, only, it is given in Monier-Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary, new edition, with the meanings of a noble lord (-pajya); honourable. For other instances of the use of the title, see Dyn. Kan. Distrs. pp. 368, 393, 394, 402.
Compare the Batgere inscription of A.D. 888-(in a continuation of this paper), which describes Sâdéva as "destroying" Baṭṭakere. The expression úr-alivu, 'village-destruction,' occurs again in a record of A.D. 1092 at Srirangpur in the Belgaum district, which mentions Jakkiváḍad-úr-alivu, "the village-destruction of Jakkivada." And we have it, practically, again in an inscription at Kudakûru (Ep. Cars. Vol. IV., Ha. 50), where, however, the translator has confused alivu with adavi, adivi, and has rendered Peltiyúr-alivinol by "in the Peltiyûr forest."
This is, perhaps, the modern Surangi,' which the Bombay Postal Directory places somewhere in the Karajgi taluka.
Or "were pierced and died."
There are or were, then, two memorial tablets at this place, the second of them perhaps without any writing on it.
I regret that I had forgotten this, and did not turn up my note of it in time to indicate the fact below the collotype.
7 See page 41 above.

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A.-Hatti-Mattur Inscription of Krishna I.
SCALE 25
B.-Naregal Inscription of Dhruva.
W. GRIGGS, COLLOTYPE.
J. F. FLEET
SCALE 25

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SOME RASHTRAKUTA RECORDS.
163
tumbler, a man of low caste, a Dom or Gipsy; ' and-(unless we should take turupina to bo a mistake for turuvina), in line 3 it gives us turupu, either as a variant of turu, 'a cow, kine,' or as the Kanarese form of some original Dravidian word which has given us, in Tamil, toruvu, ' & crowd, a herd of cows.'-The orthography does not present anything calling for comment.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of a king named Dôra, who is to be identified with the Rashtrakūta king Dhruva, son and successor of Ksishna I.: ' his name occurs in the Prakrit form of Dhora in, for instance, the Wapi grant of A.D. 807; and the form Dôra, which we bave in the present record, is to be taken as a corruption of Dhora. The record mentions also a certain Mêrakkarasa, who was governing the Banavasi twelve-thousand province, of course, as a feudatory of Dhruva. The object of the inscription is to commemorate the death, on the occasion of a cattle-raid, of a local hero named DommaraKaçava, " Kadava of the Dombas or Gipsies."
The record is not dated. But, as we have for Dhruva the date of A.D. 783-84, it may be placed roughly about A.D. 780.
TEXT. 1 Om? Svasti Sri-Dôram prithuvi-rajyam-keye Mara-8 2 kka-arasar-Bbanam&(VA)si-pannirchcharasinum®-Aļo Nareyan. 3 galla såsirvvars turapina
puyyalo! 4 Dommara-Kâdavam satta svargg-[&]layakk10=@ridan [llo]
TRANSLATION. Om! Hail! While the glorious Dora was reigning over the earth, and while Marakkarasa was governing the Banavåsi twelve-thousand - In the fight about the cowg!' of the thousand (Mahajanas) () of Nareyamgal, Dommara-Kadava died and ascended to heaven.
C.-Lakshmêshwar inscription of the time of Srivallabha. This inscription was brought to notice by me in 1882, in Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 156, from an indistinct ink-impression which led me to speak of it then as only a fragment not capable of being edited. It is now edited for the first time. I edit it from a plain uninked estampage and an inked impression obtained by me in 1892. The collotype is from the estampage, which is better adapted for reproduction than is the ink-impression. In the title of the collotype, "Śrivallabhs" should be substituted for "Govinda III."13
1 The word domba, domba, - which, through the form doma, gives the origin of the Gipsy expression Romany Rye, "s Gipsy gentleman," - Domani roy, "a king of the Doms" (see Ind. Ant. Vol. XV. p. 15),occors with both the lingual d and the dental d; but more usually, I think, with the lingualdIn the present ma bowever, we seem to have clearly in domma the dental d. A Domma figures in the Anamkood inscription of A.D. 1163, among the foes of the Kåkatya king Rudradêrs (Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. pp. 10, 17). • Dyn. Kan. Distrs. p. 393.
Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 167, text line 6. Compare the name Dorayya,- equivalent to Dhôrayya, -in an inscription at Kadakůru (Ep. Cars. Vol. IV., He. 50). . See page 195 r. below. From the estampage.
Represented by a plain symbol. • Nothing is wanting after this syllable. The irregular corners of the estampage, bere and at the bottom, are apparently due to projecting masonry work.
• Bead panniroholdriraman. Thew of the last syllable is quite clear in the estampage, though it is hardly recognisable in the collotype. 10 See page 161 above, note 6.
11 Lit. "in the beating, striking, etc." » See at the top of this page.
11 See page 165 below, aud note 3.
I 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
Lakshmêsh war is a well known town, the head-quarters of the Lakshmêshwar subdivision of the Senior Miraj State, within the limits of the Dharwar district. The Indian Atlas sheet No. 41 (1852) shews it as .Lakmeshwar,' in lat. 15° 7', long, 75° 31'. The record mentions it by the old name of Purigere. The inscription is on a stone which is stored, with various other inscribed stones, at the kachêri. I have no information as to where it was found. And there is nothing to explain why & stone of so irregular & shape should have been used for a formal record.
There are not any sculptures on this stone. -The writing covers an area ranging from about 5' broad in line 1 to about 9" in line 10 and about 1' 6" high, with blank spaces at the top and bottom as if for the purpose of setting it in a wall. It is in a state of fairly good preservation. The characters are Kanarese, well formed and well executed. The size of them ranges from about " in the ya of Baranásiya in line 11 to about *" in the n of nálvattu, line 6; and the fri in line 1 is about 21" high, on the slant. They include a final form of m, in line 12, which, however, is damaged and does not appear clearly in the collotype. "The distinct form of the lingual d is clearly recognisable in kidisido, line 10. As regards the palæography,- the kh does not occur. The j occurs in the word rájyan, line 2, No. 6, and is of the old square type, closed. The si occurs in the same word, and again in misusi, line 4; it presents the old square type, closed, corresponding to the j, and shews & somewhat unusually marked extension, to the right, of what is ordinarily only a very slight projection or knob in the centre of the letter: it is seen most clearly in the rike of múruri-kêriya, line 4, No. 3. The b occurs in line 1 in ballahan, and again in line 10 in Baranásiya; it, also, is of the old square type, closed, though the actual forms are considerably rounded off: it is seen best in the ba of ballahan, line 1, No. 5. The l occurs six times, and is, similarly, of the old square type throughout, though, as with the b, the actual forms are rounded off; it is seen most clearly in the lva of nálvattu, line 6, No. 6, where the downstroke is closed in onto the body of the letter, and in kavileya[], line 11, where it is not closed in. In the lê of lôkakke, line 12, which is clearer in the estampage than in the collotype, we have the same form of the akshara that we have in, for instance, sakalóttará in line 9 of the Vakkalêri grant of Kirtivarman II. of A.D. 757, and, earlier, in lôkakke in line 10 of one of the Pattadakal inscriptions of Vikramaditya II. of the period A.D. 733 to 747 ; it is a somewhat cursively formed variety (but preserving the old square type of the l, and not introducing any approach to the later oursive type) of the old square lô which we have in lokaḥs in line 3 of the Aihole inscription of Pula kesin II. of A.D. 634-35, and in Lôkamahadeviyard in line 3 of the companion Pattadakal inscription of Vikramaditya II.,' and which appears again in modalo! in line 9 of the Kanarese grant of Govinda III. of A.D. 804,5 where, however, there is the difference that the side-stroke which converts le or lå into lo or 18 is turned downwards : and the lô as formed in this Lakshmêshwar inscription, by a modification of the upper part of the 1, is more archaic than the lo of puyyalol in line 3 of the Naregal inscription, B. above, which is probably earlier in date; the vowel is there represented, not by a modification of the upper part of the l itself, but by two distinct vowel-marks attached before and after the entire l. On the other hand, in the present record, in kavileya[1], line 11, the e is formed by a vowel-mark attached to the entire l, instead of being denoted by a modification of the upper part of the l itself, according to the archaic custom, as, for instance, in kalê in line 16 of the Aihole inscription of Pulakesin II. of A.D. 634-35.6 In geyye, line 3, the subscript y is represented, very exceptionally,
1 Above, Vol. V. p. 202, and Plate.
* Ind. Ant. Vol. X. p. 164, No. 99, and Plate. Page 4 above, and Plate.
• Ind. Ant. Vol. X. p. 164, No. 100, and Plate. Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 187, and Plate.
• Page 7 above, and Plate; and see note 6 on page 5. The proper difference between li and le, ld, seems to have been that in li the i should be denoted by a circle on the top of the straight part of the upstroke of the l, and that in le, 14, the vowel should be denoted by turning in the curve of the top of the letter to meet the top of the straight part of the upstaoke.

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No. 16.]
by an ordinary y (but without the top-stroke) attached below the upper y, instead of by the usual subscript form which we have in the preceding word rajyan: I cannot quote any similar instance in so late a record; and it seems to be here a freak.- The language is Kanarese, of the archaic type, in prose. The record gives us, in line 1-2, ballaha, as a Prakrit form of the Sanskrit vallabha; in line 4-5, paṭṭagara, as a variant of patakára, a weaver;' in line 5, seniya, a (head)-man of a guild,' from seni, = éréni, a (3), with which we have to compare náda, 'a (head)-man of a district,' from nád, nádu, + a (3); in lines 7 and 9, sampu, which seems to mean 'a length (of cloth or silk),' and to be another variant of chápu, 'stretch, length, extent,' júpu, the measure of a long stride,' and dapu, stretch, etc., the measure of a stride;' and in line 8, kelagu (with the copulative affix), as a variant of kelagu, under, down, below.'The orthography does not present anything calling for comment.
4
SOME RASHTRAKUTA RECORDS.
165
The inscription refers itself to the reign of a king whom it mentions by only the biruda Śriballaha, that is to say Srivallabha. On palæographic grounds, it is to be placed in the last quarter of the eighth century A.D. For that reason, coupled with the locality to which it belongs, it is unquestionably a Râshtrakûța record. And this king Śrivallabha is, in all probability, to be identified with the Rashtrakuta king Dhruva: the only alternative is that he is Dhruva's son Govinda III.; but, in spite of what has previously been thought, it now appears very questionable whether Govinda III. was so specifically well known by the biruda Srivallabha as was his father Dhruva. The object of the inscription is to record that the head-man of the guild of the weavers of the múrumkéri of Purigere-(Lakshmeshwar)
1 It was the ancient way of forming the subscript y; see the Junagadh inscription of Rudradaman, in the word mahakshatrapasya near the end of line 3, and in other places (Archeol. Sure. West. Ind. Vol. II. p. 128, and Plate).
1 For an instance of the word ndda, see page 71 above, note 2.
When I first brought this inscription to notice, I treated it as a record of the reign of Govinda III. At that time, in dealing with the Rashtrakutas I was chiefly following the lend of Dr. Bühler. His Table of the Rashtrakutas shewed the biruda Śrivallabha for only Govinda III.; see Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 72, and his remarks (ibid. p. 64) in his introduction to the Rådbanpur grant which he was then editing, and his translation (ibid. p. 71) of the passages from which he took the biruda. And, as a matter of fact, it is only recently,since the time when the collotype of this record, now issued, was prepared and titled, that it could be recognised that this biruda, when used in a Rashtrakuta record, referable to an indefinite date in the period A.D. 775 to 800, in the special manner in which it is used in this record, does not by any means necessarily denote Govinda III. On this point, see further on, under the use of the biruda Śrivallabba in the Rashtrakuta records.
This word murum-kéri, —or murun-kéri, as actually written in this record, with the guttural nasal instead of the anusvára,- would mean, by literal translation, three streets.' But it seems to be a technical expression, the exact purport of which is to be found in connection with the wider meaning of 'quarter, quarters, a division of a town,' which kéri has in, for instance, holegéri, the Holer's quarters,' the well known expression for that part of a village (usually outside the village itself) in which the Mahars, Mange, and other low-caste people dwell. I do not at present find anything, helping to explain it, in any of the other records at Lakshmeshwar. A proverbial saying, which may or may not indicate some clue, is given in the Rev. Mr. Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary, under náru, namely náru dru iddarú kéri beku, "though there be fully a hundred (persons), a street in necessary;" and it is explained to me by Mr. Kittel as meaning that a hundred persons, or more, may be a large number, but, if their houses are erected unsystematically, one here and one there, there is no proper village, and a street, along which houses are built in rows, is necessary to constitute a regular village. It seems likely that we have a synonym of marumkéri in another technical expression, múrumpura, of which, also, the exact purport is not apparent. Mürumpura would mean, by literal translation, 'three towns;' but the exact bearing of it is, no doubt, to be explained in connection with the more special meaning, which pura has, of a division of a town, a ward,' particularly in the actual names of such divisions or wards. There was a mûrumpura at Balagami. A record there, of A.D. 1129, likens, the pancha-mathamgal or five mathas of that place, which it specifies as the shrines of Hari (Vishnu), Hara (Siva), Kamalasana (Brahman), Vitaraga (Jinêndra), and Bauddha (Buddha), to the fivefold string of pearls of the Earth, and likens the mdrum-purangal, which it calls alliya marum-kangal or "the three eyes of that place," to three strings of pearls on the neck of that same lovely woman (the Earth), who is thus superior to even the perfect Lakshmi (P. 8. O.-C. Inacrs. No. 178, lines 48 to 46, and see Mysore Insers. p. 90). Also, a record of A.D. 1181, at the same place, mentions a certain Sâvideva, who is described as- nagarapanchamatha-múrumpurada saudo(?)re-herggade, "the Saudore(?)-Hergade of the sagara and the

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
made a religious grant, in the form of a proportionate quantity of the goods turned out by the weavers, doubtless for the purposes of some temple, not mentioned in the record, at which the stone must have been set up.
The record is not dated. But, selecting a year which suits both the palaeographic standard of the characters and the bare possibility of the inscription being of the time, not of Dhruva, but of Govinda III., for whom we have the date of A.D. 794 from the Paithan grant, we may place it about A.D. 793.
TEXT.2
[VOL. VI.
1 Om Svasti Sriballa
2 ham prithuvi-rajya
3 n-geyye Purigereya
4 mûrun-kêriya paṭṭa
5 gårara sepi(pi)ya
6 n-itta dharmma nålvattu
7 sâmpinol-ondu mûva
8 ttara kelagum i[nn]û
9 ra mêlum are-sâmpu [||] Idu ni[l]u
10 davu [1] Idân-kiḍisido[m] Bâra
11 pasiya såsira kavileya[m]
12 kondona lökakke sandon-ak[k]u[m] [*]
TRANSLATION.
Om! Hail! While Sriballaha was reigning over the earth-The religious grant, that was given by the head-man of the guild of the weavers of the mûrumkéri of Purigere, was one
panchamatha and the múṛumpura” (P. 8. O.-C. Insers. No. 192, line 62, and see Mysore Insors. p. 119). And this last passage seems to separate the marampura from the sagara or city, and to mark the expression as the name for some distinct portion or portions of the township, outside the town proper. The expression múrumpura occurs again, with panchamatha, in the Konnûr inscription which purports to reproduce a charter of the time of Amoghavarsha I. (page 34 above, text line 71); and it seems, therefore, that there was a márumpura at Konnûr also. I would suggest, incidentally, that the word avatala, meaning literally own surface,' which we have in Valabhi-svatala (Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 15, text line 11 of plate ii., and Vol. XIV. p. 330, text line 25, and probably also in Vol. IV. p. 175, text line 7-8), is to be taken as the equivalent of nagara, and that Valabhisvatala does mean "Valabhi proper, Valabhi within the walls," as taken by Dr. Bühler in dealing with the first of these passages. The vihdra built by Dudda and situated in Valabi-svatala according to that passage, appears to be described in another passage as situated in Falabht-pura (Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 67, text line 2 of plate ii.); and this seems to make avatala synomymous with pura in the sense of nagara. Seatala occurs again, in the case of a village called Trisatimaks (by mistake for Trisamgamaka) in another record of the Maitrakas of Valabbi (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XX. p. 9, text line 14). Another technical expression containing muru, 'three,' and requiring explanation, is múrum-modalu, meaning literally three beginnings, roots, bases; we have it in the genitive, marummodala, qualifying mahdjanam, in the Nandwadige inscription (Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 221, text line 3).
2 From the estampage and the ink-impression.
Above, Vol. III. p. 103.
Represented by a plain symbol.
Read milvudu, or milluvudu; or else read ios, with silouvu or nilluvuvu.
This akshara, na, was at first omitted, and then was inserted below the ló of lökakke.- For the expression kondona lókakke, compare, e.g., Ind. Ant. Vol. X. p. 164, No. 99, line 10, where the correction kondord now seems unnecessary. We seem to have kondord lökakke in Ind. Ant. Vol. VIII. p. 286, text line 6 (see the lithograph). The more usual, and probably more strictly grammatical expression, is konda lökakke; see, for instance, Ind. Ant. Vol. VIII. p. 285, No. 57, text line 5, and Vol. X. p. 165, No. 101, text line 12, and p. 166, No. 102, text line 6.
See page 165 above, note 4.

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C.-Lakshmeshwar Inscription of Govinda III.
W. GRIGGS, COLLOTYPE.
J. F. FLEET
SCALE 40

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No. 16.]
SOME RASHTRAKUTA RECORDS.
167
(length) on (each) forty lengths; (bet) below thirty, and above two hundred, half a length. This shall continue !
(L. 10) - Whosoever destroys this will associate himself with people who kill a thousand brown cows of Baranåsi!
The appellations of the Rashtrakuțas of Malkhôd. This study is the outcome of some inquiries that were commenced with a view to determining exactly who may be the king Srivallabha, to whose time the Lakshmêshwar inscription, C. above, refers itself. For that purpose, it was necessary only to go as far as Amoghavarsha I. But some other points of interest presented themselves during the inquiry, in connection with the proper names of the kings as well as their birudas and other appellations ; and it seemed useful and convenient to go through the whole dynasty. I am not sure that I have quite exhausted the subject; it is difficult to do that in dealing with so many records, edited in different works and not arranged chronologically, and some of them published in Någari characters which do not adapt themselves to capitals, thick type, and other devices for catching the eye quickly. But, at any rate, I am able to put forward results that can be easily completed, at any future time, in respect of any few details that may have been overlooked here.
I may add that I commenced the inquiry with the expectation that the results would prove that the Srivallabha of the record in question, and of an important passage which furnishes a date, could only be Gðvinda III. The steps by which we are driven to a different conclusion on this point, will disclose themselves in due course.
Two general remarks may as well be made here. One is that, for any particular point, it is usually sufficient to refer to only that passage, the earliest in date, which first brings it forward ; the value of a statement is seldom, if ever, in any way enhanced by the mere repetition of it in successive records which do no more than reproduce the exact words of earlier records. The other is that, in matters of technical detail, prose records in general, and in particular the formal preambles of the prose passages which introdace the special subject of each copper-plate charter, are obviously of more importance than any preliminary verses, in which flights of fancy were naturally permissible and were plainly sometimes indulged in, and in which absolute accuracy might at any time be made subordinato by an unskilful composer to metrical and other similar necessities.
For a complete list of the Rashtrakůțas of Malkhôd and of the first Gujarat branch, for use in connection with the remarks made in the following pages, reference may be made to the Table given by me in Vol. III. above, opposite page 54, or to the same Table in my Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts (in the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. I. Part II.), opposite page 386.
The first paramount king in the dynasty of the Rashtrakūtas of Malkhôd was Dantidurga. Of his time, we have the Samangad grant, issued in A.D. 754. And this record, it may be mentioned, opens the pedigree with his great-grandfather Govinda I., and thus carries the family back as far as do any of the subsequent records, with the exception of the inscription
Ie, apparently, ball length on any piece of less than thirty lengths, one length on each forty lengths up to two hundred, and then balf a length on each furty a love that pun.ber.

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at the Dasavatára cave at Ellora, which puts forward the names of Indra I. as the father, and Dantivarman I. as the grandfather, of Govinda I. The verse in the Sâmångad grant which introduces Dantidurga, gives his proper name in the form of Dantidurgaraja; the formal preamble of the prose passages of the record adds déva, and styles him Dantidurgarajadêva ; and a verse at the end of the record presents his name in the variant of Dantivarman, a form which rather curiously and unexpectedly crops up again, two centuries and a half later, in the Bhâdâna grant of A.D. 997,3 - (a record of one of the Silâhâra princes of the Northern Konkan, which recites the Rashtrakûţa pedigree), - without, as yet, any trace of it, in his case, in any of the intermediate records. The second verse in the description of Dantidurga in the SÅmångad grant may be interpreted as giving him the biruda of Rajasimha, which, we now know, occurs at any rate in the case of other kings of other lines ; but we have not as yet obtained any corroboration of it elsewhere in his case, and, from the first historical verse in the same record, the same biruda might be equally well established in the case of Govinda I., though the latter was only an ancestor and not a reigning king. Be that as it may, the formal preamble of the prose passages of the Sâmångad grant does establish for Dantidurga the birudas of Prithivivallabha and Khadgivalók a. And a verse in the Paithan grant of
Care-Temple Inscriptions (No. 10 of the brochures of the Archeological Survey of Western India), p. 92, Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji's version ; see also Arohaol. Suro. West. Ind. Vol. V. p. 87, where the Pandit's text has been reproduced, in transliteration, by Dr. Bühler! the latter version has thus become the more convenient one to quote. The record is probably of the time of Amoghavarshs I.; because, after taking the early part of the pedigree as far as Dantidurgs, it proceeds next to mention Amoghavarsh I., without any notice of the intermediate naines. But it was left unfinished, breaking off abruptly in even the middle of a verse. And therefore we cannot say with absolute certainty that it was not composed in, and intended to run on to, later time.
. Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 112, text lines 16 and 28, respectively. * Above, Vol. III. p 271, text line 4.
• The only other known instances of this name among the Rashtrakūtas, are (1), as mentioned above, in the Ellors inscription, which puts it forward m the name of the original ancestor of the family: (2) in the Berods grant of A.D. 811 or 812, which mentions s Rdjaputra Dantivarman who was perhaps & son of the feudators prince Suvarnavarshe-Karkarijs (Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 161, text line 68); and (3) in the Bagumrå grant, of doubtful authenticity, purporting to have been issued in A.D. 888, which puts it forward as the name of apparently the father of the alleged feudatory prince Akala varsha-Krishộaraja of that record (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 69, verse 20).
Loc. cit. (note 3 above), text line 19; the word is there translated, by " very lion of a king."
• Ibid, text lines 27, 28.-The first of these two appellations was not recognised as a formal biruda when the record was edited ; and it was treated as an abbreviation of Sriprithivioallabha. But we are now able to see that a distinction must always be made between, on the one hand, Prithivivallabha. "favourite of the Earth," and Srlvallabha, "favourite of Fortune," which were formal birudas restricted to individual cases, and, on the other hand, irlprithiofvallabha, "favourite of Fortune and of the Earth," which was
Paramount epithet of general application. A pointed instance in which the distinction between the biruda Srvallabha and the epithet is marked, is furnished by a passage in one of the Nausart grants of A.D. 915, which describes Indrs IIL M paramabhatfdraka-mahardjddlindja-param divara-briprithvfeallabha-Srlvallabha. értman-Nityanarslanarindraddoa (Jour. Bo. Br. R. 43. Soe. Vol. XVIII. p. 264, A. plate ii. b, text lines 11, 19). And, where we often find the biruda Sriyallabha, at any rate, used as a substitute for proper name, we do not find the epithet frlprithiofeallabha used in that way. The ides underlying both the two birudas and the epithet, was, that Fortune and the Earth were sccounted actual wives of kings and it would, therefore, be more strictly correct to render vallabha by husband' in this epithet and in these two birdas and any exactly similar ones, and there are a few passages in which it should be so rendered, in order to bring out the meaning fully, but there are other birudar and expressions, in which that particular meaning of tallabla does not apply and it seems on the whole desirable to render the word by 'favourite even in the epithet and in the birudas in question, partly for the sake of uniformity of translation, and partly to mark the point that the original texts use pallabha and not any such word sa pati, bhartri, etc. The idea is presented by Kalidasa, in the Raghuvamia, i. verse 82, which mays that, extensive ss was his harem, the king Dilips considered himself really provided with wives only in the persons of Sudakshina (his actual wedded wife) and Fortune ; and the commentator points out)-the poet, using for king' the word warudhadkipa, lord of the earth,' implies that the Earth was also his wife, but his group of real wives was not complete without Yortune and Sudakshiql. An epigraphie pasage in

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A.D. 794 speaks of him as Vallabharaja, " the Vallabha king," or, possibly, "the king of the Vallabhas."! This designation however, as also the simpler designation Vallabha,- was, not a special biruda, but an appellation of general application. The two appellations were not restricted to the Rashtrakůţa family; and the name Vallabha does not always denote a Rashtrakûţa even in the Rashtrakūta records. And the fuller one of them, Vallabharåja, is of interest in connection with the Rashtraka tas of Malkhed chiefly because, through its Praksit forms, it explains the name, "the Balharás," by which the contemporaneous Arab travellers and geographers of the ninth and tenth centuries A.D. used to speak of those kings. The Kadaba grant, which purports to have been issued in A.D. 813, would set up for Dantidurga the biruda of Vairam@gha, by which appellation alone it mentions him ; but we cannot admit this as established, until we obtain some authentic confirmation of it from a record the nature of which is unquestionable.
Dantidurga was succeeded by his paternal uncle Krishna I. The Paithan grant of A.D. 794 introduces him as Krishnaraja, and then presents two verses which establish for him the birudas of Subhatunga and Akalavarsha. Another verse in the same record might perhaps be taken as practically speaking of him as Srivallabha: but the appellation is there divided into two words, Sriyó vallabhaḥ, which is at least a very exceptional manner of putting forward any formal epithet, title, or biruda; with that passage we have to compare the descriptions, similarly in verse, of Jagattunga II. as vallabhô víra-Lakshmy dh in the Nausâri
one of the Pals records tells us that "Gopals was the husband of Fortune as well as the lord of the Earth," or, more literally, that "Gopala was lord (pati) of the Earth who was the fellow-wife (na patns) of Fortune " (Ind. Ant. Vol. XXI p 257, and note 55). And the Chols records constantly utilise the idea : thus, an inscription of the twenty-ninth year of Rajakesarivarma-Rajadhiraja says that," while the goddess of the Earth was beaming under his fringed white parasol, the king wedded the goddess of Fortune" (South-Ind. Insors. Vol. III. p. 55); an inscription of the second year of Rajakostivarma-Rajamahendra says, from the opposite point of view, that
while the goddess of Portune was resplendent, he wedded the great goddess of the Earth, in order that she might sbide joyfully under the shade of a single parasol ” (ibid. p. 114); an inscription of the fourth year of Parakesarivarma-Rajëndradêve says that, "while the goddess of Fortune and the great goddess of the Earth became his great queens, the king raised on high his brilliant white parasol " (ibid. p. 61); and an inscription of the twelfth yeur of Parakesarivarma-Rajendrachóļa I., expanding the idea by introducing Victory as another 80-called wife, and referring sleo to his actual wedded wife, speaks of "his long life, in which the great goddess of the Karth, the goddess of Victory in battle, and the beautiful and matchless goddess of Fortune, who had become his great queens, gave him pleasure while his own illustrious queen was prospering ” (id. Vol. I. p. 99). It may be added that we have a still more figurative expansion of the general idea, by the suggestion of a city as a wife of a king, in the verse in the Aihole inscription of A.D. 634-35 which says that Pulakësin I., who was Srivallabha or favourite (in this passage, more exactly, husband) of Fortune, became also the bridegroom of the town Våtâpi purt (page 8 sbove, verse 7): so, also, & country is put forward, in the same way, in the description of the earliest Silahárs princes of the Northern Konkay as "favourite of the Kookso" and "favourite of the whole Konkan" (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 184, text line 3, p. 186, line 2, p. 186, line 1-3; and, in another direction, we find Learning indicated, by the use of the word vallabha, as a wife of wise men (see page 187 below, note 10). Both in the biruda Přithivivallabhs and in the epithet Sriprithibdallabha, the Sanskrit records use, indifferently, either prithol or prithiol, while the Kaparece records often present the corruptions prithuvi, prithuel, frithuvi, and prithwol. No distinction serms to be involved. And, while giving in the present study, in each individual case, the form that is actually used, it seems desirable, for the sake of uniformity in indexing, eto, to adopt for general purposes the form prithirs, which, though it is strictly only a substitute for prithof, is dreidedly the more familiar word of the two and also seems to be the more common term,
i Above, Vol. III. p. 106, text line 17. As regards the alternative rendering of this app-llation by the king of the Vallabhar," the Tamil form Vallavar kón, which has been translated in that way by Dr. Holtzsch (South. Ind. Incore. Vol. III. p. 89), occurs in passage in a Chols record in which it deuotes the Western Chalukys king Åhavamalla-Sömesvars I.
See two pasages referred to on page 103 below, notes 2 and 3. See also the end of note on page 190. . See page 190 below, and note 6. . Above, Vol. IV. p. 846, after verse 3; and see p. 836. Above, Vol. III. p. 106, text lines 17 to 21.
• Lge, eit. text line 26-27.

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grants of A.D. 9151 and of Indra III. as rajya-friya bharta in the Kardà grant of A.D. 972; we do not infer from those verses that Jagattunga II. and Indra III. were formally known As Viralakshmivallabha and Rajyasribhartsi; in the same way, we do not take it as proved by the verse in the Paithan grant that Srivallabha is established as a specific biruda of Krishna I.;' and the Wani grant of A.D. 807 styles him simply Vallabha. A verse in the Baroda grant of A.D. 811 or 812, which describes Krishpa I. as raining down wealth in excess of even the utmost desires of his servants, might be taken as conveying a hint that he had a second varsha-appellation, in the shape of Dhanavarsha : but, in the Kåvi grant of A.D. 826 or 827,7 the same verse was made to do duty in the case of the feudatory Rashtrakūta prince Suvarņavarsha-Karkarkja of Gujarat; and it seems, therefore, that it was not intended to have any special meaning in either case. It may be added here that another verse in the Paithay grant tells us that Krishna I. conquered in battle a certain Råhappa, and then or thus "quickly extended the sovereignty which was resplendent with a row of pálidhuaja-bannerg." It seems probable that Rahappa was the more familiar name of the Råshtrakůta king Kakkarája II., of another branch of the family in Gujarat, who was reigning over the territory on the north of the Tapti in A.D. 757,8 or else that it was the name of his saccessor. And it is perhaps, in the same connection,- rather than with any reference to Dantidurga, as I have previously thought, that we should apply the statement, in the Baroda grant of A.D. 811 or 812, that Krishna I. uprooted a vaniya or " kinsman" who had taken to evil ways, and appropriated the kingdom to himself for the benefit of his family,
Krishna I. left two sons, Govinda II. and Dhruva. They are introduced by their proper names, as hôvindaraja and Dhruvaraja, in two consocutive verses in the Paithan grant of A.D. 794.20 And the second verse shows that Govinda II. was the elder of the two brothers. A statement, which has been understood to imply that Govinda II. succeeded to the throne and held it for a while, is made, and as far as all known records go, appears for the first time,-- & century and a half later in the D88li grant of A.D. 940, which says that "sensual pleasures "made him (Govinda II.) careless of the kingdom; and, entrusting fully the universal "sovereignty to his younger brother Nirupama-(Dhruva), he allowed his position as sovereign to "become loose." But no statement that he reigned is made in the Paithan grant, which is the first record after his time that puts forward details of the genealogy and succession. The verse which introduces him in that record, speaks, it is true, of his white umbrella with which the rays of the sun were warded off from his head as he moved in battle, and says that he conquered the world, and talks of his causing widowhood to the wives of his enemies and of his bursting agunder in war the temples of the elephants of his foes. These, however, are merely Vagae poetical statements, introduced to eke at the verse that first mentions him, of no more
1 Jour. B. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XVIII.; the words are rendered in the translation (p. 267) by "the beloved of the soldierly Lakshmi."
Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 265, text line 19.
"The verse, in fact, simply reproduces one part of the general idea (see note 6 on page 168 above), and incidentally describes Krishna I. ss being, among other things, a husband of Fortune ; much in the same way, as & verse in the Baroda grant of A.D. 811 or 818 (Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 169, text lines 21, 22) says of Dhruva that "bearing in mind, personally, that whatever is appropriate should be done in securing Lakshmi, he was always successful; but what was there wonderful in that?, since any man, who does not look about for assistance and thue create factitione difficulties), le able to make his own wife subject to his control:" this letter verse intimates that Dhruva was, in his turn, lawful husband of Fortune ; but it does not establish for Dhruva any biruda based on that idea. • Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 167, text line 5.
Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 159, text lines 11, 12. • Just as Govinda IV. had the two birsda, of Prabhta varsha and Suvarnavarsha. 1 Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 147, vene 83.
See Dyt. Kan. Distrs. pp. 891, 392. • Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 162.
10 Above, Vol. III. p. 107, text lines 87 to . 1 Above, Vol. V. p. 193, vers 10; for the translation which I use, see the rendering of the same verse as verse 11 in the Karbad grant of A.D. 958 (alove, Vol. IV. p. 287).

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specific purport and value than are the very similar statements that are made in the same record about Govinda I. and Indra I., who were not reigning kings, but were simply ancestors of the first reigning king. And the Wani grant of A.D. 807, which is the next record of the same kind, specifically tells us that Dhruva obtained the sovereignty by "leaping over his elder brother (jyêshth-ollaighana)," whose name it does not even take the trouble to mention.1 This is a most distinct assertion that Dhruva superseded his elder brother altogether. And further light is thrown on the matter by another passage in the Paithan grant, which says that Govinda II. fetched in large numbers even hostile kings,-the ruler of Mâlava and others, the lord of Kâñchi, the Ganga, and him of Vengi,- but the mind of Dhruva, after that he had possessed himself of his ruby-ornaments and store of gold, underwent no change in regard to him; and then, having made conciliatory overtures to him in vain, Dhrava speedily defeated him in battle, and drove away the eastern and the northern opponents, and thus "obtained the whole sovereignty." This makes it clear that Govinda II. did not submit quietly to being deprived of his rights. And we have, perhaps, an intimation that he established himself in the northern territory, while Dhruva set himself up as his rival in the south, and that time elapsed before Dhruva made himself-master of the whole kingdom. But it is plain that, at the best, Govinda II. made a stand for only a short time. And it seems more probable that the passage simply seeks to describe him, as Pulakêsin II. is described in the Aihole record, as engaging in the act called aparuddhacharita, that is to say, wandering abroad, debarred altogether from his rights, and endeavouring to obtain them by the help of other rulers. The statement made in the Wapi grant would not be inconsistent with the possibility that Govinda II. was the intended successor of Krishna I. Also, we have not as yet found, in any of the records, any statements in respect of Dhruva similar to those which are made in respect of his son and successor Govinda III.; namely,, in the Rådhanpur grant," that Govinda III. received from his father the kanthikd or necklet (which was the badge of appointment as Yuvaraja), but protested against a transfer of the sovereignty itself to him while his father was still alive, and, in the Paithan grant, that he was chosen for the succession out of several sons, because he surpassed his brothers in merit. We, therefore, cannot say that the succession was not intended to pass, at this point, from the father, Krishna I., to the elder son, Govinda II. And the pointed expression used in the Wani grant is, in fact, rather suggestive that, not only was Govinda II. the intended successor, but also the appointment of him as Yuvaraja had actually been made. We naturally, however, follow the information furnished by the Paithan and Wani grants, which are so near in time to the events themselves, in preference to a loose statement, which first appears a century and a half later, in a record which does not follow any of the ancient drafts but presents an altogether new composition. If, indeed, that statement could be looked upon as authoritative at all, it might be interpreted, just as readily, as meaning that Govinda II. was so much engrossed in sensual pleasures that he was altogether indifferent about the sovereignty and deliberately allowed Dhruva to usurp it, which, however, we know from the Paithan grant was not the case. But, obviously, the statement owes its existence to nothing but the fact, which we can recognise from also other independent drafts, that the name of Govinda II. had been duly preserved in the ramsávali and archives of the dynasty, and to a flight of fancy on the part of the composer of the draft that was followed in that record, who, differing from the composers of some other drafts, thought it worth while to mention Govinda II., and said about him the first thing that came into his head and sufficed to fill out a verse with some
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1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 157, text line 7.
For the literal full translation, see above, Vol. III. p. 104.
The Gangas, then, in the south, apparently remained to be dealt with on a subsequent occasion.
• See Professor Kielhorn's explanation of the technical term in question (page 9 above, note 2).
In the Wani grant, which is slightly earlier in date, part of this passage was carelessly omitted, and tw complete verses, of four padas ench, were combined into one verse with the exceptional number of five pådas. z 2

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kind of a suggestion as to why the succession passed to the younger brother. And the conclusion at which we arrive from the authoritative early records, is, that Dhruva set himself ap as king immediately on the death of Kțishna I., and that Govinda II. had not any real part at all in the succession. The Kadaba grant, which purports to have been issued in A.D. 813, would set up for Govinda II. the biruda of Prabhůtavarsha. But we do not accept this, until we find it in some unquestionable record. And the only secondary appellation that is as yet established for him, is that of Vallabha; it is supplied by the Paithan grant, which, in the first verse that mentions him, says that he was Govindaraja who had the akhya or name of Vallabha, and, in the other passage, uses that name to denote him.
The successor, then, of Krishņa I. was his younger son Dhruva. The Paithan grant of A.D. 794, of his son and successor Govind: III., mentions him, in the verses, by the name of Dhruvaraja and the biruda of Nirupama;" and the formal preamble of the prose part of it further establishes for him the biruda of Dhårdvarsha, because, using a certain technical expression of very constant occurrence, it describes Govinda III. as meditating on the feet of the Paramabhatfaraka, Maharajadhiraja, and Paramétvara Dhårdvarshadêva. A verse in the Wapi grant of A.D. 807 gives his proper name in the Prakrit form of Dhora, though a subsequent verse in the same record gives it in the anal Sanskrit form of Dhruva ;7 and an intermediate verse in the same record further establishes for him the biruda of Kalivallabha. In the Pattadakal inscription of his time, he is designated Dhåråvarsha and Kaliballaha,
- the latter being the Pråkpit form of Kalivallabha. And the Naregal inscription gives Dôra, as another variety of the Pråkrit form of his proper name.10 Another important biruda of his, Śrivallabha, will be brought forward farther on. A verse in the Sångli grant of A.D. 933
We have similar flight of fancy, or at any rate an unquestionably erroneous statement, in the assertion made in the sildhåra Bhadana grant of A.D. 997, that Amôghavarsha II. reigned for a year; see page 176 below.
The other Rashtra kåta records which deal with this part of the genealogy and succession, treat Govioda II. as follows. The Rad banpur grant of A.D. 807 follows the draft of the Want grant, and refers to bim, in the same way, only as the unnamed elder brother whom Dhruvs superseded (Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 69, verse 5). The Haroda grant of A.D. 811 or 812 PARSO bin over without any allusion of any kind (Ind. Aut. Vol. XII. pp. 162, 163); and so does tbe Kapadwap grant of A.D. 909 or 910 (Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 56); and so also, do even the Nausart granta of A.D. 916 (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XVIII. p. 266), which aim At presenting the whole line from Dantidurga to lodra III., with the first rudimentary introduction of Puranic preface. The Nauri grant of A.D. 817 (Jour. Bo. Br. R. 41. Soc. Vol. XX. pp. 144, 145, verses 18, 19), and the Kavi grant of A.D. 826 or 827 (Ind. Ant. Vol. V. pp. 149, 150, verses 18, 19), and the Baroda grant of A.D. 834 or 835 (id. Vol. XIV. p. 201, verses 2, 3), and the Bagumrl grant of A.D. 266 or 867 (id. Vol. XII. p. 187, verses 15, 16), and the Baguna grant, of doubtful authenticity, of A.1). 888 (id. Vol. XIII. p. 67, verses 9, 10), repeat the two verses which introduce the two brothers in the Paithan grant, but do not include the subsequent matter stated in that record about them. The Singli grant of A.D. 933 mentions Govinda II. between his father Krishna I. and bis younger brother Nirupama-(Dhruva), but does not make any assertion that he reigned (Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 252). The Kurbad grant of A.D. 959 follows the draft of the Deolt grant of A.D. 910, and so repeats the statement that sensual pleasures made him careless of the kingdom, oto. (above, Vol. IV. p. 287, verse 11). And the Karda grant of A.D. 973 mentions bin between his father and his younger brotber, but does not revive the statement that is made in the Dooli and Karbad grants, and does not say anything elne tending to suggest that he reigned (Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 267). Above, Vol. IV. p. 842, line 40.
Above, Vol. III. p. 107, text lines 29, 85, 87. Ibid. p. 108, text lines 42, 43. It seems that the biruda was actually written there, carelessly, as DbArAvatsadeva. If any doubt abould be entertained as to what was really intended, reference may be made to the corresponding passages in the Want and Radhanpur grants, both of wbich, it may be added, give tbe biruda with the ending deva, just as the Paithan record does.
Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 157, text line 6.
Loo, cit. text line 26. When this passage was translated, and, before it, the same psange in the Radhanpur crant (Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 70, verse 17), tbe fuct that the word is here a proper name was not recognised, and it was rendered, with the following ina, by "already."
Ibid. text line 14. Regarding the meaning of this biruda, which had evidently been misunderstood both by Dr. Bühler and by myself, nee page 108 above, note 9.
Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 125, text lines 1, 2. » Page 168 above, text line 1.

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seems clearly to intend to allot to him the biruda of Iddhatėjas, because it speaks of him as "the king Iddhatêjas, who had the other name of Nirupama,'' instead of using such a construction that the word might be taken as an ordinary adjective qualifying raja; but it is very problematical whether there is anything authentic about that appellation, appearing, as it does, for the first time at that late date.
Dhruva was succeeded by his son Gôvinda III. His Paithan grant of A.D. 794 introd aces him, in verse, as Gôvindaraja, son of Nirapama, and tells us that he was chosen for the succession out of several song, because he surpassed his brothers in merit; and, in the preamble of the prose passages, it denotes him by the biradas of Přithvivallabha and Prabhůtavarsha, in combination with a third appellation Srivallabha narendradêva, which apparently uses the biruda Srivallabha, and which, in that case, is to be rendered by “his majesty the king Srivallabha." His grant from the Kaparese country, issued in A.D. 804, uses, from among his various birudas, only that of Prabhůtavarsha, and presents his proper name in the Pråkpit form of Gôyinda. Like the Paithan grant, his Wani and Radhanpur grants of A.D. 807 do not mention any of his birudas in the verses; in the formal probe passages, the Wapi grant uses the birudas Prabhä tavarsbadeva and Prithvivallabha, followed by his proper name as Govindarajadêva," while the Rådhanpur grant follows the Paithan draft, and places the Prithvivallabha first, gives the Prabhutavarsha without the ending dēva, and uses Srivallabhanarendradêva, "his majesty the king Srivallabha," instead of the proper name. The Baroda grant of A.D. 811 or 812, issued in his time, gives him, in verse, the biruda Kirtipurusha, which we meet with in the Nilgand inscription of A.D. 866 in the form of Kirtinarayana7 more in accordance with the habitual style of the Rashtrakūta birudas; and further on, in another verse, it speaks of him as Srivallabha. The Torkhoạe grant of A.D. 813, also issued in his
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XIl. p. 249, text lines 10, 11.
. For the rendering of the honorific termination narendradda, see page 188 below. That the frt is an integral and essential part of the appellation, and not the honorific prefis, - that is to say, that Govinda II. really had the biruda Srlvallabha, seems to be established by the corresponding passage in the Radbanpur grant of A.D. 807, which (unless we choose to assume a mistake of some kind or piece of carelessness) intentionally repeats the fri, or, in other words, prefixes the honorific erf to tbu birsda Srivallabhs. The text in that record (see Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 67, plate ii. b, text lines 3, 4) runs-Prith foal[io]abha-frimat-Prabhd ararra-briŚroallabhanarendradéosh; using, in addition to the frl before Srivallabha, the honorific frimat, which has precisely the same value, before Prabhåtsvarshs. And, if it were not for that passage, there would be sufficient authority for treating the iri in the Paithan pasange as the honorific prefix, and for rendering the appellation used there by "his glorious majesty the king Vallabha," just as we have to reoder brimad-Vallabhanarendraddva in the formal prose paspages of records of Govinda IV., Krishna III., and Kakku II. (see further on, under those kinge); particularly as the Neuert grant of A.D. 817 seems to single out Prithivivallabhs, as the special vallabhaappellation of Govinda III. (see further on in the text above). We should then have to treat in the same way the expression used in the Torkhede grane. And the result would go far towards cancelling the biruda Srivallabha altogether in the case of Govinda III. ; in fact, the only remaining authority for it would be the verse in the Baroda grant of A.D. 811 or 812 (see further on in the text above).- On the occasional emphasising of brf as an integral part of proper names and birudas, see Gupta Inscriptions, p. 8, note 3, clause (3) on p. 9.
• Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 126, text line 3-4, and p. 127, text line 5. • Ibid. p. 159, text lines 84, 35. . Ind. Ant. Vol. VL. p. 87, plate ii. 6, text lines 3, 4; and see note & above.
• Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 159, text line 94. The word was then translated by me, by " the personification of fume," for which, however, there seems no justification.
7 Page 103 above, text line 7; and see page 106, note 1.
# Loo. cit. (note 6 above), p. 160, text line 85.- Because Amoghavarsha I. had the biruda Lakshmivallabha, Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji proposed to identify the Srivallabhs of this passage with that king. who, he suggested, was "then heir-apparent of Govinda" (Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. I. Part 1. p. 124). Bat that identification is not tenable. The verse cours in the account of Indrar js of Gujarat younger brother of Govinda III., to whom the rule over the province of the lords of Lata was given by Govinda III. It Asys that he put to fight the leader of the Gorjarse, and that the array of the Maldadmantas or fendatory princes of the Dakshinapatha or Dekkan, terrifled and not holding together in the course of having their power or

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time, uses the birudas Prabhûtavarsha and Srivallabha,- the latter with the simpler ending narendra, Srivallabhanarendra, “the king Srîvallabha;" and it further establishes for him the biruda of Jagattunga,' which is mentioned again in the Nilgund inscription of A.D. 866, and was used alone, to denote him, in the Kaņheri'inscription, of A.D. 851, of the time of his successor Amoghavarsha I., who is there described as meditating on the feet of Jagattungadêva. A verse in the Nausari grant of A.D. 817, issued shortly after his time, can hardly be construed except as patting forward for him the biruda of Janavallabha. Bat the next verse, which says that "his other name, known or renowned in the world, was Pșithvivallabha," seems clearly to seek to attach some particular importance to that biruda, and, in fact, to single it ont as his special vallabha-appellation. The other authentic records do not add anything. The Kadaba grant, however, which purports to have been issued in his time in A.D. 813, while introducing bim as Prabhů tavarsba, denotes him further on by the appellation Vallabhôndra, instead of by that biruda or by his proper name.
Govinda III. was succeeded by a son, whose proper name has not yet come to light, and who is known best, by his principal biruda, as Amôghavarsha I. The earliest known record of his time is the Nausari grant, issued in A.D. 817 by the feudatory prince SuvarnavarshaKarkaraja of Gujarat, which introduces him by the liruda of Maharajasarve, "a very Sarva (Siva) among Maharajas or great kings," and then, in the next verse, brings forward his more familiar biruda of Amôghavarsha; and the former of these two birudas, Maharaja arva, is used to denote him in the inscription at the Dasavatara cave at Ellora, 8 a subsequent verse of which may perhaps be interpreted as putting forward for him the biruda of Rajasimha. The
possessions ravaged from them by Brivallabbe, obtained protection from him (Indraraja) by showing respect to him. There is no reason to explain this, as the Pandit did (loc. oit.) as meaning that, "in attempting to establish "himself in independent power, Iudra sided certain of the R&shtrakta feudatories in an effort to shake off the "overlordship of Ambghayarsbe," or, as I myself have done (Dyn. Kas. Distro. p. 400). as meaning that "apparently in opposition to bis brother and sovereiga, he gave protection to some chieftains of the south, wbone "Poressions were taken away from them by Govinda 111." The passage is evidently to be taken in connection with the combination that was formed against Govinda III. Ly Stambhs and eleven other princes. It is to be understood as meaning that IndrarAja helped Govinda III. in the north, and made the rebellious feudatories there submit to himself. And it is plainly in return for this service that Govinda III. gave Indraraja the province of
Lata.
1 Above, Vol. III. p. 64, text lines 8, 6, regards the Srivallabba, nee note 2 on page 173 above. This record pots forward the Jagattunga in the form of Jagatunga, by a metrical license in adapting the verse which was used in the Prițbao grant to put forward the biruda Subbatunga for Krishna I.
• Page 102 above, text line 6.
Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 184, No. 15, text line 2. • Jour. Bo. Br. R. 4.. Soc. Vol. XX. p. 138, text line 88, verse 23.
Above, Vol. IV. p. 343 f., text lines 68, 82. 6 Begarding some indications that we may expect to find that it either was Nariyans or Vishnu, or else was name beginning with Vishņo, see page 100 above.
1 Jour. Bo, Br. R. 4o. Soc. Vol. XX. p. 139, text lines 43, 4.-Monier-Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary gives BATTS M name of also Visbņu: but I do not trace the authority for that; and the word is certainly best known M dame of Siva, apparently in one of his Rudro-manifestations (nee, for instance, the Vishnupurdas, Wilson's translation, Vol. I. p. 116, Vol. II. p. 24). With this birudo Mabarjasares, compare Nripatitriptra, very Trinetra (siva) among kings" in the case of Govinda IV., and Rajatriptra, meaning the same thing, in the case of Kakki II. - Il the intention of the composer of the verso bad been to describe the king by proper name "the great king Sarva,"- according to the translation of this verse that has been put forward in the place referred to (p. 146, verse 29), and on previous occasions when the verse has been handled by others dealing with other records in which it court, - be ought, in conformity with epigraphic as well as grammatical umge, to have framed bis verze so to speak of him, not as Mabar jabarsa, but a Sarvamahardja or Sarvarije.
• Arekool. Suru. Wert. Ind. Vol. V. p. 89, text lide 12.
• Loc. cit. tort line 19. This, however, is somewhat doubtful, as also in the case of Dantidurga (page 168 above), this diruda bas not yet been explicitly found anywbere in connection with Amoghavarsha I.

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Kayheri inscription of A.D. 843-44 establishes for him the biruda of Přithvivallabha,' in addition to mentioning him as Amôghavarsha. The Kaņberi inscription of A.D. 851 mentions him only as Amôghavarshadêva, who meditated on the feet of Jagattungadêra-(Govinda III.). The Nilgund inscription of A.D. 866 establishes for him tbe further birudas of Atibayadhavala, Nřipatunga, and Lakshmivallabha with the ending indra. And this completes the list of birudas established for him by records of his own time. Some of the subsequent records, however, put forward others, in respect of which we can only say that, while there may not be any very conclusive objections to them, still they cannot be taken as established until we find them in records of his own time. Thas, the Kåpadwanaj grant of A.D. 909 or 910 appears to mention him, in verse, as Maharajashanda, "& very bull (1.6. most powerful or pre-eminent) among Maharajas."5 A verse in the Nausari grants of A.D. 915 says that Jagattunga(Govinda III.) begat Srivallabha, who subsequently became Viranår yaşa ; and here we may remark that, though there may be no particular reason why Amôghavarsha I. should not have been known as Srivallabha, still it is quite possible that the composer of this record, which does not follow any of the early drafts, simply used, to suit his own convenience, & more familiar synonym of the special biruda Lakshmivallabhs which is established by the Nilgund record. And finally, the sildhåra Bhâdâna grant of A.D. 997 seems clearly to style him Durlabha, as well as Amoghavarsha.?
A môghavarsha I. was succeeded by his son Krishna II., whose name is given as Krishṇavallabha, in verse, in the Mulgand inscription of his time, dated in A.D. 902-903,9 and in the Prâksit form of Kannara, in prose, in the Aihole inscription, also of his time, dated in A.D. 903. The Batgere inscription of his time, dated in A.D. 888,10 establishes for him the biruda of Akalavarsha, which was evidently used, alone, to denote him in the Nandwadige inscription of A.D. 903.11 The Bagamrå grant, of doubtful authenticity, which purports to have been issued somewhat earlier in A.D. 888, speaks, in verse, of a certain Vallabhansipe or " Vallabha king," who can hardly be anyone but Krishna II.1 And the Kapad wanaj grant of A.D. 909 or 910 establishes for him the biruda of Subhatunga, in addition to A kalavarsha,
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 136, No. 43 B., text line 1. I cannot help thinking that it may also mention him as MabArAjafarva: the apparent description of him there, immediately after his biruda Amoghavarsba, as árf. mahdrdja," the glorious Mahardja," is not very appropriate ; and where there has been rend jfia, in brackets as being damaged, followed by pisargs, there may possibly be the syllables jalostea, crowded up together; moreover, the proposed genitive maldrdji would be, according to all general usage, a mistake (formaldrdjarya)
• Loc. oit. p. 134, No. 15, text line 2.
• Pages 108, 104, above, text lines 8, 17, 19, and 20; in the last passage, the ending narindradea is attached, in prose, to the Atifayadhavals.
The Sirur inscription of A.D. 866 (Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 216 ; for revised version, see further on in the present selection of records) only endorses the dirudas used in the Nilgund inscription; the Kivi grant of A.D. 826 or 897 (Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 144) appears not to mention him at all, for some reason or other; the Bagumrå grant of A.D. 866 or 867 (Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 179) gives only Mah&r&jaśarva (verse 22) and Amog bavarsha (verses 23, 29); and the latest known record, the Kamberi inscription of A.D. 877-78 (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 186, No. 43 A.) gives only Am@ghavarsbadeva.
Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 54, text line 14.
• Jour. B. Br. R. A. Soc. Vol. XVIII., translation, p. 266. The biruda Virspiryapa is used for him in the Konnar inseription, which, really written in the twelfth century A.D., purporta to reproduce the matter of a copper-plate charter issued in A.D. 860 (page 86 above, verne 84).
1 Above, Vol. III. p. 271, verse 4. • Jour. Bo. Br. R. 41. Soc. Vol. X. p. 190, text line 3; and see further on in the present series of records. . Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 222, text line 2. 10 Brought to notice in Dys. Kon. Didrs. p. 410. It will be edited further on in this series of records. 11 Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 321, text line 1. 12 Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 69, verse 23. " Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 87, verse 11.

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and further seems to speak of him as Vallabharija. The Hebba! inscription of A.D. 975, which is a Western Ganga record, would set up for him the biruda of Obalakenall&ta;' but it seems likely that it only carries it back to him, mistakenly, from his great-grandson Krishna III.
Krishna II. had & son, through whom the succession was transmitted, bot who did not himself reign : his proper name has not yet come to light; and he is only known, by a biruda, as Jagattunga II. That he did not reign, and that the succession passed direct from Krishṇa 11. to Indra III., is shewn by the formal preambles of the prose passages of the Nausâri grants of A.D. 915, which describe Nityavarshanarendradêva-(Indra III.) as meditating on the feet of Akálavarshadêva-(Kfishņa II.).
Krishņa II., then, was succeeded by his grandson Indra III., son of Jagattunga IL His Nausâri grants of A.D. 915 mention him, in the verses, first by the birudas of Rattakandarpadeva and Kirtinarayana, and then by the proper name of Indraraje;" and, in the formal preambles of the prose passages, one of them mentions him by the birudas of Srivallabha and Nityavarsha, the latter with the ending narendradêva, - Nityavarshanarendradêva, "bis majesty the king Nityavarsba," while the other omits the Srivallabha and mentions bim as only Nityavarsba, again with the same honorific ending The Hatti-Mattûr inscription of his time, dated in A.D. 916-17, mentions him by only the biruda of Nityavarsha ;' and so also does an inscription at Lakshmeshwar, dated in the same year. To the preceding birudas, established by the records of his own time, a verse in the Sangli grant of A.D. 933, issued after his time, adds that of Bajamartanda,' which seems probable and admissible.
Indra III. had two sons. The proper name of the elder one has not yet come to light; and he is only known as Amoghavarsha II., by the biruda by which he is mentioned in the Dell grant of A.D. 940 and the Karhad grant of A.D. 959:10 the Sangli grant of A.D. 933 merely refers to him as the elder brother of Govinda IV., without mentioning him by any appellation at all." A later and extranecus record, the Silabâra Bhadana grant of A.D. 997, asserts that he reigned for one year. But no such statement is made in the Deoli and Karhad records. And, that there was no basis of truth for the assertion, is distinctly proved by
1 Loc. cit. (see note 13 on page 175 above), verse 20. If so, the verse seems to refer to seven bundred and fifty villages, which constituted bis private personal estate. But it is possible that the reference bere is to the feudatory prince Ak Aluvarsba-Krishnarja, whose existence is set up by the Bagumri grant purporting to have been issued in A.D. 888 (see note 12 on page 175 sbove). * Above, Vol. IV. p. 852, text line 2.
See notes 5, 6, below. • Jour. B. Br. R. A. Soc. Vol. XVIII. p. 259, B., plate li. , text lines 5, 7, 9, and p. 263, A., plate ii. 1, text lines 2, 5-6, 8. The translation gives Virap arayana, by mistake for Kirtin Arayana.
Loo. cit. p. 264, A., plate ii. 8, text line 12; and see page 168 above, note 6. • Loc. cit. p. 259, B., plate il. 6, text line 13.
Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 224, text line 1. # Not yet publisbed, I quote from an ink-impression. The details of the date include Adityavars, the tenth tithi of the bright fortnight of, perhape, [BbAdrspada; but only the last two syllables of the name of the month remain, and they are very doubtful. In this record, the saneatsara, Dbåta (for Dbåtu, or Dhátri), is coupled with Saks-Sachvat 839 (current, by the southern lani-solar system), -AD.916-17, the year being expressed plainly in words. In the Hattt-Mattar record, it is coupled with 8.-8. 838, which we must apparently take as expired, by the same system, again - A.D. 916-17.
Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 250, text line 19; the word was then translated, by "a very son of a king." 30 Above, Vol. V. p. 193-94, verse 16; and Vol. IV. p. 288, verse 18. 11 Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 250, text lines 28 to 25.
11 Above, Vol. III. p. 271, verse 6. The assertion is possibly based on some such sut bority as the spurious W.dgaon grant (noticed, Dyn. Kan. Distro. p. 416, note 6; to be explained more fully in an article on purious Indian Records in the Indian Antiquary), which puts forward as the reigning king, and as the alleged giver of the donation claimed by it, an Amoghavarsha by whom it really means Indra Ill. Or, perhaps, the BhAdd grant has mistakenly applied to bio an assertion which might be correct in respect of his uncle Amoghavarsba.Vnddigu. whose reign was certainly not along one.

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the Sångli grant, in which the formal preamble of the prose passages describes Suvarņavarsha(Govinda IV.) as meditating on the feet of Nityavarshadêva, 1.e. as the immediate successor of Indra III.
The successor, then, of Indra III. was his younger son Govinda IV., who is first introduced, in his Sangli grant of Angust, A.D. 933, by the name of Govindaraja ;' the next verse in that record gives him the biruda of s&hasanka ;' the next verse says that, though he was Prabhutavarsha, he was called Suvarnavarsha because he made the whole earth entirely golden by showers of gold;" some lines in prose, containing epithets with rhyming endings, which stand before the usual preamble of the prose passages, give him the birudas of Nityakandarpa, Chåņakyachaturmukha, Vikrântanarayana, and Nripatitriņêtra;5 and finally, the formal preamble of the prose passages mentions him as Suvarnavarshadeva, Přithvivallabha, and Vallabhanarendradêva, "his majesty the king Vallabha," who meditated on the feet of Nityavarshadêva-(Indra III.). The Dandapur inscription of his time, dated in A.D. 918, quite early in his reign, mentions him by only the biruda of Prabhůtavarsha, which is in accordance with what we understand from the Sangli record, namely that he was Prabhůtavarsha first and became known as Suvarnavarsha subsequently. The inscription at Kalas in the Bankápar tåluka, dated in A.D. 930,8 does not seem to include any varsha-appellation : in the verses, in addition to giving his name, in its Prakṣit form, as Gojjige, Gojjigadêve, and Gojjigavallabhs, it gives him the birudas of Nripatunga, Viranåråyaņa, and Rattakandarpadêva; and, in addition to using again Gojjigavallabha and Viranåråyaņa, the prose passage which leads up to the date and other details speaks of him as Gaņdamårtanda, Madagajärûdhamåtamga (P), and Rațțavidyadhara, and also includes one or two other birudas of which the reading is not at all certain. The inscription at Kalasapur in the Gadag taluka, dated in December, A.D. 933,10 mentions him by only the biruda of Suvarnavarsha. And so also does an inscription at Kaujgere in the Rôn tâluka, which is
1 See note 6 below.
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 250, text line 23. 1 Ibid. text line 25. The word was then translated, by characterised by daring;" with, however, the remark in a footnote that it might be taken as a diruda. Ibid. text lines 25, 26.
Ibid. p. 251, text lines 36, 37, 38. . Ibid, text lines 39, 40. The appellation is preceded by the honorific frimat, - not in.
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 323, text line 1. The record was then wrongly allotted by me to Jagattunga II.In ndlvattmaruta, line 2, avuld is a form of the present participle of avi (2), 'to be spoiled, damaged; to rot; to perish; to go out, be extinguished.' And thus the record is dated on the winter solstice of the month Pausba of the Pramåthin sampatsara, when the Sukh year eight hundred and forty was "coming to an end." PramAthin can be connected with the figures 840 only by the mean-Bigo system of the cycle, according to which it began on the 12th February, A.D. 918, Suka-Samvat 840 current, and ended on the 8th February, A.D. 919, S.-S. 840 expired, or else by the northern luni-solar system, according to which it coincided with S.-S. 840 expired, - A.D. 918-19; and, in either case, the date would full in December, A.D. 918. If we were to apply the southern luni-solar system, we should have to assume that 840 is a mistake for 841; because, by that system, Pramátbin coincided with s.-S. 841 expired, - A.D. 919-20. Prof. Kielhorn (Ind. Ant. Vol. XXV. p. 269) has adduced a later instance, of A.D. 930 (the date of the Kaļas inscription, noticed farther ou), in which we must apply the northern Juni-solar system. And we may take it, therefore, that there is no mistake in the year in the Dandapur record, and that it is dated in December, A.D. 918. Compare notes 3 and ou Page 180 below.
Noticed, Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 211, No. 48, and p. 248, and Dyn. Kan. Distrs. p. 416. For the exact date, the 17th January, A.D. 990, see Prof. Kielborn's result in Ind. Ant. Vol. XXIII. p. 114, No. 7, and his remarks in Vol. XXIV. p. 289.
The antepenultimate syllable is doubtful, but seems to be ma or md. In the penultimate syllable, it is not guite certain whether the vowel with the tis e or Madagajärůdhamatamga may be rendered, as suggested to me by Prof. Kielhorn, by the most excellent rider of rutting elephants."
1o Noticed, Dyn. Kas. Distre. p. 416 f. To the details of the date given there, add "st the Uttardyanathkranti." If this is to be taken as the leading detail, the equivalent canuot be Sunday, 29th December, but must be either Sunday, the 22nd, or Monday, the 23rd. The week-day, Adityavára, is quite distinct: and it seems impossible to read the tithi & anything but ashame.
11 Not yet published; I quote from an ink-impression

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dated, without fall details, in the Vijaya samvatsara coupled with Saka-Samvat 855 (expired), = A.D. 933-34.
Govinda IV. was succeeded by a paternal uncle, whose proper name is known, as yet, only in the Prakpit forms of Baddegadêve and Vaddigadêva. The Deolt grant of A.D. 940 introduces him, in verse, by only the biruda of Amôghavarsha ;' so, also, does the Karhad grant of A.D. 959, using the same verse;' and so, in other verses, do the salotgi inscription of A.D. 9454 and the Kardå grant of A.D. 972: the Atakör inscription of A.D. 949-50 mentions him, in prose, only as Amôghavarshadêva. His proper name is met with first, as Baddegadêva, in the Western Ganga inscription of A.D. 975 at Hebba! ;7 the Bhadana Silahåra grant of A.D. 997 gives it as Vaddigadêva ;9 and the Khårépåtan Silahára grant of A.D. 1008 speaks of him as Vaddiganripa," king Vaddiga." We have, as yet, no records that can be referred with certainty to the time of Amôghavarsha-Vaddiga. But, that hel did reign, is shewn by the formal preambles of the prose passages of the Dehli and Karhad grants, which describe Akalavarshadêva-(Křishņa III.) as meditating on the feet of the Paramabhattáraka, Maharajadhiraja, and Paramêsvara Amoghavarshadêva ;10 and so also, by the Âtakûr inscription of A.D. 949-50, which, in a less stereotyped fashion, describes Krishna III. as a bee on the water-lilies that were the feet of the favourite of fortune and of the earth, the Paramésvara and Paramabhaffaraka Amoghavarshadêva.11
Amoghavarsha-Vaddiga was succeeded by his son Krishna III. His earliest record, the Debli grant of A.D. 940, introduces him as Krishnarajadêva, and then, in another verse, gives him the biruda of Srivallabha; " and, in the formal preamble of the prose passages, it styles him Akalavarshadeva, Prithvivallabha, and Vallabhanarendradēva, "his majesty the king Vallabha." The Salotgi inscription of his time, dated in A.D.945, does not add anything; as it only mentions him as Prithivivallabha, Akalavarshadôve, and Krishnaraja. The Åtakur inscription of A.D. 949-50 presents his name in the Präkfit form of Kannaradeva, and adds the birudas of Ankatrinêtre," a very Tripêtra (Siva) in battle," Anevedenge, "& marvel with elephants," Vanagajamalla, "& wrestler against forest-elephants," and Kachobega,
1 Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary gives baddiga 18 another form of bandige, and the latter as tadbhana-corruption of the Sanskpit bandhika or bandhaka; but this does not seem to help us towards the Sanskrit name. The St. Petersburg Dictionary givee Vapdikn, also written Bandtke, a name of Indra; but it is hardly likely that Jagattunga II would name two sons after that god. We shall probably and the Banskrit form of the name, sooner or later, among the Kalachuris of Central India, into whose family Jagattunga JI., 4 well as his father Krishna II., intermarried. Meanwhile, we can only remark that the Karbid grant of A.D. 959 goes on, after the verse in which it introduces bim (nee note 8 below), to liken him, in a verse of its own which does not stand in the Daolt grant, to Manu, Kartavirya, Bali, and Dilfpe, and says that, though by possessing the qualities which they possessed he acquired pre-eminent and permanent fame, still "his behaviour towards olderly persons was humble through modesty,"-osiddlew namra-oharito pinay na yonbdt. It is just possible that there is a bint here that his proper name was something beginning with Vriddha, of wbieb Vaddiga would be perfectly admissiblo Prakrit form, on the analogy of baddi, maddi, ma fad bhara-forms of siddhi.
Above, Vol. V. p. 194, vene 19. • Above, Vol. IV. p. 288, verse 91; M regarde verso 22, no note 1 above. • Ibid. p. 62.
Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 266, text lines 21, 24-26. • Page 56 above.
* Above, Vol. IV. p. 852, text line 6. . Above, Vol. III. p. 271, text line 18. It is this record which, in the preceding verse, distinctly specifies him as the younger brother of Nityayarsbr-(Indrs III.).
Ibid. p. 298, text line 12. 1. Above, Vol. V. p. 196, text lines 48 to 46; and Vol. IV. p. 886, text linea 64, 66. 11 Page 66 above.
11 Above, Vol. V. p. 194, text line 81, 34. 11 Loo oit. p. 196, text line 45-46. The last appellation seems to be preceded, wit is in his Karbid great of A.D. 969, by the honorifle frimat,-Bot ért
* Above, Vol. IV. p. 60, text line 9-10, 18. * Fage 54 f. above, text lines 420, 81.

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"he who wears the girdle (of prowess)." The Soratur inscription of A.D. 951 endorses Anevedenga, presents Vanagajamalla in the variant of Madagajamalla, "& wrestler against rutting elephants," and adds Chalakenallåta," he who is good, excellent, or beautiful on account of firmness of character." The Ukkal inscription, dated in his sixteenth year, styles him Kachchiyun-Tañjaiyun-konda, “conqueror of Kanchi and Tanjore." His Karhad grant of A.D. 959 follows the Dêôli grant of A.D. 940, except that, in adapting the verse which first mentions him, it substitutes Krishṇarajansipati, " king Kțishộarâja," for Krishnarajadêva : but it adds & new biruda; it tells us that he was then encamped at Mêlpåti (Mêlpadi in the North Arcot district) for the purpose of creating livings for his dependents out of the provinces in the southern region, and of taking possession of all the property of the lords of provinces, and of founding temples of (Siva under the names of) Kålapriyêśvara, Gandamårtaņdesvara, Křishņēśvara, and so on;"5 and, we find the Glandamårtanda, which is deduced from this passage, used, as well as Vanagajamalla, to denote him in the Sravana-Belgola epitaph of the Western Ganga prince Noļambântaka-Marasimha II.8
Page 53 above, text line 3; and see the notes to the translation.- I there expressed a doubt as to the biruda Ankatriņêtrs (see note 7 to line 3 of the text); but that doubt may now be cancelled. My objection to the appearance of the compound, however, is justified, wbile the acceptance of the birds itself, as a balf-Kanarese hall-Sanskrit word, is also justified, by the fact that the biruda is given as one of the examples to Kesiraja's Sabda manidarpana, sátra 174, which deals with the compounds called viruddha-samass (more popularly, ari. samdsa) or "incongruous or improper compounds, or compounds of heterogeneous words dissimilar in kind," which, according to that sutra, are allowed only when sanctioned by poets of old, as, for instance, especially in biridas. In Kittel's Dictionary, from which I have obtained the reference to the Sabdamanidarpana, it is suggested that the biruda may perhaps menn " the well-known Sive;" but there can be no doubt that it is equiva. lent to the Kadanatriņêtrs of another passage referred to in my note on the biruda-Since writing the above, I have received from Mr. H. Krisbna Sastri a suggestion, based on an inspection of the original stone, that the diruda may verbapa be Anmutrindtra, "& very Trindtra in valour" But I think that, on the whole, Akatrinetra is preferable.
Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 257, text lines 1, 2.-As regards Chalake sllata, wbich I tben read DhAlaken llata, I can see now, from better ink-Impression, that the vowel of the first syllable is the short a, not the long d, and that the consonant (which does look rather like dk) is really s rather badly formed or dainaged ch ; and the biruda occurs again, quite distinctly, in the Chinchli inscription of A.D. 953 (see pago 180 below). - Another biruda in which chala occurs, is Cbaladankarama, applied to the Ratta chieftain Sintivarm in the Saund atti inscription of A.D. 980 (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soo. Vol. X. p. 204, text line 9); for the rendering then suggested to me, " very Rams in the fierce fight" (ibid. p. 208-209), there is to be substituted "& very Rams distinguished by firmness of character," in accordance with the translation given by Mr. Kittel in his Dictionary, under chala.There is one instance of a biruda ending innalla, which is practically the same as Nalldta, among the Eastern Chalakyan. Vijayaditya III. bad biruda which is presented in the various forms of Gunakn, Gunaga, Gunagkaks, and thunakenalla (ne0 Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 108). On the apparent authority of a passage which runs Gunaga.Vijayaditya-patiraan kaldrasasikshad, sto., I explained the birada as meaning " thorough arithmeticiau" (loc. cit.). It is, however, now plain that the proper form of the biruda was Gunakenella, mean. ing "he who is good, excellent, or beautiful on account of his virtues," and that arkakdra is to be taken, not as
Sanskrit word explaining the biruda, but as standing for the Kaparese askakdra, -the meaning being " veritable champion." - The biruda Gunakenalls is given among the examples to the Sabdamasidarpana, stra 174 (mentioned in the preceding note), in Gunakkenslls-Gañèás, which has been rendered by Mr. Kittel, under guna in his Dictionary, by "Ganesa who is good on account of his merit."
South-Ind. Inaors. Vol. III. p. 11, No. 7. • Above, Vol. IV. p. 284, text lino 37; and see note 13 on page 178 above.
. Loc. cit. p. 285, text lines 67 to 59.-- This passage perhaps also suggests that he had the biruda of KAlapriya, which might mean either dear to Siva" or "devoted to Siva." But Kilapriya or KalapriyanAths was itself a name of Siva, apparently in his form of Mahakals of Ujjain (see Monier-Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary, under kdla, 2); and therefore we are not of necessity to take the name Kalapriydávara as being based, as Gandamartandvars was, on a biruda of the king. The dramas Ditarardmacharita and Malallmddhava were played to celebrate the festival of KalapriyanAtha (Wilson's Theatre of the Hindui, Vol. I. p. 287, Vol. II. p. 10); and, apparently, so also the Mahdolracharita (Pickford's translation, p. 4 and note, from which we learn that commentator has explained the name thus:-"Kila, another name of Siva ; KAlapriyl, dear to Siva, i.e. Parvati, his wife; KAlapriyanåtha, the husband of Parvati, i... Siva"). • Above, Vol. V. p. 179.
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And finally, an inscription at Sravana-Belgola, which records the death of his grandson Indra IV. in A.D. 982, presents his proper name, in verse, in the form of Krishnarajendra.1 To the facts already known about Krishna III., we may conveniently add here the following. An inscription at Dêvi-Hosûr, in the Karajgi taluka, refers itself to his reign, mentioning him as Akâlavarshadêva and Kannaradêva, and gives for him a fixed date, in December, A.D. 961, two years and nine months later than the date of the Karhâd grant. And an inscription at Chinchli in the Gadag tâluka, which refers itself to his reign, mentioning him as Akâlavarshadêva, Chala kenallata, and Kannaradêva, mentions also, by the appellations Satyavâkya-Kongupivarma-Jayaduttaramga-Permânadi, the Western Ganga prince Bâtuga II., whom it describes as "governing" the Gangavadi ninety-six-thousand; and it supplies for Bûtuga II. a fixed date, in April, A.D. 953, three years later than the latest date previously established for him.
Krishna III. was succeeded by a younger brother, whose proper name is known, at present, only in the Prakrit forms of Khoṭṭiga, Koṭṭiga, and Khôțika, of which the first was probably the original corruption of his Sanskrit name, whatever that may have been. His appellations are given most fully in the Adaragañchi inscription of A.D. 971, which mentions him by the name of Koṭṭigadêva, with the birudas of Nityavarshadêva, Rajamartanda, Raṭṭakandarpa, and Chitraveḍenga, "a marvel among marvels " (?). And an inscription at Hirê-Handigol in the Gadag tåluka, which again presents his name as Koṭṭigadeva and uses the biruda Nityavarshadêva, adds Yasakenallata, "he who is good, excellent, or beautiful on account of fame." An inscription at Nâgâvi, in the same tâluka,? again presents his name as Koṭṭigadeva, and again mentions him as Nityavarshadêva. The Kardâ grant of his successor's time, issued
1 Insors. at śrar.-Bel. No. 57.
Not yet published; I quote from an ink-impression. The passage giving the date (lines 6 to 9) runsSa(sa) ka-varsha 884 Dundubhi-samvatsar-Antarggata-Pausba-su(su)ddha-trayôdasi (si) Adityavaram=Uttarayanasamkrantiy-andu. By the southern luni-solar system of the cycle, Dundubhi was Saka-Samvat 884 expired,A.D. 962-63. In that year, Pausha fukla 13 ended at about 3 hrs. 58 min. after mean sunrise (for Ujjain) on Friday, 12th December, A.D. 962; and the solstice occurred at 12 hrs. 38 min. on Tuesday, 23rd December. By the northern luni-solar system (compare note 7 on page 177 above), Dandubhi was S.-S. 884 current, = A.D. 96162. In this year, Pansha Sukla 13 ended at about 17 hrs. 47 min. on Sunday, 22nd December, A.D. 961; and the solstice occurred at 6 hrs. 25 min. on the next day. The date in, thus, not quite correct. But we need not hesitate, I think, about accepting the result for the tithi as the real date of the record.
Not yet published; I quote from an ink-impression. The passage giving the date (lines 4 to 7), runsSa(sa)ka-bhapala-kal-akranta-samvatsara-sa (sa) tamgal-entu-nur-elpatt-âraneya Ananda-samvatsarada Vaisakhasu(su)ddha-bidige Somavaramum Mrigasira-nakshatramum-Age(? gi). By the southern luni-solar system of the cycle, Ananda was Saka-Samvat 876 expired, A.D. 954-55. In that year, Vaisakha sukla 2 ended at about 21 hrs. 16 min. after mean sunrise (for Ujjain) on Friday, 7th April, A.D. 954, and cannot be connected with a Monday at all. By the northern luni-solar system (compare note 7 on page 177 above), Ananda was S.-8. 876 current, A.D. 953-54. And, in this year, Vaisakha sukla 2 ended at about 6 hrs. 18 min. on Monday, 18th April, A.D. 953; and the moon entered Mrigasiras at about 11 hrs. 8 min, or 12 hrs. 15 min.
I can suggest only Krôshtu, which occurs as the name of one of the sons of Yadu (Vishnupurdna, Wilson's translation, Vol. IV. pp. 53, 61), and might perhaps turn into Khottiga, Kottiga, Khôtika, in the Prakrit of the Kanarese country. I notice, however, that Monier-Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary gives Kôtika as the name of the son of a prince, from the Mahabharata.
Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 255 f., text lines 1 to 5.
Noticed, Dyn. Kan. Distrs. p. 422, note 3.- It records a grant that was made at the Uttarayanasamkranti or winter solstice (line 16); but the details of the (month and).tithi and week-day, by which the exact date might have been fixed, were not given. Line 1 contains the Saka year, in figures, and the samvatsara; again, without any details: but the passage is much damaged, and all that can be said from the ink-impression, is that, while the first figure, 8, is quite unmistakable, the other two are altogether uncertain,-that then there comes the usual ordinal ending meya (-aneya), and that then we may perhaps have either Prabhava, Pramoda, or Prajapati. This would give a date in December, A.D. 967, 970, or 971, with the southern luni-solar system of the cycle.
At the temple of Kannura-Basappa; noticed, Dyn. Kan. Distrs. p. 422, note 3, where I have wrongly represented it as giving the name with the aspirated ki.

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in A.D. 972, is the first record to present his name as Khottigadeva, with the aspirated kh.1 This form is presented again in the Bhadana Silâhâra grant of A.D. 997. But the Khårêpatan Silâhâra grant of A.D. 1008 gives Khôţika.
Khottiga was succeeded by a nephew, who is most conveniently known as Kakka II. His Kardå grant of A.D. 972 seems to present his proper name first, in verse, as Kakkaraja ;- but it is possible that we ought to find there a superscript r, imperfectly formed or damaged, and that we ought to take the name to be Karkarája, which seems more likely to be the Sanskrit form of it: further on, in prose, it presents it as Kakkaladevaråja, which, from the practice noted further on regarding the ending deur, we must take to be its Prakpit form. The form Kakkaladeva was used in the Gundûr inscription of his time, dated in A.D. 973.6 The Bhâdâna Silahâra grant of A.D. 997 calls him Kakkalēša, "the lord Kakkala." And the Khårêpåtan Silahára grant of A.D. 1008 calls him simply Kakkala, without any ending. Among other later extraneous records, the Kaathêm Western Châlukya grant of A.D. 1009 gives his name as Karkara ;' and the Kalachurya inscription of A.D. 1161 at Managļi presents it as Kakkara.10 His Kardå grant of A.D. 972 gives him, in some lines in prose, containing epithets with rhyming endings, which stand just before the usual preamble of the prose passages, the birudas of Amoghavarsha, Natanapârtha, Ahitamartanda, Viranarayana, Nřipatunga, and
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 265, text line 25.
* Above, Vol. III. p. 272, text line 16-17. • Ibid. p. 298, text line 16.
• Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 265, text line 26. - There is not, apparently, any such word as kakka. And the name seems to be certainly karka,' white, good, excellent ; & white horse ; & erab; the sign Cancer ;' etc.- The name occurs in four instances among the Rashtrukūtas before Kakka II. We meet with it first in the cases of Kakkurája II. of the first Gujarat branch, and of his ancestor Kakkaraja I, in the grant of A.D. 787 from the Surat district; and there, in all three passages, the first component of the name is distinctly written Kakka, with out the r (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XVI. p. 107, text line 3, and p. 108, lines 15, 28). We meet with it next in the case of Karks or Kakks I., father of Kishna I. of the main line: the SAmangad grant of A.D. 754 gives his name as Kakkarkja (Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 111, text line 9); the l'aithan grant of A.D. 794, however, gives it as Karkarja in using the same verse, and again in a subsequent verse (above, Vol. III. p. 106, text lines 7, 17); the Baroda grant of A.D. 811 or 812, using a new verse, gives it again as Karkarija (Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 169, text line 5); the EllorA inscription at the Dasavatara cave, using again a new verse, apparently gives it in the same form, Karkarijs (Archeol. Suro. West. Ind. Vol. V. p. 88, text line 8); so, also, apparently do the Nausârf grant of A.D. 817 (Jour. Bo. Br. R.As. 8oo, Vol. XX. pp. 142, 143, verses 5, 11) and the Kavi grant of A.D. 826 or 827 (Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 146, verses 5, 11), both using the two verses of the Paithan grant, though the Baroda grant of A.D. 866 or 807, using again the same two verses, seems to give it a Kakkarája (Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. P. 182, text lines 6, 11); the Bagamra grant, of doubtful authenticity, purporting to have been been issued in A.D. 888, uses again the two verses of the Paitlin grant, and gives it as Karkardja (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 66 ... text lines 5, 10), and, finally, the Bhalns Sildhara grant of A.D. 997 gives it as KarkarAja, in a new verse of its own (above, Vol. III. p. 271, text line 3). And we meet with the same naine again in the case of the feudatory prince Suvarnararaha-Karkarajs of the second Gujarat branch : the Barods grant of A.D. 811 or 812 gives his name as Karkarja in the verse which introduces him and in the usual pregmble of the prose passages (Ind. Ant. V. L. XII. p. 160, text lines 36, 42), but seems rather to give it a Kakkarja in the passage that purports to be his signature (ibid. p. 161, text line 68), the Naurl grant of A.D. 817 apparently gives it as Karkarja in the verse, a new one, which introduces him, and also in the preamble of the prose passages (Jour. Bo. Br. R. 43. Soc. Vol. XX. p. 139, text lines 52, 56, in respect of the signature, the translation shows Karkaraja, p. 148, but the text has Kakkarija, p. 141, text line 8C), the Kavi grant of A.D. 826 or 827 apparently gives Karkaraja, in a new verse (Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 147, verse 31)the Baroda grant of A.D. 884 or 835 does the same (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 199, text line 14), in reproducing the verse of the Nausårl grant of A.D. 817; the Baguirá grant of A.D. 866 or 867, using both the verse of A.D. 826 or 827 and then the verse of A.D, 817, apparently gives it, in both places, as Kakkaraja (Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 183, text line 6); and the Bagumre grant, of doubtful authenticity, purporting to have been issued in A.D. 168, using the verse of A.D. 817, gives it as Karkardja (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII p. 67, plate ii. a., text line 9). * Loc. cit. p. 266, text line 47.
6 Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 271, text line 5. 1 Above, Vol. III. p. 272, text line 18.
8 Ibid. p. 298, text line 17. . Ind. Ast, Vol. XVI. p. 28, text line 41
10 Above, Vol. V. p. 16, text line 12.

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Rajatrinetra;' and the formal preamble of the prose passages, using first Amoghavarsha with the ending dévu, adds the biruda Pfithvivallabha, and further styles him Vallabhanarendradêva, "his majesty the king Vallabha." The Gapdør inscription of his time, dated in A.D. 973, uses his Prakṣit name Kakkaladeva, as already noted, and presents the biruda Prithvivallabha in the tadbhava-form Prithuvivallabhs.
Kakka II. was the last R&shtrakata king of Malkhôd. After his overthrow in the latter part of A.D. 973 or early in the next year by the Western Chalukya Taila II., an attempt was made by the great Western Ganga prince Nolambântaka-Marasimha II. to continue the Rashtrakta sovereignty by crowding Indra IV., grandson of Krishna III. But, though Indrs IV. lived on till A.D. 982, there is nothing to shew that the attempt was even temporarily or locally successful; doubtless, because Mårasimha II. was either dead, or else had abdicated and passed into religious retirement, before June-July, A.D. 974, and because before August, A.D. 975, another Western Ganga prince, Panchaladeva, had set himself up as paramount sovereign, in opposition to Taila II., in the southern provinces of what had been the Rashtrakata kingdom. Indra IV. eventually died, starving himself to death in the performance of the sallakhand-vow, on the 20th March A.D. 982.7 The record which furnishes that information, mentions him by the proper name of Indraraja, and puts forward for him the birudas of Rattakandarpadeva, Rajamärtaņda, Chaladankakare,'"the champion of firmness of character," Ahitarajava, "the Death of enemies," Chaladaggali, " the door-bar of firmness of character," Kirtinarayana, Kaligaļolganda, “the hero among brave men," Birarabira, " the bravest of the brave," and Elevabedenga, "a marvel among those who take by force (the property of others)."
Some special features in the use of the appellations. We have now to notice certain special features, attending the use of the appellations of the members of the family, whether they were actually reigning kings or not, which are disclosed by the technicalities that are recognisable in the diction employed in the Rashtrakata records.
And first as regards the proper names in their Sanskrit forms. It has been mentioned that the verse in the Sámångad grant which first introduces Dantidurga, gives his name as Dantidurgarája, while the formal prose passage adds dåva and styles him Dantidurgarajadêva. The habitual earlier practice, and evidently the correct etiquette, was that the verses of the records should be constructed in such a way that the Sanskřit names should have the ending rája and nothing else, - in the case, not only of the paramount sovereigns and other members of the main line of MAlkhôd, but also of the feudatory princes of the Gujarat branch. This was done so constantly, that it is necessary to notice only the cases in which it was not done. And I have found at present only the following exceptions, most of which occur in records which were
Ind. Arf. Vol. XII. p. 266, text lines 38 to 41. Ibid. text lines 44, 46. This appellation is preceded by the honorific frimat -- not brl.
Ibid. p. 271, text lines 8, 6.
• See above, Vol. V. p. 170, and note 4. An allusion to the attempt is to be found in the Western Chalukya Kauthóth grant of A.D. 1009, which presents an imaginary item of ancient history in asserting that Jayasimhs I., the original ancestor (about A.D. 500) of the earlier Chalakya dynasty of Badami, re-established his line, after
period during which its power had been in abeyance, by conquering Rashtrakufa king Indrs, son of Krishna (Ind. Ant. Vol. XVI. p. 17). The assertion is certainly barel (see Dyr. Kan. Distr. p. 842) apon nothing but the overthrow of Kakks II. by Taila II., and on the names of Krisbp III. and Indra IV. and the crowning of the latter. Ahove, Vol. V. p. 152.
Ibid. p. 172. Ind. Ant. Vol. XXIII. p. 124, No. 64.
Imeri, at Sres.-Bel. No. 67. . This is to be added to the two instances given above, page 67, and note 8, of the occurrence of eskadra in a bir de the first component of which is not a proper Dame.

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indepondent compositions not following standard drafts, or else in additional passages which were not integral parts of standard drafts. A verse in the Waņi and Rådhanpur grants of A.D. 807 presents the name of Dhruva without the ending rája. A verse in the Nauskri grant of A.D. 817 brings forward the name of Stambha without the ending rája. Similarly, a verse in the inscription at the Dasavatára cave at Elldra, which appears to be of the period of Amghavarsha I., speaks of Dantivarman I. as simply Dantivarman. The Nausari grants of A.D.915,the first, as far as our present knowledge goes, with the exception of the Dasavatara inscription, of & series of later official compositions which departed completely from the early standard drafts, use for Dantidurga an altogether new verse which omits the raja and speaks of him as "the king, the glorious Dantidurga ;"4 the Debli grant of A.D. 940, using another new verse (which stands also in the Karhad grant of A.D. 959), mentions him as simply Dantidurga ;' and so also, in still another new verse, does the Karda grant of A.D. 972:8 the Sangli grant of A.D. 933 speaks of Indra III. as "king Indra ; '7 and the Kardå grant of A.D. 972 speaks of Kộishna II. as "king Křishņa” and of Indra III. as "king Indra.'' On the other hand, the ending deva after rája is used, in verses, in the Bagamrá grant of A.D. 866 or 867 of the feudatory prince Dhårdvarsha-Dhruvarája (the second of the name of Gujarat, in a verse which speaks of him as Dhruvarajadhva but which stands after the proper introduction of that form of the name in the formal prose passage, and in the Nausârî grants of A.D. 915, in the introductory verge which speaks of Indra III. as Indrarajadêva, 10 and in the Débli grant of A.D. 940, in a verse which speaks of Krishna III. as Krishộarajadêva, and in the Kard& grant of A.D. 972, in a verse which speaks of Krishņa III., again, as Krishnarajadêva.18 The double ending råjadeva with proper names was properly restricted to prose passages. And, just as we find it in the case of Dantidurga in his Såmångad grant, so also we find it in the formal prose passages in the Wani grant of Gôvinda III. of A.D. 807, and in the Baroda grant of A.D. 811 or 812 of the fendatory prince Suvarnavarsha-Karkaraja of Gujarat, * and in the Nagsari grant of A.D. 817 of the same prince, 15 and in the Kavi grant of A.D. 826 or 827 of the feudatory prince Prabhůtavarsha-Gôvindaraja, and in the Baroda grant of A.D. 834 or 835 of the feudatory prince Dhåråvarsha-Dhruvaråja, 17 and in the Bagumrê grant of A.D. 866 or 867 of the second feudatory
Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 158, text line 26, and Vol. VI. p. 67, plate ii. a, text line 13; and see note 7 on page 172 above.
Jour. Bo. Br. R. 4.. Soo. Vol. XX. p. 189, text line 40. Regarding Stambha, who has not been mentioned in the preceding pages, see pages 196, 197, below.
• Archeol. Suro. West. Ind. Vol. V. p. 88, text line 4.
• Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XVIII. p. 257, B., text line 8, and p. 261, A., text line 7-8. The actual expression is ért. Dastidurga-nsipalit. The composer perhape found it inconvenient to introduce the rdja bere. But he employed it, as usual, in the case of Krishna I., whom he mentions as brf-Krishnardja-nripatih, B. line 15-16, A, line 14.
Above, Vol. V. p. 193, text line 13, and Vol. IV. p. 282, text line 12. . Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 264, text line 6. 1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 250, text line 22,- Indra-narendra. . Loc. cit. (note 6 above), p. 265, text line 17,- Krishna-npipa, and line 19,- Indra- ripa.
Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 184, plate ii, b, text line 6. 10 Loc. cit. (note 4 above), B. text line 6, and A, text line 4.
11 Above, Vol. V. p. 194, text line 31. In this same verse As used in the Karbid grant of A.D. 959, ripart was substituted for deta (above, Vol. IV. page 284, text line 87). 1 Loc. cit. (note 6 above), p. 866, text line 84.
"Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 169, text line 35. 14 Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 160, text line 42. In the prose passage near the end of the grant which records the signatare, ddra is not attached to the same either of Karkardja or of his father. It appears first, In that part of a reenrd, in the Baroda grant of A.D. 834 or 885, mentioned further on, and then again in the Bagumri grant of A.D. 866 or 867.
» Jour. Bo. Br. R. 41. Soc. Vol. XX. page 139, text line 55. 16 Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 147, plate ii. b, text line 18.
"Tid. Vol. XIV. p. 199, text line 25.

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prince Dhåråvarsha-Dhruvaraja. In the Bagumrå giant, of doubtful authenticity, which purports to have been issued by a feudatory prince Akalavarsha-Krishnaraja in A.D. 888, the deva is omitted in the formal proge passage ;' and this omission now furnishes another point against the genuineness of that record. In the formal prose passages of the Paithan grant of A.D. 794, of the Rådhanpur grant of A.D. 807, of the Nausârî grants of A.D. 915, of the Sångli grant of A.D. 933, of the Deoli grant of A.D. 940, of the Karhâd grant of A.D. 959, and of the Kardå grant of A.D. 972, other appellations are used, instead of the proper names: but the ending dêva is attached to them in the same way; and, in the Paithan and Rådhanpur grants, Govinda III. is styled Srivallabhanarendradêva,) -- in the Nausâri grants, Indra III. is styled Nityavarshanarendradêva, in the Sånglî giant, Govinda IV. is styled Vallabhanarendradêva, in the Debli and Karhad grants, Křishna III. is similarly styled Vallabhanarendradêva, - and in the Kardå grant, Kakka II., again, is styled Vallabhanarendradêva.From all these facts we gather, in the first place, that the authors of the later records,- from about A.D. 900 onwards,- in abandoning the drafts that had been followed in the introductory passages of the earlier records, and in adopting & more florid style of composition in verses of their own invention, freely neglected, whenever it suited their convenience, certain rules that had been previously observed, with almost unfailing uniformity, in respect of the proper names in their Sanskrit forms. But we also learn that the ending deva was not an integral part of those names, but was only a honorific termination need, properly, only in prose passages for an enhancement of dignity. And we also learn that the ending rája was not an essential part of those proper names. In dealing with the records, whether in editing fresh ones or in revising published versions, it may be convenient sometimes to translate those endings, - rája by "king," and deva by "his majesty," - or sometimes, and in fact more usually, to let them stand as parts of the proper names. But, for other purposes,- for genealogical tables, general historical accounts, etc.,it is most convenient, and most conducive to an easy discrimination between different persong of the same name, to drop those endings altogether in the case of the paramount sovereigns (whom we have cocasion to mention most frequently), retaining them in the case of the fendatory princes (whom it is not necessary to refer to so often). Only one instance is as yet forthcoming of the use of any special word, except råja, in immediate combination with a proper name in its Sapskpit form; it is found in the Mulgund inscription of A.D. 902-903, in a verse which speaks of Krishọa II. as srl- Krishṇavallabha-nțipa," the glorious king Křishộavallabha," or the glorious king Krishna, the Vallnbha." And there is one instance in which, after the word rája, there is added the ending indra, which seems to have been moro properly restricted -(except, of course, in the word narendra)- to the combination vallabhendra ;' it oocurs in the inscription of A.D. 982 at Sravaņa-Belgola,10 in the verse which mentions Kộishņa III. as Krishnarajêndra: this appellation- (if it is sought to translate it)- may be taken as meaning either" Krishỏa, the chief of kings," or "Krishộarâja, the chief of Krishnarajas."
Secondly, ne regards the proper names in their Prakrit forms, by which I mean. not simply and strictly such forms as would be recognised as technically Prakrit forms by
· Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 184. plate ii. b, text line 2. • Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 67. plate ii. 6, text line 2 * Above, Vol. III. p. 108, text line 48-44; And Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 67, plate ii. b, text line 4. • Loo. cit. (note 4 on page 183 above), p. 269, B. plate ii, b, text line 18, and p. 261, A. plate il. , text line 12. . Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 251, text line 40.
8 Above. Vol. V. p. 195, text line 46-46, and Vol. IV. p. 285, text line 66. In the Dell record, something ele was written first; and, in the corrections that were made, the syllables llabha were not brought out anite clearly.
Ind. Aut. Vol. X!I. p. 268, text line 44-45.
• Jour, Bo. Br. R. 41. 800. Vol. X. p. 190, text line 8. A revised version of this inseription will be gives in the fresent selection of Rashtrakata records. • See page 187 below, and note 10.
10 Inaors. at śras.- Rel. No. 37, verse 2.

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Prakritists, but all the corrupted or more familiar forms of the Sansksit names, which we meet with mostly in the vernacular records, and some of which cannot, perhaps, be exactly accounted for by any of the regular rules of Praksit grammar. These Prakfit names were not used at all freely in the verses: in fact, we can only quote a verse in the Wapi grant of A.D. 807, repeated in the Rådhanpur grant of the same year, which speaks of Dhruva as Dhôra, without any ending to the name, and some verses in the Kalas inscription of Govinda IV., of A.D. 930, of which three present his name as Gojjigadêva, one gives it as Gojjigavallabha or " Gojjiga, the Vallabha," one speaks of him as GojjigabhQpåla or "king Gojjiga," and the remaining one calls him simply Gojjiga, without anything attached to it, and a verse in the Karda grant of A.D. 972, which mentions Khottigadêva. The Pråkțit names do not appear to occur anywhere in the formal preambles of the prose passages of the copper-plate grants, from which we have quoted above the usage of those passages in respect of the Sanskrit forms of the names and of some appellations that were sometimes substituted there for the proper names. In the prose records on stone, the Prêkfit names are sometimes found without any ending; for instance, Dôra, in the case of Dhrava, in the Naregal inscription, and Gôyinda, in the case of Govinda III., in his Kadarese grant of A.D. 804,7 and Kannara, in the case of Krishna II., in the Aihole inscription of A.D. 911-12.8 We more usually find the ending dåva attached to the Prakrit names; for instance, we have Kannaradeva, in the case of Krishņa III., in the  takûr inscription of A.D. 949-50, and in the Soratûr inscription of A.D. 951,10 and in the Tirukkalukkagram inscriptions of his seventeenth and nineteenth years, 11 and in the Vellore inscription of his twenty-sixth year, 19— Kottigadêva, in the Adaraganchi inscription of A.D. 971, and in the Hird-Handigol inscription and the Nagávi inscription at the temple of Kannûra-Bagsappa, 14_ and Kakkaladeva, in the Gundur inscription of A.D. 973 :16 and so again, in the Hebbal inscription of A.D. 975, which is a Western Ganga record, we have Kannaradeva and Baddegadêva.16 Evidontly, the more formal official practice was to attach the ending dêva to the Pråkpit names. Bat we can readily see that it was not an integral or essential part of those names, and that it may be disregarded for all general purposes. To the rule of using the ending deva with the Prakrit names in prose passages, only one exception, substituting another ending, is forthcoming; it is found in the Kalas inscription, which
It can hardly bo imagined that a Vikramaditya, Vishņuvardhana, Jayasidha, Dantidurga, Paraklarivarman, Narasimbavarman, and so on, would be habitually addressed by such formal appellations in the domestic circle and in other spheres of private life. There must have been more familiar names for use in such circumstances. In the present day, the Chiefs of the Southern Marath country have sydvandrika-names,
practical, cnrrent, or familiar names,' or aliases, such as Anne Saheb, Appå Saheb, Baba Saheb, Bapa Sabeb, DADA Saheb, Nina Siheb, Rau Saheb, Tity & Saheb, etc., - by which they are in fact better known, even officially, than by their real Sanskrit, Marathi, or Kanarese names. These tydvahdrika names, however, are distinctly aliases, not corruptions of the real names. In former times, probably the Prakrit corruptions of the formal Sanskrit Dames were used as the aliases are used now , primarily in private life, and then finding their way into the official records.-For another note on Pråkpit names, ancient and modern, see Dyn. Kan. Distri. p. 410, note 1. The modern forms given there would, I think, be used, not by Chiefs and other persons of rank, but only by ordinary people.
Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 157, text line 6; and Vol. VI. p. 65, text line 5. Noticed, Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 249; not yet published.
• Compare the solitary instance, among the Sanskrit names, o Kpialnavallabha, which, also, occurs in verse (see page 184 above). . Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 265, text line 26.
• Page 163 above, text line 1. 1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 127, text line 5.
. Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 222, text line 2 Page 54 f. above, text lines 4, 20, 21.
10 Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 267, text line 2. 11 Above, Vol. III. p. 284, text line 1-2, and p. 285, text line 2. And so also in the Ukkal inscription of his sixteenth year (South-Ind. Ingers. Vol. III. p. 12). » Above, Vol. IV. p. 82, text line 1.
11 Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 256, text line 8. 14 See page 180 above, notes 7, 8.
15 Ind. Ant. Vol. XIL p. 271, text line 5. w Above, Vol. IV. p. 852, text lines 2, 5.
17 See note 3 above.
2 B

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gives us Gojjigavallabha again in the prose passage which leads up to the date and other details of the record, though here, of course, - no metrical conveniences being involved, the form Gojjigadêva might have been used just as easily. We do not anywhere find the ending raja used in direct connection with a Prakțit name. The only approach to an instance of that is found in the Kardå grant of A.D. 972, in & prose passage (standing after the usual formal preamble) which speaks of Kakka II. as Kakkaladêvarāja ;1 and here the raja was only added after the customary ending diva.
Finally, as regards the principal birudas, most of which occur in both the Sanskpit and the Kanarese records. In the first place, it may be remarked that these must be the gaunanames, the secondary or subordinate names, or the names relating to and indicative of qualities, which are spoken of in contrast to the mukhya or principal names in a verse in the Baroda grant of A.D. 811 or 812. As to the use of them, in the verses of the earlier records they occur without any endings; for instance, we have the plain unqualified Subhatunga, Akalavarsha, and Nirupama, in the Paithan grant of A.D. 794,- Nirupama and Kalivallabha, in the Wani grant of A.D. 807,- Srivallabha, in the Baroda grant of A.D. 811 or 812,6-Janavallabha, Prithvivallabha, Maharajasarva, and Amôghavarsha, in the Nausari grant of A.D. 817,6 Prabhůtavarsha, Jagattanga, Kirtinarayana, and Atisayadhavala, in the Nilgund inscription of A.D. 866,2- and Maharajashanda, Subhatanga, and Akalavarsha, in the Kåpad wanaj grant of A.D. 909 or 910. The Nausâri grants of A.D. 915 first present an occasional practice of attaching the ending dåva to the birudas in verses; thus, they give us Jagattungadêva and Rattakandarpadeva :' but it was plainly nothing but a matter of convenience for the purpose of filling out the verses; and the only instances that can be found in the subsequent records, are Nripatungadeva, in a verse in the Debli grant of A.D. 940 (repeated in the Karhad grant of A.D. 959),10 and Akalavarshadêva, in a verse in the Salotgi inscription of A.D. 945, though the preceding verse has Amôghavarsha without any ending. On the other hand, the prose passages indicate that the proper practice was to use in prose the ending deva with the leading birudas,- doubtless because in prose they were generally introduced under conditions of greater ceremony. In the formal preambles of the probe passages of the copper-plate grants, tho ending dēva is invariably found attached, as a mark of respect, to the biruda that was used to denote the king who was referred to as the immediate predecessor of the reigning king, though it was not always attached to the corresponding biruda of the reigning king himself: thus, the Paithan grant of A.D. 794 describes Prabhů tavarsha-(Govinda III.) as meditating on the feet of Dhåråvarshadêva-(Dhruva), and the Wani grant of A.D. 807 describes Prabhůtavarshadêva-(Gorinda III.) as meditating on the feet of Dhåråvarshadêva-(Dhruva);13 and the same rule was observed, in the case of the predecessors, in the Radhanpur grant of A.D. 807, the Nausâri grants of A.D. 915, the Sångli grant of A.D. 933, the Déols grant of
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 266, text line 47.
Ind, Ant. Vol. XII. p. 159, text lines 4, 5; and see also another verse which first appears in the Torkhede grant of A.D. 813 (above, Vol. III. p. 56, text lines 10, 11). I am indebted to Prof. Kielhorn for reminding me of this.
. Above, Vol. III. pp. 106, 107, text lines 19, 20-21, 85, 37. * Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 158, text lines 14, 15. Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 160, text line 85. • Jour. Bo. Br. R. 41. Soc. Vol. XX. p. 188, text line 36, and p. 139, line 44, 45. 1 Pages 102, 103, above, text lines 6 to 8.
Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 54, text lines 14, 16. Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soe. Vol. XVIII, pp. 258, 259, B. plate ii. a, text line 12, and plate ii. 6, lines 4, 5, and pp. 262, 263, A. plate ii. a, line 10, and plate ii, 6, lines 1, 2.
10 Above, Vol. V. p. 193, text line 18; and Vol. IV. p. 283, text line 19. It may be noted that the Deolt grant gives Jagattungadhva in prose in line 49, but immediately afterwards uses Jagattunga, without any ending, in verse in line 51. * Above, Vol. IV. p. 60, text line 10.
11 Above, Vol. III. p. 108, text line 43. u Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 159, text liner 34, 36.

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A.D. 940, the Karhad grant of A.D. 959, and the Karda grant of A.D. 972. Among the stone records, a similar formal preamble is found in the Kaņheri inscription of A.D. 851, which duly describes Amôghavarshadeva I. as meditating on the feet of Jagattungadêva-(Govinda III.); and, though a formal preamble was not used in the Âtakûr inscription of A.D. 949-50, still that record duly follows the same rule in describing Krishna III. as a very bee on the water-lilies that were the feet of Amôghavarshadêva-(Vaddiga). In the other prose records on stone, we find sometimes the ending dêva, and sometimes the plain biruda without any ending ; the instances on each side are about equal in number: we might expect to find the honorific ending used in all cases in which the biruda was used alone, without the proper name; but that was not done in, for instance, the Hatti-Mattûr inscription of the time of Krishna I., which employs for him no appellation except that of Akalavarsha," and the Pattadakal inscription of the time of Dhruva, which uses only the appellations Dhâråvarsha and Kalivallabha; 6 and, though these two happen to be private records, not requiring any official drafting or approval, some of the others are official records, and, accordingly, we cannot determine the existence of any custom in this matter, dependent on the nature of the record and its liability to official scrutiny. It seems evident, however, that the better general practice was to use the ending deva with the birudas in prose. No instance has as yet been found, in which the word rája is ased as the ending of a biruda, either in verse or in prose : other words meaning "king" occur in some of the verses; for instance, Amoghavarsha-nsipati, "king Amoghavarsha," in the Dedli grant of A.D. 940,6 and Jagattunga-nfipa, " king Jagattanga," Amoghavarshanpipati, and Amoghavarsha-nfipa, in the Kardà grant of A.D. 972:7 but the more special word rája, used so pointedly with the Sanskrit proper names, is not met with anywhere. Another ending used with a biruda in prose, is indra, which we have in Lakshmivallabhêndra, in the Nilgund inscription of A.D. 866 : 8 an exceptional instance of its use with a proper name, in Krishnarajendra, has been noted on page 184 above; and another exceptional instance of it with & biruda is found in Nirupamêndra, in the case of the feudatory prince DhåråvarshaDhruvaraja (the second of that name) of Gujarat, in a verse in the Baroda grant of A.D. 866 or 867 ; ' bat it seems to have been, properly, restricted to the combination vallabhendra, as an honorific form of vallabha.10 And other endings, used in prose, were narendra, in, for instance, Śrivallabhanarôndra, in the Tørkhede grant of A.D. 813,11 and narendradeva, in, for instance, Śrivallabhanarendradeva, in the Paithan grant of A.D. 794.18 But the manner in which the Nilgand inscription of A.D. 866 speaks of Amoghavarsha I. as, indifferently, Amoghavarsha,
1 The Såmångad grant does not mention any predecessor of Dantidurga; because he was the first paramount BAshtrakata king. The Kadarese grant of A.D. 80), and the Torkbêde grant of A.D. 818, and the Kapad wanaj grant of A.D. 909 or 910, do not include the formal preamble mentioning predecesors. The other copper-plate grants are records of the feudatory Gujarat branch of the family and in the records of that line it was not the custom to name the previous princes in the preambles of the prose passages.
? Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 134, No. 16, text line 2. Page 53 above, text line 2.
• Page 161 above, text line 1. Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 125, text lines 1, 2.
. Above, Yol. V. p. 194, text line 31. 1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. pp. 264, 265, text lines 12, 13, 24-25. • Page 104 above, text line 17, wod see page 106, note 2; neo also page 188 below.
. Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 184, text line 17; the appellation was there translated by "king Nirupama" (p. 188, verse 37). * For the appellation Vallabhêndra, see page 189 below, page 19), note 1, page 191.-The ending indra is met with once, in a Western Chalukya record (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 17, text line 8), in the paramount epithet of which the customary forin was simply freprithirfpallasha; tha epithet is there presented as fréprithiof. vallabhandra.- There is a miscellaneous use of pallabhandra, otherwise than in a regal biruda or epithet, in a record at śrsvaņa-Belgola (Inters. at Šrat.-Bel. No. 3), which describes the Kalbappa hill as " worthy to be praised by gode, Vidyavallabhêndnas (i... those who are the chiefs of favourites or husbands of Learniug, those who are eminently learned people), demons, men, and saiuto." 11 Above, Vol. III. p. 54, text line 5.
n Ibid. p. 109, text line 48-44.
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Amôghavarshadêva, Atisayadhavala, and Atiśayadhavalanarendradeva, is enough to show that all these endings, also, were not integral and essential parts of the birudas, and are to be disregarded for all general purposes. In editing records, it may be convenient to retain the ending indra, rather than to translate it by rendering, for instance, Lakshmivallabhendra by "Lakshmivallabha, the chief of Lakshmivallabhas or of favourites of Fortune." But the other two will be better treated by translation,-narendra being rendered by " king," and narendradeva by "his majesty the king."
We have next to note that the most distinctive and leading birudas of the Rashtrakatas were those ending in varsha. Not only are they found most frequently in the stone records, and often without any other appellation accompanying them, but also, in the formal preambles of the prose passages of the copper-plate charters of the kings of the main line, it is always the biruda ending in varsha that is used, - and without any other appellation,- to denote the predecessor, and the biruda ending in varsha of the reigning king is always presented with such others of his appellations as are put forward; and, in the corresponding passages of the copper-plate charters of the feudatory princes of the Gujarat branch, the biruda ending in varsha is always prefixed to the proper name of the prince. We may find, hereafter, an exception to this rule about the designation of the predecessor in the copper-plate charters of the main line, when we obtain any such record of Amoghavarsha I. ; for, the Kaņheri stone inscription of A.D. 851 describes him as meditating on the feet, not of Prabhatavarshadêva, but of Jagattungadêva, and, as we shall see further on, there are other indications that Govinda III. was best known as Jagattunge after his death, though, as we shall also see, in his lifetime he was best known as Prabhůtavarsha. But, after the Såmångad grant of A.D. 754, all the copperplate records of the main line that we know at present, conform, with such variations as have been indicated above in the actual selection (without omitting the biruda ending in varsha) and order of the appellations of the reigning king, to the practice of the Paithan grant of Govinda III., which describes him as Prithvivallabha, Prabhůtavarsha, his majesty the king Srivallabha, meditating on the feet of Dhâråvarshadêva ;) and the Atakûr stone inscription uses only the biruda Amôghavarshadêva to denote the predecessor of Krishna III. And another special feature of the birudas ending in varsha is that we cannot trace back the conception of them to any predecessors of the Rashtrakūtas of Malkhôd, nor even to the first Gujarat branch of the Rashtrakațas which was represented by Karkaraja II. son of Govindaråja in A.D. 757, nor to the early Rashtrakūtas of Central India whose existence is disclosed by the grants of Abhimanyu and Yuddhasara-Nandaraja. They were plainly first devised by the Råshtrakůtas of Malkhôd. The fashion seems to have been set by Akalavarsha-Krishna I., 88 we have no biruda ending in varsha for his predecessor Dantidurga. And it seems likely that each subsequent member of the family was invested with a varsha-appellation at the time when he was selected for the succession and was formally appointed as Yuvaraja.
Other special R&shtrakūta birudas were those ending in avalóka and tunga. Of the former, we have two instances in the Malkhêd line, namely, Khadgávalóka in the case of Dantidurga, and Raņávalóka in the case of Stambha, son of Dhruva ;' and we find two instances
1 Pages 108, 104, above, text lines 8, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22.
Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 134, No. 15, text line 2. Above, Vol. III. p. 108, text lines 43, 44.
Page 53 above, text line 2. But, when once they had been started by the Rashtraktas of Malkhed, the fashion was followed, probably as the result of intermarriages, in other families also; for instance, we have the Kalachuri king KeyůravarshaYavarAja I., at some time about A.D. 926 (see Prof. Kielborn's List of the Inscriptions of Northern India, Vol. V. above, Appendix, p. 61, No. 429), and the Paramara king Amoghavarsha-Vakpatirája, with the date of A.D. 974 (ibid. p. 8, No. 46), and Karivarshu-Sabilladdva, a king of Chanpak-(Chamba) (ibid. p. 81, No. 593), and the Paramára chieftain Dhårdvarsha, with the date of A.D. 1209 (ibid. p. 28, No. 193). See Dyn. Kan. Distrs. p. 386.
See pages 195, 197, below.

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in another branch of the Rashtrakuta stock, in the case of Gunâvaloka-Nanna and his grandson Dharmavaloka-Tunga, whose names are disclosed by an inscription at Bôdh-Gayâ. The birudas ending in tunga start, like those ending in varsha, with Krishna I., who, accordingly, seems to have set the fashion in both respects. Both the birudas ending in tunga and those ending in avalôka appear to be, originally, exclusive appellations of the Rashtrakutas of Malkhêd, since, as in the case of the birudas ending in varsha, we cannot trace the conception of them to any other source. But any similarity between them and the birudas ending in varsha ceased there. The birudas ending in avalôka appear to have soon gone out of fashion. Of the birudas ending in tunga, we have only one instance in the feudatory Gujarât branch, in the case of Akalavarsha-Subhatunga (proper name not yet disclosed) between A.D. 834-35 and 866-67. In the main line, we have not as yet obtained any such birudas in the cases of Govinda II., Dhruva, Indra III., Amôghavarsha II., AmôghavarshaVaddiga, Krishna III., Khoṭṭiga, and Indra IV. And, except in the single case of the use of Jagattunga, in the Kanheri inscription of A.D. 851, to denote Govinda III. as the predecessor of Amôghavarsha I., there is no evidence that the birudas ending in tunga could be used for official purposes in the particular manner in which the birudas ending in varsha were constantly used, namely as substitutes taking entirely the places of proper names.3 That was the special characteristic of the birudas ending in varsha.
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Of these, there is
The remaining leading birudas are those ending in vallabha. apparently only one, Śrivallabha, which could be used, like the varsha-appellations, to take entirely the place of proper names. And there is another feature in which they differ from the birudas ending in avalóka and tunga as well as those ending in varsha; namely that, together with the appellations Vallabha and Vallabharâja, they were not first devised by the Rashtrakutas of Malkhed, but the idea of them was taken over by the Rashtrakutas from their predecessors.
We will examine first the appellations Vallabha and Vallabharaja, which were taken over by the Rashtrakutas from their predecessors, the Western Chalukyas of Bådâmi. In the Western Chalukya records themselves, we find the plain appellation Vallabha used, as a substitute for their proper names, to denote both Pulakêśin I. and his grandson Pulakêsin II.; we find it attached after the names of the original ancestor Jayasimha I., and of Pulakêsin I., Kirtivarman I., and Pulakêsin II.; and it is given as an appellation of Ranavikrânta-Buddhavarmaraja of the first Gujarat branch of the Western Chalukyas. With the honorific ending indra, that is, in the form Vallabhendra, we find it once, in the same series of records, attached after the name of
1 See Prof. Kielhorn's List of the Inscriptions of Northern India, Vol. V. above, Appendix, p. 85, No. 630. But, the fashion having once been set, birudas ending in tunga were, like varsha-appellations, adopted by other families; again probably as the result of intermarriages. Thus, we have Mugdhatunga as a biruda of the Kalachuri king Prasiddhadhavala, father of the Kêyaravarsha-Yuvaraja I. who has been mentioned in note 5 on page 188 above (see Prof. Kielhorn's List of the Inscriptions of Northern India, Vol. V. above, Appendix, p. 58, No. 407, and p. 61, No. 429); and elsewhere we have the name of Jayatungasimha of the Kama country (ibid. p. 79, No. 575), and, doubtfully, the name of Sidhitunga with the date of A.D. 1347 (ibid. p. 38, No. 267). And for these reasons, I think, the words Tungd iti kahitibhujah prathitd babhdeuḥ, "the kings became known in the world as Tungas," which occur first in the Dêôli grant of A.D. 940 (above, Vol. V. p. 192, text line 10 f.; and see Vol. IV. p. 279), are to be taken, not as implying- (at any rate, correctly)- that the familyname was Tunga, but simply as seeking to draw attention to one of the leading appellations of some of the members of the family. The family-name was Rashtrakuta in its Sanskrit form, and Ratta in Prakrit; we have, for instance, Rashtrakut-davaya in verse in the Wani grant of A.D. 807 (Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 158, text line 17), and Raṭṭa-vamia in prose in the Nilgund inscription of A.D. 866 (page 103 above, text line 16).
See Lyn. Kan. Distrs. p. 342 . The exact references may be given in full on some future occasion, in a separate note on the appellations of the Western Chalukya kings; here it is only necessary to give a few of them in special cases.
Respectively, in the Nerûr grant of Mangalêsa (Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 161, text line 5), and in the Nertr grant of Pulakesin II. himself (id. Vol. VIII. p. 48, text line 3).
It is also attached after the naine of Vijayaditya in the Gudigere inscription of A.D. 1076-77 (Ind. Ant Vol. XVIII. p. 39, text line 20).

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Jayasinha I. So thoroughly was the appellation Vallabha identified, for that period, with the Western Chalukyas of Badami, that we find Vallabharaja and Vallabha used as substitutes for their proper names to denote Pulakesin II. and Vikramaditya I. in one of the Pallava records. And, by the Rashtrakațas themselves, the appellation Vallabha was first used to denote the Western Chalukya king Kirtivarman II., as is shewn by the verse in the Sâmångad grant of A.D. 754, which tells us that Dantidurga acquired the sovereignty by conquering Vallabha. The appellation itself was promptly adopted by the Rashtrakūtas; and it became, in the same way, thoroughly identified with them. As we have seen above, the next record that enters into details, the Paithan grant of A.D. 794, styles Dantidarga Vallabharaja, and gives to Govinda II. the appellation Vallabhs. The Wapi grant of A.D. 807 gives the same appellation, Vallabha, to Krishna I. The Bagumrê grant, of doubtful authenticity, which purports to have been issued in A.D. 888, mentions & Vallabhansipa, or "king Vallabha," who must be either Amoghavarsha I. or Krishna II. The Mulgund inscription of A.D. 902-903 attaches Vallabha after the name of Krishna II. The Kapadwapaj grant of A.D. 909 or 910 speaks of (probably) Krishna II. as Vallabharaja. The Sangli grant of A.D. 933, the Dooli and Karhad grants of A.D. 940 and 959, and the Kardà grant of A.D. 972, apply the appellation "his majesty the king Vallabha" to Govinda IV., Krishna III., and Kakka II. And, from the Pråksit forms Ballaharaya and Ballaraya, the Arab travellers and geographers of the ninth and tenth centuries A.D. used the name Balhará to denote, generally, the Rashtrakūta kings of Malkhôų. The Kadaba grant,
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 16, text line 2.- In the Eastern Chalukys records, sometimes Vallabhs is attached to the biruda Satyásraya which in them takes the place of the proper name of Palakesin II., and sometimes Vallebbêndra is used instead of it (nee, for instance, South Ind. Insors. Vol. I. PP. 41, 18). In that series, Vallabha is sometimes attached after the name of Jayasimha I., son of Kubja-Vishộuvardhana I. (see, both ways, the same references), but it is not found with soy subeoquent names.
Namely, in the Udayondiram grant of Pallavamalla-Nandivarman (South-Ind. Ingers. Vol. II, pp. 370, 371). This record says that the Pallava king Narasimhavarman I. frequently conquered Vallablardja at Pariyala, Ma..ima gala, Saramara, and other places, and that his grandson Param dávaravarman 1. defeated the army of Vallabbe in the battle of Peruvala-Nallar. The identities are established by the Karam Pallava grant, which tells us fid. Vol. I. p. 152 ff.) that it was Palækėsin (11.) whom Narasimhavarman I. conquered at Pariyala, eto., and gives thongh without mentioning the name of the place) a very vivid description of a great battle in which Parmes. Tavarman 1. inflicted a crushing defeat on the army of Vikramaditya (I.).
Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 114.
• Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 69, verte 23.---The Baroda grant of A.D. 866 or 867 ways that the feudatory prince Dhardvarsha-Nirupams-Dhruvarijs of Gujarat (the first of that name) put to fight the army of Vallabhs (Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 188, verse 82), and that his son Akalavarsh Subbatunga quickly recovered his paternal territory that bad been attacked or invaded by the army of Vallabhs (versa 86), and that the second Dbárávarsha-NirupamaDhruvarkin quieted in one direction the army of the Gurjaras that horried up to encounter him, and in another direction the hostile Vallabba (verse 37). These allusions, I think (see Dyn. Kan. Dintrs. p. 408, notes 2, 4), -as also the statement in the Baroda grant of A.D. 834 or 835, that Suvarnavarsha Karkarkje, of the same branch of the family, vanquished some tributary Rashtruktas, who, after they had voluntarily promised obedience. dared to rebel with a powerful army, and that he speedily placed Amoghavarsha I. on his throne (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 201, verse 10), refer to some persistent attacks on the dynasty of Malkbed, in their northern provinces, by descendants of the Kakkaraja II., of the first Gujarat branch, for whom we have the date of A.D. 767. If BO, these passagen would show that the members of that line, also, were classed among the Vallabhre: to which there is no apparent objeotion. Or, perhaps, these passages containing Vallabus refer to some descendants of one or other of the Gajarkt branches of the Western Chalukya family.
The latter may be assumed from Vallarijs, which one doeument gives as a form of the name of the Anbild Chanlokya king Vallabhardja, son of Chamundurdja son of Malardjo I. (see Dr. Phandarkar's Report on Sanskrit Manuscripts for the year 1888-84, p. 10).--Au foseription of A.D. 866-67 at Sorstår, in tbe Gadag Aluka. gives one of the biruda, of Amögbevarsha I, in tbe form of Prithiviballava. Tbis perhaps gives us ballava, as another Palpit form of wallabha. But it is possible that the writer may bave formed to by mistake for bha. or that he may have carelessly used ballaca, 'n man who knows,' instead of ballala.
See Sir H. M. Elliot's History of India, edited by Prof. Dowson, Vol. I. pp. 3 to 40. In later times, the Arabs used the name Balbark to denote the Claulukya kings of Aphilwad (e.g. Al-Idrist, towards the end of the eleventh century A.D.; ibid. pp. 85, 86, 87); and, as we have seen in the preceding note (800 also Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. pp. 199, 200, 213), Vallabharajn occurs as the name of a king in that dynasty with the date of A.D. 1009-10.

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which purports to have been issued in A.D. 813, uses the appellation Vallabhêndra, in the place of his proper name or of the biruda by which he was most customarily mentioned, to designate Govinda III. And the Pithapuram inscription of A.D. 1202, which recites the early Eastern Chalukya pedigree and history, uses the same appellation Vallabhêndra, in the same way, to denote either Amoghavarsha I. or Krishna II.
The biruda Prithivivallabha, "favourite of the earth," was, similarly, taken over by the Rashtrakūtas from the Western Chalukyas of Bådâmi. The Aihole inscription of A.D. 634-35 specially speaks of it as the title of the Chalukyas. And, in their records, we find it applied to Kirtiyarman I., Mangaldsa, Pulakésin II., Adityavarman, Chandraditya, Vikramaditya I., and Kirtivarman II. It is mentioned in the Nausâri giant of A.D. 739, as one of four "other names" or titles which were conferred as a mark of favour by the paramount sovereign upon the feudatory Chalukya prince Avanijanåfraya-Palakësiraja of Gujarat. And it is, doubtless, under similar circumstances that we find it used before the name of the Sandraka prince Nikumbhallabakti in the Bagumrå grant of A.D. 655.7 In the Rashtrakūta period, we meet with it at the outset, in the earliest record, the Sâmångad grant of A.D. 754, which applies it to the first paramount king, Dantidorga ; and, in the subsequent records, we find it used in the cases of Govinda III., Amoghavarsha I., Govinda IV., Krishna III., and Kakka II.
And so, also, the biruda Śrivallabha, "favourite of Fortune," was in the same way taken over by the Rashtrak utas from the Western Chalukyas of Badami. The origin of this birda, however, is carried back to earlier times; as it appears first, as a general epithet of the Pallavas, in the grant of Simhavarman II., which describes him as "& Maharaja of the Pallavas, who are Srivallabhas or favourites of Fortune." It was evidently obtained by the Western Chalukyas from the Pallavas. It does not occur often in the Western Chalukya records. But we do find it in them. In the Aihole inscription of A.D. 634-35, we are told that, though Pulakesin I. was Srivallabhs or favourite (here, more exactly, husband) of Fortune, he became also the bridegroom of the city of Vatâpipari.lo In a record of the time of Pulakesin II., it occurs before the name of his maternal uncle, the Sêndraka prince Sênânandaraja, 11. probably under circumstances similar to those in which the biruda Prithivivallabha occurs in connection with the feudatory Chalukya prince Avanijanåsraya-Pulakésiraja of Gujarat.18 And the passage in the Nausâri grant
1 Above, Vol. IV. p. 344, text line 82.
Above, Vol. IV. p. 227, and p. 239, verses 9, 10. For the rendering of this biruda, see page 168 above, note 6. • Page 8 above, verse 4. And see note 9 below, about the original ides of this biruda.
See page 189 above, note 4. . • Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of Orientalista, Aryan Section, p. 283, text line 34. 7 Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 268, text line 15. $ For the rendering of the biruda, see page 168 above, note 6.
Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 155, text lines 16, 17. The original inception of the idea is perhaps found in the grant of his father Vishnugopavarman, which speaks of the Pallavas as "the sbodes of the Fortune (irfnilaya) of other kings who have been overcome by their valour" (ibid. p. 61, text lines 15, 16). The biruda Prithivf
allabhs has not yet been traced to the Pallayas, actually in that form; but the idea of it, among them, is found in the Kdram grant, which speaks of "the family of the Palleyas who are favourites of the whole world (akala. Bhuvanarallabha)" (South-Ind. Inscrs. Vol. I. p. 148, text line 11): this record, however, is later in date than the first use of the biruda by the Western Chalukyas. 10 See page 8 xbore, verse 7.
11 Above, Vol. III. p. 61, text line 10. 11 See above. In the appellation, Satyaraya-Dhraseraja Indravarman, of the governor who is mentioned in the Goa grant of the time of Pulakekin II. (Jour, Bo. Br. R. 41. Soo. Vol. X. p. 366; regarding the identity of this person, see page 72 above), the biruda Satydórsya is probably to be accounted for in the same way. And so also, the first component of the appellation Sembiyan-Mavalivåņaikyan, which is applied to the Garga-Båns prince Hastimalla-Prithivipati 11. in the Udayêndiram grant (South-Ind. Insom. Vol. IL p. 390). Two other instances of fondatories having appellations the first components of which were the dirudas of their paramount sovereigos, are furnished by the names of Ahavamalla-Bbdtéyadeva, an officer of Abavamalla-Tails II. (Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 98), and of the Sinda prince Jagadékamalla Permadi 1. a feudatory of Jagaddkamalla II. (Jour. Bo. Br. R. 41. Soc. Vol. XI. p. 256).

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of A.D.739, which speaks of the conferring of the four titles upon the fendatory Chalukya prince Avanijanåsraya-Pulakêsirêja of Gujarât, denotes the paramount sovereign, who conferred them, by the appellation Srivallabhanarendra," the king Srivallabha,"l meaning, no doubt, Vikramaditya II., of the main line of Bâdâmi. It may be added that, in the Bagumrå grant of A.D. 655 of the Sêndraka prince Prithivivallabha-Nikumbhallasakti, the name of the Dataka, or messenger for the conveyance of the grant, is given as Srivallabhs-Bappa ;' this, again, is perhaps to be accounted for by an explanation similar to that suggested above for the possession of the biruda Prithivivallabha by Nikumbhallasakti himself.
These two special birudas, Pțithivivallabba and Srivallabha, were thus unquestionably taken over by the Rashtra kůțas of MÁlkhed, with the appellations Vallabha and Vallabharaja, from their predecessors, the Western Chalukyas of Båd&mi. How far the amplification of the list of birudas ending in vallabha,- of which we have also Kalivallabha in the case of Dhruva, Janavallabha in the case of Govinda III., and Lakshmivallabha in the case of Amôghavarsha I.,- was a Râshtrakūta idea, will probably become more clear hereafter. But a passage in the Nerur grant of Mangalega can hardly be construed except as establishing for Palaké in I. the biruda of Lôkavallabha, which is of practically the same purport as Janavallabha. And it thas appears not impossible that we may find, on closer scrutiny, that the Western Chalukyas themselves bad a more extensive list of vallabha-appellations than now seems to have been the case.
The appellations by which the earlier members of the family were remembered
in later times. We wind up this study by noting the appellations by which the earlier members of the family were best remembered in later times. For this purpose we have to quote, among the Rashtrakata records themselves, certain compositions which, as already remarked, depart altogether from the early standard drafts; namely, the Nausâri grants of A.D. 915,4 the Sångli grant of A.D. 933,5 the Dêôli grant of A.D. 940,6 the Karhad grant of A.D. 959,7 and the Karda grant of A.D. 972,8 and, among extraneous records, the Bhadana Silâhâra grant of A.D. 997 and the Khårêpåtan Silâbara grant of A.D. 1008.10
In the case of the first paramount king, Dantidurga, there is curiously revived in the Bhâdâna grant the variant of his name, Dantivarman, which is presented by the verse at the end of his Sâmångad grant of A.D. 754, and of which there is at present, in his case, no trace in any of the intervening records. In the other seven records, he is mentioned by only the name of Dantidurga or Dantidurgarija.
His paternal uncle and successor Krishna I. is mentioned, in all the eight records, by only his proper name, as Krishnaraja.
Govinda II., the elder son of Krishna I., is not mentioned, or in any way alluded to, in the Nausâri grants. The other six records all mention bim as Govindaraja.
Dhruva is mentioned by his proper name in only the Bhadana grant, which speaks of him as Dhruv-Anka adhiraja," the king, who had the mark, stigma, or brand, of Dhruva," and does not exhibit any of his other appellations. The other seven records all mention him as Nirupama. But the Debli and Karhad grants use also his well established biruda Kalivallabha. And the Sangli grant puts forward for him a very questionable new biruda in the form of Iddhatējas.
Loe oit. (page 191 above, note 6), text line 38-34. • Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 269, text line 38.
Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 161, text line 5. • Jour, Bo. Br. R. 41. Soc. Vol. XVIII. pp. 257, 261. Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 247.
Above, Vol. V. p. 188.
7 Above, Vol. IV. p. 278. lud, 4st. Vol. Xll. p. 263.
Above, Vol. IIl. p. 267. * Above, Vol. III. p. 292.

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Govinda III. ia mentioned, in all the eight records, only as Jagattunga and Jagattungadêva, without any allusion to his proper name or to any of his other birudas.
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Amôghavarsha I. is mentioned in the Nausâri grants as Śrivallabha, who then became Viranarayana. The Sangli, Kardâ, Bhâdâna, and Khârêpâtan grants mention him as Amoghavarsha, the Bhâdâna record putting forward also a very questionable new biruda for him, in the form of Durlabha. The Dêôli and Karhad grants use only his biruda Nripatungadêva.
And Krishna II. is mentioned by his proper name only, as Krishnaraja, in the Nansârî, Dêôli, Karhâd, and Bhâdâna grants, and by only his biruda of Akalavarsha in the Sângli and Khârêpatan grants; while the Kardâ grant presents both his proper name and the same biruda, mentioning him first as Akálavarsha, and then supplying his proper name as Krishnanṛipa, "king Krishna."
It is rather curious that Govinda III. was thus remembered only as Jagattunga; for, as we shall see further on, this biruda was certainly not the appellation by which he was best known in his own time. It appears first in the Tôrkhêdê grant of A.D. 813, issued in his time. And all that we know as to the origin of it, is the assertion in the Nilgund inscription of A.D. 866, of the next reign, that he, Prabhûtavarsha-Govindaraja, conquered the whole world. and so became known as Jagattunga. It evidently became his leading biruda, supplanting the biruda that was at first his distinctive appellation; because it was used, most exceptionally, in violation of the custom of using the biruda ending in varsha, to denote him in the Kanheri inscription of A.D. 851, in the formal passage which mentions him, as Jagattungadêva, as the predecessor of the then reigning king Amôghavarsha I. His assumption of the biruda, and the fact that it eventually became his most well known appellation, are evidently to be attributed to something or other that occurred when his reign was well advanced, and after A.D. 807 because there is no allusion of any kind to the biruda in the Wapi and Radhanpur grants of that year.
The use of the biruda Śrivallabha in the Rashtrakuța records.
We have now to consider who is most likely to be intended by the biruda Śrivallabha as used to denote the reigning king, without any other appellation, or any other hint,-in a Rashtrakuta record which, like the Lakshmêshwar inscription, C. above, is not dated but is referable to the last quarter of the eighth century A.D.
We have first to note that from Śrivallabha, "favourite of Sri or Fortune," we have the derivative śrivallabhatâ, "the condition of being a Śrivallabha." In the Rashtrakuța records, this word rivallabhatá is met with as the equivalent of råjådhirajaparamésvaratâ, "the condition of being an over-king of kings and a supreme lord." And these two words were used in the general sense, according to free translation, of " supreme sovereignty;" for instance, a verse in the Sâmângad grant of A.D. 754 describes Dantidurga as acquiring the rájádhirájaparamésvaratá by conquering Vallabha, which appellation denotes there, and in the passage quoted below, the Western Chalukya king Kirtivarman II.,- while another verse in the inscription at the Dasavatara cave at Ellôrâ says that, by defeating the army of Vallabha and subjugating certain other kings, he acquired the śrivallabhatá. And, in view of this, the biruda Srivallabha might, without any objection, be applied to any paramount king without exception.
1 As already said, we may expect to find it used, in the same way, in the formal preambles of the prose passages of copper-plate records of Amoghavarsha I., if we ever obtain any such records.
2 Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 112, text lines 24, 25.
Archæol, Surv. West. Ind. Vol. V. p. 88, text lines 10, 11,
2 c

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But we do not find it used in that general manner, at any rate in the Rashtrakuta records. In those records, as far as they have been considered at present, we perhaps find the biruda Śrivallabha suggested in the case of Krishna I.; but, if so, it is put forward for him in verse, in a very unusual and inconclusive fashion, and not in a record of his own time. We have it first apparently established' in the case of Govinda III., by the formal prose passages of his own records; and it is certainly used to denote him in a verse in the Baroda grant of his time. We next find it put forward, in verse, for his son Amôghavarsha I.; but this is done in a late record of A.D. 915, and under circumstances which suggest that it was used simply as a convenient metrical substitute for his formal biruda Lakshmivallabha, which, though synonymous in meaning, is not the same appellation in form. We meet with it next in the case of Indra III., in the formal prose passage of one of the records of his time. We find it last used to denote Krishna III., in a verse which stands in his records of A.D. 940 and 959. And we thus have it established as a distinctive official appellation,- by formal prose passages, which, as has already been said, are far more decisive in any points of this kind than the verses are, only in the cases of Govinda III. (apparently) and Indra III.
From this, we might conclude that, in a Rashtrakûța record referable to about the last quarter of the eighth century A.D., the biruda Śrivallabha must denote Govinda III., for whom we have the date of A.D. 794 from his Paithan grant. And, if we accept the indication that is given in the formal prose passage in the Rådhanpur grant of A.D. 807, it certainly was a well established biruda of him, and an important and distinctive one because there, and in the corresponding passage in the Paithan grant of A.D. 794, it takes the place that is occupied by his proper name in the Wanf grant of A.D. 807.
Nevertheless, Srivallabha was not the principal and most distinctive appellation of Govinda III. As we have already seen, in later times he was remembered only as Jagattanga. A verse in the Nausârî grant of A.D. 817 seems clearly to single out Prithivivallabha as his special vallabha-appellation. But even that was not his most distinctive appellation. His most distinctive biruda during the earlier part of his reign was, evidently, Prabhutavarsha. Even the Nilgund inscription of A.D. 866 of his successor's reign,-written at a time when there was, plainly, a preference for speaking of him as Jagattunga, tells us that he was Prabhutavarsha, who became Jagattunga; and the only other of his birudas that it mentions, is Kirtinârâyana. In the records of his own time, the biruda Prabhutavarsha occupies a prominent position in the Paithan, Want, and Radhanpur grants, and also in even the Tôrkhêdê grant; standing, in all of them, before either his proper name or the biruda Śrivallabha, and, in the Tôrkhêdê grant, also before the introduction of the biruda Jagattunga. In the grant of A.D. 804 from the Kanarese country, the biruda Prabhutavarsha is used, and no other, with his proper name. The same is the case in an undated inscription in the Shimoga district, Mysore, which refers itself to the reign of a Prabhûtavarsha-Govindarasa, and is, no doubt, to be referred to his time. And an inscription at Shisuvinhâl in the Bankåpar taluka, Dhârwâr district, which can only be referred to his time, mentions him, as the reigning king, as " the favourite of Fortune and the Earth, the Maharájádhiraja, the Paramésvara, the Bhatára, Prabhutavarsha," without presenting any other biruda, and without even finding it necessary to give his proper name.
And there are records in Mysore, which shew unmistakably that Dhruva was distinctively known by the biruda of Srivallabha, at least as well as was his son Govinda III. One of them is an inscription at Matakere in the Heggaḍadêvankôte tâluka, Mysore
1 See page 173 above, and note 2.
Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. Introd. p. 10, and note 1.
Not published; I quote from an ink-impression. The record is so much damaged that it can hardly be edited; but the first two lines are fortunately quite legible.

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district, which refers itself to the time when Dhardvarsha-Srivallabha was reigning over the earth, and Kambharasa was (governing) the (Gangavadi) ninety-six-thousand province : here, the immediate collocation of the two birudas admits of no interpretation except that they belonged to one and the same person, and that he was both Dhåråvarsha and Srivallabha; and Dhåråvarsha, as we have already seen, was Dhruve. And another is an inscription at SravanaBelgola,' which, mentioning the Kambharass of the preceding record as Raņávalóka-Kambayya and describing him as reigning over the earth, speaks of him as the son of the Paramé svara and Maharaja Srivallabha. For these two records we are indebted to Mr. Rice. In connection with the second of them, we take another record, also bronght to notice by him ; namely, a copper-plate grant from Mappe, which parports to have been issued in A.D. 802.3 It expressly mentions Ranávalóka-Kambhadêra as the elder brother of Prithuvivallabba-Prabhůtavarsha-Gdvindarajadêva, who, it says, meditated on the feet (1.6. was the successor of the Paramabhaffaraka, Maharajadhiraja, and Paramétvara Dharivarshadêva. The Govindarajadēva of this passage is shewn, by the verses in the genealogical introdaction of the record, to be Govinda III., son of Nirupama-Kalivallabha-Dhora, s.c. Dhruva. His elder brother Randva16ka-Kambhadeva was, therefore, also a son of Dhruva. Accordingly, in the Sravana-Belgola inscription, again, the biruda Srivallabha denotes Dhruva. And thus we have the biruda Srivallabha thoroughly well established as a leading and distinctive appellation of Dhruva also, and so pointedly that it is most probably he who is intended by that biruda in the Lakshmêshwar inscription, C. above.
The date of Dhruva. The importance of the point that Srivallabha was a leading and distinctive biruda of Dhruva lies in the fact that we are thereby enabled to fix an actual date for him.
That date is supplied by a passage in the Jain Harivamss of Jinasena, which tells us that that work was finished in Saka-Samvat 705 (expired), = A.D. 783-84, when there were reigning - in various directions determined with reference to a town named Vardhamanapura, which is to be identified with the modern Wadhwan in the Jhâlâvâd division of Kathiâwâr,in the north, Indrayudha ; in the south, Srivallabhs; in the east, Vatsaraja, king of Avanti
1 Ep. Cars, Vol. IV., Hg. 93.- In answer to a reference, Mr. Rico bas been kind enough to assure me that tbe Srlealla[bha) follows Dhardearisha without any interval; that line 1 contains less matter than the other lines because the letters are larger; and that there is no doubt whatever about the word Kambharasar. There can, of course, be no question about the correctness of supplying bha As the akshara which is more or less damaged and illegible after frf-Dhardvarisha-Brivalla. And the damaged and illegible akahara after the dha must be a final or
Insers, at Srao-Bel. No. 24.- I have to make the following remarks on this record, from an ink-impression. Line 2 ends with Sriballabha. At the beginning of line 3, five aksharps are (judging by the impression) hopelessly damaged and illegible. Then we bave, distinctly, jadbi. And then, after a space representing three full-size Aquare akshanas such as ja, dha, ma, etc., - apparently equally damaged and illegible, we bave m[]foaramahdr[]jari magandir Randraloka-bri-Kambaygas, etc. The lacune may be appropriately and exactly filled in by reading Śreballabha-[ Dhrupa-mahdra] jddhi[roja-para] [boara-mahár[a]jand; to which the only objecby reading once....
lindin e tion is the use of both titles, maldrdjdd hirdja sod mahardja : and I do not see any other way in w
rdia and I do not see any other be appropriately and exactly filled in, unless we should read Srfballabha-[Dhardwarsha-rd]jddhi[rdja-pana]m[q. ivara-nahar[d]jard, which is open to a similar objection acd, further, does not adapt itself to sach marks as are discernible But, of course, it is by pure conjecture that the actual name Dhruva is supplied bere; except that there is a mark, in einctly the proper place, which does look like an attached to an akshara consisting of consonant with its vowel. On the subject of this record, see aleo Dyn. Kan. Dintre. p. 897, note 1; the view suggested there is, of course, now withdrawa.
See Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. Introd. p. 5. I have photographs of this record, for which I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. Rice.
2 c 2
18 which the

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(Ujjain); and, in the west, Varaha or Jayavardha,' in the territory of the Sauryas. It is to be remarked that, of the two kings Indrayadhs and Srivallabha, one or the other is specified in the passage as the son of a king Krishna. Bat we determine the application of the passage without taking that point into account either way.
When this passage was first brought to notice, the translation that was put forward was" when Indrayudha was ruling over the North ;- when Srivallabha, the son of king Krishna, was governing the South," etc. And I suggested that Srivallabha was “perhaps the Râshtrakůta king Gôvinda II., the son of Kțishna I."3
Subsequently, however, it booame plain, in the first place, that the biruda Srivallabha is not identical with the appellation Vallabha, which is the only name of that kind that we have for Govinda II., and in the second place, that Govinda II. did not actually reign. And then, as the word meaning " son of king Kộishộs" may be construed at least as well with the word that gives as the name of Indrayadha as it may with the word that gives ns the name of Srivallabha, I abandoned that view and transferred the words "son of king Kfishna " to Indrayudha, and took the passage as referring to Govinda III., son of Dhruva, and as establishing the date of A D. 783-84 for him.
There is nothing inherently impossible, in the way of allotting the date of A.D. 783-84 to Govinda III.; except that it would perhaps give him too long a reign,- at least thirty years,
1 The original passage has jaya-yuté vfrå Vardhé; and Dr. Peterson considered (Fourth Report on Sanskrit MSS., Index of Authors, p. 43, and note), that the meaning is, not the victorious and brave Vardha," but "the brave Jayavaráhu,"- just as the name of Vatsargja is expressed in the preceding line by Vata-ddi-rdje. It is not possible to settle that point off-band, either way. Bat, in sapport of Dr. Peterson's view, we may quote two other names in which wardha is found as the termination. One is Adivarába, # name of Bhojndeva of Kansoj, which occurs in verse 22 of the Gwalior inscription of A.D. 875 or 876 (Ep. Ind. Vol. I. pp. 155, 1568). The other is Dbaranivardha, which we meet with most notably in the case of a Chapa prince, with the date of A.D. 914, whose residence was Vardbamion, and who was ruling the territory round HaddAll on the south-east of the abovementioned Wadhwan in the Jhalvad division of Kathidwâr (Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. pp. 194, 195); and it is not impossible that, in this prince, we have a descendant of the Varaba or Jayavarkha of A.D.783-84, though his pedigreo is not carried back beyond a certain Vikramarka who would have to be placed, roughly, about A.D. 826.It may be noted here that the name Dharantvarábs seems to have been rather s favourite one. We meet with it again in the case of a prinoe referable roughly to about A.D. 925, in the Bulandshahr plate of A.D. 1176 or 1177 (see Prof. Kielhorn's List of the Inscriptions of Northern Indis, above, Vol. V. Appendix, p. 25, No. 170), and again in the case of a prince who was contemporaneous with a B&shtrakata king or prince named Dhavals who held the country round Hatondi in Marwår just before A.D. 997 (see ibid. p. 9, No. 53). We perhaps have the same
Arabs in the case of a king or prince, of uncertain date but apparently referable to "& period not long anterior to the Mubammadan invasion," who ruled more to the east, in the Jaunpur district, North-West Provinces (Jour. Beng. As. Soe. Vol. VII. pp. 635, 636); but, bere dharan may be a mistake or misreading for dharaniria as the accusative with santhayasenija-guņair, and in that case the name is simply Varába. We certainly, however, have Dharanivarába as a biruda of some princes, of the sixteenth century A.D., who claim descent from the Eastern Chalukya king Kulóttunga I. (Report of the Government Epigraphist for 1899-1900, p. 16). And apparently we have it again as a biruda of one or other of the kings of Vijayanagars in a record of A.D. 1528 (Ep. Cars. Vol. III., Sr. 2).
Ind. Ant. Vol. XV. p. 142. For the text, see now, preferentially, Peterson's Fourth Report on Sanskrit MSS, Extracts, p. 176. Loc. cit. note 3.
• And, on this point, see now, more fully, page 170 ff. above. The text rons-uttandi pdt-Vindrdyudha-admni Krishna-aripa-j& Srinallabhd dakshindon. We know that Dhruva was a son of Kfishna I. And, now that we know what we did not know until recently, namely, that Srivailabhn was one of his leading biridas,- it is easy enough to say that the words "Bon of king Krishna ” were meant to qualify the Srivallabha of the passage, and not the other person. But it is impossible to say, simply from the text itself, whether Krishna-ntipa-jd was intended to be in apposition with the locative which immediately precedes it, or with the locative which immediately follows it, and it is fairly arguable that, Srivallabhs being complete appellation in itself, whereas Indrayudhade man is an adjective rather than a noun, the latter wants something, namely, the next following word, to complete its meaning.
Dyn. Kan. Distrs. p. 394 f., and see note 1 on p. 395.

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before so very long a reign as that of his son Amôghavarsha I., who was on the throne for not less than sixty-two years. But we can now recognise a distinct reason for which that date should not be allotted to Govinda III. We know, from the Wani and Radhanpur grants of A.D. 807, that the first important event after the death of Dhruva was the formation of a confederacy against Govinda III. by twelve kings and princes, whom he had to overthrow before his succession to the throne was made secure. We may note that we learn from the Nausâri grant of A.D. 817 that the confederacy was headed by a certain Stambha, in respect of whom Mr. Rice has made the suggestion, quite soundly, that he is to be identified with the Raņávalóka-Kambayya, Kambharasa, or Kambhadêva of the Mysore records, son of Srivallabha-Dhruva and elder brother of Govinda III. And we trace the motive for it to the fact, stated in the Paithan grant of A.D. 794, that Govinda III. had been selected for the succession from among several song,- to the exclusion, therefore, of at least StambhaKambayya,- because he surpassed his brothers in merit. But, what we have to note in particular, is, that this confederacy was the first important event after the death of Dhruva and the accession of Govinda III., and that there is no allasion of any kind to it in the Paithan grant of A.D. 794. We must understand, then, that that record gives a very early date in the reign of Govinda III., before the occurrence of the events connected with the confederacy, and that it is, therefore, not permissible to carry him back ten years earlier, to A.D. 783-84.
The only other Srivallabha of that period, distinctively known by that appellation, was Dhruva. And, irrespective of the question whether the Srivallabha of the passage quoted above is described in that passage as "the son of Kộishna," or whether he is not so described, we need not hesitate, now, about deciding that it is to Dhruva that the passage refers by the biruda Śrivallabha, and that it is for him that it establishes the date of A.D. 783-84.
As regards another of the kings who are mentioned in that passage, it may be noted that Vatsargja of Ujjain is mentioned again in connection with Dhruva in the Waņi and Radhanpur grants of A.D. 807, in a verse which tells us that Vatsaraja, who had easily seized the kingdom of Ganda (in Bengal), was driven away by Dhruva (from his possessions in Málwa, round Ujjain) into the path of misfortune in the deserts of) Maru (M&rwår). Vardha or Jayavardha, who was ruling the territory of the Saury88,- which apparently means Saurashtra or Kathiâwâr - remains to be exactly identified, but may, as has been suggested above, very possibly have been a Chapa king. Indrayudha, the king of the north, may be safely referred to the family to which belonged Chakrayadha, to whom Dharmapala, after defeating Indraraja
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 161, and Vol. VI. p. 70, verse 13. The event has been wrongly placed by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji in the life-time of Dhruva (Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. 1. Part I. p. 129). The text of the record distinctly says that Dhruvs was then dead. Jour. Bo. Br. R. 4.. Soc. Vol. XX. p. 145, verse 27.
Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. Introd, p. 5. • Above, VOLIII. p. 107, text line 87 f.
See page 196 above, note 5. . In following my original proposal as to the application of the passage, and in accepting it ss meaning Vallabhs-Govinda II., Dr Bhandarkar (Early History of the Dekkan, in the Gasetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. II. Part I. p. 197) has overlooked the point that the appellation is not Vallabha, but Srivallabhs, which is quite a different thing i and, when he wrote, he was of course not aware that Srivallabha wasa biruda of Dhruva.-- As regards the hysterical outburst, in connection with this matter, to which Mr. K. B. Pathak has given vent on page 6 f. of the Introduction to his edition of the Kapirdjamdrga (ne slao Jour. Bo. Br. R. ds. Soc. Vol. XX. p. 26), it is sufficient to remark that, in his second-hand and crude dissertation on Dantidurga, Krishna I., Govinda II., and Dhruva, he has put forward nothing new of any historical value, and, in ro-serting the date of A.D. 788-84 for Govinda II. according to my original proposal, he has, from sheer ignorance of the subject and incapability of dealing with it, simply reiterated a mistake and missed the very point on which there was a useful correction to be made. His paroxysmal note 3 on page 5 of the Introduction (see also Jour. Bo. Br. R. 43. Soe. Vol. XX. p. 25, note 18) is, except in the first line of its far as the words "A.D. 750," nothing but an attribution to me of statements that I have not made and views that I have not formed. 7 Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 161, and Vol. VI. p. 69, verse 8.
Page 196 above, note 1.

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and other unnamed enemies, gave back the sovereignty of Mahôdaya (Kanauj);1 but we have still to determine what may have been the relations between his family and the family of Maharajas in which we have Prabhâsa-Bhôja I., Bhâka-Mahendrapâla, and Harsha-Vinayakapâla, who issued charters from Mahôdaya (Kanauj) in A.D. 706, 761, and 794.2
No. 17. TWO BHUVANESVAR INSCRIPTIONS.
BY F. KIELHORN, PH.D., LL,D., C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.
The two inscriptions of which I give an account here from excellent impressions, prepared for Dr. Hultzsch by Mr. Krishna Sastri, are on two slabs of dark stone which are now in the western wall of the court-yard of the temple of Ananta-Vasudeva' at Bhuvanesvar in the Purî district of Orissa. The stones were taken away from Bhuvanêévar and presented to the Asiatic Society of Bengal by General Stewart about 1810, but to please the people, they were returned to their original place in 1837.5 In the latter year, the inscriptions were both edited, with specimen facsimiles of the characters by Mr. Prinsep, in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol., VI. p. 89 ff. and p. 280 ff., the one here marked A. with a translation by the Rev. Wm. Yates, and the other, marked B., with a translation by Captain G. T. Marshall, Examiner in the College of Fort William; and the inscription A. has been edited again, ibid. Vol. LXVI. Part I. p. 11 ff., by Mr. Nagendra Natha Vasu, who was not aware of its having been published sixty years before. A. records the foundation of a temple of (Siva) Mêghêévara by Svapnêsvara, a connection and general of the (Eastern) Ganga king Aniyankabhima (Anangabhima I.) of Trikalinga; and B. gives a eulogistic account of a scholar named Bhaṭṭa-Bhavadeva Bâlavalabhibhujanga, of whom some literary works are still extant.
A.- INSCRIPTION OF SVAPNESVARA, OF THE TIME OF ANIYANKABHIMA,
This inscription contains 26 lines of writing which cover a space of 3' 6" broad by 1' 6" high. The writing is well done and carefully engraved, and with the exception of a few letters, in an excellent state of preservation. The size of the letters is about". Many of the characters are the same as those of the ordinary Nâgarî alphabet used in Northern India during about the 12th and 13th centuries A.D.; but there are some by which this inscription would be undoubtedly referred to the eastern parts of Northern India. To shew this, I would draw the reader's attention, e.g., to the initial 6 in iti, 1. 1; the initial é in ékô, 1. 1; the kh in sikhi-, 1. 1, and kharvvikarôti, 1. 2; then in ratnánkura-, 1. 10, pisgala-, 1. 1, and vansa-, 1. 6; the in sitañ-cha, 1. 21, and váñchhita-, 1. 13; the t in jatâtavi-, 1. 1, patu-, 1. 6, and -dvit, 1. 15; the tt in patte, 1. 26 (twice); the n in rana-, 1. 9, etc. One point in which the alphabet differs from that of other eastern inscriptions is, that, while in the latter special signs (without the superscript r) are generally used? to denote the three conjuncts rgg, ran and rth, the present inscription has such a sign only for rth, and employs the superscript r in the two other conjuncts. See e.g. the rth of =ârtható, =ârthibhir= and arthini in line 10, as compared with the th of prithivim in line 8; on the
I am indebted to Prof. Kielhorn for this point. For the necessary references, see his List of the Inscriptions of Northern India, above, Vol. V. Appendix, p. 86, No. 638; and see also Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 187, and Ep. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 245.
See above, Vol. V. pp. 209, 210, and Ind. Ant. Vol. XV. p. 110.
Government Epigraphist's collection of 1899, Nos. 227 and 229. Compare my List of North. Inser. Nos. 669 and 670.
See Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. LXVI. Part I. p. 11.
See ibid. Vol. VI. p. 279 1.
The form of the initial here used is identical with one of the two forms of i, used in the Kamauli plates of Vaidyadeva, No. 644 of my List of North. Insor.
1 See above, Vol. V. p. 182.

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other hand, see the rgg in durgg-alayő márggah, 1. 22, and the run of -drakirnna-, 1. 8, and compare with the latter the nnl of kshunna-, l. 8. For the rest, it may suffice to state that anusvára is often denoted by a circle with the sign of virama below it, placed after the akshara to which it belongs, as in nirvbharam, 1. 6, and palabhuján, 1. 7; and that the sign of avagraha is employed no less than 13 times, as in obhujá snêna, 1.9, and vriddho snujan and rájyés bhishiktams, 1. 11, etc.-The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, and with the exception of the introductory Om ôm namah Sivaya, the text is in verse. The orthography calls for few remarks. The sign for v denotes both v and b; the dental sibilant is used for the palatal in rasmi- and vans- (for vañ.), 1.3, sasása, 1. 8, yasasá, 1. 12, sáévata-, l. 13, sasvans, 1. 22, and safvada, 1. 24, and the palatal for the dental in Srôtah-, 1. 1, and surasarit-, 1. 21; and instead of anusvára the guttural nasal has been employed in varsa-, 1. 6, and -sudhansa, 1. 25, and the dental nasal in vans-óttansa-, 1. 3. Besides, the rules of sandhi have now and then been neglected. The language is not always grammatically correct. The ablative cases in construction with adjectives in the positive (instead of the comparative) degree in verse 28 might of course be justified by analogous constructions in the epics ; for the wrong position of the word malli in the compound mallikirttivalli (for kirttimallivallt) at the end of line 3 the Pråkpit of the author might possibly be held responsible; and to account for the employment of the Present participle hasat (instead of hasita) in the compound at the end of verse 22 one or two similar instances may be quoted from Jaina poetry; but Sri-Svapnesvara-náma (for -nama) in line 5 is an offensive blunder that should not have been committed even chhando-bhanga-bhayât. The poetry of our author strikes me as being poor. His poetical conceptions as a rule are of the tritest, and more attention has been apparently paid by him to the sound of the words than to their exact meanings or effective employment. As a translation would be as tiresome to write as it might be tedious to read, I content myself with giving a short abstract of the contents.
After the words Om, om ! Adoration to Siva !,' verse 1 invokes the protection of the moon which is on Siva's head, and v. 2 glorifies the sage Gautama (Akshapåda). In that sage's family (gótra) was born the king's son (raja-putra) Dvaradeva (v. 3). From him Müladeva was born (v.4), and from him, Ahirama (v.5) who, besides other children, had a son named Svapnesvara, and a daughter named Suramadevi (v. 6). Verses 7-9 then eulogize a king of the lunar race, named Chôdaganga. When he was dead, his son king Rajaraja victoriously ruled the earth (vv. 10-12). He married Suramadevi, the lady already mentioned (v. 13), and in his old age installed in the government his younger brother Aniyankabhima, 'a moon of a Ganga prince,' 'a lord of Trikalinga' (vv. 14-17).- Verses 18-21 then praise (Rajaraja's brother-in-law) Svapnesvaradêva, in war'a divine weapon of the kings of the Ganga lineage,' a man more powerful than a complete army' (and apparently therefore a general of the Ganga kings); and verses 22-32 record the acts of piety performed by him which occasioned this prasasti. He founded a magnificent temple of the god (Siva) Méghésvara, the lord of the clouds' (vv. 22-24), gave a number of female attendants to the god (v. 25), laid out a garden near the temple (vv. 26 and 27), built a tank near it (v. 28), and in connection with the tank erected a mandapa or open hall (v. 29). He also provided wells and tanks on roads and in towns, lights in temples, cloisters for the study of the Vedas, etc. (v. 30); and to the pious Brahmaņs he gave a brahmapura which was superintended by the Saiva teacher Vishņu (v. 31), who also consecrated the Méghésvara temple (v. 32).- By Vishnu's order this prasasti was composed by the poet Udayana (v. 33); it was written on the stone at the Meghêsvara temple by Chandradhavala, the son of Disidhavala (v. 35), and engraved by the satradhára Sivakara (v. 36).
IA comparison of the signs for and will shew that in the latter the superscript is really superfluous. Even without it, the sign used by the writer would have to be read as #, and is actually employed in other inscrip tions to denote that conjunct.
As pratishthita is occasionally used for pratishtha pita, 90 I would take pratyalishthat in verse 32 to have been employed in the sense of the causal pratyalishthipat.

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Though the inscription is not dated, the connection of Svapnêśvara with the (Eastern) Ganga kings Rajaraja and Aniyanka bhima permits us to fix its age with confidence. From No. 367 of my List of North. Insor. we know that the great king Chôdaganga was succeeded by his son Kåmårņave, who was anointed king in Saka-Samvat 1064 = A.D. 1142-43 and reigned for 10 years; that Kåmårņava again was succeeded by another son of Chôdaganga, named Raghava, who reigned for 15 years; he again by Chodaganga's son Rajaraja [[I.], who reigned for 25 years, and he by his younger brother Aniyankabhima (or Anangabhima I.), who reigned for 10 years. Taking these figures to be approximately correct, it follows that Aniyankabhima, the last king mentioned in the present inscription, ascended the throne about A.D. 1192, and that this inscription therefore must have been composed about the end of the 12th century A.D.
TEXT.1 1 Om om namah Sivâys | Vidyutpiógala-bhalalochana-likhi-jvála-galat svampita
śró (sr) tah-sparsana jivitâh avasirab-śrenih Sivênpityati (1) ék8 Rahuranekat&n=gata iti trasad-iva prekshya t&s=Ohandrah sândra-jatatavi-surasarid
durgg-asritaḥ påtu vaḥ 11 [1] 2 Ko=yam lla(la)ll&(1A)ţatata-nêtraputasys garvvật kharvvikaróti jagad-ity-abhidhấya
Sambhau | yah sabhyasyam=akarôch=chacha(ra)ņe=kshi-lla (la)kshmim jlydt-sa Gautama-munir-mmuni-vrinda-vandyaḥ || [2] Tad-gotré rája-putraḥ samajani
jagatf-mandanah panditânám manyaḥ puny-aikadhama 'prativa(ba)la-jaladhi3 kshobha-manthachala-friḥ r i mánsatkirttivalli-valayita-vasudhamandalas-chanda
rasmi(śmi)-sphärjjat-tējo bhir=ngra-glapita-ripayasah-kairavo Dvaradevaḥ [3] Samajani nija-vang-ôttansa-lakshmir-alakshmikrita-nikhila-virodhi-sphúrjjad-ambhô
dhir-asmat dalita-lalita-mallikirttiva.8 4 lli-vitâna-prassita-hasita-chandrð Múladevaḥ kpit-indra) || [4] Tasmát=puny.
aikaragêr-abhavad-Ahiramô nâma dhậma stutinâm-Arâmaḥ såma-nitêr=&parimitayasabpdrachandr-oday&drih yasy=ódyad-dånadharmm-Otsava-janita-mahôtsäha-kale
triloka-prasad-&gré sphuranti sphurad-- 5 malayaso-vaijayanty jayantyaḥ || [5] Tagmån=naika-sut&d=va(ba)bh tvatar-apân
nathad-iveendu-Sriyau fr1-8vapnesvara-náms! nama Suramadevi cha sårthAhvaya | kah kshmåtala-mandanâya sakal-adhâras-tath=&nya jagad-daridrajvara
nafanaya jagats-chintamani-árir=abhat 11 [6] 13Nata-ntipati-kirita-ko6 ti-ratna-dyuti-patu-piha-layalu-padapadmaḥ ajani Rajanijâni-vansachadamanir
anim-adi-gupêna Chôdagangah [7] 16Yatra-vaji-khura-prahara-visarad-dholisamudre sphurattējo bh&skaramandale kshitibhujám=astangate nirvbha(rbbha Dram!
yar sangrama-gpihôdaréshu vijaya-friḥ sarddham-47 s-sakhi-vrindair-bhinna-gajêndra-mauktikavati bhůy-bhisarttun=gata 11 [8] Re
vå (b)lah kula-vriddha kin=nu bhavatån=durbhiksham=åyåsyati sphitan= kim sa tu sa[t]tra-daḥ palabhajati svarggâya sannahyatê | yasy-êti
From impressions prepared by Mr. Krishna Sastri. * Expressed by a symbol.
• Metre : sardalavikrldita. • Read .galat-svampita-.
Metre: Vasantatilska. • Metre : Sragdhara.
7 Metre: Malini.-Read nija-vanhi-ttansa-. . For the sake of the metre mallkirtli has been put for hirttimalli. . The akshara ta was originally omitted and is engraved above the line. 10 Metre : Sragdhara.
n Metre : Sardalavikridita. 11 For the sake of the metre put for md.
1 Metre : Pushpitágra. # This word (which has been misread as pada and pata) is quite clear in the impressions ; it is used in the sense of sphata. 1. Read-oa nia.
16 Metre of verses 8 and 9: Sardalavikridita.

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201
śrutim=&kalayya samare nirvbhi(rbbhi)nna-vira-dvishâm='valltraiḥ pariparayanti
paritaḥ prêtâḥ ku. 8 601-6tkaran || [9] Tasmin® Purandarapuri-tilakdyamåné dânê samannata-matis
tanayag-tadiyaḥ såmrdjya-bhara-vahan-aikadharina-vá (ba)hub e rt-Rajarajanripatiḥ prithivim sas(48)sa || [10] Yasy-odyad-våji-raji-khura-likhara.
bhara-kshuộna-bhllchakra-sarppad-dhali-jål-Svakirņņa-tridasapurasari. 9 d-bhüri-panke vilagnam nirakrida nimajjat-surapatikariņa vyAkulah Sakra
bhfitya dhřitvå långalam=éke karatalam=&parê tiram=httólayanti || [119] "Ranabhuvi yadi nityan=n=Ahatah satru-sårthab' tulita-Haribh njóna kshmabhuje
snens nonam katham=iha kali-kale kalpit-Analpa-p&pa-praņayi10 ni sura-arishţih srashtar=asyân-divi gydt [12] [Te]n=6dh& purushottaména
Suramadevi Ram=aiv=Artható nämna ntahpurasundarijana-sirôratna kura-grire iyan | pratyáruhya taláḥ priyêņa saha 88 yatzsvaroņa-sailan-dadâv=êtai[h]
sphitatara dhar=arthibhir=ahố ját=arthinf keyalam || [13] Sarvvad-naIl rendra-tilakah kalikala-kalpaḥsåkh (140 sukh-an]gham=anubhaya chiram s& råjå 1
vriddhô snujam manajarája-nat-amghriyugmam rajye sbhishiktam-akarðd-Aniyankabhimam ll [14] Salt Sriman Aniyankabhima-ntipatiḥ simrajyalakshmi-patih
pratyarthi-kshitipkla-mauli-tilakah' tyskt-Arikant-Ala12 kabsah prapy=aiva samudra-mudrita-mahtchakrad-karágra-sphurach-chakram Sakra
paråkramas-samakaród=Gangêndra-chandraḥ kshanat || [15] Hê bhôgindra kim= áttha kůrmma dharapi-bhâraḥ sa tuchchh8 mahân13 jânâsi Trikalinganatha
yasa(sa) så khyâtan=ns jânê sriņa devê samin=vijaya-prayâņa-rasikê prêm13 [khalt-turanga-kshura-kshobh-oddh[]ta-rajóbhir-amva(mba)ram-agad-arddham kshama
mandalar || [16] Jata Bangara-niradheḥ sphurad-asivyAlondra-bh&svadbhoj&manthédrør=asat-iva váñchhita-(va(ba)]hu-pritiḥ sada sriraiya | asminna eva nar&[dhi]n&the-tilaké sthairyan=gatâ yatpunar=vvijan-tatra kil=&sya
så(sk)śvata14 [m=a)sau jágrad-yasas-chandramaḥ || [17] Udyad-digvijay-&rtha-sadhana-vidhan
GangAnvaya-kahmabhujan=divy-Astram chaturangato-dhikatarah siny&t=sa 8k8= bhavat eri-Svapnesvaradeva êva vilasat sastra-kshat-ari-ksharat-kilalaughavinirmmit-Ashta mamahambhodhirennay-ambhônidhiḥ || [18] Lakshmidêvyah15
patir-&15 yam-adh-nenal chakre vali-dvit7 gôpalasya pri[ya)-suhrid-ayam garyva-karyê=
chyutô sau Visvaksend dharanir-iyamapy=uddhfitê yêna magna [88] semin(i)janmany-api sura (cha)ritairesha8 Visvambhard sbhất || [1907 19Yad-dâna
vigalad-våri-matriká bhůtamåtrik& Sasy&-sampatti-sambhårair=ddina-hin=&bhavan-mahi 16 || [20] 80Kailasadri-Himachala-stanataţa-vyâsangi-Mandakini-hára-brir yadi kirttir-asya
tilskar chandran-kalank-Agayat jyotsna-h&sa-mukhi payodhivasana-kunda-dyuti[ro] nn=&tyajat ky=&yam sy&d=iha Chandrasêkhara-pad-Arddho Mridani-patih || [21"] Bhaktiprahva-surâsurendra-vilasan-maulistha-ratnaya
1 Bead-dpishdi. • Metre : Vasantatilaka.
• Metre : Sragdhari. • Metre: Malini. Read - drthas,
Metre : Sardilavikridita. Read ydas
. This sign of disarga was originally omitted. Metre : Varantatilaka. * Read kalpaldins; the sign of visarga in this word seems to have been struck out already in the original. 1 Metre of verse 16-18 : Sardůlavikridita.
Read -tilakan. 13 Read molds. * Read vilasack-chhatra..
Metre: MandAkranta. The aksara na was originally omitted and is engraved above the line 11 Read bacor Balli-doids, 10 Read - doa (P).
>> Metre: bloka (Anushubh). 20 Metre of verses 81-88: Sardúlavikridita.
2 D

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
17 1-chchhaya-sakradhanuh-sphurat-pada-lasan-Meghêévarasy=âmunâ | unnatyâ Sparaparvvato va (ba) hutara-dravya-vyayam kurvvata prâsâdo rachitas-sudhâ-chchhavihasat-Kailasa-sailéévaraḥ1 | [22] Svarppådriḥ sa sur-Alayô hari-khura-kshuppas= cha pûrvvô girir-vvårupya parichumvi (mbi)tô sata-sikhari mânyaḥ sa Gauri18 [gu]ruh | ity-ady-pi parâmrisha (sa)n-nava-nava-sthanam chalan-mandirô Lankêndrêpa sil-ôchchayam griham-adah prapto snavadyam Śivaḥ II [23*] Iha2 vijayinâ pråkåra-árir-mmahopala-nirmmità jaladhara-gatir-atyunnatyâ nirôddhum= iv-ôddhata kali-jalanidhêr-mmaryâdâlî-bhayâd-iva tasya vai sarapa
19 m-avisad=dharmmo yatra Trinêtra-surakshaya || [24] Yâsân-nêtrâñchala-taralimâ visvavasy-aikamantraḥ pada-nyasas-tribhuvana-gati-stambhanam samvidhattė* | nrity-arambhê valaya-maqibhir-nnirmitasyatza-dipa-tamal dattas-Tripura-jayinê têna tas-tâ mrigakshyaḥ || [25] Upavanam-atha chakrê têna Mêghêśva20 rasya sphurita-kusuma-rêpu-érêpi-chandrâtapa-éri | avirata-makaranda-syanda-sandohavarshair-ddhrita-Ratipati-lila-yantradhårågrihatvam || [26*] "Vanasri-mukta-srak? dara-dalita-pushp-ôtkara-milat-parågair-bhring-âlî kalita-sitimâ yatra japanis |
munêḥ Pushpastrasya sphatika-ghatit-âkshâva
21 lir-iyam-vasant-ôdyan-matta-dvipa-sirasi nakshatra-vitatiḥ || [27*]
Atyachchham 10 sarad-amva (mba)rât-surasa(sa)rit-tôyâch-cha pâp-Apaham gambhiran-naya-sâlino-pi hridayât11 Sitañ=cha chandra-dyutêḥ | hridya-svâdu sudha-rasâd=api vârân-nidhêh sôdaran-ten-âkhâni narêsvara-pranayinâ Mêghêsvarasy-â22 layê || [28] Anand-aikaniketanam mayanayo sa (sa) évan-manaḥkairava-jyôtsnaughaḥ khala Visvakarmma-nipuna-vyâpâra-vaidagdhya-bhûḥ 1. grishma-grâsa-bhayâtibhita-janata-sautirya-durgg-alayo marggab kirtti-vijrimbhanasya jayink prôttambhito maṇḍapaḥ || [29] Apâm sâlâ-mâlâḥ pathi pathi taḍågåḥ prati23 puram pradipaḥ sampurnṇaḥ prati-suragriham yasya vimalaḥ mathâ vêdâdinâm dvijapura-vihârâḥ prati-disam virajante sa[t]trâny-api cha paritas-sêtunivahaḥ | [30] 18 Åråd-vra(bra)hmapuram Vri(bri) haspati-pura-sparddhi Smarârêḥ sad=âcharyam Vishaum-abhimphura[d]-dvijavara-grimlya dharmmåtmanê | dattam têna muda sad-ôdi
24 ta-makha-pråravdha (bdha)-dhumadhvaja-sphûrjjad-dhuma-chayêna yatra sa kali-vyalaḥ samutsaryatê || [31] Tam pratyatishtha [d]-dvijaraja-pûjyab predam-aya sa-nandaka-ériḥ sudarsanên-ânvita êsha Vishnur-Acharya-rajaḥ sa prithakli na Vishnôh || [82] 16Udayana-kavis-tasy-âdêsât-prasasti-vilasinim sulalita-padanyâsaiḥ sa (sa) évad-vi
1 This compound (formed with hasat instead of hasita) is incorrect; compare -hasita-chandró, 1. 4. Metre Hariņi. Metre: Malini.
Metre: Mandakranta.
25 [dagtha]-manbhark | dhvanibhir-anisam kapthi élishțâm-alamkriti-hårinîm=
atirasataya sayy-âyâtam prasadhitavân-imâm || [33] 17Y&va[j]-jyotsna-sudhân 18 dharani-phanipat yavad-ambhôja-Lakshmyau y&vnd-yvach-cha GangåHimadharanidharau yavad-êv-ârppav-ormmi våg-arthau yåvad-asmims-chiram= anuvasato sdvaita-rûpê
26 pa lôkô tâvat-prâsâda-kirtti tribhuvana-kuharê rajatâm-asya nityam || [34] Śri || 19Disidhavala-dhira-tanayaḥ sa Chandradhavalaḥ prasastim-iha patte saralMêghêsvara-dvårê || [35] Sutradharaḥ20 Śivakaras=
Akshara-mâlâbhir=llilêkha
6 Metre: Sikbariņi.
[VOL. VI.
This word might be (and has been) read jayant.
10 Metre of verses 28 and 29: Sårdalavikridita.
13 Metre: Sikharini.
1 Read prithags,
10 Read-sudháméû.
1 Metre: Sardalavikridita,
1 Metre: Harini.
19 Metre: Arya.
Read samvidhatté.
7 Read -srag..
• Read =iyam.
11 Read ydchachh°.
14 Metre: Upajati.
saro
17 Metre: Sragdhara.
20 Metre: Sloka (Anushtubh).

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No. 17.)
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nichakhana
sila-patte
muktaphala-nibhám
sadvșittâm-aksharâvalim iha Il © 11 [36 llo]
B-BULOGY OF BHATTA-BHAVADÊVA BÅLAVALABHIBHUJANGA.
This inscription contains 25 lines of writing which cover & space of about 3' broad by 1'4high. The writing, here too, is carefully executed and, with the exception of about a dozen effaced aksharas at the end of line 24, well preserved. The size of the letters is about 1". The characters are similar to those of the inscription A. Contrary to what is the case in that inscription, rnn as well as rth- rgg happens not to occur- are here denoted by signs without the superscript r (except perhaps in samartham-, 1. 7). Moreover, anusvára is written only by the superscript circle, and the sign of avagraha is nowhere employed. The language is Sanskrit and, with the exception of the introductory Om ôm samo bhagavaté Vasudeodya, the effaced passage at the end of line 24, and the short line 25, the text is in verse. As regards orthography, the sign for v denotes both v and b; the dental nasal is employed instead of antisvára in the word mimdnsá, 11, 16 and 17, and in tamânsi, 1. 16, and lilavatans-, 1. 19; and the word frivatsa is written frivachchha, 1. 20. In a few places the rules of samdhi have been neglected by the writer, and in line 6 the author himself has written fri-Adideva instead of fry-Adidéva, which would not have fitted into the verse. Otherwise the text is correct; and, for a prasasti, the style generally is simple and unpretending.
The poem in line 25 is described as a eulogy of the Bhafta, the illustrions Bhavadêva, surnamed BAlavalabhibhujanga. It was composed by his friend, the Brahman Váchaspati (v. 33). After the words Om, ôm ! Adoration to the holy Vasudeva !,' the author in verse 1 invokes the blessing of the god Hari (Vishịu), and in verse 2 appeals to the goddess of speech to favour his task of proclaiming the praises of Bhatta-Bhavadêva's family. Verges 3-14 give & sketch of Bhavadêva's descent; vv. 15-26 eulogize him, chiefly for his scholarly achievements; and vv. 27-32 record the pious works which furnished the occasion for writing this prasasti. The details are as follows:
Of the villages granted to, and the homes of, Brahmaps learned in the Vedas who are born in the family of the sage Såvarna, a hundred may adorn the lands of Årydvarta ; but foremost among all is Siddhala, which is the ornament of the country of Radhe (v. 3). At that village prospered a family to which belonged a certain Bhavadova (v. 5), whose elder and younger brothers were Mahadeva and Attahása (v. 6). He, to whom the king of Gauda granted (the village of) Hastinibhitta, had eight sons, the chief (or eldest) of whom was Rathångs (v.7). From Rathânga sprang Atyanga; and his son was Budha, surnamed Sphurita (v. 8). From him Ådideva was born (v. 9), who became minister of peace and war (samdhivigrahin) of the king of Vanga (v. 10). His son was Govardhana (v. 11), distinguished as a warrior and a scholar (v. 12). He married' sångôka, the daughter of a VandyagheţiyaBråhman (v. 13), and begat on her the person in whose honour this prasasti was composed, Bhavadeva (v.14). whom the poet glorifies as a divine being, while he indicates his worldly position by telling us that, aided by his counsel, (the king) Harivarmadêva long exercised the government, and that his policy rendered prosperous the reign of that king's son also (v. 16). More interesting is the
Generally speaking, that part of Bengal which is west of the Haglt and south of the Ganges. Like Varga, it belonged to the Gauda country. In Khajuraho inscription it is stated that the wives of the kings of Kávchi, Andhra, Radha and Angs were imprisoned by the Chandella Dhangadhvs; see Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 188.
From verse 11 it appears that Govardhana's mother was Dévakl, and that he himself had another wife named Sarasvati.
. A member of that high family or class of Radhiya Brahmans which Colebrooke (Mino. Essags, Vol. II. p. 189, note) calls Bandyagati, vulgarly Banoji. Vandyaghaflya occurs as the surname of Sarvånands, the author of a commentary on the Amarakóia; see Prof. Aufrecht's Cat. Cat. Vol. I. p. 703, and Dr. Burnell's Tanjore Cat. p. 46.
2D 2

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(VOL. VI.
account of Bhavadêva's attainments as a scholar (vv. 20-25), which as far as possible may be given in the author's own words :
(V. 20.) A pattern of those who know the Brahma's non-duality, a creator of wonder to those (even) who are learned themselves, & sage who comprehends the deep meaning of Bhatta's! lays, a very Agastya to the Bauddha ses, clever in refuting the devices of cavilling heretics, he play. fully acts the part of the Omniscient on earth.
(V. 21.) Seeing across the ocean of the Sanhitda, Tantral and computation, causing wonder to all by his knowledge of astrology, himself the author and promulgator of a new work on horoscopy (hör &-fdstra), he clearly has proved another Vardha.
(V. 22.) In the several branches of law he has eclipeed the old expositions by composing suitable treatises of his own; by a good comment elucidating the verses on law of the sages, he has swept away all doubt regarding the rites taught by the Smsitis.
(V. 23.) In the Mimánsd, by following the lead of Bhatta, he has composed that wellknown guide whose thousand maxims, like the rays of the sun, do not endure darkness. What need is there to say more? Proficient in the whole range of sacred hymns, in all the arts of the poets, in every traditional lore, in the works on worldly affairs, in the sciences of medicine and of arms, eto., he indeed is without a second.
(V. 24.) By whom, indeed, is his (other) name Balavalabhibhujanga not honoureda name, heard and celebrated and chanted with rapture even by the Mimdmad?
(V. 25.) Restoring to life all the world by his magical spells which are like the morning tunes of music to the night of stupefaction canged by the bites of fanged furions serpents, he, & new vanquisher of death, in sporting with poisons has proved (a very) Nilakantha.
This Bhavadêva, then, had a reservoir of water constructed in the country of Radha (v.26). Moreover, at the place where the inscription is, he set up a stone image of the god Narayana (Vishn) (v. 27), and founded a temple of the god (v. 28), in which he placed images of his in the forms of NArayapa, Ananta and Nrisimha (v. 29). He also gave to HarimAdhas (Vishnu) a number of female attendants (v. 30), and had a tank dug in front of his temple (v. 81), and a garden laid out in its neighbourhood (v. 32).
The interest of this inscription lies in the fact that it treats, not of kings and princes, but of & scholar of whom, so far as we know, at least two literary works are still extant. From the more definite statements in the verses which have been translated above, it appears that, in astronomy and astrology, Bhatta Bhavadova was the author of a Hord-ldstra; that he wrote one or more treatises and a commentary relating to law or to religious rites; and that, as a student of the Mimdms& philosophy, he composed a work connected with the writings of Bhatta Kumkrila. His Hôr-dastra has not been traced yet in the published catalogues. But as regards his other works, Prof. Eggeling in his Catalogue of the Sanskrit Manusoripts in the Library of the India Office under No. 1725 describes & Ms. of the 'Prayaschitta-rirüpana (or prakarana),' a treatise on expiatory rites, composed by Bhatta Bhavadêva, surnamed Balavalabhibhujanga'; and under
1L.. Kumarila, the author of the Mim dried-tantraedrttika, eto.
Sanabitd in its wider sense denotes complete course of the jyotiņdatra, of which tantra is the special branch tresting of the motions of the heavenly bodies; in s narrower sense the word denotes that branch of astrology which is also called idki. See Dr. Thibaut's Astronomie, p. 64.
Phala-sakita apparently is equivalent to phala-grantha,' work describing the effects (of celestial phenomens on the destinies of men).
• Lo. the well-known writer on astronomy, ato., Varlhamihirs.
1.6. the god Siva, on whom the poison which he wallowed at the churning of the ocean, beyond leaving blue mark on his thront, had no effect whatever.
The second of the introductory verses of this work is: Hawo-ddi-rmpitiwedl6kga r-ritjolye yatha kroman i kriyatd Bkapadlotna prdyafehitta-nirdipapam I

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TWO BHUVANESVAR INSCRIPTIONS.
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No. 2166 a Ms. of the Tautátimatatilaka, a gloss on Kumarila's Tantravárttika,' by the same author.- What is the exact meaning of the surname BAlavalabhibhujanga, and why Bhavadêva Was so called, is not apparent.
Oar inscription is not dated. It has indeed been stated that line 24, part of which is effaced, ends with sarvat 32; but this by itself would be of no value, and besides it seems more probable to me that the line really ended with sankhya 33, a statement which I should take to refer to the number of verses of this prasasti. On palæographical grounds I do not hesitate to assign this record, like the preceding one, to about A.D. 1200.
The villages Siddhala and Hastinibhitta which are mentioned in the inscription, and the king or chief Harivarmadeva, who was a contemporary of Bhatta Bhavadôva, I am unable to identify
TEXT. 1 Om o namo bhagavató Vasudev[&]ya 11 Gadhôpagadha-Kamala-kucha
kumbha-pattra-mudr-&nkitêna vapush& pariripsamâna[b] | må lupyatâm=abhinava Vanamålik-eti Vågdêvat-Ôpahasito-stu Hariḥ sriyê vah || [1] Va (bk) lyât=
prabhrity=nhar-ahar-yyad-upasit-Asi Vágde2 vatê tad=adhuna phalatu prasida vaktaami Bhatta-Bhavadêve-kula-prasasti
sûktáksharani rasan-&gram-adhirayêthaḥ 11 [2] Såvarpņasya7 munêrmmahiyasi kulê yê jajñire Srôtriyas=tëshảm sâsana-bhūmayo janigriha-grâmah
satan santu tê 1 Aryåvartta-bh våm=vi3 bhûshanam=iha khyatas-tu saryv-&grimo gråmaḥ Siddhala dva kevalam-alankáros
sti Rådhå-sriyah || [3*) 10Sat-pallavaḥ sthitimayo dridhava(ba)ddha-mula 1 skhågra-lagna-mukhara-dvija-silita-srih ne granthilo na kațilaḥ saralah
suparvvå sarvv-Onnatab sakham-iha prasasiravamsab || [4] 4 11Tadvatal-Ottasa-maņeh kalasyadât=&pils tâpana-pratimah | Bhava iva vidya
tattva-prabhavaḥ p rava(ba) bhůva Bhavadevaḥ [6] Agraj-anujayôrmmadhye Mahadev-åttah&sayohl & jajid Yajāapurusho Virinchi-Hara yör=
iva || [6] Sat6 sâsanam Gaude-nfipid-avd5 pa ri-Hastinibhiţtam-abhishta-bh mi ashtan sutan-ashta-Mahesa-murtti
prakhyan vijajõe-tha Rath&iga-mukhyan || [7*) 7 Rathangad-Atyangah samajani janAnanda-jananaḥ sas=iva kehirdd&d=avikala-kala-k@li-nilayaḥ sphurat
prajāajyotih Sphurita iti namna di6 fi diši prakás-bhQt-saumya-graha iva Vu(ba)dha-tasya tanayaḥ || [8]
18 Tasmd=abhad-abhijan-Abhyuday-aikavijam=bvykja-paurusha-mahataru-mülakandah !
See Jour. Beng. 41. Soo. Vol. VI. p. 98, note, where Mr. Prinsep says: “the missing sentence consists of nothing more than the month (illegible) and the year “Samoat 82" distinctly visible."
. From impressions prepared by Mr. Krishna Sastri. * Expressed by & symbol. • Originally ddaya was engraved.
Metre of verses 1 and 2: Vasantatilakt. • Originally.dakit) and in the place of na vapushd something else (nava-vadhis?) seems to have been engraved. * Metre: Bårdúlavikridita. • Originally janigrihas was engraved, but the sign of a nurodra bas been apparently struck out Read kuodis ois
» Metre : Vasantatilaki. 11 Metre : Arya
11 Read -mani. 1 The akaharas ddtdpi are quite clear in the impressions ; the three preceding akaharas, in which some correction has been made, look like kalabya or kilalya. I can only suggest the reading kal-dvaddto-pi. 14 Metre: bloka (Anushtabh).
* Metre : Upajati. 14 The editio princeps reads here frl-Hastinidishamahlahtabhimi, but the reading given by me is perfectly clear in the impressions. With the ending Bhitta of the name Rastinkthitta I would compare hit in the game Champdbits, which occurs in line 44 of the Maushali plate of the Pala Madanapala, Jour. Beng. 41. Soc. Vol. LXIX. Part I. p. 78. 27 Metre: sikhariņt.
1Metre: Vasantatilaka.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
gri-Adidovaliti dê va iv=Å dimarttir=mma[r]ty-atmana bhuvanam=ētad
alam karishņuḥ 11 [9*] Yol Vangaraja7 rajyasri-visrâma-sachivah fuchih mahamantri mahâpâtram=avandhyaḥ sandhi
vigrahi || [10] Sal Dévaki-garvbha(rbbha)bhavam bhuvah sthitau samartham= uchchaib pada-lavdha(bdha)-paurusham Sarasvati-jánim-ajijanat=sutam jagatsu Govarddhanam-Achyut-paman 1 [11] Vira-sthalishu cha sabhåsu
cha ti8 rthikânâm do[r]-llflay& cha kalay& cha vachasvitâyâh yê varddhayan
Vasumatin-cha Sarasvatiñecha dvedha vyadhatta nija-nâmapadam sad-artham || ri27 Vandyâm Vandyaghati yasys Vra(bra)hmanah prayatâm sutâi Sångôkâm-argana-ratnam-patnim sa pariņitavån || [13*] Tasyam? Svapna
[vi]dha9 na-vô(bő)dhita-nij-ôtpadaḥ sa devð Harirajätab $11-Bhavadêva-mûrttir=amutaḥ
kshmåmandali-Kasyapat yat-påņi-pranayi dvayañjalajayor-alakshitam lakshmaņa yasy=Antar=nnihit0=sti kaustubha iti jūtam prakás-6dayat || [14]
Lakshmin-dakshiņa-dôshņi mantra-vibhave viśva. 10 mbhard-maņdalam jihv-agré cha Sarasvatim ripu-tanau nag-antakaṁ pattriņam
chakram=pada-talê nivesitavatâ divyan=tad=&dyam=8vapur=nihnótun=nija-chihnam= etad-amuna nûnam="viparyy&sitam || [15] 10 Yan-mantra-sakti-sachivah guchiram
chakâra rajyam sa dharmma-vijayi 11 Harivarmmadêvah | tan-nandanê valati yasya cha . dandaniti-vartm-&nuga
va(ba)hala-kalpalat-êva lakshmih II [16] 11 Sat-på trasya mahasayasya kamal. Adhårasya yasya ksham&m=vi(bi)bhraṇasya guņ-åmyu(mbu)dhêr=akalitasy=åntar=nna
din-âtmanah | maryyâda-mahima-prasa 12 da-Suchita-gâmbhfryya-dhairyya-sthiti-pråyåḥ prayasa êva vâk-patham-atikrântaḥ
svadantê gunah 11 [17] 19Mahagaurî kiritib sphuradasi-karala bhuja-lata rana-krida chapdi ripu-rudhira-charchch rana-bhuvab [1] mahå-lakshmir
mmůrttiḥ prakriti-lali13 tâs=t& gira iti prapañchaḥ saktînâmi yam=iha Paraméśam prathayati || [18]
13 Y ad-vrâ(bra)hma-tējasi va(ba) liyasi manda-viryyab khadyota-pôta-karanim taraņis=tandti uchchair-udañchati yadîya-yagah-barirê játas-Tushåra-sikhari nanu
jậnudaghnaḥ || (19) 14Vra(bra)hmå14 dvaita-vidám=ud&harana-bhür=udbhůtavidy-adbhuta-srashta Bhatta-giram gabhirima
guna-pratyakshadrigvå kavih | Vau(bau)ddhâmbhồnidhi-Kumbhasambhava-muniḥ påshapda-vaitandika-prajña-khandana-panditd=yam=&vanau sarvvajñalilayatê 11 [20]
16 Siddhanta-tantra-gaņi15 t-arņpava-påradsiśvå visv-Adbhuta-prasavita phala-sarhitâsul kartta svayam
prathayità cha navina-hôrasastrasya yah gphutam-abhûdaparê Vardhaḥ 1 [21] Yð dharmmasastra-padavishu jaran-niva(ba)ndhân-andhiehakara rachit-behita
satprava(bandhaḥ su-vyakhyaya visada16 yan=muni-dharmmagåthåḥ smarttakriya-vishaya-samsayam=unmamárjja 11 [22]
16 Mimângâyâm=upayab s8 khalu virachito yêna Bhatt-okta-nitya yata nyâyaḥ
1 For the sake of the metre put for bry-Adidēva. Metre: bloka (Anushtabh). • Metre : Vamastha.
Metre: VasantatilakA. This word is quite clear in the impressions.
Metre: Álbka (Anushtabh). * Metre of verses 14 and 16: Sardůlavikridita.
• Rend add yash. Read núna. * Metre: Vasantatilake,
11 Metre: Sardalavikriạita. 11 Metre : Sikhariņi. 1 Metre: Vsaantatilaka.
6 Metre: Sárdalsvikridita. 15 Metre of verses 21 and 22: Vasantatilaka.
35 Metre: Sragdhard. Read mind sisayda

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No. 17.)
TWO BHUVANESVAR INSCRIPTIONS.
207
sahasram ravikirana-sama na kshamantê tamânsi 1 kim bhûmna sîmni
sámnam sakala-kavikalåsy=&gameshv=artha17 sastrëshy=&ya[r]vved-&stravêda-prabhțitishu krita-dhir=advitiyo=yam=eva [23]
Yasya khalu Va(b)levalabhibhujanga iti nêm n=adšitam kêna mimånsay=&pi sapulakam-Akarppita-varạpit-ådgitan || [24] "Damshtråla-dushta
bhujaga-vrana-môharâ tri-pratyusha-täryya-nina18 dair=iva mantravarnnaiḥ 1 yê jîyayan jagad=aśêsham=abhûd=apūrvva-mrityunjayo
garala-kelishu Nilakanthaḥ 11 [25] Rådhâyâm-ajalâsu jângalapathagrâmöpakaộtha-sthali-simåsu sramamagna-pantha-parishat-pråņåsaya-priņanaḥ | yên=
åkari jalåsayaḥ pa19 risara-snât-abhijâtângana-vaktrávja(hja)-prativi(bi)mva(mba)-mugdha-ma dh upis ûn y
åvji(bji)nikananah || [26] Tên=ayam bhagavan bhavår pava-samuttaraya, Narayanah sailah sêtursiva Prasadhita-dharapîthaḥ pratishthàpitah yaḥ
prachi-vadanêndu-nilatilako lilâvatang-78tpalam bhQ. 20 mêr-bh û tala-pårijatavitapi sankalpasiddhi-pradah 11 [27] Tena prasada esha
Tripurahara-giri-gparddhaya varddhita -srih sriman Srivachchhatsa)-lakshma Harir-iva vihito visphurach-chakrachihnabl jitvê yê Vaijayantam viyati
vitanutê vaijayanti-vilâsân Kail&sê 21 n=&bhilasham kalayati Giris yasya samlakshya lakshmi || [28] 10Nyavivisada
Vēsmani tatra Vishņoh sa nirvbha (rbbha)ram garvbharbbha)grih-antarêshu Narayan-Ånanta-Nrisimha-mêrttir=vvidhati-vaktrêshv=iva vêda-vidyaḥ | (29*]
Etasmail Harimêdhasê vasumatîviśrånta-Vidyadhari-vibhranti22 ndadhati satam sa hi dadan fårangaśåvi-dřiśaḥ | dagdhasy=Ogradpiśå dpi6=aiva
disatih Kámasya samjivanam kårâh kåmi-janagya sangama-griham sangita-køliSriyar || 530*1 12 Prasad-&grê sa khalu jagataḥ punyapany-aikavithîm chakre
våpim marakatamaņi-va23 chchha-suchchhaya-tôyam madhyê-våri p ratikfiti-mish&d=darsayant-lva tådrig
Vishnðræddhåm-Adbhutam=ahi-kulasy-Adhikam ya chakasti II [31] Vyadhitals vivu(ba)dha-dhamnaḥ simni samsåra-sâram sa khalu nikbila-nêtr-Ananda-nisyanda
påtram tribhuvanajaya-khinn-Ânanga-vibre24 ma-dhama prathita-rati-vibhêva-sthanamrudyana-ratnan || [32] Tasy=aiva priya
embrida dvij-Agrimêra fri-Váchaspati-kavina krite prasastih | A-kalpam suchisuradhama-mürtti-kirttêr=adhy&atâm jaghanam-iyam suva[rnņa)-kañchi || [33]
16 .. . .. . .[sa]mkh[yd] [33 ?]*[ll] 25 Prasastir-iyar V4(b)lavalabhibhujang-paranamnô Bhatta-sri-Bhavadėvasya
1 Read tamdinai.
Metre : Arya
. Read mimáthnay=. • Metre: Vasantatilakl.
Bead jloayana, • Metre of verses 26 and 27: sárdálavikridita.
* Read Coatarse • Metre: Sragd bard.
Read irimdas.
10 Metre : Upajati. 1 Metre: Saridla vikridita 1 1 Metre: MandAkrant &.
11 Metre: Malini. * Metre: Prabarsbiņi.
15 Here about 8 akskaras are entirely illegible. w of the word transcribed by (-a)n [yd] the signs of anusodra and kl seem to me quite clear in the impressions, and the word is not sanoat. The figures (if they are such) at the end of the line seem to me 88 rather than 82.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VL.
No. 18.- ALAS PLATES OF THX YUVARAJA GOVINDA II. ;
SAKA-SAMVAT 692.
BY DEVADATTA RAMAKRISHNA BHANDARKAR, M.A. The copper-plates which bear the subjoined grant were found in the village of Alds in the Kurundwad State, Bombay Presidency, while an old earth-battress was being excavated. The Senior Chief of Kurandwåd, to whom the village belongs, sent the plates to my father, Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar, who made them over to me for publication.
The plates are three in number, each measuring about 91' long by 5 broad at the ends and somewhat less in the middle. The edges are fashioned slightly thicker so as to serve as rims for the protection of the inscription. The grant is engraved on the inner sides of the first and third plates and on both sides of the second plate. They are strong together by a circular ring of about 31 in diameter and of about f' in thickness, passing through holes on the left sides of the plates. The ends of the ring are joined together by means of a large knob bearing a round seal, which measures 1}" in diameter and has, in relief on a countersunk surface, an image of Garuda above a floral device, seated with the palms of his hands joined close to his breast and with his wings raised. The engraving is fairly deep, but not well executed. The letters ka and ma have been most indifferently incised. A few other letters, again, have unusual shapes and consequently are scarcely legible.-The characters are of the southern type which came into vogue at the time of the later Chalukyas of Badêmi. For kha two forms are used, one in line 2 and the other in 11. 7 and 44. The letter la has been written in three different ways, in 11. 1, 9 and 32. The sign denoting the medial ri is invariably reversed in the case of ki. And lastly, the sidestroke towards the left used to signify & is very often attached to the bottom, and not to the top of the letter, e.g. in 11. 11 and 24.-The language is Sanskrit throughout. The grant commences with the usual word svasti. Then follows the cart line sa vô=vydd=mahd-Vishnuh, and not the verse sa vô=vyád=V&dhasd dháma, etc., which we find at the beginning of almost all the Rashtrakata grants. Then nearly 20 lines are in verse, and the rest is in prose, excluding the benedictive and imprecatory verses at the end. Most of the verses are found in the Såmångad plates and in the Gujarat R&shtrakața grants, but all of them occur only in the Paithan charter of Govinda III.- As regards orthography, it is worthy of note (1) that the rules of sandhi are not unfrequently disregarded ; (2) that there is an indifference about the doubling of consonants in conjunction with a preceding r. Thus the consonant is doubled in sarvoarishn (1.2), sarvo-arttinirmmathané (1. 20), etc., but not in gôtramanir-babhaiva (1. 5 f.) etc.; (3) that there is a tendency to the substitution of la for la, e.g. in sakala (1. 22) and Manavalôka (1. 27); (4) that the final m of a word has been twice changed to it before cha of the following word, in 11. 16 and 38; and (5) that the visarga followed by sa, sha or sa is almost invariably changed to that letter, e.g. in bhdpas=sasarkao (1.2), vash=sharo (1. 29), and yas-sahasd (1. 12).
This grant was made by Govindaraja (II.),--the son of Krishṇaraja (I.) (vv. 7, 8) of the Rashtrakūta family (v. 3), surnamed Subhatunga (v. 9), Akalavarsha (v. 10) and Sriprithivivallabha (1. 20 f.). Govindaršja was Yuvarája or crown-prince at the time (1. 24). He had the special birudas of Prabhůtavarsha and Vikramávalóka (1. 23 f.). Of the time of Krishna I. we have no record, and this is the first hitherto discovered that refers itself to his reign. The charter was issued by Govindaraja from his camp located near the confluence of the Krishnaverna and the Musi (1. 26), after he had humbled the lord of Vengi. It is dated, in words, in the six-hundred-and-ninety-second year of the Saka era, on the seventh tithi of the bright half of Åshadha, Saumya being the Jovian year (11. 29-31), ..e, in A.D. 760. The grant was made, we are told, at the request of one Vijayaditya, also styled Manivalóka Ratnavarsha, son of Dantivarman and grandson of Dhruvarája (11. 26-28). The grantee was
Brahmars of the name of Jaggu, son of Sridhara and grandson of Kéśava, of the Bh&radvaja gôtra (1.31 f.).

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No. 18.]
Wars frequently took place between the Rashtrakutas and the Eastern Chalukyas who were the kings of Vêngi. The Radhanpur plates1 of Govinda III. inform us that, in obedience to his message, the lord of Vêngi attended upon him as a servant. The Sirûr inscription states that worship was done to Amôghavarsha I. by the ruler of Vêngi. Again, Krishna II. is represented to have overrun the territory of the king of Vêngi. One record also mentions that Govinda IV. waged war with the lord of Vêngi. But from these plates it appears that hostilities had sprung up between the two rival dynasties long before the time of Govinda III. For, Govindaraja, son of Krishna I., is herein represented, while he was prince royal, to have reduced the king of Vêngi, and this event came off as early as the Saka year 692 which is the date of our grant.
ALAS PLATES OF GOVINDA II.
The verses descriptive of the genealogy teach us nothing new. It, however, deserves to be noticed that our grant mentions Dantivarman as the name of the predecessor of Krishna I., instead of Dantidurga as we find in all the Rashtrakuta records except the Sâmângaḍ plates of this king, where both the names occur. Again, the early date of our grant settles a point regarding which there is a little divergence of opinion. A copper-plate charter from Karda dated A.D. 972 states that Dantidurga, having left no issue, was succeeded by his paternal uncle Krishna I. The Bagumrâ grants of A.D. 867 simply says that, after the death of Dantidurga, Krishna I. came to the throne. But the Baroda charter of A.D. 812 omits the name of Dantidurga and asserts that Krishna I. ascended the throne by ousting a relative of his who had taken to vicious courses. Since this last charter is a much earlier record and passes over Danti. durga, it has led some to suppose that Dantidurga was the relative whom Krishna I. ousted, and that the statements of the remaining two grants mentioned above must be discredited on the ground that they bear a later date. But against this it may be urged that the verse in the Bagumrå plates which says that, after Dantidurga had gone to heaven, Krishna I. became king, is also found in the Paithan grant of Govinda III. dated in A.D. 794. This surely is an earlier record than the Baroda charter of A.D. 812 just referred to. Nay further, the same verse also occurs in our grant, which was issued in the reign of Krishna I. himself. The assertion, therefore, that Dantidurga was the relative whose throne Krishna I. usurped, has no grounds to stand upon, and the omission of the name of Dantidurga in the Baroda charter may be explained away on the ground that the object of the writer was only to trace the genealogy of the reigning prince, with reference to whom Dantidurga was but a collateral.
As regards the rivers mentioned in the inscription, the Krishnavernâ, it need scarcely be said, is the river Krishnâ. The Musi has preserved its name unaltered to the present day; it is the last important feeder of the Krishna and joins it on the confines of the modern Kistna district of the Madras Presidency. Alaktaka, the name of the province (vishaya, 1. 32), a village of which was granted, corresponds to the present Âlata, the name of a division in the Kolhapur State. Arasiyavada (1. 34), the first part of which can be recognised in Alas, the place where the plates were found, is perhaps now represented by that village.
TEXT.10 First Plate.
1 स्वस्ति [] स योष्याग्रहावि [ष्णु]रासीडिषत्तिमिरमुद्यतमखलायो" 2 "ध्वस्तन्त्रयन्नभिमुखो रणशर्व्वरीषु [*] भूपश्शशांक वदवाप्त
Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 71. Ibid. p. 270.
Ibid. p. 162.
Above, Vol. III. P. 106.
11 Road °विण: ॥ आसोद्दिष
14 In other Káshtrakata grants the reading in भूपः शुचिर्विधुरिवाम
Ibid. Vol. XII. p. 219.
Ibid. Vol. XII. p. 267.
See Dr. Fleet's Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 391. 10 From the original plates.
22 Read ध्वस्तिं नय".
Ibid. Vol. XX. p. 103. Ibid. p. 187.
209
2 E

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. VI.
3 दिगन्तकीर्तिः गोविन्दराज इति राजसु राजसिंहः [॥ १] तस्यात्म4 [जो] जगति विश्रुतदीप्तकोतिः पा तिहारिहरिविक्रमधामधारि' [1] 5 भूपस्त्रिविष्टपनृपानुक्ततिः वतन्नः श्रीककराज इति गोत्रम6 णिर्बभूव । [२] तस्य प्र[भिवकरटच्युत दानदन्तिदन्तप्रहा7 []चिरोलिखितांसपीठ[*] । माप: चितौ क्षपित[श] चुरभू8 त्तनूजः स[द्रा]ष्ट्रकूटक[नका]द्रिरिवेन्द्रराजः [॥ ३] तस्योपार्जितयशस(:)9 स्तनय[श्च] तुरुदधिवलयमालिन्या: [*] भोता] भुवशत[क]तुसदश[*] श्री. 10 'दद्रिवर्माभूत् । [४*] का[ची शकेरळनराधिपचोळपाण्यत्रीहर्षवचट[वि]11 भेदविधा[न]दक्षं [1] कर्नाटकं बलंमनन्तमजेय[मन्यैः' भृत्यैः कि12 य[शि]रपि यमह[सा] जिगाय । [५] पविभंगमरहितनिशातशत
Second Plate; First Side. 13 अज्ञात[म]प्रणिहिताज[मं]पेतयत्न [*] [यो] वल्लभं सपदि दण्ड[बले]न 14 जिष्टा० राजाधिराजपर[मेवरतामवाप [ *] तस्मि[न्दि]वं प्रयाते
वनभराजे षि-1 15 तौ प्रजापाल: [1] श्रीककर[*]ज[सूनुर्माहीपति छष्णराजीभूत ॥ [*]
यस्य खभुज16 पराक्रमनिशेषोत्मारितारिदिक्कक्रः" [1] कृष्णस्येवावष्णंचरित श्रीकृष्णस्य ।
[*] शु. 17 भतुंगतुंगतुरगप्रहहरेणू]ध्वंकहरविकिरणं ॥ ग्रीस्मेपि" नभी [निखि]18 ल" प्रावटालायते स्पष्टं [॥ ८] दीनानाथप्रणयिषु 19 यथेष्ट] चेष्टं समीहितमजलं [1] तत्क्षणमकाल20 वर्षी] वर्षति सर्वातिनिर्मथने । [१०] तस्याकालवर्ष श्रीप्रिथि. 21 वोवल्लभमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरभट्टारकस्य() प्रिया22 [म]ज: सकळभुवनाभिष्टुतयौवराज्याभिषेकपवित्रीकतीत्तमां23 गः समधिगतपञ्चमहाशब्दः प्रभूतवर्षविक्रमा24 वलोकश्रीगोविन्दराजी युवराज: वैगिमण्डलीपा
1 Read 'कीर्तिीविन्द · The letter it is very badly engraved. • Rend कीर्तिरार्ति . • Read धारो.
- Read 'दन्ति. • Read कर्णाटकं बलम. - Read "भंस्य:
• Read "महौतनिशानशस्त्रमशाती. • Read "मपेत. WRead जित्वा.
1 Read चितो. - Read पति:" Read भूत.
- Rend 'दिक्चक्र. Read नवं चरितं. WRead श्रीकणराजख.
H Bend बौपि . 18 Read निखिलं.
" Read °वर्षीपथि. 3. The letter m in ima & unfinished and stands at an unusual distance from the other component of the group - Read यौवराज्या
• Read युवरामी.

Page #252

Alas Plates of the Yuvaraja Govinda II.-Saka-Samvat 692.
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no
E. HULTZSCH.
SCALE .67
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

Page #253

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Page #254

No. 18.]
ALAS PLATES OF GOVINDA II.
Second Plate; Second Side.
25 यातविजयस्कन्धावारे कीमदण्डान्मभूमिसमर्पणे
26 नानते बेंगोशे कृष्णवेमु[सी]संगमे ध्रुवराज
27 पोषेण दन्ति [व] श्रीपुचेण माचावळोकरन वर्षश्रीविज
28 यादित्येनाभ्यर्थिती 'विक्रमावळीक नाम
29 न्वयति [1] विदित[म] [वष्यते दिनवत्यधिके शक
30 वर्षे सोम्यसंव[ब] पापाठशुक्रपचे सप्त
31 म्यां भारद्वाजगोत्राय केशवपोचाय श्रीधरपुत्राय
32 जम्मुनाचे ब्राह्मणाय पलतकाविषये हरिय
33 गिरेचिषदिग्भाग प्रसादिनीत 'उत्तर'
Third Plate.
34 ना[मा अर] सियवाडग्राम [वाने]न सह सभोगो दत्तः [*] 35 [ पूर्व ]स्यां दिशि परचुरीनामग्राम: दक्षिणस्यां नीवोवा
36 [ब्र]ह्मणयामः पथिमस्यां मज्झिमग्राम: उत्तरस्यां प
37 र्व्वत एव [1*] इति चतुराघाटशुद्धः [*] एवं विदित्वात्मवंश्यैर38 नोष खदत्तिनिर्विशेषं परिपालनीयः [*] उच्च
39 भ[ग]वता वेदव्यासेन (वेद) व्यासेन । बहु [भ]सुधा
40 दत्ता (1) राजभिस्ममरादिभिः [1] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिः" वर्षसहस्राणि स्वर्गे मोदति
41 तस्य तस्य तदा पलं । [११ *] षष्टिं 42 भूमदः " [["] घाच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च (1)
10
तान्येव नर[क]" वसेत् ॥
[१२* ]
कोटरवासिनः [1] [कथा] [यो] हि [कृष्णा
43 विध्याटविष्वतोयासु 44 जायन्ते "देवापहारकाः [१३] श्रीसेनेन लिखितमिदं ति [1]
12
•
211
1 This epithet is repeated unnecessarily, as we have already had it in 1. 23-24.
The letters fa are omitted in the text, but supplied at the foot of the plate; this omission has beer indicated by a cross after .
First was engraved, and then it was corrected into by erasure.
Here and in the following the rules of samdhi have not been observed.
5 I am not certain of the reading of the text from TX to in the next line.
10 Read भूमिदः.
6 After two letters had originally been engraved, but were afterwards erased. For these the three letters तरद्र are to be substituted as is indicated by the cross.
परबुरगे is also possible
• Read भूमिस्तस्य.
• Read फलं.
Read नरके.
12 Read ब्रह्म
1 The letter before fa looks like, which perhaps is a mistake for
2 x 2

Page #255

212
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. VI.
TRANSLATION. (Line 1.) Hail ! May the great Vishņu protect you !
(Verse 1.) There was a king named Govindaraja (I.), & royal lion among kings, whose fame reached the ends of the quarters, (and) who, raising his scimitar (and) facing (them), destroyed his enemies in battles, just as the moon, whose lustre spreads to the ends of the quarters, raising the tip of her disc (above the horizon), and transmitting her rays) straight forward, dispels darkness at night.
(V. 2.) His son, known as the glorions Kakkaraja (I.), aking whose brilliant fame was heard of throughout the world, who relieved the sufferings of the distressed, who possessed the spirit and valour of Hari,' who rivalled (Indra) the king of heaven, (and) who was grateful (for services rendered), became a jewel of (his) race.
(V. 3.) His son, king Indraraja (II)., whose expansive shoulders were full of graceful scratches consequent upon the strokes of the tasks of (hostile) elephants from whose cleft temples ichor trickled down,' (and) who destroyed (all his) enemies on earth, became, as it were, the golden mountain (Mēru) of the excellent Rashtraktas.
(V. 4.) The son of him who had acquired fame, the glorious Dantivarman (II.), who resembled Indra, enjoyed the earth whose garland is the circle of the four oceans.
(V. 5.) With a handful of followers he suddenly vanquished the countless forces of Karnataka, which were invincible to others, (and) which had proved their efficacy by inflicting crashing defeats on the lord of Kanohi, the king of Kerala, the Chole, the Pandye, Sriharsha and Vajrata.
(V. 6.) Without knitting his brow, without using any sharp weapon, without anybody's) knowledge, without giving orders, without effort, he suddenly conquered Vallabhs by the (mere) force of (his) royal sceptre (i.e. majesty) and attained to the state of king of kings' and 'supreme lord."
(V. 7.) When that Vallabharaja had gone to heaven, king Krishnaraja (I.), the son of the glorious Kakkaraja (I.), became the protector of his subjects on earth.
(V. 8.) The career of that glorious Krishnaraja (I.), during which the multitude of enemies in (all) directions was completely driven away by the prowess of his arms, was spotless like that of Krishna.
(V. 9.) The whole sky, wherein the rays of the sun above were obstructed by the dust raised by the lofty steeds of Subhatunga (Krishnaraja I.), looked clearly like (the sky in) the rainy season, though it was summer.
(V. 10.) Akalavarsha (i.e. the untimely rainer,' vis. Kșishộar&ja I.) instantly rains (i.e. fulfills) unceasingly the desired objects of the miserable and the helpless, and of (his) favourites, in any way he likes, so as to remove all (their) distress.
The second lipe of this verse is one long compound which we should split up, Dr. Bahler has done, into two parte, either of which should be taken Man attribute of Kakkarája. Bat Dr. Bühler's rendering of the second part of the line is based on the etymological sense of the words vikram and dadman, and is therefore not likely to be the correct one.
Both Dr. Bühler and Dr. Fleet connect prabhisna-tarata-ebywa.ddns with ruokind, and danti-denta. prandra with sllibhita; but this course is objectionable because the word dantis occurring after ddns shows the preceding expression to bes Balwerfli compound and an attribute of dastis.
Dr. Bühler and Dr. Fleet adopt aabhrdvibhangam for their Kavi and BamAngad Inscriptions respectively. Further, these platen read dandalakéna instead of dandabaldna, the reading of our grant, which is identical with that of the Paithan plates. This is a very knotty verse. Pirst, it is very difficult to determine whether abardoibhangam eto. are to be taken as adjectives or adverbs. Dr. Bæbler supposes all of them to be adjectives except sabhraoibhangam. Dr. Fleet takes them all to be adverby. This mode of interpretation is, I think, the corrept one. Secondly, the meaning of dandabalona is not clear.

Page #256

No. 19.)
BELATURU INSCRIPTION OF RAJENDRADEVA.
213
(L. 20.) Of this Akalavarsha, the favourite of Fortune and of the Earth, the Maharajadhiraja Paramêsvara Bhaffaraka,- the favourite son, Prabhûtavarsha Vikramávalóka, the glorious Govindaraja (IL.), the heir-apparent, whose head was sanctified at (his) anointment as heir-apparent, which was hailed with delight by the whole world, (and) who had acquired the five great sounds, from the camp of) the victorious army that invaded the Vêngi-mandala, when the lord of Vengi was humbled by the cession of (his) treasury, (his forces, and his own country, at the confluence of the Krishnaverna and the Musi, being requested by Manivalka Ratnavarsha, the glorious Vijayaditya, son of Dantivarman (and) grandson of Dhruvaraja-(this) Vikramávalóka notifies to all :
(L. 29.) “Be it known to you (that), in the Saks year six-hundred increased by ninetytwo, in the (cyclio) year Saumya, in the bright half of Åsbadha, on the seventh tithi, (I) have granted, with (all) enjoyments (thôga), (the village) named Uttarai,- (situated) on the bank of the Prasadini (river), on the southern side of the Hariyagiri (hill), in the Alaktaka-vishaya, together with the groves of trees (P vana)' of the village of Arasiyaváda, -to & Brâhmaņa of the name of Jagga, of the Bharadvềja gôtra, son of Sridhara (and) grandson of Kesava.
(L. 35.) 4 (The village is) thus defined by the four boundaries :- To the east (is) the village named Parachurage; to the south the Brahmana village of Nivivada; to the west the village of Majjhims; to the north the mountain only.
(L. 37.) " Knowing this, (the village) should be preserved by our descendants and others just as they would their own grants. (L. 38.) " And it has been said by the holy Vysa, the compiler of the Vedas :
[Here follow three of the customary versos.] (L. 44.) "This has been written by Srishna."
No. 19.-BELATURU INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF RAJENDRADEVA;
SAKA-SAMVAT 979.
By Rev. F. KITTEL, PH.D.; TÜBINGEN. This inscription is engraved on a stone lying in the field called Addakatte-hola on the eastern side of the village of Belatura in the Heggadadêvankote tâluka of the Mysore district. It has been published before by Mr. Rice in his Epigraphic Carnatioa, Vol. IV., Hg. 18. I re-edit it from inked estampages prepared by Mr. H. Krishna Sastri and transmitted to me by Dr. Haltzsch.
The alphabet and language of the inscription are Kannada. There are 23 verses in various metres, and short passages of prose in lines 33 f. and 36. Mr. Krishna Sastri contributes the following note. “Of the many metres used in the inscription two are particularly interesting, Dig. Akkaran and Lalitavfittam. On examination, these two are found to correspond to the Piriyakkars and Lalitapada which are described, respectively, in verses 302 and 233 of Nagavarma's Oanarese Prosody. Of the first it may be remarked that either the description given in the Prosody is transgressed in the inscription, or else the verse describing it has been misinterpreted; for while, according to Dr. Kittel's translation, verse 302 says that in Piriyakkara there ought to be in the first line, one aja, five vishnus and one rudra; in the second line, one aja, four vishmus, one aja (again) in the sixth place, and then a rudra; and that in the third and fourth lines the same should be repeated as in lines 1 and 2,- the Akkara of the inscription has one aja, five vishnus and one rudra througbont (i.e. in all the four feet). It is difficult to
(Or correct grdmagrdohna and compare above, Vol. V. p. €9, note 2.-E. H.)

Page #257

214
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI
understand how Malla, who calls himself "the friend of eminent poets," could deviate from the ule laid down by Någavarma. Accordingly verse 302 of the Prosody will have to be interpreted differently. I would translate it thus: "Ajagana comes in the beginning without fail; then come) five ganas which are vishnu ; in the place called the end (i.e. at the end), the rudragana vill remain perinanently everywhere (i.e. in all the feet); in the foot counted the second, if in che sixth (place) the ajagana occurs in intimate connection, at the choice of the author,- we (then) have the wonderful (i.e. rarely used metre) Piriyakkara, 0 moon-faced one!" Thus we
ee that, the occurrence of the ajagana in the sixth place being left to the option of the author, Malla adopted the vishnugana throughout. As regards Lalitavritta, it may be noticed that the name given to it by Dr. Kittel's manuscripts, viz. Lalitapada, over verse 233 of the Prosody, is rather misleading. The name occurs as Lalitavsitta in the very verse which describes it, as well as in the subjoined inscription. If this pame is not given to the metre, it is likely to be confounded with other Sanskrit metres of the same name. It may be noted also that, according to a few manuscripts, Nagavarma claims to have been the inventor of these two metres; see Dr. Kittel's Introduction to Någavarma's Canarese Prosody, p. xix." To this I would add that there is one verse in the Piriyak kara metre in Argaladeva's Chandraprabhapurána (1189 A.D.), ásvâsa iv. v. 18. Other Piriyakkaras occur in the Pampabhurata edited by Mr. Rice, pp. 112, 116, 153, 343, and Akkaras on pp. 331, 343.
Verse 1 of the inscription contains the date,-a specified week-day and tithi in the Saka Sesr 973 (in words), the cyclic year Hêmalambin, and the sixth year of the reign of the Chôļa king Rajendradêva. Professor Kielhorn has calculated the details of the date and found that it corresponds to Monday, the 27th October A.D. 1057. A reference to Rajendradêva's predecessor Rajadhiraja is found in Jayangonda-Choa-Permadi-GÂvunda, a surname of Raviga of Nngunadu (v. 7), which is derived from Jayangonda-Chola, one of the names of Rajadhiraja. The same verse of the inscription mentions, among other kings, Silamégha who seems to be identical with one of the two Ceylon kings named Vira-Salâmêgaq. The first of them was killed by Rajadhiraja, and the second by Rajendradêva.
Two families of Kudiyas (sadras) (vv. 6, 8, 9 and 22) are named in the inscription, viz. the Avacba family of Nugunå du (vv. 2, 6, 17, 19 and 22) and the Kuruvanda family of Pervayal in Navalenádu (vv. 13 and 17). To the first one belonged Raviga (v. 4), who was raised by the Chôļa king to the rank of superintendent of a province (v. 8). Raviga's principal seat becamo Beļatúru (v. 11), and he married Ponpakka, the daughter of the headman of Nálgódu in Edenadu (v. 10), whose name is not mentioned. Raviga's daughter Dēkabbe was given in marriage to Echa of the Kuruvanda family (v. 13). When the king killed Echa ict Talekádu (v. 14), bis widow committed herself to the flames (vv. 15 to 20). Before her end she granted to Siva a garden for a perpetual lamp, and a paddy-field for oblations (v. 18 f. and 1. 33 f.). Dekabbe's father, Raviga, set up the stone which bears the inscription, as a memorial of his daugbter (v. 22).
Of the localities mentioned in this inscription, Beļatūru (v. 11) is identical with the village where the inscription exists. Talekadu (v. 14) is the old capital of the Western Gangas, at which the Chola king seems to have been staying at the time of the inscription. Nugunadu is, perhaps, named after the river Nugu (also called Bhrigu), a tributary of the
In my manuscript the verse reads thus :
Toreyal-endwirdda rajyaman enitirddu mareyal-end-idirdda bandha-samahaman nerapal-end=idda sat-av-vpittiya mapadestiriga-vihvaļsteyinden toregade mareyade nereyad=&yushyam pare paduvagale bercbehid-ante
maragava marulang-Arayvandf bhavan maru-bbaya Adeyum vyarttham alte . Above, p. 23, No. 36.
• South-Ind. Inser. Vol. III. p. 51. • Ibid. pp. 53 and 56.
Ibid. pp. 59 and 63. See Dr. Fleet's Dyn. Kas. Distr. p. 299 and note 2.

Page #258

No. 19.)
BELATURU INSCRIPTION OF RAJENDRADEVA.
215
Kabbani, in the Nañjangüd tåluka of the Mysore district. Both Nugunadu and Navalenádu are mentioned in & Western Ganga record.
This is perhaps the first inscription that has been discovered, concerning the self-immolation of a Sudra's wife after her husband's death. This self-immolation is not identical with the 80-called suttee (satt) of Brahmaņical usage, according to which a wife, on being widowed, burned herself with the corpse of her deceased husband upon the funeral pile. In this instance there is no pyre (chita, chiti, chitya, the tadbhava-form of which is sidige in Kannada), but a konda (tadbhava of the Sanskrit kunda), a hole in the ground for any fire, especially one for the fire of a burnt oblation.
The Sūdras at the time of the present inscription, worshippers of Siva, probably in most instances disposed of their dead by cremation instead of which the Lingavantas introduced burying), and thus the body of Echa may have been burned at Talekádu. That sahagamana was customary among Sudras, does not follow from the inscription ; the contrary seems to be proved, as the parents and relations of Dekabbe strongly oppose her burning herself; she herself however (who may have been influenced at the time somehow by Brahmapical notions), seeks to justify her act by pointing out the dishonour that would be brought upon the families by her surviving as a widow.
The konda into which Dekabbe threw herself was obviously neither at Talekâdu nor at Pervayal, but at her native place Belatůru (where she had gone in the absence of her husband and heard the report of his death), near the house of her own people, and had been filled with kindled charcoal, etc., for presenting funeral oblations.
Malla, the poet who composed the inscription, uses two epithets of a peculiar kind regarding Raviga, the father of Dekabbe, who had the monument erected, víz, "a lion to the angry " and “powerful over the envious" (v. 22); and at the end (1. 36) the engraver quotes the very same two epithets. Malla also calls himself "a discus to those among Brahmaņas who fret" (v. 23). It is highly probable that these epithets are directed against Brahmanas who might find fault with the erection of a monument that praised a Sudra widow as, so to say, & suttee.
TEXT. 1 [m] [ll] Svasti sri-Chola-rajam sakala-vasudheyath koņda Rajendradeva[m]
ba[rist-Ari-vráta-ghatam negale barisam-ar-&ge mattan Sak-abdam vissta2 ra[m] tombhat-êl-ombhatum-ene barisan Hêmalambi prasiddhar svastar
masam gadam Kå[ro]ttikam-asi[ta]-dinam dvadasi Sômavaram 1]
Kandar Svasti srima3 tu sakala-jaga-[sta]tar-Avach-&graganyar=ûrjita-pupyar vistára-ch&ru-vira-rasa
stitar-igiv=iva [k&]va Nugunâd-adhipar! [2] Enipa kula[da]lli putti[da]. 4 n=anapaman-Ereyangan-avana nija-sutan=Êcham Manu-nibhan=avange puttida
tanůbhavam Javanicy8][*]mman=arivimg=armmam [3] Ant-à
Javanayyamgam 5 kântajana-tilakam=enipa Jakabbegam-olpan=taleye puțțidam ripu-santana-nagêndra
vilaya-pa[v]igam Ravigam [4] Ravigam puttidad=ođan-udbhava6 m-ayt-ariv-arivin=odane puttidud=&ya sa[va]-and-&yadodam Bara bhavam-Adudu
chagam-intag=a[nya]ro[=umtå [5] Vșittar Kudiyara vallabhath ka
1 See page 69 above.
From inked estampages supplied by Dr. Holtzsch. * Expressed by a symbol. • Metre: Sragd hare.
• Head dript. • The rof -punyar is written above the line.
7 Read -sthitara, • Metre: Champakamále.

Page #259

216
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
7 diyar=abharanam Nugunada Raman-endade Kalikala-Karnnans vinôdada chågada
birad=&rppan=1 gadina niksishta-nirgguna-niksitya-nirâchara-[n]tavitaramil kadu8 jadar-entu pôliparo dhanyan=enipp-Avach-&graganyana [6] Akkaram | Chôļa
Pellava Pandya Sif[A]m[e]gha Kéraļa 8ôratar-GôvaBhôja Lala Gajapati
Hayapati 9 Narapatiy-enipa mahipalar=&stânadal kêla tantane nața-vandi-mågadhar kai
kond[u] pogalalke negale ballam mêla-manikavu 10 nipa Jayamgonda-Cha-Permmadi-Gävundam takkam [7] Kandam
Pallava-sattige samkam jhallali jayamangalamgaļa[m] Chôļa-mahîvallabhan=ittade 11 kudiyara vallabhan-are mandalika-padaman padedam 1 [8P] Kadala kade-varamu
Aj-&ndada kudi-varam=&s&-gajêndrad-antu varam talt= 12 dan=[o]dane parvv[i] baledudu kadiyara vallabhana ki[r"]tti-late komaļadim 1
[98] Manu-nibhan-Edenad-adhipati rineya-nidhim sa]13 tya-vákya Nalgodina mukhyana kala-vadhu Bâtabbege janiyisi Kalikala-Site
vesaram padeda! [10°) Vanitd-ranna Ponnakkana14 n-altiye maduve-gondu Belatûr-adhipam Manu-nibhan=ene negalv-itana vanitege
bhi-vanitey-o!age pera[r-e]ney-o!arê 1 [11] Vpi15 tta[m] | Nirupama-siladim ganadin-uttama-dânadin=&tma-bhaktiyim Gi[risute]
Rambe Minaki Sarasvati Rugmiņi Satyabhåmeyo! dore16 y=enal=allad=1 gadina dushţa-kanishta-dusila-darggun-adhareyaran=entu pôliparo
nirmmala-chittada Ponnakabbeyam [12] Akkaram | Chår[n]17 chåritre nøya-vinay-Akare gôtra-pavitre 10[6]usilayukte nårijana-rannam=enipa
Ponnabbegarh Ravigamgam puttida Dekabbeya[m] 18 [vi]ram Navalenád-adhipati Kuruvanda-gulada Pervvayal-Stan-chang-iye
vårij-Ananellvinaya-chintamani pati-hitey=oda-gu19 di sukhadin=iļdu [13] Kandam | Jettigan=ene negal=ahita-gharattam sukham
ildu tanna dâyigaram taltottajiyin-ipidad=avanaṁ netta20 ne Talekadal-uydu kondan narapam [148] Kalik&la-Veļan=enisida kali
chagiyan-iridu kondar=embudu mâtan lalit-angi ke[idu] Ravi21 gana kula-dipaki sảyal=endu kondake nadeda! [15] Tandeyum=abbeyum
odaneya bandugalum bandu magale sâyade map=nînwe22 (ne)d=ella kål-viļidad=anindite Dêkabbe munidu baggasi nudida! [16]
Nugunad-adhipati Ravigana magal=&giyum=ante Navale23 nád-adhipatig=&m negale satiyagi bålp[n]du bagedappene kotta konda mane yasama
aliyalı [17] Endu parichchbedisi nayadindam dēvarge 24 tômita-khandada mannam Dand&-divigeg=itt-aravind-anane sale nivedyak-end-anu
nayadin [18] Madida sale goli-gald[@]ya paduvana kadeya 25 literkal-ay-gola-bedeyam kadugû[r]ttulkottu Nugunad-[o]deyana kula-putre
pêchis mattam mattam [19] Vpittam Neredeellarn bêda man=enda26 de nudiyadirim pogiv Arh mapen-end-âdaradindar bhumi por-puttage pasu
dhanamam dånaman nidutum dêvara devamgaalti27 yim kay-mugid-uriv-ariyam pokku Dekabbe tannam dharey-ellar mechchi
nichcham [po]gaļenegalutum dêva-lok[a]kke vôda! [20*] Lalitavrittat
IN6faolfarar is a compound of nota and mftaran, and represents notakke miçaran. * Read ganyana.
Or Gana ?
• Read dethánadal. . Ther of magadhar is written above the line.
• Rend Kalikala.. 7 Tbe ma of mirupama. is written above the line.
• Metre : Champakamale. Read Monake. 10 Read mufila..
u Read cinaya. 1 Kadugürttu is a compound of kadu and kúrttu, having greatly desired.' 11 Read példs.
1 Metre : Mahasragdbare.

Page #260

No. 19.
BELATURU INSCRIPTION OF RAJENDRADEVA.
217
28 Śri-ramani Gauri Sachi Dharipiya putri Rati BhQ-ramaņiyandada sarupar
ariv-hop-audåre-jaya-dhåre jasa-dháre naya-dha29 r[e] bhaya-hâre pati-bhakte dḥrita-saktey=ene samnd-[i] vira-nidhiyam chalada
vari-nidhiyam gunada chåru-nidhiyam n[o]gaļda Dekaloya 30 n=int=i nårijana-rannamamn=ad-êro marevar sakaļa-dhåriņiyol-inta vara-kânte
durey=&va[!] | [21*] Akkara[m] | Paņdit-asrayam Nug[u]n31 da Raghavam munivara simga mâchakadávaļam chanda-vikramam kudiyara
vallabhar Kalikåla-Karona machcharipavara gundam vandi32 chintama[ņi*] Siva-pâda-śêkharam nija-steg-anuragadim mandalakk=elları
padi cha Jndam=åge sila-stam(bha]ın sâsanam-age nattar || [22] 33 Sri Dekabbe Mahâdêva[r*]gge bitta pûm-bolam tômța-khandamumam
Nirmmanamalti-kereya t[em]kaya kadeyal aydu-kolagam gaļdeyu31 mam i vam sada[lo] puttidavar ká[da]lisuge salisad[a]var nara[ka]-bhâjanar=appar
Kandam Marapara chakram dvijaro! kare-mar[e]y-i35 ll=enipa kuripin=adityam s and-ari keyavagada Mallam jaruchada kaviraja
båndhavam baredan=idam [23*] © 36 Kaņdarisidam munichara-ésimg-achâriyuó machcharipara-gaņq-âchâriyu[mi ||*]
TRANSLATION. Om. (Verse 1) Hail! When the glorious Chôļa king had taken possession of the whole carth. - (he) Rajendradêva, the slayer of crowds of proud enemies,- (and) was renowned, when six years (of his reign) had passed, and when one said: “the Saka year in (its) extent (is) ninety-seven and nine," (and when the cyclic) year (was) the well-known Hêmaļambi, the auspicious month indeed Kårttika, (and) the day of the dark (half) the twelfth (tithi). a Monday,'
(V. 2.) Hail! Glorious, praised by the whole world, the best of the Avechas, rich in virtae, firm in extensive and beautiful heroism, piercing (enemies), giving (alms), (and) protecting the subjects)-(such were) the chiefs of Nugunadu.
(V.3.) In the said family the matchless Ereyanga was born ; his own son (was) Écha, resembling Manu; the son born to him (was) Javaniyarma, excelling in knowledge
(V. 4.) Now to that Javanayya' and to Jakabbe who was called an ornament of women, so that they obtained (great) good (by his birth), was born Raviga, (who resembled) a thunderbolt of destruction to the great mountains-hostile races.
(V.5.) When Raviga was born, knowledge was produced along with him); along with knowledge (proper) income (or revenue) was born ; along with proper income liberality was generated : does so much exist among other people ?
Read -aris..
Read sand=f. . Cancel the amusudra.
• Read sa kala.. • Rádalionge is kadu and afisnge, this alionge being in meaning equal to afavadisuge ; see alavadis under ala, 2, in my Dictionary.
• Read magikeyanasedda.
i Regarding the verb kandariau (wbich appears also 88 khandarisw), 'to engrave' it may be remarked that it is a tadbhava-form of khandise, 'to cut,' from the Sanskrit khandana, cutting,' which noun appeara also in the tadbhava-forn of khandarane, 'engraving,' as Dr. Hultzsch informs me. Compare the corresponding formation of chdtaries and chdarane from chdiana (see my Dictionary). For the use of khandarisk, with the aspirated th, see above, Vol. V. p. 214, p. 231, notes 3 sad 13, and for khandarane see p. 234, note 7. * Read msipara..
This date must be connected with verse 15. 10 Or Javenayya, v. 4. Javaniyarma stands for Javanigarinn," the able or strong Javani" (-Javaniyârm). In ariving=armman the répha represents an ri.e. drmmam), & it does also in drppan (i.e. árppan) in y. 6. He was sarun med "the Ráma (or Raghava) of Nugunadu;" wv, 6 and 22.
2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VI.
(V. 6.) When one says: "the Râma of Nugunada, the chief of Kadiyas (Sudras), (and) the ornament of Kudiyas," (it refers to one who in (this) age of sin is fully equal in happiness. liberality (and) heroism to Karna : how can foolish people compare the base, tho bad, the dishonest, the lawless, the men of a mere appearance of greatness at the present period, with the best one of the Avachas, who is called a blessed man?
(V. 7.) So that the kings who were called Chôļa, Pallava, Pandya, Siļamégha, Kerala, Sôrata, Gáva, Bhôja, Lala, Gajapati, Hayapati, Narapati, beard (of it) in (their) courts, (and) so that actors, bards (and) minstrels fixed their thoughts on him and were zealously active to praise him),- (s0great was Jayangonda-Chôla-Permadi-Gâvuņda, who was a ruby of assemblies, (he) the very worthy man.
(V. 8.) When the Chôļa king presented (him) with a pearl umbrella, a conch, cymbals (and) a royal elephant, (he) the chief of Kudiyas (Südras) got indeed the rank of a Mandaļika 3.e. of a superintendent of a province.)
(V. 9.) To the further shore of the sea, to the end of the world, (and) also to the great elephants of the points of the compass, there approached and quickly spread and nicely grew the creeper of the fame of the chief of Kudiyas (Sûdras).
(V. 10.) To Batabbe, the virtuous wife of the headman (of the village) of Nalgodu, who resembled Manu, (and who was) the chief of the district of) Edenadu, a mine of refinement, (and) a veracious man, was born one who got the name of the Sitå of the age of sin."
(V. 11.) (Her), Ponnakka," a pearl of women, the chief of Belatûru, from love, took in marriage, he who was so renowned that he was called an equal of Manu: are others of the wives on earth equal to his wife ?
(V. 12.) How could one compare Ponnakabbe of pure mind with the vicious, worthless, reprobate, ill-natured, low women of the present day, who are unfit to be called equal to Parvati, Rambha, Menaka, Sarasvati, Rukmiņi (and) Satyabh&m& in matchless character, virtue, excellent liberality (and) innate devotion ?
(V. 13.) When they gave Dekabbe, who was born to Ponnabbe that was of pleasing conduct and decorous behaviour, a purifier of (her) family, of an amiable disposition, (and) a pearl of women, and to Raviga,- (in marriage) to the brave Écha, (the headman) of Pervayal, the chief of Navalenádu, (and) of the Kuruvanda family, he lived happily with the lotus-eyed one, the gem of good conduct, who was devoted to (her) husband.
(V. 14.) When (he) the grinding-stone of (his) enemies, who was renowned as a wrestler, (thus) lived happily, (but in course of time) grappled with his kinsmen and by (his) superiority pierced (and killed them), the king took him off straight to Talekadu and killed (him).
(V. 15.) When the beautiful woman, the light of the family of Raviga, heard the report that they had pierced and killed the strong hero who was called “the Vēla (Skanda) in the age of sin," she walked to the (fire)pit in order to die.
(V. 16.) When (her) father, mother and near relatives came, said: "Daughter, do not die!; desist!," and all embraced (her) feet, the blameless Dekabbe became angry and loudly spoke :
(V. 17.) "As I am known as the daughter of Raviga, the chief of Nugunadu, and as the wife of the chief of Navalenádu, can I wish to live while the house which gave me and that) which took (me) loses (its good name?"
11.e. "the village-chief of His Majesty Jayangenda-Chöln." vis, of Rajadhiraja; see above, p. 214 and note 3. • Probably Rajadhiraja, the predecessor of Rajendradêve.
Tic. Ponnakka, v. 11. • Or Ponnaksbbe, v. 12, or Ponnabbe, v. 13.
Or Dekale, v. 21. . His kinamen" might be grammatically applied either to the kinsmen of the Chola king or to tbove of Echa.

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No. 20.)
BHIMAVARAM INSCRIPTION OF KULOTTUNGA I.
219
(V. 18 f.) Thus the lotus-faced one spake, made a final decision, presented with propriety the soil of a garden-plot to the god for a perpetual lamp, and gave, with roverential deportment (and) with great desire, for oblations regularly repeated, after (she) would have died, the Goļi. paddy-field on the south-western side (which requires) five kolas (i.e. kolagas) of seed; and (she) the noble daughter of the lord of Nugunadu ordered (thus) again and again.
(V. 20.) Then all united said: "Do not (die); desist!;" (but) Dekabbe said: "Speak not. but go!; I will not desist;" and respectfully giving land, gold (-embroidered) clothes, cows and money as a present, she piously put the palms of (her) hands together (in obeisance) to the god of gods, entered the blazing flames, and went with glory to the world of gods, so that the whole earth will be pleased (with her) and continually praise her.
(V. 21.) She who is known as possessing the beauty, knowledge, goodness, liberality and victory of the goddess Sri, Gauri, Sachi, the daughter of the earth (Sita), Rati, (and) the goddess of the earth, (and) as being rich in renown, intelligent, dispelling fear, devoted to (her) husband, (and) firm in strength, - this mine of heroism, (this) ocean of resoluteness, (this) beautiful mine of good qualities, (viz.) the renowned Dôkale, this pearl of women,- who can forget her?; what woman on the whole earth (is) therefore equal to (this) excellent woman?
(V. 22.) The Raghava (Rama) of Nugungợu, the refuge of the learned, a lion to the angry, a chastiger of knaves, ardent in prowess, the chief of Kudiyas (Sudras), a Karna in the age of sin, powerful over the envious, a wishing-stone to the bards, (and carrying) Siva's feet on (his) head, erected for his daughter from affection (this) stone-monument for the whole province, as a document (and) as a representation of what his daughter had done).
(Line 33.) Hail! May those who are born in this family, protect and keep up the gardenplot (that is a flower-field, and on the southern side of the Nirmapamalti-tank the paddy. field (requiring) five kolagas (of seed), which Dekabbe left to Mabådêva! Those who do not fulfil (this), will become victims to hell.
(V. 23.) A discus to those among Brahmaņas who fret, a sun the distinguishing) mark of which is that it has neither spot nor veiling, Malle, who has recognised knowledge, who is never (excessively) verbose, and who is a friend of eminent poets, wrote this.
(L. 36.) The Achárið of "the lion to the angry," the Achári of " him who is powerful over the envious," engraved (this).
No. 20.-BHIMAVARAM INSCRIPTION OF KULOTTUNGA I.;
SAKA-SAMVAT 1037.
Br E. HULTZSCH, PH.D. This inscription (No. 473 of 1893) is engraved on a pillar in the mandapa in front of the Narayanasvåmin temple at Bhimavaram in the Cocanada division of the Godavari district. It consists of two Sanskrit verses and a passage in Telugu prose.
1 This is a translation of the compound mdohakadávalan. Mdchaka stands for udjak a and tavalan is a tadbhara of tapana, having taken the place of p (compare kanada for kapata, kavile for kapile, etc.) and ! that of compare chandala for chandana, lambala for lambasa).
Le worshipper of Siva;' see South-Ind. Inser. Vol. II. p. 388, note 7. • Achdri may be translated Artificer'. • According to verse 22, "a lion to the Angry" and "powerful over the envious" were surnames of Rav.g.
27 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. VI.
The date is Saka-Samvat 1037 (1. 14 f.) and the 45th year of the reign (1. 13 f.) of a Chalukya king who bore the surnames Parântakal (1.1), Sarvalókåśraya and Vishnuvardhana-maharaja (1. 11 f.). If the regnal year is dedacted from the Saka year, the result is Saka-Sanivat 992 = A.D. 1070 as the date of the king's accession to the throne. Consequently he must be identical with the Chalukya-Chôļa king RAjêndra-Chôļa II. alias KulôttungaChola I. whose reign is known to have commenced in A.D. 1070.9
The purpose of the inscription is to record the gift of a lamp to Nirayana: (1. 18), the deity of the temple in which it is still found, and which is stated to have been built by a Vaisya named Mandayat (11.7 and 18). Bhimavaram bore the name of Chalukyabhimapura or "vura (11. 6 f. and 17) and belonged to the district of Sakatamantani-nându (1. 16 f.). The date of the grant was the vernal equinox (1. 15 f.). The donor of the lamp was a minister of the king, named Madhava (1. 3) and surnamed Rajavallabha (1.2). He was a native of the Chôļa country (1. 19), and his full Tamil name was Velån Madhavan, alias Rajavallabha-Pallavaraiyan (1. 21 f.). The small Leyden grant (11. 11 f. and 49), which was issued in the 20th year of the reign of Kulottunga I., contains the name of a minister (sandhivigrahin) R&javallabha-Pallavaraiyan, who is perhaps identical with the donor of the subjoined inscription.
The following is a list of other inscriptions of Kulottunga I. which contain both a Saka date and a regnal year. All are in the Bhimêávara temple at Dráksharama, with the exception of No. 1 which is near the Nagêśvara temple at Chêrôlu.?
A.- Inscriptions in which the king is designated only by his titles Sarvalókásraya-briVishnuvardhana-mahárája.8
1.-No. 151 of 1807. 1 Svasti Sakha-varshamblu 998 n-êrti Nala-samvatsa-10 2 rasrahi svasti Saryvalókásraya-sri3 Vishnuvardhana-mahârâjula pravarddhama4 na-vijaya-rajya-samvatsara (mblu]" 7 n=endu... 6 ..... Maglia-måsamuna 7 pannamayu 13Sukravåra muna magrahaņa8 nimittamunan= .....
2.-No. 180 of 1893. 1 4Saka-var[sha]mulu 1006 svasti [Sa]rvvalôkasraya-sri-Vishņuvarddhana-mahârájula
pravar[ddha]m2 na-vijaya-rajya-samvatsaramu 15 gu [sra®]hi dina 307 ndam .....
3.- No. 374 of 1893. 1 [Sva]sti Saka-va[r*]shambulu 1036 svasti Sarvvalókásraya-sri-Vishnuvarddhana
maharajula 16
1 This had been the name of two Chôļa kings; see South-Ind. Inger. Vol. I. p. 112. ? See above, Vol. IV. p. 266.
According to other inscriptions the name of the temple was Rajandrayana-Vinnagara ; see above, Vol. IV. p. 280 and note 8.
• In the Donepůndi grant the temple is referred to as Mande-Narisana; above, Vol. IV. p. 368. . This name is derived from that of Cbklukya Bhima I. ; see above, Vol. IV. p. 227. • See above, Vol. IV. p. 87, note 8.
" See above, Vol. V. p. 148, and Vol. VI. p. 38. # Prof. Kjelhorn's calculations of the dates 1 and 8 will be published shortly. . Read Saka. 10 Read - sais radia®.
11 Read Vishnu 1 The syllable tra is engraved below the line; rend -samvatsao. # Read Sukra. 14 Bead Saka
1 Read .malár ájula.

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No. 20.]
BHIMAVARAM INSCRIPTION OF KULOTTUNGA I.
221
2 [pra]varddhamâna-vijaya-rajya-divya-samvatsa 45 Dhanu-måsamuna Sukla
pa[kshamu]na ekada3 [Jiyu Budhaváramu-nându Uttarayana-vyatiyipåta-'nimittamuna.....
B.- Inscriptions in which the full titles and names of the king are given as follows:Samastabhuvanásraya Sriprithvivallalha maharajadhiraja rajaparamétvara paramabhatt[a]raka Ravikulatilaka Chodakulasekhara Pandyakulamtaka samastarájábraya Rajarajendra Viramahendra Vikramachôda Vijayabharana Rajakesarivarmma-permmanadigalu GanggaKávéri-paryyamta-dharitri-patid saptamô Vishnuvarddhanul-aina tribhuvanachakravartti fri-Kulôttungga-Chodadeva.
4.- No. 365 of 1893. 7 ..... Śak-abdê nayan-akshi-kh-êmdu-gaạitas ..... 12 vat[sa]" 31 pdagu śr[a]hi dina 300 pda .....
5.-No. 989 of 1893. 3..... Sak-abdá nám pra)4 måņê nidhi-nayana-viyach-chandra-ges ... [sa]*[k]rártyám Vaishn.
vatyam= ..... 11 ..... rajya-sam(va]tsarambula [3]7 dina 289 ņda Vishuvu-samkr[8]n12 ti-[ni]mittamana.....
6.- No. 386 of 1898. 4 ..... Sak-abdê nidhi-nestra)-kh-êmda-[gani]to .... 8 [ra]iya-samvatsarambulu [3]7 dina 289 nda ..... Vishuvu-sam(kora mtinimi]ttamuna.....
7.- No. 402 of 1893. 4..... Saka-va[rusha]ibulu 1034 ..... 8 . ......... rd9 jya-samvatsa [4]2 sråhi dina 220 ndan=Uttarayana-samkr[A]mti-nimityamunam.....
8.- No. 415 of 1893. 1 Svasti saka-varusha[m]bulu (10337 . . ... 4 ..... rajya-divya-samva5 tsa 45 śr[a]hi .....
9.-- No. 194 of 1893. 3 ..... sa[k]-abdė vyðma-ved-&nba[ra-sabi]-ga[ni]telo ..... 4 ..... Saka-va[r*]shambulu 104[0] Đda ... 7 liya-divya-sarvatan 49 yagu śr[A]hi dinamulu 250..... Uttarayana
samkr[a]mi[ti-ni). 8 mtittamuna"....
1 Read -ryatipata.
No. 386 of 1893 omita this compound and inserta nija-thuy-Opdrijita-before Ganggd.. • Nos. 194, 365, 402 and 415 of 1898 omit dharitrf.pati.
No. 365 of 1893 reads Onundagina (singular instead of plural). • No. 865 of 1893 inserts Arimat. before tribhunanao.
• I... Saka-Sarovat 1022. * Read rajya-samvatsara. 8 I.e. Saka-Samvat 1029.
. I.. Saka-Samvat 1029. 19 I.. Saka-Sarvat 1040.
Read rdjya.
12 Read mittamine

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222
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
TEXT.1
A.- West Face.
1 स्वस्ति [ श्री] समे
परांत्तकनृपे चालुक्यराज्य
2 श्रियं प्राप्तां रक्षति राजवल्लभ इति [ख्या ] -
3 तः कृतो माधवः [*] तन्मंत्रिप्रवर [: *] स्वबन्धुस4 दृ[शी लोक]स्य ली [को]त्तर [श्रीको]र्त्ति[:] श्रितरक्षणै5 कनिपुणो लक्ष्मीपतिप्रीतिमान् [ १ ] श्रीचा
6 लुक्यधरासरोबुजसमे चालुक्यभी
7 मापुरे श्रीमन्मण्डयवैश्यवयर
8 चिते लक्ष्मीपतेर्द्धामनि [*] दत्वादाम
9 हिषोस्तु विंशतिमतिश्लाघ्या 'बभुती.
10 रिणीराचंद्रार्कमनश्वरं स्थिरयशा
11 दीपं प्रदीपो भुवः [ ॥ २* ] स्वस्ति सर्व्वलो -
12 काय श्रीविष्णुवनमहाराजु
13 ल प्रवर्द्धमान विजयराज्यसं
14 वत्सरंबुलु ४५ गु श्राहि सक - 1
B. -- South Face.
15 वषंबुलु' १०३७ गुनेडि" चे - 16 विषुवसंक्रांतिनि[मित्त]मुन सक17 टमंत्तनिनाष्टि चालुक्यभीमावरमुन 18 मण्डयगुडि नारायणदेवरकुं
19 [जो]डमण्डलसुन बिरुदराजभयं - ' 20 क्करवलनाष्टि मनिनाष्टि कडंबंगुडय
21 [ण्डु] वेलाण्डु माधवुण्डेन राजवल्लभप 22 लवरयण्डु चंद्रार्कमुन [कु] न खण्ड28 वत्तिगां बेट्टिन दीप[सु]न[कु] गुण्डि[य]24 [बी]युनि कोड्कु पापन [बो]युनियुं गो25 सनबोयुनि कोड्कु गु[ण्डि ] यबोयुनि26 [यु] वसमुनं बेहि [न]
एनुमुलु २० [1] वोनि
1 From an inked estampage prepared by Mr. H. Krishna Sastri, B.A.
• Bead "सरोज".
Rend बहु
• Read "वर्षबुलु.
• Read नेण्टि.
7 The anustára stands at the beginning of the next line.
• Read शक.
[VOL. VI.

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No. 21.]
TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF VIKRAMA-CHOLA.
223
ara
(T.
27 fari faarufs [at]777 28 TTATUE () [1]
TRANSLATION.
A.-Sanskpit portion. Hail! While king Parantaka, who resembled (Vishạn) the lord of śrî, was protecting the fortune, acquired (by him), of the Chalukya kingdom, -- the best of his ministers, the pious Madhava, who was renowned by the name of Rajavallabha, who seemed to be a near relative of (all) men, whose prosperity and fame were extraordinary, who was excessively skilled in protecting refugees, who was devoted to (Vishậu) the lord of Lakshmi, whose fame was con. stant, (and who was) the light of the earth, - having given a lamp, which was not to cease (burning) as long as the moon and the sun shall exist, to the temple of the lord of Laksbmi, which had been built by the illustrious Mandaya, the best of Vaisyas, in Châlukyabhimapura, which resembles a lotus in the tank (that is the prosperous Chalukya country,-- gave twenty most excellent buffalo-cows which supplied much milk.
B. - Telugu portion. Hail ! In the 45th yoar of the increasing and victorious reign of the asylum of the whole world (Sarvalókaśraya), the glorious Vishnuvardhana-mahåråja, (and) in the Saks year 1037, on the occasion of the Vishuva-sankranti in Chaitra - Vélandu Madhavundu, alias Rajavallabha-Pallavarayandu,' the lord of Kadambangu[di]' in Manni-nandu, (a subdivision) of Birudarajabhayamkara-valanându, (a district of Chôda-mandala, gave a lamp, whose wick must not cease (burning) as long as the moon and the sun shall exist, to Narayanadēva, (the god) of the Mandaya temple at Chalukyabhimavura in Sakatamantani-nåņdu. For (this lamp he) gave 20 buffalo-cows into the possession of Papana-Bøya, the son of Guņdiya-Böya, and of Gundiya-Boya, the son of Gosana-Bøya. From these (buffalo-cows) one Rajaraja-measureb of ghee has to be supplied daily (for feeding the lamp).
No. 21.-TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF VIKRAMA-CHOLA.
BY E. Hultzsch, Pr.D.
A.-Chébrôlu Inscription of Saka-Samvat 1049. This inscription (No. 153 of 1897) is engraved on a slab in the Kegavasvâmin temple at Chêrôlu in the Bapatla talaka of the Kistna district. The alphabet is Telugu, and the language is likewise Telugu, with the exception of one corrupt Sanskpit sloka at the end of the inscription.
1 The Teluga nominatives Volandu and Pallavarayandu represent the Tamil Vêdn and Pallavara iyan. Madhavuydw is the Telugu nominstive of Madhava.
Kadambaigudayandu corresponds to the Tamil Kadambangudaiydn, an abbreviated form of Kadambas gudi-udsiydis.
• The district of Maņņi-nkda is mentioned in Tamil inscriptions ; South-Ind. Inser. Vol. II. pp. 125, 324, 336, and Vol. III. p. 162.
• This territorial designation is derived from & surname of Kalóttunga-Chola I. which occurs in the Kalingattu-Parani; South-Ind. Inser. Vol. III. p. 152.
. This memure may have been named after the Eastern Chalukya king Rajaraju I.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. VI.
The date is the day of a lunar eclipse in the month of Jysishtha in the cyclic year Plava, which corresponded to the Saka year 1049 and to the eth year of the reign of VikramaCholadéva (1. 11 ff.). Saka-Samvat 1049 (expired) corresponds to the cyclic year Plavanga (not to Plava as the inscription has it) and to A.D. 1127-28. As this was the 9th year of the king's reign, he must have ascended the throne about A.D. 1119. This result is in accordance with the fact that his father Kulttunga-Chola I. ascended the throne in A.D. 1070 and reigned for 49 or 50 years to about A.D. 1119. According to Professor Kielhorn's calculations, the inscrip. tions of Vikrama-Chôļa in the Tamil country seem to show that his reign began on the 18th July A.D. 1108. This discrepancy may be explained by assuming that 1108 was the year in which he was appointed ywvaraja, while his actual accession to the throne took place after his father's death in A.D. 1119.
The name of the king is preceded by a list of his birudas. These are identical with the surnames borne by his father Kulôttunga-Chôļa 1.5 Among them we find Vikrama-Chola (1. 7 f.), which was one of the birudas of his father, but is rather out of place here because it is identical with the name of the king himself, and Rajakesarivarman (1. 8 f.), which is known to have been a surname of the former, while Vikrama-Chóļa in his Tamil inscriptions bears the title Parakesarivarman.
The inscription records the grant of a lamp to the temple of Kumarasvåmin (1. 18 f.) or Mahasena (1. 33) at Chembrðlu (1. 18), the modern Chébróla. Hence it appears that the slab containing the inscription, which is now in the Kêśavasyamin temple, was originally set up in the temple of Kum&rasvâmin, which is now called Någesvara,7
The donor was a feudatory of Vikrama-Chôļa,- the mahamandalesvara Nambaya (1. 30 f.) of the Durjaya family (1. 23 f.). Among his surnames are the lord of the city of Kollipaka' (1. 22 f.), the lord of the country of six-thousand (villages) on the southern bank of the Krishṇavenná river' (11. 25-27), and the scent-elephant of Malla' (1. 28). Kollipaka is mentioned as Kollipake in an inscription of the Western Chålukys king Jayasimha II.8 and as Kollippåkkai in the inscriptions of Rajendra-Chola I. and of Rajadhiraja. The second surname of Nambaya was borne later on by the chiefs of Amaravati."
From another inscription of the same chief in the Bhimêsvara temple at Drakshåráma (No. 266 of 1893) we learn that he ruled over the district of Ongêsumarga : [Svasti] samadhi]gata-pamchchamah[a]sabda-mahamandalesvara Kollipa k a-pura vare svara Durjjayakula-kumuda-chandra ripuga [ja]-mri(mri)gêmdra mallika-vallabba [pa]ramggangdurllabha vilâsa-Vidyadhara bhôga-Paramdara Kri(krishn[8]venpånadi-tiradakshiņa-13 shat[e]ahasra-vishay-ádi(dhi)śvara vira-Maheśvara kirtti-sudhakara guna-ratnakara Vêmggi. Chalukya-rajya-mu(mu)lastambha 14ripudalitakumbhikumbha Jayânggana-gri(gri)ha-torana Mallana-garn[dh Javarapa nåm-Adi-samasta-prasasti-sah[i]tamb[u]na Sriman-mahamandalêsyaray-Omgêrumärggamuna Nam biraju Saka-[va][r*]shamulu 1052 nd=agun=émţi Vaisakha-pundamayu Somaváramu Vyatipâta-ni[m]ittamunandu . ... . " On the
1 Prof. Kielhorn's calculation of this date will be published shortly ? See above, p. 220, note 2. • Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 55, and above, Vol. IV. p. 327. Above, Vol. IV. p. 266.
See page 221 above. The only biruda wbich was not taken over by Vikrama-Chol, is saptamd Vishon. vardhanah.
• Boo South-Ind. Insor. Vol. II No. 68, and above, Vol. IV. pp. 73 and 268 f. 7 See above, Vol. V. p. 143.
Above, Vol. III. p. 231. South-Ind. Inser. Vol. I. Nos. 67 and 68, and Vol. II. Nos. 9-20. » Ibid. Vol. III. p. 52.
11 See above, p. 147 and note 4. 11 This inscription is noticed by Dr. Fleet from Sir Walter Elliot's transcript Dyn, kan. Distr. p. 437 .. note 6. 13 Read .dakshinatira..
1. Read dalitari pu.

Page #268

No. 21.]
TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF VIKRAMA-CHOLA.
225
occasion of Vyatip&ta on Monday, the full-moon tithi of Vaisakha in the Saka year 1052," etc.
The same slab bears an inscription of Trailokyamalla, the son of Nambhiraja (No. 267 of 1893):- Svasti samadi(dhi)gata-pamchchamah&sha(la) bda-mahamandalesvara Kollipakapuravar-dhisvara Durjjayakula-kumud[a]-chandra ripugaja-mri(mri)gêmdra malilikavallabha pa[r]ånggang-rdullabhal (vilá]sa-V[i]dyadhara bhôga-Param[da]ra Kr[i](kri)shnavornnanadi-tiradakshiņa-shatsahasra-vishay-adhisvara vira-Mahesvara ki[rtti)suda (dha) kara gunaratna-ratnakara V[em]gg[i]-Chalukya-[ra] . . . . [ri]pn[da]litaku[m]bhikumbha Ja[y]4[mm]gganå-gr[i](gri)ha-tôrana (sat]ya-Haris[ch]andra dinånadha(tha)jana-sasya-praméghavarsha Nambbhana-gamdda(dha)vårana nâm-adisamasta-prasasti-sah[it]ambuna sriman-[m]ah[amanda] . . ... r[gga]muna Nambhfilrålju koldusku Trai]lókyamalleraju svasti [Sa]ka-sval[rshambulu 1081 n= entti Vaisakha-bah[u]lapaksha ashtamiyu Sa[ni]y[&]ramuna ... .. "On Saturday, the eighth tithi of the dark fortnight of Vaisakha in the Saka year 1081," etc.
It will be noticed that in this inscription Trailokyamalla is called the scent-elephant of Nambha,' i.e. of his father Nambaya or Nambiråja. Consequently it may be assumed that the latter, who bore the surname the scent-elephant of Malla,' was the son of Malla. In this way we obtain three generations of the chiefs of Ongêrumärga :- Malla; his son Nambha, Nambaya or Nambirája; and his son Trailokyamalla.
Professor Kielhorn kindly contributes the following remarks. "The date of No. 266 of 1893 would correspond, for Saka-Samvat 1052 current, to Sunday, 5th May A.D. 1129, and for Saka Samvat 1052 expired, to Friday, 25th April A.D. 1130. In Saka-Samvat 1053 expired, the full-moon tithi of Vaisakha commenced 7 h.5 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, the 13th April A.D. 1131, when the yôga was Vyatipäta for about the last quarter of the day. I believe this to be the day intended, but can give no reason why the writer should not have quoted Tuesday (the 14th April) on which the full-moon tithi ended. The date of No. 267 of 1893 would correspond, for Saka-Samvat 1081 current, to Wednesday, 23rd April A.D. 1158; for Saka-Samvat 1081 expired, to Tuesday, 12th May, A.D. 1159; and for Saka-samvat 1082 expired, to Saturday, the 30th April A.D. 1160, when the 8th tithi of the dark half ended 18 hours after mean sunrise. In both dates the given Saka year is short by 1 of the year of our Tables. This is not ancommon in dates from the eastern part of Eastern India."
. TEXT,
4.- Front of Slab. 1 खस्ति समस्तभुवनाश्रय 2 foam ®[TR]TTOT3 धिराज राजपरमेश्वर प4 THHE[T*]th tfagiafacra 5 Carte en Torget 6 FT HETTOTT TTTTT7 ATTATE -
Read -durllabha.
"See o.g. my List of North, Inger. Nos. 867 and 370. From two inked estampages. Read 9 .
* Read • The anscodra stands at the beginning of the next line.

Page #269

226
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. VI..
8 9 विजया[भरन श्रीरामके9 'सरिवम्पपेर्मानडिगलु गंगा10 कावरीपय्यांत(क) श्रीम[*]चि[भु]. 11 वनचक्रवर्ति विक्रमची. 12 देवर 'प्रवईमानवि13 जयराज्यसंवत्सरंबु14 लु ८ पगुने[ण्टि] "सक[व]15 रुषंबुलु १.४८ प. 16 गु षवसंवत्सर जेष्ट- . 17 मास सोमबहननिमित्य' 18 सुन चेंबोलि श्रीकुमा19 [रखा]मिदेवरकुनख20 [ण्डव]त्तिदिवियकु खस्ति 21 समधिगतपंचमह[1]श. 22 ब्दमहामण्डलेखर कोलिपा. 23 कापुरवरेश्वर दुर्ज[य]24 कुलकुलाचलम्रिगेंद्र स25 त्यहरिश्चंद्र "क्रिष्णवेवान26 "दीदक्षिनतीरषट्सहत्र27 महीवनभ मल्लिका
B.--Back of slab. 28 वनभ मानगंधवारन 29 नामादिसमस्तप्रसस्तसहि30 तं श्रीमनुमह[*]मण्डलेश्व31 र नंबय यिचिन गोळिय 32 ५० [1] वीनिं चेकोनि संत्तानक33 मंबुनं गाचि मह[*] सेन
1 Read भरण.
__ Read 'वर्मा. * Read quia and ada afoutefa in accordance with some inscriptions of Kulottunga-Choļa I.; see above, p.221. • Read प्रवर्धमान
• Read शक
• Read 7 * Read 8° or, more correctly, .
• Read 'य . • Read भगेंद्र
- Read चविषया. 1 Read 'दचिय. Reed सा . - Read वारण.
• Read प्रति . . - Read श्रीमन्

Page #270

Chebrolu inscription of Vikrama-Chola ;-Saka-Samvat 1049.
TH
తరచుదనారయన 28 లభనగదదోరగా
కొహడినాడ కలవాడును
AE 18న హమజిలీ దివారుజదండు కరడమని కొడియ + రోవరందరులకింటో
ని స దుంగ కంద షకులు 24
-బు గచివాహిత 6 అరుదురేదయండరు అజయ.
ఉరడు ఉదిర దాటి ఆ బోయవలదా జూబ్ • బ జయరసం రోజం..
యణడుల వందగలుగంగ,
สมมมม 1. ఆదడం ముగRTIES
నిలుచునా మరియు వనభంగ రందరదాయాజార్ అడదు కదండిగుడరడిపిన ప్రజహద రాజి
, 14 వంగునవి సరయ యత .ar -
రుదలశాలు " ఉదవ సండ సంభం అనుకున్న
ఈ
వరము నందు
"ఎం వలబందిగా
ring
E. HULTZSCH.
SCALE 25
W. GRIGGS, COLLOTYPE.

Page #271


Page #272

No. 21.)
TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF VIKRAMA-CHOLA.
227
34 मुन नित्य मानेड नेयि 35 alungatu eta 36 gfa 147 [*] siqaret 87 1948 38 egg gamug # 39 fquifiutat i el 440 TET ATT Fica 41 ET ['] of un42 fa faYI - 43 â ffH
TRANSLATION (Line 1.) Hail! In the 9th year of the increasing and victorious reign of the asylam of the whole world, the favourite of Fortune and of the Earth, Maharajadhiraja, Rajaparamétvara, Paramabhaftáraka, the front-ornament of the race of the Sun, the crest-jewel of the Chola family, the destroyer of the Påndya family, the asylum of all kings, Rajarajendra, ViraMahendra, Vikrama-Choļa, he whose ornament is victory, the glorious RajakesarivarmaPermanadi, [the lord of the earth) as far as the Gange and the Kávêri, the glorious emperor of the three worlds, Vikrama-Choladeva,
(L. 14.) On the occasion of an eclipse of the moon in the month of Jyêshths in the Plava-samvatsara which was the Sake year 1049,
(L. 20.) Hail! the glorious Mahamandalesvara Nambaye, who was possessed of all the glory of such names as the Mahamandalesvara who has obtained the five great sounds; the lord of Kollipáka, the best of cities; the lion of the principal mountain- the Durjaya family; & Harischandra in truthfulness; the lord of the country of six-thousand (villages) on the southern .bank of the Krishnavenná river; the lover of the jasmine flower; (and) the scentelephant of Malla,
(Ll. 18-20 and 1. 31 f.) gave 50 sheep to the temple of the god Kumarasvå min at Chembrôlu for a perpetual lamp.
(L. 32.) Having received these (sheep), Kommaya, (the son) of Sara-Bøya, with (his) descendants in succession, has to tend (them) and to supply daily to the Mahasena (temple) one måna of ghee.
(L. 36.) The three-hundred temple servants (sthanapati) (and) the three-handred dancing-girls of this place have to protect (this grant).
[LI. 39-43 contain one of the usual minatory verses.]
B.- Sevilimêdu Inscription of the Sixteenth Year. This inscription (No. 43 of 1900) is engraved on the west wall of the Kaildsanátha temple at Sevilimedu, a village on the northern bank of the Paláru and about 2 miles south-west of Conjeeveram.
* This well known Sanskrit verse is bere full of mistakes.
• See above, p. 156, pote 8.
26 2

Page #273

228
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. VI.
The inscription consists of eight verses in quaint Sanskfit. The alphabet is Grantha, The Tamil letter r is used in Kompusa (vv. 4 and 7). Final m is employed instead of anusvára in chiram, vidushám (v. 2) and labdham (v. 5). Instead of prôdghrishta and udbhava we find prôtghrishta (v. 1) and utbhava (v. 3). Anhuaya occurs twioe (vv. 1 and 2) instead of dhvaya, and så[r"]ddha (v. 5) instead of sårttha. The Tamil Dames Kiráñji, Odimúkki, Kodi, Ponnambi and Kômbura are spelt Kiráñchi (v. 8), Otimákki (v.4), Koti (v. 5), Ponnampi (v. 6) and Kompura (vv. 4 and 7), with ch, t and p instead of j,d and b.
The date is Monday, the day of Uttara in the second fortnight of Vaisakha during the sixteenth year of the reign of Vikrama-Chôļadēva (v. 3). This king bore the surnames Akalanka and Tyagavarākara (v. 1). According to Mr. Venkayya, the former is applied to Vikrama-Chola in the Kulôttunga-Solanuld, an unpublished Tamil poem composed in honour of Kulottunga II., and Tyâgasamudra, with which Tyagaväråkara is synonymous, occurs in the Vikkirama-Solanulds and in the Pithåpuram pillar inscription of Mallapadeva.
The inscription records that three persons assigned to the Siva temple in the village of Rajasundari (v.2) or Nripasundari (v. 3) some land (v. 3) and agarden (v.5). The village of Rajasundari is evidently identical with Sevilimêdu, and the temple of Siva, to which the grant was made, is the Kailasanatha temple on which the inscription is engraved.
Besides the subjoined inscription, six Tamil inscriptions have been copied in the same temple, the ancient name of which was Malasthana. In three of them (Nos. 40-42 of 1900) the village is named Sevanamedu. It belonged to Virpedu-nadus or Virpettu-nadu, asubdivision of Kaliyur-kottam, a district of Jayangonda-Chola-mandalam, and bore the surname Nagarisvara-chaturvedimangalam.
TEXT. 1 स्वस्ति श्री ॥- राजा विक्रमचोळ एष ज[य]ति प्राणेश्वरो भूथियो यस्मन्नतराजमौलिमकुटप्रोत्घृष्टपादाम्बुजः [*] दूरोत्सारि[]पापराशिरतुलश्रीस्त्यागवाराकरस्मत्सम्पत्तिविवृदिहेतुरनिशन्देवोकळंकांवयः ॥- [१]
2 पुण्यपण्यविपणिस्मरखतीवासभूमिरमला मुनीन्द्रधी: [*] राजसुन्दरिसमायश्चिरम्" ग्राम एष विदुषाम् विराजते ॥- [२*] श्रीमविक्र[म]चोळदेवनृपतेव्व[ष] शुभ षोडशे पामे श्रीनृपसुन्दरीति विदिते वैशाखमासेपरे [*] पक्षे सोत्तरचन्द्रवारविदिते काले शिवा
3 यादिशन् “कुण्डरुभववष्णभनिखि[लाइन लब्धाम् महीम् ॥- [३] कम्मत्तिप्रभवः कृष्णपुरदेवोरकाळकः [*] पात्[त] कोम्पु.pजो भट्टावोतिमू[कि]
I Prof. Kielhorn's calculation of this date will be published shortly. 1South-Ind. Ineer. Vol. II. p. 309 and note 1.
Above, Vol. IV. P.228. • The present name of the temple is perhaps alluded to in verse 5 by the words "the ancient (god) who resides on the Kailass (mountain)."
. The same nddu is mentioned also in South-Ind. Insor. Vol. I. p. 117, and Corrigenda on p. 184. Vixpēdu is the modern Vippedu, 2 miles west of Sevilimdu.
• The same district is referred to in South-Ind. Insor. Vol. I. Nos. 84, 85, 147, 148, and Vol. III, pp. 2, 138, 142. 7 From three inked estampages.
Read प्रीपष्ट. Read 'कायः . 10 Read of:.
1 Read 'समायविरं. Read विदुषां. " The म of°विक[म] is engraved below the line
" Read कावी.

Page #274

2
2
Sevilimedu inscription of Vikrama-Chola;-the sixteenth year.
டியூனஜ2THzqca பனுப்பளிஐயதீவாய்3சி18 தை ஜர்த விரிவதாக செவ் ஆ 21 : 41382618ாவாகின82 1844 883 அவாநதம்பி
திலுமணவா113மயலுதாம் 183931270897822 Tiny Fபதிகத்தியர்]] TC-75 வழ5821282012பியைதB981724) எப்ப88°14718 2வர்/போரா
27281 பாசப்2184383419 328181298 ப53237பரபாதலுஷதயற் தம7] பரத்தி சஸ்பெச் *!* ஒX^[சந்திதா$& ஜ
ார்கவிர/மாத 12Mா~*சகதப்பு.
2 பிநசகாய்லகோர்3ஐw?ர்தபெண்வகல்லிடபாட்சியரீதிய& Me2MW] S]நகரம் 54842111827-3- ஓ உன்ரிடி
E. HULTZSCH.
நித்தியின் சரzஷ்யர த்தரஓவர 2815ாேய்யா, 26!ལནིའ}&aJཋ གཚཀརྨ།ཀ3
SCALE '15
W. GRIGGS, COLLOTYPE.

Page #275


Page #276

No. 21.]
TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF VIKRAMA-CHOLA.
229
तसवेंकटौ ॥- [*] प्रादुस्त्रयोपि चितयं स्ववप्रं कैलासवासाय चिरन्त] नाय [l*] Ta certa fara casit: urut
4 adet - [9] Tanfo[]TAT UTATTACR AUT facą [1*] wyfan fafen TAT[V] Fac: T f- [**] 'fa. णामूत्तिभट्टोयमळहिजवरस्मुधी: [*] कृष्णद्वैपायनो यज्वा वेदकोम्पुजवयः [॥ ७] वित्किराञ्चिजनितावरुळाळसंज्ञौ तौ ताणकप्रभव
5 Tragarfaata [i*] hei [a]Takahau WH ra. farquatiwalaan! [*]
TRANSLATION Hail ! Prosperity! (Verse 1.) Victorious is this king Vikrama-Chôļa, the husband of the Earth and of Fortune, whose lotus-feet are frequently rubbed by the diadems on the heads of bowing kings, who has driven far away all sins, whose glory is matchless, the ocean of liberality (Tyagavarákara) who continually causes the increase of the prosperity of good men, the king named Akaļanka.
(V. 2.) Resplendent for a long time is this village of learned men, named Rajasundari, a market for the trade in good deeds, the pure place of residence of the goddess of learning, (and) the seat of lords of sages.
(V. 3 f.) In the auspicious sixteenth year of the reign) of the glorious king VikramaChôľadêva, in the month of Vaisakha, in the second fortnight, at the time known as Monday combined with Uttara, the two Bhattas Krishnapuradêva Aru!åluka, born at Kammatti, and OdimQkki, born at Attań-Kômbura, together with Venkata, assigned to Śiva, at the village known as the prosperous Nřipasundari, land which they) had received through the great piety of Krishṇabhatta, born at Kundur.10
(V. 5.) The same three persons gave to the ancient (god) who resides on the Kailasa (mountain their three-fold garden," which they) had received through the piety of Kodi and Viravali,19 in which kôkilas (krishna) lived on mango-trees, (and) which possessed a number of meu of the fourth (caste) (as attendants).
(V. 6.) By me, the village arbitrator (madhyastha) named Ponnambi, the friend of good men, this document (pramana) was written. Witnesses (are) the following.
Read it.
• Read . Read TeUE.
• Read . • Read ऋत्विक.
6 Read . 7 Uttiram is the usual Tamil form of Uttara-Phalgunt. The Tamil form of Uttara-Bhadrapadd is Uttirattádi, and that of Uttardshddhd is Uttiradam.
• The same name, which seems to mean narrow-nosed,' occurs in an inscription at Ukkal ; South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. III. p. 6.
Sraddha seems to be used incorrectly for fraddhd. 10 A village of the same name is mentioned in two inscriptions at Maşimangalam ; South-Ind. Insor. Vol. III. pp. 73 and 75.
11 I take this meaning of vapra from Dr. Kittel's Raunada-English Dictionary. The meaning 'field' dois not fit here because mango-trees are stated to have grown in the vapra.
11 The same name occurs in South-Iud. Inger, Vol. III. pp. 73 and 74. 1 Sce South-Ind. Insor. VOL III. p. 2.

Page #277

230
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VI.
(V. 7 f.) Dakshiņâmûrti-Bhatta, a wise Brahmapa of Asûr, Krishna-Dvaipayana Yajvan, Jannaya Ritvij of Veda-Kömbura, (and) the two persons named Araļala, who were born at Kiránji, together with Råma, born at Tänaka. These were written down as the only witnesses of (this) pious gift. Let the best of kings and the devotees of Siva protect this grant !
No. 22.- KONDAVIDU PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF
KRISHNARAYA OF VIJAYANAGARA;
SAKA-SAMVAT 1442.
BY H. LUDERS, Ph.D.; GÖTTINGEN. Inked estampages of this inscriptions were sent to me by Dr. Hultzsch through Prof. Kielhorn with the following note : "On four faces of a pillar-near the agrahara at Kondavidu. The pillar is supported on two sides (north and south) by stones which made it impossible to copy and ink the top lines of the inscription in full."
The inscription contains 166 lines of writing. The average size of the letters is ". - The alphabet is Telugu and, with few exceptions, resembles that of the Mangalagiri inscription. Several times ka appears here in the old form ; see e.g. ll. 3, 6, 15, 16, 30, 43, 118. 145 (ka): 27, 111 (ka); 142, 146 (ki); 11 (kl); 17, 157 (ku); 7 (kri); 11 (ka); 142 (kku), while such forms as ka in 11. 7, 64, ku in l. 46, ké in 1. 92, kau in l. 39, may be called transitional. The sha occasionally shows the younger form occurring also in the Vanapalli plates; see 11. 69 (sha) ; 24 (shtha); 33 (kshma). Ļa appears throughout in the form of the Bițragunța grant and the Vånapalli plates. In dha the ottu is used only in dhi in l. 19 (várdi widhir), dhi in l. 72, and in the subscript dh of dhdha in l. 34. But in gha and dha it is used quite regularly, and in bha it is only missing in thú, bhu, bhô in l. 163, and in bhri in 11. 5, 59 and bhyd in 1.7 on account of the subscript sign. In the groups rma, rya and rua the full sign of r is generally used, but in ryú in l. 20 and rmmyai in ll. 28, 92 it appears in the secondary form, as in all other combinations, and in rve in l. 163 and mma in l. 165 it is expressed both by the full and the secondary sign. The language is Sanskrit from the beginning to 1. 108, and again from the middle of l. 162 to the end. The rest is in Telugu, With exception of the concluding words fri frí frí in 1. 108, the Sanskpit portion is in verse, whereas the Telugu portion is in prose throughout. The orthography calls for few remarks. In the interior of a word k, g, ch, t, d and , if followed by a vowel, are generally doubled after anusvára; exceptions are failur (1. 20), -ánkurah (1. 21), -drka (1. 34), saptaingô- (1. 29), panchd-(1, 107), mandara (1. 12), Maimdavólum (1. 102), and several words in the Telugu portion (see for ik 11. 127, 145; ing 11. 113, 115, 130, 140, 156, 158 ; tich 11. 117, 118, 109, 145, 153, 157 ; vd 11. 111, 121, 185). 4 also is doubled in sríkhandda (1.76), Konddavifi(15) (11. 98, ill), and dh in baṁdhdhushu (I. 40), -árumdhdhati (1. 41); compare also chinttapamdhdhus for opamdu in l. 134. tr is written ttr
A village of the same name is mentioned in two inscriptions at Manimangalam ; South-Ind. Inuor. Vol. III. pp. 73 and 74. It may be identical with Allur' in the Midurantakam tåluka between the Perumbair' and Olakur railway stations.
* Compare Dvdsi-Komburam in South-Ind. Inser. Vol. II. p. 259 and note 8. • The same place is mentioned in an inscription at Tirakkalakkanrsm; South-Ind. Insor. Vol. III. p. 168. • No. 342 of the Goverument Epigraphist's collection for the year 1892.
This defect is not very serious, as the fow inissing aksharas in II. 87-89 can easily be replaced from other inscriptions,
• Bee my remarks, above, p. 108 f. 7 The text and translation of the Teluga portion have been contributed by Mr. H. Krishna Sastri.

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after anusvára in the word mantrin in 11. 30, 85, 103, but with a single t in 11. 40, 92. Final anusvára has caused the doubling of g in -akaratvan ggatah (1. 17). As first letters of a group t and d are doubled in ttritaya (1. 29), puttra- (1. 35), kalattri (1. 43), puttrav (I. 44), ddruman (1.7), påyåddaraghu- (1. 8), kalpaddrun (1. 72), ddyő- (1. 80), whereas a double mute is represented by a single mute in tatva (1. 89) and ujvalataran (1.98). After a consonant is doubled in -arkka (1. 78), márggayantté (1. 33), márggan (1. 80), múrchchhan (1. 78), -útivartti (1. 38), kirttih (1. 50), kirtti (11. 54, 106), harmmyair (11. 28, 92), and in the Telugu samarppischchi (1. 121). ddh is always written dhdh. A superfluous anusvára has been inserted in prapannndh (1. 68), -dtikhinnnáḥ (1. 32) and some Telugu words in 11. 119, 125, 161. In amsitapaļlakunnu (1. 119 f.) and kárámaļlu (1. 133), the double ! is expressed by ?+l. In accordance with the pronunciation of Sanskrit in the Telugu country we find a nasal inserted before h, followed by a consonant, in pran hv-émdrd- (1. 3) and gránhya (2 164), and even with the complete loss of the v in jinhala- (for jihváld-; 1. 58). On the other hand this pronunciation has led to the erroneous insertion of a v after an original mhh in sinhrásand- (1. 14). The words mandapa and pradhana are always written mantapa and prathana; compare 11. 95, 116; 23, 88, 113, 153.
The object of this inscription is to record some grants by Nadiņdla-Gôpa, the governor of Kondavidu, during the reign of Krishnaraya of Vijayanagara. The inscription has much in common with the Mangalagiri and Kazi pillar inscriptions edited above, p. 108 ff. Up to v. 26, it contains only 3 verses not found in those inscriptions (vv. 1, 3 and 7), among which only v. 7 deserves to be noticed, as Krishnaraya is styled here a descendant of Yadu. This is apparently & mistake of the author; for, though Yadu was actually the reputed ancestor of the first dynasty of Vijayanagara, the second dynasty, to which Křishṇaraya belonged, traced their origin back to Yadu's younger brother Turvasa. Nevertheless the inscription is of some importance because it clearly shows that in Saka 1442 Gôpa was governor of Koodavidu, the verses about Appa's dignities being omitted here altogether.
With v. 26 begins a list of some gifts made by Nadiņdla-Gopa. V. 26 is identical with v. 29 of the Mangalagiri inscription and refers to the same gift as that mentioned in the next verse. Vv. 27-28 record that in the Saka year counted by the eyes (2), the yugas (4), the ODBANS (4), and the moon (1), in the year Vikrama (i.e. Saka-Samvat 1442 expired), he presented, by order of S&ļva-Timma, the minister of king Krishnaraya, an exceedingly high tomple (prasáda) furnished with nine gilt domes (kalasa), a gate-tower (gôpura), a wall (pråkára), and a festive hall (utsava-mantapa), to the holy Råmabhadra, and images for processions (uteava-vigraha), golden ornaments, two pearl necklacos, a great quantity of excellent beautiful ornaments, and the performance of myôga, exceeding seventy-two, to Rama in the town of Kondaviți for the benefit of S&IVA-Timma, the husband of Lakshmi. V. 29 adds that, by order uf 8A]va-Timma, he assigned to the temple of the holy Raghava, the lord of the town of Yajfavați, the customs on all the roads in the country of Kondaviți and the village of Maindavölu, at the same time keeping up the former donation of the village of Lemballe.
The Sanskrit part of the inscription concludes with a verse in praise of Salva-Timma (30) found also in the Mangalagiri inscription, and another (31) stating that the mahôpadhyaya, who
1 Vy. 1 and 8 are in praise of Ram. V. 1 alludes to the legend quoted above, Vol. III. p. 251, note 9.
Bee e.g. Hampe inscription of Krishpardye, above, Vol. I. p. 361 ff.; Sankalapura inscription of the same ibid. Vol. IV. p. 286 ft.; British Museum plates of Sadasivardya, ibid. Vol. IV. p. 1 ff.; Unamdaj@ri plates of Achyutardya, ibid. Vol. III. p. 147 .
• Vv. 21 and 35 of the Mangalagin inscription. • Regarding this term see note 1 on p. 118 above.
Regarding this term see note 8 on p. 114 above. • M anisa is. Telaga word about which see below, p. 288, note 6.

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was acquainted with the doctrine of the five fires, the performer of the dvddastha ceremony, Lolla-Lakshmidhara Yajvan, was the author of the record.
In the Telugu portion (1. 109 ff.) the date given above is further specified, and a more detailed account of Gopa's donation is given, especially as regards the establishment of the customs. It may also be noted that Nadiņdla-Timma is incidentally said here (1. 114) to have been a follower of the Yajuhákhả and the Apastam basůtra, and that Sålva-Timma's wife is called here Lakshmamma (1. 155). Mr. H. Krishna Sastri contributes the following translation of the Telugu portion :
(L. 109.) “Hail! Prosperity! On the auspicious occasion of & lunar eclipse, on Wednesday the 15th (lithi) of the bright (half) of Vaisakha in the (ogelio) year Vikrama which corresponded to 1442 of the years of the victorious and increasing SalivahanaŚaka,-Gôparsayyangåra, the son of Nadiņdla-Timmarâja who belonged to the Kausikagôtra, followed the Åpastambasútra, and was a student of the Yajuḥsakha, and the nephew of Såļuva-Timmarsayyangåru, the glorious chief minister who bore the burden of the empire of the glorious Kộishnadeva-maharaya,- built a spire for the sacred (temple) of the god Raghunayaks of Yajñavâţika in Kondavidu, carried out the whitewashing in connection with other) spires, mandapas and towers, set up golden pinnacles, built the hall surrounding the temple, and the enclosure (prákara), presented idols (to be carried) in processions (utsava-vigraha), restored the village of Lemballe which had previously been granted (to the temple), and bestowed the village of Maindavôlu for all enjoyments, rices and festivals, (and assigned] múlavisas at all places in the country (sima) of Kondavidu where tolls were paid, (vis.) at vasantagaruous? in the town of) Kondavidu, at water-sheds, at salt-beds and market-towns, and at roads frequented (by people), such as those to the Tirumala bills.
(L. 125.) .. . . . . . . . ." at the rate of half a paikamull on every bag of the following articles) : great millet, millet, . .., salt, mangoes, myrobolan fruits, brinjale, clearing-nuts, and mdvena ;12 at one paikam on every bag of the following: green gram, black gram, Bengal gram, horse-gram, red gram, wheat, sesamum seeds, oil seeds, black pulse, pulse, cotton, tamarinds, gall-nuts, myrobolan seeds, yam, chama, (and) chirugadam
Ir In the colophon of his commentary on Sankarieberya's Soundaryalahar (Dr. Hultzach's Reports on Sanskrit Manuscripts, No. I. p. 73, No. 333), Lakshmidbare-Defika calls himself the seventh in descent from the mahópddhya ya MabadôváchArya, who was the founder of the doctrine of the Lolla-kuln'and the commentator on the Lollagrantha. The author of the inscription, Lolla-Lakshmidbars Yajvan, who also calls himself a mahópddhyaya, may have belonged to the same school or sect.-H. Krishna Sastri.]
The affix ayyangdry or ayyagdru is the plural of ayya, a tadbhava of drya. The appellation ayyangdr is now monopolised by a class of Sri. Vaisbņeva BrAMADAS, while ayya, ayyagdru and ita Tumil equivalent aiyar are restricted to non-Vaishnavs Brahmanas. That ayyaagdru and ayyagaru are both used in the inscription for be same person, shows that in the 16th century these two appellatione bore no religious or sectarian significance.
Tiruchuttumdle or liruchuttumdlika (above, Vol. IV. p. 380, text line 14) are corruptions of the Tamil tiruchohurrumdligai, which occurs in the Tanjore inscriptions ; see South-Ind. Inaor. Vol. II. p. 139.
• Regarding angarangavaibhana see above, Vol. IV. p. 269 and note 3.
For amritapadi see South-Ind. Intor. Vol. I. p. 82, note 6. • For the fiscal term ofsa see above, Vol. V. p. 28 and note 6.
+ This word is not found in Brown's Telugu Dictionary. Perhaps it denotes arest-house somewhat like the modern vatantamasta pa, which, according to Dr. Kittel's Kannada English Dictionary, means 'shed erected in gardens, near roads aud temples, used during the hot weather for recreation's mke ete.'
• Aruvantya is apparently the same as the Kanarese aratatige, aravattige or aravantige, which means water-shed.' Another Kanarese word which occurs in this inscription is Iddi (1.125).
Karavata is the same as the Sanskrit kharvata, 'a market-town.' 10 Thin refers to the hill of Tirupati in the Chandragiri Aluks of the North Arcot district. 11 According to Brown's Telugu Dictionary, paikams means 's small copper coin, a farthing, a balf-penny." 19 This is perhaps the same as moment, which means'a fragrant root like sarsaparilla.'

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(roots); at one dammal on every bag of the following: onions, turmeric, dammer, fenugreek, cumin, mustard, salagas of new gunny bags, green ginger, lime fruits, (and) cocoa-nuts; at two dammas on every bag of the following: jaggery, cleaned cotton, ghee, castor oil, sangadi, flowers of the Bassia Latifolia (tree), dry ginger, iron, and steel chisels ; at three dammas on every bag of mango jelly; at four dammas on every bag of the following: sugar, areca-nuts, cotton thread, and betel leaves; at six dammas on every bag of the following : long pepper, pepper, sandal, cloves, nutmeg, mace, lead, tin, (and) copper; and at one chavelas on a double bullock-load of women's garments : - the múlavisas levied at this rate from many (people) were granted (to the temple) by Nadiņdla-Gôparsayyangáru for the merit of the glorious chief minister Saļuve-Timmarsayyagaru and his wife Lakshmamma.
(L. 157.) “If (any) Odda kinga and Telugu kings shall violate this charity, they shall incur the sin of killing cows on the banks of the Gangå; if (any) Turuka (s.e. Musalman) kings shall violate this charity), they shall incur the sin of eating pigs."
The inscription ends with one of the usual imprecatory verses in Sanskrit and the first half of another. Although the Saka year is called a current year, the addition of the cyclic year leaves no doubt that really the expired year was intended. For Saka 1442 expired=Vikrama the date corresponds, according to Prof. Kielhorn's calculation, to Wednesday, the 2nd May A.D. 1520, when a partial eclipse of the moon, visible at Vijayanagara, took place 18 h. 14 m. after mean sunrise.
The village of Maindavôlu is the modern Mayidavôlu, 12 miles east-south-east of Narasarårupêta. The village of Lemballe I am unable to identify. Yajnavåtipura seems to have been the name of a quarter or a suburb of the town of Kondavidu.
TEXT.8
North Face. 1 HTT[:*) Arta bat2 सहायो मुनिधर्मपत्न्याः । यस्यांघ्रिपंकरहरे3 ureterrara197437 [] 10 digifefatt4 मणिच्छविरविप्रातर्मयूखारुणं भूषावृत्रभिदश्मरश्मिलह5 रीभंगाळिशृंगारितं । मंजीरवाणितैर्मराळवनितामंजुख6 नैरंञ्चितं वंद्दे रामपदारविहमनघं वंहारुकल्प
1 This is apparently the same as dramma; see Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I. Part II. p. 21, notes 1 and 6; Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 168 f.; ibid. Vol. II. p. 180; and Ep. Carn. Vol. I. Introd. p. 8.
according to Brown's Telugu Dictionary, falaga or belaga is a word used in measuring grain etc., one lot from which a new reckoning begins.'
This term is not intelligible. It occurs in the obudure biruda Sangadirakshapilaka of a Reddi king, in an unpublished Amaravati inscription (No. 258 of 1897).
• Kardrhbhuid is probably the Tamil karambu or kirámbw, cloree.'
1.e. chavalama, the fraction (of pagods etc.).' According to Brown's Telugu Dictionary this is about one shilling.
1.0. kings of Orinss. The special mention of these kings and of the Muhammadans in the imprecation shows that they were continually disturbing the peace of Krishnaraya's dominions.
· See above, p. 84 and note 4. . From inked estampages supplied by Dr. Hultzach. . The last akshara has been corrected.
10 Read 31.
2

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7 हुमं ॥ [ २* ] यत्कटाक्षच करुणक्रोधाभ्यां शबलीकृतः । विभी- 1 8 षणे रावणे च स वः पायाद्द्रघूदहः ॥ [३ *] अव्यादादिवरा9 हो वस्मरसामुद्दह नाहीं निजांगसंग्गसंजात
10 सांद्रखेदोदयादिव ॥ [ ४* ] उरसि निहितलक्ष्मीबाहुवली यु11 गेन स्वकरयुगळमेकीकृत्य केळीविनोदे । कुवलयदळदामा12 'नध्वमंदारमालां दधदिव वितनोतु श्रीकळां काकुळेश: ॥ [५*] 13 अस्ति श्रीकृष्णरायाख्यो नरनाथशिरोमणिः । राजन्यचूकिकारत्न
14 नीराजितपदांबुजः ॥ [*] 'सिंहासनानर्हतया द्वापरे लब्ज15 या हलि:' । कलो सिंहासनासीनः कृष्णरायो यदूद्द16 : ॥ [७*] श्रीकृष्णचितिपालदत्तमणिभिर्विद्दत्कवीनां गृहा नाना
[Vol. VI.
17 रत्नविचित्रकुट्टिमभुवो रत्नाकरत्वं गता: । अब्दि: केवलनीर
18 पूरनिलयसंभाव्यते सज्जनेरंभोधिर्जलधिः पयोधि -
19 रुदधिर्वारां निधिर्वारिधिः ॥ [*] आलानं रिपुदंत्तिनामरिप20 शोर्युपस्प्रमीकाध्वरे वैरिखांत्तनिखात कुरुदितो
21 दीप्रः प्रतापांकुरः । पाताळाध्वरणीं वराहवपुषो दंष्ट्रा
22 विभिद्योगता श्रीकृष्णचितिपस्य भाति विजयस्तंभ: कळिंग्गग्गणे ॥ [*]
23 महाप्रथान: श्रीसाक्वतिम्मस्मचिवशेखरः । श्रीकृष्णरायनृ
24 पतेस्वाम्म्राज्यमधितिष्ठति ॥ [ १० * ] श्रीसाक्वतिम्मसचिवः कौडिन्यकु
25 लशेखरः । वेमयामात्यतनयरांचयामात्यनंदनः ॥ [११] वि. 26 झो नैकं विशेषं वितरणविभवैर्विद्ददग्रेसराणां पद्मावाणी
27 विलासैः प्रगुणमणिगणैः पक्ष्मलाचीसहस्रैः । रम्यप्राका
28 रहम्यैरतुलपरिकरै रख हस्त्यादियाने साम्यक्तेभ्यो विभेद
29 समरविजय तस्माक्वतिम्मस्य जाने ॥ [ १२* ] सप्तांगोपेतशक्तिचि30 तयचतुरुपायैकमंत्री साळवे तिम्माख्ये कोंडवीव्यां
31 गजपतिनिहितान् राजहंसान् गृहीत्वा । धाटीमाटीक
32 माने परनृपतिखगाः क्षुत्पिपासातिखिंबा: शाकाब्दान् मा
33 यंत्ते गिरिपुरजलधिमासु गूढं प्रलीनाः ॥ [१३] साळु34 वांकशकवत्सरगण्याषाढशुध्वहरिवासरसौरौ' । साळ्वः
35 तिम्मसचिवेन गृहीतं कोंडवीटिनगरं नगराजं ॥ [१४* ] पुचा
1 After fra superfluous
• Read सिंहा.
• Rend ळावर.
Read प्रधान:.
The anusvdra stands at the beginning of the next line.
has been effaced.
• Read बलिः ?
2 Read 75°.
• Read अब्धि:.
• Read ".

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36 रामतटाकदेवसदनब्रह्मप्रतिष्ठानिधिः काव्यं चे[ परच] 37 [सौख्य ]जनकामंत्तानकास्मत तान् । मा,त्तान् गणनातिव]38 र्ति कतवानासेतुशीताचलं श्रीकृष्णक्षितिपालमौळिसचि39 व[*] श्रोसाळ्वतिम्मप्रभुः ॥ [१५] कौशिकान्वयसंभूतो नादिंड्ल40 कुलशेखरः । अस्ति तिम्मयमंत्रीशस्त्रम्मतमर्वबंध्वष ॥ [१५] 41 कृष्णांबारंध्यती नूनं भर्तृवाक्यमरंधती । अनसूया 42 हि सर्वत्र बनसूयति गण्यते ॥ [१७] नादिंड्डतिम्पयामात्यः
West Face. 43 कळची कृष्णमांबया । 44 तत्त्वावप्पयामात्य45 गोपयामात्यशेखरौ ॥ [१८] 46 जंभबिटकुंभिकुंभइ47 यसचिवशचीचारुवक्षो. 48 जकुंभव्यक्तव्याप्तानुलि49 प्तप्रसमरमसृणक्षोद50 कर्पूरपूर: । यत्कीर्तिः 51 कार्तिकेंषु परिहसति नि52 [:] खेतिमातवादैस्मीयं 53 नादिंड्डयप्पप्रभुमणि54 रखिलस्तुत्यकीर्तिप्रताप: ॥ [१९] 55 'यध्वाटीघोटकोटीखरखु. 56 रदस्तिक्ष्मातलोधूतधूलि.' 57 पाळीपाताळकेळीतधरणित58 ले खड्युग्यस्य बाहुः । जिं. 59 हालाभीलभूभृगुजगप60 खिढी लक्ष्यते "सिध्धसंधैमो61 ये मादिड्डयप्पप्रभुर62 वनिभराधारबाहुप्रतिष्ठः ॥ [२०] 63 गोपो नादिंड्डगोपश्च तुल्या1 Read °निधि. . Read °बंधुषु.
- Read °संघतो. • Read यद्घाटौं.
• Read °लोडूत. • The anustára stands at the beginning of the next line; read formato Read सिद्ध
252

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. VI.
64 विति कथं हुवे । एकसंतान65 वान्पूर्वस्यप्तसंत्तानवान्परः ॥ [२१] 66 एके चाध्यापिता ये वितरण67 नियमान्वेधसा सिंधुचंद्र68 [प्राया जाचं प्रपंवाः कति 69 च पशदृषहारुजात्यातिमू70 ढाः । धत्ते चाध्यापयंस्तान् वि71 तरणनिगमान् गोपयार्यः क72 रेविं कल्प९ कामधेनुं - 73 दि वदनदृशोचंद्रचिंत्ताम74 थी च ॥ [२२] यद्दरिक्षोणिपालप्र- . 75 करपुरमहाचंद्रशाला78 हात्त:श्रीखंडस्तंभy77 भगुजगपरिवृढालीढदेहा78 ईवाहाः । मूर्छन्योहा[:] सूत्र79 उत्तमपदि गतविषा वैनते80 येन सद्यो गोमाग यां81 त्ति सोयं दिनमणि[विनती 82 भाति नादिंडगोपः ॥ [२३] श्रीकृष्ण83 चितिपालमौळिसचिवः श्रीसाव84 तिम्मप्रभुर्जामातर्यवरे धु86 रंधरवरे श्रीगोपमंचीखरे । 86 प्रादत्ताखिलकोंडवीटिनगरी
South Face. 87 सामाज्य[धौरयतां मत्तभावपदातिसैन्यकलितां प. 88 मंकिका' चा[मरे ॥] [२४] [श्रीकृष्णरायन] रनाथशिरःप्रथान: श्रीसास्व89 तिम्मसचिवख[रभागिनेयः । नादिंड्रगोपसचिवो नयतत्व90 वेदी श्रीकोंडवोटिनगरेकधुरंधरीभूत् । [२५] राघवाय १४४२ 91 गणिते शकवर्षे राघवाय रचिताचलपुर्या । वप्रगोपु92 रयुतैर्नवहम्म्यैर्गोपमंचितिलकेन सपर्या । [२१] भाका93 ब्देवियुगाविचंद्रगणिते संवत्सर विक्रमे श्रीक्षणचिति
Bad किका.
' Read 'प्रधानत्रौसाळ्व
+ Rend °वत्त्व

Page #284

KONDAVIDU INSCRIPTION OF KRISHNARAYA.
No. 22.]
94 पालमौळिसचिव : ' श्रीसाक्वतिम्माज्ञया । प्रासादं नव95 भिच हेमकलशैरत्युद्मतं गोपुरप्राकारोत्सवमंट
96 पैरुपचितं श्रीरामभद्राय च ॥ [२७*] ॥ रामायोत्सवविग्र
97 हां कनकाकल्पांच मुक्तावळी मुख्यं चाभरणौघ
98 मुज्वलतरं श्रीकोंडवीटीपुरे । द्वासप्तत्यधिकां नियोग
99 रचनां नादिंड्डगोपप्रभुर्लक्ष्मीनायकसाळ वतिम्प्रवि
100 भवे पुण्याय क्कत्वादिशत् ॥ [ २८* ] ॥ श्रीयन्नवाटिपुरनायक
101 राघवाय श्रीकोंडवीटिसकलाध्वसु मूलवीसान् ।
102 लेंबज्ञेमाद्यमनुपाल्य च मैंदवोलुं श्रीसाळ्वतिमा
103 वचसादित गोपमंत्री ॥ [ २९* ] यावज्जडुसुतात्रियंब
104 कसुताश्रीकृष्णवेण्णापयःपूरास्ते पुनते भुवं च विपुला ' 105 श्रीकोंडवीटीपुरीं । यावत्काव्यसुधांबुराशिलहरी -
106 हेलां विधत्ते कविस्तावत्साकुवतिम्प्रकीर्त्तिलतिका पुष्पात्वज107 स्रं भुवि ॥ [३०] महोपाध्यायपंचाग्निदीचितो द्वादशाहकृत् [1*] 108 लोल्ललक्ष्मीधरो यज्वा 'प्राहैतध्वर्मशासनं । [३१*] श्री श्री श्री । [[*] 109 स्वस्ति श्री ["*] जयाभ्युदयशालिवाहनशकवर्षबुलु १४४२
110 अगुनेंटि विक्रमसंव्वत्सर वैशाख शुध्व' १५ बु । सोमग्रहण
111 पुण्यकालमंदु कोंडवीटि श्रीयज्ञवाटिकारघुनायकुलकु
112 श्रीकृष्णदेवमहारायल साम्राज्यधुरंधर श्रीम
113 न्महाप्रथान' साकुवतिम्मर्सय्यंगारि मेननुडैन कौशिक114 गोत्र आपस्तंबसूत्र यजुः शाखाध्यायुलैन नादिंड116 तिम्मराजुंगारि कुमारंडेन गोपर्सय्यंगार दे116 gनिकि शिखरम् गहिंचि शिखरमंटपगोपुरालु सुत्र117 वलु चेयिंचि प [य] डिकुंडलु येतिंचि तिर
118 बुहुमाबेनु प्राकारमु कहिंचि उत्सवविग्रह [T]119 ल समर्पिचि अम्गरंग्गवैभवालकुंबु अमृतपळ्ल120 [कु]बु उत्मवालकुनु पूर्वान सागि वश्चि[न *] लेंबशेग्राममु 121 सागिंचि मैंदवोलि ग्रामसु समर्पिचि कोंडवीटि
122 सोमलोनु सुंखमुळे सागिन चोटमज्ञानु मूलवीसालु 128 [कों] [वी]डु[कुं]डु वसंतगड लानु पारव्यालानु
1 Read सचिव श्री साळव
• Read प्रातर्म.
eil प्रधान.
• Rend मुख्यलतरं.
• Read शुद्ध.
● Bend सुँकसु.
• Read विपुख
• Zo. बुधवार
237

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238
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
124 [प्प][]कर[व] खानु तिरूमलपर्वता 125 [1] हादि [म]
मोद[[]]न वथि [पो]
[न] [य].. जों[ब]लु को [co]लु आ..
East Face.
126 उप्पु मामिडिकायलु उशि[रि]
127
के कायलु वकायतु इं
पुकायतु मावेन वीनिकि
128
120 [गो ने १ कि घरपैक लेखनु । पेस
130 लु मिनुमुलु सनंगलु उलुव
131 तु कंतु गीधुम
133 बुलु श्रमदासु 133 कारामळ्लु अनुमुलु प्रति
134 चिंत्तपं ' करकाय उगिरि
185 केपष्णु कंद चाम चिरुगड
138 वीनिकि मोने १ कि पत्रक [1] पि
137 स गुमि ति बिलक
श्रा
138 वालु कोत्तगोनेल सलग अक्षं निवोनि [क] गो
1Read पोये. * Ready. Read afar.
139 म्मपंड्लु टेक्काय
140 मे १ कि दामु 141 सुदं संगडि इप्पपू मों142 ठि इनुमु उक्कुटुलुलु वोनिकि
143 गोने १ कि दयालु डुवु [i] मा[मि]
•
[1] वेशसु दूदि [जे]
144 [[डि] तां गोने १ [क] दम [1] मुंड' [1"]
145 पंचधार पोकलु नूलु तम
146 लपाकुलु वीनि गोने १ कि दम्मालु
147 नागु [1] पिप्पलि मिरिया गं.
148 ध करांत जाजिकाय
149 जाजिपत्रि सोसमु तगरमु रा
150 गि वोनि गोने १ कि दम्मालु भारु [1 *] को
151 कल मलगकु पवेल [1] ई मर्याद
[VOL. VI.
• Read °dy. Read मंड.
The anusedra stands at the beginning of the next line. • Rond पैक.

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No. 23.]
RADHANPUR PLATES OF GOVINDA JII.
239
152 नु पक्कंड्रचात मूलवीसालु 153 [इप्पिंचि श्रीमन्महाप्रथान सा154 कुवतिम्मसय्यगारिकिनि वारि दे. 155 वुलु लक्ष्मम्गारिकिबि पुण्यसु156 [ग]ानु नादिंडगोपसय्यंगा157 रु समर्पिचनु । ई धर्मानकु पो. 158 डेराजुलु तेलंगुराजुलु 159 त[पिरा' गंग्गलोनु गोवत्य चेशि160 न दोषान बोवुवार [*] तुरुकरा161 जुलु तप्पिरा पंहि दि[व] दोषा162 न 'बोउवार ॥ एकैव] भगिनी लोके 163 सर्वेषामे [व]' भूभुजां [1] न भोज्य[7] 164 [न] करग्रांद्या देवदत्ता वसंध165 रा ॥ [३२] दानपालनयोर्मध्ये दाना166 छयोनुपालनं॥
No. 23.-RADHANPUR PLATES OF GOVINDA III. ;
SAKA-SAMVAT 730. BY F. KIELHORN, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. This inscription has already been edited, with a translation and a photo-lithograph, in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. VI. p. 59 ff., by the late Professor Bühler, to whom the original plates were lent by the authorities of Radhanpur, & Native State under the supervision of the Political Superintendent of Palanpur, in the Bombay Presidency. As it is considered desirable to issue a true facsimile of this record, I now re-edit it from ink-impressions placed at my disposal by Dr. Fleet, who obtained the original plates on loan from the Political Superintendent of Palanpur in 1884. There is no information as to whom the plates may actually belong to.
The inscription is on two copper-plates the first of which is engraved on one side only. It is incomplete ; the third plate that would have completed it is lost; and so are the ring and seal which probably accompanied the plates. Either plate measures about 114" by 7". Their edges were fashioned thicker than the inscribed surfaces, so as to serve as rims to protect the writing; but the surfaces are a good deal corroded by rust- a fact which was altogether obscured by the manipulated photo-lithograph issued with Professor Bühler's paper in 1877--and some letters, in
.
1 Read 'प्रधान. - Read चेन.
- Read पी • Read सप्पिरा. - Read गोहत्य.
• Read बीवु.. * Ther of or is expressed both by the full and the secondary sign. • Read करवाचा. • Ther of 'पालनयीमध्ये is expressed both by the full and the secondary sigu.

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240
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
consequence, are more or less illegible. The weight of the two plates is 4 lbs. 64 oz. The letters shew through faintly on the back of the first plate; they bear the usual marks of the working of the engraver's tool, throughout. Their size is between about it and ". -The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets. For some of the forms of individual letters attention may perhaps be drawn to the initial á in a-chandr., 1. 51; to si in Véng-isvaró, 1, 34; ja, e.g. in Krishnarajah, 1.3; ja in játu, 1. 8; ñ in kin=n=djn-éva, 1.21, and pancha", 1. 54; tô in bhatóddhatena, l. 11; da in nigada, 1. 24; dha in upagüdha, 1. 2; the subscript » in Krishna', 1.3, and karnná, 1. 7; pha in phalaké, 1. 25; and to the final t, e.g. in bhrajitát, 1. 3. The very rare letter jh, which occurs in wirjjhara, 1. 11, and probably in duvéjha, 1. 47, unfortunately in either case is not very distinct.The language is Sanskrit, but some proper names from the southern vernaculars occur in the formal part of the grant, in lines 41-48. In respect of orthography the following points may be mentioned. The sign for v denotes both v and b; j is used for y in játé, 1. 22; chchha for tsa in udhichchhaya, 1. 22; and the vowel ri is seven times employed for ri, e.g. in -bhay-usrita, 1. 3, and -śriyams, 1. 15. An original final n before a following consonant is generally (altogether 14 times) wrongly changed to anusvára, e.g. in sam (for san), 1. 7, sprishtarán, 1. 12, and tasmin, 1. 21. Visarga is everywhere (permissibly) omitted before following sth, sp and sph, e.g. in trasthala, I. 1, ya sprishtavan, l. 12, and bhúshità sphufams, 1. 19. The rules of samdhi have been frequently neglected, and occasionally an akshara has been omitted by the writer.
The inscription records a grant by the Rashtrakůta king Gôvindaraja [III.], or, as he is called in lines 39-41, the Paramabhaffaraka Maharajadhiraja Parametrara and Prithvivallabha, the glorious Prabhutavarsha, the glorious Srivallabhanarendradeva, who meditated on the feet of the Paramabhatfaraka Maharajadhiraja Paramèsvara, the glorious Dhåråvarshadêve. After the word om, and the well-known verse Sa rôzvyád=Védhasa dháma, it has nineteen verses glorifying the kings Kpishnaraja [I.], his son Dhôra (Dhruva) Nirupama Kalivallabha, and his son Gôvindaraja [III.], the donor of the grant. With the exception of verses 7, 15 and 19, the first half of verse 12, and part of verse 13 of the present inscription, the same verses also occur in the Waņi grant, edited by Dr. Fleet in Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 157 ff.; and all the nineteen verses are found-generally in a very corrupt form, yet with one or two more correct readingsin the Manne grant mentioned in Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. Introduction, p. 5, of which a photograph, received from Mr. Rice, has been lent to me by Dr. Fleet. Verse 9 also occurs in the Sirar inscription, Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 218, lines 2 and 3 of the text. An examination of the language and general style of most of these verses can leave no doubt that their author or authors! for their expressions and poetical devices are greatly indebted to such works as Subandhu's Vasaradatta and Båņa's Kadambari and Harshacharita; and to shew this, I have quoted in the notes on my translation some of the parallel passages which I have collected from those literary works. Regarding the facts recorded in the verses and their historical bearing, I could not add anything of value to what other scholars already have stated; but, concerned as I am with the proper interpretation of the text, I must submit here at least one short remark on the first words of verse 5, which I have found great difficulty in translating and may not perhaps have translated very satisfactorily. The words jyéshth-ollarghana of that verse I have rendered, with reference to Dhôra, by the passing over of his eldest brother,' because, in regard to the moon with which Dhöra is compared, I had to translate the same words subsequently by "after having passed Jyéshtha.' But I would not wish the reader to understand from my translation that the author must necessarily be taken to say that Dhôra immediately succeeded his father, to the exclusion of his eldest brother from the succession. The words of the original text may equally well mean that Dhôra superseded his eldest brother after the latter had succeeded their father, or that he secured the throne for himself by revolting against that brother. The verb ul-langh and
* In the verscs 13 and 19 of the present inscription, their author-if my readings be correct--bns employed construction and form for which analogies way be found in epic poetry, but which are contrary to the rules of classical Sanskrit; see my notes on the text.

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No. 23.)
RADHANPUR PLATES OF GOVINDA III.
241
ullanghana are generally equivalent to ati-kram and atikrama-in fact, I believe our author to have used jyështhållarighana in actual imitation of the expression jyéshphatikrama which occurs in the passage from the Kadambari quoted in my notes- and may well convey the various meanings of the latter. Nor would the circumstance that Dhora's action is compared with a certain proceeding of the moon be at all calculated to enlighten us on what the author meant exactly to express by the word ullarghana, because, in acoordance with the very nature of the figure of $1&sha, that word might denote one thing with regard to the moon, and something quite different in the case of Dhôra. The question, therefore, whether Dhôra immediately succeeded his father, or superseded his eldest brother after the latter had ascended the throne, cannot in my opinion be answered from a consideration of the words under discussion.
The prasasti which is spoken of in the above, and of which a full translation will be given below, is followed in line 38 of the plates by another, very common verse :
(V. 21.) "Having seen that this life, unstable like wind and lightning, is void of substance, he (Govindaraja) has devised this gift to a Brahman, most meritorious on account of a donation of land."
And in the prose passage which follows this verse, the king, here called Prabhatavarsha (1.40) and described as already stated above, in the usual terms issues an order to the Rashtrapatis and other officials, to the effect that, while in residence at Mayůrakhandi (1. 42), on the occasion of a solar eclipse on a date to be given below, he granted the village of Rattajjuņa (or Rattajuña, 11.45 and 49), situated in the Rasiyana bhukti, to Paramêsvarabhatta- & son of Chandiyamma-Gahiyas&hasa, and son's son of Nigaiyyabhatta who dwelt at Tigavi (1. 43), was a member of the community of Trivedins (or students of the three Vedas) of that place, and a student of the Taittiriya Vada, and belonged to the Bharadvaja gôtra- for the purpose of keeping up the so-called five great sacrifices.
The boundaries of the village of Rattajjuna (or Rattajuña) were (1. 45): on the east, the river Sinh ; on the south, VavulAld; on the west, Miriyathana ; and on the north, Varahagråma, the village of Varaha.' And regarding the village it is further stated that it was the village) of certain Brahmang-the chief of whom were Anantavishịubhatta, Vitthuduve(jha P], Goindamma-shadangavid, Savvaibhatta, Chandadibhatta, Kunthanagaibhatta, Madhavairiyappa, Vitthapu, Devanaiyyabhatta, Rêyaiyyabhatta, etc. - Associated with the forty Mahajanas. This latter remark I can only understand to mean that the people mentioned were settled at the village.
From my first note on the translation of verae 5 it will be seen that the commentator of the Nirukts uses ati-kraw with reference to the action of younger brother who had himself crowned to the entire exclusion of his eldest brother from the succession. But atikrama in jodohth-dlikrama quoted ibid. from the Kadambart is understood by the commentator merely to mean the transgression of the commands' (nirdet-ollanghang) of an eldent brother. Similarly, atidrama is explained by dja-dlikrama in the commentary on Yajfiavalky, II. 232; and in Mann, 111. 63, brahmandlikrama in translated by violence to Brahmana' and 'irreverence to Brahmapas, while the different commentators on Mana paraphrase atikrama here by adhikahdp-ddi, tiraskdroddi, and apájana.
Galiyandhaus apparently is equivalent to ghaides which we have in the names Prabhakara-ghaindia and Vdaiyana-ghaindia, above, Vol. III. p. 216, I. 11 of the text, and in other names, eg. in Ind. Anl. Vol. VII. p. 306, and Vol. XIV. pp. 71 and 72. Ghaidea is family name now found among Chitpavan Brabmans ; See Dr. Bhandarkar's Early History of the Dekka., p. 126.
The word affixed to the Dext name, shadanganid, knowing the six Vadinga,' shews that the word affixed to the name Viffe most probably is some equivalent of the Sanskrit deindda or doirdin, 's student of two Vada. ;' but I know no rule by which either could become dveljha. In the Wan grant, Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 169, 1. 38, we have dweddi. for dvioldi., and elsewhere (ibid. Vol. XIV. p. 71. II. 1 and 2) occur deddi And duod. The last might suggest Vifthu-duod, but I do not see my way to connect the akılara jha (if it is really correct). with the following proper name which, standing for Gbyindamma, Grindamma (dvinda ppa), seems unobjectionable.
Above. Vol. V. p. 10, note 2, Dr. Fleet has stated that the Mahdjanar ef village were the collective body of the Brabmans of the village. I cannot reconcile this statement with the circumstance that the present inscription speaks of the Brühmags of the village as associated with (or accompanied by the forty Mandjande.
21

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242
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
Of the localities mentioned in the preceding, Råsiyana, from which the bhukti was named in which the village granted was situated, has been already identified by Prof. Bühler with the modern Råsin, a town in the Ahmadnagar Collectorate of the Bombay Presidency, the Raseen' of the Indian Atlas, sheet No. 39, in lat. 18° 26', and long. 74° 59'. The village granted, Battajjuņa or Rattajuna, is identified in the Gazetteer of the Bombay Pres. Vol. XVII. p. 352, with the village of Rátájan,' the Rátanjan of the Postal Directory, and 'Ratunjun' of the Indian Atlas, sheet No. 39, about 24 miles north-north-east of 'Raseen.' It lies on the western bank of the river Sina (Seena') which is the Sinh& river of the grant. Three miles almost exactly south of it is 'Baboolgaon,' the Vavulla of the grant; and a little more than two miles west of
Ratunjun' we find Meerujgaon,' which must be Miriyathina. Lastly, the name of Varaha-gråma which was north of Rattajjuộa survives in the names Wargaon' and 'Wargaonkota-che,' which are found in the Indian Atlas, sheet No. 39, eight and five miles respectively north by west of 'Ratunjun. Tigavi, the place of residence of the grantee's grand-father and most probably his own, is suggested by Dr. Fleet to be Tugaon,' a village about eight miles north-east by north of Sangamner, the 'Sungumner of the Indian Atlas, sheet No. 38; it would be distant about 80 miles north-west by north from Ratunjan.'- On. Mayûrakhandi whence the grant was issued, see Dr. Fleet's Dynasties, p. 396.
As has been already stated, the grant was made on the occasion of a solar eclipse; and the date on which this eclipse took place is given (11. 53 and 54) as the new-moon tithi of the dark half of Śrävana in the (Jovian) year Sarvajit and the Saka year 730 (given in words only). I have already had occasion to shew- see Ind. Ant. Vol. XXIII. p. 131, No. 108, and compare Vol. XXV. pp. 267, 269 and 292—that this date for Saka-Samvat 730 expired corresponds to the 27th July A.D. 808, when there was a total eclipse of the sun, visible in India. At Råsin the greatest phase of this eclipse was about 5 digits, and the moment of the greatest phase was shortly after true sunrise. The year Sarvajit can be connected with the date only by the so-called northern system, because by the strict mean-sign system Sarvajit had ended on the 26th May A.D. 808, and by the southern system Sarvajit corresponds to Saka-Samvat 730 current.
The second plate ends with the usual admonition not to obstruct the grantee in the enjoyment of this grant, and the missing third plate may be assumed to have contained some similar remarks and & number of benedictive and imprecatory verses.
I consider it unnecessary to publish a full translation of the proge part of this inscription; as regards my translation of the introductory verses, I can only say :- Yatné kşité yadi na sidhyati ko 'tra doshah?
TEXT.
First Plate. Om [1] Sa* v- vyad-Vedhasa dhama yan-nabhi-kamalam kritam [1]
Haral=cha yasya kant-endu-kalagâ kam-alamkṣitam [ll 1*] Bhûpô=bhavada
vri(bři)had-urasthala-raja2 måna-bri-kaustubh-ayata-karair=upagadba-kapthah [1] Satyanvito vipula-chakra
vinirjit-&richakro-pyakpishmacharito bhu
1 See the Gasetter of the Bombay Pres. Vol. XVII. p. 784. • From an impression supplied by Dr. Fleet.
• Denoted by a symbol. • Metre : sloks (Anashtubb).
Metre: Vasentatilaka. • Originally the sign of anxiodra was engraved aboro ka, bat it has been struck out again

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No. 23.]
3 vi Krishnarajaḥ [|| 2*] 1 Pakshachchheda-bhay-âśri(ri) t-âkhila-mahâbhûbhṛitkulabhrâjitât durlamghyâd-aparair-anêka-vimala-bhrajishņu
4 ratn-ânvitat [1] yas-Chalukya-kulâd-anûna-vivu (bu) dha-vrât-âśrayo vâridhêr= Lakshmin (m)-Mandaravat-sa-lilam-achirâd-akrishṭavâmn-Vallabhah [ 8*]
5 Tasy-abhût-tanayah pratapa-visarair-åkrânta-digmapḍalah champḍâmsoḥ sadriśô=py= achandakarata-prahlâdita-kshmåtalaḥ [1] Dhôrô
RADHANPUR PLATES OF GOVINDA III.
6 dhairya-dhand vipakaha-vanità-vaktrimvu(mba)ja-dri-hard hardkritya yad[0] yadlyam anisam dig-nâyikabhir-dhritam [ 4 ] Jyêshth-8[1]lamghana
7 jatay=âpy-amalaya lakshmyâ samêtô-pi sam yô-bhûn-nirmala-mandala sthiti-yutô dôshakaró na kvachit [1] karpp-âdhasthita-dâna-sam
8 tati-bhrito yasy-ânya-dân-adhikam dânam vikshya su-la[j]jita iva disâm prânte sthita diggajah [ll 5] Anyair-na jâtu vijitam guru-saktisâram-akrânta-bhûtalam-ananyasamâna-mânam [1] yên-êha va(ba)ddham= avalokya chiraya Gamga[m]
9
10 daram sva-nigraha-bhiy-êva Kalih prayâtaḥ [116] "Ekatr=âtma-va(ba)lêna vå[r]inidhin-âpy-anyatra rudhva ghanam nishkrishta [si]-10
11 bhat-ôddhatêna viharadgråh-âtibhîmêna cha [1]
mâtamgån=madavâri-nirjjhara
muchaḥ prâpy-ânatât-Pallavât
12 tach=chitram mada-lêsam-apy-anudinam
ya sprishṭavam na kvachit [|| 7*] [Hêla]-svi kri]ta-Gauḍa-rajya-kamala-mattam pravêsy-âchirât's du13 rmårgam maru-madhyam-aprativa (ba)lair-yo Vatsarajam va(ba)lai[b] [*] Gaudiyam saradindu-pâda-dhavalam 13chchhatra-dvayain kêvala[m] tasman-n=âhri14 ta tad-yasô=pi kakubham prantê sthitam tatkshanât [118] 14Lavdha (bdha)pratishtham-1achiraya Kalim sudaram-utsârya suddha-charitair-ddhara
15 pi-talasya [1] kritvå punaḥ Kritayuga-śri(śri) yam-apy-asêsham chitram katham
Nirupamaḥ Kali-vallabhô-bhût [19] 16Prabhûr-dhairyavatab
16 tatô Nirupamâd-indur-yatha vâridhêḥ suddh-âtma paramêsvar-ônnata-siraḥ-saṁsaktapadaḥ sutaḥ [1] padm-ânandakaraḥ
17 pratapa-sahitô nity-ôdayaḥ sônnatôḥ pûrv-ådrêr-iva
Govindarajaḥ satam [110] Yasmi[m]17 sarva
18 gun-âérayê kshitipatau śri-Rasht[r]akût-ânvayo jâtê Yadavavamsavan-Madhuri [på"]v= asid alamghyah paraih [1] drisht-Asa
Second Plate; First Side.
19 vadhayaḥ kritsyndris dânêna yên [8]ddhat sphulamiti peatyarthi[no-p]y-sethin[0]-py-may-ka-0
1 Metre of verses 3-5: Śardůlavikriḍita.
Read 'sitarán.
Metre: Vasantatilaka.
243
bhânumân-abhimatô
muktárvibh[shit&]1
Read -bhrdjitdd Read an
Read labehanddmíðḥ.
7 Metre of verses 7 and 8: Sardalavikriḍita.
This reading is quite certain; Prof. Bühler read -vakéna.
Read ruddhed.
10 Nishkrishtdei- is the reading of the Manne grant. Prof. Bühler's text has wishkrishṭdri-, and the photo lithograph actually has the akshara ri at the end of line 10; but, so far as I can judge, that akshara was never really engraved, and owes its presence solely to Prof. Bühler's conjectural reading.
11 Road #prishtavdana. Prof. Bühler has suggested the reading yat-sprishta, but this alteration of the original text seems to me unnecessary.
13 Read #dchirdd=.
1 Read chhattra..
14 Metre: Vasantati'aka.
15 Originally the sign of anusvára was engraved above shṭha, but it has been struck out again.
16 Metre of verses 10-20: Sardalavikriḍita.- Read prabhad-dhairyavatas.
17 Read garmin,
18 Read kritdh susadrid.
I should have expected "bhushand; but the plate seems really to have "bhúshitd, which is the reading of the Want and Manne grants.
Read arthindm [ 11] Fasyadkára.
21%

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
20 m-amânusha tři(tri)bhuvana-vy&patti-raksh-ôchitam Krishṇasy=êva nirikshya
yachchhati pitary-aikadhipatyam bhuvah [10] &atâm tâta ta21 v-aitad=apratihatå dattá tveyå kanthikâ kin=n=&jõ=éva maya dhfitêti pitaram
yuktam vachô yô=bhyadhật [ll 12"] Tasmim svarga22 vibhUshaņaya janakê jA(ya)td yasausêahat&m=kibh dya samudyatâm vasumata
sarháram=Adhichchhaya: [1] vichchhâyámh 23 sahasa vyadhatta mripatin=ék8=pi yo dvådaśa khyâtân=apy=adhika-pratâpa
visaraiḥ samyartakd=rkan-iva (ll 13°] Yên=24 tyanta-dayalun=&tha nigada-klesad-apåsy=&yatât sva desam gamitô=pi darpa
visaråd=yaḥ pratikalyd sthitaḥ [lo] yê25 vanuna bhrutu(ku) lalâţa-phalakê yasy=ônnate lakshyatė vikshêpêņa vijitya
tâvad=achirad=va (ba)ddhah sa Gamgaḥ punaḥ [ll 14"] San26 dhøy-Asa sillmukhårn SVA-samayam v&(ba)påsanasyOpari praptam varddhita
vam(bar)dhujiva-vibhavam padm-Abhivriddhy-anyi27 tam [*] sannakshatram=udikshya yaṁ sarad-situṁ parjanyavad-Gürjarô nashtaḥ
kv=&pi bhayât-tatha na samaram va- . 28 pne=pi paśyed=yatha (ll 15*] Yat-pâdâpatim&trak-aika-sara &m=Alokya lakshmi[no]
nijêr dürán=MAlava-na29 yako naya-paró yam prâŋamat=pråmjalih [lo] ko vidvå? valin sah=
Alpa-va(ba)laka sparddham vidhatté param ni30 tês=tad-dhi phalam yad=&tma-parayõr-adhikya-sarvédanar (Il 16°] Vindhy
Adreh katakd nivishta-katakam śrutvå charair-yam nijaib svar dêsam 31 samupågatam dhruvam=iva jñåtv[&] bhiya prêritaḥ [1] Mar[ase]rva
mahipatir-drutam=[ag"]&d=apraptapūrvaiḥ paraib yasy-échchham-832 nakalayam 0 kula-dhanaiḥ pâdau praņāmair=api [ll 17*] Nitva Sribhavané
ghanåghana-ghana-vyåpt-&mva(ba)råm právfisham tasma33 d=ågatavám saman nija-va(ba)lair=8-Tumgabhadra-tatar [1] tatra-sthaḥ
svakara-sthitam-api punar=na(ni)þódsham=&krishtavår vikshépairaapi 34 chitram=Anata-ripur-yah Pallavånam śpi(fri)yam (Il 18°] Lékhâhâra-mukhôdit
Arddha-vachasa yatr=sitys Vêng-lsvarð nityam kimkaravad-vya
Read tarnis,
Kead samudyatda. From the St. Petersburg Dietionary it will be seen that wdyata, abhyudyata, praty. udyata, samudyata, eto, occur in various epic and parkņio texts were we should have expectrd udgata, oto. The case is the name with the word samudyatd. in the present passage. Here the fact that the twelve princes are compared with twelve muna sbewa beyond a doubt - see the passages which will be quoted in connection with the translation of the verse that we want a word which means "risen," and this could only be samagatda. I prefer this explanation to the Assumption that samudyalás might bave been erroneously put by the writer for samudyató (from sam-ud-i).
Originally asumati was engraved, but the siga of anwee dra clearly is struck out. In the two akaharas mddhi the d of md also looks as if it had been struck out, and dhi may perhape bave been altered, but I do not see what alteration could be resorted to. As the Madne grant actually has earumatt-sah dramaddhitrayd- the Want grant, omitting part of the verse, has varom all sodkó-pi yo deddaia-1 adopt the same reading also for the present grant, but it should be stated that the construction of noun substantive like ddhited (derived from the Desiderative) with the accurative case, thongh not unknown in epic poetry, is contrary to the strict rules of classical Sanskrit. Pruf Speijer in his Sanabrit Syntar quotes a.g. Mandbadrata, 1. 113, 21, jiglahayd malin, with the desire of conquering the earth." • Read Dichohhdydns.
. Read mukhda • Read aydns.
7 Reed vidednabalind. • Originally pard was engrayal, but the vowel d. of the second syllable appears certainly to have been streek out. . Read parair.
19 Rend külayan, 1 Rend tavana.
1 krad shavde.

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Radhanpur Plates of Govinda III.-Saka-Samvat 730.
+ M
6
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J. F. FLEET.
SCALE •54

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No. 23.]
RADHANPUR PLATES OF GOVINDA III.
245
35 dhad-avirataḥ karma svašarm-êchchhayâ [*) váhyalf-vritir=asya yêna
rachita vyðmagra-lagn=a[ra]chat råtran mauktika-mali36 kam-iva vritas mûrddhasthn-tari-ganaih (il 19°] Samtråsât-para-chakra-rajakam
agåttatparva-sêvåvidhib. vyavaddh-Amjali. 37 sôbhitêka(na) Saranam mardhn& yad-amhri (hri)-dvayar [1] yad-yad-datta
parårddhya-bhúshaya-ganair="n=alamkritam [ta]t-tatha må bhaishi
Second Plate; Second Side. 38 rriti satya-pålita-yaśasthitya yatha tad-girátó (ll 20) Tên=edam=anila
vidya[ch]-chamchalam=&valokya jivitam-asarath [1] kehiti39 dåna-paramapapyaḥ pravartit8 vra (bra)hma-dâyð=yam [ll 21"] Sa cha
paramabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja-paramèsvara-grima40 d-Dhåråvarshadêva-pådânudhyâta-paramabharamabhattâraka-maharajadhiraja-parame
Svara-prithvivala(lla)bha-grimat-Prabhu41 tavarsha-sri-Árivallabhanarendradêvab kusali sarv&n=8va yatha-samvadhyamânakâm'
rashtrapati-vishayapati-grâmakatakayu.10 42 ktaka-niyuktak-adhikarika-mahattar-Adin'l samadišaty-astu vah samviditam yatha
sri-Mayurakhandi-samavåsite - 43 na may måtâpitrôr=&tmanag=ch=aihik-&mushmika-puộya-yabô-bhivșiddhayê 112
Tigavivastavya-18ta[t]traividyasåmânya-Te(tai)ttiriya44 4yasayra(bra)hmachå ri-Bharad v & jasagotra-N & g&iy ya bhatta-p&utraya
16 Chandiyammagahiyasi hasa-putraya Paramêsvarabha45 ttaya Råsiyanabhukty-antargataḥ Rattajjuna-nama-gråmah tasya ch=åghatanani
parvatab Sinha nadi dakshiņataḥ Va
Read drachada. Instead of rachat, Prof Rūbler's text has sa chét, and in the photo-lithograph the first akshare of the group is figured as no But in the original plate that akshans is very different from what it has been represented to be in the photo-lithograph in the Ind. Ant., and certainly is not na. It looks like a nu, the w of which, as is shewn by the back of the paper impression, may have been struck out; the Munne grant aleo, after lagnd, has ruchan. The consonant of the second akshara of the group is ch, with a mark above it which Prof. Bühler has taken to be the siga ford; but that mark is so far away from the ch, and differs so much from the sign for é generally here used, that I regard it as an accidental scratch. At any rate, I am convinced that, it was really engraved, it has been struck out. The actual rending therefore is-lagndruchat or lagndrachat, and I adopt the latter becanse in drachat we obtain a verb that may gorern the following accusative care mouktika. mdlikám which otherwise, like Tribankn, would stand in the air - derived from the root rach which is frequently found in construction with mold, ' s garland. Compare e.g. Harshaob. p. 167, rachita-mun damdlaka; Kdd. p. 189, odakpajalapindubhiradrachitdth sphafikdkakamalikdm; and Dalakwadrach., Prof. Bühler's 2nd ed., p. 45, drachita-murijamdla, one wbo has 1889 med a beautiful garland. The difficulty which remains in, that in classical Sanskrit rach is ront of the 10th class - compare e.g. Harshach. p. 158, lavangamdld rachay antibih- and that our nathor, in writing drachat, would have used a form for which so analogy could be found only in epic poetry. For this compare the construction of dahilad, above, p. 244, note 3.
• Originally mauktiks. was engraved, but the superscript & has been struck out.
Prof. Bühler gives dhşitd, which would be a possible reading. • Read oidhi-nyábaddk.
Between wai and end another akshara may have been originally engraved. • Read tad-gird.
Metre: Arya.
• Read.paramabhaftáraka, . Read - sambadhyamának dx= 10 Read .grdmakat-dyw. 11 Read .dd4n-ramddifati | Antu. 11 This mark should be struck out, and may have been struck out already in the original.
11 Prof. Bühler rond the name of the village TVgasri, but in the impression I fail to recognise any sign of causedra over the word.
14 The akılara ya has been wrongly repeated bere and should be struck out.
* Originally the sign of asusodra seems to have been engraved over the first ya of this word. Prof. Bühler read the name Chandriyamma'.
16 Here and in other places below the rules of sandki bave not been observed,

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216
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[Vol. VI.
46 vuld18 palchimataḥ Miriyathaņa attarataḥ Varaha-gramaḥ évam=ayam
chaturâghatan-Ôpalakshitaḥ tathi A. 47 Snantavippu(shņu)bhatta-Vitthuduve[jha). Gdinda[m]mashadam ga [v]i[tP5 ]
Savvaibhatta-Chandadibhatta-Kunthana gaibhatta-Madha48 vairiyappu-Vitthapu-Devapaiyyabhatta-Rêyaiyyabhatt-êty-êvamádi-pramukhân å min (9 år)
vrå (bra)hmana49 når chatvarimsad-mahajana-samanvitânam Rattajuņa-grâmah s-ódramgaḥ sa.
parikarab sa50 dasåparadhah sa-bh atópåtta pratyåyah s-Otpadyamånavishți kaḥ, sa-dhanyahirapykdėyab
8-chata51 bhata-právēsyaḥ sarva-råjakiyânâm=a-hastaprakshêpapiyaḥ &-chandr-arkk-årņnava
kshiti-sarit-parvata52 samakâlinah putra-pautr-Anvaya-kram-6pabhôgyah půrvapratta-devayrå bra)hmadáya
rahitd=bhyantarasi[do]dhya bhů. 53 michchhidra-nyâyêna Sa[ka]nfipakal-atite-samvatsara-sateshu
saptasu trim(trim)sad-uttaréshu Sarvajin-nämni samvat[sa]54 rê Sravana-vahula emâvâsyam
am suryagrahaņa-parvaội
suryagrahaņa-parvaņi v a(ba)li-charuvaisya(sva)dév-ågnihôtra-pañchamahayajña-8 55 krikri)y.tsarpapartham snkty=&dy=8dak-&tisargêņa pratip&ditah [1] Yato-sy-chitaya
vra(bra)hmadâya-sthitya 56 bhumjatô bhojayataḥ kṣisható karshayataḥ pratidišatô vå na kaischid-alp=&pi
paripamthanå karya
TRANSLATION OF VERSES 1-20. Om. (Verse 1.) May He protect you the lotus of whose navel was made by Brahmå into his own abode, and Haral too, whose head is adorned by the lovely crescent of the moon!
(V. 2.) There was on the earth a king Krishnaraja, whose neck was clasped by the outstretched hands of Fortunell shining on his broad chest, who was gifted with truth,' and who by his large armies defeated the armies of opponents-(and who thereby was like the god Krishộa] whose neck is hidden by the long rays of the Kaustubha gem glittering on his broad chest, who is united with Satya, and who with his broad disc defeats hosts of enemies- yet whose deeds were not like Krishna'gl [i.e. whose deeds were not black (krishna)].
1 Prof. Bühler rend the name Vadaha., but the second akshara undoubtedly is ra. • Prof. Bübler read evanades. . In the names in this line and the next Prof. Bübler read 14 aksharas differently.
• I am not absolutely certain that the akshara in brackets is really jha in the original, bat it certainly looks more like jha than anything else. See above, p. 241, note 8.
• Very probably this final # was engraved above the line, between ci and sa, where the impression and the accompanying collotype shew a kind of blot wbich bas been carefully effaced in the photo-lithograph accompanying Prof. Bubler's paper. . Originally - kramómpabhogyaḥ was engraved.
Read-badul-dndedeydin. . Before this word one would have expected to read, as in the Wani grant, -dgnihotrodlithi.. . I.e. Visbņu.
20 I.e. siva. 1) Referred to the king, brf-kaustubha would literally mean Fortune (as bright as) the Kanstubba gem,' and referred to the god Kţishna it might mean either the glorions Kaustubha gem' or Lakshmi and the Kaustubha gem. Similar compounds are most common; and so is the idea that Fortune rests on a king's breast.
13 Satydnvita satya + anvita and Satyd + annita, and Satyd is a shorter form of the name Satyabhamd, denoting one of Krishna's wives. Compare Vda. p. 122, Krishna isa satyabhamópatah, he was endowed with trutb (satya), spendour (bhd), and fortune (md), and therefore like Kțishna who is united with Satyabhama.'
1 Only for those who are not familiar with the devices of Indian poets, I would state that these words are by no means intended either to convey any censure of the god Krishna, or to draw a distinction between that god and the king. Tbe poet merely employs the figure of speech termed virodha (or virodhdbhdra). In saying that

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(V. 3.) Aided by the total number of his wise men, He easily and swiftly drew to himself, Vallabha as he was, Fortune from the Chalukya family, which was illustrious because all the families of great monarchs resorted to it from fear of being shorn of their partisans, was difficult to be thwarted by others, and possessed of many stainless brilliant treasures:-- just as the Mandara mountain, supported by the whole assemblage of the gods, easily and swiftly drew Lakshmi forth from the sea which glittered with the throng of all the great mountains that had sought refuge with it from fear of having their wings clipt, is difficult to be crossed by others, and full of many flawless sparkling gems.
(V. 4.) He had a son who though like the cruel-rayed sun which with the intensity of its ardour torments the quarters all around, he dominated the circle of the regions by the excess of his prowegs- yet delighted the dwellers of the earth by his mild taxation : Dhora, who, setting store by fortitude only, robbed of their beauty the lotus-faces of his opponents' wives, (and) whose fame the guardian mistresses of the quarters incessantly wore as their garland.
(V. 5.) United with Fortune unblemished, even though attained by the passing over of his eldest brother, (and thereby like the moon] when she shines with a pure lustre even after having passed Jyêshtha, yet (surpassing the moon, whose orb is not spotless, who was wanting in continence, and is ever the maker of night'] He kept those around him free from blemish, was endowed with steadfastness, and noways a source of vice.7 Seeing that His liberality exceeded the
Krisbnaraja was like the god Krishna, and that yet his deeds were not like Krishna's, be expects the reader to reconcile the two apparently contradictory statements by taking the second of them to mean that his deeds were not black. Compare Kdd. (hero and below, except when otherwise stated, Prof. Peterson's edition), p. 10, ati. fuddha-svabhavam api krishna-charitam, although bis character was very pure, bis deeds were black' (1.., really, his deeds were like Krishna's).
The compound ending with diraya I of course take as a Bahavribi. For the double meaning of vibudha compare Vas. p. 14, Merur ina vibudidlayah, he was a home of the learned, and therefore like the Meru which is the habitation of the gods.'
By the way in which the poet pointedly places the word Vallabhah, at the end of the verse, and in close proximity to the word dkrishtavdn, I understand bin to suggest that Krishnaraja, just because be was Vallabha, had a right, or was particularly qualified, to draw to himself Fortape from the Chalukya family. And be had this right or qualification, and Fortune came to him willingly, because he was the favourite of Lakshmi, friy 6 vallabhah, as he is called in another inscription (above, Vol. III. p. 107, 1. 26 of the text).
Ratna,' s jewel,' may be used to denote any possession of great value (ratnan freshthe mando-api' iti Vivah). The epithet ratna-vildaha-budy in the Raghuvan la, XVI. 1, is explained by ta tlachchhrlehtha-vastubhdgin. In Kdd. p. 80, the pripoo Chandrápida looks apon the horse Indrayudha sent to him by his father as one of the king's sakalatribhupana-durlabhani ratndni; and in the gloss on Harshack. p. 142, borses, elephants and a beutiful woman are enumerated among the mahd-ratudni of monarchs.
Compare Harolach. p. 109: the king Pushpabhati (Pashyabhati) was Mandaramaya ina lakshmisamdkarshand.
In Kad. p. 90, the author describes the royal palace as ndadhim ina bhayantahpravishta-sapakshabhumibhrit-sahasra-nathulam.
• Or by the leniency with which he took tribute from those whom he had subjugated.
In this first half of the verse the poet uses the figure of oyatirdka. In one respect Dhôra was like the moon bat in others be surpassed that laminary. The clouds generally begin to gather and to hide the moon at the beginning of the month of Asbadha- compare the Meghadáta, v. 2, Lahadhasya prathama-divasd mégham aflishta-adwuh... dadaria- which follows immediately upon Jyaichtba; yet occasionally the moon may be clearly visible even in the rainy sonson. Similarly, it has ever been considered sinful for younger prince to set aside in the succession compare Nirukta, II. 10, adharmas toayd charito jylahthar bhrdtaram antarity abhishdohitam, where antaritya in paraphrased by atikramya-or generally to act in opposition to an elder brother ; vet in the case of Dhors who was guilty of such conduet, bis action-the wording of the verse does not make it certain wherein it exactly coasisted - and the personal advantage derived from it, were regarded as free from blemish. On the other hand-80 the poet saggets the moon's orb always bas a dark spot; (in carrying off Brihaspati's wifo Tara, though he bad many beatiful wives of his own) the Moon was wanting in continence; and the very name dandkara-really the maker of night'-of the moon shews its possessor to be 's mine of vice." Dhöra's qualities on the contrary, as may be seen from the translation, were the very reverse of all these blemishes.As regards partioulars, compare in the first instance Kdd. p. 56, fafind jy&shthátikraman; in Tarapida's reiga

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liberality of others, while their own practice of liberality lagged behind that of Karnal [se. while the stream of their rutting-juice flowed beneath their ears (karna)], the elephants of the quarters, utterly a bashed as it were, posted themselves at the confines of the quarters.
(V. 6.) The Kali age-witnessing how the Ganga, who, of consummate strength, had never been conquered by others, and who, having overrun the face of the earth, was filled with unparalleled conceit, at last by Him was imprisoned-fled far away, for fear, as it were, of being chastised in its own body.
(V. 7.) Having closely hemmed in the Pallave, on the one side by his army abounding in warriors with drawn swords, and on the other by the sea fearful with sporting sbarks, and having received from him, bent in submission, elephants shedding streams of rutting-juice, He, strange (to record), day after day touched never even an atom of rutting-juices [s.e. He betrayed never even an atom of pride).
(V. 8.) By his matchlegs armies having quickly driven into the trackless desert: Vatsarija who boasted of having with ease appropriated the fortune of royalty of the Gauda, He in a moment took away from him, not merely the Gauda's two umbrellas of state, white like the rays of the autumn moon, but his own fame also that had spread to the confines of the regions.
(V. 9.) Since by the pure conduct of the dwellers of the earth He swiftly drove far away the Kali age that was established here, and completely reinstated the glory of the golden age, it is marvellous how Nirupama came to be Kali-vallabha, 'the Favourite of the Kali age.'
(V. 10.) As the moon, whose rays cling to Paramêsvara's lofty head, emerges bright from the sea, and as the sun, causing joy to the lotus, day by day rises brilliant from the high orient mount, so from that Nirupama, firm of character, was born a son of pure disposition, whose feet
the moon indeed passed Jyêshtha, but otherwise there was not found on the earth any jy&shthatikrama, i.e. overstepping or, as the commentator puts it, transgression of the commands (wird bióllanghana) of an eldest brother. For the moon's bebaviour towards Bțihaspati's wife compare Vda. p. 273, Gurudára.grahara doijardjl 'karot; Harshach. p. 97, dejandra raja Guruddra-grahanam akdraht and especially the beautiful story told ibid. p. 281. For dbaha, 'vice, and dood, 'night,' see ag. Kád. p. 37, gharmak dla-divasa iva kahapita-bahn-db.hah, he had subdued many vices, and was therefore like a summer day which shortene the long night;' and for the double meaning of mandala compare Vás. p. 189, murájéna rakta-mandalah... rajanipatih, where mandala is paraphrased by bimba, 'orb,' and amdtyddi-samitha, the collection of ministers etc.
The adjective ending with antatibhrita can only be taken to qualify diggajdh. Employed in accord. ance with the figure of kdeyalinga, it gives the poet's reason why the elephants were ashamed and retired to the confines of the quarters. The king': liberality exceeded that of all others, theirs was inferior at any rute to that of Karna. Karna is well-known as a pattern of munificence. For the double meaning of the word karna compare V ds. p. 62, Suy dhana-dhritim iva karna-vibranta-Idohandm, 'her eyen extended to her ears (karna), and she there. fore was like Say dhana's firmness which left him when he saw Karna;' for that of dana, ibid. p. 74, matta. matanga iva ... adharikrita dana, "he eclipses the liberality of others), and is therefore like a rutting elephant whose ruttiug-juice is flowing down;' Kdd. p. 90, diggajam ipadpichchhinna mahdddna-santánam; etc.
The ordinary Sanskrit expression for to draw the sword is st-khan, and the dictionaries give no qnotation to shew that nish-krish has the same meaning; but the latter verb is used e.g. in Harshach. p. 130, miakrisha mandaldgran, with drawn swords.'
1 In Harshach. p. 220, it is similarly said of Skandagupta, the commandant of Harsha's elephant trop : dtmastha-samasta-matta-mdtanga-sddhanó 'py asprishto mad Ana, with a whole army of rutting elepants at bis disposal, he was yet untouched by rut' (i.. presumption compare Prof. Cowell's Translation).
• Or Maru country' (Mirvad); and the king of the Vatsas.'
5 Beneath the role of Prabb karavardhang 'the golden age (kpita-yuga) seemed to bud forth in close packed lines of sacrificial poste, the evil time (kali) to flee in the smoke of sacrifices meandering over the sky i' see Harshach. p. 188, and Prof. Cowell's Translation.
1.e. Siva's. For the double meaning of paramdinara compare e.g. Harshach. p. 162, iddnih tu falles firasd paramétearn-dai nodlanyó jdtah, 'but now you are one to be rapported by the king, like the moon by Paramesvars (Siva), on his bead for that of pada, ibid. p. 215, kaldpa/Indt firas faralsanitées laldiantapas prayae holka pdda-nyded, like the autumn sun, set your forehead-burning footsteps (rays) upou the heads of kinge (the tops of wountains).'

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rest on the prond heads of monarchs, who causes delight to millions,' is endowed with valour and ever rising-- Govindaraja, the beloved of the good.
(V. 11.) When this king, the resort of all that is excellent, was born, the glorious Rashtrakûts lineage became unsurpassable by others, as the Yadava clan did on the birth of Madhu's foe ; & king who-causing haughty adversaries to seek the confines of the regions and to relinquish food and ornaments by his harassment - clearly made even them quite like unto the suppliants, who see their desires granted to the full and are adorned with pearl-strings by his munificence.
(V. 12.) When, seeing his superhuman form, like that of Krishna, fit to ward off calamity from the three worlds, his father offered to him the sole sovereignty of the earth, He addressed to him the seemly words : "Let it be, dear father! This is yours. Have I not worn, like a command unchallenged, the necklet (of heir apparent)* which you have given to me?"
(V. 13.) When, to adorn the heavens, that father of his had gone to that state where nothing but his glory was left, He, though unaided, by the profusion of his superior splendour at once deprived of their lustre the twelve princes, famous though they were, who jointly rose with the desire of appropriating his land, just as the world-destroying fire does to the twelve sungé which rise together to bring about the destruction of the earth.
(V. 14.) Afterwards, when in his infinite compassion He had released the Ganga from the long suffering of captivity and sent him to his own country, and when that Ganga in the excess of his arrogance nevertheless continued in hostility, He, even before a frown appeared on his high broad forehead, defeated him by a raid and again threw him into prison.
(V. 15.) As the rains cease on the approach of the starry season of autumn, which, having quickly placed its bees on bana and asang flowers, enhances the beauty of the bandhujiva flower
The word padma, in the sense in which I take it here, denotes really 1,000 millions or billions ; compare sbove, Vol. V. p. 120, note 6.
1.6. the god Vishņu-Krishna.
: Commentators would paraphrase dana, as used here, by khandana and vitaran. Passages in which the word is similarly employed aro Vás. p. 11, Nrisimha ina darfita-kiranya kalipukaldtra.ddna-viomayah, he caused astonishment by granting gold, food and clothing, and land, and was therefore like the Man-lion (Vishņa) who did so by mangling the body of Hiranyakasipn;' and p. 12R, lakshaddna-chyutih adyahandm, missiles failed to hit their aim- the bestowal of lacs (of money) never failed.' - The word dit often conveys the two inessings which it has in this verse; see e.g. darlitdia in the verse in Edd. p. 149. With multdhdrao one may compare pimuktakdra in the verse ibid. p. 12.
On kanthikd see above, Vol. V. p. 138, note 2.
These twelve sans are mentioned frequently: compare e.g. Vás. p. IRO, pralayakdlódita-doddalaradi. kiranakalpa-duravirahgsidahyamd ndn atilepildis riprendo ina tasuta bibhratt; and Bars hach. p. 209, kshava-dicara in-dita-doddaladinakara-durnirikahya-mirtih.
So the word vikahda is translated in my opinion, correctly) by Prof. Cowell in Harekach. p. 170, adharmavikahdpairiea lunghitam, neked by the raids of demerit;' and the saine meaning in addition to its ordinary Benne) the word even more clearly has in Kud. p. 107, dørasthildny-api phaldsefva danda vikalpair maldkuldni idtayanti, by the raids of their troops they humble great families, even though they be far away, as by throwing sticks one brings down fruit that grows on a bigb (true). Compare below, v. 18.
To make it convey this meaning, I take bandana of course as a Dvandva compound. The band and asans Alowers are mentioned in the sirupdlanadha, VI. 46 and 47, both as blossoming in autumn. With the whole passage compare especially Kal. p. 21 of the Caloutta ed. of Samvat 1919, samarádyada patkins fa 01ndaan-dropita. Hillmuth, tbe Vindbys forest where bees are settled on bins and anand flowers, and which therefore is like an army intent on battle wbere ATTOWe are placed on bowe;' (Prof. Peterson in his ed., p. 19, bns adopted the wrong reading bdna samdropita): compare also the similar passage ibid. p. 127 of Prof. Peterson's ed., sa maramukhairira pundga-samakrishta-filimukhaih...padapai. A p188age in which, in addition to the boys and anana flowers, three others are mentioned in a similar way oocars in the Malachampd, p. 26. In inscriptions, we have the same double meanings of filmukha and bandsand (with special reference to the autumn) in the description of Dhruvasna III. of Valabbt, e.g. in Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 88, II. 37 and 38 and Gupta Inscr. p. 176, 1. 36; and in tha Kdram plates, South Ind. Inger. Vol. I. p. 149, 1. 27, we find, instead of oddana, fardtang, used similarly in a double sense.
2 K

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and favours the growth of the day-lotus, so the Gûrjara--on seeing how He, who made the lives and wealth of relatives prosper, and was favoured by increase of fortune, and before whom warriors desponded, had come near, quickly placing on his bow the arrows aimed at himself-in fear vanished nobody knew whither, so that even in a dream he might not see battle.
(V. 16.) Seeing that the sole way to preserve his fortune was to bow down at His feet, the lord of Malava, versed in policy, bowed to him from afar with folded hands. What wise man, whose power is small, will compete with one powerful ? For that is the prime result of the rules of policy, to know the superiority in srength of oneself and one's adversary.
(V. 17.) Having heard through his spies that his camp was pitched on the ridges of the Vindhya mountain, and apprehending that He was moving towards his own country like the comet) Dhruva, king Mårdsarva, driven by fear, quickly went to conciliate his mind by choice heir-looms, such as He had never received before, and his feet by prostrations.
(V. 18.) Having passed the rainy season, when the sky is densely covered with thick clouds, at Sribhavana, He thence went with his forces to the banks of the Tungabhadrâ; and staying there, He, strange (to say), even by flinging it away, again completely drew to himself the fortune of the Pallaves though it was already in his hand-his enemies having submitted.
(V. 19.) Thither the lord of Vêngi repaired when the king's) letter-carrier had only half uttered the command, and longing for his own comfort, steadily like a servant without ceasing did such toil that the enclosure constructed thereby for His camp, touching the summit of the sky, at night seemed to assume a garland of pearls, surrounded as it was by the groups of stars above it.
(V. 20.) With their heads embellished by their hands folded then for the first time to render
1 The word sannakshatra represents both san (i.e. sat) + nakshatra and sanna + kshatra; compare Vds. p.28, Trilarkurwita nakshatrapatha-skholitaḥ, where nakshatrapatha- is both nakshatra-patha- and na kshatra. patha.. San-nakshatra would of course be equivalent to vidyamána-nakshatra ; and sanna-kshatra would have to be dissolved by sarnar kabatrai yena, and might also be translated by "be by whom warriors were humbled, or destroyed ;' compare with it sauna.fatrw in the Raghwania, VII. 61.
Compare the Brihatsanhita, XI. 42, Prof. Kern's Translation in Jour. Roy. 41. 800., New Series, Vol. V. p. 71: "But the princes on whose warlike equipments, the countries on whose dwellings, trees, and bills, and the housebolders on whose implementa this luminary (riz, the comet Dhruva) is seen, are doomed to destruction."
• In the Sanskpit text the Present Participle is accounted for by Påņini, III. 2, 126.
• The strangeness in the first place lies in the fact that he drew to himself something by Ainging it away (vikshepa); and secondly in the circumstance that this thing which he drew to bimself already was in his hand (kara). His action ceases to be strange as soon as we take the words vikahépa and kara to mean raid ' and
tribute :'-' He by his raids completely drew to himself the fortune of the Pallayas which was tributary to bim' (or, as we should say, who were his tributaries).-On vitshepa see the note on v. 14. The double meaning of kara is most common; compare ag. Kad. p. 10, akaram api hastasthita-sakalabhupanatalar, although he had no hands, the whole extent of the earth was in bia hand,' i... the whole extent of the earth wm in bis band and be took no tribute from it."
For the use of the word odhyalt (or bdhy all) which I have translated by comp.' I only can refer the reader to the passegon quoted in von Böhtlingk's Dictionary. The word occurs in the Rdjatarangin (Dr. Stein's edition), VII. 392; 976; 986; and VIII. 46. Aina-ndhyals we have in line 11 of the Uttamacharitra. kathanakam (Sitzung aberichte der Kgl. Preuss. Ak. der Win. 1884, Part I. P 276), meaning something like
stabling for horsen,' or 'horse-barracks ;' and its synonym (though explained differently by the commentator in the Nirnayn-sagar Press ed.) turanga-tdhydIt occurs in Kdd. p. 75, 1. 1, sparachita-turangardhydlf-vibhagam ... vidyd-mandiram.
Pearls and stars are frequently compared with ench other; but while as a rule the stars are the wpadna and pearls the wpandya, bere the reverse is the case (ciparydabpamd). Tbe stars wbicb the enclosure seemed to wear on its creat were like a pearl-garland. Compare Vás. p. 85, muktaphala.sabalitafikharalayd firb-lagnata tard-ganam irmádpares; ibid. p. 220, fikharagata-muktájala.eydjdns ... tard-ganam ipadvahadbhih... prdaddair-wpaíobitam... Vdaaradatid-bhavanam.
II.e. they never before had rendered obeisance to any king. For the use of tatparea compare - I take this quotation from the St. Petersburg Dictionary - Raghavania, II. 43, ishw.pray 6g8 tatparva-sangd, in the discharge of the arrow which discharge) then for the first time was checked;' and Kumdrasambhava, V. 10, atpirta-sidaddha, 'then for the first time tied on.'

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obeisance, the kings of hostile realms in their terror approached for protection His feet, which became less adorned by the many exquisite ornaments presented, than by His own words "Do not fear!," the trustworthiness of which guards the stability of his fame.
No. 24.-THREE INSCRIPTIONS IN THE DHARWAR DISTRICT.
BY J. F. FLEET, I.C.S. (RED.), Pe.D., C.I.E.
A.-AN INSCRIPTION AT DIDGUR. This inscription is now brought to notice for the first time. I edit it, and the collotype (see opposite page 253 below) is given, from an ink-impression obtained by me in 1887.
Didgûr is a village about thirteen miles towards the south-west from Karajgi, the headquarters of the Karajgi taluka of the Dhårwår district. The Indian Atlas sheet No. 42 (1827) shews it as Dindgoor,' with a nasal in the first syllable for which it is difficult to account; and moreover, as compared with the map that I mention next, it transposes the position of it with the position of a neighbouring village named Timåpur. The Map of the Dharwar Collectorate (1874) shews it as Deergoor.' And the Postal Directory of the Bombay Circle (1879) shews it as Didgur.' Line 3 of the record, taken in connection with the general purport and with its existence at Didgar, suggests that the earlier name of the place was Mugunda. And the reference to the governor Dosi has the effect of placing Mugunda, and the other village that is mentioned, Sangayûr, in the Banavisi twelve-thousand province. The inscription is on a stone which was found in a field, Survey No. 1 of Didgør.
At the top of the stone there are sculptures, which shew, in the centre, a seated figure, squatting and facing full-front, on & seat of three tiers, and holding in each hand apparently some weapon which looks like a short spear; on the proper right of this figure, there is a boar, standing to the proper left, i.e. towards the central figure; and on the proper left there is some animal which, in the drawing submitted to me, looks more like a badly sketched horse or donkey than anything else, standing to the proper right, i.e., again, towards the central figure.The extant portion of the writing covers an area ranging in breadth from about 10" in line 8 to 2' 3" in line 2, by about 1' 91' high. It is in a state of fairly good preservation, and is legible with certainty almost throughout. But, owing to parts of the stone having been broken away and lost, letters are missing at the ends of the lines from line 4 onwards, and at the beginning of lines 7 and 8. And there must have been originally at least one more line, containing the ngual end of the imprecatory verge of which there is a remnant in line 8.- The characters are Kanarese, boldly formed and well executed. The size of them! ranges from about " in the r of the re in tereya, line 3, to about 1' in the sof the sá in adsi[ra], line 6; and the (bi in line 2, No. 17, is about 4' high, on the slant. The superscript long i is used throughout, for the short i as well as for the long vowel. The distinct form of the lingual d is used; and it is very pointedly marked in the di of kedisi[ donge], line 5, No. 15. There is a final form of the I in line 4, No. 12, in grahana[do]. As regards the palæography, -the kh and do not occur. The occurs twice, in lines 1 and 3, and, in both places, is of the old square type, closed; it can be seen best in the ja of mahajanada, line 3, the last akshara but one. The b occurs seven times, and is, throughout, of the old square type, closed; but the actual form of it, being mostly composed of curves rather than of straight lines, must be looked on as a somewhat cursive form of the old square
See page 41 above.
In kadonge, line 5, where either the guttural nasal or the ansodra would be permissible, the writer mistakenly used the dental nasal.
2 x 2

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type: the intended form can be seen best in the upper b of the roba in sásirbbar, line 6, No. 5; and a noticeable feature in it, is the marked crook, halfway up the left side of the letter, with which the formation of the character commenced: we can see that the writer began at that point, and formed the rest of the character by one steady sweep of the pen, running along the top, down the right side, along the bottom to the left, and then up to the starting-point; and it is easy to realise that the later cursive type may have been developed almost directly from this particular form of the old square type, by making the downstroke immediately after completing the crook, and then forming the rest of the character to the right instead of to the left. We have the l in the la of kalam, line 4, No. 3; and it, also, is of the old square type: it occurred again in phalam, line 5; it is almost entirely destroyed there; but such traces as are discernible in the impression, indicate that there, also, the old square type was used.- We have the remains of a Sanskrit imprecatory verse in line 8. But the language of the body of the record is Kanarese, of the archaic type, in prose. In Mugundadul, line 3, we have the somewhat exceptional locative ending ?;! but we have the usual ending of in (Vára]násiyo! in line 6, and apparently also in grahana[do]!, line 4.- The orthography does not present anything calling for comment.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of a king Kattiyare, under whom a certain Dosi was governing the Banavåsi twelve-thousand province. The object of it was to record a general assignment of some tax under the orders of the king, and the special assignment by Dosi of a quarter-share of the tax of the village of Sangavûr to the Mahajanas of Mugundadoubtless for expenditure by them on communal objects.
Of the two villages mentioned in the record, Sangavûr is evidently the modern 'Sungoor" of the mape, about two miles on the north of Didgûr. Mugunda seems to be the earlier name of Didgûr itself. The record tacitly, but plainly, places both these villages in the BangVsi twelve-thousand province. And it seems likely that the Mugunda mentioned here is the town from which there was named a group of villages called the Mugunda twelve, of which mention is made in an inscription of A.D. 1075 at Balagâmi. That record registers the grant, for the temple of the god Narasimha at Balligåve, of a town or village (báda) named Kundavige in "the Mugunda twelve which was a kampane of the Banavase nâą." The maps do not shew any such names as Mugunda and Kundavige in the neighbourhood of Balagámi. Didgür is only twenty-four miles away towards the north-by-east from Balagâmi. And, though there, also, the maps do not shew any such names now, there is no objection, such as on account of excessive distance from the temple to which the grant was made, to locate Kundavige somewhere near Didgør.
The record is not dated. But the characters of it are fairly referable to closely about A.D. 800. The names of the king and of the local governor are not known as yet from any other records. It seems impossible to explain the existence of this record in the Rashtra kata territory and in the period to which it must be referred, except on the supposition that Kattiyara was one of the twelve confederate kings and princes, headed by Stambha-Kambayya, who shortly after A.D. 794 sought to dispute the sovereignty of the Rashtrakata king Govinda III. And, in my opinion, that is certainly the explanation of the matter. Further, it seems likely that, of the emblems on the stone, the boar belongs to the king Kattiyara, and the other animal to the
1 See page 99 f. sbove.
* Compare page 102 above. • There are inscriptions at Sungoor' and at the neighbouring village of Koolengor,' which might possibly tbrow farther light on the matter of the present record.
• P. S. 0. 0. Insors. No. 161, linea 33, 34, Ind. Ant. Vol. IV. Pp. 209, 211, and soe Mysore Insere. p. 143.
. Moreover, there are various indications that the names of places in that neighbourhood have changed very considerably in the course of time, probably through the splitting up of towns into small villages.
See page 197 above; also page 249 above, where we have Prof. Kielhurn's translation of the verse, No. 13, in the Radhanpur plates

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Inscription at Didgur.
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Inscription at Gudigere.
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Mulgund Inscription of Panchaladeva.-A.D. 975.
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J. F. FLEET.
SCALE .20
W. GRIGGS, COLLOTYPE.

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governor Dosi. From this it would follow that Kattiyara was a Chalukya, descended from, or at least connected with, the Western Chalukyas of Bâdâmi, and that we have in him the Kattiyaradeva who is mentioned as an ancestor of the later Châlnkya dynasty of Kalyani in the Managoli inscription of A.D. 1161.1
THREE INSCRIPTIONS IN DHARWAR.
Sri-Kattiyara
TEXT.3
1 Svasti3
prithivi-râjyam-keye nû(?)ruvaka (Pra)lagadigal-biḍise
2 pannilchâsiranum*=âle
Dosi BanavâsiSammahâjana
3 gavûr[a] tereya
bhagamân-Mugundadul-Dosi
4 dâ kâlam kalchi bitton-grahana [do]] chandra-sûry [y]am-[baram] [*] [I]5 dân=k&donge aśvamêdhadâ pha[la]m-akkum keḍisi[domge Vâra]6 pasiyol-såsirbbar=ppårbbarum sâsi[ra konda]
kavileyuma
7 [p] pam-akkum yu.. vûrumân-ali... [1] [Sva-dattâm para-dattâm] 8 [va yô] harêta vasundharâm sha[sht]i
253
TRANSLATION.
Hail! While the glorious Kattiyara was reigning over the earth; and while Dosi was governing the Banavasi twelve-thousand- -On (Kattiyara) causing to be assigned? . .
...., Dosi laved the feet of the Mahajanas at Mugunda, and assigned (to them), at the time of an eclipse, a quarter of the tax of Sangavûr, [to continue as long as] the moon and sun [may last].
(Line 4.) To him who protects this, there shall accrue the reward of an aśvmedhasacrifice; to him who destroys it, there shall attach the guilt of [killing] a thousand Brahmans and a thousand [cows] at Varanasi! .. .10
(Verse 1; line 7) [He who] confiscates land [that has been given, whether by himself or by another],..
B. AN INSCRIPTION AT GUDIGERE.
This inscription is now brought to notice for the first time. It was originally brought to my notice by the then Mâmlatdar of Lakshmêshwar, in February, 1883. I edit it, and the accompanying collotype is given, from an ink-impression obtained by me in 1892.
Gudigere is the head-quarters town of an outlying tâluka of the same name belonging to the Junior Miraj State, within the limits of the Dhârwâr district. The Indian Atlas sheet No. 41 (1852) shews it as 'Goodagerree,' in lat. 15° 26', long. 75° 6', six miles towards the west of Lakshmêshwar. The Map of the Dhârwâr Collectorate (1874) shews it as 'Goodeegeree." And the Postal Directory of the Bombay Circle (1879) shews it as Gndgiri.' The Railway
.
Above, Vol. V. p. 16, text line 5; note 4 below the translation on page 20 may now be cancelled.
From the ink-impression.
The sign for the superscript long fis nsed throughout to denote the short i also. It does not seem necessary
to encumber the text by shewing the long vowel in each case and entering the corrections.
Read pannilehdeiraman.
This is rather a nondescript akshara. It looks more like nd than anything else. But it may possibly be ku
or kú.
Read kádonge, or kedomge.
For the meanings given to bidisu here and to bidu in line 4, see page 107 above, note 4.
The word before bidise is unintelligible.
Bhaga seems to be used in this specific sense (for which see Monier-Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary), rather than in the vague meaning of 'a share.
10 The original contained some words here, deprecating the destruction of the village itself,
perhaps introducing the name of another village, or perhaps only of which not enough remains to make the sense intelligible.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
ficials have adopted the form Gudgeri." We already know one record from this place,the inscription of A.D. 1076-77, which gives its name in the Kanarese form of Gudigere and in the Sanskritised form of Dhvajatataka. An earlier mention of it is found in the Tâlgund inscription of A.D. 997,3 which mentions, as a feudatory of the Western Chalukya king Taila II., a certain Bhimarasa, with the biruda of Tailapanankakâra or "the champion of Tailapa," who was then governing the [Banavâ]si twelve-thousand, the Sâtalige thousand (the Santalige thousand of other records), the Ki[sukâ]d seventy, and an agrahara the name of which is either Samasi-Gudigere or possibly Savasi-Gudigere. The first component of this name evidently denotes the modern Sownshee' of the maps, seven miles north-west-by-north from Gudigere. The two villages thus constituted in ancient times an agrahara, which was named after both of them. And, as the Talgund record cites, among the witnesses to the matter which it registers, (the people or elders of) the padinent-agrahara, it would appear that the Samasi-Guḍigere agrahara was one of the eighteen agraharas. The present inscription is on a stone on the north side in front of a temple of Kalamêsvara at Gudigere.
4
The sketch submitted to me shews a narrow high stone, with a tall panelled head, probably about four feet high, rounded at the top. At the bottom of the outer panelling, on each side there is a full-blown water-lily; and at the bottom of the middle panel there is a large circle, with a big dot in the centre of it, standing on a square or rectangular pedestal, from each side of which there projects a floral ornamentation. Then comes the writing, immediately below the aboye, on the bottom part of the panelled head. Below the writing the stone contracts to a square face, probably about one foot square, on which there is the sculpture of an elephant, standing to the proper left, with his trunk hanging down and the tip of it turned up inwards, and, in fact, depicted very similarly to the elephant at the top of the stone at Balagâmi which contains the inscription of the time of the Western Chalukya king Vinayâditya and the Sêndraka prince Pogilli,7 and-(except that there is a band or strap round the body of the elephant) to the elephant at the top of the Peggu-ûr Ganga inscription of A.D. 978.8 Below
1 It may be remarked that the name-boards exhibited at railway stations, while large enough and clear enough, are anything but a safe guide to the actual forms of place-names, though they are likely to do more than anything else towards perpetuating certain erroneous or imperfect forms. I have seen, more than once, the same name exhibited in three different spellings on the same platform,-in one form in Kanarese characters, in another in Marathi characters, and in still another in English characters, and not one of them absolutely correct in all details.
Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 35.
Páli, Sanskrit, and Old-Canarese Inscriptions, No. 214; and see Mysore Insers. p. 186.- Here, as in various other cases, the details given by me from the photographs of the records are not all presented in Mysore Inscriptions. No doubt, more complete and correct accounts of the contents of the records included in that book, will be given when Mr. Rice issues the volumes of the Epigraphia Carnatica which will deal with the Shimoga and Chitaldroog districts. Meanwhile, his Mysore Inscriptions still serves as an index and guide to the use of the photographs from Colonel Dixon's collection which were reproduced in my Páli, Sanskrit, and Old-Canarese Inscriptions.
He is probably described as a Mahdsdmanta; but the last four syllables cannot be read with certainty in the photograph.
The photograph seems to distinctly give the name here as Sâtalige, without any nasal after the d.
In the second syllable of the first component of the name, the original has a character, namely, the medieval form of m or of noticed on page 258 below, which in the photograph may be read either as m or as v. It is probably m. But an ink-impression is required, to settle the point definitely.
7 For a photograph, shewing the elephant, see No. 98 of Colonel Dixon's collection, reproduced as No. 152 in my P. 8. O.-C. Insers. For the bearing of the emblem on the Balagâini inscription, see page 72 above.
Eee the lithographs in Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 101, and Coorg Inerrs., opposite p. 5.- There is a very similar elephant on the stone that contains the Ganga inscription at Kyatanahalli (Ep. Carn. Vol. III, Sr. 147, lithograph); where, however, it is depicted with its head raised and its back sloping. For another Ganga elephant, see the lithograph of the Tayalûr inscription (ibid., Md. 14); but that one differs from the others, in being represented as walking or running and with the tip of its trunk turned up forwards. Sir Walter Elliot has given us a representation of the elephant-seal of one or other of the spurious grants of the Ganga series, in his Coins of

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THREE INSCRIPTIONS IN DHARWAR.
255
this, the stone widens out again to the same breadth as above the facet containing the elephant; and the sketch indicates that here there was a continuation of the writing, which, however, is now altogether illegible: it also indicates that, after a space representing about ten lines of writing, the remainder of the stone is broken away and lost. The extant portion of the writing, represented in the collotype, covers an area about 2' 1" broad by 6% high. It is in a state of fairly good preservation, and can be read without any uncertainty. The characters are Kanarese, boldly formed and well execated. The size of them ranges from about in the ya of hesadeyara, line 2, to 1f" in the of dļe, line 3; and the noti of menti, line 2, and the and in line 3, are 2" high. The distinct form of the lingual d is very clear in lines 2 and 3. There is a final form, of in line 1, and of r in line 2. As regards the palæography,-the kh and I do not occur. The j cours twice, in line 1, and, in both places, is of the old square type, closed; in the collotype, it can be seen best in the jya of rajyari, line 1, No. 17. The occurs in the same word, in the akshara nge, line 1, No. 18; and, following the j in the usual manner, it, also, is of the old square type, closed. The b occurs once, subscript, in the akshara {ba, line 1, No. 7; and it, again, is of the old square type, closed. - The language is Kanarese, of the archaic type, in prose. The record presents, in line 2, menti, as a variant of méti, 'a big man, a chief, a head, a head servant. And it includes, in line 2, a word, gôsdsa, which is not found in dictionaries, and in respect of which we can only conjecture that it is an amplified form of goa, the tadbhava-corruption of the Sanskrit gôshtha, 'a cow-pen, & station of cow-herds.' The orthography does not present anything calling for comment, except the use of s for & in Subhachandra, line 1.
The extant portion of the inscription is only the opening passage of a record, introductory to matter which is now lost. It refers itself to the reign of a king named the Maharaja
Southern India, Plate ill. No. 120; here, the elephant seems to be "caparisoned." And Dr. Barnell has given us the seal of apparently another grant of the same series, in his South Indian Palæography, the Plate opposite p. 106, the real marked Cbêra; here, again, the elephant bas a band or strap round apparently the throat. In both these instances, the elepbant is standing, and has the tip of its trunk turned up inwarde.
See a remark on page 46 above.
As, however, this meaning is not conclusively established yet, the word itself will be used, without translation.- Other cases in which the same word, goodsa, coura, are as follows:-(1) The Pattadakal inscription of the time of Dhruva; Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 125, text line 5. Here, the harlot Bidipoddi or Baļipoddi is mentioned as having given to the temple (of Lokesvera) an ut tama-gordea, "an excellent góedia, a gosdea of the beat kind," and a horse-chariot and an elephant-chariot, and es giving some land and an ubhayamukht or pregnant cow.-(2) An inscription of the tiine of Amaghavarsha I. st Chiñehli in the Gadag taluka, dsted in tbe Vijaya sam pateara, coupled with Baka-Samvat 793 by mistake for 795 (expired), in A.D. 874: not yet published; I quote from an ink-impression. This inscription records that, on the twelfth tithi of the bright fortnight of the month PhAlguns, someone, whose name is illegible in the ink-impression, fasted and, having laved the feet of the Aftyseven Mahdjana of Chifichila and having given them a thousand cows, gave them a goodsa; and it further records that a son of one of the village-hendmen gave a godsa, together with a tack and & garden (drame; perhaps bere meaning, rather, a pastore-ground). This letter record, in particular, tends to connect goadia with cows. And, considering how important part the cow plage in the private as well as the religious life of the Hindds, we may easily imagine that in former times the cows at night, instead of being brought home to individual houses inside the villages and towns M is done now, were kept and guarded all together in large communal cow-pens in charge of regularly appointed officials, and that the gift of such a cow-pen, whether to the establishment of a temple or for a whole village, would be a highly meritorious act. From goodsa we bave, with the affix iga,- an affix which forms nous deuoting "makers, changers (dealers), persona in employment," eto. (see Dr. Kittel's edition of tbe Šabda manidarpana, p. 232, tra 197).-gósdriga, which seems to mesn's person in charge of a goudia,' and to be equivalent to the goodsada monti of the present record; it occurs in the Aibole inscription of the time of Vijayaditys (Ind. Ant. VoL VIII. p. 285, text line 3), wbere mention is made of "Maruvarma, of the Gdadrigae of Suraval."- And we also bave goodsi, apparently as a shorter form of goodsige. This word occurs, qualifying a proper name, in an inscription at Niralgi, to be published hereafter. And an inscription of A.D. 1060 at sadi in the Roq taluka-(not yet published; I quote from an ink-impression)-mentions, among the boundaries of A village named Bivunar, # tank called goudsiya-kore, the tank of the Gbadai or of the G bidaia."- It may be added that the Bombay Postal Directory shews & village named 'Gosás!' in the Khed tAluks of the Poona district.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
Mârassa)ba, under whom a certain Dadigarasa was governing the district,- menning, of course, the district that included the village at which the record is ; the name of it is not specified.
The record is not dated. But the characters of it are fairly referable to closely about A.D. 800. And there can be no doubt that the person whom it mentions as Marassalba is to be identified with the Mâråsarva of a verse, used in the account of the Rashtrakuta king Govinda III. in the Waņi and Rad banpur grants of A.D. 807, which runs :-" Having heard, through his own spies, that he (Govinda III.) was encamped on a slope of the Vindhya mountains, and recognising that (though 80 far away) he had (practically) arrived at his own territory just as if it were Dhruva (on a previous occasion), king Mârâśarva, impelled by fear, quickly went to satisfy his (Govinda's) desires by giving up) his choicest heirlooms, such as had never been amassed before, as well as to propitiate his feet by doing obeisance to them." Further, we may safely take it that Marassalba-Márásarve was, like the Kattiyara of the Didgür inscription, one of the twelve confederate kings and princes headed by Stambha-Kambayya, who shortly after A.D. 794 sought to dispute the sovereignty of Govinda III. And, as the elephant, depicted so prominently on the stone, can hardly be taken as the emblem of the Dadigarasa of the record, who was plainly a person of very minor rank and importance, we can only understand that it stamps Marassalba-Máråśarva as belonging to the family of the Western Gangas of Talakad. We shall have to consider hereafter who, exactly, Marassalba may have been. He may be some member of the Ganga family whose existence the Mysore records have not yet disclosed. Or the name may possibly be another appellation of Sripurusha-Mattarasa, who in the course of his career did unquestionabiy find an opportunity to assume the paramount power and titles. Or it is possible that it may be the name from which, first by substituting the synonymous fiva for the sarra of its Sanskritised form, and then by metathesis, the persons who fabricated the spurious records of the Western Ganga series may have obtained the name of Sivamára II. as an alleged son of SripurushaMuttarasa.
In connection with the general history of the period, it is convenient to make here a note regarding the identification of a place which is mentioned in the verse in the Waņi and Rådhanpar grants which comes next after the verse that mentions Marassalba-Mârågarva. The verse tells us that Gôvinda III. spent a rainy season at a place named śribhavana, and then marched thence, with his army, to the Tungabhadra, where he conquered and despoiled the Pallavas. Mr. Wathen was told that Sribhavana denotes "Cowldurga, in Mysore, south of the river;" that is to say, apparently, Kavalêdurga, near the north bank of the Tunga, in the Tirthahalli tAluks of the Shimoga district, about seven miles on the west of Tirthahalli. Dr. Bühler felt certain that Sribhavana is not Cowldurga,' but could not himself identify the place Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji proposed to identify Sribhavana with 'Sarbhon' in the
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 158, text line 25 ff., and Vol. VI. p. 67, verse 17 ; also page 250 above, Prof. Kielhorn's rendering. Prof. Kielhorn has detected what I and Dr. Bühler had not reengnised, namely, an astrological allusion to the comat Dhraya. But I consider that there is certainly also a secondary reference to the king Dhruve. I hold that, just as the astrological allusion to the asterism Jyeshta, in verso 6, was suggested, to the composer of the verses, by what Dhruva had done to his elder brotber, so, also, the allosion here to the comet Dhruva was suggested by something that he had done to the territory of Mårdsarvs, and the verse contains & secondary reference to it.
? See page 252 above.
It is possible that Dadigarasa, also, was a Gangn. But, even so, it is very unlikely that a Ganga sbould, at that time, be exercising local authority so far to the north of the real Ganga territory, unless his paramount sovereign slso was a Gangs. And it seems more probable that this Dadigarasa was a member of the Balivamss of the Dadigamandala country, in Mysore, which is mentioned in an inscription of A.D. 1113 or 1114 at Sudi in the P& tåluks (see Ind. Ant. Vol. XXX. p. 111).
• Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 162, and Vol. VI. p. 71, verse 18. Jour. R. 43. Soc., F. S., Vol. V. p. 352, note.
. Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 63, note.

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THREE INSCRIPTIONS IN DHARWAR.
Âmôd taluka of the Broach district. But a village in Gujarât, below the Ghauts, is hardly the locality that would be selected for the halt of an army during the rains; especially, as the preliminary to operations on the Tungabhadra. The verse about Mârassalba-Mârâsarva, with the light that is thrown on it by the present record from Gudigere, shews that a sudden and rapid incursion was made by Govinda III., from a distant encampment in the Vindhya mountains into the heart of the Dhârwâr district. And it seems clear to me that Sribhavana is to be identified with the modern Shiggaon, the head-quarters of the Bankâpur tâluka of the Dharwâr district, only about thirty miles distant from the Tungabhadrâ. The ancient forms of the name of Shiggaon would be Sirigave and Śrigrama, or in Sanskrit Sripura. And the composer of the verse used bhavana, 'a place of abode, mansion, home,' etc., instead of any other ending, to
suit his metre.
TEXT.?
1 Svasti Śri-Mara3ssalba-mahârâjan pr[i]thuvi-rajyan-geye Su(su)bhachandra
panditarâ râ
Dadig-arasar
2 he'sadeyara 3 nnâde-âle Om7
Indammana
gosisada mêņți
257
TRANSLATION.
Hail! While the glorious Maharaja Marassalba was reigning over the earth; and while Daḍigarasa, the headman of the gosdeas of Indamma who was of of Subhachandrapandita, was governing the district. Om!
C.-MULGUND INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF PANCHALADEVA; A.D. 975.
This inscription has been brought to notice by me in Dyn. Kan. Distrs. p. 307, and in Vol. V. above, p. 172. It is now published for the first time. I edit it, and the collotype (see opposite page 253 above) is given, from an ink-impression obtained by me in 1883-84 or 1884-85. Mulgund is a village about twelve miles towards the south-west-by-south from Gadag, the head-quarters of the Gadag talaka of the Dharwâr district. The Indian Atlas sheet No. 41 (1852) shews it as 'Moolgoond. The official compilation Bombay Places and Common Official Words (1878) wrongly certifies it as 'Mulgund,' with 1 instead of 7. The existence of the place is carried back to A.D. 866 by the Nilgund inscription, which mentions it as Mulgunda and marks it as the chief town of a circle of villages known as the Mulgunda twelve, including Nirgunda-Nilgund, and lying in the Belvola three-hundred district,10 We already know one record from this place, the inscription of the time of the Rashtrakuta king Krishna II., dated A.D. 902-903;11 and there are some twenty other records there. The present inscription is on a stone at a temple of Ramadêva at Mulgund.
1 History of Gujarat (in the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. I. Part I.), p. 123. There is also a Sarbbon (so certified, with the lingual nasal, in Bombay Places and Common Oficial Words) in the Bardoli taluks of the Surat district.
From the ink-impression.
This syllable, ra, was at first omitted, and then was inserted, rather small, below the d of the md.
It seems that at first ru was written, and then an attempt was made to correct it into rd. But it is possible that the akshara was abandoned, as being badly formed and not clear, and that the following rd was then formed as the final akshara of panditard. In that case, the next word is hesadeyara,- not rdhesadegara.
This is rather an anomalous character. The vowel e is quite distinct, before the A. At the bottom of the A, towards the right, there is a loop which seems to be intentional; but, whether it was meant to modify the e into some other vowel, or what else may be the purport of it, is not apparent.
Read ndd; or else arasar-nndd, instead of arasar nndd.
1 Represented by a plain symbol.
See page 255 above, and note 2.
The meaning of the genitive plural rdhesadeyara or headeyara (see note 4 above) is not apparent; except that it seems to give the name of a sect.
10 See pages 98, 107, above.
11 Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X. pp. 167, 190. It will shortly be re-edited in this journal.
2 L

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At the top of the stone there are sculptures, of which the principal one, in the centre, is a lisiga on its abhisheka-stand. On the proper right, there is an image of some god, squatting and facing full-front; beyond this there is & worshipper, kneeling towards the god; and above these there are the sun and moon. On the proper left, there is a cow, standing towards the linga, and with & calf sucking at her udder; and above these there is the bull Nandi, recumbent and similarly facing towards the lisiga. These sculptures are all inside a panel, above the centre of which there is some ornamental device, of a circular shape, the exact nature of which is not recognisable. The writing covers an area about 1' 101" broad by 81" high. It is in a state of fairly good preservation, and can be read without any doubt, except in the first eight or nine letters of line 7, the lower parts of which are broken away. It is, however, only a fragment, the body of the record having been broken away and apparently lost. The characters are Kanarese, well formed and well executed, of the regular type of the period to which the record refers itself. The size of them ranges from about to 3". They present nothing calling for comment, except the use of the somewhat rare medieval forms of m, in the upper m of varmma and dharmma, line 1, and of u in the upper 0 of púrovapara, line 4, which have been noticed in Vol. V. above, p. 237.-The language is Kanarese, of the archaic type, in prose. In line 3, we have singha as a tadbhava-corruption of the Sanskrit simha, 'a lion,' and komaraka as a fuller form of komara,
= kuvara, a tadbhava-corruption of kumára, a prince,' and bima, the tadbhava-corruption of bhima, terrible.' In peldore, line 4, we have the somewhat unusual form pol for per, great.' In line 5, we have bidiye, as a variant of bidige which is the more usual tadbhava-corruption of the Sanskrit dvittyd, the second tithi.' In line 6, we have baļa as a variant of the better known bapa, which is in use to the present day, in the Kanarese country, to denote sometimes the different branches of the families of hereditary Patils and Kulkarnis (especially of Patils), and sometimes the different families that have shares in the watans, as, for instance, when there are both a Jain bana and a Lingayat bana of Patils; and, in respect of the whole word balanw, we may note that, though it is & neuter nominative, it is formed with n instead of the more usual m, and that, for the final of the copulative ending urn, there has been used in sandhi , instead of them which was more usual in the archaic language. And, in the same line, we have a word eleya-bhoja[ga] (apparently equivalent to elegára, tambuliga, 'a seller of betel-leaves '), the second component of which does not seem to be explained in dictionaries.
-In respect of orthography, there is nothing to be noticed except the use of for & in Saka, line 5.
Under bidige in bia Kannada-English Dictionary, Dr. Kittel hw quoted vidiye m the Telugu form, and vidiyai us the Tamil form.
* Bala occurs, in the same sense, in line 48 of one of the inscriptions at Noregal in the Ran taloks, where mention is made of the two balas of Narayangal" (Jour. B. Br. R. 4. Soo. Vol. XI. p. 288). And lines 49, 51, and 62 of the same record present it in another sense, Damely to denote tbe rent-free service-lands of certain G douadas or Patils. In the latter sense, it occurs also in line 81 of the Saundatti inscription of A.D. 1228 (id. Vol. X. p. 270, and Archaol. Sure. West. Ind. Vol. III. p. 114); and this record uses, in line 70, also the exactly equivalent word ganduodnya. The case used in the Saundatti record is formed with #, as in the present instance, balanwolage. The case used in the Naregal record are formed with the more customary d, -balad-olage, baladin.- The word bars is also used, I think, in the general meaning of 's faction." Dr. Kittel's Dictionary gives bons as the Southeru Maratba form of pana,'any tribe; & sectarian division.'
In this record, the second component of oloya-bhoj aga is distinctly written with the aspirated bh. I am not sure wbether the vowel should be taken the sbort o or as the long 6. With the adsspirated 1, we have the same word, leya-bojaga in lines 21-22 and 28-29 of the Kodikop Inscription of A.D. 1144, which mentions the five-bundred-and-foar Eleyabojaga." (Jour. Bo. Br. R. 4. Soc. Vol. XI. pp. 264, 267). In this torin, bojaga, the word is given in Dr. Kittel's Dictionary: but only as tadbhard-corruption of the Sanskrit blwjaga, bhujanga, ' opske. Ho also gives bojagatana in the sense of lechery.' The Ablar record of A.D. 1104 presenta word which appears as bojangutana or bojangutans in line 82 of one version, and w bhojagatana in line 88 of the other version (see Vol. V. above, p. 281, note 9). There can be hardly may reference there to lecbery; and the word seems to stand there for elegaboj agafane or eleyabhojapatana, the occupation of a seller of betel-leaves,' or else to denote some import on that trade.

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259
The inscription is a fragment, of which but little more than the introductory passages is extant. It refers itself to the reign of a certain Pafchaladva, whom, from his appellations of Satyavákya and Kongupivarman and his titles of lord of the town Kuvalla and of the mountain Nandagiri, we recognise as a member of the family of the Western Gangas of Talakad. It mentions, by three well known birudas, his predecessor, the great NolambántakeMarasimha II. Among the epithets that it applies to Pañchaladêva, it styles him Chalukyapañchanana, "& very lion to the Chalukyas ;" which, perhaps, involves & play on his naine, and indicates Pafchala as & Pråkpit form of the Sanskpit Pafiobånana. And it represents him as reigning over the whole territory between, on the north," the great river," that is to say the Kfishņa, and on the east, south, and west, the ocean. This assertion is hyperbolical in the latter part, except possibly in respect of the alleged western limit. But, as Mulgund itself, where this record is, is on the north of the Tudgabhadra, there is no objection to accepting it as a fact that Pañchaladêya did hold for a time all the territory from the south of Mysore as far north as the river Krishna.
The record is dated at the time of the Kanyåsamkrånti, or entrance of the sun into Virgo, on Bțihaspativera or Thursday coupled with the second tithi of the dark fortnight of the month Bhadrapada (August-September) of the Yuvan samvatsara, Saka-Samvat 897 (expired, according to the southern luni-solar system). And the corresponding English date is Thursday, 26th August, A.D. 975. On this day, the given tithi ended at about 15 hours 39 minutes after mean sunrise (for Ujjain), and the Kanyâsankranti occurred at 16 hours 5 minutes.
TEXT. 1 Om Svasti Satyavákya-Korgunivarmma-dharmmamaharajadh[i]rja Kuvajala
puravar-déve. % ra Nandagiri-nátham chaladuttaraṁga-jagadekavira-eriman-Nola[m]bakulan
takadēva-pådapa3 dm-pajivi pado-node-gandah gandara-singhan-asahaya-sAhasar komaraka-bimai bira4 da-selevom Chalukya-pañchånana[m] Srimat-Pafchaladevarpurvv-¶-dakshin.
Arņpav-dva[dh] i5 yi[ mh] peldore maryyadey=&ge nirakulamkļutt-ire [119] Svasti Sa(da)ka-varsham
eptu-nura tombhatt-[@]6 janeya Yuva-samvatsarada Bhadrapada babula bidiye Bfihaspativaram Kanye
sankrantiyu[m] 7 ................ (nagara)-mahajana-pramu kham=&yd[um]-balanuv=
ild-eleya-bhoja.8
For what is known about Pachaladora from other sources, reference may be made to pages 71 L., 83, above, and to Vol. V. above, p. 172 .
Pafchapas occurs, not exactly M a proper name of Siva, but as an appellation of him which could be used in the place of bis proper name. As a proper name, it oocurs in the cases of "30 author and other men" (see Monier-Williams' Banskrit Dictionary, revined edition, ander pavicha).
1 Soo Vol. V. above, p. 169, note 6. The word used here is poldoro, instead of the more customary perdore. • Probably, more exact calculations would make the tithi still current at the moment of the rankranti. • Prom the ink-impression. • Represented by a plain symbol.
Eigbt or nine akelaras are illegible here, the lower parts of them being broken away and lost. As the makalatra at the time of the rashlrdati wa Bevatt, which the moon entered at about 3 hrs. 93 min. After moon sunrise (for Ujjain), we might suggest Révalf-nakshatramumadgi, which would suit both the space and the context. But such remains of the akahara, us are discernible, hardly adapt themselves to that reading.
• The fragment ends bere. The next doo began, of course, with the ga of the word bhoj aga in one or other of Its cases, singular or plural.
2 L 2

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TRANSLATION Om! Hail! While the Dharmamaharajadhiraja Satyavákya-Kongunivarma, the lord of Kavala)al the best of towns, the lord of the mountain Nandagiri,- he who (had) subsisted (like a bee) on the water-lilies that were the feet of the lintel of firmness of character, the sole hero of the world, the glorious Nolambakufântakadēva-(MArasimha II.), - he who is a hero when he sees an army, he who is & very lion of heroes, he who is daring even without companions, he who is terrible to princes, he who attracts bravery, he who is a very lion to the Châļukyas, the glorious Pañchaladéve, was governing, without any disorder, from the limits of the eastern and the western and the southern oceans with the great river as the boundary on the north)
(Line 5) Hail! [When it was] Thursday, the second tithi of the dark fortnight of the month Bhadrapada of the Yuvan samvatsara, which was the eight hundred and ninety-seventh Saka year, and when there was the Kanyasamkranti,.... . . . . . . . . . . the whole of the five divisions, headed by the Mahajanas [of the town), being convened, the sellers of betel-leaves .
.
No. 25.-SRIKURMAM INSCRIPTION OF NARAHARITIRTHA;
SAKA-SAMVAT 1203.
BY H. Krishna SASTRI, B.A. The subjoined record is in the Kurmêsvara temple at Srikurmam in the Chicacole täluka of the Ganjam district. It is inscribed on the east and north faces of one of the black granite pillars7 which support the hall enclosing the temple, and is written in clear Telugu characters.
The inscription consists of nine Sanskřit verses in various metres. It mentions first an ascetic Purushottama-mah&tirtha, who is represented to have been an incarnation of the god Vishnu (v. 1) and to have composed a commentary (v. 2) which is not known from other sources. His pupil was Anandatirtha, who explained the Vyasasútras in accordance with the principles of the Dvaita school (v. 3) and who bore the title Bhagaratpádácharya (v. 5). His pupil Narabaritirtha (v. 8) seems to have been the governor of the Kalinga country (v. 6) and to have defended Srikûrmam against an attack of the Sabaras (v. 7). On Wednesday, the eighth tithi of the bright fortnight of Mêsha in Saka-Samvat 1208, he built a shrine of Yogananda-Nrisimha in front of the temple at Srikürmam (v. 9).
This name is usually found with 1 in the last syllable; see, for instance, page 43 above, text line 2,. Kovaļâls, and page 54, line 6, KO]. Here, however, we distinctly have . The vowel of the first syllable, when the name is written in four syllables, is sometimes w and sometimes o.
This and the following two biruda, were appellations of the Western Ganga prince Marasimha II.; 100 Vol. V. above, p. 168.
From chaladattaranga to 6pajtoi is one word, s compound. The anus dra of nathan, which seems to be quite distinct, separates the preceding matter (also really a compound) from that compound, and makes it apply to Patohaladva, not to Nolambakulántakadors.-As regards my supplying the word "had before subsisted," it is to be remembered that Marmoimhe had either died or abdicated before June-July, A.D. 974 (see Vol. V. above, pp. 162, 168), more than a year before the date of this record. The allusion is to Pachaladeva baving served under him in A.D. 971 and 978 (see ibid. pp. 172, 178). • Bala; see page 268 above.
Ilds is equivalent to odani du; to page 68 above, note 6. • No. 290 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1896.
1 On the west and south faces of the same pillar is another inscription (No. 391 of 1898) of Narabar itirths, the pupil of Anandatirtba, which is dated in Saka-Samvat 1215 and records the setting up of images of Bima, Bitá nad Laksmams in the Karmsvara temple.
The Sabaras are the savage inhabitants of the forests of the Guajam district.

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Among the three Vaishnava teachers named in the inscription, Purushottama-mahâtirtha is not mentioned in the lists of the Madhva teachers preserved in the Mathas, which begin with Anandatartha. The Madhvavijaya, a kdvya by Narayanapaņdita, the son of Trivikramapaņdita, which describes in detail the life of Anandatirtha and his dialectical victories over the Mayavadins or followers of Sankaracharya, mentions as the spiritual Guru of Anandatirtha & certain Achyutaprekshacharya, who had the surname of Purushottamatirtha, by which he is referred to in verse 1 of the subjoined inscription.
Ånandatirtha, the second of the teachers mentioned in the inscription, is the famous founder of the Dvaita school of philosophy and occupies in the history of Indian religion a position not in any way unequal to those of the great Sankaracharya and of Ramanujachfry&. Vaishpavism, the most characteristic feature of which is bhakti, or love for god, that may be freely practised by one and all, irrespective of creed and caste, was first started by Râmánujachårya in the 11th century, was eagerly spread by Anandatirtha in the 13th century, and eventually assumed large proportions in the 16th century under Krishna-Chaitanya, the celebrated Vaishṇava teacher of Bengal. Ânandatirtha is known by three other names, vix. Pürņaprajfia, Madhyacharya and Madhyamandára. His system has been explained in the Barvadardanasangraha of Sayanacharya under the heading Purnaprajña-darsana. Anandatartha's direct disciples were Padmanabhatirtha, Naraharitirtha, Madhavatirtha and Akshobhyatirtha, who succeeded one after the other to the pontifical seat after the death of Anandatirtha.
Several interesting facts regarding the life of Naraharitirtha, the third teacher mentioned in the inscription, are recorded in a stôtra entitled Narahariyatistótra, which is included in the Stotramahôdadhi, Part 1.6 It states that, before conversion to the Madhva faith, the Tirtha was called Såmaskstrin, and that he was styled Naraharitirtha after receiving initiation from Purņaprajia. The latter ordered his pupil to go at once to the capital of the Gajapati king and to be a ruler there. Naraharitirtha, who had learnt the true import of the Bhashyal from his teacher, would have preferred to become a samnyásin and said:"Lord! what do I gain by ruling a kingdom ?” The master replied :-"There in the Gajapati kingdom are the images of Ráma and Sita, which you must try to acquire with great skill, in order that I may worship them." Accordingly Naraharitirtha went to the country of the Gajapati king and was hailed there by the people and the infant king as a fit ruler for their country. The stótra continues to say that the teacher ruled the Kalinga country for twelve years. When the prince attained his majority, he handed back the kingdom to him and, as a present and compensation for the services rendered, requested the king to give him the images of Rama and Sita, which were in the royal treasury. These being secured, Naraharitirtha returned and gave them to his master Anandatirtha. The latter worshipped the images for 80 days and made them over to his first pupil, Padmanabhatirtha, who in his turn worshipped them for six years and handed over the charge of
Several Matar or schools of the MAdbyes are known to exist. The Karnataka and Désastha Brabmaņas follow three of them, pit. the Uttaradimatha, Vydsarkyamatha and Raghavendrasvaminatba. Most of the Siva!ļi, Kota and Kotdivar. Brahmaņas of South Caoars are adherents of nine other Hathas, viz. eight Mathas at Udipi and one at Subrahmanya (with a branch at Bhandarakori near Barukdr). Lists of Madhya Gurua are preserved in esch of the three chief Matha, and are available for inspection. A similar list bas been pablished by Dr. Bhandarkar in his Report on the Search for Sanskrit Manuscript for 1882-83, Appendix II. p. 203.
• The chief incidents in the life of Madhvacharys u related in the Madhradijaya have been put together in #Pamphlet entitled "Madhwacharya.- A short historic sketch," by Mr. C. N. Krishnasvami Aiyar, M.A., of the Coimbatore College.
• Madhanjaya, vi. verse 33.
• The pine Mathar of South Canars recognise only PadmapAbbattrtba and their nice founders as direct disciples of Anandatirtos.
Printed at Bombay by the Nirnayasdgars Press in 1897. • The lists (one note 1 xbove) give the name Ramasastria. * This probably refers to the commentary of Amandatfrths on the Praathanatraya; nee below, p. 265, note 6.

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them to Naraharitirtha in the Raktákshi-santatsara. Having thus acquired the images and having become the preceptor of the world, Naraharitirtha went about touring and preaching While resting for the night in a certain town, he dreamt of an image of Narayana (Vishņu) merged in a tank near that town. The next day he had the image taken out, consecrated it, and called the town in consequence of that incident Narayanadávarkere (i.e. the tank of the god Náråyapa') This place still exists under the same name in the Hospet tåluka of the Bellary district. Having made over the charge of the images to Madhavatirtha, the third pupil of Anandatirtha, Naraharitirtha retired to the banks of the Tungabhadra and died there in the cyclic year Srimukha. To this the lists of the Mathas add that, at Chakratirtha on the bank of the Tungabhadra, Naraharitirtha established a Matha, occupied the sthanadhipatya or pontifical seat for a period of nine years, and wrote a commentary on the Bhashya, probably that of his teacher Anandatirtha.
This traditional history of Naraharitirtha's life agrees with the statement made about him in verse 6 of the inscription and fully accounts for the existence in the Kalinga country of several inscriptions which record his gifts to temples. It will be seen from the sequel that Naraharitartha suoceeded to the pontifical seat in A.D. 1324 and died in A.D. 1333. His governorship in the Kalinga country, which took place before his becoming a Guru, must therefore be placed in the period before A.D. 1324. This conclusion is borne' ont by the fact that Naraharitîrtha's inscriptions in the Kalinga country range between Saka-samvat 1188 and 1216 (= A.D. 1264 and A.D. 1294).5
Before discussing the dates of Anandatirtha and his successors, I have to draw attention to the fact that the Saka dates, which are assigned to the pontificate of each teacher in the lists of the Mathas, are to be accepted with caution. Dr. Bhandarkart says that "in the older lists the year of the oycle of sixty years in which each high-priest died was alone given, and from this was determined the Saks year. But this method is uncertain and liable to error if in any case the pontificate of any one of these extended over more than sixty years." It will be seen from what follows that such an error has actually been committed and that the dates given in the lists for each Guru will have to be pushed forward by two full cycles, 1.e. one hundred and twenty years. According to the traditional lists preserved in the three chief Mathas, Ånandatirtha was born on the 4th tithi of the dark half of ÅshAdha in Saka-Samyat 1040, the Vilambi-samvatsara (= A.D. 1118) and died on the 9th tithi of the bright half of Magha in Saka-Sanyat 1119, the Pingala-samvatsara (= A.D. 1197). In his Bhdratatatparyanirnaya Anandatirtha is
It may be noted that this transmission of the images from teacher to pupil is still going on in the existing Madhva Mathas. The installation of new Garw mesne, among other things, the receiving over of the aberge of the images to be regularly worshipped. The same custom obtains among the Smarta (Advaita) Molhas as well. There arises often a dispute among the Mathai as to whether the images worshipped therein are the same A those wbich were worshipped by the first tencber, the founder of the Mafha, or are imitations acquired second or third hand.
* This place is said to have been situated at Hampe between the temples of Virdplksba and Vitthals. • At Udipi I was told that Narsharitirtha's Tippani on Anandatirtba's Bhahya is still in existence.
• An inscription of Saka-Barvat 1214 at Simbachalam (No. 806 of 1900) shows the great influence that Narabaritirtha exercised on the people of that country; for it records « grant to the Lakshmi-Narasitobasvamin temple at Simhachalam, made by the Mataya chief Jayants of Oddavadi at the instance of Nanabaritirths. Another inscription at Brik Ormam (No. 867 of 1896), which records a gift of gold by Naraharltirths, is dated In Saka-Sarvat 1215 and in the 18th your of the reign of Vira-hrt-Naranarasimhadova, 1.o the Ganga king Narasimha II.
The Narahariyatistótra quoted above says that the Tyrtha ruled the Kalings country for 12 years, .wblle his inscriptions in that part of the country range over 80 years.
• See his Report on the Search for Sanskrit Manuscripta for 1889-88, p. 16.
See Dr. Bhandarkar, ibid. p. 202. • Chapter xxxii. verse 181, which runs as follows:
चतुमचे विनतीजी मते संवत्सरा तु कली पृथिव्याम् । बाव: पुनर्विप्रतमुह मौमी देवढि हरितवमा

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supposed to have given the date of his own birth as Kali 4300 ( A.D. 1198). Thus a difference of 80 years exists between the date found in the lists and the date contained in the Bharatatátparyanirnaya. Even the second date cannot be reconciled with the dates of the inscriptions of Anandatîrtha's pupil Narabaritirtha and is perhaps due to an interpolation. As regards the dates given in the lists, I am inclined to adopt Dr. Bhandarkar's suggestion that the Jovian years may be perfectly reliable while their Saka equivalents are later inventions, and to accept the statement of the lists that Anandatirtha was born in the year Vilambin, lived for 79 years, and died in the year Pingala. The lists further state that he was succeeded by his pupil Padmanabhatirtha, who occupied the seat for seven years and was followed by Narabaritirtha in the cyclic year Raktákahin. This teacher occupied the seat for nine years and died in the year Srimukha. He was succeeded by Madhavatirtha, who in his tarn occupied the seat for seventeen years and was followed by Akshobhyatirtha, who occupied the sthånádhipatya for another seventeen years. With the help of these statements the actual time of Anandatirtha can be easily determined by calculating backwards from the dates of Naraharitirtha's inscriptions. Two other facts derived from different sources are also of some value in this direction, vis, the statement in the Guruparampardprabhava' that Akshobhyatirtha was a contemporary of Madhavacharya-Vidyaranya, and the statement in the Madhravijayad that a certain king Isvaradeva in Maharashtra tried in vain to take Ånandatirtha into his service. MadhavacharyaVidyaranya was the minister of the Vijayanagara king Bukka I. whose inscriptions range between A.D. 1353 and A.D. 1371. Roughly, therefore, Akshobhyatirtha, a contemporary of Madhav - chårya, will have to be assigned to this period. To get to the time of Ânandatirtha, the total period of the sthánadhipatya of the intervening teachers, Padmanabhatirtha, Naraharitirtha and Madhavatirtha, vis. 33 years, will have to be deducted, say, from A.D. 1362; and this brings us to A.D. 1329. Now the nearest year to A.D. 1329 which corresponded to Pinigala, the traditional date of the death of Anandatirtha, was A.D. 1317. As noted above, Anandatirtha is supposed to have lived for 79 years, and consequently the date of his birth, the cyclic year Vilambin, would correspond to A.D. 1238. The statement of the Madhvavijaya confirms this date; for Isvaraddva of Maharashtra has been identified by Mr. Krishnasvami Aiyar with the Yadava king Mahadeve of Devagiri, who reigned from A.D. 1260-1271.6 Anandatirtha's date being thus fixed, the dates of his successors can be easily determined with the help of the lists which give the traditional Jovian years for each teacher's succession to the pontifical seat and for his death. Thus Naraharitirtha, the second in succession, must have ascended the pontifical seat in A.D. 1894, the year Raktákshin, and died in A.D. 1938, the year Srimukha.
TEXT.7
East Face. 1 [:*] inhalfaurari afara[fa]emateufeemafoafa[fa]
để chitect[]->
* With this agrees a statement of the Madbva Svåmin at Phalmaru near Mulki in South Canans, who told me that, according to the tradition of his Matha, Anandatirtha was born in Saka-Samrat 1119, Pingala, Maghefuddha 7, and died in Saka-Samyat 1199, favara, Xagka-krishna 9.
Madras edition, p. 108.
. Chapter L verse 8 f. Two other names mentioned in the Madhvavijays, if identified, may also belp in &xing the date of Anandatirths, pis. king Jayasimha who restored the library to the teacher, and a Guru of the Šankaracharya-Matha at Sringeri who had dispute with Ansodatirtha at Trivandrum. The former has not been identified; but Mr. Krisbasvami Aigar of the Coimbatore College identifies the latter with a certain Vidyasankara, who is supposed to have occupied the Bringbri seat from A.D. 1228-1338, 1.o. for no less than 100 years (!).
• See above, Vol. III. p. 86. • Sen hio pamphlet " Madb wacharys. A short historio sketch," p. 14. • See Dr. Fleet'. Dyn. Kan. Distr. p. 519. 7 From two inked estampages prepared in 1896. Read det
The skuhara dit of it it has both an and an 6 attached to it.

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2 'दये [*] स्वीयश्रीपदपंकजेकशरणान्' [संरक्षितुं सम्मुनि त[:*] श्री
पुरुषोत्तमाभिध[म](1)3 हा[तो]त्य॑स्मुमत्यग्रणीः । [१] यमुनिभाषितभाष्यं बाष्यं किल तोथिंक
प्रवरसंग्धैः [1] उ4 न्मदवादिहिरदप्रतिकुंभमंकुशं भवति ॥ [२] तस्य जानकलाकलोदय
कलो वैय्य[7]5 सीकं गोगणं (1) मंद[भि] अपथप्रधारितमलं' सुव्यक्तीदे पथि । नेतं
संतदंड6 मंडितकरो यः प्रादुरासोन्मुनिव्रातैमेव्यपदारवियुगळादानंदतीर्थो मु]7 निः । [३] यम्मुखनि[:*] मृतभाषा ललिता ललितप्रकारपदविन्यासा [1]
कमलापति पदकमलं भ8 जते भजमानभवभयारा[ति] । [४*] पानन्दतीर्थभगवत्पादाचार्यसरस्वती [1]
लोकेत्र 9 हरिपादामयुगळप्राप्तये न सा । [५] तस्मालोकसुरक्षणातिनिपुणासंप्राप्तक10 तव्यधीधामुत्र' तधात्र योवति जनान् "क[*]लिंगभूसं[भ]वान् [1]
पिण्याचारमुपैति 11 सून]रिति सनीतिस्थितो धर्मतशत्रुभापतिवर्गदुर्गनिवहान् भीतानभीत[:"]
खयं । [३] यच 12 "श्रीकमठाधिनायकमहाकायकवाव्रतस्तस्य प्र[]तिवारणाय सबरानीक
North Face. 13 क्षितीध्राशनिं [1] धत्ते [स]वरवालमस्य त[टि]ता संत्यसाजीवे रिपो
हंतव्यानवशेषणा14 ब्रिजविधिबी" यस्य बोध्यस्तरी । [७] तनानन श्रीमबरहरिती ख्यमुनि
वरेथेन [*] क1. लिसमयप्रसादप्रबावपरितोष्यवृहरिरूपेण ॥ [*] स्वस्ति श्रीशकवत्सरे हुतवाह
Lines 2, 3, 4 and 5 are written between parallel lines. • The final is inserted below the live. * The akahara HT at the end of the line appears to be corrected from u. Read HU.
. In the second balf of this verse the metre requires one or more additional syllables wbich are missing in the original. • Read बयासिकं. - Rend प्रतारित.
. Read . • Read 'धौधा.
10 Read तथाच. ॥ The syllables कलिंगभूसंभवा are written on an erasure. - Read कार्येक " Read तडिता.
• Read "विधिों . " Read तौयाश्य.
Read प्रभाव

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16 tardorya na 'teuninger[feja arê [*] site of [i*]
THE HOT[fu). 17 पस्य पुरतो निर्माय शर्मप्रदो योगानंहदृसिंह ए[प] भगवान् प्रीत्या
faxifa18 a: 1 [en]
TRANSLATION. (Verse 1.) The god (Vishnu), (who is) the recipient of the abundant dalliance of the goddess Kamala (Lakshmi),- in order to protect those whose only refuge are his divine lotus-feet on the whole surface of the earth where men were oppressed by the suffering produced by the Kali (age), (and) where the rise of knowledge had ceased, -took birth in the person of) & great saint (mahátirtha) named the holy Purushottama, a pious ascetic (and) & leader of the wise.
(V. 2.) The commentary (bhashya)" pronounced by this sage is, indeed, worthy of being repeated by crowds of chiefs of saints (tirthika), (and) & goad on every frontal globe of the furious elephants-proud disputants.
(V. 3.) From the pair of lotus-feet of this (Purushottama), which is worthy to be worshipped by crowds of sages, was produced the ascetic Anandatirtha, who canised the rising of the moon of wisdom, (and) whose hand was adorned with a staff held in it), (and who was therefore able to lead on the easily distinguishable path10 the cows of Vyasa," which had been enticed on the wrong path by ignorant men."
(V. 4.) The charming speech proceeding from his mouth (and) consisting of words arranged in a charming manner resorts to the lotus-foot of (Vishnu) the lord of Kamala, which destroys the fear of rebirth of its) devotees.
(V.5.) The speech of the holy preceptor (Bhagavatpádacharya) Ånandatirtha (leade) indeed (already) in this life to the attainment of the pair of lotus-feet of Heri (Vishạn).
1 The rest of the inscription after aut in engraved very faintly. The lettera cha howover be read from the back of the estem page.
Read Oues.
• The reason migned in this verse for the goaldra of Vishnu agrees with what Krlahns says in the Bhagavadgltd, chapter iv. verso 7 L. :
यदा यदा हि धर्मस्य खानिर्भवति भारत । अभ्युत्थानमधर्म तदात्मानं सनाम्यहम् ।
परिवाचाय साधूना विनाशाय च दुवाम् । धर्मसंस्थापनार्थाय संभवामि युगे युगे ।
The word swmati, the wise,' seems to have been standing designation of the followers of the Dvaita doctrine, just m bhavya is applied to the Jalons for the Baghavondrumimaths at Nadjangod, one of the three chief Mathas of the Madhvas, is otherwise called Samattodramatba.
The commentary referred to may be assumed to have been one on the Brahmandards, the ten important Upanishads and the Bhagavadgild-collectively known by the name Prasthanatraya; no Dr. Bhandarkar's Report on the Search for Sanskrit Hanseeripta for 1889-88, p. 18.
• The 'proud disputants are the followers of the Advaita system of Sankaracharya. 7 I.e. his pupil was.
• Kaldkala may be taken in the son of kalddhars. The rising moon anista the cows which are mentioned afterwards in finding their way, and the wisdom is required for the explanation of the Vydaaritraa.
• The staff is one of the attributes of Moetic; bat the cowherd's stick is also implied bere.
1. Or, on the path where the distinction (Adda) (between Jludtmas and Paramdtman) is quite clear,' i.e. the Dvaita system.
1 OT, "the words of Vykor,' .. the Vyde and trai, on which the Advaita, VifishţAdvaita and Draits systems are based. * These negligent cowherds are the followers of Sankaracharya.
2x

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(V. 6.) From him (vis. Anandatirtha), who was very experienced in well protecting men, has obtained the knowledge of duty he (vis. Naraharitirtha), who protects the people born in the Kalinga country both in the next (world) and in this; who as a (dutiful) son follows the profession of his father, practising high politics in a righteous manner (and) himself facing the frightened garrisons (P) of the fortresses of crowds of hostile kings;
(V. 7.) And who, being devoted exclusively to the great service of the lord of Srikamatha, holds, in order to prevent the ruin of this temple), an excellent sword (which is) a thunderbolt to the mountains, the bands of Sabaras,- (but) the proper action of which was totally imperceptible because no victim was left, the enemy having lost his life through its (mere) flashing.
(V. 8.) This best of sages, called the holy Naraharitirtha, a man-lion incarnate, who is to be worshipped by those who possess the power of Prahlada' in the Kali age, -
(V. 9.) Hail! in the prosperous Saka year joined with the fires (3), the sky (0), the pair (2), and the earth (1),--(i.e. 1903),- in (the month of) Mesha, on the day of the mooncrested (Śiva), in the bright (fortnight), and on an excellent Wednesday, - having built a temple in front of the lord of Kamatha, consecrated (therein) with pleasure this god YoganandaNộisimha, the bestower of bliss.
POSTSCRIPT Professor Kielhorn very kindly contributes the following remark on the date of the preceding inscription :
"In Saka-Samvat 1203 expired the 8th tithi of the bright half in the month of Megha ended 6 h. 23 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, the 29th March A.D. 1281; and in Saka-Samvat 1203 current the same tithe ended 3 h. 37 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, the 9th April A.D. 1280. As all the other inscriptions of Naraharitirtha (see below) quote expired Baka years, the day intended by the date would be expected to be Saturday, the 29th March A.D. 1281; but if it were so, the word Saumye of the date would have to be altered to Saurêre (.e. of Satar')."
Besides this inscription, the Vaishnava temples at Srikūrmam and Simhachalam (in the Vizagapatam district) contain five other insoriptions recording gifts by Narabaritirtha. I gubjoin their dates, which Professor Kielhorn has been good enough to calculate as well.
1.In the Kurmêsvara temple at Srikûrmam. 5 U(a)na-chaturdasa-varshồ dvadasa-sata-vatsar [1] 6 Kanys-mad-site pakshe trayodasyam Kavêr=ddinê [lli 9 Svasti Sri-Saka-varashambulu 1186 n=entti
10 Kanya-kri(kpi)shna 13 Sukravaramuna ..... * In the (Saka) year twelve hundred less fourteen years, in the month of Kanye, in the dark fortnight, on the thirteenth tithi, on Friday."
"On Friday, the 13th (tithi) of the dark (fortnight) of Kanya in the Saka year 1186."
For Saka-Samvat 1186 expired the date corresponds to Friday, the loth September A.D. 1204, when the 13th tithi of the dark half ended 20 h. 23 m. after mean sunrise. The day by the Arya-siddhanta was the 23rd day of the month of Kanya.-F. K.
1 It follows from this statement that both Naraharitirths and his father were ministers of the king of Kalinga.
I... Srlkdrmam; compare above, Vol. V. p. 85, note 1.
* By this the poet means to say that Naraharitfrtha, though he wore a sword, was not put to the necessity of nsing it and thereby avoided incurring the sio of destroying life.
• PrablAds was the son of the demon Hira yakalipa who was killed by Vishnu in his Nrisimha avaldra. . I.e. the eighth tithi; see above, Vol. V. p. 168, uote 4.
No. 869 of 1896.

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No. 25.]
SRIKURMAM INSCRIPTION OF NARAHARITIRTHA.
267
=
2.- In the Lakshmi Narasimhasvamin temple at Simbachalam. 1 Svasti [ll] sak-Abdə Râma-dhatri-nayana-basi-mitê Panshya-måsi prasiddhes[]pât
Arka våra2 Sravana-pariņate salvadArddhoday-Akhye | bhūya[b] Svarbbhåma-bhånugrahaņa
ja-samaye 3 tat-tisthau] Somavård punya kala-dvage=pi . 7 . Svasti sri-Saka-varushambulu 1218 gan=émtti Paushga måsamana Sravana
Vyatîpåt-Arkkavåra-s& . 8 hitam=aina Arddhodayam=anu pêraṁ gala [a]m&väsya namąunu i(1) divasamuna
sûryyagrahaņa-59 hitam=sina Sômavaramu nama[u]nu
"In the Saka year measured by the Råmas (8), the learth (1), the eyes (2), and the moon (1),-(.e. 1213), -in the well-known month of Paushya, on the occasion) called Ardhôdaya, ever brought about by (the union of the yôga) Vyatipata, & Sunday and (the nakshatra) Sravaņa, again on the occasion arising at the sun's eclipse by Rahu, on the tithi of this (eclipse), on Monday,- at both of these auspicious times."
"In the month of Paushya of the Saks year 1213, on the day of the new-moon tithi bearing the name Ardhodaya, combined with Sravana, Vyatipata and Sunday, and on Monday combined with an eclipse of the sun on this day."
For Saka-Samvat 1218 expired the two days quoted by the original date correspond to Sunday, the 20th January, and Monday, the 21st January, A.D. 1992. On the Sunday, the new-moon tithi of Pausha commenced 2 h. 29 m. after mean sunrise, and the nakshatra was Sravana for 22 h. 20 m., and the yôga Vyatip&ta for 18 h. 56 m., after mean sunrise. As therefore during the new-moon tithi of Paasha, on a Sunday in day-time, the nakshatra was Sravana, and the yôga Vyatipata, the coincidence is correctly described as Ardhôdays (compare Ind. Ant. Vol. XXVI. p. 186, Pausha-krishnapakaha XV.). On the Monday, at 3 h. 39 m. after sunrise, there was an annular eclipse of the sun which was visible in India. For a place in Southern India of longitude 77o and Latitude 15o the magnitude of the greatest phase was about six digits.-F. K.
8.-In the Lakshmi Narasimhasvâmin temple at Simhachalam. 7 ..... Sak-A[bd8] Veda-chandra-dyumaņ[i].sngapita śrávaņa maai du8 klø Vishņðra ahny-[A]rkkivåre 11.
. . Svasti ri-Saka-varushambulu 1214 eu12 n-érti Srávana-sukla AkAdabiyun Sanailcharaváramu namdu .....
“ In the Saka year well reckoned by the Vedas (4), the moon (1), and the suns (12),-(i.e. 1214), - in the month Śravana, in the bright (fortnight), on the day of Vishậu, on Saturday.”
"On Saturday, the eleventh tithi of the bright (fortnight) of Sravana in the Saka year 1214."
For Saka-Sarhvat 1214 expired the date corresponds to Saturday, the 26th July A.D. 1999, when the 11th tithi of the bright half ended 10 h. 29 m. after mean sunrise.-F. K.
4.-In the Karmefvara temple at Srikrmam. 1 Svasti ert-Bake-varushambulu 1215 gun-êmàu Vira-eri-Na2 rangrasimhya(ha)dévaru(ra) vijaya-rajya-sA[tayva]tsarambula-7
No. 311 of 1900.
Read Vydelpdl.. • No. 805 of 1900
.1... the eleventh tithi. * Cancel the syllable la st the end of the lino,
Bead Svarbbadww. No. 967 of 1896.
2 x 9

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3 lu 18 gu fráhi Ri(ri)shabha-sukla-paurnna(ropa)miyu Guruva
4 ramana . . . . . . . . . . . “In the saka year 1215 (and) in the 18th year of the victorious reign of the glorious ViraNaranarasimhadova, - on Thursday, the full-moon tithi of the bright (fortnight) of Rishabha."
For Saka-Samvat 1215 expired the date corresponds to Thursday, the 21st May A.D. 1293, when the full-moon tithi ended 15 h. 22 m. after mean sunrise. The day by the Aryasiddhanta was the 27th day of the month of Rishabha.-F. K.
3.- In the Kurmesvara temple at Srikormam. 1 Svasti srl-Saka-vatsara Sara-dhara-tigmangu-fa(sa)mkhy-ânvite . . . .
• Svasti sri-Saka-varushambulu 1215 gun=ertti MA5 [gha]-Sukla-pamchchamiyu Raviv[&]ramunay-auddu .
"In the Saka year joined with the number of the arrows (5), the earth (1), and the suns (12),-(i.e. 1215)."
"On Sunday, the fifth tithi of the bright (fortnight) of Magha in the Saka year 1215."
For Saka-Sanyat 1215 expired the date corresponds to Sunday, the 3rd January A.D. 1294, when the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 11 h. 50 m. after mean sunrise.-F. K.
No. 26.-TSANDAVOLU INSCRIPTION OF BUDDHARAJA;
SAKA-SAMVAT 1098.
BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D. This inscription (No. 249 of 1897) is engraved on three faces of a pillar opposite the Lingodbhavasvâmin temple at Tsandavālu in the Répalle tâluks of the Kistna district. The alphabet is Teluga. The inscription consists of 13 Sanskrit verses, a passage in Telugu prose (11. 56 to 81), and two Sanskfit verses at the end.
The inscription is dated at the winter-solstice (Saumy dyana, v. 13, or Uttarayana, 1.70 f.) in Beka-Samvat 1093 (in numerical words, v. 13, and in figures, 1.70) and records the grant of a field at Nadiņdla (v. 13 and 1. 72) and of a lamp to the Siva temple of Pandisa (v. 13) or Pandiśvara (11. 69 and 79) at Dhanadapura (v. 18), Dhanadaprólu (1. 69) or Dhanadavrôlu (1. 78 f.) in Velanandu (v. 13). Nadiņdla is the modern Nadendia in the Narabarávupēta täluka of the Kistna district. As stated before, Dhanadapura or Dhanadaprólu is the modern Taandavôlu, which was the capital of the chiefs of Velanându. According to an inscription which is now built into the roof of the Lingodbhavasyamin temple, the temple of Pandisvara was named after one of the chiefs of Velan&ņdu.
The donor of this inscription was Buddharaja (vv. 9, 12 and 13) or, in Telugu, the Mahamandalesvara Koņdepadmaţi-Buddaraja (1. 67 f.), who bore the surnames AniyankaBhima (1. 60 f.), Eladâyasimha (1. 61 f.), and the lion of the mountain-the Durjaya family,
No. 291 of 1896.
Above, Vol. IV. p. 87, and Vol. VI. pp. 111 and 115. * Above, Vol. IV. Additions and Corrections, p. v. Ibid. p. 88
Above, Vol. V. p. 161. • This was also surname of the chief Nambaya; see page 227 above. And the KAkatlys king Ganapati traced his descent to an ancestor named Durjays; above, Vol. V. p. 142. Though Gapapati claims to be a descendant of the Sun, Manu and Raghu (Ind. Ant. Vol. XXI. p. 201, and above, Vol. V. p. 14%), the Kakatiyas must have belonged to the sadra caste, because they intermarried with sadra chiefs (above, Vol. 111. p. 94, and Vol. VI. p. 147). In the Yenamadala inscription, which chronicles the marriage of Gapapamba to Beta, both parties preserve a discreet silence regarding their Sudra descent.

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No. 26.]
TSANDAVOLU INSCRIPTION OF BUDDHARAJA.
269
(1. 59). As he calls himself a 'worshipper of the feet of Kulôttunga-Chodaddva' (1. 57 f.), it may be assumed that he or his predecessors had been vassals of the Chalukya-Cha king Kulôttunga-Chôļa II. Among his remaining birudas we find Giripaschimasasana, the ruler (of the country) west of the hill' (1. 64), and Sailapåschtyadipa, 'the light of the country) west of the hill' (v. 12). These are Sanskpit equivalents of the Telugu term Koņdapadmați, "(the ruler of the country) west of the hill,' which is prefixed to his name in line 68. When editing the Amaravati inscription of Keta II., I pointed out that the district of Kondapadumati corresponds to the eastern portion of the Sattenapalli taluka. Hence the expression west of the hill' must refer to the Kondavidu hills, which form part of the eastern boundary of that district.
Buddharaja's anoestor Buddhavarman belonged to the Chaturthabhijana (v. 2), 1.6. to the Südra caste, and was a servant (v. 3) of king Kubja-Vishnu of the lunar race (v. 1), i... of the Eastern Chalakya king Kubja-Vishộuvardhana I., who conferred on him the country west of the hill, which contained seventy-three villages' (v.4). The immediate descendants of Buddhavarman are not mentioned by name in the inscription, which passes on to the Mandaléfuara Manda I. or Mandana, who "was born from that family," his son Ganda, (v. 5), and his grandson Manda II. (v. 6). Buddharaja was the son of Manda II. and Kundâmbika (v. 8), and the brother of Ankama (v. 12), who became the wife of RajendraChoda, the son of Gonka (v. 11). This chief has to be identified with Rajendra-Choda, the son of Gonks II. of Velanándu, and his wife Ankama with Akkambik& or Akkama, whose name occurs in verge 49 of the Pithapuram pillar inscription of Prithvisvara and in a fragmentary inscription at Bapatla. The son of Rajendra-Chôda, Gonka III., followed the example of his father in marrying Jayambika, who belonged to the family of the chiefs of the country west of the hill."
In the foot-notes on the text I have quoted the various readings of two Nadondla inscriptions of Buddharkja, of which the first (No. 233 of 1892) contains verses 1-10 of the subjoined inscription, and the second (No. 228 of 1892) the list of birudas (11. 56 to 68).
TEXT.5
West Face. i ot [] ore i nagigtaifaafacia[aa]-* 2 डवक्षस्थलो देवशीतमयूख3 cufarcerar[:*) f[F]ufayfa: 1 31-10 4 स्यारातिनरेंद्रहhविलसा
Page 148 above.
• Above, Vol. IV. pp. 86 and 51. I Avail myself of this opportanity for issuing collotype plate of the tour Pithapuram pillar inscriptions between pages 270 and 871.
This inscription (No. 181 of 1897) refers itself to the reign of "Choda-Goh ka-maharaja, the son of Akkamamabadevi, the younger sister of (Buddaj-maharaja."
• Paral-dpara-makt; above, Vol. IV. p. 51.
From an inked estampage prepared by Mr. H. Krishna Sastri, B.A.
• The symbols of the sun and the moon-implying that the grant is to continue d-chandr-drkanare engraved at the top of this face. 1 Expressed by a symbol.
No. 233 of 1892 reads oferciforo; rend azo. No. 288 of 1899 reada 19:.
10 Read TFETTIfa (?).

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6 [भिलाषीहतधीभोसंगकुरंग्गयीत6 किरणस्याचे धिशौभा] दधौ । [१] पासीचतुनाभिजनाव[स][:] [श्री]बुध्यवर्म[7] कृत. 8 पुण्यकर्मा [1] [संपामरंगे निजनाथवर्मा 9 संपादिताशेषक[वींद्रशा । [२] भूत्यतत्य10 बिमयेन रंजयवंजुनेय व राव. 11 णच्छिदं [1] वैनतेय इव चक्रिणं च तं सार्बभौ. 12 मतिलकं स [शोभते] । [३] चिसप्ततिग्रामवतीम्म18 हीन्महीपतिप्रसादोपनताबसाहितः [*] 14 गिरिप्रतीचीविजराजांच्छनेस पालयामा. 15 स विलासवासकः । [*] वंशकषु' गवेषु केषुचि16 त्तत्कुलादजनि [म]डभूपति: [1] मंडलेख. 17 रसिखंडमंडनो' मंडनादजनि गंडभू18 पतिः । [५] पथ रविरिव पूवशैलचिंगा[तुहिन19 मरोचिरिवबिधः कुमारः [*] 'भरवन[वन]. 20 [जा]दिवोत्सवात्र्ष समजनि मंडविभुर्वि21 भोरमुभात् । [१] पत्र खालतिकात्रि22 ता जय()श्री जावितभुवादिराज23 "भिर्भुशावत्यपि पतिव्रता कता तन" राज. 24 तनयेन मानिना ॥ [0]. पुरंहरसेव" पु25 लीमपुत्री सीतेव रामस्य रमेव मौर: [1] 28 बभुव" देवी जनपस्य तस्य कुंदांभिका" 27 राजभृतोभिकेव" । [१] ताभ्यामुभाभ्यां ज28 गदुसवाय श्रीबुहराजोजनि 29 कीर्तिदानी" "] तेनैव जातामह वईमा-" INo. 283 of 1893 read. 'चायो'.
No. 288 of 1893 reads साबमीभा.
Read योजनेय. 'No. 288 of 1892 reada सेवते.
•No.288 of 1899 reeda क .. INo. 283 of 1893 read. 'भिखंड
• Read पूर्ववशृंगा.. .No. 288 of 1892 read रवी .
"No. 288 of 1899 rends यख. - Read श्री जा.
. Read "मिः । मुक्त u No. 988 of 1892 ronde 49.
No. 293 of 1893 rendsरस्येष. "No.283 of 1893 reads बभूव.
"K0.288 of 1893 reads दीपिका. No. 288 of 1892 resda विव
"No. 288 of 1892 rend. श्रीबुर "80.288 of 1899 read जानि[:]. ► No. 988 of 1899 reads To.

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No. 26.]
30 [T] त्यार्जित (1) त्यागपराक्रमाच' [ 2 ] 31 येस्यासीप्रविदारितारिकरटिप्रस्पी '
32 'तकुंभ्भस्थलस्थालोस्थूलविमुक्तमुक्त
38 निकरास्थ विकीर्द्रा र[] [1*] वाई- ' 34 लोखरविंखलेखनद [ल *] द्रक्तप्रसिकच्चि - 7
TSANDAVOLU INSCRIPTION OF BUDDHARAJA.
35 तौ (i) प्रत्युपा' [व] कोर्त्तिबोजम [ण] यो भां- " 36 [त्ति ] " [षो] मांकुराः । [१०*] श्रीमत्संग्रामवो37 [र] चितिपतिरभव होंकभू [प]ाल [पु]त्र[:*]
South Face.
38 "श्रीमान्वित्रारिभोगः " प्रभलरिपु
39 त्रिपांभोजपुंजाम्बितांश[: *] [1"] शखच्छ्री40 कं[1] तभक्तो गुणनिधिरमलो वाक्पतिः 41 पुण्यमूर्त्तिध्वीमदेव हृद्यम-16
42 कलजननुतो भाति "राजेद्रचोडः [n ११* ] 43 तस्योaffवज्ञभस्य प्रियवरललना
44 " [ब]ध्वपट्टांकमाख्या भाति श्रीसबि[भा]
45 "तिस्पुरितनिखिलदिक्पूर्ण सत्कीर्त्ति - "
46 वशी [*] ताता बुझ्बूपो ̈ नरपतिति
47 लकशैलपाश्चात्यदीपः समानो [य]
48 [हि ] कीर्त्तिर्गुणमणिनिकरो राजते
49 [पु]ण्यमूर्त्तिं[:"] । [१२] शाकाब्दे शक्तिनंदां
50 बरमभिगणिते [भू] रिसोम्म्यायने
51 वा क्षेत्रनादिंड्डु [पु]
धनधपु-"
52 रेमधिस्थाय पंडीशनाने [*] नैवेद्या
53 र्त्यम्मईत्मा" भिरतरमनिशं
खंडु[कं ]
No. 238 of 1893 reads यखासिम. • Rend कुंभ.
• No. 238 of 1898 renda बाहाली.
1 No. 283 of 1892 reads 'त्योर्व्वित'.
• No. 283 of 1892 rends "प्रस्फीत'.
• Read 'सूर्य' विकीच रथे.
7 No. 233 of 1892 reads "fer".
The anusedra stands at the beginning of the next line.
10 No. 288 of 1899 rends का नामांकुरा:.
13 Read प्रबल
14 Rend "मूर्त्तिम'.
10 Rend स्फुरित'.
31 Read धनदपुरमधिष्ठाय.
No. 238 of 1399 rends प्रयुप्ता.
24 Boead श्रीमान्वचारि
18 Read ""
14 Road रावेंद्र.
10 Rond °दिक्पूर्णं.
Rend महात्मा चिर.
271
14 Bend "जामृतांश:.
in Read बड़
20 Read बुद्धभूपी.

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[VoL. VI..
54 बाहुसंख्यं दीप प्रादादखंडं [ख]55 यमपि वेलनांडभूतले बुद्ध[भू]प: 56 ॥ [१३] स्वस्ति समधिगतपंचमहाशब्दम. 57 [हामंडलेश्वर' कुलोत्तुंम्गची[ड] देवर 58 दिव्यश्वीपादपद्माराधक परबलसाधः 59 क दुर्जयकुलाचलमगेंद्र सत्यह. 60 रिश्चंद्र प्रतिज्ञापरसराम अनियं61 कभीम सत्यराधेय शौचगांगेय ए62 लदायसिंह विक्रमबिसिंह' सुज63 नजनवनवसंत कांताजयंत वि. 64 वेकपद्मासन गिरिपश्चिमशासन वित65 रणरणविनोद 'कस्तुरिकामीद ह. 66 यवत्सराज राजमनोज नामादि. 67 समस्तप्रशस्तसहित श्रीमन्महाम: 68 डलेश्वर कोंडपड्मटिबुहराजुलु 69 धनदप्रोलि श्रीपंडीवरमह[ [देव. 70 रकु शकवर्षबुलु १.८३ नेटि [उत्त(r)71 रायणनिमित्तमुन निवेद्यार्थ72 नकु नादिंड बैटिन भूमि ख २ [*] 73 ॥ देवरक प्रखंडवर्तिदीपंबुनकुं"
East Face. 74 बैटिन गोळियलु ५५ [*] वीनिं जैको75 नि चामेनबोयुनि कोड्कु सूर्य76 बोयिनि पूंटनु कोम्मनबोयिनि कोड्कु 77 भीमनबोयुंडु तन पुत्रानु78 पौत्रिकमु पाचंद्राकमु धनदव्रो79 लि श्रीपंडीवरमहादेवरकुनखं80 डवर्तिदीपंबुनकु नित्य मान]डु
Read ito.
..No.228 of 1899 inserts पौरमीश्वर. .No. 298 of 1892 read देवदिव्यश्रीपादाराधक. • No. 228 of 1892 read. परपराम. SNo. 228 of 1899 renda सौचाजुनेय (1). .No. 228 of 1892 read. कृसिंह.
INo. 228 of 1892 reads कसरिका. • No. 298 of 1892 rends प्रमस्ति'.
• The ansodra stands at the beginning of the next line. 30 Read fan.
- Read देवरकु. 17 The anuspara stands at the begivning of the next line.

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No. 26.)
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81 afu utierats acat q82 [E]nt at rin ayat [*] afer 83 adet af farrut urea afa: [n P8*] 84 agfaergy IT aft[a]-* 85 uifcat [1] Tee ut fer86 per Tell [24]
ABRIDGED TRANSLATION. Verse 1 praises king Kubja-Vishnu, the ornament of the race of the Moon. His servant was Buddhavarman, the ornament of the Chaturthabhijana, 1.6. of a family belonging to the fourth (Sadra) caste (v.2 f.).
(V. 4.) "He to whom enemies bowed, (and who resembled) Vasava (Indra) in happiness, protected the country west of the hill, which contained seventy-three villages, (and which he had) received through the favour of the king along with his royal emblems."
(V. 5.) “After some ancestors had passed away, there was born from that family king Manda (L.), the crest-ornament of rulers of provinces (mandalesvara); (and) from Maņdans was born king Ganda."
His son was Manda (II.) (v. 6), who married KundAmbika (v. 8). Their son was Buddharaja (v. 9). His sister Ankama was the wife of Rajendra-Choda, the son of Gonka (v. 11 f.).
(V. 13.) "In the Baka year counted by the powers (3), the Nandas (9), the sky (0), and the moon (1),- (i.e. 1009), and at the great Saumyayana, the high-minded king Buddha himself gave to the god) named Pandisa, who resides at Dhanadapura in the country of Velanand[u], a field (of) two khandukast in the town of Nadiņdla for (providing) offerings uninterruptedly for a very long time, and a perpetual lamp."
(Line 56.) “Hail! The glorious Mahamandalesvara Kondapadmaţi-Buddar ja, who was possessed of all the glory of such names as the Mahamandalesvara who has obtained the five great sounds; the worshipper of the divine lotus-feet of Kulottunga-Chodadova; the destroyer of hostile armies; the lion of the mouritain-the Durjaya family;a Harischandra in truthfulness; a Parasurama in (keeping) vows; Aniyanka-Bhima; a Radhêys (Karpa) in truthfulness ; & Gangøya (Bhishma) in purity; Eladáyasimha; a Nrisimha in valour; the season of spring to the forest-virtuous men; a Jayanta to the eyes of) women; a Brahma in wisdom; the ruler (of the country) west of the hill; he who delights in making gifts and in (fighting) battles; he who is fond of musk;& a Vatsaraja in (the management of horses; and a Cupid among kingsin the Saks year 1093, on the occasion of the Uttarayana,- gave to the god PandiśvaraMahadeva at Dhanadaprólu 2 kha[nd] of land at Nadindla for providing) offerings."
(L. 78.) “To the same god (he) gave 55 sheep for a perpetual lamp. Having received these (sheep),- Sürya-Boys, the son of Chåmens-Boya, standing security, 7- Bhimana-Bộya, the son of
The anusodra stands at the beginning of the next line. Bend बहुभिः
Read Ofurgo . This term is synonymous with Uttarayana (1. 70 f.). . Literally, the khanduka whose number were the (two) arms.
• The diruda Kastarikamoda makes me waspect that Kastarikamádint, one of the queens of Anantavarman alias Chádaganga of Kalinga (Vol. V. above, Appendix, p. 68, No. 367), was the daughter of one of the Kondapadmaţi chiefs.
* Penta is the same s puta, ou which seo Brown'. Telugu Dictionary.
2 N

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- EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
Kommana-Boya, with his sons and further descendants has to supply one mana of ghee daily for a perpetual lamp to the god Pandisvara-Mahadeve at Dhanadavrôlu as long as the moon and the sun shall last."
The inscription ends with two of the customary verses.
POSTSCRIPT. The two temples of Siva and Vishņu at Nadendla contain 12 inscriptions of the Kondapaqmați chiefs, and there are two others at the Sömêsvara temple at Irlapadu near Nadepdla. I subjoin abstracts of these records, which, along with the Tsandavôla inscription of Buddharåja, establish the following three pedigrees.
Budda I.
Buddhavarman.
Erra-Manda; saks 1040 (P).
Manda I.
Buddha varman.
Buddhavarman or Budda II.;
married Gadiyamadevi.
Manda II.; contemporary of Rajendra-Choda.
Manma-Manda, Manma-Mapdaya,
or Manama-Mapda; Saka 1062, 1060, 1061.
Budda; married Badambiks or Badamadevi.
Chods or Chôderija;
Bakr 1054, 1057.
Buddhavarman.
Manda I. or Mandana.
Gands or Gandana.
Manda II., married Kand&mbika ;
Saka 1057 (R).
Malla or Malleråja;
Baka 1089.
Buddhardja; married GundAmbika or Gundamadevi;
Saks 1066, 1070, 1098.
Aokams;
married Rajendra-Choda.
Manderija; Saka 1094, 1096.

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No. 26.)
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1.-On a pillar in the Mülasthånêsvara temple at Nadeņdla (No. 227 of 1892). Language: Teluga proge and verse. Date: Saka-Samvat 1052,1 Mêsha-siti-pañchami, Thursday. The son of the Mahamandalesvara Budda—"who was possessed of all the glory of such names as the Mahamandalesvara who has obtained the five great sounds ; Vira-Mahesvara; the worshipper of the divine feet of Kulottunga-Chôdadêva; the destroyer of hostile armies; Eladâyasimha; Sahasottunga; a Râma on the battle-field; Anaanka-Bhima (!); a Radhêya in truthfulness; a Gângêya in purity; & moon to the water-lily and the milk-oceanthe Durjaya family; a mine of very bright virtues; he whose delight is the sport of valour; he whose delight is poetry; the mango-tree to the parrots- excellent poeta; the support of virtuous men ; & Rêvanta in the management of) horses; the death to enemies; a Brahma in wisdom; and Giripasohimaśåsana" -was Erra-Manda. His son was Buddhavarman; and his son Manma-Manda, who gave two lamps and land at Nofichinip&du to the Malasthåna temple at N&diqdla.
2.-On a pillar in the Múlasthåndsvara temple at Nådendla (No. 217 of 1892). Language: Telugu. Date: Saka-samvat 1060. Gift of certain taxes levied at Noñchinipadu, for the maintenance of two lamps in the temple of Mülasthậna-Mahâdêva at Nadi dla, by the Mahamandalesvara Manma-Mandaya.
3.-—-On a pillar in the Malasthånêsvara temple at Nadeņdla (No. 222 of 1892). Language: Telugu verse and probe. Date : Saka-Samvat 1061, Magha-sita-pañohami, Friday, Manma-Manda, the eldest son of the Mandalika Budda and of Gadiyamadevi, built a temple (gudi) of Siva at Nådendla and gave to it the village Noñchedlapaņdi. His mother Gadiyamadêvi, the daughter of Mêda and Mêdamámba, gave a lamp to the Mûlasthans temple at Nadiņdla. Further Manuma-Mande gave many ornaments to Siva. Finally the inhabitants of Nonohinipadu had to pay a tax to the temple.
4.-On a pillar in the Malasthåndsvara temple at Nådendla (No. 214 of 1892). Languages : Sanskrit and Telugu, Date: Baka-Samvat 1054 or 1057.7 The two first verses praise king Kubja-Vishnu, the ornament of the race of the Moon. His servant was Buddhavarman, the lion of the mountain-the Chaturthakula (v. 3 f.), who "protected the country west of the hill, which contained seventy-three villages, and which he had) received through the favour of his master along with the royal emblems" (v. 5). After some princes of his family had passed away, Buddhavarman, surnamed Elad@yasimha, was born from Manda [I.] (v. 6). His son was Manda (II.], surnamed Aniyanka-Bhima (v.7).
Aubaka-adyak-dmbara.rigdaka.
1 The word riti or fiti means both white and black and may refer either to the bright or to the dark fortnight. Prof. Kielhorn states that, for the dark half of Mahs in Saka-Samvat 1052 current, the date corre. sponds to Thursday, 11th April A.D. 1129.
Nirjarandths-mantri-ndra.
• He is styled Chaturthavathia-wiatdraka and his son Chaturthd-vay-dodhi-chandra. A damaged Telugu inscription of Saka-Samvat 1040 (in figures and in numerical words: gagan-dodhi-ni ya]d-ind[]), the Vilambin year, st Chébrölu (No. 167 of 1197) mentions Sdrs, the minister of the Giripaschima king Erra-Mapda.
• Udurallabha-tarka-[kh-d]nds.
• Kadi-tdagra. Professor Kielborn kindly informs me that "the date regularly corresponds, for Bakr-SAVAS 1061 expired, to Friday, the 26th January A.D. 1140, when the 6th tithi of the bright half ended 6 h. 40 m. ser mean sonrine."
1 Jalandhi-mdrgaya-biyat-tarddhindtha. Compare above, Vol. IV. p. 228 and note 10. • Makin ... .. giri-pratfot saa raja-ldthehehhandioritaptati.grdmaratit.
2 x 2

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(V. 8.) "Having torn up, like a mound, the army of the Ganga (king) of Kalinga, having consumed, like straw, the warriors of the bold enemy, and having cut off, (like) lotuses, their heads, the mighty rutting elephant- the Mandalika Manda (IL.) is roaring."
(V. 9.) " (Having defeated] the army of the enemy, he gave to Rajendra-Chôde: mighty elephants which had been captured there, (and) whose temples were bright with rut."
His son was Budda (v. 10), whose wife was Badâmbika (v.12). His son Chôda (v.13) gave a lamp, ornaments, a bell, a trampet and a conch to the Mülasthana temple at Nadiņdla, and land to Brahmanas.
5.--On a pillar in the Malasthåndsvara temple at Nadeņdla (No. 215 of 1892). Language : Telugu. Undated. Gift of a lamp and of land at Nofichinipadu to the temple of Mdlasthậna-Mahadeva at Nadiņdla by the Mahamandalesvara Chôderaja," who was possessed of all the glory of such names as the Mahamandalesvara who has obtained the five great sounds; Vira-Mahêsvara; the lion of the principal mountain-the Durjaya family ; & Harischandra in truthfulness; he whose hair is covered by the dust of the divine feet of Kulottunga-Chodadêva, as bees are covered by the pollen of the lotus; a Shanmukha at the head of battles; AniyankaBhima; a Parasurama in (keeping) vows; he whose wife is (the goddess) Vijaya-Lakshmi; a son to the wives of others; a Npisimha to the demong- heroes; and Eladâyasim ha." Also gift of a lamp by the same chief for the merit of his mother Badamadevi.
6.- On a pillar in the Mdlasthânêsvara temple at Nadeņdla (No. 219 of 1892).
Language : Telugu. Date: Saka-Samvat 1054. Gift of land at Nadindla to some Mahajanas by the Mahamandalesvara Chod[o]raja.
7.-On a pillar in front of the Somêsvara temple at Irlapaļu (No. 111 of 1893). Languages : Sanskrit and Telugu. Date: Saks-Samvat 1067. Gift of land and of & lamp to the temple of Sômêsvara-Mahadeva at Irralûru by the Mahdmandalesvara Chôdergja, " who was possessed of all the glory of such names as the Mahamandalesvara who has obtained the five great sounds; Vira-Mahêsvara; the lion of the principal mountain-the Durjaya family; a flarischandra in truthfulness; a bee at the divine lotus-feet of Kulottunga-Chôdadeva; a Shagmukha at the head of battles; a Parasurama in (keeping) vows; Aniyanka. Bhima; he whose wife is (the goddess) Vijaya-Lakshmi; a son to the wives of others; Eladáyasimha ; and Sàhasốttunga.”
8.-On a pillar in front of the Somêsvara temple at Irlapadu (No. 109-10 of 1893).
Languages : Sanskrit and Telugu. Date: Saka-samvat 1057.7 Somana-Peggada, an officer of the Mandalika Manda who belonged to the family of the Darjayas and was the lord
Evidently Anantavarman alia. Chodagangs of Kalinga, who reigned from Saka-Samvat 999 to 1064; Vol. V. above, Appendix, p. 61, No. 858, and p. 52, No. 368.
s aa 24[fr] ET TETTHzfer []
उतिय [गति बिरस्परसौवहापि तेषां च मंडलिकमंजमदरि[]द्रः । * This statement refers to Rajendra-Choda of Velankodo, the husband of Ankama or Akkambika, the dangbter of Manda II. ; see above, p. 269 and notes 2, 3.
The first half of this verse is only partially preserved; .... frent [] TH E धौतगंडाबाजेंद्रचीडाय ददौ गजेंद्रान्।
Saila-bana-ghanamdr[ga]-ftakrit.
In the Sanskrit portion he is called Choda and the lord of the country west of the hill' (laila-paichimaBandhar-ddhipa).
1 In figures and in numerical words: girinbara-viyad-indu.

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No. 26.)
TSANDAVOLU INSCRIPTION OF BUDDHARAJA.
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of the country west of the hill, built a temple of Siva, named Sömêsvara-Mahadeva, at Irraltru' and gave to it a tank, which he had constructed on the north of the village, and a lamp.
9.- On a pillar in the Govardhanasvamin temple at Nadendla (Nos. 239-241 of 1892).
Languages : Sanskrit and Telugu. Date: Saka-samvat 1009.8 Verse 1 praises king Kubja-Vishnu, the ornament of the race of the Moon. His servant was Buddhaverman, the founder of the race of kings of the fourth (caste)* (v. 2 f.), who "protected the country west of the hill, which contained seventy-three villages, and which he had) received throngh the favour of (his) master along with his royal emblems" (v. 4). "After some ancestors had passed away, there was born from that family king Manda (1) " or Mandana, whose son was Ganda or Gandana, whose son was Manda [II.] (v. 5).
Here some lines are lost. Then the inscription refers to the birth of Malls. This Mahamandaldivara Kondapadumaţi-Mallergj-"who was possessed of all the glory of such names as the Mahamandalesvara who has obtained the five great sounds; Vira-Mahêsvars; the worshipper of the divine feet of Kulottunga-Chodadêva; the destroyer of hostile armies ; the lion of the principal mountain-- the Durjaya family; & Harigchandra in truthfulness; & Parasurama in (keeping) vows; Aniyanka-Bhima; a Radhêya in truthfulness; an Añjaneya in parity; Eladáyasimha; a Nộisimha in valour; the season of spring to the lotus-virtuous men; a Jayanta to the eyes of) women; a Brahms in wisdom; Giripasohimasasana; he who delights in making gifts and in (fighting) battles; he who is fond of musk; a Vatsarkja in (the management of) horses ; a Cupid among kings; the son of KundAmbika; and a Sankrandada in happiness- gave a lamp to the temple of Kelavadåva at Nadiņdla, and another lamp to the temple of Molasthana-Mahadeva at Nadiņdla.
10.-On a pillar in the Govardhanasvimin temple at Nadepờla (No. 237 of 1892).
Language : Telugu. Date: Saka-Samvat 1094, Gift of a lamp to the temple of Kavadêva at Nadipdla by an officer of the Mahamandalesvara Ko[o]dapadmaţi-Mand[e]rája.
11.- On a pillar in the Govardhanasv&min temple at Nadendla (No. 234 of 1892).
Language: Telugu. Date: Baks-Samvat 1095. Records that the Mahamandalesvara Manderaja, the son of the Mahamandalesvara Kondapadmaţi-Malloraja, gave to the temple of Kosavaddva a lamp, and some land below the Mallasamudra tank which he had constructed on the north-west of Nadindla.
12.- On a pillar in the Múlasthåndsvara temple at Nadeņdla (No. 233 of 1892). Languages : Sanskrit and Telugu. Date: Saks-Samvat 1065.8 Gift of a lamp to the Malasthana temple at Nadindla by Buddaraja. Gundamadevi, the wife of the Mahamandalátvara Buddarkja, gave to the temple of MalasthAna-Mahadeva a tank named Gupdasa[muo]dra which she had constructed on the south of Nadiņdla.
· Kutkella-pratyag-urol-pibhu.
• This village is stated to bave been situated on the west of the bill (gird) palohimatah) and to have been granted by the mythion king Tripayang-Pallava to an Ancestor of the donor, Vennayabhatra-Somayajio, when he had defeated in disputation a certain Gaudabhatta who had hang up a challenge in public (derita.pattra-lamba; compare above, Vol. III. p. 201 and note 3).
• In figures and in numerionl words : Jalajdiasabhard-rarak db-&ndu. • Chaturth-ddhipa-pania-karta. • Giri-pratichonija-ndjarldshchcha(chha)naisatrisaptati.grdmaratin-mali, eto. • In figures and in numerical words ; iara-tarka.tdrakapatha-koddsíu.

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13.-On a pillar in the Malasthandkvara temple at Nadeņdla (No. 228 of 1892). Language: Telugu, Date: Saka-Samvat 1070. Gift of two lamps to the temple of Malasthậna-Mahadeva at NAdindla by the Mahamandalesvara Kondapadmaţi-Buddaraja.
14.- On a pillar in the Mdlasthanêsvara temple at Nådendla (No. 230 of 1892). Languages : Sanskrit and Teluga. Date: Saka-Samvat 1093. Gift of a lamp to the temple of Malasthåna-[Mahadeva] at Nadiņdla by Gundâmbiks or Gundamadevi, the chief queen (agramahishi) of the Mahamandalábuara Buddarája.
No. 27.-DATES OF CHOLA KINGS. BY F. KIELHORN, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.
(Continued from page 24.)
A.-KULOTTUNGA-CHOLA I.
39.- Near the Nagasvara temple at Chebrölu. 1 Svasti Sakha(ka)-varshamblu 998 n=briţi Nala-saṁ(sau) vatsa2 ra Gråhi
svasti Saryvalókásraya-sri3 Vishnu(shņu)varddhana-mah&rajula
pravarddhama4 na-vijaya-rajya-lam(sam) vatsara[mblu] 7 n=andu . . .
Magha-masamuna pannamayu Su(a)kravåramuna
aðmagrahaņa8 nimittamunan-. “In the Saka year 998, in the years (which was) the Nala year, (and) in the 7th year of the inoreasing reign of victory of the asylum of the whole world, the glorious Vishnuvardhana-maharaja, on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon on Friday, the full-moon tithi of the month of Magha."
As the reign of Kulottunga-Cha I. commenced between the 14th March and the 8th October A.D. 1070, a date in the month of Magha of his 7th year must fall about the commencement of A.D. 1077, in Saka-Samvat 998 expired which was the Jovian year Nala (Anala). In this year the fall-moon tithi of Magha ended 23 h. 51 m. after mean sunrise of Wednesday, the 11th January A.D. 1077, when there was no eclipse. But there was an eclipse of the moon, visible in India, from 17 h. 9 m. to 20 h. 13 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, the 10th February A.D. 1077, which was the full-moon day of Phålguna. I have no doubt that this is the day intended by the inscription, and that in the original date the month of Magha has been quoted erroneously instead of PhAlguna.
1 In figures and in numerical words: guna-Nanda-kh-endu. • No. 161 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1897; see p. 320 above. . For the word Ardhi compare Ind. Ant. Vol. XXV. p. 285.
• See above, p. 24. . The case is different with the date of the Nausert plates of Suvarnsvarsha Karkardja of Gujarat, edited in Jour. Bo. 4. 800. Vol. XX. p. 186 ff., wbieb quotes a lunar eclipse in the month of Mughs of Saka-Sanhvat 788 expired. The eclipse undoubtedly is the one of the 5th February A.D. 817, which by the rules now in force would be the full-moon day of PbAlguda. The original date is nevertheless correct, because by the rules of menn intercalation Magbs in Saks-Samyat 788 was an intercalary month, so that the month which we now should call PhAlguna, in accordance with those rules would have been called the second (or proper) Magha, or simply Magba, as it is actually called in the inscription. In Saka-Samyat 998 expired there was no intercalation of either description

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No. 27.]
DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
40. In the Bhimêsvara temple at Draksharama.1
1 [Svasti Saka-va[Jahabalu 1036 svasti Sarvvalkádraya-dri-Vishnuvardhanamâ(ma) hârâjula
45 Dhanu-masamuna sukla
2 [pra]varddhamâna-vijaya-rajya-divya-samvatsa
pa[kshamu]na kâda
3 []iya Budhavaramu nânḍu uttarayana-vyatiyipâta-nimittamuna.
"In the Saka year 1036 (and) the 45th heavenly year of the increasing reign of victory of the asylum of the whole world, the glorious Vishnuvardhana-maharaja, on Wednesday, the eleventh tithi of the bright fortnight of the month of Dhanus, on the occasion of the vyatipata of the Uttarayana."
279
A date in the month of Dhanus of the 45th year of the king's reign will be expected to fall near the end of A.D. 1114, in Saka-Samvat 1036 expired. In this year the 11th tithi of the bright fortnight in the month of Dhanus commenced 7 h. 52 m. after mean sunrise of Wednesday, the 9th December A.D. 1114 (when the nakshatras were Asvini and Bharani, and the yogas Śiva and Siddha, Nos. 20 and 21, not Vyatipâta, No. 17), and ended 5 h. 53 m. after mean sunrise of the following day. The sidereal Uttarayana-samkranti took place, by the Arya-siddhânta, 20 h. 18 m. after mean sunrise of Thursday, the 24th December A.D. 1114, which was the last day of the month of Dhanus, and on which the 11th tithi of the dark fortnight ended 14 h. 48 m. after mean sunrise. The nakshatra on the same day was Anuradha, and the yogas were Ganda and Vriddhi, Nos. 10 and 11.- Lastly, the tropical Uttarayana-samkranti took place on Wednesday, the 16th December A.D. 1114, on which ended the 3rd tithi of the dark fortnight in the month of Dhanus.
Having considered these results of my calculations, I have come to the conclusion that the choice of the proper equivalent of the original date can only lie between Wednesday, the 9th, and Thursday, the 24th December A.D. 1114; and the following reasons make me decide in favour of Wednesday, the 9th December A.D. 1114. If we were to accept Thursday, the 24th December A.D. 1114, as the equivalent of the date, the writer would have been guilty of quoting, not only a wrong weekday, but also a wrong lunar fortnight. On the other hand, accepting Wednesday, the 9th December, as the equivalent, we indeed have to admit that the words uttarayana-vyatipata-nimittamuna- supposing them to be intended for 'on the occasion of the Uttarayana-samkranti, have been wrongly added; but similar statements are added, apparently wrongly, in many other dates where the word vyatípáta is made use of. In the date under discussion and in a number of other dates this term can neither denote the yoga Vyatipâta nor convey any of the three other meanings of vyatipata which I have given in Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 292 f. What it means exactly, I do not know; but it may be suggested that e.g. in the present date the writer by uttarayana-vyatipata wishes to say, not that the donation- for such I suppose to be spoken of was actually made at the Uttarayapa-samkrânti, but that it shall be regarded as equivalent in merit to one which may be made on the occasion of an Uttarayana-samkranti.
2.
B. VIKRAMA-CHOLA.
41.-In the Kailasanatha temple at Sevilimėḍu. '
Srimad-Vikrama]-Chôjadêva-ngipatēr=vva[4]
subhe
shôḍaśê grâme tri-Nripasundar-iti vidité Vaisakha-mase-pare [1] pakshe 8-Ottara-Chandravara-vidite kalė.
No. 374 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1893; see above, p. 220 f.
Read -vyatipata..
Uttarayana-vyatipata undoubtedly is equivalent to uttardyanasamkranti-vyatipata which occurs in at least eight other dates.
Compare Ind. Ant. Vol. XXV. p. 292, note 52. The dates referred to in that note are all in Kanarese, and
I have not found yet any Sanskrit date in which the word vyattpdta is similarly employed.
No. 48 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1900; see above, pp. 228 and 229,

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"In the auspicious sixteenth year of the reign) of the glorious king VikramsCholadova, ..., in the month of Vaisakha, in the second fortnight, at the time known as Monday combined with an Uttard (nakshatra)."
The term Uttard of the date might denote any one of the three nakshatras Uttara Phalguns, Uttara Ash&dha, and Uttara Bhadrapada. As it occurs here in connection with the dark fortnight of Vaisakha, it must denote either Uttarå Ashådhå which is generally joined with the 5th tithi, or Uttara Bhadrapad& which is generally joined with the 11th tithi of that dark fortnight. The calculation of the date shows that the nakshatra intended is really Uttaráshidha, and that the tithi of the date would be the 5th of the dark fortnight of Vaisakha.
I have previously arrived at the conclusion that the reign of Vikrama-Chola commenced most probably on the 18th July A.D. 1108. There remained just the possibility that it might have commenced on the 15th July A.D. 1111. If it commenced on the earlier date, the present date, of the month of Vaisakha of the 16th year of the king's reign, ought to fall in A.D. 1124, in Saka-Samvat 1046 expired; and if it commenced on the later date, the present date ought to fall in A.D. 1127, in Saka-Samvat 1049 expired. It so happens that the date would be quite correct for either Saka year.
In Saka-Samvat 1046 expired the 5th tithi of the dark fortnight of Vaisakha ended 14 h. 57 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, the 5th May A.D. 1124, when the nakshatra was Uttarashadha, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 13h. 8 m., and by the Brahmasiddhanta for 6 h. 34 m., after mean sunrise.
And in Saka-Samvat 1049 expired the same tithi ended 19 h. 54 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, the 2nd May A.D. 1127, when the nakshatra was Uttarashadhå, by the equal space gystem and according to Garga for 23 h. 38 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 17 h. 4 m., after mean sunrise.
There is absolutely nothing which could make us prefer one of these possible equivalents to the other, and it is only the following date, No. 42, which in my opinion definitely shows that the king's reign commenced in A.D. 1108, and that the true equivalent of the present date therefore is Monday, the 5th May A.D. 1124.
42.-In the Kesavasvamin temple at Chébrôlu.
-10 . . . . . Srima[t]-Tribh[o]11 vanachakravartti
Vikrama-Cho12 laddvara pravardda(rddha)måna-vi. 13 jaya-råjya-samvatsarambu14 la 9 agan-b[nti) Sa(na)ka-[va). 15 rushambula
1049816 gu Shla(pla)va-samvatsara Jeshta-4
sômagrahana(na)-nimitya18 muna. “In the oth year of the increasing reign of viotory of the glorious emperor of the three worlds, Vikrama-Chladeva, (and) in the Plave year which was the Saka year 1049,on the ocoasion of an eclipse of the moon in the month of Jyaishtha."
In Saka Samvat 1049 expired which was the year Plavanga-not Plava, which would be Saka-Samyat 1043 expired- there was a lunar eclipse, visible in India just after sunset on the 27th May A.D. 1127, which was the full-moon day of Jyaishtha. If the king commenced to reign on the 18th July A.D. 1108, this day would fall in the 19th, not the 9th year of his reign.
17 mass
1 See above, p. 24.
See above, Vol. IV. pp. 78 and 264. No. 163 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1897; see above, pp. 224, 226, and 227. • Read Jydahtha-or, more correctly, Jyaishtha.

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I have no doubt that the 37th May A.D. 1127 is the proper equivalent of this date, and believe that the writer erroneously has quoted the 9th instead of the 19th regnal year, and the year Plava instead of Plavanga. And, as intimated already, this date, faulty as it is, in my opinion would definitely prove that Vikrama-Chola commenced to reign on the 18th July A.D. 1108.
43.-In front of the Cholesvara temple at Nidubrôlu.
62 Svasti erimat-Tribhuvanachakravartti 63 śrf-Vikrama-Chodadêvara vijaya64 rajya-samvatsarambulu pa[a]iyed-a65 gan=êmdu Śska-varshambulu 1054 66 gun=értti Vaisakha-fuddha-ttfitiyya
67 yu Garuvaramu nåņdu ! “In the seventeenth year of the reign of victory of the glorious emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vikrama-Chodadêva, (and) in the Saka year 1054,-- on Thursday, the third tithi of the bright (fortnight) of Vaisakha."
The date is correct for Saka-Samvat 1054 current, when the 3rd tithi of the bright fortnight of Vaisakha ended 6 h. 14 m. after mean sunrise of Thursday, the 2nd April A.D. 1181.
According to what we have found before, this day would fall in the 23rd, not the 17th, year of Vikrama-Chola's reign. A date in the month Vaisakha of his 17th year would fall in A.D. 1125, in saka-Samvat 1048 current; but for that year the date would be inoorrect. I can only assume that the writer has quoted the regnal year erroneously.
0.- KULOTTUNGA-CHOLA III.
44.- In the Ékamranátha temple at Conjeeveram. 1 ..... Tribhuvaqachchakkaravattiga! Maduraiyum Pandiya[9] muļi.
talaisyuji-gopd-aru[li]ya srl-Kulottunga-boladdvapku yaņdu 27 Avadu ..... 2 . .. . ivv-&ndai Vaigasi-måsattu=P[pa]dipográn-diyadiyum Vi[ykla
kila]mai perra Agilamum=&pav-apru. “In the 27th yoor of the reign of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulottunga-Chladove, who was pleased to take Madurai and the crowned head of the Pandya, - on the day of Anuradha, which corresponded to & Thursday and to the eleventh day of the month of Vaigasi in this year." .
As we have found that Kulottunga-Chola III. commenced to reign between the 8th Juno and the 8th July A.D. 1178, a date in the month of Vaigàsi, ... the solar month Jysishtha, of his 27th year must fall in A.D. 1205, in Saka-Samvat 1127 expired. In this year the Vrishabhasankranti by the Arya-siddhanta took place 15 h. 44 m. after mean stinrise of Sunday, the 24th April A.D. 1205, and the 11th day of Vaigasi therefore was Thursday, the 8th May A.D. 1906. The nakshatra on this day was Anuradhe, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 9 h. 51 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 4 h. 36 m., after mean sunrise.
D.-RAJARAJA III. 46.-In the Jambukesvara temple near Srirangam. 1 Svasti srih [11] []r mapgi
. . .
.
.
.
1 No. 168 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1897.
Rend -triflyayu. No. 10 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1993; compare South Ind. Inuer. Vol. III. p. 112 and noto 9. • See abore, p. 3+. No. 28 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1891.
20

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3 . . .. ko Irasa kesariparmar=aņa Tiribu[va]qachchak karavatti[galéri]
Råjar&jadêvazku y&pdu 16 vadig 4 edir-Amandu Kappi-nkyarra-ppúryva-pakshatta dafamiyam Sapi-kkilamaiya[m]
perta Tiruvôņattu nå!. “In the year which was opposite the 16th year of the reign) of king Rajakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadáva, on the day of Sravana, which corresponded to & Saturday and to the tenth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Kanya."
To simplify matters, I may state here at once that this date and the following dates 46-54 work out well on the supposition that the reign of Rajaraja III. oommenced between (approx. imately) the 17th March and the 13th August A.D. 1918.
The year opposite the 16th was the 17th year of the king's reign. A date in the month of Kany of this year must fall in A.D. 1232, in Saka-Samvat 1154 expired. In this year the 10th tithi of the bright fortnight in the month of Kanys ended 18 h. 19 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, the 25th September A.D. 1232, when the nakshatra was Sravana, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 5 h. 16 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 6 h. 84 m., after mean sunrise.
48.-In the ErkAmranátha temple at Conjcoveram. 1 Svast[i] Ar[1] [2] Tr[i]bhuvagabcha(cha)kravattiga! [1]-Rajarajaddvarkku
yåņdu 17 vadı . . . . . 2 .... Magara-näyarra pūrvva-pakkattu=Tse(chche)vvây-kkilamaiyum
Afvatiyum=&[98]vapru. "In the 17th year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Bajardjadeva,- on the day of Asvint and Tuesday in the first fortnight of the month of Makars." · This date, in the month of Makars of the 17th year of the king's reign, must fall in SakaSahvat 1154 expired. In this year the 6th tithi of the bright fortnight in the month of Makara ended 8 h. 47 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, the 18th January A.D. 1233, when the nakshatra was Asvini for 20 h. 59 m. after mean sunrise.
47.-In the Dharmésvara temple at Manimangalam. 1 ..... Tribhuvagachchakkaraya [t]tiga! fri-Rajardjadêvarkku yaņdu 18
vadu Simha-nl. 2 [y]mru apara-pakshatta dvit[1]yaiyun-Jevvay-kkilamaiyum perra Revati-na[1].
“In the 18th year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious BAjarajadeva, on the day of Bevati, which corresponded to a Tuesday and to the second tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Simba."
This date, in the month of Simha of the 18th year of the king's reign, may be expected to fall in A.D. 1283, in Saka-Samvat 1155 expired. In this year the second tithi of the dark fortnight in the month of Simha ended 8h. 30 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, the 98rd August A.D. 1998, when the nakshatra was Revati from 3 h. 56 m. after mean sunrise.
48.- In the Rajagopala-Perumal temple at Mapimangalam. . . . . T[i]ribuvagachchakkaravatt[i]go[!] brf-Rajarajadóvar
1.
I No. 8 of the Government Rpigraphist's collection for 1898.
Bowth. Ind. Inuer. Vol, III, No. 41.
SquidInd, Insor. Vol. III. NQ 89.

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2 ku yâpdu 18 vadu Dhanu-naya[rI]u pûrvva-pakshattu pañchamiyum Budaq.
kilamaiyum pe3 zra Avitatti=&[1].
“In the 18th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadáva, on the day of Dhanishtha, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the fifth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Dhanus."
This date, in the month of Dhanus of the 18th year of the king's reign, must fall in the same year as the last, Saka-Samvat 1155 expired. In this year the 5th tithi of the bright fortnight in the month of Dhanus ended 17 h. 21 m. after mean sunrise of Wednesday, the 7th December A.D. 1998, when the nakshatra was Dhanishtha for 8 h. 32 m. after mean gunrise.
49.- In the Rajagopala-Perumal temple at Manimangalam.! 2 .. . . Tribhuvanachohakrava[r]ttiga[1] Sri-Rajarajaddvarku gându 18
Svadu 3 Magara-nåyarru pārvva-paksbattu prathamaiyum Tingat-kilamaiyam perra
Timvo[nat]tu nál. "In the 18th year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajanajadeva,- on the day of Sravana, which corresponded to a Monday and to the first tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Makara."
This date, in the month of Makars of the 18th year of the king's reign, also must fall in Saka-Samvat 1155 expired. In this year the first tithi of the bright fortnight in the month of Makars ended 11 h. 3 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, the 2nd January A.D. 1994, when the nakshatra was Sravana for 17 h. 4 m. after mean sunrise.
60.-- In the Adhipuri vara temple at Tiruvorriyûr. 2 . Tribhuvagachcha[k]karavattiga! śrf-Rajaraja3 a[@]varkı yându 19 vadu Si[m]ha-ngyarru ep4 på[rvva]-pakshattu tritiyaiyum Uttirattádiyum pe
5 fra Nayarru-kkilamai-nal. * In the 19th year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious RAardjadeva, - on a Sunday which corresponded to the day of) Uttara-Bhadrapad& and to the third tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Simha."
This date, in the month of Simha of the 19th year of the king's reign, ought to fall in A.D. 1234, in Saka-Samvat 1156 expired. This it undoubtedly does, but the date is not quite correct. In Baka-Samvat 1156 expired the third tithi of the bright fortnight in the month of Simha ended 16 h. 56 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, the 30th July A.D. 1234, when the nakshatra was Uttara-Phalgani for 21 h. 1 m. after mean sunrise ; and the third tithi of the dark fortnight in the same month ended 14 h. 53 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, the 13th August A.D. 1234, when the nakshatra was Uttara-Bhadrapada for 5 h.55 m. after mean sunrise. This shows that either the nakshatra Uttiraffddi has been wrongly quoted for Uttiram (Uttara-Phalgani), or that instead of parova-pakshattu we must read apara-pakshattu. I am inclined to adopt the latter alternative, and to regard Sunday, the 18th August A.D. 1234, as the proper equivalent of the date.
1 South-Ind. Inger. Vol. III. No. 40. . No. 110 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1893.
At the rame time, I may state that in one of the Vijayanagar inscriptions (P.S.O.C.I. No. 25) Uttarabhadra. pada has really been wrongly quoted instead of Uttara-Phalgunf. The mistake made in the present inscription ne lao been made in the Kadamba plates in Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 86.
2 0 2

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1 Svasti vadu
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51.- In the Svétéranyéévara temple at Tiruvengâḍu.!
rib [11] Tribuvanachchakkaravattigal éri-Rajarajadêvarkku yându 22 Mina-nayarru apara-pakkattu sa[d]u[r]tthiy[u]m Ba[*][y]kkilamaiy[u]m perra Uttiraṭṭadi-nål.
In the 22nd year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeva, on the day of Uttara-Bhadrapada, which corresponded to a Tuesday and to the fourth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Mina."
This date, in the month of Mins of the 22nd year of the king's reign, would be expected to fall in A.D. 1238, in Saka-Samvat 1159 expired, and it undoubtedly does so; but the wording of the date is intrinsically wrong because, in the month of Mina, the nakshatra can never be UttaraBhadrapada on the 4th ti/hi of the dark fortnight. What suggests itself at once is that the fourth tithi has been quoted wrongly instead of the fourteenth; and for this tithi the date is correct. In Saka-Samvat 1159 expired the 14th tithi of the dark fortnight in the month of Mina ended 21 h. 37 m. after mean sunrise of. Tuesday, the 16th March A.D. 1238, when the nakshatra was Uttara-Bhadrapada, by the Brahma-siddhânta and according to Garga during the whole of the day, and by the equal space system from 9 h. 51 m. after mean sunrise. I feel certain that this is the proper equivalent of the date.
52. In the Rajagopala-Perumal temple at Mannargudi.
1 Svasti rib [1] Tribhuvage(chcha]k[karava]ttiga! [l]-jackjadvarkku kodu [i]rabattiras[4]Avadi[] edir=&m=åpḍu Minan-nayarru navam[i]yum Tingal-kilamaiyum perra Pâr[Ada]ttu [n]].
[a]para-paksha
"In the year which was opposite the twenty-second year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeva,- on the day of Pârvashaḍhâ, which corresponded to a Monday and to the ninth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Mina."
The year opposite the 22nd year of this date and of the two following dates was the 23rd year of the king's reign, and the three dates, being all of the month of Mina, will therefore be expected to fall in A.D. 1239, in Saka-Samvat 1160 expired. In this year the 9th tithi of the dark fortnight in the month of Mina entirely occupied Monday, the 28th February A.D. 1230, when the nakshatra was Pârvashaḍhâ, by the equal space system the whole day, by the Brahma-siddhanta for 11 h. 10 m., and according to Garga for 16 h. 25 m., after mean sunrise.
58. In the Kailasanatha temple at Mannargudi.
1 Svast[i] r[i] [*] Tr[i]bhuva [ga]chchakkaravattiga! fri-Rajara[ja]dêvarkku yhodu rabatinodiva[i]n edir-km-kodu Mi(ml)ga-piya[r]ra apara-pakhattu datamyum] Budan-kila[maiyum] pers Uttirḍattun
"In the year which was opposite the twenty-second year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeva,-on the day of Uttarasbaḍha, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the tenth tithi of the eecond fortnight of the month of Mina."
1 No. 119 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1896. No. 104 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1897.
Read Mina-.
It commenced 38 m. before mean sunrise of the Monday and ended 1 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise of the following Tuesday, and would therefore he properly described (for the Monday) as prathama-naramt.
No. 99 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1897,

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In Saka-Samvat 1160 expired the 10th tithi of the dark fortnight in the month of Mina ended 2 h. 59 m. after mean sunrise of Wednesday, the 2nd March A.D. 1389, when the nakshatra was Uttardshådhå, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 9h. 51 m., and by the Brahma-siddhånta for 3 h. 17 m., after mean sunrise.
54.- In the Kailasanatha temple at Mapparguļi.' 1 Svasti [ári] [ll] Tribhuvagachchakkaravatti[ga]! ér[1]-Rájarajadêvarkku [y]&n[do)
irubattirandavadi[ ed]i[r]-Am-[åg]du M[f]ga-pa (yarr]a &.....
[tray]e[2]i[6]iyu[m* Velli]-kk[ilam]ai yum] p[e]rra A[vittat]tu na!.
“In the year which was opposite the twenty-second year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious R&jarajadêva,- on the day of Dhanishtha, which corresponded to a Friday and to the thirteenth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Mina."
In Saka-Samvat 1160 expired the 13th tithi of the dark fortnight in the month of Mina commenced 5 h 57 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, the 4th March A.D. 1989, when the nakshatra was Dhanishthå for 13 h. 8 m. after mean sunrise.
No. 28.-PLATES OF DANTIVARMAN OF GUJARAT :
SAKA-SAMVAT 789.
Br D. R. BHANDABKAR, M.A. These copper plates were brought to my father, Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar, from Gujarat; but he does not know the name of the village where they were found. The plates are three in number, each measuring about 1' 1' by 91". Their edges are raised into rims for the protection of the writing. The first plate is inscribed on one side only, the remaining two being engraved on both sides. They are strang on a copper ring which measures about 3\" in diameter and is about " thick. The ring had not yet been cat when the plates were sent to Dr. Haltzsch. The ends of the ring are secured in the base of a circular seal, measuring abont 17" in diameter and bearing, in high relief on a countersank surface, a much corroded figure of Garuda, squatting and facing to the full front. The engraving is clear, bold and deep, but not well executed. Very often the letters are not fully engraved, and in a good many places they are drawn carelessly. -The language is Sanskrit throughout. There can be no doubt that the kanasar has engraved the original document without understanding it, as will be seen from the numerous mistakes pointed out in the footnotes. Allowing for the misspellings and inaccuracies due to an unskilled engraver, there are certain soleciams for which the official who drew up the grant must be held responsible. There is one oompound in line 55, which cannot be justified by the rules of grammar. Other grammatical mistakes may be notioed in such instances as Barthdtaildfakiya-dvichatodrihiaty-dntarggatao in line 59, -mahdparvoam-uddibya in line 66, and so forth. -As regards lexioography, attention may be drawn (1) to the word vdadpakao (1.58) which oocars in the list of the officials and functionaries to whom the royal grantor addresses himself, and (2) to the term Talaprahari (1. 57) which appears to have been an appellation of Dantivarman.7-In respect of orthography, it deserves to be noted (1) that the rules of sardhi
1 Boe date No. 62.
Nom of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1897. 1 Reatore apara-palskatt.
Rend trayddafir m
e e date No. 59. [Compare Iad. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 89, nnte 81.-E. H.)
Notenle adnabhbgiba (1.81), which is an older forin of twobloga, adnabova, ete, the olark of or of some village (Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary).- E, H.]
village

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[VOL. VI.
are often disregarded; (2) that there is an indifference about the doubling of consonants after r; (3) that the letter b is throughout denoted by the sign for v; (4) that dk is doubled (by d) in conjunction with a following y or r in 11. 42 and 82; (5) that the vowel ri is employed instead of ri in bhupas-trivishtapa° (1.6) and -Kanakádrir-iv-Emdrardjaḥ (1. 7), and (6) gh instead of h in raja-singhaḥ (1. 3); (7) that the jihvdmaliya and the upadhmaniya are used in bhrityaik-kisha (ya) dbhir= (1. 9) and in udyatah-pranaté (1. 49); (8) that the visarga followed by s has been twice changed to that letter, in manastas-samam-éva (1. 4) and tanayas-samabhút (1. 41); (9) that the final m of a word, instead of being changed to an anusvára, is joined to a following p, bh or v in 11. 9, 25, 40, 45, 46 and 78; (10) that the anusvára before y, v and s is sometimes represented by n (11. 3, 21, 25, 26, 58); and (11) that the sign of avagraha is employed once in 1. 51.-The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets and in general agree with those of the grants of the Gujarat Rashtrakâța princes; but the sign for d in the words yadd and dra(da)dita in 11. 76 and 78 and the sign for the conjunct nn in the words dhvastin=nayann abhimukhô (1. 2), prabhinna (1. 6), etc. are worthy of note. Another point that calls for special notice is that most of the letters of the sign-manual of Dhruvaraja and one letter of that of Dantivarman at the end, and a few in the benedictory verse at the beginning, are engraved with their tops nail-headed.
The inscription is one of Dantivarman, of the Gujarat branch of the Rashtrakuta family, or, as he is described in line 56 f., the Talaprahari fri-Dantivarmadeva, who has the biruda of Aparimitavarsha, who is the lord of great feudal chiefs (mahdsdmanta), and who has obtained the five great sounds (mahasabda).' The inscription opens with the salutation ôm ôm namo Buddhaya, which furnishes an indication, at the very outset, of the grant being Buddhist. It then gives one verse (which is well known from other Rashtrakuta grants) invoking the protection of Vishnu and Siva. Then in lines 1-49 the genealogy of Dantivarman is set forth, exactly in the same verses (with a few unimportant variants) as in the Bagumrå plates of Dhruvaraja II. Then follow three verses (11. 49-52) which are peculiar to this grant, and which tell us that Dantivarman was a younger brother of Dhruvaraja II. After this there is another well known verse on the vanity of this life. The proper object of the inscription is stated in prose, in 11. 53-67. Dantivarman informs all the officials called rashtrapati, vishayapati, grámakita, niyukta, ádhikarika, vásápaka, mahattara, etc. that, having bathed in the great river Paravi, on the ninth tithi of the dark half of Pausha in Saka-Samvat 789 (in words and in figures), on the great occasion of the Uttarayana, he granted to the vihara at the sacred place (tirtha) of Kampilya the village of Chokkhakuți, situated in the north-west of, and included in, the forty-two (villages) named after Sarthatailata, to be enjoyed by the succession of the pupils of the holy Aryasamgha, for defraying the expenses of perfumes, flowers, frankincense, lamps and ointments, and of the repairs of the temple broken in parts. The boundaries of the village granted were, in the east the village of Da[nt]ellamka, in the south the village of Apasundara, in the west the village of Kalapallika, and in the north the river Mandakini (Ganga). Lines 67-72 contain a request to future rulers to respect the donation, and threaten with spiritual punishment those who might resume it. Lines 73-80 quote seven of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses. And the inscription then (from line 80) concludes thus: "The dûtaka of this (charter) is the great minister ri-Krishnabhatta. And this has been written by the sénabhôgika Golla, the son of Râpappa. (This is) the pleasure of me, the glorious Dantivarman, the son of the glorious Akálavarahadeva. Also, (this is) the pleasure of me, the glorious Dhruvarajadeva, the son of the glorious Akalavarahadeva,"
The gain from this inscription for the social and political history of Gujarat is considerable. In the first place, this grant, as will be seen from the above summary of the contents, was made to the Aryasamgha, or Buddhist community, settled at Kampilya. This shows that Buddhism was still in the latter half of the ninth century of the Christian era a living religion, favoured by kings in Western India. Secondly, the inscription adds to the list of the Gujarat

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Rashtrakata princes the name of Dantivarman, who, as stated above, is styled a mahdsåmantadhipati who had obtained the pañcha-mahababda. This indicates that he was ruling over some province as a minor chief. Further, as we have seen, the sign-manual of Dantivarman is followed by that of his elder brother Dhruvarâja II. From this it is plain that both Dhruvarija II. and Dantivarman were alive when the charter was issued, and that Dantivarman was wielding power under Dhruvaraja II. This enables us to settle another point of importance, connected with the history of the Gujarat branch of the Rashtrakaças. The Bagumr& plates of Saka-Samvat 8101 mention Krishộardja-Akalavarsha (II.) as their donor. And to judge from their contents, which are full of misspellings and omissions, he appears to be the son of Dantivarman. Dr. Hultzsch, who edited the grant, held that this Dantivarman must be placed between Dhruvarja II. and Krishnaraja II. Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji, however, was of opinion that this Dantivarman, the father of Krishparaja II., was identical with Dantivarman, the dataka of the Baroda plates of Karka. Now, the date of the Baroda plates is Saka-Samvat 734, and that of the plates of Krishnaraja II. is Saka-Samvat 810, so that if, according to Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's supposition, we hold that Dantivarman, the dataka of the Baroda charter dated Saka-Samvat 734, was the father of Krishparaja II. whose grant bears the date Saka-Samvat 810, the son is separated from the father by no less than seventy-six years. This is highly improbable, though not altogether impossible. But our grant mentions another Dantivarman as brother of Dhruvarija II., and its date is Saka-Samvat 789, whereas that of Krishnaraja II., as has been just stated, is Baka-Samvat 810. Thus the Dantivarman of our grant is brought olose to Krishnaraja II., and there can be little doubt that Dantivarman, the father of Krishnaraja II., is no other than DantiVarman, the younger brother of Dhruvarkja II., the donor of our grant. The new plates therefore show that the view of Dr. Hultzsch is correct.
As regards the places mentioned in the inscription, the Kampilya tirtha is, in my opinion, to be identified with Kampil in the Kaimganj tahsil of the Farukhabad district in the NorthWest Provinces. This Kampil, whose ancient name was Kampilya, was for long the capital of Sonthern Pabchala and was once & sacred place of the Jainas. The river Pordvi is perhaps identical with the modern Porna, in the Surat collectorate. For, in an unpublished grant belonging to the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, the Parkvi is spoken of as being in the vicinity of Nagasarika, which is evidently the modern Nausari, and the river which is close by Nangari is the Pärna. The river Mandakini, which is mentioned in defining the boundaries of the village granted, cannot be identified with the Ganges, as we have no grounds whatever to guppose that the Gujarat Rashtrakațas extended their dominions as far as the Ganges. And since the name Mandakini is used also to designate other rivers than the Ganges, the river MandAkini mentioned in these plates may have been some river in Gujarat, and the village granted was probably situated in that province. Instances of grants made to religious establishments remote from the village granted are not wanting in modern times, and there can therefore be nothing improbable in the supposition that the Buddhist vihára at Kampil in the North-West Provinces enjoyed the income acerning from a village in Gujarat.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 at [at] gma 7 STUTTET UTH (1) TfHTAR
B ITTE a amant careat Bien [e*) refrafa-? 1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 66 ft. · History of Gujardt in the Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. 1. Part I. p. 117 4. • Prom the original plates. • Expressed by a symbol.
Road Tere. Bond Tu.
Read tenfigufto.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vot. VI.
2 मिरमुधि]तमंडलानो ध्वस्तित्रयबभिमुखो रणशर्वरोषु । भूप: गुचि[]ि
धुरिवास्तदिगन्तकीर्तिर्गोविदराज' इति [ज] 3 राजसिंघः' । [२] दृष्टा' चमूमभिमुखी सुभटाहासामुवामित[स]पदि
ये[न] रणेषु नित्यं । दष्टाधरेष दधता भृकुटी 4 ललाटे खडं कल' च दयच निजं च सत्वं ॥ [३] खडं करा.
पान्मुखतब शोभा मानो मनि स्तमममेव यस्य । महाहवे ना5 [म] निश(1)म्य स[य]ख्य[य] रिपूर्णा विगलत्यकाण्डे । [*] तस्या
मजो जगति "विश्रुतशचकीर्तिरा तिहारिहरिविक्रमधा6 मधारी । "भूपस्त विष्टपनृपानुवतिः तन्नः श्रीकर्कराज इति गोत्रमणिर्व- भूव" ॥ [५] तस्य प्रभित्रकरटच्युतदानद[न्ति]7 दन्तप्रहाररुचिरोनिखितासपीठः । []पः क्षितौ क्षपितराचुरभूत्तनूजः
सद्राष्ट्रकूटकनकादरिवेंद्रराजः ॥ [.] 8 तस्योपार्जितमहसस्तन[यचतरदाधिवलयमालिन्या: । भीका" भुवः शतक्रतु
सदृश: "श्रीदन्त्रिदुर्गराजोभूत् ॥ [*] कांची.. 9 [करलनराधिपचीलपाण्डात्रीहर्षवचटविमेदविधा[न]दक्षं । "कर्णाटक[व]
लमचिंत्यमजेयमन्ये त्वैविधगिरभि" 10 य: सहसा जिगाष" ॥ [*] पा सेतोलिपुलोपलावलिलसझोलोर्मिमा
लाजलादा प्रालयकलंकिवाम[ख]शिलाज[T]ला11 ताराचलात । मा पूर्वापर वारिराशिपलिनग्रान्तप्रसिहावधेयेने याचगती
"खविक्रमवलेनैकासपचीकता । [2] न[मि]" 12 दिवं [प्रपाते वक्षभराजकतमजावाधः । श्रीकर्कराजसूनुर्महीपतिः कृष्णराजी
भूत् ॥ [१०] यस्य स्खभुजपराक्रमनि:श13 षोमादितारि[दिशकं । कृष्णस्येवाक्षणं चरितं श्रीकृष्णराज[स्व] । [१]
भतुंगवंगतुरगप्र[]इरेणू] कार[वि]करणः । ग्री14 पि नभी निखि[लं] प्रावटकालायने" [स्पष्ट । [१२] राप्पमा[मभ]
जजातव[ला]वलेपमाजी" विजित्य निशिता[सि]लतापहारः । पालि
Rend'गोविन्द • Read द्या. 1 Read कुखं. "Rend कीर्ति M Read वनकादि.
Rend टक पल'. "Read कलंकिता. "Read तसिन् " Read °°nd "किरवं.
- Read राजसु.
Rend मुबी. • Rend स .
Read शिविष्टप. MBend भीता.
Read म snd 'बहिरपि. • Raad ' ने. " Read प्रयाते. • Read 'यते.
Read °सिंहः. • Read ° सपदि. • Read 'स्वयं. * Read "मभूब URead 'दनि. " Rrad जिगाय. " Rend °वरी.
Read बाध:Read पला.

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15 ध्वजावलिशुभामचिरेण यो हि राजाधिराजपरमेश्वरतान्ततान ॥ [१३]
पाता 'यश्चतुरम्पराशिरसनालंकारभाजी भुवः' [चप्याचा16 पि क्वत[हि]जामरगुरु[प्रा]ज्याज्यपूजादरों [] दाता मानभृदिन]णीव्रणवतां
योसौ थिये' वल[भो] (1) भोज [ख]र्माफलानि भूरितपसा 17 स्थानञ्जगामामरे ॥ [१४] येन खेतात]पत्रप्रहतरविकरातवापात्म
लील' जम्मै [ना]सीरधूलीधवलि[स]शिरसा वज[ना]खा: स18 राजी । धीमहोविन्द] राजो "जितज[ष]दहित:प्रैणवैधव्यदक्षः। तस्याभीत्मू
नुरकः "क्षणरणदलितारातिम[]भकुं19 भः ॥ [१५] तस्यानुजः श्रीध्रुवराज[नामा महानुभाव: प्रह[तः]
प्रतापः । प्रसाधिताशेषनरेंद्रचक्र]: क्रमेण (1)
Second Plate; Först Side. 20 "वालावपुर्बभूव ॥ [१५] जाते यत्र च राष्ट्रकूटतिलके सद्भूपचूडा
मणी (1) गुर्वी तष्टिरथाखिलस्य जगतः सुखा. 21 मिनि प्रत्यहं । सत्य[स] स्यमति" प्रशासति सति मामा]मसुद्रा
न्तिका[मा]सीचर्मपर [गु]णामृत[नि]धौ सत्यव्रताधि[ष्टि]-10 22 ते ॥ [१७] रक्षता येन निःशेष चतुरंभोधिसंयुतं । राज्यं धमण
लोकानां कुता तुष्टिः परा हृदि । [१८] तस्यामजी [जगति 23 सथितोरुकीर्तिर्गोविन्दराज इति गोत्रललामभूतः । त्यागी पराक्रम
धन[:*] प्रकटप्रताप()सन्तापिताहित24 जनो जनववभीभूत् । [१८] पृथ्वीवनभ [ति] च प्रथितं यस्यापर
जगति नाम । यश्चतुरुदधिसुसीमामेको वसु. 25 धाम्व" चक्रे ॥ [२०] "एकेनेकनरेंद्रवृन्दसहितान्यस्तान्समस्तानपि
तोत्वातासिलतापहारविधर वध्वा महासन्यु26 गे [*] लक्ष्मी[म]प्यचलां चकार विलसत्मच्चामरग्राहिणी" सन्सी[दु]गुरु
विप्रसन्न[न] महाहन्धूपभोग्या भुवि । [२१] तत्पुत्री- Read 'रनु * Read भुवस्त्रयावापि.
- Read °दर:• Read श्रियी. Read itu.
• Read "मामर IRead 'नासतापा. • Read जग्मे.
Read वहभाश्य:® Bend दाजी. I Read °जगदहितस्वैग
- Read दवसस्थासौरसूत. "Read 'भावीप्रतम I Read माला.
Read भूव. 1 Above the letter kaba of bebana and na of rana, what looks like the sign of the vowel is engraved. - Read सव्वं सत्यमिति. Read मामासमुद्रा
"Rend °टि. I Read वा वश
- Read एकी. - Read °विधुराग्वड़ा. “ Rend संयु
- Read 'ग्राहियों संसौद. - Read ry
Read
ता.
2
P

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290.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vor. VI.
27 गते नाकमाकम्प्रितरिपुव्रजे । श्रीमहाराजय ख्यः खातो' राजाभ
वहुणैः । [२२] पर्धिषु यथावंतां यः 28 समभीष्टफलावातिलब्धतेषेस' । वृषिविनाय घरमाममोधवर्षाभिधानस्य ।
[२३] राजाभूत्तत्पि[तव्यी रिपुभववि29 भवोत्यभावकहतुलनीमानिंद्रराजो गुणनृपनिकरान्तवसत्वारकारी'। [रा]
गादया]म्ब्युदस्व प्रकटितविष80 यावं तृपा सेवमाना राजवीरव [च] के सकलकविनमाहीततथ्य
स्वभाव: । [२४] निर्वाणावाप्तिवाणासहितहितज31 ना यस्य माना: सुबत्तं वृत्तं जित्वान्धराज्ञां चरितमुदयवान्भवतो
[हिन्क] केभ्यः' । एकाको दृप्तवैरिवलनक्षतिगह[पा' 32 तिरी[ज्ययाचं कुर्लाटीयं मडलं प[स्तमय व निजखामिदत्तं ररच ॥
[२५] सूनुर्बभूव खलु तस्य महानुभाव: "शामार्थवोधसुखखा83 लितरित्वात्तिर्यो' गी[ना]मपरिवारमुवाह पूर्व श्रोकराजसुभ[ग]व्यप
देश[स]थे." ॥ [२६] श्रीकर्बराज इति रक्षितरा34 ज्यभारः सारं कुल[स्य] तनयो नयशालिशौर्यः । तस्वाभव[दि]भवनंदि
तवन्धुसार्य" () पार्थः सदेव धनुर्षि प्रथमः [चीं]36 नां ॥ [२०] दानेन मानेन सदान्जया वा वोयेंच शौर्येण च
कोपि भूपः । एतेन तुल्योस्ति न वत्ति कीर्तिः सकौवका"
भ्राम्यति य[स्य] लोके ॥ [२८] 36 [स्वेच्छा]महोतविषया[न] दढसंघमाण: "प्रोवृत्तदप्तरथरिखकराष्ट्रकूटा" ।
____ उत्खात[]निजवाहवलेन' विवा योमोधव37 र्ष इति राज्यपदे व्यत्ति ॥ [२८] पुत्रीयतस्तस्य महानुभाव: तो
वतः छतवीर्यवीर्यः । वयोवतायेषनरेन्द्रद्वन्दो बभूव"
1 Read खातो.
+Rend चवीषेषु ___Read अमत्कार To this letter yd a superfluous sign of the vowel & is conjoined. • Rend कृपान्..
Read खमा. * The rending intended is probably fee : m in the Nausart plates of Karks (J. B. B. R. 4. 8. Vol. XX. p. 189). • Radकतिसमातिराधेशमंकु. Read मस .
Read भूव. I Read शास्त्रार्थवीध
"Read सितचित्तवृत्ति: । यो गौर. MEnd "मुः।
- Read' .
"Rand वैति. * Read सकौतुवा.
M Rend°दृप्ततर.
"Read फूटान " Bond 'बापन Read f u e in accordance with the Baroda plates of Dhrava I. Bend बभूब

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12
मारवा
विश्व की चिराविद्या विवि
प्रायद्यविषयपात्र विश्कतः शक के कातिल इवानमा किस करत दावेद काला लिलियना मे पीठः आपः कलापिन माखकटको विन ● माहित रुम विलयमाल लाड्रादवः मत : श्री रवि दालन (कल मालकाविलाल पाल जी वाट चिर दविवादार कला कूँ कहर है। असहयात्रामा ग्राम पिलो चला लिलम प्रेमाला जादा पालय कल किवा मन लाजला. या राजारामपंत लिने प्रायवित नीतिले परावि दिवं पाने वल्लवाः (की कुल खाभादिना वित्रिक व येवतीकर (ल. 14 निसिपाह झालाया है। भावले माहेर (दस (नानामाले पाल हरवलाय विरलला ( रा रा रा माता मनाली का र तिमि माझा दादाला मा हली बलवता आलाय वल्ल दागा जैसा विि हामी ॥ विकारापासलीला वाली दलालाम जॉच विराम उलवे घरी करेलले दलित ि नही केवরयद् (तঃअवा (प्रमाता म.मला
16
18
20
22
24
26
28
30
34
ॐ सर्वाय ॥ माभावाय शासक जीत कर यस्ता पाताल सर्व बदल शालिनी भागात लाल जि तम वर्ष (देव के कर?
36
Plates of Dantivarman of Gujarat.-Saka-Samvat 789.
ii a.
E. HULTZSCH.
यज्ञ का उदकल या कमलक ती मामी ६ व गय विवाद की विं पादांग लूट दिलाया कि
ह
दाला के पूर्व वा अनकट (एलेक्सि
महारास्वाविलोम चलिए अतिसार मुशल कामाची दप ल प्रमा মেনাयेঃলদविरालले कारितात । बबिताजीना विसावला कटादित दित जावले ॥ दीवान मात्र सर (दस मी मागे ला तामेव तापकेक यस्मादिनामिना प्रदान विवादम मीच पावलांना दिला दिली कवि पवित जंगलमा मानव अभिपूयधावतान अलीम लावा ललना वृदि नियम लाभ व यदि विमान व रसवदि स्वतहले श्रीमान कर काती राधादशहा एक विवि या विमानाची व के कूल कवितामा यहि लावा दिवाला दिन दिन यसमा चकेवा एकाकी प्रसि 32 साली मलंग का खुमाई साव: मायावत तिला परिवार। आজतर कारः गोकुलमा लिलयावर दिवससायः पायः मदिन 34 रामाने मागवावी ( बनका दिन पाएन (सन की मला कामात याला बागृती विसयाहट पंप का (साइट पर लिक गाहाला 'पाती।
SCALE 40
W.GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
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10.
3৪
4০
। এর ব্যাপারে কা৫োবেঃ৫ঃ95াবাবধলধন(((রঃবাঃ । দেববনবৈঃদ গদ সাহেবেঁধেসে 65 ঈস্থানবৈঃ। (সববেদনে বল্ল ।
| ৫ে। বেদখদস শবেকদবে(মোবদ্ধ। 1 7 ৭ঃ লাক্সও৫েঃ (লৈঠেল:/
9 ৰুঃ ((((য় ৷ব । 42 तर पावर बल हिपमतमासमा सरलपदारमतवापयामशवना42
দৰেল(ৰূের্ণেঃপূঃবঃযবখশীনেশৃo 44 বেণুত্রবণবে কবেঃবধ(সাবজেক পদ ++
(বলা বাহুলনেদেরকে বলবােৰ ৰীঃ নাৰতবে ; * নওশশু-যকো' ৰণস্ব সুর্ণার্তেস মৰলেবেলে ! ৭৪
ধমূলঞ্জলা (কীবেৎসবে লীলজাইমসের। 48 # সংস্থঃস্মযেখঃবপণজেবেহরাব।(যত্তৰঙে +8
বয়সে সবের মাযর্থবর@লে কা(বস্থা বলম্নে । ৪০ খবৰঃ((( (বন্ধুত্রে য৫ে(যদলপঞ্জি বালবিরেণঃ ১০
নেবেঃ((ঃবসানাত্মীযেৰঃ(যকরেন বলে । 52 eীব৫ে'র বৎঃবমৎব ৫৪ানবধবেল(ব্যhথবল ধর। লম্বাস ফ্রেব্যবসরে হেলানববীযাবলী (
৫াধ 54 ধললঃ (ইংযোগ Gaীণবেল Oং মনস(সনঃস্বেরাজ 893, 54
iii' a.
[ বর্ণ সংবজিবি করে নেবে?(মে বিহনে বা এসএম se |} আদেলনাইদৰেলৰে কৰে । বিস্ক ন সবাই ?ঃবর্যেরময়, ss | ১ হqদদদাসবেযুদছে নববপ্ৰেীবেরঃীবথ৭(সধঃ ১৪ এই দবশ্রানেজাবেকবো দলবাসবহঃ ((খ) ১৪ | by বাসাহেসেহেদঘশ্বখলেদেবত্বহালেপার্শযয ৰাবোৰৰয। ৫০। ৫rt(বকঠিন ঘকে যবেৰা মৰবানােন্নয়ন ৪০ | | Sদসীদলুজাদ্দেদদদ প্রি সবেজোলুযপ্রবাদমদ(39ধার্ক ৪৪ হাজাহনীঃAঃৱাপালঃধর্মী দূহেযবুঃী( সবক্সিন ৪২ | থে৫ে২হাসুরপাের্থেীদেসুত্রেলীঃমাবদীপ্ৰবাবধ। 64 স্বৈর্ণালঃ নমঃসে ((মোদন পেল ঔ৫৪BEধতে | 4 |
১২। বাম || Aালবেসে ছন্দ সঞ্জীবকে জ্বালানি | ৪০ স্বত্তে 9 জৰ বৰ্ণনাহমাদন ইলম হিন্দু করে। সুতি, se।
জিনসেপ্নদেহে সংঘ৫ে। সংসদ যত যাবেন । ৪৪ নবেমীম (যমে সী - (((
২কুশে বেসঠি৯/(৭৫s | ৪৪ | 0 শীঘদোদি দেশকে মর্যাদা যত্নদৰে ই মেঘ সত্রিলোলা(ইলে।qz0 ০৫।পেঁবেন যাপ মাস্তুর(৭শোধঞ্জে কাল(মহাস ! 70 বই-ই-
তৃত্ব দিগ্নি দ(২ লোক-5-F <ঞ্জে ( {(@zদত্রে ঐ রুপ নেই এক 72Gatত্রে হৃদু ( ৮
-
অ
..

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No. 28.]
PLATES OF DANTIVARMAN OF GUJARAT.
Second Plate; Becond side. 38 सूनुर्जुवराजनामा ॥ [३०] चंद्रो बडो हिमगिरिः बहिम: प्रवस्था
पातबलच तपनस्तपनखभावः । चार: च. 39 योधिरिति तैः सममस्य नास्ति धेनोपमा निरूपम (स्तत एव
गीतः ॥ [२१] रणसरसि' खाघातबंश40 भदडम्पराङ्मुखीकृत्य । सबसतरावदेश[:"] वर्गमगादेक ए[वा]
सौ । [१२] सस्थाश्रेषनराधिपतय41 शसः खर्गलोकगतकीर्तेः । श्रीमानकालवर्षस्तन[य] समभूाकुचालव:' ।
[११.] वहभभाराकान्तं विघ42 टिसदृष्टान्वजी[विवग्र्गेण । पितृपर्यागतमचिरामण्डलमचासितं ये
[न] ॥ [३४] प्रियवादी सत्यध[न]: श्री43 माननुजीविवत्सलो मानी । प्रतिपक्षक्षोभकरः एभतुंग: शभकरः मा.
दौ । [१५] तस्मिन्स्वर्गीभूत गुण44 वति गुणवा गुणाधिकप्रीतिः ।
ध्रुवराजस्तुष्टि __ मोके ॥ [३५] इतोभिमुख45 "माप[त अवलगौनराणाम्बल' इतोभिमुखवसभी विष्ठतिमागता वा
स्ववा' । इतीनुजविकु. 46 वितं सममगात्समस्तम्भयादहो स्फुरणमद्भुतं() निरुपमेन्द्र खनस्य ते ।
[३०] "गूजरवलमतिवलव-॥ 47 समुद्यतं इंहित" च कुल्थेन । एकाकिनैव विहितं पराङ्मुखं लीलया
येन । [३८] यत्राभिषिक्तलाच: 48 परं यम(:) स्यागशौर्यसंपनः" । एभतुंगयोनितुंग" पदं पदाति ना
चित्रं" ॥ [३८] यश्च स्वभुजवलाजि-1B 49 तज[य]लमीन्दातसुद्यतामणते । भयमपि विदेषिजने रनयंदा[व]र्थिते"
कामं ॥ [४..] रामस्येव सौमिचिर्म
+ Read 'शिरसि.
• Rend संब.. • The lower end off is prolonged into a curve turning to the left. • Read दुष्टानुनी •Bend मुख्यान
• Read भाबी. I Rend 'प्रवक्ष. • Read यो बमिती.
• Read बान्धवाः*Rand 'बर्ष "Rend पली .
• Read हितं. - Read °मात्र:
Rond Ortuftata in accordance with the Bagumrl plates of Dhruvarija II. "Randतुंगजीतितुग. "Rend बदाप्रीति.
17 Bendt for -Read खा.
"Rad च ददाधित Insert for some vucb sbort syllable after her.
213

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292
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vor. VI.
__50 स्येव धनंजयः । अस्य भ्राताभवद्भव्यो दन्तिवर्मेति वीर्यवान् । [४१*]
यस्य निशितासि धारामरिकरिणः संग51 रे सदाऽवर्ताः । स() दन्तिवर्मनामा ख्यातोस्यैवानुजः प्रसभं ॥ [४२"]
प्रचुरकरिकुम्भदारितविगलित मता52 फलैरहितकरणां' । रंजितदोईण्डयुगः विजयति' समर ____[४३"] तेनेदमनिलविद्युचंचलमय 63 लोक्य जी[वि*] तमसारं(7) । चितिदानपरमपुण्यः प्रवर्तिती धर्मादायी
य। [४४*] स [च] हरि[]]व विक्रमाकान्तसम54 स्तभूमण्डल: दोईण्डस[मा] कष्टकोदण्डकोण्डलितशत्रुमहासामन्तः लक्ष्मीस
माध्यासितवच[: *] स्थलः
Third Plate ; First Side 55 पवनसूनुरिक निजभुजवलविनिर्जिताशेष] वरवैरिनृपतिप्रजनितजगविविख्यात
- प्रताप 56 "णासिलतामहारदलितरिपुकभिकुम्भविगलितमुक्ताफलप्रकररंजितदोईण्डयुगः स
मधिगतपंचमहा-की 57 "शब्दमहासामन्ताधिपत्यपरिमितवर्षविरुदतलप्रहारिश्रीदन्तिवर्मदेवः" सर्वानेव
यथासम्बध्यमानकां-.. 58 "ब्राष्ट्रपतिविषयपतिनांमकूटनियुक्ताधिकारिकवासायकमहत्तरादीन्समनुवोध य त्य
स्तु" वः सन्विदितं य.. 59 था [मा]तापित्रीरात्मनश्चैहिकामुभिकपुख्यय[शो]भिवृष्ये सर्थातैलाटकीयहिच.. त्वारिंशत्यान्तर्गतवाय - 60 व्यदिग्भागावस्थितचोक्खकुटिनामग्रामः कांपिल्यतीर्थकीयविहाराय यत चाघा.
___टनानि पूर्वतो दन्ते]मं81 क[पाम]सीमा दक्षिणतो(प)पसुंदरग्रामसीमा पश्चिमतो" काल्पनिकाग्राम
सीमा उत्तरतो मंदाकिनी
IRend करिव
IRad 'युगी. * This ought to be furored according to the rules of grammar; but this will not suit the metre. • Readरिपूम्या : - Read °विद्यु
• Read प्रवर्तितो.. - Read हरिरिव.
. Here and in the following the rules of sandhi have not been followed. Read 'कादवित 10 Read 'यक्ष
n Read जगविख्यात. *Read 'लता' and 'करिकुम्भ " Read शब्द
"Brad विद.. " Rend °संबध्यमामका. M Read नापति' and 'यामकूट'.
Read 'बोध. . " Rond संविदितं. "Read भदन्तर्गत
10 Read यस्य. 1 Rand पयिमत:

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[No. 28.]. PLATES OF DANTIVARMAN OF GUJARAT.
293 62 नदी [*] एवं चतुराघाटनोपलक्षितः सपरिकरः सवृक्षमालाकुल: ससो.
मापयन्तः सोत्पद्यमानवेष्टिक. 63 'धाण्यहिरण्यादेयो(अ)चाटभटप्रवेश्य: सर्वराजकीया[ना ]महस्तप्रक्षेपणीयः प्रा
चंद्रार्कापर्णवावनिस64 रित्पर्बतसमकालीनः श्रीमा[य]संघस्य शिष्यानुशिष्यक्रमोपभुजतो [पूर्व
प्रदत्तप्रेमदायदे65 [व]दायरहितोभ्यंतरसिद्या' शकतृपकालातीतसंवत्सरशतेषु स[स]सु नवाशी
त्यधिकष्वंकतोपि सं. . 66 वत्सरशते ७८८ "पौषवहुलनवम्यांमुत्तरायणमहापर्वमुद्दिश्य पूरावीमहानद्यां
सात्वोदका67 तिसगर्गेण गंधपुष्यधूपदीपोपलेपनार्थ खडस्फुटिकमामादपुमा: संस्करणार्थ
प्रतिपादित: [1] यतीस्थोचि*]. 68 [त]या देवदा[य] स्थित्या भुंजतो भीवापयतीतो कर्षापयतो
वा प्रतिदिशतो न केनचित्परिपंथ69 नीयस्तथागामिनृपतिभिः अस्मइंशजैरन्या म दानफलमवेय (म)
विद्युल्लोलान्यनित्यैखर्या70 णि तृणा[ग्र]जलविंटुचंचलं च जीवितमाकलय्य "खदायनिर्विशोषोमस्महा
योनुमन्तव्यः परिपालयित71 व्यश्च ॥ यश्चाज्ञानतिमिरपटलावृतमतिराच्छिंद्यादाच्छिंद्यमानक" [वा]नु[मो]
दकं स पंचभिर्महापात72 []रुपपातकैश्च संयुक्त[:*] स्यादित्युक्त[म्]
Third Plate ; Second Side. 73 भगवता वेदव्यासेन । षष्टिवर्षसहस्राणि [ख]र्गे तिष्ठति भूमिदः ।
आच्छेत्ता" चानुम[न्ता] च तान्येव (न) 74 नरके वसेत् ॥ [४५*] विंध्याट[वोवतीयासु शुष्ककोटरवासिनः । विषा
हयो हि जायन्ते भूमिदान हरति J Read पर्यन्त:
Read धान्य After the the letter : was originally engraved, but was afterwards cancelled. • Rend भीग्य:Read owo.
• Read °सिया. I Read 'बखनवम्यामुक्त... Read °पबौद्दिश्य.
• Read षतः. 10 Read °बिंदु. .. Read °शेषो.
Read 'दाच्छिद्य - Read 'मोदत. . ... " Read पाच्छेत्ता. .
15 Read . - Read °दान

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294
[VoL. VI.
75 [84] चग्नेरपत्यं प्रथमं सुर्ख भूयवी सूर्य []ताच नायः लोकत्रयं तेन भवेहि दतं यः [कॉ]76 []
भूमिस्तस्य
महीं च दया[त्] [४०] [भ] [स] राजभिः [स]गरादिभिः । यस्य यस्य यदा 77 तस्य तथा फलं । [४] यानीच दत्तानि fareस्कराणि [1] निर्माल्यमानप्रतिमा- '
पुरा नरेंद्रनानि धर्मा
78 नि तानि की ना[म] साधुः पुनरारदीत ॥ [४८ ] दत्तां परदत्तय[ब्रा]इच नराधिप ॥ मही' म[[हि]मतां श्रेष्ठ यो चपासनं । ॥ [५०* ] इति कमलदलाम्बविंदलोला " श्रियमनुचिंत्य "मनित्यजीवितं च । अतिवि[म]ल
10
80 म[न] भि[] मनोर्न हि पुरुषः परकीयो विलोप्या [५९*] हूत ॥ कोत्र महामात्यश्रीकृष्णभट्ट [: *] लिखि[तं] 81 चेतसेनभोमिक रायष्यतेनेति ॥ मतं मम
राणप्यसुतेनेति ॥ मतं मम श्रीदन्तिवणः श्रीम.
दकालवर्षदेव
82 नोः । तथा
मम श्रीवराजदेवस्य श्रीमदकालवर्यदेवसूनोः ॥
79 रा
.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. 29. - SARSAVNI PLATES OF BUDDHARAJA; [KALACHURI-JSAMVAT 361.
BY F. KIELHORN, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.
These plates are in the possession of Patel Karsan Daji at Sarsavņi (Sarasavant), a village four and a half miles south of Pådra, in the Pâdra subdivision of the Baroda State. Through Mr. Keshavlal Ranchhod Kirtania they were brought to the notice of Mr. Withal Nagar of Baroda, who kindly informed Dr. Hultzsch of their existence; and at the latter's request Lieutenant-Colonel C. W. Ravenshaw, Officiating Resident at Baroda, was good enough to send the plates to him for examination. I edit the inscription which they contain from excellent impressions, furnished to me by Dr. Hultzsch.
These are two copper-plates, either of which measures 10" broad by 7" high, and is inscribed on one side only. Their margins are raised into rims. Through two holes at the bottom of the first and the top of the second plate are passed two unsoldered plain rings, measuring 2" and 24" in diameter. There is no seal, and no indication of one having been attached to the plates. The writing is well done and carefully engraved, and throughout in an excellent state of preservation. The size of the letters is about". The characters belong to a variety of the southern alphabet which is well-known from Valabhi inscriptions and from the inscriptions
Read दत्तं. • Read धर्मार्थयथ
' Read 'दत्तां वा.
10 Rend दलाम्बुबिंदु.
Rend बहु
• Read वान्तप्रति
• Rend मह
1 Rend मनुष्य
Bond तदा.
• Read 'राददीत
• Bead दामायीमुपालनं.

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74
76
78
80
82
iii b.
২গবলাবशা। জ! हविर्ष सद यादी नतिप्रति प्रसिदः । मा के वाना शुभ का रा का शव न नवविंशती तोयम् वामिঃ'क्षा यो हिमने प (दर ५१ ममवलुती गावঃलायंस्त व हिंद के वी गांव महीं दद्यावर वाद का निनादि मायका यथा मित्रा आज ता. पल। या मी रुदालिया ही यया लि. मिला पान इतिमा दिना निको नाम नाइः सीदीप काञ्चायना मी मन परापालन कमलदला मुविंद्र लो लख ममी म काकी
यामाहा (नीचे दियेकवेः पकी याद को महामाया महल। • शिकलेलाल के किस गमजी रामঃগীम दबाव লে দलाल वादষ
56
58
Plates of Dantivarman of Gujarat. - Saka-Samvat 789.
ivb.
E. HULTZSCH.
SCALE 46
Nadagam Plates of Vajrahasta (Vol. IV. No. 24).
31
ती कलु ग्राम कष्टाविद बाल जान मघा नाममा মজাSir Gলहाय के क्षेत
कु नाताबम
SCALE TWO THIRDS.
Mayidavolu Plates (Vol. VI. No. 8).
SEALS.
FULL-SIZE.
Plates of the time of Sasankaraja.
76
78
80
82
56
58
Collotype by Römmler & Jonas, Dresden.

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No. 29.]
SARSAVNI PLATES OF BUDDHARAJA.
295
of the Gujarat Chalakyag. As regards individual letters, attention may be drawn to the following signs: the initial 6, e.g. in @sha, and the initial 61 in Kumarivadas, both in 1. 20; the kh in Iskhitam, 1. 34, and askhalita-, 1. 6; the d, e.g. in pidita- and -mandalah, 1. 10; the subscript
in arnnava, 1. 21; the th, e.g. in prithivyámapratirathas, 1.9, and dharmmarttha., 1. 32; the ph, e.g. in phalan, 1. 31; the two forms of l, e. g. in phalar and opalanan, 1. 31, salild and baldpd-, 1. 9; the final m and t in prajdnám, 1. 17, and vasét, 1. 29; the jihoamaliya and upadhmdniya, e.g. in parakkalarika., 1. 4, and vigrahah-para-, 1. 7. The writing, in line 35, also contains numerical symbols for 300, 60, 10, 5, and 1.- The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, and with the exception of five benedictive and imprecatory verses in lines 28-32, the text is in proge. The orthography calls for few remarks. Instead of anusvára the guttural and dental pasals are employed in the words varifa, 11. 6 and 12, vanilya, 1. 24, and pradhansa, 1. 16; final visarga is changed to the jihvámúliya in paral=kalasika- and rahitak=kula-, l. 4, and to the upadhmaniya in vigraha-pard-, 1. 7, opatibhih-prabala-, 1. 24, Omantavyah-pala', 1. 27, and sddhuh-punar-, 1. 32; sh is (wrongly“) doubled after r in varshshas, 1. 28, and dh (correctly) before y in the word anuddhyata, twice in line 14. Besides, the word prithivi is written prithivi in line 9, and a few times the rules of sandhi have been neglected.
The inscription is one of Buddharaja, the son of Sankara gana who was the son of Krishnaraja, of the family of the Katachohuris. It records an order of Buddharaja's, issued from the royal residence or camp at Anandapura, to the effect that he granted the village of Kumarivadað, which was near to Brihannårikå, in the GorajjA-bhoga of the Bharukachchha-vishaya, to the Brahman Bappasvâmin, an inhabitant of Dobhaks. It is dated, in words and numerical symbols, on the 15th of the dark half of Karttiks of the year 361.
The names of the three kings or chiefs - the insoription does not furnish any titles for them - who are mentioned in the preceding paragraph, are not new to us. As the date of the inscription must undoubtedly be referred to the Kalachuri era, it would fall in either A.D. 609 or A.D. 610,9 and it is therefore certain that the donor of the grant, Sankaragana's son Buddharija, is identical with that Buddhar&je, the son of Sankara gana, who according to the Nerar plates (Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 161) was put to flight by the Western Chalukya Mangalaraja (Mangalêsa), and to whom the BadAmi (Mahákůta) pillar-inscription (of A.D. 602 (?), ibid. Vol. XIX. p. 16) refers when it states that Msogalesa, having set his heart upon the conquest of the northern region, conquered (the Kalatsūri] king Buddhs and took away his wealth. Sankaragana, again, clearly is that Šamkarana,' the son of Krishṇaraja, whose feet according to the Sårkheda plate of Santilla (Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 23) were meditated on by the Bhögikapala Mahápilupati Nirihullaka,7 and our grant proves the correctness of Prof. Bühler's saggestion (ibid. p. 22) that the reading Sankaranah of the Sååkhôda plate should be altered to Sarikaraganah.
Though the eulogy of the three kings, which fills just one half of the inscription, does not contain any historical allusions, it is not void of interest. Some of the epithets applied to the
Compare the same letter in the word Osmbhald, in the Sorat plates of the Gujarat Chalukya Yuvardja Styrsys-StiAdity, Vienna Or. Congrass, Arian section, p. 228,1 21, Plate. The initial ai occurs in the word aihita, above, Vol. III. p. 66, 1. 21, Plate; the initial as in 4 damdghayd, Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 155, 1. 84, Plate.
· The name form of th we have in the Stars plates of Vishnuvardhana I., Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 309, Plste..
• The symbols agree with those given by Prof. Babler from Valabht plates.
• Compare Paņiai, VIII. 4. 49. For other instances where sibilants are wrongly doubled, compare yasaya, Gupta Inscr. p.78, and panchadailydm and lindy 6, ibid. p. 258.
* So this word is written also in the Aihole Inscription, above, p. 5, 1. 6 of the text. With my opoch for the later Ka
my epoch for the latar Kalschuri dates, the date (tor the pirnimdata Karttiks) would correspond to the and October A.D. 609; bat in agreement with the dates of the Nanket and Kivt plates of the (nrjara Jaynhhita III. (No. 403 and 403 of my List of Northern Insor.) it would respond to either the 32nd Sopther or the 2nd October A.D. 610. The date, of course, dou not admit of yorifes fan.
+ See my List of Northern Inser. No 427.

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296
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
second king, Samkaragana, shew that the author was acquainted with, and borrowed or imitated, certain epithets which are found only in some of the Gupta inscriptions. On the other hand, it is clear that the eulogistic part of this inscription or of some similar Katachchuri grant was known to, and made use of by, the authors of the corresponding portions of the grants of the Gurjara Dadda (11.) Prasantaraga of the (Kalachuri] years 380 and 385, and of the [Gujarat] Chalukya Vijayaraja % of the [Kalachuri) year 394. Of the last named grant the first two lines may be said to be identical with the same lines of the present grant, and the description of Vijayaraja in lines 5-8 to a great extent literally agrees with the description of Sankaragana in lines 8-14 of the present inscription. In the case of the Gurjara grants the agreement is not so close, but about the fact that their author knew and made use of some such Katachchuri giant as the one here edited, there cannot be the slightest doubt. In his opening sentence he too compares the family of the Gurjara kings with the great ocean (mahôdadhi), and in describing that ocean he employs the words vividha, vimala, gunaratna, udbhasita, avilanghitavadhi, gambhirya, and the phrase mahasattunyatiduravagâhé, which to the reader of the present grant will surely betray their origin. Then, as in the present inscription Krishnaraja is described as from his very birth (a janmana eva) devoted to the service of Siva, so the eulogist of Dadda makes that chief from his very birth (utpattita dva) worship the sun. He moreover, just as is the case in the present grant, continues the description of his chief in a series of relative sentences (yena.. yam cha ... yasya cha, etc.); and in the clause commencing with yasya cha in line 7 and ending with Vindhyanag-ôpatyakah in line 10, he imitates, and labours to improve on, the relative sentence beginning with yếna cha in line 6 and ending with diso in line 7 of the present grant. So far as I can judge, his plagiarism, if I may call it so, is not without some importance for the history of the Gurjaras. In my opinion, it tends to indicate that the family of these chiefs rose to independence only after the time of the Katachchuri Buddharaja. If Dadda Prafântarága had been preceded by other Gurjara kings, a eulogist of his, in drawing up his prasasti, most probably would have taken for his model some older Gurjara grant, and would not have allowed himself to be inspired by a Katachchuri grant.
1 See my notes on the translation.
See Ind. Ant. Vol. XIll. pp. 82 and 88. * See ibid. Vol. VII. p. 248.
• The present inscription shows that in line 7 of Vijayaraja's grant the intended rending is nishdur, not eirmochi.
. In both inscriptions the king is compared with an elephant (vanardrana-yithapa and bhadra-matanga). Instead of the epithet ruchira-tanía-f6bin of the present grant, the author of the Gurjara grant puts sad. vanh-dhita-f6bd-gaurava, where also the word vanka has the double meaning of 'backbone' and 'lineage.' The word ruchira, which the imitator hero discards, he employs in the same line in ruokira-kirti-paid-sahdya, 'accompanied by his bright fame' as the elephant is by his cbarming mate. In a similar way be treats the following epithet of the present inscription, askhalita-ddna-prasara. The first and last word of this compound suggest to bim his askhalita-padan prasarataḥ, and the sonse of the whole compound he expresses, in a more elaborate manner, by the compound commencing with avirata.ddns-pravdha. or his own he adds, that his chief took delight in the lands lying at the foot of the Vindhya mountain.--As it concerns a point of history, I may perhaps state here that I differ from those scholars who understand the epithet dkrishta fatru-naga-kula-santati in lines 3 and 4 of the Gurjars grant (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 89) to mean that Dadda I. conquered some hostile tribe or family of the Nigas. In my opinion, ndga here means nothing but 'snake,' and the author simply says that Dadds uprooted bis enemies as the bird Garuda destroys the snakes. The compound is exactly like pripit-arthi-madhukara-kula
line 8 of the same inscription, which everybody would admit to mean that the king (by bia liberality) delighted the suppliants as the elephant (by his rutting.juice) does the bees. If the eulogy of Dadda I. does contain any histrionl allusion, it is furnisbed, in my opinion, by the epithet Krishna-hriday.dhitdopadah in lines 2 and 3, the word Krishna of which, in addition to denoting the god Krishna, may perhaps denote the Katachchuri Krishnarajs, and which therefore may represent Dadda I. 89 a favourite (or feudatory) of that Katachchuri king; as the Kaustubha gem is placed on Krishna's breast, so Dadda found a place in Kpishṇaraja's beart.' That the epithet Kțiakna-kriday-dhildspadah, just like the Srt-sahajasmá by which it is preceded, does convey a double meaning, is not at all doubtful; the only question is whether it might not be taken to menn he whose actions (aspada-kritya) were hostile to the evil-minded.'
6 Compare Dr. Fleet's Dynasties, p. 816.

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No. 29.]
SARSAVNI PLATES OF BUDDHARAJA.
297
I may further point out that in the wording of the formal part of the grants also the two inscriptions of Dadda Prasantaraga referred to above agree most closely with the inscription here edited. We find in them exactly the same list of officials to whom the order is addressed (sarván-êva raja-samanta-bhôgika-vishayapati-rashtragramamahattar-ddhikarik-adin); the same technical and other terms applied to the village granted (from @sha grámaḥ to putra-pautyánvaya-bhogyaḥ in lines 20-22 of the present inscription) ; with the exception of a single word, the same form of appeal to future rulers to preserve the grant, and, with the omission of one verse, the same benedictive and imprecatory verses, given in the same order. And one cannot help asking oneself how very different all this might have been, if the existing Gurjara grants of Saka-Samvat 400, 415 and 417 1 were really genuine documents.
Of the localities mentioned in this inscription, Ånandapura, from where the grant was issued, probably is the same Anandapura from where the Aling grant of Siladitya VII. Dhrûbhata of Valabhi of the year 447 was issued, and which has been identified by Dr. Fleet with the modern Anand, the chief town of the Anand subdivision of the Kaira district. And Bharukachchha, so often mentioned elsewhere, is the modern Broach. Débhaka, the place of residence of the donee, apparently is Dabka, a village in the Baroda State, about 8 miles west of Padra and 40 miles north of Broach. On the remaining localities Dr. Fleet, who at my request has kindly searched the sheets No. 22, S. E. (1883) and No. 36, S. W. (1897) of the Indian Atlas, of which copies were not accessible to me, has sent me the following note :- "The Gôrajja of this grant must be the Goraj' of sheet No. 36, in lat. 22° 20', long. 73° 32', in the Halol subdivision of the Pañch Maháls : it is shewn as a town or large village 11 miles on the south of HÅl8l, and is about 54 miles towards the north-east-by-north from Broach. Kumârivadaô must be the Kawarwara' of sheet No. 22, about 11 miles towards the west-south-west from Goraj,' and about 8 miles east-south-east from Baroda ; it is about 24 miles almost due east of Dabka.' And Brihannárika must be the Banaiya' of the same sheet, 41 miles on the south of Kawar'.
wars. »
TEXT.
First Plate ; Second Side. 1 Om svasti [ll] Vijaya-skandhávârâd=Anandapura-vasakâch=chharad-upagama
prasanna-gaganatala-vimala-vipuló vividha-purusharatna-guna2 kirapa-nikar-avabhåsitê mahasa[t]tv-8pågraya-durllanghê gambhiryyavati sthity.
annpålana-parê mahôdadh&v=iva Kata[chch]u.6 3 riņâm-anvayê sakala-jana-manôharaya c handrikay=êva karty[&] bhuvanam
avabh&sayann=8 janmana évs Pasupati-samaśra4 ya-parak-kalanka-dôsha-rahitah-kula-kumudavana-lakshmi-vibôdhanas-chandramå iva
sri-Krishnarajó yas=samiraya-viso5 sha-lôbhád=iva sakalair=&bhigamikaireitarais=cha guņair=upêtaḥ sari panna-prakriti
mandal yathavad-atmany-Ahita-sakti6 siddhir-yyêna cha ruchira-vansa-76ôbhing niyatam=askhalita-dana-prasaréna prathita
bala-garimņa vanavarana-yutha7 pên=&v=&višankam vicharatá vana-rajaya iv-dvanamite digo yasya cha sastram=
Spanna-tråņaya vigrahah-par-&8 bhimâna-bhangâya fikshitam vinayâya vibhav-&rijana pradanaya pradanam
dharmmâya dharmmas=brêy ô-våptayê tasya putraḥ
1 See my List of Northern Inger. Nos. 347-849.
See Gupta Incor. p. 173. * See the Gazetteer of the Bombay Pres. Vol. VII. p. 542. • Prom impressions supplied by Dr. Hultzsch.
. Expressed by a symbol. • The consonants of the akshara chchu are not clear in the impressions, but I do not think that the akshara can be read differently.
1 Bead - la.

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[VOL. VI.
9 pri(pri)thivy&m=apratirathas-chatur-udadhi-salil-dsvådita-yasa Dhanada-Varup-Endr.
Antaka-sama-prabhavaḥ sya-bahu-bal-Op10 tt-ôrjjita-raja-sriḥ pratâp-atisay-Opanata-samagra-samanta-maņdalah paraspar-ápidita
dharmm-&rttha-kama-nishêri 11 prapatimâtra-suparitôsha-gambhir-Ônnata-hridayah samyak-prajâpâlan-adhigata-bhûri
draviņa-viśrânan-812 våpta-dharmmakriyag-chir-ôtsannánann npipati-vangânám pratishthåpayit=
Abhyuchchhritânâm=unmülayita din-&ndha-kripaņa-sa13 mabhilashita-manērath-Adhika-nikama-phala-pradaḥ púryv-¶-samudr-ånt-adi-déba
svâmi mậtâpitsi-pada14 nuddhyataḥ p arama-M&[h]êśvaraḥ sri-Sankaraganah t asya putras-tat
padanuddhyâtah sakala-mahimandal-aika-tilakaḥ 15 sâtisaya-prathita-naya-vinaya-daya-dåna-dåkshya-dåkshinya-dhairyya-sauryya-sthairyy-ady
abesha-guna-samanvitaḥ praba16 la-ripu-bal-ôdbh âta-darppa-vibhaya-pradhvansa-Shêtuḥ sêtuḥ sthitinâm=&yatanam
siddhêr=apratihata-chakras-Chakradha17 na iv=årtti-prasamana-karaḥ prajânâm parama-Mâhêsvaraḥ śr-Buddharajaḥ
Second Plate; First Side. 18 sarvvân-êva rája-samanta-bhôgika-vishayapati-rashtragramamahattar-Adhikarik-adi
samajña19 payaty-astu vô viditam=&småbhiḥ Bharukachchha-vishay-Antarggata-Gôrajja.
bhoge Bțihannarika-pratyasanna20 Kumarivadað 17 @sha gråmaḥ s-odrangaḥ s-Ôparikaraḥ sarvv-&dâna-samgråhyah
sarva-ditya-vishți-pratibhedik21 parihîņô bhîmichchhidra-nyâyêna8 a-châta-bhata-právěsya &-chandr-arkk-arạnava
kshiti-sthiti-samakalinaḥ putra-pau22 tr-anvaya-bhôgya' Debhakavastavya-Pârâsarasagðtra-VajasanêyaKanvasabrahmachari
brahmana-Bhattu-putra23 Bappasvaminê bali-charu-vaisvadêv-&gnihotr-adi-kriy-ôtsarppan-&rtthan måtâ pitror=
Atmanag-cha puny-abhivriddhayêlo 24 udak-Atisarggēņ=âtissishtoll yatô=smad-vansyair=l'anyair=vy=&gåmi-nfipati-bhogapatibhih
prabala-pavana-prêrit- - 25 dadhi-jala-taranga-chanchalam jiva-lôkam=abhav-&nugatán=a8&r&n=vibhav&n=dirggha
kala-sthêyasag=cha gung26 n=&kalayya sâmánya-bhôga-bh-pradâna-phal-psubhis-sasi-kara-ruchiram chiraya
yasas-cha chishubhir=13ayam-asmad-dâyðenu27 mantavyah-pâlayitavyas-cha [] Yð v=&jñâna-timira-patal-Avrita-matir-achchhindyâd=
Achchhidyamanam v=&numôdêta 88 pañohabhi28 remmahå-påtakaissamyuktal4 sydd-ity=uktañ=cha bhagavatå våda-vyåsena Vyåsena ||
Shashtim 16 varshsha-sahasråņi svarggé môdati bhůmi-dah [1] 29 Achchhêttâ ch=&numantâ cha tány-êva narakê vasêt Vindhy-ktavishy=atôyåsn
sushka-kotara-vásinaḥ [lo] kfishņ&hayo hi jaya
1 Read -tambdndth. * Read ganar.
* Read -pradhtanas, • Read .ddns.
. Read payati dotu vo viditam | Asmdblira, . It is just possible that the name engraved is G rujjd.. * This mark of punctuation is superfluous.
• Read - rydydnad-chdta-. • Read -bhogyo. 10 Read ®ddhaya.
11 Read Ossiekta I. Rend -camsyairs,
1 Read yabatackicht bubbir, * Read hlar syddviti i Uhtais * Metre of this and the next three verses: ślka (Anushtabh-Bead parola

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SCALE 8
E. HULTZSCH.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
1" E = អz Baa) : 1 + 2. ខខ aa) ៨៤៩៩: ១៨:១–នg Ea០១ haន,RFAgua or feed ន រ ក
១០ -១១ - ២ | - Ass
e ss>Ra
Sarsavni Plates of Buddharaja.-[Kalachuri-]Samvat 361.
2k9HeaLFz hapPOR99pea:Pau5 | pag ន *៩og192 1932Qz។ }}ទី២ 1 2 fនge នេះ។ #Royz|
p9a% 92 8នអ៊ី " ១៩៩ ៩ 93Xque 49eg5823 ។ CON Trưởng Công an ninh IRREST -ទី២ ដែន៨៩rg Uk
ser] ថា
ទំងនននននីទៅg g.
S

Page #355

- បទ- 1 1 3Qg&នាង
ធ្វើឲ្យខ្ញុំ ba៖ “ ខ
ខា ង ល ធ | Res) ១/២g បាននាំខ្លួនអង8gឱបរ == ==
ទនខ tep នននននននននន
លើ 2 4 20 ន និង ន ម ន
។ អ
និង ស ទី៤ - Y ធ
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Page #356

No. 29.]
SARSAVNI PLATES OF BUDDHARAJA.
299
30 nt# bhmi-d yarn haranti ye II Bahubhir=vvasudh bhukta rajabhis-Sagar
Adibhiḥ [lo] yasya yasya yada bhQmistasya tasya 31 tada phalam 11 Púryva-dattár dvijâtibhyo yatnád=raksha Yudhishthira [1]
mahi[m] mahimatâ [m] śrêshtha dånách=chhreyðanupålanam || Yan-iha da32 ttäni para darồndrair=dd&nâni dharmm-arttha-yasas-karani [1] nirbbhukta-målya
pratimâni tâni kô nima sådhuh-punar=&daditi(ta)[] 33 Samvatsara-sata-traye! @kashashty-adhike Karttika-bahula-pasohadasyam
Gokulasvâmi-vijñâpanaya mahabald34 dhikrita-fri-Prasahyavigraha-datakam likhitam=idan mahasandhivigrahadhikaran.
adhikrita-Sivarajên=êti II 35
Sam 300 60 i Karttika-ba 10 5 II
TRANSLATION. (Line 1.) Om. Hail! From the royal residence of victory, fixed at Anandapura -
In the lineage of the Katachchuris- which, like the great ocean, is extensive and spotless as the vault of the sky clear on the advent of autumn ; illumined by the mass of the rays of the manifold excellences of jewels of men (as the ocean is by those of its gems); difficult to be crossed because it is the home of men of great vigour (as the ocean is of large animals); endowed with profundity (and) intent on observing the limits of what is right as the ocean is on keeping within its proper limits)-(there was) the glorious Kộishnaraja, who illumined the world with his fame that charmed all mankind, who from his very birth was devoted to the service of Pasupati (Siva), who promoted the fortune of his family (and who thus, though) free from blemish, was like the moon which illuminates the earth with its light pleasing to all mankind, which is ever resting on Siva, (and) which causes the groups of night-lotuses to expand. From a desire, as it were, of securing a choice resting-place, he was resorted to by all the qualities that make a king the object of attachment, as well as by every other excellence. He was fully endowed with all the constituent elements of royalty, and duly reaped the beneficial results of his management) of the regal powers. As the chief elephant of the herd, distinguished by its splendid backbone, with the flow of its rutting-juice never ceasing, displaying the might of its strength, fearlessly roams about and breaks down rows of forest-trees, so be, who was illustrious by his splendid lineage, and the stream of whose liberality was never failing, and the might of whose power was well-known, marched about without apprehension and brought to subjection the regions. He wielded the sword to protect people in distress, made war to break the conceit of adversaries, engaged in study to learn propriety of conduct, gathered wealth to make donations, made donations for the sake of religious merit, and acquired religious merit to obtain the bliss of final emancipation.
(L. 8.) His son, who meditated on his parents' feet, (was) the devout worshipper of Mahêsvara (Siva), the glorious Samkaragana, the lord of the countries bounded by the eastern and western seas and of other lands; who on the earth had no antagonist equal to him; whose fame was tasted by the waters of the four oceans; whose might was like that of Dhanada,
1 Metre: Indravajra.
Read -traya. • Or from the camp . . . . pitched at.' • The sentence is continued below, in the words the glorious Buddhaja.'
The beauty of the moon is marred by a dark spot. . On the passage containing the word dbhigamika compare Gupta Inor. p. 166, 1. 16, and p. 109, note 2. 7 Vis, the powers of mastery, good counsel, and energy.
Compare the Sakuntald, in the first act, drta-trándya dah fastram.
• This epithet and the two next--one with a slightly different reading- are well known from Gupta inscriptions, compare e.g. Gupta Inger. p. 26, 1. 1 of the text; and D Fleet's note, ibid. p. 14, note 4
292

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300
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
Varuņa, Indra, and Antaka ;' who by the strength of his arms acquired the fortune of powerful kings; before whose pre-eminent prowess there bowed down the circle of all the neighbouring princes; who engaged in the pursuit of religious merit, wealth and pleasure, without allowing them to encroach upon one another; whose profound and elevated mind was well pleased only by submission; who accomplished acts of religion by distributing in charity the ample wealth acquired by properly protecting his people; who reinstated families of princes long subverted, and uprooted the exalted ; and who to the afflicted, the blind and the poor granted the object of their desire, more fully even than their hearts longed for.
(L. 14.) His son, who meditates on his feet, who is the unique frontal ornament of the whole circle of the earth; who is endowed with all the most celebrated qualities, such as prudence, good conduct, compassion, liberality, cleverness, dexterity, fortitude, heroism, firmness and the rest; who causes the destruction of the might of conceit, arising from power, of powerful enemies; who is a dam to safeguard all ordinances, and a resting place of success; and who, like the Discus-bearer (Vishņu) with his irresistible disc, with his irresistible' army relieves the distress of the people he, the devout worshipper of Mahêśvara (Siva), the glorious Buddhardja, issues this order to all Rajas, Samantas, Bhôgikas, Vishayapatis, Ráshtra- and Grama-mahattaras, Adhikarikas and others :
(L. 19.) Be it known to you! For the increase of the religious merit of our parents and ourselves we have granted, with pouring out of water, the village of Kumârivadaổ which is close to Bțihannårikå, in the Gôrajja-bhôga that lies within the Bharukachchha-vishaya, with the udranga, with the uparikara, with all imposts and taxes, exempt from all ditya, forced labour and pratibhédiká, according to the maxim of bhúmichchhidra, not to be entered by irregular and regular soldiers, for as long as the moon, the gun, the sea and the earth endure, to be enjoyed by the succession of sons and sons' sons-to the Brahman Bappasvâmin, the son of Bhattu, who is an inhabitant of Debhaka, a member of the Påråsara gôtra, and a student of the Kanva säkha of the Vâjasanêya Voda, for the maintenance of the bali, charu, vaisvadeva, agnihotra and other rites. Wherefore, let future kings and Bhögapatis, whether of our own family or others- bearing in mind that the world of living beings is unsteady like & wave of water of the sea raised by a fierce wind, that wealth is liable to perish and void of substance, and that virtue endures for a long time-desirous of sharing in the reward of (this) donation of land, and anxious to accumulate for a long time fame as bright as the rays of the moon, consent to this our gift and preserve it! Whosoever, with his mind covered by the veil of the darkness of ignorance, should take it away or permit it to be taken away, he shall be guilty of the five great sins! And it has been said by the holy Vyåsa, the arranger of the Vedas :-[Here follow five imprecatory verses.]
(L. 33.) In three hundred years increased by sixty-one, on the fifteenth tithi of the dark half of Kärttika, at the request of Gokulasvâmin, this (edict) - the dataka of which is the Mahabaládhikrita, the illustrious Prasahyavigraha- was written by the Mahasandhivigrahadhikaranádhikrita Sivaraja.
The year 800 60 1 Karttika-badi 10 5.
* I.e. the guardian deities of the northern, western, eastern and southern quarters.
Compare Gupta Inscr. p. 8, 1. 26, where the compound Dhanada-Varun-Bndr-Antaka-sama is followed by another, commencing with sea-bhuja-bala..
Compare ibid. p. 8, 1. 25, bhaktyatanatindtra-grdhya-mida-hridayasya. • Compare ibid. p. 8, 1. 28, andka-bhrashtardjy-btsanna rdjavania-pratishthapana. • The original bas sarvo-dddna-sangrabya, which may have some more specifio meaning. • I am unable to state the position of this personage with regard to either the donor or the donee. 1... the great Bal.ddnikrita (or general);' see my List of Northern Incor. No. 427.
1.e. the great Sand livigrah-adhikuran.ddhikrita (or officer charged with the ministry of peace and war).' compare e.g. the Gurjara grants, Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 84, 1. 50, and p. 90, 1. 50.

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No. 30.]
DATES OF PANDYA KINGS.
301
No. 30.-DATES OF PANDYA KINGS.
BY F. KIELHORN, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.
Dr. Hultzsch has sent me for examination the texts and English translations of fifty-four Pandya dates. Of this number I now publish, with the results of my calculations, twenty-six dates, together with four others (Nos. 1, 5, 14 and 16 of my list), which have been published by Dr. Hultzsch in the Indian Antiquary, and for two of which (Nos. 14 and 16) the European equivalents have been already ascertained by the late Mr. S. B. Dikshit. All these dates quote only regnal years, not years of any era; and in a number of cases it was uncertain whether the dates connected with a particular name belonged to the reign of one king or to the reigns of two or more kings bearing the same name. How my results will fit into the history of the time to which the dates refer, others may decide; I have been solely guided by the dates, and have not allowed myself to be influenced by other considerations. Though the dates do not quote years of any era, the fact that some of them, in addition to the weekday, the tithi and the nakshatra, also give the corresponding solar day, has helped me greatly in ascertaining what I consider to be the proper European equivalents, and makes me place great confidence in the results which I now put forward. The reader will understand this when he sees, that e.g. for the date No. 1 there is only a single day in 500 years that would fully satisfy all the requirements of the original date. To Dr. Hultzsch I owe sincere thanks for having enabled me to do this work.
A-JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA.
1.-Date in the larger Tiruppûvaņam grant. Plate i. a, line 4 f.
Nije vatsarê pañchavimse chaṇḍâmśâv-âtta-Châpê Kanakapati-tithau krishnapakshArkivâra-Svâti-yogê;
"in his twenty-fifth year, while the sun was in Chapa, on the tithi of Kanakapati, at the union of Saturday and Svâti in the dark fortnight."
Plate v. b, line 2 f.
Padigmarvadindir animadim-doda Dhanu-nkyarra nklin-diyadiyum apara pakahatta ékkdaiyum Sagi-kkijamaiyum perpa Bodi-nál;
"the day of Svâti, which corresponded to a Saturday, and to the eleventh tithi of the second fortnight, and to the fourth solar day of the month of Dhanus, in the twelfth year opposite to the thirteenth."
Between A.D. 1000 and 1500 there is only a single year for which this date would be absolutely correct, viz. the year 1214. In this year the Dhanuḥ-samkranti took place 8 h. 43 m. after mean sunrise of Wednesday, the 26th November, which was the first day of the month of Dhanus. The 4th day of the month of Dhanus therefore was Saturday, the 29th November. And on this day the 11th tithi of the dark half (of the month Mârgasirsha) ended 9 h. 38 m., and the nakshatra was Svâti, by the equal space system for 19 h. 3 m., according to Garga for 6 h. 34 m., and by the Brahma-siddhânta for 2 h. 38 m., after mean sunrise. Accordingly, if the date does fall between A.D. 1000 and 1500 and has been correctly recorded, Saturday, the 29th November A.D. 1214, must be its proper equivalent.
[It is but right to state that these dates were looked up, transcribed and translated by my First Assistant, Mr. V. Venkayya, and that I have done nothing but checking his transcripts and renderings.-E. H.]
See Dr. Hultzsch in Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 288.

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302
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VI.
2.-In the Nellaiyappar temple at Tinnevelly. 1 Svasti [óri] [11*] [Pavi]n kisatti 5. . . . . . . . . . Sri-k8=Chohadaiypan[ma] 6 r-[]na Tri[bhuvaņa]chchakravarttiga! sri-Kulasegarad[@]varkku . yându
padiņmu(mů prâ[vadi], edirâm=&ņdu Miņa-nâyarru nål&n=diyadiyum apara-pakshattu
daśa. 7 [miyum] Viyala-kkiļamai[yum] perra Par[a]dattu nk!.
“In the year opposite to the thirteenth year of the reign) of the glorious king Jaţävarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulasekharadêva, - on the day of Porv&shadha, which corresponded to a Thursday, and to the tenth tithi of the second fortnight, and to the fourth solar day of the month of Mina."
Under No. 1 we found that a date of the 12th opposite to the 13th year, i.e. of the 25th year, of the king's reign fell in November A.D. 1214. If such was really the case, this date No. 2, of the month of Mina of the year opposite to the 13th, s.e. of the 14th year, of the same reign, must fall in February March of either A.D. 1203 or 1204. As a matter of fact, the date is correct for Thursday, the 28th February A.D. 1204. In A.D. 1204 the Mina-samkrånti took place 3 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, the 23rd February, which was the first day of the month of Mina. The fourth day of the month of Ming therefore was Thursday, the 26th February; and on this day the 10th tithi of the dark half of the month Phålguna) commenced 3 h. 33 m., and the nakshatra was Pârvashidha, by the equal space system for 14 h. 27 m., and according to Garga for 1 h. 58 m., after mean sunrise.
The way in which this date works ont proves that the equivalent found for the date No. 1 andoubtedly is the proper equivalent of that date; and the two dates together shew that the reign of Jatavarman Kulasekhara commenced between (approximately) the 27th February and the 29th November A.D. 1190.
B-MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYA I.
3.- In the Nellaiyappar temple at Tinnevelly.. 1 Svasti Sri [lit] Sri-kổ Mârapagmar=&ņa Tribhuvanachchakkaravattiga! soņâdu
kondu Mudikondago2 lapurattu vi(vi)rabhish&kam paņņiy-aruliya Sri-Sundara-Pa[n]diyadêvarku yandı
padiņělávadi[9] 3 edir&m=åņdico'] edi[r]ám=&ņdu ..... 5 . . . . . . . . . . yivv-A[t]6 tai=Ppurattádi-måsatta @fân=diyadiyum deba[m]iyum T[i]n[ga]t-k[i]lamaiyu[m]
porra Uttaradattu ng[].
“In the year opposite to the year opposite to the seventeenth year of the reign of the glorious king Måravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious SundarsPandyadeva who was pleased to take the Chola country and to perform the anointment of heroes at Mudikondasolapuram,- on the day of Uttarashadha, which corresponded to a Monday, and to the tenth tithi, and to the seventh solar day of the month of Puratt&di in this year."
Between A.D. 1200 and 1300 the only year for which this date would be correct. is 1234. In this year the Kanya-sankranti took place 16 h. 3 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, the 28th
No. 123 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1894. * See the larger Tiruppavanam grant.
1 I add the numbers T.' and II. here and below merely for convenience of reference so far as this list is concerned. There may have been other kings of the same names before those here numbered a I.
• No. 155 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1894.

Page #360

No. 30.]
DATES OF PANDYA KINGS.
303
Angst. The 7th day of the month of Kanya (or Purattadi) therefore was Monday, the 4th September A.D. 1234; and on this day the 10th tithi of the bright half of the month Bhadrapada) ended 13 h. 6 m., and the nakshatra was Uttarashadha, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 19 h. 42 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 13 h. 8 m., after mean sunrise.
4.-In the Nellaiyappar temple at Tinnevelly.
.. Śrî-kô [M]åra[va]gmar=&ņa Tribhu[va]ņachchakra[va]rttiga! śðņâquo=gondu Muļikoņda. 2 . . . . [v]irabhishekam paņniy=aruļiya r i-Sundara-Paņdyadêvarku
yåpdu 17 vadin=ediram=&ndin=ediram=&ņ3 ...... ru iruba[t]tê[1]ân-diyadiyu[m] pûrvva-[pa]ksha[t]tu prathamaiyun
Dingal-[k]ilamaiyum perra Pûrâ(ra)t[]di-nål.
“In the year opposite to the year opposite to the 17th year of the reign) of the glorious king Måravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious SundaraPåndyadeva who was pleased to take the Chola country and to perform the anointment of heroes at Mudikonda[solapuram), - on the day of Pûrva-Bhadrapada, which corresponded to & Monday, and to the first tithi of the first fortnight, and to the twenty-seventh solar day of ..."
Although the name of the solar month of this date is broken away or quite illegible, the fact that during that month the first tithi of the bright half was joined with the nakshatra Parva-Bhadrapada, at once suggests the conjecture that the month was that of Kumbha; and this conjecture is shewn to be correct by the calculation of the date. The date, which is of the same regnal year as No. 3, corresponds to Monday, the 19th February A.D. 1235. In A.D. 1235 the Kumbha-samkranti took place 8 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise of Wednesday, the 24th January, which was the first day of the month of Kumbha. The 27th day of the month of Kumbha therefore was Monday, the 19th February; and on this day the first tithi of the bright half (of the month Phålguna) commenced 0 h. 30 m., and the nakshatra was Pûrva-Bhadrapada, by the equal space system for 14 h. 27 m., according to Garga for 2 h. 38 m., and by the Brahmasiddhanta for 3 h. 17 m., after mean sunrise.
5.-In the Ranganatha temple at Srirangam. 1 ..... Śri-k8 Mârapaņmar=&ņa Tiribuvaņachchakkaravatt[i]ga! Sopadu
valangi araliya sri-Sundara-Pâşdiyadêvar[k*]ku yaņdu ogbadávadu 3 Mêsha-nậyarru apara-pakshattu tfitiyaiyum Velli-kkilamaiyum perra Vigågattu
nå!.
“In the ninth year of the reign) of the glorious king Måravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Påņdyadeva who was pleased to present the Chôļa country, - on the day of Visakha, which corresponded to a Friday and to the third tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Mesha."
As the two preceding dates Nos. 3 and 4, of the year opposite to the year opposite to the 17th year, i.e. of the 19th year, of the king's reign fell in A.D. 1234 and 1235, this date No. 5, of the 9th year of the same reign, will be expected to fall in A.D. 1224 or 1225. The date actually corresponds to Friday, the 28th March A.D. 1925, which was the 4th day of the month of Mêsha, and on which the third tithi of the dark half (of the month Chaitra) ended 22 h. 45 m., and the nakshatra was Visakhå, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 11 h. 50 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 7 h. 13 m., after mean sunrise.
No. 133 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1894. * See Ind. Ant. Vol. XXI. p. 944,
* See the smaller Tiruppu vaņam grant.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
6.-In the Agnisvara temple at Tirukkattuppalli. 1 Svasti ert [ll] K8 Maraparma(r=8]na Tiribuvanachchakkaravattiga! Sopadu
valangiya Sundara-Pandiyade [va] ku yaņdu Závadu Mina-nâyarru-ppäryva
pakshattu navamiyu[m] ...... (yu]m [pe]rta Pusattu nå! 2 Rishabham muhůrttattu.
“In the 7th year of the reign) of king Mâravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, Sundara-Pandyadêva who presented the Chôļa country, - on the auspicious occasion of the Rishabha (lagna) on the day of Pushya, which corresponded to . . . . and to the ninth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mina."
The three preceding dates Nog. 3-5 shew that a date of the month of Mina of the 7th year of the king's reign should fall in A.D. 1223, and in my opinion this date No. 6 undoubtedly corresponds to [Monday,] the 13th March A.D. 1223, which was the 19th day of the month of Mina, and on which the nakshatra was Pushya, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 19 h. 42 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 17 h. 44 m., after mean sunrise. There is the difficulty that by our Tables the 9th tithi of the bright half had ended 0 h. 21 m. before mean sunrise of the 13th March, but it may be reasonably supposed that by other Tables it ended shortly after mean sunrise. The name of the weekday which would have removed all doubt unfortunately is illegible or broken away.- On the day found Rishabha was lagna from 2 h. 28 m. to about 4 h. 28 m. after mean sunrise.
The four dates Nos. 3-6 together prove that the reign of Måravarman Sundara-Pandya I. commenced between (approximately) the 29th March and the 4th September A.D. 1216.
C.-MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYA II.
7.-In the Nellaiyappar temple at Tinnovelly.' 1 Svasti eri [118] Sri-k8 M&rapan[ma]r=âna Tiribuvanachchakkarava[t]t[iga! Sri
Sundara-Pandiyadêvarkku yandu padiş-ogråvad[in)-edir[@]m=&pdiq ediram-&pdu Magara-nâyarru [i]rubattunálån=diyadiyum apara-pakshattu daśamiyu[m] Budan.
kilamaiyum perra Aạilattu nâ2 ļ.
"In the year opposite to the year opposite to the eleventh year (of the reign) of the glorious king Mâravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious SundaraPandyadêva,- on the day of Anuradha, which corresponded to a Wednesday, and to the tenth tithi of the second fortnight, and to the twenty-fourth solar day of the month of Makara."
Between A.D. 1150 and 1350 the only year for which this date would be correct, is 1251. The Makara-sar krånti took place 0 h. 38 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, the 26th December A.D. 1250, which was the first day of the month of Makara. The 24th day of the month of Makara therefore was Wednesday, the 18th January A.D. 1251 ; and on this day the 10th tithi of the dark half (of the month Pausba) ended 17 h., and the nakshatra was Anuradha by the equal space system and according to Garga for 3 h. 56 m., after mean sunrise.
8.-In the Nellaiyappar temple at Tinnovelly. 1 Svasti sri [11] Kô Marapanmar=&ņa Tribhuvanachchakkaravattiga! Ari-[śunda]ra
[P]A[n]diya[a]e[va]rkku yaņdu [11]va[a]in edir&m=&p[i]. 2 p edirám=&ndu Magara-gåyirru irubat[t]unálåg=diyadiyam a[pa]ra-paksha ttu da)
samiyum Bu[dan]-kilamaiy[um] perra Aạila[t]tund.
1 No. 62 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1847.
No. 148 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1894. . No. 146 of the Goverument Epigraphist's collection for 1894.

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No. 30.]
DATES OF PANDYA KINGS.
305
“In the year opposite to the year opposite to the [11]th year (of the reign) of king Maravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pandyadêva,on the day of Anuradha, which corresponded to a Wednesday, and to the tenth tithi of the second fortnight, and to the twenty-fourth solar day of the month of Makara."
This date is the same as No. 7, except that in the expression opposite to the 11th year' numeral figures are used by the writer.
9.-In the Nellaiyappar temple at Tinnevelly. 1..... Śri-k8 M&rapanmar=&ņa Tribh[u]va[na]chchakkaravattiga[1] Sr[i]
Sundara-Pandiyadêvarkku [y]ându padin-onråvadiņ=ediråm=[&®]ņdine[di]râm=[]dn M[i]na-nayarru-ppat[t]on[bad]&n=disya]diyudiyum a[pa]ra-[pa]kshattu navamiyum
Budan-kkilamaiyum perra Aśvati-nal.
"In the year opposite to the year opposite to the eleventh year of the reign) of the glorious king Måravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious SundaraPåndyadêva, on the day of Asvini, which corresponded to a Wednesday, and to the ninth tithi of the second fortnight, and to the nineteenth solar day of the month of Mina."
The wording of this date is intrinsically wrong, because during the month of Mina a 9th tithi of the dark half can never be joined with the nakshatra Asvini. The probability is that the month intended was that of Mithuna, and calculation proves that it was that month. The date, which is of the same year as No. 7, corresponds to Wednesday, the 14th June A.D. 1251. In A.D. 1251 the Mithuna-samkranti took place 22 h. 56 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, the 26th May. The 19th day of the month of Mithuna therefore was Wednesday, the 14th June; and on this day the 9th tithi of the dark half of the month Jyaishtha) ended 5 h. 19 m., and the nakshatra was Asvini for 20 h. 21 m., after mean sunrise.
10.-In the Nollaigappar temple at Tinnevelly. 1 Svasti eri [ll"] K8 Mapapan[ma]r=aņa Tribhovana']chchakra[vat]t[i]ga! śr[]
Sundara-Pândiyadêvarkku vându pad[i]go2 grävadu Vaigàsi-[m]åsattu mudar-tiyadi Nayirru-kkilamai perra Attattu nâ[1].
“In the eleventh year of the reign) of king M&ravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pandyadêve, on the day of Hasta, which corresponded to Sunday, the first solar day of the month of Vaigasi.”
As the dates Nos. 7-9, which are of the year opposite to the year opposite to the 11th year, 1.6. of the 13th year, of the king's reign, have been found to fall in A.D. 1251, this date No. 10, which is of the 11th year of the same reign, will in the first instance be expected to fall in A.D. 1249. It actually corresponds to Sunday, the 25th April A.D. 1249, which was the first day of the month of Vaigåsi-- the Vpishabha-samkranti having taken place 0 h. 54 m. after mean sunrise and on which the nakshatra was Hasta, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 15 h. 6 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 11 h. 50 m., after mean sunrise.
The dates Nos. 7-10 together prove that the reign of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya Ir. commenced between (approximately) the 15th June A.D. 1238 and the 18th January AD. 1289.
1 No. 147 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1894. • Read diyadiyum.
No. 143 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1894.
28

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D.-- JATAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYA I.
11.-In the Pañohanadê vara temple at Tiruvaiyaru.! 1 Svasti sriḥ [ll*) K-Chchadapanmar=&ņa Ti[r]ibuvaņachchakkaravattiga! Gr1
Sundara-Påņdiyadêvarkku yåņdu 2âvadu Môsha-nkyarru apara-pakshattu
êkâdasiyam Viyala-kkilamaiyum perta Sad[ai]yat[tu na!).
“In the 2nd year of the reign) of king Jaţåvarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Påndyadēva,- on the day of Satabhishaj, which corresponded to a Thursday and to the eleventh tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Mêsha."
To shorten my remarks, I may state here at once that the six dates Nos. 11-16 work out correctly on the assumption (and prove thus) that the reign of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I. commenced between (approximately) the 20th and 28th April A.D. 1251.
This date, No. 11, corresponds to Thursday, the 27th March A.D. 1253, which was the third day of the month of Mesha, and on which the 11th tithi of the dark half of the month Chaitra) ended 2 h. 20 m., and the nakshatra was Satabhishaj, by the equal space system for 13 h. 47 m., according to Garga for 5 h. 16 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 2 h. 38 m., after mean sunrise.
To ascertain whether this date could possibly be one of the reign of Jatavarman Sundarar Påndya II., I have calculated it also for the years A.D. 1277, 1278, and 1279, and have found that it would be incorrect for any one of these years. The same remark applies to the dates Nos. 12 and 13.
12.-In the Vaidyanatha temple at Tirumalavadi. 1 Svasti sri [11] K6=Chchadaiva[ro]mmar=âņa Tribhuvaṇachchakravattiga! sri
[Sundara-Pandiyadêvarkku yându 2vadu Mésha-ngyarru apara-pakshattu
sadu[r]tthiyum Sapi-kk[i]lamaiyum perra Mu(mu)lattu na!.
“In the 2nd year (of the reign) of king Jatavarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pandyadêva, - on the day of Mula, which corresponded to Saturday and to the fourth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Mêsha.”
The date corresponds to Saturday, the leth April A.D. 1263, which was the 26th day of the month of Mêsha, and on which the 4th tithi of the dark half of the month Vaisakha) ended 2 h. 59 m., and the nakshatra was Müla by the equal space system for 5 h. 16 m., after mean Bunrise.
13.-In the Vaidyanatha temple at Tirumalavidi. 1 Svasti tri [11] K8=Chchadapa[gmar-Ana] Tiru(ri)bu[va]gachchakkaravattiga! fri
Sundara-Pandiyadêvarkku yâ[o]du Svadu Vrischika-ngyaru půryva-pakshattu
[shajshthiyum Budap-kilamaiyum perra Uttirsdattu nal.
u In the 3rd year (of the reign) of king Jaţêvarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pandyadêve, -on the day of Uttarkshadha, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the sixth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Vrischika."
The date corresponds to Wednesday, the 29th October A.D. 1263, which was the second day of the month of Vrischika, and on which the 6th tithi of the bright half of the month Kárttika) ended 18 h. 4 m., and the nakshatra was Uttarishadha, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 12 h. 29 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 5 h. 55 m., after mean sunrise.
No. 254 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1894.
No. 90 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1895. * No. 80 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1896.

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14.-In the Védagirlsvara temple at Tirukkalukkuprem.! 2. .. . Tribhuvanachakrava[r]ttiga[!] śr-Sundara-Påndiyadêvarkku ya[n]du
Såvadu Ishava-nâ[ya]rru purvva-pakshattu pañchamiy[u]m Se[v]vây-kkila3 maiyum perra Puņarpusattu nal.
“In the 9th year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pandyadêva,- on the day of Punarvasu, which corresponded to & Tuesday and to the fifth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Rishabha."
The date corresponds to Tuesday, the 29th April A.D. 1259, which was the 4th day of the month of Rishabha, and on which the 5th tithi of the bright half of the month Vaisakha) ended 6 h. 44 m., and the nakshatra was Punarvasu, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 6 h. 34 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 5 h. 55 m., after mean sunrise.
15.-In the Vedagirisvara temple at Tirukkalukkupram. 1 Srt-kör-Chadaipanmar-aņa Tiru(ri)buvanachchakkaravattiga! emma2 ndalamun=gond=aruliya sri-Sundara-Påndi ya]dêvarkku y[a]3 ndu 9åvadu Miduna-nâyarru apara-pakshattu navamiyum Nayarru-[k]kilamai4 yum perra Irêba (va)di-na!.
"In the oth year of the reign of the glorious king Jatavarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Påndyadêya who was pleased to take every country, - on the day of Rêvati, which corresponded to a Sunday and to the ninth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Mithuna."
The date corresponds to Sunday, the 15th June A.D. 1250, which was the 20th day of the month of Mithuna, and was entirely occupied by the 9th tithi of the dark half of the month Jyaishtha), and on which the nakshatra was Rêvati for 9 h. 51 m. after mean sunrise.
16.-In the Jambukêśvara temple near Srirangam. 2 ..... K8=Chchadaipagmar-åna Tribhuvagachchakravarttiga! emmaņdalamuna
gond-aruliya sri-Sundara-Pandiyadêvat[ku] yându 10vadu pattåvadu Rishabha
nảyatru apara-[pa]kshattu Budap-kilamaiyum prathamaiyum perra A[ni]3 lattu na!
"In the 10th-tenth-year (of the reign) of king Jaţåvarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-P&ņdyadeva who was pleased to take every country, on the day of Anuradha, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the first tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Rishabha."
The date corresponds to Wednesday, the 28th April A.D. 1200, which was the 4th day of the month of Rishabha, and on which the first tithi of the dark half of the month Vaisakha) ended 0 h. 4 m., and the nakshatra was Anuradha, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 3 h. 56 m., after mean sunrise.
17.-In the Pushpavanośvara temple at Tiruppandurutti." 1 Svasti śr[i] [ll*] Pa-[ma]lar [va]?ar... 16 ..... Srt-[k]0=Chcha[da]paņmar=ana Tiribuvanachcha[k]karavattigal
Su[n]dara-Pandiya[a]e[va]rku yandı
sri
1 See Ind. Ant. Vol. XXI. p. 343, and Vol. XXII. p. 221. • No. 186 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1894. 1 See Ind. Ant. Vol. XXI. p. 121, and Vol. XXII. p. 221. • The tithi ended later after true sunrise.
No. 166 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1894. The king took Kappapar from the Hoysala king and covered the temple at Srirangam with gold.
2 R2

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17 7Avadu Kanni-nayarru [a]gha(pa)ra-gha(pa)kshattu trayodasiyum Nayarru
kk[i]lamaiyum [p]erra Atta[t]tu nâ!.
"In the 7th year of the reign) of the glorious king Jatavarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pandyadêva, - on the day of Hasta, which cortesponded to a Sunday and to the thirteenth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Kanya."
The wording of this date, so far as I can see, is intrinsically wrong, because during the month of Kanya a 13th tithi of the dark half can never be actually joined with the nakshatra Hasta. Judging by the preceding dates Nos. 11-16, a date of the 7th year of the king's reign should fall in A.D. 1257 or 1258; and during these two years the date would be correct only for the month of Tula, which follows immediately upon the month of Kanya. For the month of Tuld it regularly corresponds to Sunday, the 7th October A.D. 1257, which was the 10th day of the month of Tula, and on which the 13th tithi of the dark half of the month Åsvina) ended 7 h. 31 m., and the nakshatra was Hasta, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 22 h. 20 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 19 h. 3 m., after mean sunrise.
18.-In the Vaidyanatha temple at Tirumalavadi. 1 Svasti sri [11*] Ko=Chcha[dapa]gmar Tiribuvanachchakkaravattiga! sri-Sundara
Påndiya2 dåvarku yându llâvadu Kafkadaga-nâyarru a para-pakshattu sha3 shthiyum Viyala-kkilamaiyum perra Aśvati-nál.
“In the 11th year of the reign) of king Jațåvarman (alias) the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pandyadêve, on the day of Asvini, which corresponded to a Thursday and to the sixth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Karkataka."
As this date is of the month of Karkataka of the 11th year, it should fall in A.D. 1261, if it is a date of Jatávarman Sandara-Påņdya I.; but for that year it does not work out properly. In A.D. 1261 the 6th tithi of the dark half in the month of Karkataka ended 7 h. 22 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, the 19th July, which was the 23rd day of the month of Karkataka, and on which the nakshatra was Asvint from 1 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise. As I obtain no really better result for other years of the same reign, and no satisfactory result at all for the 11th year of the reign of Jaţåvarman Sundara-Påndya II., I would take Tuesday, the leth July A.D. 1261, to be the intended day, and assume that in the original date the weekday has been given incorrectly.
E-MARAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I.
19.-In the Nollaiyappar temple at Tinnevelly. 2 Sri-[k]• Mârapanmar=&[na] Tribhuvaqachcha3 kravart[t]iga! e[m]mandalamun=gop4 d-aruliya sri-Kulasegaradêvarku [y][no]. 5 du 27va[d]u Dhanu-nâ[ya]rru 14 tiyadiya[m] 6 Velļi-kkilamaiyum apara-paksha[t]tu 7 saptamiyum perra U[t]tira-nål.
"In the 27th year of the reign) of the glorious king M&ravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulasekharadeva who was pleased to take every country, - on the day of Uttara-Phalguni, which corresponded to the seventh tithi of the second fortnight, and to a Friday, and to the 14th solar day of the month of Dhanus,”
1 No. 71 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1895.
No. 107 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1894.

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Between A.D. 1200 and 1350 the only year for which this date would be correct, is 1294. In this year the Dhanuh-samkranti took place 1 h. 23 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, the 27th November, which was the first day of the month of Dhanus. The 14th day of the month of Dhanus therefore was Friday, the 10th December A.D. 1994; and on this day the 7th tithi of the dark half of the month Margasirsha) commenced 4 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise, and the nakshatra was Uttara-Phalguni, by the equal space system from 7 h. 13 m. after mean sunrise, and by the Brahma-siddhanta and according to Garga during the whole day.
20.-In the Jambukåsvara temple near Srirangam. 1 Svasti friḥ [ll"] Téri pôl. 4 . . . . . śr[i]-kő Mára[pa]gma(ma)r=&ņa Tiribuva[na]chchakkaravattiga! sri
Ku[la]ségaradêvarkku yându påttåvadu [Ma]gara-nå[yarru p[r]vva pakshattu
dasamiyum 5 yum? Budap-kilamaiy[u]m perra [U]rôśani-nal.
“ In the tenth year of the reign) of the glorious king Måravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulasekharadêva, on the day of Rôhiņi, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the tenth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Makara."
If the equivalent obtained under No. 19 for the date of the 27th year is the true equivalent of that date, this date No. 20, of the 10th year of the king's reign, will be expected to fall in about A.D. 1277. It actually corresponds to Wednesday, the 5th January A.D. 1978. This day was the 11th of the month of Makara; and on it the 10th tithi of the bright half of the month Màgha) ended 7 h. 39 m. after mean sunrise, and the nakshatra was Rôhiņi by the equal space system from 7 h. 13 m. after mean sunrise, and by the Brahma-siddhanta and according to Garga during the whole day.
21.-In the Nellaiyappar temple at Tinnevelly. 1 (Sva]sti sri [ll] Śr-k8 Mârapaņmar-âņa Tribhuvanachchakra2 [va]rttiga! emmaņdalamu[6]-go[n]d-aruliya sri-Kula3 sêgaradêvarkı [y]audu [2]6vadu Vriechika-na yax]xu 4 irabatt[i]ra[n]de[n]-diyadiyum [a]para-[pa]kshattu [dv]iti5 yaiyu[m] B[u]dan-kilamaiyum p[erra) Pupa[r]puša-n6 [8]!.
"In the [2]6th year of the reign) of the glorious king Mâravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulasekharadeva who was pleased to take every country,on the day of Punarvasu, which corresponded to a Wednesday, and to the second tithi of the second fortnight, and to the twenty-second solar day of the month of Vsiścbika."
The results obtained under Nos. 19 and 20 shew that this date, of the month of Vrischika of the 26th year of the king's reign, must fall in about A.D. 1293. The date, in my opinion, actually corresponds to Wednesday, the 18th November A.D. 1293. In A.D. 1293 the Vrischika-sankranti took place 6 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise of Wednesday, the 28th October, which was the first day of the month of Vrischika. The 22nd day of the month of Vrischika therefore was Wednesday, the 18th November; and on this day the nakshatra was Punarvasu by the equal space systern and according to Garga for 19 h. 42 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 19 h. 3 m., after mean sunrise. But the tithi which ended 8 h. 39 m. after mean sunrise of the same day was the third (not the second) tithi of the dark half of the month Margasirsha.I have no doubt that in the original date the second tithi (dvitiyaiyum) has been wrongly quoted instead of the third (tritiyaiyum).
? Cancel yum.
I No. 25 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1891. • No. 134 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1994.

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22.-In the Svêtâranyeśvara temple at Kadappêri.! 1 . . ... Kô Måru(ra)panmar Tiru(ri)[buva]pachchakravattika(ga) fri• Kulasegaradêvar[k*][k]u [y]ându 40 Mi(mi)ga-näyaru půryva-pakshattu
dvitiyaiyum Saņi-kk[i]lamsai]yum perra Rêvati-na!.
“In the 40th year of the reign) of king Mâravarman (alias) the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulasekharadeva,- on the day of Revati, which corresponded to a Saturday and to the second tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mina."
The results obtained under the three preceding dates shew that this date, of the month of Mina of the 40th year of the king's reign, must fall in either A.D. 1307 or A.D. 1308. It actually corresponds to Saturday, the 24th February A.D. 1308. On this day the MinaBankranti took place 8 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise, and the day therefore was the first of the month of Mina; the second tithi of the bright half of the month Phálguna) ended 12 h. 32 m., and the nakshatra was Rêvati for 21 h. 40 m., after mean sunrise.
The four dates Nos. 19-22 together prove that the reign of Maravarman Kulasekhara I. commenced between (approximately) the 25th February and the 18th November A.D. 1268.
F.-JATAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYA II.
23.-In the Iļamisvara temple at Taramangalam. i Svasti eri Kör-Chadapanmar=âna Tribhuvanachchakravattiga! fri-sundaraPândiyadêvarkku gându
pad[i]mu(mů právadu simha-nayar[u] púryva-pakshattu trayodasiyum Tingal-kilamaiyum perra Uttaradattu na!.
“In the thirteenth year (of the reign of king Jatavarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pandyadêva, on the day of Uttarishadha, which corresponded to a Monday and to the thirteenth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Simha."
24.-In the Adhipuri vara temple at Tiruvorriyûr. 1 Svasti eri [l1*] Kor=Chadapan mar=ana Tribhuvanachchakkaravattiga! eri2 Sundara-Påņdiyadêvapku gându padinmu(mů nrâvadu simha-nâyarru 3 a[pa]ra-pakshattu tritiyaiyum Velli-kk[i]lamaiyum perra Uttirat4 t&d[i]-nå!.
“In the thirteenth year of the reign) of king Jatavarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pandyadêva, - on the day of Uttara-Bhadrapada, which corresponded to a Friday and to the third tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Simha."
The two dates Nos. 23 and 24 are both stated to be of the month of Simha of the 13th year of the king's reign. In No. 23 the 13th tithi of the bright half is combined with a Monday and the nakshatra Uttardshådhà, in No. 24 the third tithi of the dark half with a Friday and the nakshatra Uttara-Bhadrapada. Of all the years between A.D. 1236 and 1325 there is only a single year that satisfies all the requirements of both dates, via. the year 1289. For that year the date
No. 23 corresponds to Monday, the 1st August A.D. 1289, which was the 4th day of the month of Simha, and on which the 13th tithi of the bright half of the month Sråvaņa) ended 5 h. 23 m., and the nakshatra was Uttarash&dha, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 7 h. 53 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 1 h. 19 m., after mean sunrise; and the date
No. 134 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1896. · No. 24 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1900.
No. 400 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1896.

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No. 24 corresponds to Friday, the 5th August A.D. 1289, which was the 8th day of the month of Simha, and on which the third tithi of the dark half of the month Sråvaņa) ended 19 h. 8 m. after mean sunrise, while the nakshatra was Uttara-Bhadrapada, according to Garga and by the Brahma-siddhanta the whole day, and by the equal space system from 1 h. 19 m. after mean sunrise.
I may add that, if these were dates of the reign of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I., they would fall in A.D. 1263, but that either of them would be incorrect both for that year and for A.D. 1264. For A.D. 1262 No. 24 would be correct, but not No. 23.
25.- In the Iļamisvara temple at Taramangalam. 1 Svasti srih [11] Kor-Chchadapanmar=aņa Tribhuvagachchakkaravatt[i]ga[1] śr[1]
Sutta(nda)ra-Påņdiyadóvarkku yându 6âvadu ärávadu Karkadaga-nayarr[u] 2 půryva-pakshattu chat[u]rtthiyum Tingat-ki[la]maiyum perra Uttirattu na!.
"In the eth-sixth-year (of the reign) of king Jaţåvarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Paņdyadêva, - on the day of Uttara-Phalguni, which corresponded to a Monday and to the fourth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Karkataka."
Considering that the two preceding dates Nos. 23 and 24, which are said to be of the 13th year of the king's reign, fall in A.D. 1289, this date, which is of the 6th year of the reign, would in the first instance be expected to fall in A.D. 1282. But the date apparently corresponds to Monday, the 21st July A.D. 1281, which was the 25th day of the month of Karkataka, and on which the 4th tithi of the bright half of the month Sravana) ended 9 h. 30 m., and the nakshatra was Uttara-Phalguni, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 7 h. 51 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 4 h. 36 m., after mean sunrise.
Here again, if this date belonged to the reign of Jatavarman Sandara-Pandya I., it would be expected to fall in A.D. 1256; but for that year it would be incorrect.
26.-In the Jayangondanátha temple at Mannarguļi." 14 [s]ri-ko-Chohadapaņmar=ana Tiribuva achchak. 15 karavattiga! éri-Sundara-Pândiyade16 varkku yându panniraņdavadu Kan17 yi-[n]ậyarru purvva-pakshattu trayodasiyu[m]
18 [V]eļļi-[kk]ilamaiyum perra Sodi-nâļ. “In the twelfth year of the reign) of the glorious king Jatavarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pândyadêva, - on the day of Svati, which corresponded to a Friday and to the thirteenth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Kanya."
The wording of this date is intrinsically wrong, because during the month of Kanya a 13th tithi of the bright half can never be joined with the nakshatra Svati. Supposing the nakshatrit to have been given correctly, the tithi in the month of Kanyå would in all probability be the third of the bright half. And for this tithi the date regularly corresponds to Friday, the 12th September A.D. 1287, which was the 15th day of the month of Kanya, and on which the third tithi of the bright half (of the month Äśvina) ended 4 h. 7 m., and the nakshatra was Svati by the equal space system for 5 h. 55 m., after mean sunrise.
Here too, if the date belonged to the reign of Jaţåvarman Sundara-Påndya I., it would be expected to fall in A.D. 1262; but for that year it would be incorrect (also for the third tithi of the bright half).
1 No. 25 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1900. * No. 90 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1897,

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27.-In the Iļamisvara temple at Taramangalam.! 1 Svasti sri [ll] Kor=Chadapan mar=&ņa Tiribuvanachchakkaravattiga! Sri-Sundara
Påndiyadêvarku yảodu padiņålâvadukk-ediråvadu Rishabha-nayarru [p] . .
. . . .. . Tingat-kilamaiyum perra Pusatta nå!. « (In the year) opposite to the fourteenth year of the reign) of king Jatavarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pandyadêva, - on the day of Pushya, which corresponded to a Monday,
. . . . . [of the first fortnight) of the month of Rishabha."
Judging by the dates Nos. 25 and 26, this date, which is of the year opposite to the 14th, i.e. of the 15th year, of the king's reign, would in the first instance be expected to fall in A.D. 1290. Though the number of the tithi is broken away or illegible, the fact that on the tithi in question during the month of Rishabha the nakshatra was Pushya, permits us to conjecture that the tithi was approximately the fifth tithi of the bright half of the month Jyaishtha, or perhaps the seventh tithi of the bright half of the month Vaisakha. Now the year A.D. 1290 does contain & day which satisfies all the requirements of the date, and which I therefore take to be its proper equivalent. It is Monday, the 15th May A.D. 1290, which was the 20th day of the month of Rishabha, and on which [the 5th tithi] of the bright half of the month Jyaishtha) ended 4 h. 24 m., and the nakshatra was Pushya by the equal space system and according to Garga for 0 h. 39 m., after mean sunrise and somewhat longer after true gunrise).
If this date were one of the reign of Jaţåvarman Sundara-Påndya I., it would be expected to fall in A.D. 1265 or 1266. In A.D. 1265 the month of Rishabha contained no Monday on which the nakshatra was Pushya. In A.D. 1266, during the month of Rishabha, the nakshatra was Pushya from 5 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, the 10th May ; but the 10th May A.D. 1266 would have belonged to the 16th, not the 15th, year of the reign of Jatavarman Sundara-Pâņdya I.
The difficulty presented by the five dates Nos. 23-27 is this that, while according to the three dates Nos. 25-27 the reign of Jaţåvarman Sundara-Påndya II. would have commenced between approximately the 13th September A.D. 1275 and the 15th May A.D. 1276, by the two dates Nos. 23 and 24, which are both of the 13th year, it could not have commenced before approximately the 6th August A.D. 1276. I can reconcile this discrepancy only by the assumption that in the dates Nog. 23 and 24 the 13th year has been wrongly quoted instead of the year opposite to the 13th,' i.e. the 14th year, an assumption which would make the king's reign commence between (approximately) the 13th September A.D. 1275 and the 15th May A.D. 1276. as suggested by the dates Nos. 25-27.
G.-MARAVARMAN KULASEKHARA II.
28.-In the Nellaiyappar temple at Tinnevelly. 1 . . Sri-kô M[&]rapanmar-âņa [Tr Jibhuvagachchakravattiga! Sri
Kulasegaradêvarkku yându ettávadu Vrischika-nâyarru-ppadiņêlan= 2 [diyadiyu]m [apara)-cha (pa)kshatta(ttu) navamiyum [Sa]n[i]-kkilamaiyum pe[r]ra
Uttirattu nå!
“In the eighth year of the reign of the glorious king Måravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the gloriouş Kulasekharadêva, - on the day of Uttara-Phalguni, which corresponded to a Saturday, and to the ninth tithi of the second fortnight, and to the seventeenth solar day of the month of Vfischika.”
No 23 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1900. · No. 122 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1894.

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No. 30.]
DATES OF PANDYA KINGS.
313
Between A.D. 1200 and 1400 the only year for which this date would be correct, is 1321. In this year the Vrischika-sankranti took place 12 h. 48 m. after mean sunrise of Wednesday, the 28th October. The 17th day of the month of Vțischika therefore was Saturday, the 14th November A.D. 1921; and on this day the 9th tithi of the dark half of the month Karttika) ended 19 h. 50 m., and the nakshatra was Uttara-Phalguni, by the equal space system from 3 h. 17 m., according to Garga from 8 h. 32 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta from 13 h. 8 m., after mean sunrise.
If this date were one of Måravarman Kulasekhara I., it would fall in either A.D. 1275 or 1276; I need hardly say that for both these years it would be incorrect.
28.-In the Brihadiśvara temple at Gangaikondaśôlapuram. 1 Svasti srih [ll] Kô Mà........ vagachchakkaravattiga! srib(ári)
Kulase[garajdêvarku yandu 4vadu Katka(rka)taka-nåyaxru pûrvva-pakshattu
chatu[r]ddasiyum Sani-[k]kilamaiyum [P]erra 2 Uttirâdattu nâļ.
“In the 4th year (of the reign) of king Macravarman alias] the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulasekharadeva, - on the day of Uttarishadha, which corresponded to a Saturday and to the fourteenth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Karkataka."
If the equivalent obtained under No. 28 for the date of the 8th year is the true equivalent of that date, this date No. 29, of the 4th year of the king's reign, will in the first instance be expected to fall in A.D. 1317. It actually corresponds to Saturday, the 23rd July A.D. 1817. This day was the 26th of the month of Karkataka; and on it the 14th tithi of the bright half (of the month Sravana) ended 22 h. 22 m., and the nakshatra was Uttarash&dha, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 15 h. 6 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 8 h. 32 m., after mean sunrise.
I may add that, if this were a date of Mâravarman Kulasekhara I., it would fall in either A.D. 1271 or 1272, but that for both these years it would be incorrect
80.-In the Bțihadisvara temple at Gangaikoņdaáőlapuram. 1 ..... [KO] Magapagmar Tribhuvanachchakravattiga! ér[1]-Kulasegaradêvarku
yå[do] 5&vadu S[i]mña-nåyarry 2 půryva-pakshattu trayodasiyum Tinga ..... yum perra Pusattu nál.
“In the 5th year of the reign of king Måravarman (alias) the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulasekharadêve, on the day of Pushy, which corresponded to a Monday and to the thirteenth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Simha."
The wording of this date is intrinsically wrong, because during the month of Simha the nakshatra on the 13th tithi of the bright half can never be Pushya or any nakshatra near Pushya. The probability is that the month of the date was Mina; and actual calculation shews, not only that it was Mina, but also that the word Pusattu of the text should be altered to Púrattu, i.e. that the nakshatra was Pârva-Phalguni, not Pushya.
I have no doubt that the proper equivalent of the date is Monday, the 5th March A.D. 1319. This was the 10th day of the month of Mina; and on it the 13th tithi of the bright half (of the month Phålguna) ended 3 h. 54 m. after mean sunrise, and the nakshatra was PurvaPhalguni, by the equal space system during the whole day, according to Garga for 12 h. 29 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 7 h. 53 m., after mean sunrise.
1 No. 75 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1892.
No. 78 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1892.

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314
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
The three dates Nos. 28-30 together prove that the reign of Maravarman Kulasekhara II. commenced between (approximately) the 8th March and the 23rd July A.D. 1914.
For convenience of reference I now give a list of the above thirty dates, in the order of the results obtained, with the approximate commencement of the reign of each king put in brackets after his name.
A.-Jatavarman Kulasekhara (February 37-November 29, A.D. 1190). No. 2. Year opp. to 13 (.e. 14th year): February 26, A.D. 1204. No. 1. Year 12 opp. to 13, or 25th year: November 29, A.D. 1214.
B.-MAravarman Sundara-Pandya I. (March 29-September 4, A.D. 1216).
No. 6. 7th year: March 13, A.D. 1223. No. 5. 9th year: March 28, A.D. 1225. No. 3. Year opp. to year opp. to 17 (.e. 19th year): September 4, A.D. 1234. No. 4. Year opp. to year opp. to 17 i.e. 19th year): February 19, A.D. 1235.
0.-Måravarman Sundara-Pandya II. (June 15, A.D. 1988-January 18, A.D. 1239).
No. 10. 11th year: April 25, A.D. 1249. Nos. 7 and 8. Year opp. to year opp. to 11 (i.6. 13th year): January 18, A.D. 1251. No. 9. Year opp. to year opp. to 11 (i.6. 13th year): June 14, A.D. 1251.
D. Jat&verman Bundara-Pandys I. (April 20—28, A.D. 1261). No. 11. 2nd year : March 27, A.D. 1253. No. 12. 2nd year: April 19, A.D. 1253. No. 13. 3rd year: October 29, A.D. 1253. No. 17. 7th year: October 7, A.D. 1257. No. 14. 9th year: April 29, A.D. 1259. No. 15. 9th year: June 15, A.D. 1259. No. 16. 10th year: April 28, A.D. 1260. No. 18. 11th year: July 19, A.D. 1261.
-MAra varman Kulasekhara I. (February 26-November 18, A.D. 1388). No. 20. 10th year: January 5, A.D. 1278. No. 21. 26th year: November 18, A.D. 1293. No. 19. 27th year: December 10, A.D. 1294. No. 22. 40th year: February 24, A.D. 1308.
F.-Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya II. (September 13, A.D. 1975-May 16, A.D. 1976).
No. 25. 6th year: July 21, A.D. 1281. No. 26. 12th year: September 12, A.D. 1287. No. 23. 13th (for 14th) year: August 1, A.D. 1289. No. 24. 13th [for 14th] year: August 5, A.D. 1289. No. 27. (Year) opp. to 14 (i.e. 15th year): May 15, A.D. 1290.
I..." opposite.

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No. 31.]
KONDAMUDI PLATES OF JAYAVARMAN.
G.-Maravarman Kulasekhara II. (March 6-July 23, A.D. 1314). No. 29. 4th year: July 23, A.D. 1317.
No. 30. 5th year: March 5, A.D. 1319.
No. 28. 8th year: November 14, A.D. 1321.
(To be continued.)
315
No. 31.-KONDAMUDI PLATES OF JAYAVARMAN.
BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.
The copper plates which bear the subjoined inscription were received in June 1901 from Mr. R. Morris, I.C.S., Collector of the Kistna district, along with an abstract of their contents by Mr. J. Ramayya, B.A., B.L. They had been recently discovered in a mound in the village of Konḍamudi in the Tenali taluka of the Kistna district and will be deposited in the Madras Museum.
The copper plates are eight in number, and measure about 7" in breadth and about 31" in height. Their edges are not raised into rims. In the upper left corner of the first side of each plate is cut a hole for the ring on which they were strung. The ring measures about 31" in diameter and about " in thickness, and its ends are soldered into the base of a circular seal of about 1" diameter. The ring had not yet been cut when the plates came into my hands. In the centre of the seal is, in relief, a trident the handle of which seems to end in an arrow, a bow (?), the crescent of the moon, and an indistinct symbol of roughly triangular shape. Round the margin of the seal runs a Sanskrit legend in archaic characters which differ totally from those employed on the plates. The preservation of the plates is tolerably good; but the first side of the first plate is so much corroded that it can be read only with great difficulty. Besides, two corners of the first plate are broken off, and it has in this way become detached from the ring.
The alphabet of this inscription closely resembles that of the Mayidavolu plates of Sivaskandavarman (No. 8 above). It shows the same peculiars, m, j, and e. The group ja (11. 5, 11 and 34) has a different shape, the vowel-mark being attached on the right, and not at the top of the letter as in the Mayidavolu plates (11. 18 and 24). The n (or n) is identical in shape with the lingual d, but the dental d is represented by a separate character, while in the Mayidavolu plates no distinction is made between all the four letters. Initial o occurs twice (11. 19 and 27), and ph (1. 4), dh (1. 17), gh (1. 19), th (1. 37) and initial (1. 18) once.
The language is Prakrit, with the exception of the two Sanskrit words Mahésvara (1. 3) and Brihatphalayana (1. 4) and the Telugu village name Pântara (11. 24 and 29). As in the Mayidavolu plates, the orthography follows the practice of the cave inscriptions, where a single consonant does duty for a double letter. Double n and double m are expressed by anusvára and n (11. 15 and 19) and m (11. 5 and 44), respectively; a superfluous anusvára occurs before the groups mh and nh (11. 7, 8, 10, 16, 17, 24, 26 and 29). The instrumental etehi nam (1. 35) is known from the Andhra inscriptions and from the Jaina Prakrit. The curious phrases etasa chasa (1. 28) and etam chasin (1. 36) also have their parallels in the Andhra inscriptions. A peculiar word is asi (11. 13, 14, 15 and 18), amsi (11. 17, 20 and 22) or amsiká (1. 21), 'a share,' which seems to be derived from the Sanskrit améa. Divadha (1. 17) represents the Ardhamâgadhi divaddha, 'one and a half."5
1 Just as here two different alphabets are employed for Sanskrit and Prakrit, the inscriptions of the Tamil country use the Vatteluttu and the Tamil alphabets for Tamil words and the Grantha alphabet for Sanskrit words.
The only exception would be amaik-dddhd (1. 21), if this reading is correct.
4. 8. W. I. Vol. IV. p. 104, note 9. Prof. Pischel (Grammatik der Prdkrit-Sprachen, p. 114) derives the particle sam or nam from the Sanskrit ndnam.
Loc. cit. text line 8; p. 105, text line 5; p. 106, text line 11; and p. 118, text line 3. Prof. Pischel's Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen, p. 320.
2 82

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316
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VI.
The eight copper plates are marked with the numerical symbols '1' to '8' on the left of the second line of each plate. On plates ii. to viii. the figure occupies the first side, but the figure 1' stands on the second side of the first plate. The reason of this is that the writing on the first side of the first plate does not form part of the inscription itself (which begins on the second side of the first plate), but is a kind of docket which was probably added after the remaining 15 pages had been engraved. In 11. 12 to 15, 20, 22 and 41 occur further instances of numerical symbols, among them 10' (1. 41) and 20' (1. 22). A dash resembling the symbol 'l' is used as a mark of punctuation at the end of 12 lines, and after 3 words in the middle of lines.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of the king (rájan, 1.5) or, as he is styled on the seal, the Maharaja Jayavarman, who belonged to the gôtra of the Bțihatphalâyanas and was & worshipper of Mahesvarn (Siva). From his camp (or capital), the town Kudara, he informs his executive officer at Kodora that he has granted the village Pantura in the district of Kudura (Kûdûrabera, 1. 23) to eight Brahmanas. The royal order was copied on copper plates by a military officer on the lst day of the 1st fortnight of winter of the 10th year of the king's reign, 1. 41).
Neither Jayavarman nor his gótra are known from other records. The alphabet of his inscription shows that he must have lived in the same period as the Pallava prince Sivaskandavarman who issued the Mayidavólu plates. Further, the language and phraseology of the inscription are so similar to the Nasik inscriptions of Gautamiputra Satakarņi (Nos. 4 and 5) and Våsishthiputra Puļumayi (No. 3) that Jayavarman's date cannot have been very distant from that of those two Andhra kings. The archaic Sanskțit alphabet of the seal of the new plates is corroborative evidence in the same direction.
As guggested by Mr. Ramayye, Kadůrahara may be a more ancient form of Gudrah&ra. Gudravåra, Gudråyåra or Gudrara. The same district is probably mentioned in the plates of Vijayanandivarman (1. 3), where I propose to read from the photo-lithograph Kudráhdra instead of Kuduhara, the reading of the printed texts. Kadura, which was the bead-quarters of this district and the residence of king Jayavarman, and the village På tåra I am unable to identify
TEXT.
First Plate ; Second Side. 1 8 . [v] . pato vijaya-khandhåvåra 2 nagara Kudurato 3 Mahêsvara-pada-parigahito
Second Plate; First Side 4 Bțihatphalâyang-sagoto 5 râja Bii-Jayavammo 6 Anapayati Kudure
A still closer resemblance exists between Jayavarman's plates and the Kárld inscription No. 19, at the begin. ning of which the king's name is lost; see below, p. 319, notes 1 and 7.
I am quoting the Andhrs inscriptions according to Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's numbering in the Bombas Gazetteer, Vol. XVI. (Násik), and Inscriptions from the Care-temples of Western India (6&rle).
* See South-Ind. Insor. Vol. I. p. 47, note 1 ; above, Vol. IV. P. 84, and Vol. V. p. 123.
lod. Ant. Vol. V. p. 176, and Dr. Burnell's South Ind. Pal., second ed., p. 185. . From the original plates.
6 The two first letters are broken away at the top. The lower portion of the letter is preserved on & seperate piece of the plate, which is broken off and therefore could not be shown on the accompanying photo-zincograph. of the two possible restorations, sava (narea) and siva (fica), the second appears preferable, because documents generally open with a word of suspicious import.

Page #374

Kondamudi Plates of Jayavarman.
na.
れる。
のイングトレーンのアリ
カンガルブレてるし
E. HULTZSCH
SCALE FOUR-SEVENTHS.
WIELE & KLEIN, PHOTO-ZINCO.

Page #375

iinb
アイアンマンラクル
ISL、
iv a.
i
b.
アクセンでした。 BER HID700

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No. 31.)
KONDAMUDI PLATES OF JAYAVARMAN.
317
Second Plats; Second Side. 7 vâpataṁ [l*] añmhe dâni 8 ammha-vejayike - 9&yu-vadhanike cha –
. Third Plate; First Side. 10 barmhananań Gotams-dagotai 11 jâyâparasa Savagutajasa 12 8 Tänavas& Savigijasa -
Third Plate ; Second Side. 13 asiyo 3 Goginajasa 14 asiyo 3 Kodins-sagotass i 15 Bhavannajasa asiyo be
2
5
Fourth Plate; First side. 16 Bharadâyasa Rudavernhujasa - 17 amsi divadhå - Kamnhảyanasa 18 Isaradatajasa asi diva[da] -
Fourth Plate; Second Side. 19 Opamannayasa Rudaghosajasa 20 amsi 1 Kosika-sagotasa 21 Khamdarudajasa amsikaradhal charina
Fifth Plate; First Side. 22 janana 8 emsiyo 204 23 katuna: Kudü rahåre gåmam 24 Pamtûram - barmhadeyan da[A]ama [l*]
Pifth Plate ; Second Side. 25 etamsi tamgama
26 Patūra – barmhadeyah .27 katunayapi pehi [11.
Sixth Plate; First Sido." 28 etasa chasa gámasa - 29 Pantürasa bammhadeyan
30 katuna parihåre vitarama [1]
Sixth Plate; Second Side. 31 арзредай аnодрязва 32 alonakhadakan -- 83 arathasanhvinayikar -
Read odhd.
• Read ela.
Read keting
Read Idring

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318
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. VI.
Seventh Plate; First Side, 34 savajátapärihärikar cha [1] 35 etehi nam parihårehi 36 pariharkhi [1] etar chasiṁ gåma[m]
Seventh Plate; Second Side. 37 Patūra[m] ba[m]mhadeya[m ka]tunal etha 38 nibandhåpehi [1*] aviyena Snatam [lo] 39 saya chhato [lo] siri-atha-sata
Eighth Plate; First Side. 40 vijayo dato [1] patika - 41 Bava 10 he pa 1 diva 1 42 Mabatagi-varena -
Eighth Plate ; Second Side. 43 mahậdandanayakena 44 Bh&pahinavammena - 45 katati -
First Plate; First Side. 1 Bamhananam Savagutaja-maha2 jananam jananam 8 KQdurahäre 3 Pamţūrasa bamhadeyaea [ll"]
Seal. Bpihatphalayana-sagotrasya mahârâja-sri-Jayavarmmaṇaḥ [W]
TRANSLATION. (Line 1.) From the camp of victory, the town Kudra, the fortunated king, the glorious Jayavarman, who is favoured by the feet of Mahêsvara (and) who belongs to the gôtra of the Brihatphalayanas, orders (his) official (vy@prita) at Kudara (as follows) :
(L. 7) "For conferring on ourselves victory (in war) and for increasing (our) length of life, we have now given the village Pantura in the district of Kudura (Kiddrahára) (as) a brahmadiya, assigning 24 shares to 8 people, (vis.) to the following) Brühmapas : to Savagutaja (Sarvaguptârya), a householder of the Gautams gôtra, 8 (shares); to Eavigija of the Tänavya (gótra) 3 shares; to Goginaja 3 shares ; to Bhavannaja of the Kaupdinya gôtra two--2shares; to Rudavennhoja (Rudravishpvårys) of the Bharadvaja (gôtra) one and a half share ; to Igaradataja (Isvaradattárya) of the Kårshpâyana (gôtra) one and a half share; to Rudaghosaja (Rudraghosh&rya) of the Aupamanyava (gotra) 1 share, and to Khandarudaja (Skandarudrarya) of the Kausika gôtra half a share.
Read kdtina. * This side of the plate is much corroded, and most of the letters are indistinct.
With siva pato compare sakhappatto, happy,' which Childers (s. v. patto) quotes from the Dhammapada.
• If the shares assigned to each donee are added up, the result is only 20. Perhaps the remaining 81 shares were set aside for communal purposes or for the village temple.
Jdydpara is perhape synonymous with gridastha.

Page #378

Kondamudi Plates of Jayavarman.
D9
0a
エクレクレールにて PCILY
エクセレンスアジング、
32
ima.
交
36
E. HULTZSCH
SCALE FOUR-SEVENTHS.
WIELE & KLEIN, PHOTO-ZINCO.

Page #379

vii b.
ogj Basta Rogoz y des Befor
LIS
viii a.
BRJETV JZIMVU=SI youn
vili b.
i a.
38
40
42
44

Page #380

No. 32.]
TWO CAVE INSCRIPTIONS AT SIYAMANGALAM.
319
(L. 25.) "Paroel off that village Pa[n]tura from this (district), having made (it) a brahmadêya.
(L. 28.) "And to this village Påņtūra we grant (all) immunities, having made (it) & brahmadêya.
(L. 31.) " (Let it be free from being entered, free from being meddled with, free from diggings for salt, arathn samvinayika, and endowed with immunities of all kinds.
(L. 35.) “Exempt (it) with (all) these immunities.
(L. 36.) “And having made this village Pa[n]tura a brahmadéya, cause a charter to be drawn up to this effect."
(L. 38.) The order was issued by word of mouth.
(L. 39.) (The charter) was signed by the king) bimself. Fortune, wealth, power and viotory were given (by the donces to the king as a reward for the grant).
(L. 40.) (This set of plates was prepared on the lst day of the 1st fortnight of winter of the 10th year by the Mahadandanayaka Bhåpahậnavarman, the best of the Mahâtagi (family ?).
(First plate, first side.) (Order referring) to the brahmadêya Påņtāra in Küdürahera, (granted) to 8 people, to Bråhmaņas, to the Mahajanas (headed by) Savagutaja.S
(On the seal.) (The seal) of the Maharaja, the glorious Jayavarman, who belongs to the gôtra of the Brihatphalfyanas.
No. 32.-TWO CAVE INSCRIPTIONS AT SIYAMANG ALAM,
By E. HULTZSCH, PA.D. The village of Siyamangalam near Desûr in the Wandiwash (Vandavági) tAluks of the North Arcot district contains & Siva temple named Stambhêsvara or (in Tamil) Tan-Åņdar, which consists of a rock-out shrine, two mandapas in front of it, and a stone enclosure. The two rock-cut pillars of the gate by which the shrine is entered bear the two subjoined inscriptions. Besides, there are several Chôļa inscriptions on the walls of the enclosure and on the rock in the
1 The second singular imperative is addressed to the official at Kadars. The verb oyapd peti is probably derived from adayana, the having been hardened into p in a pdpera (1. 81). In the Karlé inscription No. 19 read also oyapd pehi instead of daya papali (4.8.W.I. VL. IV. p. 112, text line 3).
See note 1 above. I believe that the second singular imperative is also intended in 4. 8. W. I. Vol. IV. p. 112, text line 4 (pariharika), p. 104, text line 4, and p. 111, text line 14 (parihari); and the second plural imperative ibid. p. 106, text line 11 (pariheretha).
• The second singular imperative widasidhd peli, which is quite clear on the copper plate, has been misread in various ways in 4.8. W. I. Vol. IV. p. 106, text line 5, p. 111, text line 14, and p. 112, text line 5. The second plural imperative (nibarda dpetha) is meant ibid. p. 106, text line 11.
• On apiyona see 4. 8. W. I. Vol. IV. p. 105, note 2.
In his valuable paper on the Karle inscriptions, which will appear in Vol. VII. of this journal, Dr. Senart deriva chhata from kahan, 'to hurt' and hence to write. The king cannot have written the order himself, because the inscription expressly states that be issued it by word of mouth. Hence I propose to translate chhata by 'signed.' The king's signature may have been affixed to the original document, which was depositod in the royal secretariat, and from which the copper-plates were copied. In the latter the royal signature is represented by the seal on which they are strung.
. On saltd see Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 832.
1 Compare the Karla inscription No. 19, where Dr. Senart (see note 6 above) reads vijayatha satdre or atdk he. If the second alternative is accepted, the compound would mean " victory, wealth, power and fame.”
* This passage is a kind of docket, stating the contents of the whole document. . I.e.,the lord of pillars.' This name seems to refer to the two pillars in front of the cave.
10 Compare Mr. Sewell's Lists, Vol. I. p. 179, and the Manual of the North Aroof District, new edition, Vol. II. p. 446.

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320
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. VI.
north-east corner of the temple, from which we learn that Siyamangalam belonged to Tepparrurnadu, a subdivision of Palagupra-kôţtam, & district of Jayangonda-Chôļa-mandalam. The temple itself was then called Tirukkarrali, s.e. the sacred stone temple' (Nos. 60 and 69 of 1900), and Tan-Audar (Nos. 61, 62, 63 and 65 of 1900).
A.-Inscription of Lalitankura. This inscription (No. 67 of 1900) is engraved on the right pillar of the gate. It consists of a single Sanskrit verse in the Arye metre and is written in the same archaic alphabet as the cave inscriptions at Trichinopolys and Mahendravådi. It records that “this (temple) named Avanibh&jana-Pallaveśvara ” was caused to be made by king Lalitankura. From the cave inscription at Vallam we know that Lalitankura was a surname of Mahendrapötaraja, who, according to Mr. Venkayya's researches, is probably identical with the Pallava king Mabondravarman I. Two other surnames of the same king were Satrumalla and Guņabhara, of which the first occurs at Trichinopoly and Vallam, and the second at Trichinopoly, Vallam and Mahêndravaời. Thus the Pallava king Mahendravarman I., who reigned about the beginning of the seventh century of the Christian era, is now known to have excavated four rock-cut shrines, of which that at Mahendraváļi 'was dedicated to Vishạn, and the three others to Siva. The name of the Siyamangalam cave, Avanibhájana-Pallavēsvara, means
the Isvara (ie. Siva temple) of the Pallava (king) Avanibhajana. Hence AvanibhAjana, i.e. the possessor of the earth,' must have been another surname of Mahendravarman I.
TEXT.8 1 Lalita[m]kuréņa rajñ-Åva2 nibhája[na]-Pallavēśvaran-nama [1] 3 kåritam=état-sve[dh]&(chchha)-karanda4 m=iva punya-ratnânâm [ll ]
H
O
TRANSLATION By king Lalitankura was caused to be made this templo) named AvanibhajanaPallavobvara- casket, as it were, (worked at) his will (and enclosing) jewels, (vis.) good deeds.
B--Inscription of Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman. This inscription (No. 68 of 1900) is engraved on the left pillar of the gate. Its alphabet is Tamil, with the exception of the Grantha words svasti frí at the beginning and fri in line 10, and resembles that of the Tiruvallam rock inscription of Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman; but the letter has throughout its archaio form, while in the Tiruvallam inscription the modern form with fully developed central loop occurs twice.10- The language is Tamil. As in the Madras Museum plates of Jaţilavarman," the rules of sandhs are not observed in Perumbálavir (1. 7 f.)
This subdivision was named after Tennáttar, No. 127 on the Madras Surrey Map of the Wandiwash taluks.
The same district is mentioned in two inscriptions at Tirumalai near Par (South-Ind. Insor. Vol. I. Nos. 72 and 74), in Tiruvallam inscription (ibid. Vol. III. No. 68), and in the Alampundi plate (above, Vol. III. p. 226).
South-Ind. Incor. Vol. I. Nos. 88 and 34, and Vol. II. Plate . • Above, Vol. IV. No. 19.
South-Ind. Inser. Vol. II, No. 72. • Madras Christian College Magasine of November 1898, and above, Vol. III. p. 278.
The synonymous biruda Bhuvanabhajans occurs in the inscriptions of the Pallava kings Narasimha and Rasimha at Mamallapuram and Kificht: South-Ind. Inser. Vol. I. Nos. 8, 7, and 25, 28rd niche.
• Prom inked estampages prepared by Mr. G. Venkoba Rao in 1900 and 1901.
By this simile the king suggests that he built the temple in order to obtain merit in the future life. 10 South-Ind. Ingor. Vol. III. p. 90 and note 6. 11 See Mr. Venkayya's remarks in Ind. Ant. Vol. XXII. p. 68 f.

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Siyamangalam Cave Inscriptions.
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WIELE & KLEIN, PHOTO-ZINCO.

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No. 32.)
TWO CAVE INSCRIPTIONS AT SIYAMANGALAM.
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for Porumbálaiyar and in alidai (1. 14) for aliyamai, which is an archaio form of the negative gerund aliy&mal. The final of kifavar (1.9) is doubled before the following vowel. The Tamil form mugamandagam (1. 14) instead of the Sanskrit mukhamandapa has been already noticed in the Ukkal inscription of Krishna III.
The inscription is dated in the third year of the reiga of Vijaya-NandivikramaVarman, whom I have identified with the father of the Ganga-Palleva king VijayaNripatungavikramavarman and placed in the ninth century of the Christian era. This is the earliest known inscription of Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman. Five other records of his at Sadupperi, Viriñchipuram and Tiruvallam are dated between his 9th and 62nd years. Since the publication of the two Âmbûr inscriptions of Vijaya-Nripatungavikramavarman, two inscriptions of his grandfather Vijaya-Dantivikramavarman and four inscriptions of his own reiga were copied at Uttaramallar in the Chinglepat district. The Sadaiyar temple at Tiruchchengambûndi near Koviladi (between Tanjore and Trichinopoly) contains three inscriptions of the same king. Two of these mention Marambâvai, "who was the great queen of Nandippottaraiyar of the Pallavatila[ka P) family." The same queen is referred to in an inscription at Niyamam in the Tanjore tâluka (No. 16 of 1899), which is unfortunately mutilated, but seems to belong to the reign of the early Chôļa king Rajakesarivarman. One feels tempted to conclude from this that Rajakesarivarman put an end to the rule of the Ganga-Pallavas, and that certain chiefs who claimed connection with the Pallava dynasty were first subordinate to Vijaya-Nripatungavikramavarman and afterwards to his conqueror, the Chola king.
The inscription records that the mand apa in front of the cave temple was built by a certain Adavi with the permission of a Ganga chief named Nêrgutti, who must have been subordinate to Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman. Adavi was the headman of a village near Perumbalaiyûr in Orrukkattu-kottam. This district owes its name to Orrukkadu, a village in the Conjeeveram tåluka, and Perumbalaiyûr is perhaps the same as Palaiyûr which is mentioned in the Kafákůại plates.
TEXT.20 i Svasti sri [ll] Kô Visai2 [ya-Na]n[dji[vi]kki[ramaj3 parumasku yl4 ndu m[@]ord5 vadu [U]Frukki6 [tu-k]kôţta[t]tu7 [Ppjerumbalai8 ûrallTtiruppalai
9 yûr bilavapp-Ada10 vi sri-Gangaraiyar 11 Nêrgutti Peruman12 rkku viņpappañ-jeydu
1 South-Ind. Inser. Vol. III. p. 12, note 15; mandagam occurs twice in the Kdram plates, ibid. Vol. I. No. 161, text lines 61 and 74.
Above, Vol. IV. p. 181 f. • Scath-Ind. Incor. Vol. I. Nos, 108, 124 and 125, and Vol. III. Nos. 49 and 48. . Above, Vol. IV. No. 23.
* No. 51 of 1898: 10th year; and No. 61: [2]1st year. An inscription st Kangm (No. 85 of 1900) is dsted in the 12th year.
No. 68 of 1898: 16th year; No. 81: 35th year; No. 88: Bath year; and No. 82: date lost. Two inscriptions at Karam (Nou. 88 and 37 of 1900) are dated in the 17th and [21]st years.
7 No. 303 of 1901: 18th year; and Nos. 800 and 301 : 22nd year. . Pallaratila.kulattu Nandippóttaraiyar mahdddviydradyo adigal Kandar Mdramidraig dr. Sce South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. II. p. 846. 10 From two inked estampages. 11 Read dlaiyir.
2 T

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13 Adavi tan-råyår Nanga[n]i Nangaiyarkk=&ga=chche14 yda mugamandagam [1*] id=aliAmaia'kkattåp=&15 đi em mudi mê16 la [11]
TRANSLATION. (Line 1.) Hail! Prosperity! In the third year of the reign) of king VijayaNandivikramavarman - Adavi, the headman of Tiruppalaiyur (near) Perumbalaiyûr in Orrukkattu-kottam, having made a request to (i.e. having obtained the sanetion of) the glorious Ganga king Nergutti Peruman,- (this) Adavi made the mandapa in front of the shrine) for the merit of his mother Nanga[o]i Napgai.
(L. 14.) The feet of him who protects this (gift) without destroying (it), (shall be) on my head.
No. 33.-RANGANATHA INSCRIPTION OF GOPPANA:
SAKA-SAMVAT 1293.
BY E. HULTZBCH, PH.D. In the Guruparamparaprabhava, a modern Tamil work which professes to be based on a Sanskrit poem in 3,000 verses by Tritiya-Brahmatantrasvatantrasvâmin, we are told that, when the Musalmånga had captured Tiruchchirappalli (Trichinopoly), the authorities of the Ranganatha temple on the island of Srirangam near Trichinopoly secretly removed the image of Alagiyamanavalan (Vishnu) to Tirumalai (Tirupati). Subsequently a certain Gopanarayar is stated to have brought the image from Tirumalai to Singapuram near Senji, and thence back to Srirangam, where he reconsecrated the god and his two wives (Lakshmi and the Earth). On this occasion he was praised by the Vaishṇava preceptor Vedantad@sika in the following verse:
मानीयानीलशृङ्गातिरचितजगद्रानादचनाद्रेसञ्चामाराध्य कंचित्समयमथ निहत्योधनुष्कान् तुरुष्कान् । लक्ष्मीमाभ्यामुभाभ्यां सह निजनिलये स्थापयवाना सम्यक्ष- सपर्यामकृत भुषि यशःप्रापणी गोपणार्यः ।
Mr. Venkayya has drawn my attention to another Tamil work, entitled Kóyitolugu, .. "Benefactions to the Temple," which registers the donations made to the Ranganatha temple at Srirangam from the earliest times. The authorities on which the statements of this book are based are not mentioned by the author. Among other facts it ohronicles the same events which have been quoted from the Guruparamparå, with fuller details. It states that in SakaSamovat 1149 expired, the Akshaya-samvatsara, the Muhammadans (Tulukkar) oocupied the Tond sismandalam. When news reached the temple authorities at Sriraogam that the enemies had passed Samayapuram (9 miles north-north-east of Trichinopoly). tbey removed the image of Alagiyamanavåļa-Perumaļ to Tirunåråyapapuram (Mêlukôte in the Mysore State)
1 Read -aliydmai.
See South Ind. Inscr. Vol. III. p. 92 and note 1, • Turushka-Yasan-ddigal. • Madras edition of Kaliyuga 1990, the Virodhi-sarhvatare, p. 124 f. Ibid. p. 127f. • Ibid. p. 129.
Rend yatga • Read T .
. This must be an error for 1249,

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by way of Jotishkodi, Tirumaliruñjolai, Kolikkůdu (Calicut) and Punganûr (in the North Arcot district). The image was kept for many days" at Mêlukôte and then removed to Tirumalai (Tirapati in the North Arcot district), where it was worshipped for "a long time." In the meanwhile the Muhammadans had conquered the Pandya country and, through the influence of Vidyaranya, the kingdom of Anaikkondi (Vijayanagara) had been established. Its king, Harihararåyar (II.), reconquered the Toņdai-mandalam. One of his officers, Gópaņa-Udaiyar, who resided at Señji, took the above-mentioned image from Tirumalai to Singapuram (near Señji), where it was duly worshipped. He advanced with a strong force and defeated the Muhammadans completely. In Saka-Samvat 1203, the Paridhavi-samvatsara, on the 17th solar day of the month Vaigasi, he brought back the image of Perumal to Srirangam and reconsecrated the god and his two consorts. He engraved on the outer portion of the east side of the temple wall (built by) Dharmavarman the same verse which has been quoted from the Guruparampard, and which reads here as follows:
पानीयानीलशृङ्गद्युतिरचितजगञ्जनादचनाद्रेस्थेचामाराध्य कंचित्समयमथ निहत्योचनुष्कांस्तुलुष्कान् । लक्ष्मीमाभ्यामुभाभ्यां सह निजनिलये स्थापयबङ्गनाथं
सम्यग्वाँ सपर्यो' कुरुत निजयशोदर्पणो गोपणार्य: ॥
The Köyilolugu farther states that Gopaņa-Udaiyår granted fifty-two villages to the Ranganåtha temple, and that both his sovereign, Harihararayar (II.), and Viruppaņa-Udaiyår, the son of the latter, performed the tulapurusha ceremony at the same temple.
The verge quoted above and another, similar verse make up the subjoined Grantha insoription (No. 55 of 1892), which is engraved on the east wall of the second prakara of the Ranganatha temple at Srirangam. The two verses are preceded by a chronogram representing Śaka-Samvat 12936 (=A.D. 1871-72). This date implies that the Guruparampara prabhapa either must be wrong in making Gôpaņarayar a contemporary of Vedantadesika, or- what is more probable-- that the alleged birthday of Védântadêsika in Kaliyuga 4370, the Sukla-samvatsarg (=A.D. 1269-70), is a pure invention. Gópaqarayar is referred to in the inscription as Goppanarys (verse 1) and Gôpana (v. 2). His residence (rdjadhani, v. 2) was Cheñchi (v. 1). which is the Sanskrit form of the Tamil Señji, vulgo Gingee, in the South Aroot district.7 Añjanadrid (v. 1) and Vfishabhagiri (v. 2) are two names of Tirumalai, the hill of Tirupati in the North Aroot district.
Goppana or Goppanna is known as an officer of Kampaņa-Udaiyar or Kampaņņa-Udaiyar, the son of Vira-Bokkaņa-Udaiyar, from an inscription at Achcharapakkam (No. 250 of 1901)
1 Bee above, Vol. III. p. 226.
* This mythical king is reported to have built large portions of the Ranganatha temple round the central shrine, which existed from times immemorial.
* Read atana.
• It is interesting to note that this Tamil work refers to the donations of Sundara Pandya, which are described in one of the Ranganatha inscriptions (above, Vol. III. p. 7 ff.). The king is said to have defeated the Chêra, the Chals and Valla[la]days ie the Hoyrala king) and to have assumed the title Emmandalas-gonda. Perumal. i.e. et the king who conquered every country." Having covered a large portion of the temple with gold,' he assumed the farther title Pop-mdynda-Perumdt, i.e. "the king who covered the temple) with gold," and set up an image of Vishou called after this sorbame. His gifts of gold and jewels are also enumerated. He is said to have spent altogether 18 takohas of gold coins (pon) in covering the temple with gold, and the same amount in gifts.
. The same year is quoted in the Koyilolugu; see above. & Op. cit. p. 94.
Above, Vol. III. p. 226. • Dr. Kittol's Kannada-English Dictionary, a ..
2 T 2

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and from three inscriptions at KAñchs. Aiyanna, the son of Appa Goppanna, is mentioned in another Kanchi inscription of Vira-Kampaņa-Udaiyar, the son of Bukkaņa-Udaiyar (No. 33 of 1890). The same inscription shows that Goppapa was a Brahmana, as it states that he belonged to the Apastamba-sútra and Bharadvája-gôtra.
It appears from the last paragraph that Goppana's sovereign, Kampaņa-Udaiyar, was the son of Bukkana-Udaiyar or Vira-Bokkaņa-Udaiyar. I feel no hesitation in identifying this Bukkaņa-Udaiyar with king Bukka I. of Vijayanagara, whose name appears as . Vira-BukkannaOdeyarı of Vijayanagara' in a Kanarese inscription of Saka-Samvat 1293, the Virðdhikrit year, at Bhatka!, and in identifying Kampaņa-Udaiyar with Chikka-Kampappa-Odeyaru, the son of Bakka 1.3 The word Chikka or Kumara, which is prefixed to the name of Kampaņa-Udaiyar in some of his inscriptions, is evidently employed to distinguish him from his uncle Kampaņa. In the pedigree of the first Vijayanagara dynasty Kampaņa-Udaiyar will henceforth appear as Kampaņa II., and his uncle as Kampaņa I. Mr. Taylor calls Kampaņa-Udaiyar the "general or agent" of Bukkaraya of Vijayanagara and states that he repaired the temple at Srirangam in Saka-Samvat 1293—the date of the subjoined inscription--and that he expelled the Muhammadan invaders from the Pandya country. Here we have a grain of truth among heaps of chaff. The existence, in the fourteenth century, of a dynasty of Musalman chiefs of Madhura is testified to by chronicles and coins, and Kampaņa-Udaiyar's conquest of the Pandya country is corroborated by an inscription of Saka-Samvat 1287, the Visvavası year, at Tiruppukkuli (No. 18 of 1899), which states that, "having taken possession of the kingdom of Rajagambhira, he was pleased to conduct the rule of the earth on a permanent throne." Rajagambhira is known to have been a surname of the Pandya king Jaţåvarman alias Kulasekhara, whose Tiruppûvapam plates are dated, according to Professor Kielhorn, in A.D. 1214. Hence the kingdom of Råjagambhira' seems to denote the Pandya kingdom, and it may be accepted as a historical fact that Kampaņa II., the son of Bukka I. of Vijayanagara, expelled the Muhammadans from Madhura. Two inscriptions at Tiruppullaņilo show him in possession of a portion of the Râmnad Zamindårt in Saka-Samvat 1293 and 1296. The fact that he claimed to be conducting the role of the earth' proves that he did not remain a subordinate of his father, but considered himself an independent ruler. His prime-minister (mahápradhani) Sômappa is mentioned in two of his inscriptions at Mêlpåļi (No. 89 of 1889) and Achcharapakkam (No. 250 of 1901). To return to Goppaņe, he seems to have taken part
1 South-Ind. Inser. Vol. I. Nos. 88-88. When publishing these three inscriptions (op. cit. p. 117 f.), I represented Kampaņa-Udaiyar as the son of Vira-Kampaņa-Udaiyar on the strength of Tirumalai Inscription (ibid. No. 79). But, in the light of other records, I believe now that, in l. 21. of this record, frf-Vira Kampage. Udaiyar Kumdra-brf-Kampana-Udaiyar kwadrar ir-Ommana.Udaiyar bus to be translated by "Ommana. Udaiyar, the son of Vira-Kampaņa-Udaiyar (alias) Kumara-Kampaņa-Udaiyar."
Above, Vol. III. p. 36, note 1. An inscription of Vira-Bokkapa-Udaiyar at Vêppúr (No. 20 of 1890) is dated in the RAkshas year (i... Suka-Samvat 1297); another at Tirukkalakkanram (Madras Christian College Magasins of March 1892) in the Nala year (i... Saka.Samvat 1298)and one at Achcharapakkam (No, 256 of 1901) in Saka-Samyat 1298, the Nala year, See also Mr, Bice's Ep, Carn. Vol. IIL, Md. 90, MI, 23 and 76; Vol. IV., Ch. 113 and 117.
• Ep. Carn. Vol. III., Nj. 117; Vol. IV., YI. 64 and Gu. 32. . Above, Vol. III. p. 36.
Catalogue, Vol. II. p. 438 f. . See eg. Dr. Caldwell's History of Tinneelly, p. 42; Mr. Bewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 222 1.; Captain Tufnell's Hinta to Coin-pollectors in Southern India, p. 39 f. and p. 66 ff.; and the late Mr. Bodgers' valosble paper in Jour, ds. Soo, Bengal, Vol. LXIV, Part I. p. 49 . No complete reading has yet been publiained of a silver coin which was figured on Tufnell's Plate vi. No. 3, and of which I possess a specimen; the obverse renda Ahaan Shah 788 (of the Hijra, ,c. A.D. 1837-38), and the reverse Al-Husainiyyu.
1 Irágagamblera.irdjyam kai-k kondu ati(athi)ra-aimhdeanathil pr[](Prithivirirdjyan pansi aruld:
pra. This passage and its bearing were first pointed out by Mr. Venkayya in one of the two Annual Reports which he drew up during my absence on furlough, & Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 289.
See page 801 above. Mr. Sewell's List of Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 801 .

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RANGANATHA INSCRIPTION OF GOPPANA.
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in his master's wars against the Masalmân chiefs of Madhura, as the Ranganatha inscription alludes to his conquest of the Tulushkas.
The subjoined list of inscriptions of Kampaņa II. shows that his influence extended from Mysore in the north to Rämnad in the south, and that he was in power between A.D. 1961-62 and A.D. 1974. The Tirumalai inscription of his son Ommaņa-Udaiyarl is dated on the 11th December A.D. 1374. Of his father Bukka I. we have inscriptions of still later date, viz. A.D. 1375-76 and 1376-77.3 To Professor Kielhorn my best thanks are due for the calculation of those among the following dates which contain astronomical details.
1.- No. 250 of 1901 ; at Achcharapakkam. Kampanna-Udaiyar, the son of Vira-BokkapaUdaiyar. Saka-Samvat 12[83], Plava.
2.-No. 89 of 1889; at Mélpadi. Vira-Kampaņa-Udaiyar. Plava.
3.-South-Ind. Insor. Vol. I. No. 86 ; at Kanchi. Kampaņa-Udaiyar, Saka-Samvat 1286 (for 1287), Visvävasu.
4.-South-Ind. Insor. Vol. I. No. 87; at Kånchi. Vira-Kumâra-Kampaņa-Udaiyar. SakaSamvat 1286 (for 1287), Viśvadi (i.e. Viśvâvasu).
5.-No. 18 of 1899; at Tiruppukkali. Kampada-Udaiyar, the son of Vira-BukkaņaUdaiyar. Saka-Samvat 1287, Viśvâvagu. Sakábdam dyirattu-irundrru-enbattu-elin mél felláninra varttama[na]-Visvavasu-sanvatsarattu Vrischika-násyar]ru purvua-pakshattu shashishthiyum Avittamum perra Budap-kilamaj-nap.
"For Saka-Samvat 1287 expired = Visvavagu the date regularly corresponds to Wednesday, the 19th November A.D. 1965, when the 6th tithi of the bright half ended 13 h. 38 m., and the nakshatra was Dhanishthâ, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 18 h. 24 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 19h. 3 m., after mean sunrise." - F. K.
6.-No. 163 of 1892; at Bhussanahaļļi. Vira-Kumâra-Kampaņņa-Odeyaru, the son of Vira-Buk[k]ann-Odeyaru. Saka-Samvat 12[8]8, Parabhava.
7.-No. 21 of 1890; at Véppúr. Vira-Kampaņa-Udaiyar. Parába[va] -varusham Afurkanayarru púruva-pakshshattu pañchamiyum Na[ya]rrz-kkilamaiyum perra Padattu náļ.
"For Saka-Samvat 1289 expired = Parkbhava the date, as recorded above, is quite irregular. All that I can suggest regarding it is, that the [in Tamil] strange word for the solar month, Afvika, may be intended for Ani, and that Pusattu may be a mistake for Párattu (PärvaPhalguni). If these two alterations were adopted, the date would regularly correspond to Sunday, the 14th June A.D. 1366, when the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 4 h. 19 m., and the nakshatra was Pârva-Phalguni, by the equal space system for 22 h. 20 m., according to Garga for 10 h. 30 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 5 h. 55 m., after mean sunrise."- F. K.
8.-No. 33 of 1890 ; at Kanchi. Vi[ra]-Kampaņa-Udaiyar, the son of Bukkaņa-Udaiya[r]. Sakábdam 12[8]81 mêl Parábha [va)-samvatsarattu Kumbha-ná[ya]rru púrova-pakshattu Ekadasiyum V[i]yáļa-kk[]lamaiyum perra Pu[na]rpdbattu (ná]!.
“For Saka-Samvat 1288 expired =Parabhava the date regularly corresponds to Thursday, the 11th February A.D. 1867, when the 11th tithi of the bright half ended 6 h. 44 m., and the nakshatra was Punarvasu, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 14 h. 27 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 13 h. 47 m., after mean sunrise." - F. K.
1 See above, p. 324, note 1. In a local chronicle this name has been misspelt or misrend 'Embana Udeiyar see Mr. Nelson's Madura Country, Part III. p. 82. Another son of Vira-Kampagna-Odeyara, named Naijanna. Odeyaru, is mentioned in an inscription at Dodda-Ksulande (Mr. Rice's Ep. Carn. Vol. III., Nj. 108), which is dated Saka-rarusha saída 1296 seva Ananda-sanatsarada Vaiadka-su 15 Gu[rundra'] sómagrahagadalli. Professor Kielhorn considers this date worthless, because" in Sa ka-Samvat 1296 expired - Ananda the full-moon tithi of Vaisakhn ended 38 h. 17 m, after mean sunrise of Wednesday, the 26th April A. D. 1874, and there was no lunar eclipse on that day." * Ind. Ant. Vol. XXIV. p. 3, No. 135.
* See above, p. 324, note 2.

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9. -Mr. Venkayya in Madras Christian College Magazine of March 1892; at Tiruvannamalai. Kampana-Udaiyar, the son of Vira-Bokkaņa-Udaiyar. Plavanga.
10.- Ep. Carn. Vol. III., Nj. 117; at Tagad ůru. Chikka-Kampaņn-Odeyaru, the son of Vira-Bukkann-Odeyaru. Saka-Samvat 1290, Kilaka.
11.-South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. I. No. 88; at Kañchs. Vira-Kampanna-Udaiyar. Kilakavarushattu Makara-ndyaru apara-pashakshattul saptamiyu[m] Sevvdy-kkilalaimaiyum perra [T]ér-nál. 8
“This date is in every respect irregular, and intrinsically wrong, because the moon cannot be in the nakshatra Rəhiņi on a 7th tithi of the dark half in the month of Makara."-F. K.
12.- Ep. Carn. Vol. IV., Yl. 64; at Mâmballi. Kampaņņa-Odeyaru, the son of Vira. Bukkappa-Odeyaru. Kaliyuga-Samvat 4470, Saumya.
13.-No. 293 of 1895; from Kåranai near Kadambattûr, now in the Madras Museum. Vira-Kampana-[U][daiyar"), the son of Vi . . . . Udaiyar. Kaliyuga-Samvat 447[2], Saka-Samvat 1293, Virðdhikrit. [Kali®]yuga-varusham nálayirattu-n[G]ndrru-[e]lu [ba]ttu .. . . ngiya Sakabdam ayirattu-irunarru-t[on]narr[u].mún . . . selläni[m*]ra Virôdhikrit-varshattu [Mithuna . . . . apara-pakshattu (paficha]miyum Budankilamai. . . ra Avitfattu ndļ.
"For Kaliyuga-Samvat 4472 expired = Saka-Samvat 1293 expired = Virôdhakrit the date regularly corresponds to Wednesday, the 4th June A.D. 1371, when the 5th tithi of the dark half ended 8 h. 13 m., and the nakshatra was Dhanishtha, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 7 h. 13 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 7 h 53 m., after mean sunrise."-F. K.
'14.-Mr. Sewell's Lists, Vol. I. p. 301; at Tiruppalláņi. Kampaņa-Udaiyar. SakaSamvat 1293.
15.- Ep. Carn, Vol. IV., Gu. 32; at Gundlupête. Chikka-Kampaņņa-Odeyaru, the son of Vira-Bukkanpa-Odeyaru. Saka-sarusha 1294 saída varttamána-Paridhdvi-samvatsarada Chaitra-tu 2 A.
“In Saka-Samvat 1294 expired = Paridhävin the second tithi of the bright half of the month Chaitra commended 2 h. 29 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, the 7th March A.D. 1372." - F. K.
16.-Mr. Sewell's Lists, Vol. I. p. 302; at Tiruppulläpi. Kampana-Udaiyar. Saka-Samvat 1296.
• 17.-No. 28 of 1890 ; at Kanchi. Kampaņa-Udaiyar, the son of Vira-Bokkapa-Udaiyar. Ananda-va[ro]sham Adi-mada[m] 10 [tedi] Ashada-bagula-chatu[n]ddafi Sukraváramum perra n[4?].
"In saka-Samvat 1296 expired = Ânanda the Karkata-bankranti took place 9 h. 9 m. after mean sunrise of Wednesday, the 28th June A.D. 1374, which was the first day of the month of Karkata or Ådi. The 10th day of the month of Âdi therefore was Friday, the 7th July A.D. 1374; but the tithi which ended on this day, 6 h. 23 m. after mean sunrise, was the 12th (not the 14th) tithi of the dark half of the month of Ashådha. In my opinion, there can be no doubt that the number of the tithi has been wrongly quoted in the original date." - FK
18.-No. 185 of 1894; at Tirukkalukkagram. Vira-Kumâra-Kampaņa-Udaiyar. Ananda[va]rushattu Kan[n]i-ndyarru a[pa]ra-[pa]kshattu [da]fa[miyu]m [V]e?[?]i-kkilamaiyum perra [Punar]pa[fa]ttu n[al].
" In Saka-Sarnvat 1296 expired = Ananda the 10th tithi of the dark half in the month of Kanyå commenced 7 h. 5 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, the 1st September A.D. 1374, when
Rend-pakshattu. • Seo Ind. ant. Vol. XXII. p. 188, No. 9.
* Read -kkilamaiyum. le. Adityardradalu.

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the nakshatra was Punarvasu, by the equal space system from 6 h. 34 m. after mean sunrise, and by the Brahma-siddhanta and according to Garga during the whole day.- Since on Saturday, the 2nd September A.D. 1374, the 10th tithi of the dark half ended 7 h. 1 m., and the nakshatra was Punarvasu for 7 h. 13 m. or 6 h. 34 m., after mean sunrise, I have some doubts whether that day is not really the intended day, and whether therefore Friday has not been wrongly quoted in the original date instead of Saturday. Supposing the weekday to have been given correctly, I should have expected the writer to quote the 9th tithi."-F. K.
From a Kanarese inscription at Penakonda (No. 339 of 1901), which was first noticed by Mr. Sewell, we learn that Vira-Bukkaņņa-Odeyaru (s.e. Bukka I.) had another son, named Vira-Virupaņņa-Odeyaru (I.), by his queen Jommadevi. While Bukka I. was ruling the territory of the Hoysaļa kings at Hosapattana, and while his son Virupanpa I. was governing the province (rajya) of Penugonde, which had been entrusted to him by his father, the minister (mahapradhana) Ananta[ra]sa-Odeyarı built the fort of Penugopde in Saka-Samvat 1276, the Jaya-samvatsara, on Tuesday, the 1st tithi) of the bright (fortnight) of Chaitra, i.e. on the 25th March A.D. 1354.
A copper-plate grant at Narasipura mentions a third son of Bukka I., named Mallinátha or Mallapp-Odeyaru, whose son was Narayanadêv-Odeyaru. It is dated on Sunday, the 29th July A.D. 1397.5
The successor of Bukka I. on the throne of Vijayanagara was his son by Gauri, Harihara II., whose name is given as Vira-Hariyappa-Odgyaru in Kanarese inscriptions (Nos. 3, 4, 6-8 of the following list). As will appear from Nos. 2,5 and 9 of the same list, the Tamil form of his name was Hariyana- or Ariyanna-Udaiyar.
1.-No. 57 of 1900 ; at Pattår near Arani. Harihara-Udaiya[r]. Sakābdam 1999. mél selläninra Pingala-varusham Adi-madam [30] tédi Tingal-kilamai.
"In Saka-Samvat 1299 expired = Pingala the Karkața-sankranti took place 3 h. 46 m, after mean gunrise of Sunday, the 28th June A.D. 1377, which was the first day of the month of Karkata or Adi. The 30th day of the month of Âời therefore was Monday, the 37th July A.D. 1377.”-F. K. .
2.-Mr. Venkayya in Madras Christian College Magasine of March 1892; at Tiruvannamalai. Ariyanna-Udaiyar. Saka 1299, Piúgala.
3.- No. 126 of 1901 ; at Barukur. Vira-Hariyappa-Odeyaru. Samvaruka? 1301 nyo (ne) ya K[4] Layukta-samvatsarada []vitiya-Jy[&*]sha-8 15 Sukravdradalu
aradas.
. .
. . . . somóparága-punnCyJakáladulu.
"Saka-Samvat 1301 current = Kalayukta : Friday, the 11th June A.D. 1378 (the full-moon day of the second Jyaishtha); a total eclipse of the moon from 12 h. 1 m. to 15 h. 41 m. after mean sunrise, and therefore visible in India."- F. K.
4.4 No. 155 of 1901 ; at Bárukar. Vira-Hariyappa-Odeyarı, the son of Vira-BukkanyaOdeyaru. Saka-varusha 130[1] neyama(varttamána-Kalayuktákshi-samvachhsa(tsarada Márggasira-su 1 Sômavárad-andu.
Lists of Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 119.
• sriman mahd mandalesvara ari-rdyarvibhada bhdshege-tappevardyara-ganda Hindardga-suratrana virea parohima-samudr-ddhipali frf-Vlra. Bukkannana. Vodeyar olsaledwaya-mahlpdlara widdinf. mandalavaww wil ja] bhwa-mardanao-dgi pdlisn[ta] Horapattanadali sukha samkathd-winddadith rajyam gevoutta tanna paffad-arari Jorim[4]diviyara ksidra frf. Vira-Viruparin nra. Vodeyarig[] Penugon[deya) rdjyaranu koffe & paffanadali udhadiri rdjyara palinutta.
Saka-varsla 1976 neya Jaya-sa inachhaltsa)rada Chaitra. [1] Mangalan radaluo). Professor Kielhore kindly informs me that "in Sako Sathyat 1276 expired - Jays the first tithi of the bright half of enitni commenced 7h 35 m after mean sunrise of Tuesday, the 28th March À D. 186+." • Mr. Rice's Ep Carn. Vol III, TN. 64
Ind. ant. Vol. XXVI. p. 331, No. 10. See above, Vol. III. p. 115 and note 12. * Read Baka tareha.

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" Saka-Samvat 1301 current = Kalayukta. The date is incorrect; it would correspond to Sunday, the 21st November A.D. 1378, when the first tithi of the bright half of Margasira ended 21 h. 10 m. after mean sunrise. If the figure for the tithi were 2, the date would regularly correspond to Monday, the 22nd November A.D. 1378."- F. K.
5.-No. 32 of 1890; at Kiñchl. Vira-Hariyapa-Udaiyar. Sakábdam 1300 mêl delläninra K[á]layukta-varshattu Marga![6]-ma[sa]m 2 têdi pürbva (rvua)-pakshattu sapta[miyu]=Ndyarrukkilamaiyum perra Sadayattu nal.
« This date is irregular. In Saka-Samvat 1300 expired = Kalayukta the Dhanuhsamkranti took place 18 h. 53 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, the 27th November A.D. 1378. The second day of the month of Dhanus or Margali therefore was Monday, the 29th November A.D. 1378, and on this day the 9th tithi of the bright half ended 11 h. 33 m. after mean sunrise, and the nakshatras were Uttara-Bhadrapada and Rêvati. The 7th tithi of the bright half ended 16 h. 5 m., and the nakshatra was Satabhishaj, by the equal space system for 9 h. 12 m., and according to Garga for 0 h. 39 m., after mean gunrise of the 27th November A.D. 1378, bat that day, as stated already, was a Saturday, and was the last day of the month of Vrischika (Karttigai)."-F.K.
6.-No. 59 of 1901 ; at Kántávara. Vira-Hariyapra-O[de]yaru. Sa(a)ka-varusa (sha) 1801 nevi(ya) Sidhdha (ddhd)rtthi-samvatsarada "Vayisakha-su 1 Somavá[ra]da[lu].
"Saka-Samvat 1301 expired = Siddharthin: Monday, the 18th April A.D. 1379; the first tithi of the bright half of Vaisakha ended 6 h. 1 m. after mean sunrise." - F. K.
7.- Ep. Carn. Vol. IV., Ch. 64; at Homma. Harihara II. or Vira-Hariyapp-Odeyaru of Vijayanagara. Saka-varusha 1302 neya Raudri-samvatsarada Sravana-fu 5 Aditáradalu.
"The date is irregular. In Saka-Samvat 1302 expired = Raudra the 5tl. tithi of the bright half of Sriyana ended 14 h.56 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, the 7th July A.D. 1380." - F. K.
8.-No. 174 of 1901 ; at Bårukür. Vira-Hariyapa-Odeyaru. Saka-varusa(sha) 1304 Dundubhi-san (va]tsarada "Vayifdkha-su 15 86.
Saka-Samvat 1304 expired = Dundubhi : Monday, the 28th April A.D. 1982; the full-moon tithi of Vaisakha ended 9 h. after mean sunrise." -F. K.
9.-No. 31 of 1890; at Kanchi. Hariyana-Udaiyar. Sakábdam 1307 mél se[2]ian[nra Krodhana-varsham Ani-madam [12 têdi] amávdsaiyum Guru [v]aram Mrigasírrishattuo nal.
"In Saka-Samvat 1307 expired = Kródhana the Mithuna-Bańkránti took place 14 h. 51 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, the 27th May A.D. 1385. The 12th day of the month of Mithung or Åpi therefore was Thursday, the 8th June A.D. 1885; and on this day the new-moon tithi (of the month Jyaishțha) ended 9 h.55 m., and the nakshatra was Mrigasirsha, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 1 h. 19 m., after mean sunrise."--F.K.
Harihara II. had three sons : Virupaksha I., Bukka II. and Dêvarêya I. The first of them is known from the Alampundi plate (No. 2 below) and from the Nardyanivildsat and has to be identified with Viruppanna-Udaiyar (II.), the son of Hariyappa- or Hariyanna-Udaiyar (Nos. 1 and 3-5 below).
1.-Mr. Venkayya in Madras Christian College Magazine of March 1892; at Tiruvannimalai. Vira-Viruppanna-Udaiyar, the son of Hariyappa-Udaiyar. Saka-Samvat 1301.
2.- Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 225; Âlampaņdi plate. Virupaksha, the son of Haribara II. Saka-Samvat 1305, Raktákshin.
Read Vaildkha-.
1. e. 86mardradalu. • Head offrahattu.
Above, Vol. V. Add. and Corr. p. V. • The Köyilofugw aloo mentions "Viruppaņa-Udaiyar, the son of Hariharariyar," see page 823 above.

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3. Mr. Venkayya in Madras Christian College Magazine of March 1892; at Tiruvannamalai. Vira-Viruppanpa-Udaiyar, the son of Hariyappa-Uḍaiyar. Saka-Samvat 1310,
Vibhava.
RANGANATHA INSCRIPTION OF GOPPANA.
329
4-No. 114 of 1997; at Köliyagar. Virappapa-Udaiyar, the son of Hariyaga-Udaiyar. Saka-Samvat 1... Vi[bha]va.
5.-No. 112 of 1900; at Sengama. Virappappa-Udaiyar, the son of Hariyanna-Uḍaiyar. Sakabdam 131[8] mér-che[lla]ninra [Dh]átu-samvatsarattu Mêsha-ndyarru párova-pakshattu pañohamiyum Tiruvádiraiyum perra Guruvára-nál.
"For Saka-Samvat 1318 expired: Dhâtu (Dhâtri) the date regularly corresponds to Thursday, the 13th April A.D. 1386, which was the 19th day of the month of Masha and when the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 7 h. 35 m., and the nakshatra was Ardra, by the equal space system for 11 h. 50 m., after mean sunrise."- F. K.
To the time of Bukka II., the second son of Harihara II., belong the following six inscriptions.
1.-No. 41 of 1890; at Tirupparattikkanru. Bukkaraja, the son of Arihararaja. Dundubhivarshan Kalig]ai-[m]ddatt[] parovs-pakshattu-Ti[6]gas-kijamalyum pourpaiyum perra T4(4)tt[i]gai-mdf.
"This date is irregular. For Saka-Samvat 1304 expired Dundubhi it would correspond to Friday, the 21st November A.D. 1382, with the nakshatra Rohipl. It would be incorrect also for the lunar month Karttika of the same year, and for the Baka years 1303 and 1305 expired."-F. K.
2.-No. 11 of 1900; at Kambayanallur. Immaḍi-Bukkaraya (s.e. 'Bukka the second'), the son of Hararaya (i.e. Harihara II.) and grandson of Bukkanna-Udaiyar (i.e. Bukka I.). Kahaya-varushattu Padgue[]-madam mudal t[yadi paruva-pakhattu Uttirattadyu perra nál.
"This date also is irregular. For Saka-Samvat 1308 expired= Kshays the first day of the month of Panguni (or Mina) would correspond to either the 24th or the 25th February A.D. 1387, but on the former of these two days (which both fell in the bright half) the nakshatras were Krittika and Rohini (Nos. 3 and 4) and on the latter Rohini and Mrigasiraha (Nos. 4 and 5), not Uttara-Bhadrapada (No. 26)."-F. K.
3.-No. 12 of 1893; at Kâñchi.. Vira-Pratapa-Bukkaraya-mah[4]râ[ya]. Sakábdam 1328 n mél ellá[n]inra Veya-samvarsarattu Mésha-nayarru pûruva-pakshattu satta[m]iyu Sukkiravdramum perra Tiruvádirai-nál.
"This date for Saka-Samvat 1328 expired= Vyaya clearly corresponds to Friday, the 26th March A.D. 1406, which was the day of the Mêsha-samkranti (that took place 17 h. 25 m. after mean sunrise1), and on which the 7th tithi of the bright half ended 16 h. 30 m., and the nakshatra was Ardra, by the equal space system for 8 h. 32 m., after mean sunrise."-F. K.
4.-Ep. Carn. Vol. III., Md. 28; at Vaidyanathapura. Bukkaraya, the son of Harihara maharaya. Saka-varusha 132[8] neya Bya(vya)ya-samvatsarada Jeshtha-su 5 Gu
"This date is irregular. For Saka-Samvat 1328 expired = Vyaya it would correspond to Saturday, the 22nd May A.D. 1406, when the 5th tithi of the bright half of Jyaishtha ended 13 h. 53 m. after mean sunrise."- F. K.
5.-South-Ind. Inser. Vol. I. No. 55; at Vêppambaṭṭu. Vira-Pratapa-Bukkamahârây? Sakábdam 132[8] n mél selläninra Párttiva-samvatsarattukku-chchellum Viya-samvatsarat Jéshta-bahula-amávásyaiyum Viyala-kkilamaiyum perra nál.s
2 U
1 Accordingly, the date was the last day of the month of Mina of the solar Saka year 1827 expired. I.e. Guruvdradalu, See Ind. Ant. Vol. XXIV. p. 203, note 50.

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« This date algo is irregular. For Saks-Sanvat 1328 expired = Vyaya it would correspond to Wednesday, the 16th June A.D. 1406, when the new-moon tithi of Jyaishtha ended 6 h. 18 m. after mean sunrise." -F. K.
6.- No. 41 of 1901 ; at Madabidure. Vira-Bukkaraya, the son of Harihararầya. Sakavarsha 13[2]9 neya Vyaya-samvatsarada Bhadrapada-fudhdha(ddha) 10 Budhaváradolu.
"This date algo is irregular. For Saka-Sanvat 1329 current = Vyaya it would correspond to Tuesday, the 24th August A.D. 1406, when the 10th tithi of the bright half of Bhadrapada ended 13 h. 1 m. after mean sunrise. If the figure of the tithi were 11, the date would regularly correspond to Wednesday, the 25th August A.D. 1406." -F. K.
From manuscripts and coins! we know a son of Bukka II. by Tipp[@]mba, named ViraBhupati, to whom we have to assign two inscriptions of Vira-Bhupati-Udaiyar, which are noticed by Mr. Venkayya, vis. one of Saka-Samvat 1331 at Srirangam, and one of SakaSamyat 1336, the Manmatha year, at Tiruppandurutti.
TEXT. 1 वस्ति श्रीः । बन्धुप्रिये शकाब्दे । पानीयानीलभंगद्युतिरचितजगद्र[अ]ना.
दअनाने[ञ्चा]माराध्य कञ्चित् समयमथ निहत्योचनुष्कांस्तुलुष्कान् []
लक्ष्मीमाभ्यामुभाभ्यां सह निजनगरे स्था[प]यन् 2 TE RT [Tufæ gcea [u]situat aurai: [*]
faragi TUTTI gufufcaettu]: (1) [fr]aat itali
राजधानीविजबलनिहतोत्सिततौलुष्कसैन्यः [0] कत्वा 3 [rit]a[az] F#" [w]ya[ufgarat] [w]astazi ricamate re
जोत्भव एव कुरुते साधु च[य] सपाम् ॥ [२]
TRANSLATION. Hail! Prosperity! In the sake year (expressed by the chronogram) bandhupriya (i.e. Saka-Samyat 1293).
(Verse 1.) Having brought (the god) from the Añjana dri (mountain), the splendour of whose darkish peaks gives delight to the world, having worshipped (him) at Chefchi for some time, then having slain the Tulushkas whose bows were raised, -Goppanarya, the mirror of fame, placing Ranganktha together with both Lakshmi and the Earth in his own town, again duly performed excellent worship.
(V. 2.) Having carried Rangaraja, the lord of the world, from the slope of the Vpishabbagiri (mountain) to his capital, lo having slain by his army the proud Taulushka soldiers, having made the site of Sriranga united with the golden age (Kritayuga), and having placed there this (god) together with Lakshmi and the Earth,- the Brahmaņa Gopaņa duly performs, like the lotus-born (Brahma), the worship which has to be practised.
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XXV. p. 818, No. 6.
Madras Christian College Magazine of March 1892. • The same of August 1890.
• From an inked estampage prepared in 1892. . Read out. Read Isto
7 Read out. • React 17.
I.c. in Srirangam.
10 I.e. to Cbeücbi; 880 vene 1. 11 Kshópiddra. Compare p. 824 above.

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No. 34.-TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF VIDUGADALAGIYA-PERUMAL.
BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D. A.-INSCRIPTION AT TIRUMALAI NEAR POLUR. The first volume of my South Indian Inscriptions contains some records, the full bearing of which could not be made out at the time of their publication through want of experience and in the absence of copies of cognate inscriptions. Several of them have been already republished in this journal. I now re-edit another, which was imperfectly read and rendered before, from a fresh inked estampage.
The subjoined inscription is engraved on the outer wall of the doorway which leads to the painted cave at Tirumalai near Poļur in the North Aroot district. It is somewhat worn and not very easy to read. The alphabet is Tamil and Grantha. The inscription consists of three portions :- a sentence in Tamil prose, a Sanskrit verse in the Sárdula metre, and a Tamil verse. Each of these three passages records in different words the same fact, vis. the restoration of the images of a Yaksha and a Yakshi, which were set up on the Tirumalai hill. In this connection the names of three kings are mentioned :-(1) Eliņi (11. 1 and 7) or Yavanika: (1.4); (2) Rajaraja (1. 6) or Vagan' (1.9); and (3) Vidugådalagiya-Perumal (1.10) or Vyamuktasravaņojjvala . (1.6). Eliņi is stated to have belonged to the family of the kings of Chêra (1.1) or Kèraļa (1. 3), 1.e. Malabar, or of Vañji (1. 7), the traditional capital of the Chêra kingdom, which is perhaps identical with the modern village of Chéramân-Perumal-Kôyilûr near Tiruvañjikuļam in the Cochin State. Both Eliņi and Rajaraja receive the title Adigaiman (1.1), Adhikansipa (1. 5 f.) or Adigan? (1.9), i.e. the lord of Adigai,' the modern Tiruvadi near Cuddalore. The third king is called the lord of Takata (1. 6) or Tagadai (1. 10). As noted by Mr. Venkayya, this place is mentioned in the Tamil poem Puranandru as Tagadür, and Mr. v. Kanakasabhai Pillai has identified it with Dharmapuri, the head-quarters of a tâluka in the Salem district. This statement is corroborated by two Chola inscriptions (Nos. 307 and 308 of 1901) in the Mallikarjuna temple at Dharmapuri, according to which Tagadûr, the modern Dharmapuri, was the chief town of Tagad úr-nadu, a subdivision of the Ganga country (Ganga-nadu), a district of Nigarili-S6la-mandalam,10 Vidugådalagiya-Perumal was the son of Vagan (1. 9) or Rajaraja (1. 6), who seems to have been a remote descendant (11. 5 and 9) of Elini. Both he and his ancestor Elini must have been adherents of the Jaina religion, because
1 Above, Vol. IV. Nos. 9, 22 and 52, and Vol. V. No. 13, A. • South-Ind. Inser. Vol. I. No. 75.
Yacanikd is the Sanskrit equivalent of the Tamil elini,'& curtain.'
• According to the dictionaries, the Tamil Vagap and the Sanskrit Baks are names of Kubers, who is also called Rajaraja.
The Tamil words vidu, kdds and alagiya correspond to the Sanskrit much, fravana and wijuala. The word looks like a nickname. Perhaps the king had protruding ears.
. See South-Ind. Inor. Vol. III. p. 31, and my Annual Report for 1900-01, paragraph 4.
1 For references to Adigan, Adigalmky and Elipi in Tamil literature see Ind. Ant. Vol. XXII. pp. 66 and 143. Adiyams, who was a feudatory of the Chola king and was defeated by Gangarijs, general of the Hoysals king Vishnuvardhans (Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I. Part II. Index), may have been one of the chiefs of Adigai.
The Kalisigattu-Parani (x. verse 68 f.) mentions the great city of Adigai, which Mr. V. Kanakasabhai Pillni has identified with Tiruvadi in the Cuddalore tåluka of the South Aroot district; Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 839 f. In the time of the Vijayanagara kingdom this town was the head-quarters of the province (ndiya) of Tiruvadi; ibid. Vol. XIII. p. 153. This province is distinct from Tiruvadi-rajya (with the lingual d), which was situated in the Tinnevelly district; above, Vol. III. p. 840, and Mr. Venkayya's Annual Report for 1899-1900, p. 28.
• See the two pages of the Ind. Ant. quoted in note 7 above.
10 There is another village named Tagad Oru in the Nsajsnagada taluks of the Mysore district, which was included in Hiriya-nadu; Mr. Rice's Ep. Carn. Vol. III., Nj. 117 and 118.
20 2

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they made grants at Tirumalai, which is referred to in the subjoined inscription as the holy mountain of Engupavirai' (1. 8) and the holy mountain of the Arhat in the Tuņdira-mandala 'l (1. 4 f.).
TEXT. 1 Svasti sri [ll"] Śôra-vansatto3 Adigaima[p] Elini seyda dha[r]mma. 2 Yaksha[r]aiyum Yakshiyåraiyum elund=a[ru"]ļuvittu erimaņiyum i3 ttu-Kkadapperi-kka[luli-gandu kudutt[&] || Srimat-Keraļa-bh übhfi4 tå Yavanikd-nämna eu-dha[r]mm-åtmana Tundir-Ahvaya-mandal-Å[r]ha-su-5 5 girau Yakshêsvarzı kalpitau [1*] paśchâtetat-kula-bhûshan-Adhika6 npipa-ri-Rajaraj-ktmaja-Vydmuktaśravaņo[*]jvale[na Takata-na]thena jirn-87 [ajdhřitau 11 Vaj[i]yar kola-pa[ti]y=[E]lin[i] vaguttav-Iyakkar-Iyakk[i]yaro8 d-e[n]jiyav=alivu tiruttiy=&v-Enguņavirai-tiru-malai vait[t]án=ra9 fiji tag [va]li [va]rumavan vali-mudali kali Adigan Vagan nhl v[i]õjaiyar 10 [ta]lai punai Tagadaiyar kâvalan Viềug&dalagiya-[P]erumaļey [ll]
TRANSLATION. (Line 1.) Hail! Prosperity! Hes set up (again) (the images of) Yaksha and a Yakshi, -meritorious gifts (formerly) made by Elini, an Adigaiman of the Chêra family, presented a gong, and granted a channel (which he) had constructed to or from P) the Kadapperi (tank).
(L. 3.) (The images of) two lords of the Yakshas, which had been set up by the glorious (and) very pious-minded Kerala king named Yavanika on the holy mountain of the Arbat in the province (mandala) called Tundira, were later on saved from ruin by Vyamuktaśravaņôjjvala, the lord of Takata (and) the son of the glorions Rajaraja-an Adhika prince (who was) the ornament of his (Yavanika's) race.
(L. 7.) The ruins which remained (of the images) of a Yaksha together with a Yakshi, that had been set up by Elipi, the chief of the family (ruling over) the Vañjiyar,o were repaired and placed (on) this holy mountain of the god who possesses the eight qualitiesll by Vidugådalagiya-Perumaļ, the protector of the Tagadaiyar," the ornament of the heads of those learned in the sciences, (and the son of)'the brave Adigan Vagan - the foremost on the (right) path, who came from bis (Eligi's) family after the latter) had died.
B-INSCRIPTION AT KAMBAYANALLUR. This inscription (No. 8 of 1900) is engraved on the south wall of the central shrine in the Dasináthegvara temple at Kambayanallûr in the Uttadgarai taluks of the Salem district. The alphabet and language are Tamil.
The inscription consists of a Tamil verse, which opens with the date-the 22nd year (in words) of the reign of Kulottunga-Choladeva. A short prose passage which is prefixed to the verse gives the same date in figures. This is another record of Vidugådalagiya-Perumal, the
This is a Sanskritised form of Tondai-maņdalam. . From an inked estampage.
Read - ansattu. • South-Ind. Iwaer. Vol. 1. No. 76 contains another copy of the rame verse. . For the sake of the metre Arha is used instead of Arbat. • In this verse Vanjiyar rhymes with daergiya, rungi and vifijaiyar. * Read tiruttiysiov..
The subject is Vidagdalngiya-Perumal (1. 10). The same tank is mentioned in another Tirumalni inscription : South-Ind. Inaer. Vol. I. No. 77. 10 I. e. 'the citizens of Vañji.'
11 See South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. I. p. 107, note 1. 19 1. e. the citizens of Tagadni.'
13 The words in brackets can be supplied with certainty on the strength of the Sanskrit portion (1. 6) and in accordance with the Tamil habit of omitting the word 'son' between the names of the father and the son.

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TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF VIDUGADALAGIYA-PERUMAL.
333
king of Tagadai and (son of) Rajaraja-Adigan. He is said to have ruled over the three rivers PAli, Pennai and Poppi. The inscription records that he granted a place named Sirukkottai on the bank of the Peņņai river to Nagai-Nayaka of Kulan, and that he built a temple.
The PAli must be identical with the Palafu river; the Pennai is the Southern Pennáru; and the Ponni is the Kåvēri. It may be assumed that the Paláru formed the northern boundary of the king's territories and the Kávêrî the western one, while the Southern Pennâru passes not far north-east from his capital Tagad úr, the modern Dharmapuri.! Kulan, where the donee came from, is another form of Kuļam or Kulaşûr, the modern Ellore. He may have been related to the Nayakas of Ellore, who are mentioned in inscriptions of the Telugu country. His name, NågaiNayaka, is perhaps connected with Nigaiyappalli, an ancient name of Kambayanallur, which occurs in two inscriptions of the Hoysala king Vira-Vigvan&tbadova (Nos. 9 and 10 of 1900).
The donor is mentioned in two inscriptions at Sengama in the Tiruvannamalai tâluka of the South Arcot district, - in the first of them (No. 115 of 1900), which is dated in the 20th year of Tribhuvanachakravartin sri-Kulôttungs-Chôļadêva, & "the born Perumal, alias the son of Rajaraja-A digan," and in the second (No. 107 of 1900), the beginning of which is lost, but which quotes the twenty-first year of Kulottunga-Choladeva ?), as "Rajarajadêvan Vidugådalagiya-Perumal, alias the son of Rajaraja-Adigan." In both inscriptions he is stated to have been a contemporary of Šengêņi Ammaiyappan Attimallan, alias Vikrama-Chôļa-Sambuvarayan, & chief who seems to have been & subordinate of Kulottunga-Chola III. Besides, No. 107 of 1900 mentions as his contemporary & certain Seyyagangar, who is probably identical with siyagangan, a subordinate of KalôttungeChôļa III. Consequently, the king during whose reign the subjoined inscription of Vidugådalagiya-Perumal is dated must be Kulôttunga-Chola III., who ascended the throne in A.D. 1178,10 and the date of the inscription, the 22nd year, corresponds to A.D. 1199-1200.
TEXT.11 1 Svasti eri [ll] T[i]ribuva[na]chchakkaravattiga[!] Sri-Kulôttunga-sbladevasku
yandu 22 &vedu 6 Urais maru[vu]Gulottunga-soladêvark-uraitta yaņd. irubadiņ mêl-irandir-Pennsi-kkarai maruvu[n]=Jifukkottai Ku[la] N&[gai)
N&yagark-asitta=kkar-zali tag pèr=i2 ta kår-aņaiya-kaiya[n] tirai-maruvan-dadan-gamala-Ttagadai mannan Selum Påli
[P]eņņai Poppi-ttiru-nadi mûgr=udaiya virai-maravun-dâr-mârvan Rajar[@]ja[v-Ajdigan vilaðgå-moli Vidugådalagiya-Perumaey 16
TRANSLATION Hail ! Prosperity! In the 22nd year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorions Kulottunga-6ôladéve.
See page 891 above.
* See South-Ind. Inser. Vol. III. p. 172 and note 2. 1 Ibid. Vol. II. p. 308.
• Piranda Perumdana Irdjardja-[4] iga-maganir. This portion of the title has to be taken as the name of a Cha king to whom Vidugadalagiya-Perumal or bis ancestors had been tributary. Compare the similar name "Kulottunga-Cola-Tskatadhiraja, alias Maradirbadáva," in an inscription at Rayskota in the Krishgagiri taluks of the Salem district (No. 3 of 1900).
The original reads Irdja[r]dja-4[d]igaiman, which I correct to Irdjardja.Adiga-maga in accordance with No. 116 of 1900; see note 4 above.
Inotend of Attimalla, (i... Hastimalla) two other inscriptions (South-Ind. Insor. Vol. I. No. 192, and Vol. III. No. 61) have the title Kannudaipperwmdn. • South-Ind. Inser. Vol. III. p. 121.
Ibid. Page 122. 10 Seo Professor Kielhorn's Table on p. 24 above. From an inked estampage. 13 In this Tami) verse wrai maruum rhymes with karai marwow, tirai-murwow and virai-marwuu. 11 In the original this sign of punctuation is represented by a visarga.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VI.
In the year called two after twenty of the eminent Kulottunga-Sóladêva,Vidugadalagiya-Peruma!, who never breaks his word, (who is the son of RajarajaAdigan, whose chest wears a fragrant garland, the lord of three sacred rivers, (vis.) the Pâli (those banks are) fertile, the Peņņai (and) the Poppi, the king of Tagadai where large lotus-flowers are surrounded by the ripples (of tanks), he whose hand resembles & cloud (in showering gifts), granted (the village of) Sirukkottai on the bank of the Peņņai (river) to Na[gai)-Nayaka of Ku[la]n and gave his own name (to) a stone temple.
No. 35.-TEKI PLATES OF RAJARAJA-CHODAGANGA; DATED IN THE SEVENTEENTH YEAR (OY KULOTTUNGA I.).
BY E. HULTZSCE, PA.D. These copper plates were sent to me through the Government of Madras by the Collector of Godavari, who in his letter of 30th April 1901 states that they were found about two months ago by one Kodi Dosigadu of Téki in the Ramachandrapuram tâluka, while working in his field."
The plates are five in number and measure about 11" in breadth and about 6' in height. The first and last plates bear writing only on the inner side, and the three middle ones on both sides. The edges of the inscribed sides are raised into rims for the protection of the writing, which is in a state of very good preservation. On the left of each inscribed side is bored a circular hole, through which passes a copper ring measuring about 6" in diameter and about f' in thickness. The ring had not yet been cut when I received the plates. Its ends are secured in the base of a four-petalled flower, which is surmounted by a circular seal measuring 4" in diameter. This seal bears the following emblems in high relief on a countersunk surface :across the centre the legend śri-Tribhwana mkusa ; at the top a boar, standing, facing the proper left, flanked by two chaurís, and surmounted by a crescent, an elephant-goad and the sun; and at the bottom a conch, a drum, a four-petalled flower, a flower bud and a throne.
The alphabet is Telugu and the language Si askrit verse and prose. The Telugu letters rand occur in a number of Telugu names which are quoted in 1. 90 f. Of graphical peculiarities I would note that in yú (11. 54 and 90) and mú (1. 95) the vowel ú is represented by the marks for u and a.
The inscription opens with the same genealogical account of the Eastern Chalukya family as the Chellûr and Pithapuram plates of Vira-Choda, but begins to differ in the description of the reign of Kulôttunga I. It does not mention his queen Madhurântaki, but states that he had several queens (v. 11), who bore him several sonst (v. 12). On one of these, MummadiChôda,- whose name is given as Rajarkja in the Chelldr and Pithapuram plates, - he conferred the governorship of Vengi after the death of his own paternal uncle Vijayaditya (VII.) (vv. 13-16). One year later (v. 17) he bestowed the same appointment on Mummadi-Choda's younger brother, Vira-Choda (v. 18), who held it for six years (v. 19), when he was recalled (v. 20). Then the eldest son, Chôdaganga, surnamed R&jarâja (vv. 21-26), ascended the throne of Vêngi (v. 33) in Šaka-Samvat 1008 (in numerical words), on Thursday, the full-moon tithi of Jyaishţha, in the nakshatra Jyêshtha and in the lagna Sinha (v. 34). This date
1 The words in brackets are supplied on the strength of the Sanskrit portion of the Tirumalai inscription (A. above).
* No. 122 on the Madras Survey Map of the Ramachandrapuram taluks of the Godavari district.
South-Ind. Inger. Vol. I. No. 39, and above, Vol. V. No. 10, respectively.
• According to v. 18 of the Chellår plates and 12 of the Pithapuram plates Kulottunga I. had seven song by Madhurintakt.

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No. 35.]
probably corresponds to the 22nd May A.D. 1084. At the end of the inscription (1. 108) another date is given, viz. the seventeenth year of the reign.
TEKI PLATES OF RAJARAJA-CHODAGANGA.
=
The above statements involve a few important changes in the pedigree and the chronology of the Eastern Châlukyas. As regards the former, the order of the sons of Kulôttunga I. in my Table of this dynasty' has to be altered; for the Têki plates inform us that the eldest son was not, as I thought, Vikrama-Chôda, Kulôttunga's successor on the Chôla throne, but Chôdaganga. As the Chellûr and Pithapuram plates (v. 19) state that Vira-Chôda had only two elder brothers, it is now clear that these were Chôḍaganga and Mummadi-Chôda, and that VikramaChôda was a younger brother of Vira-Chôda. Secondly, the dates at the end of the Chellûr and Pithapuram plates, viz. the twenty-first and twenty-third years of the reign, respectively, cannot be referred, as was done hitherto, to the reign of Vira-Chôda. For, taking the date at the end of the Têki plates in the same manner as the seventeenth year of Chôḍaganga, it would correspond to A.D. 1084 +16-17 1100-01, while the Chellûr plates would fall in A.D. 107820-21 = 1098-99, and Vira-Chôda would thus have issued an edict during the governorship of his brother Chôdaganga. The only way in which the dates of the three inscriptions can be reconciled is to refer them to the accession of Kulôttunga I. in A.D. 1070. They would then fall in A.D. 1088-87, 1090-91 and 1092-93. The two last dates would imply that Vira-Chôda administrated the Vêngî province a second time in succession of Chôḍaganga. That this was actually the case is explicitly stated in his Pithapuram plates. We are there told that Vira-Chôḍa was recalled by Kulôttunga I. (v. 25), but sent to Vêngi again in the fifth year (v. 26). The occasion when he was recalled was evidently the appointment of Chôdaganga in A.D. 1084, and "the fifth year" must mean the fifth year after Vira-Chôda's recall, i.e. A.D. 1088-89. This explanation is in perfect accordance with the fact that the Têki plates are dated A.D. 1086-87. The fact that two years earlier, viz. in the seventeenth year of Kulôttunga I. the Chellûr plates are silent regarding the intervening governorship of Chôḍaganga, and that the Pithapuram plates allude to it without mentioning his name, suggests that he had discredited himself with his father and had been on bad terms with his brother Vira-Chôḍa. The subjoined Table shows the relationship and the dates of the three successive governors of Vêngi.
Kulottunga-Chôḍa I.;
married Madhurântakî.
Rajaraja alias Rajaraja alias Mummadi-Choda; Chôdaganga; A.D. 1084 to 1088-89. A.D. 1077 to 1078.
335
Vira-Choda;
A.D). 1078 to 1084 and 1088-89 to at least 1092-93.
Vikrama-Choda. Three other sons.
Chôdagangadéva (1. 80), surnamed Rajaraja (1. 78), bore the traditional titles Sarvalôkasraya, Vishnuvardhana, etc. (11. 76-78), and (like his younger brother Vira-Chôḍa) resided at Jananathanagari (1. 81), which Mr. Krishna Sastri proposes to identify with the modern Rajamahendri. He addresses the edict contained in this inscription to the inhabitants of the country between the Mannêru (river) and the Mahendra (mountain) (1. 83). These must have been the northern and southern boundaries of the Vengi province. The Mahêndra mountain is in the Ganjam district near the Mandasa Railway Station, and the Mannêru river passes Singarayakonda, now a Railway Station in the Kandukûr tâluka of the Nellore district. The king's edict does not, as usual, refer to a grant of land; it confers certain honorary privileges on the
South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. I. p. 82.
Above, Vcl. V. p. 71,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VI.
descendants of the Teliki family (1. 92). These were subdivided into a thousand families, ten of which are mentioned by name (1. 90 f.), and were hereditary servants of the Eastern Chalukya family (v. 38 f.). They were believed to have immigrated with the mythical king Vijayaditya of Ayodhya' (v. 40) and to have settled at Vijayavâţa (the modern Bezvada), which seems to have been the former capital of the Eastern Chalukyas (v. 41).
The Bhavanarayana temple at Bapatla bears two inscriptions (Nos. 189 and 192 of 1897), dated in Saka-samvat 1076 and recording gifts by two merchants who were members of the Teliki thousand (Toliki-vêvuru). The first of these merchants belonged to the subdivision (gôtra) of the Musunullu, and the second to that of the Velandunúllu, who are perhaps identical with the Velumanallu of the Téki plates (1. 90). I sabjoin the beginning of the second inscription; that of the first is identical with it. It will be seen from the following transcript that this caste claims to have ruled over the towns of Ayodhya and Bejavâla, with both of which it is associated also in the Téki plates (v. 40 f.).
Svasti [1]Y[8]ma-niyama-[dharmma]-på(pa)ri (ya®]ņa-[B]rahma-sambhba(bha) va-MannViarias-[i]di-sa(sa)kala-[sastra]-visaradulun Ganakapuray-Ayodhyapura-Galja]pur-adhinayakulu[m] Satya-sauch-abhimanalu [s]uru-deva-pAd-ArAdhakalu Paulasti-bhagavati-sthanapra[i]ishti(shthi)tulu si(sajhasra-sakh-anvaya-gotrul=aina srima[d"]-Bejavala-sa(sa)sanul= wina Teliki-vévurayamdu Velamdunulla gôtrumd=aina Sūri[se]tti, etc.
'The composer and the writer of the Teki plates (1. 108 f.) were the same persons as in the Gilau of the Chellar plates (1. 114) and the Pithapuram plates (1. 280) of Vira-Choda.
TEXT.3
First Plate. 1 श्रीमान] अगत्रयमिदं हरिरादिदेव[:] स्रष्टु' विरिचिमसजबिजनाभि
पचात् [1] तस्मादभूत किल महामुनिरपिरस्मा2 चूडामणिः पुररिपोरदितसुधांशः ॥ १] तस्माद्बुधः' ततचक्रवर्ती
पुरुरवा()स्तस्मादायुस्तती नहुष]: तती ययातिः त. 3 [स]: पूरः ततो जनमेजयः ततः प्राचीमः ततसैन्ययातिः ततो हय.
पतिः ततस्माबभौमः ततो जयसेन[स्ततो] महाभौ* मः तस्मादेशानकः ततः क्रोधाननः ततो देवकिः तस्मादभुकः तस्माद
चकः ततो मतिवरः ततः कात्यायनः ततो नील: [त]तो 5 दुवंतः ततो भरतस्ततो भूमन्युस्ततो हस्ती ततो विरोचनः तस्मादज.
मीलस्तत(त)संवरणस्ततमुधन्वा ततः परिचित् ततो 6 भीमसेनः ततः प्रदीपनः ततशंतनुः ततो विचित्रवीर्यः ततः पाण्डराजः
ततः पाडवाः तेषु वंशकरादर्जनादभिमन्युः
1 Compare 1. 8 of this inscription, and the translation in South-Ind. Insor. Vol. I. p. 58. . In L. 98 the same town is mentioned as Vijayavata.
From the original copper plates. • This word in preceded by symbol, for which see the accompanying Plate; read Aero. • Bead ve fefefe.
• In the letter the vowel-sign is attached to either .. 7 The rules of eandhi are not always observed in the following prose passage up to तसादुदयन: (1.7). • The two nisargar betore पाखुराण: and पाचवा: have been entered subsequently. • Read °दर्जुना.

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No. 35.]
TEKI PLATES OF RAJARAJA-CHODAGANGA.
7 तत: परिचित् ततो जनमेजयः ततः क्षेमुकः ततो नरवाहनस्ततश्शतानीकः तस्मादुदयनः [*] ततः प्रभृत्यविच्छिन्न[सं]ता[ने]
8 वयोध्यासिंहास [न] [सी[ने] ष्वेकान्रषष्टिचक्रवर्त्तिषु गतेषु तद्देश्यो विजयादित्यो नाम राजा विजिगीषया दक्षिणापथं गत्वा
9 त्रिलोचनपज्ञवमधितिष्य दैवदुरीहया लोकांतरमगमत् [1"] तस्मिन् संकुले पुरोहितेन वृद्धामात्यैव
10 साईमंतर्व्वनी तस्य महादेवी 'मुडिवेम [न] [माग्रहारमुपगम्य तद्द [T]स्तव्येन विष्णुभहसोमयाजिना दुहि
11 तुनिर्व्विशेषमभिरचिता : विष्णवर्द्धनं नंदनमसूत [*] सा च कुमारकस्य कुलक्रमोचितानि कर्म [T]णि कारयित्वा
12 तमवर्द्धयस[त्]' च मात्रा विदितवृत्तांतो निर्गत्य चलुक्यगिरौ नंदाभगवतीं गौरीमाराद्ध्य कुमारनारायणमातृगण[च] सं
13 तर्प्य श्वेतातपचैकशंखपंचमहाशब्दादीनि कु[ल ] क्रमागतानि निक्षिप्तानीव साम्राज्यचिह्नानि समादाय कडंबगंगादिभूमि
14 पार्श्विजित्य [से] तुनदामध्यं दक्षिणा [प]थं पालयामास [ ॥ * ] तस्यासीजियादित्यो विष्णुवर्धनचूपतेः [*] पल्लवान्वयज[T]या
15 म[ह]दिव्याश्च नंदनं " [॥ २* ] तत्सुतः पुलकेशिवनभ: [1 "]
तत्पुत्रः
कीर्त्तिवम्मा' [1] [a]स्य तनयः श्रीमतां सकलभुवन संस्तूयमानमानव्य16 सगोत्रोणां'. हारीतिपुत्रोणां कौशिकीवरप्रसादलब्ध राज्यानामश्वमेधाव [ख]थ[व] नपवित्रीकृतवपुषां चालुक्याना" कुलम
17 (लम) लंकरिष्णस्प्रत्याश्रयवल्लभेद्रस्य " भ्राता कुम्नविष्णुवईनोष्टादश वर्षाणि वेंगीदेशमपालयत् [*] तत्सुतो जयसिंह [व]
18 ल[भ* ] स्त्रयस्त्रिंशतम् [1*] [त] दनुज इंद्रभट्टारकस्सप्त दिनानि [*] तत्सुतो वि[ष्णु]वर्द्धनो नव वर्षाणि [*] तत्सूनुगियुवराजः पंचविंशतिं " [*]
1 The four other published inscriptions which contain this passage read मुडिबेमु Read f.
• Read यत् । स च.
• Read नंदन:.
• Read पुत्राणां.
11 Cancel the amusedra after पो.
at the beginning of the next were added subsequently.
Second Plate; First Side.
19 तत्पुत्रो जयसिंहस्त्रयोदश [1*] तदवरजः कोकिलिष्यण्मासान् [*] भ्राता विष्णुवर्धनस्तमुञ्च [T]व्य सप्तत्रिंशतं [*] तत्पुत्री
तस्य
• Read भूपते.
• Read "सगोचार्या.
10 Read
13 The at the end of this line and the 13 The anusedra of fe is repeated at the beginning of the next plate.
• Read पानिव्वित्य
7 Read वर्मा.
337
तस्य
2 x

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20 विजयादित्योष्टादश [1 " ]
[VOL. VI. तत्तनयो विष्णु[व] ईन [ष्प ] ट्चिंशतम् [1"] तत्सुतो नरेंद्रमृगराजोष्टाचत्वारिंशतं ' [*] तत्सुतः कलिविष्णुवर्धनो21 ध्यईवर्ष [*] तत्सुतो गुणगविजयादित्यश्चतुश्चत्वारिं [श* ] तम् [*] तद्वातुर्व्विक्रमादित्यस्य तनयश्चालुक्यभीमस्त्रिंशतं [*] तत्सुतः को
22 [वि] गण्डविजयादित्यष्यण्मासान् [*] तत्सुतो राजस्ाप्त [*] तत्तनय बालमुच्चाव्य ताडपो मासमेकं [ *] तं जित्वा विक्रमादित्य [ ए ]कादश 23 मासान् [।*] ततस्ताडपराजसुतो युद्धमल्लस्सप्त [*] तमु [च][व्य देशादम्मराजानुजो राजभीमो [इ]ादश [1*] तत्सूनुरम्मराजः पंचविंशतिं [1 *]
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
तस्य
24 द्वैमातुरो दाननृपस्त्रीणि [1*] ततस्तप्तविंशतिवर्षाणि दैवदुरीहया गोमहिरनायिका [भू]त् [*] ततो दानान्नवसुतश्शक्ति
25 वर्त्मनृपो द्वादश ॥ ततस्तदनुजस्तप्त वत्सरान् भूतवत्सलः [*] विमलादित्यभूपालः पालयामास मेदि [नीं] । [३*] तत्तनयो न
26 यशाली जयलक्ष्मीधाम 'राजराजनरेंद्रश्चत्वारिंशतमब्दा (न्) नेकं च पुनही - मपालयदखिलां । [ ४* ] यो रूपेण म[नोभ] -
27 वं विशदया कात्य [1] कलाना[निधिं] भोगेनापि पुरंदरं विपुलया' लक्ष्मा च लक्ष्मीधरं [। *] भीमं भीमपराक्रमेण विहसन्
28 भाति स्म भास्वद्यथा [ : * ] श्रीमत्सोमकुलैकभूषणम [णि] हनैकचिंतामणिः । [५*] राजासावनुरूपरूपविभवाममंग्गना
29 ना भुवि प्रख्यातामुपयच्छति स्म विधिवद्देवीं जगत्पावनीं [1"] या जोरिव ज[T]ह्नवी हिमवतो गौरीव लक्ष्मीरिव क्षी
30 रोदाद्दिवसेशवंशतिलकाद्राजेंद्रचीडादभूत् । [६*] पुत्रस्तयोरभवदप्रति[घा]वशक्तिं निश्शेषितारिनिवहो महनीयकीर्त्तिः [* ]
31 गंगाधराद्रिस्तयोरिव कार्त्तिकेयो राजेंद्र [चो] ड इति राजकुलप्रदीपः । [७*] भासामुन्नतिहेतुं प्रधमं वेंगोश्वरत्वम
32 ध्यास्य [*] यस्तेजसा दिगंतानाक्रमत सहस्रभानुरुदयमिव । [८* ] उद्यच्चण्डतरप्रतापदहनप्लुष्टाखिलद्वेषिणा सर्व्वान् के
33 रलपा[य] कुंतलमुखाविज्र्जित्य देशान् बलादान [1] 0 मौलिषु प्रीतिस्तत्सु [दि]शा[सु]
भूभृतां
भयरुजा चित्तेषु दु [ ध]सां
The u ofis expressed twice.
The T is entered below the line.
5 Read नरेंद्र: । चवा.
7 The syllables y and I are written on erasures.
• Read प्रथमं.
The त of शतं is entered below the line.
• Read दानार्णव.
● Read कांव्या.
• Read शक्तिनि
30 Read बलात् । चाज्ञा.

Page #402

Teki plates of Rajaraja-Chodaganga; dated in the seventeenth year (of Kulottunga 1.).
PA
ఆదరింజ తనంతరం అద868 కరణ:24685తిని దంతపంలోని కాయ కారం తమ గాత Aut జనజమత: ఆసుయంతో అందరిని
ఆకృతం పాడనా మరనశ్యతం:ఆ తరువాత ఆయన అన్యాతో
తనంతలు అనిత : అనామవాంతతన్ని తరవాత తనతత్వంతో కను:తతలంతత తను:వావివ తతహతహశనాని మన తలతనమయిత:
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ASSISయాలో తగతతం పలికారణం సృహతపల్లి అతత్మలి మనవారలకు నష్టం
కలు వాలి కలియునా
ప్రతి వ్యసనానంతసంతృత పక్షంజ్యోతిని వారింట | 12 తమకయనను జత కతనలు
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నాస్తవారం దశలవాతం వాల్యుబాలను సంతం సతమల్కోవాలనుకునేవారంతంలో 20 18 ప్రయతలను అనుసరిస్వతంతతy.వారు
PUB2/01 అస్త్రీయత కోసం సన్నాసత్రంలో 20 || 22/032 ప్రతవిక క్రానికి
సంతాపంత్రంతా 155వ తత్తతోసిపోగలికలు
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అనుసరింత సుని
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
E. HULTZSCH.
SCALE -58

Page #403

sthal
వృక్ష చక్రం ఏ కాక హారతిని విహారం 38 ఉపాసన కర్మ కాక నా అసత్వరం లేక లేక ఆ క్రియను సతతద్గతం తనిని ఎతగవు గివిత్రయ 40. ఒక రేవు జయా 2 Y EASY & రామ ప్రసాదా ! అసఐ2వ శతొలకగ్రత ఇవృత్తాతా. రంజిత్రా మనోభశ్రీతసరసపు తళ్లి గొలిగిన యజ్ఞ ఆరిస్థి 42 సరి కొసరనీస తరముఖ మిత్ర ద క దిగువ వారి భూమజ్ఞరి కొంత పాత బోదికొండ: అదిత్రాన్నం, నేత్రోడు కళను కడగతాత తండ 44. శ్రీ జనాభా కన్నా శాఖలు కుశలమ శ్రీ వక్తల ఎంపిక శ్రీ విదిలో కుంగు; అణజ్యమన్నా తజ్ఞతనియోగ లోని మురత్య తనయ అవితపు జల లస్సి మునయనను కవిత 26శాస్త్ర క్ర 4. వినియుదరమణం వ్యాకులత ల జ శ్రధారి తనతోందని వైద్య లావో ..ను లావృకల యాతస్మ 14. ఎ& లక్లిష్ట రాయన ద్రవీభిర్మల ప్రితాలనా గనియ/నీటిలో దిళ్ళా అశక్ తాతెకరాలో బాడితయాల్ ప్రీత్ సీతా కనుసన ర 18 ) సుతారి రతుల తగల గోడగా ప్రమాత్రలు రాజవశనూరి పోయవిజనక ఆ రోజు రానా దేనని సీత మరియూజర్ పై గత జనవిశ్రుతాతలికన్ ఎల్ ఒక జీవి తనిక! 52 & UV శరేకం గిరిఎకిల్. డయఇనా gey శివరాత్రి రాజతరం: సీత మురిసిపోతునితో శభ్రపరచక్రము ఒక రకం అని రసన్నా
46.
50
iib.
"" : : : :
ఆ డ్రత
శ్ర: చిశాఖ ప్రజల అఆయనకమివలనో ఈ చిన్నాసయాత శూణయాతను:సక్త్రం నది కన్న దరిసరాలకి పత్రి చ జనప్రియ ముద్ర కఃవిశ్లేగ్రత ల:ఇ అవల తపస్తదా వేస్త్రన వరం త్రినేత్ర ఎగ 58 ఏరగతుడై సితాక్షలతోనే ఈ ఖరిద్దరు. సంతంపులూ తి: క్ర ఆత్రం: కొనాతీర తల్లి పద్దతం పరిప్రశహడలగలా ప్రకారం తరు అతనంటావే అతడతతు జయను అవతీత్రివని మరలి | శనగన ఖరికి శని కలికవరుని సిరలుకలున్న ఆ 12వరకు రాత్రి. శన కని అలగ్నం కనిపిస్తను గదా బృంగిరి?మక లోక వ్యక్షత శిష్ఠులకైతునువ్రాశజరఖాలిను:ఖాలో age ప్రేమ అన్నదామరాజనిస్త అజ్మన్ నిశ్రీ అఖిలను ప్రదరంగంలో విశదీక్షని విసనకాల తరితలంతే. - చరణగానా గారినో కార్లు అవడని ఒక కంది ఇంక సత్వమే. ఆనంద రెడ్డి కవి సరళా స్త్రీ బార ఐర డ్డార మతానని
6.
iiia.

Page #404

No. 35.]
TEKI PLATES OF RAJA RAJA-CHODAGANGA.
339
34 की[f]रतुला येनाय॑ितोज्जभते । [*] भोगीशाभीलभोगप्रतिमनिजभुज[]
भर्सितात्यंत[बिभ्यबानाभूपाललो35 काहितबहुविधा[न]ग्र्घरत्नाभिरामं [*] धत्ते मौलिं पराी [म]
हति नृप[कुले यः कुलोत्तुंगदेवो' देवेंद्रत्वाद36 नूने सुरपतिमहिमा चोडराज्यभिषिक्तः । [१०*] प्रख्यातभूभृत्कुल
जन्मभाजपदाभिमुख्यस्मरसाः प्र[सबाः [*] त.
Second Plate; Second Side. 37 स्याभवन् 'पास्थिवपुंग्गवस्य देव्यशुभा नद्य इवांबुराशेः । [११]
आत्मानुरूपैर[थ] त[T]सु लब्बैद्देवीषु' देवप्रति[म]: 38 कुमारैस्म' नंद्यमानो नरदेववंद्यैनं 'हसत्योककुमारमीशं । [१२]
आत्मेवेद्रियवर्ग सुतवर्ग तेषु 39 तेषु वि[व]येषु [*] क्रमशस्म नियंजानी मुम्मडिचोडं कुमारमित्यवदत्
[१३] वत्स वेंमीमहीराज्यम्प्रया [दि]40 ग्विजयैषिणा [*] मत्पितव्ये पुरा न्यस्त्रं विजयादित्यभूभुजि [॥ १४१]
स चं' पंचदशैवाब्द[*]न् पंचाननपराक्रमः [*] महीं रक्षन् म. 41 हीनाथो दिवं देवोपमो गतं [॥ १५*] इत्युक्त्ता तां धुरं दत्ता
गुरुणा चक्रवर्तिना [*] असद्यतहियोगोपि विनयादहति [स्म] 42 सः । [१६] श्रीपादसेवामुखतो गुरुणाब' जातु राज्यं सुखमित्यवेक्ष्य
[1] संरक्ष्य वेंगीभुवमेकमब्दं भूयस्म पित्रोरग43 मत्समीपं । [१७*] ततस्तदनुजो धीरो वीरचोडकुमारकः [*] आदिष्टी
गुरुणा चातुं वेंगीभुवमुपागमत् । [१८*] तेन भ्रातृषु पू. 44 वजस्य चरणांभोज प्रणामात्थिना भक्त्यानमनिजोत्तमांगमनुजं तृष्णाव
तालिंगितुं [*] शुश्रूषाविधिलंपटेन च गुरोः 45 पादांबुजध्यायिना नीतास्तातनियोगलंघनभिया वत्सेन षड़त्सराः । [१८*]
इत्थं गुरुवातसमाणमैकमनीरवं तं। तनय46 बयन्त्रः [] निजांतिक निर्जितभूमिपालस्ममानयन्मामवदेवदेव: ॥ [२०]
चामजं गुणोदग्रं शास्त्रनं शस्त्रकोविद [1] नयचं"
1 The word aat is entered below the line
. Read पायिव. • Read लबहवौषु. • Read कुमारः । स.
• Read हसत्येक. • Read °बॅट्रिय.
7 Read सच; ther of पंच is entered below the line. • Read गत: • Read गुरुया न.
10 The 7 is entered below the line is entered below the line. 1 Read wuro.
- Read 'कोविदं. # The annuudra stands at the beginning of the next line.
232
h

Page #405

340
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. VI.
47 विनयाधारमुदारमुदितोदितं' । [२१] 'शंभोशंचपदांभीजचमरीभूतचेतसं
[*] धार्मिकर्मिलाचारं चालुक्यकुलभूषणं] [॥ २२*] 48 वाचां वाचस्पतिं 'लच्या विक्रमेण त्रिविक्रम [*] प्रज्ञातृतीयनेत्रण
निर्मलन त्रिलोचनं । [२३] गाभीर्यण' महाभीधिं महोबत्य[7] 49 महीधरं [*] लोकानंदितया 'चंद्रं तेजसा 'तिम्नतेजसं [॥ २४*]
. भूभारभरणक्षांत्या भुजगानामधीखरं [*] तुलयतं कल[7]50 भिन्नं चोडगंगं प्रियात्मजं [॥ २५*] राजीवलोचनो राज्ञामयं रा[जा]
भवेदिति [*] राजराज[1]भिधानेन सार्थेनाइय सादरं [॥ २॥"]
क.
सामव
51 तप्रणाममाथि अत्यवेदी कृतांजलिं [*] विक्रमाक्रांतभूचक्रचक्रवर्तीदम
ब्रवीत् । [२७] अस्ति प्रशस्तज[7]तीनां रवानामिव 52 वारिधि: [*] जन्मभूमिश्चलुक्यानां देशो वेंगीति वि[श्रु]त: [॥ २८१]
तत्रोदय इवासाद्य प्र[हा] इव महोबतिं [*] अध:कुर्ब:ति म. 53 [६]श्यास्तुंगानपि महीनृतः" । [२८] सर्वामुर्चीमशंत" रक्षितुं ते वेंगी
देश सिंहपी[3]ासनस्य [*] नानाभूभृमौलिरबालि-13
Third Plate; First Side. 64 चक्र: पादानवीर्धाजता राजराण । [३०] पातालं पाति यावत्वमिव"
पणिपति गयूथै55 कनाधी" यावत्सःसेव्यमानो विबुधगणपतै कनाधोपि" नाकं [1] तावत्वः"
रक्ष धात्री निशि56 "तनिजभूजस्कारकौक्षेयधारावारिप्रक्षालितारिच्छलमलविमलीभूतदिकचक्रवा-" 57 ल: [॥ ३१] इत्याशिर्ष नृपसुतस्य नृपादवाय्य सत्याशिषस्तदनु"
मातुरभी प्रणम्य [*] देशविज जिग58 मिषोरगमहिगतान् प्रस्थानशंखपटुमंगलतूर्यघोषः । [१२] ध्वस्ता वैरि
दशानिशा प्र
1 The ansandra is expressed twice.
- Read "म्युंभ. - Read 'कवि
• The is entered below the line. Bend hitos. • Read मही.
The anusodra of is expressed twice. • Read तिग्म.
. The angedra is corrected from visarga. • Read 'कुति . 11 Read :
Resd °मचतं. 1 Read 'भन्मौलि. " Read यावत्वमिव फपि.
- Read °माथी यावत्संसे. M Read माथीपि. " Read साववं.
18 Read ouro. " Rad दिकचक्र'.
» The akaharas are entered below the line.

Page #406

No. 35.]
TEKI PLATES OF RAJARAJA-OHODAGANGA.
341
59 तिहतं ध्वांतं हिषच्छजक वैरिस्त्रीककुभांगणादपगता हारच्छलास्तारकाः
[*] ताप60 व्याजहुताशनी रिपुवधूहमर्यकांतेष्वभूहेंगीदेशमहोदयोव61 तिमति श्रीराजराजे रवौ । [३३] शाकाब्दे रसखांबरदुगणिते ज्येष्ठेच
मासे सिते पक्षे पूर्वतिधौ' । 62 दिने सुरगुरोज्येष्ठां शशांके गते [1] सिंह लग्नवरे समस्तजगतीराज्या
भिषिक्तो मुदै लोक63 स्योद्दहति स्म पदृमनघ[:*] श्रीराजराजो विभुः । [३४] भूलोकादुदिता
महोबतिमती दिनण्ड64 लव्यापिनी संक्रांताखिलसत्पधा' परिगता लोकानधो नपि' [*] सन्मार्गा
चलितां भुवीह पतितां' 65 पश्चादधोगामिनी गंगां कीर्तिरमंगलप्रमधनी' यस्यातिशेततरां ॥ ३५"]
कोदण्डे रामभद्राद्रिपुकुलद66 लने भागवानंदरानेस्मार यास्त्रांबुराशौ कलशभवमुनर्विक्रमे वायुसूनीः [*] यस्मादबन्धा
Third Plate; Second Side. 67 पसर्पप्रमथनगिलनो[घ]नावृत्तिशंकी नूनं रखाकरोय. प्रदिशति बहुशो
रबराशीन् विचित्रान् ॥ ३६"] यः पुन63 रिक्षतेजोधिकतया मध्यमलोकपालोयमिति लोकेन लोकपालमह बहुमतोपि
गोत्रवई69 नतया पतिविशाल[कीर्तिर्गोत्रभेदनप्रवादिनी वृत्रशत्रीसमस्तभुवनाश्रय[:.]
खात्रयप्रदा70 हिनी दहनात् [*] वदान्यकुलमान्यपुण्यचरितो दक्षिणाशावलंबनशीलपरि
पालिन: कालात् । सकलविबुधसम[1]ज11 संसेव्यमानो विबुधविपचतो राच[साधी[ख] रात । विक्रमाक्रांत
निखिलभूभुवनो लुब्धकादिव वन[मात्र]गोच72 रा[६]रुणात् [*] "भुवनभवरक्षणास्थित[स्थे]र्यकोटिमंततचपलखभावात
प्रभंजनात् [1] सकललोकीपभोगसपलीक्वतध-"
1 Read छत्रकं. • Read ज्येष्ठेच.
• Read पूर्थतिषी. • Read सिंह. • Read सत्पथा.
• Read euato. 7 The ansiedra stands at the beginning of the next line.
• Read प्रमथनी. . Read रोयं.
* The akakaras à are written on an ertsure. 11 A second 7 is written above the 7 st the beginning of the line. 1 The of is corrected from 1 The upper stroke of the ai of uw is missing.
" Read "सफलौं.

Page #407

342
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
73 नसंचयो निष्फल(ल)धनसंग्रहाइनखरात [*] निखिललोकनिर्व्याजबान्धवो
*दनदैकमित्राहिरिधन्व74 न: [*] यश्च बहु(ब)श्रुतिरखिलभूभुवनभारभरणलीलातुलितादपि श्रुतिविही
नाचक्षु:]75 श्रवसामधीखरात' [*] अखि*]ण्डितसत्तम[ण्ड]लो जगदाडादनवि[धि]स
धर्मणोपि खण्डितसहत्ताच्च 'मंशलक्ष्म76 णो गुणविशेषाभिन[1]नमहनीयमतिमहिना महाजनेन नूनं बहुमन्यते ।
स सर्वलोकाथ77 यश्रीविष्णुवईनमहाराज[1]धिराजो राजपरमेश्वरः परममाहेश्वरः परमभट्टा
रकः परमब्र78 झण्यो राजराज इत्यन्वितापरनामधेयानंदितसकलदिमण्डलो मंडलेखर
मौलिविलसितचरणा79 रविंदरेणुस्मकलभुवनसंस्तयमानविशदविशालयशोराशिविशदोकताशेषदिक्चक्रवा
लचक्रव
80 तिलक्षणाभिराम[:*] श्रीचोडगंगदेव: सकलधरातलसाम्राज्यलीलासुखमनुभवन् कदाचित् कुलराज
Fourth Plate; First Side. 81 धान्या जननाधनामनगामशेषभुवनाभ्यंतरापूरणातिरिक्तनिजयशोराशिशंकां
जनय82 त: कैलासशैलविलासिनस्ममुत्तुंग्ग[शि] खरस्य' सौधस्यास्थानभूमौ सकलसामंत
चक्रप्रमुख83 न परिवारण परितस्मेव्यमानः म बे]टिमहेंद्रमध्यवर्तिनो राष्ट्रकूटप्रमुखान्
कुटिबिनस्स84 |न् समाइय मंत्रिपुरोहितसेनापतियुवराजदौवारिकप्रधानसमक्षमित्थमान[T]
पय86 ति । यथा [*] मंति मइंशभूपालपादपद्मोपजीविनः [*] भृत्याः
त्यविधौ दक्षा: शौर्यादिगुणशालिनः । [३७*] तमध्ये 86 परया भक्त्या शक्त्या च प्रज्ञया सदा [*] मदीयान्वयभूपालचित्तारा
धनतत्परा: [॥ ३८] निजैरत्यैर्विजैः॥ प्राणै
I Read °वरात्. + Rad धन.
I Read रात्. • Read शश.
. The aksharas fat are entered below the line. • Read धान्यां जननाथ'. The akaharas शिखर are written on an erasure. . Read ou.
• Read कुटुंबि. 1. The ait is entered below the line.
11 Read ca

Page #408

Teki plates of Rajaraja-Chodaganga; dated in the seventeenth year (of Kulottunga L.).
istb.
అని తనలనాల వివాహం సంతోకాయిల క
న్నా 68 | 65తని శతమ ప్రమద లోయలలో నలోకంలో పలు పుకారిపోవడం
సతమాతలతనంత్ర అస్సలు వూత్రంత్రము 70 | నా తలను తనవంతోడు నాతల కాలం నతనంలో శంతి బరసత్వం
లుకావాలంవాలు తన చిత్రం తనివి తవుత్వం తన 72 | కరతణువనవలనోకలకమణ పాతరలలనాల తలలోగలనాగసంతర | అని నాలు ఆరవసాగలదనికంత ఇలలో నిత్వానశ్య త , 74 || నెయ్యంతర అలవనునొంత అతి సైతం | ||తని మురికత పట్టి తన్వితములోనివల్లా వివి సతతలు తనంత తలపు 701 MSసత్యయములు 15న తుస్త్రత స్వతంత్ర
కొలిచిరక సము అని 20 నిమ్మరులమత తులశమునకలతలే ! 78 19 వనిత ఇంత తలశసముతమున తనిశం ఇలా తల లో తు తన
19-50 సకలను తనని స్త్రీయమునలివి విలయ ఈవలిత అతితకు ఎంత 80 12పస్తా తన సత:నిశలవంతల
నా లాను వినువార్వశత్వం 2014
iva,
నలుననాయనారు నగవంతుకలను వనితతంలో వారు ని 82 10లోని లలిలాసపత్ర సదసంస్థన, సవలసవతలకలు! - లలోని తపన కనికంతో
మంచి సన్ని, 84 వ సతతములు ఇంతసిసల ఆయన నివారింత్రత నిత్య ము ..
యసము తలలపైలిన పుత్ర శత వివాడు మన పని కావ్యను త్య | 86 | వంతు పత్రని సమయానయంగలాల వాలింత సిత కృతి:
నాత్రతో 10 | 16వng
యువలనా స్తనలానే ఆరంతర 88 1 న
యం నయనికి సమాయత: ది సమne is ముని పై సతత ససనిపమ్మనుల నిమిత్తం 90 1 యవాసపురం :యువుపన్యారాయాలుం ప్రణలను
అల కొనసrser/లు అని ఇలా 92 | సరసన లతల వేపపువ్వింతుని ఆరా!
నియండం వింటర్ ప్రసం మరిన్ని
E. HULTZSCH.
SCALE BB
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

Page #409

tv.
94 | ఆవాహన స్వరంతర పత్రమునసాగ ర
ఇరని నలివునమ్మ వసను 200లతుత సం. 96 | సమగలయలనాతరుణశనశలో తంత్రణననము కరువుగల సమగతముదునాలుగవు. 1888 59
6 న కోక P3 | నిద్మవాత ఎదుటి
యతనం ఆయతనో బృ దమ్మఅ లవాం, 100 | ఎనిది నా తత్ర వరివసం కవనశృతదేవతను
తనయును సందమాత నలుపలకు తల 102 అయ్యయతరతరతోయం ప్రాంతాల తయాఃలంత 120
అటు నా నావనలు కకారాదత్యంత
ము ఆ తరతరత్వం ఆంతం తుదర్శనంత సంచలన - తీత అన్నంతో పాటు శయ విన్యాలు అందం 106 అతను చదివిన పనిని విరమణ
-ఈ పని అన్నాను అయియున్నామని తాను 108 విజయవ అనడం పూత ఇస్స పలశg: | విషయ
: తమన్నాతత || -

Page #410

No. 35.]
TEKI PLATES OF RAJARAJA-CHODAGANGA.
343
87 बिक्रमाद्यग्गुणैर्बिजै [*] ये चालुक्यक्षितीशानां प्रस्तावप्रतिपालिनः
[॥ ३८*] अयोध्य]धिोखरणा88 दो दक्षिणाशाजयैषिणा [*] ये सहैव समायाता) विजयादित्यभू89 भुज[1] [॥ ४.*] रा[ज]वंशावतंसाना' राजधान्या महीभुजं[1] [*]
पुरो विजयवाटेया' 90 ये वास्तव्यकुटुंबिन: । [४१*] ये च वेलुमनूलु पत्तिपालु नरियू.
लु कुमुडालु म. 91 ecenesलु पोवण्ड्लु स्रावकुलु उण्ड लु अनुमगोण्डलु अड्डनू लु
इत्यादि कु]92 [ल]सहसभेदप्रसिद्धाः तेलि[कि कुललब्धजन्मान:*] खधर्मकर्मनिष्ठितमनस
[स्ते]षाम93 मीषां विजयवाटप्रमुखनिखिलपुरनगरग्रामपट्टनप्रभृ
Fourth Plate; Second Side. 94 तिषु स्थानेषु सर्वेषु विवाहोत्सवेषु प्रवर्तमानेषु मिधुनस्य' वी[थो]षु
तुरगा. 95 रोहणेन पर्यटनमध' विवाहोत्सवावसाने राजश्रीपादमूले महाग्र्घ 96 वासीयुगलु मिथाय प्रणतानामेषां कनकपात्रेण तांबूलप्रदानं च पू. 97 वमर्यादा[स]मागतमधुना परमभकिपरितोषितैरम[*]भिराचंद्राक 98 शासनीकत्य दत्तमिति विदितमस्तु वः [*] धोयमसाइंशजे: पा99 र्थिवैः प्रयत्नेन पालनीयं॥ [*] शत्रुणापि कती धर्मः पालनीयो 100 मनीषिणां [*] शत्रुरेव हि शत्रु:*] "स्याहर्मशत्रुर्ब कस्यचित्
४२*] धर्मात् पैज101 वनो राज[1] चिराय बुभुजे भुवं" [*] “अधम्माच्चैव नहुषः प्रतिपदे
रसातल [] [४३*] 102 य[:*] स्वयं कुरुति] धर्म यश्च पाति कृतं [प]रेः [*] तया:
पालयिता श्रेष्ठ इति
| Read गुणचिन: . Read °सानां.
Read "वाटाया. The fc is entered below the line. The of is entered below the line. 6 Read मिथुनस्थ.
Read °मध.
Read 'युगलं निधाय. • Resd भक्ति
* The anusoara stands at the beginning of the next live. 1 Read 'नौय:
" Read खाई. 1 The anusvdra is corrected from visarga.
- Read पवा . - Read 'तलं.
Is Read तयी:

Page #411

344
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. VI.
103 प्राहुर्मनीषिणः ॥ ४४.] [ध]माहिवईते राज्य' धर्मात् कीर्तिच __ शाश्वती । धमा["] तृ
Fifth Plate. 104 प्यति [पित]रो धर्मात्तुष्यंति देवता[:] । [४५] तस्माधर्माः' प्रयत्नेन
रक्षणीयो म[ही]105 क्षितो' [*] स्वकतोन्यवतो वापि लोकहयहितैषिणा ॥ [४६'] स्वदत्तां
परदत्तां वा यो 106 हरेत वसुन्धरां [1] षष्टिं वर्षसहस्राणि विष्ठायां जायते क्वमिः
[॥ ४७*] बहुभिर्व107 मुधि] दत्ता बहुभिश्चानुपालिता [*] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य
तदा फ108 लं ॥ [४८*] श्रीविजयराज्य[सं]वत्सर' सप्तदशे दत्तस्यास्य शासन[स्य] [T]
ज्ञप्ति: कटकाधिपः कर्ता 109 विद्दय(भ)भट्टः लेखक[:] पत्राचार्यः ॥
TRANSLATION. [As far as line 36 the text is identical with that of the Pithapuram plates of Vira-Choda, 1. 1-433; above, Vol. V. pp. 74-77.]
(Verse 11.) There were to this chief of kings (vis. Kulôttunga I.) (many) virtuous queens, born in the families of renowned princes, always devoted to (him), fall of love, (and) gracious,as to the ocean (many) holy rivers, sprung from the ranges of lofty mountains, always running towards (it), full of water, (and) limpid.
(V. 12.) Rejoicing in the sons (kumara) who were born (to him) in due course by these queens, who resembled him, (and) who were worthy to be worshipped by princes, this godlike (king) surely laughs at Isa (Siva) who has (only) a single Kumara (Skanda).
(V. 13.) Appointing (his) sons in due order to different districts (vishaya), as the soul (directs) the senses to different objects (vishaya), he spake as follows to prince MummadiChoda:
(V.14.) "Dear child! Being desirous of conquering the world, I formerly conferred the kingdom of the country of Vengi on my paternal uncle, prince Vijayaditya.
(V. 15.) " And, ruling the earth for only fifteen years, this godlike prince, who resembled the five-faced (Siva) in power, has (now) gone to heaven."7
(V. 16.) Out of obedience he (Mummadi-Chôda) took up that burden (vis. the kingdom of Vengi) which (his) father, the emperor, had given him with these words, though he could not bear the separation from him.8
1 Read राज्य • Read तस्माद्धर्म:
- Read चिता. • Read 'वत्सर
. Here follow three symbols, for which see the accompanying Plate. • This verse is identical with v. 18 of the Pithapuram plates, and nearly identical with v. 14 of the Chelldr plates of Vira-Choda.
7 This verse is nearly the same as v. 14 of the Pithapuram plates and v. 15 of the Chellor plates. After it v. 15 of the Pithapuram plates is omitted, though required by the context; see above, Vol. V. p. 95, note 1.
* Verses 16 and 17 bear the same numbers in the Pithapuram and Chelldr plates.

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(V. 17.) “The kingdom (is) no pleasure at all compared) with the pleasure of worshipping the holy feet of the elders ;" having considered thus, he returned to (his) parents after having ruled the country of Vengi for one year.
(V. 18.) Then his younger brother, the brave prince Vira-Chôda, was ordered by (his) father to protect the country of Vengi (and) proceeded (there).
(V. 19.) Desirous of prostrating himself at the lotus-feet of the elder one among (his) brothers, thirsting to embrace the younger one whose head was bent in devotion to him), longing to do obeisance to (his) father and meditating on (his) lotus-feet, this poor boy spent six years in fear of transgressing the command of his father.
(V. 20.) The politic king of kings, who had subdued (all) rulers of the earth, recalled to himself that son whose only wish was thus to be united with (his) father and brothers.
(Vy. 21-27.) Then the emperor, who knew (his) duty (and) who had conquered the circle of the earth by valour, spake as follows to (his) first-born dear son' Chodaganga, having affectionately addressed (him) by the name Rajaraja (i.e. king of kings'), which was full of meaning because he thought that) this lotus-eyed one would become a king of kings, (and) having embraced (him) who had prostrated himself (and) had folded his hands :
(V. 28.) “There is a country famed by the name of Vengi, (which is) the birth-place of the noble Chalukyas, as the ocean (is) of precious pearls.
(V. 29.) « Having reached high eminence there, the members of my family overcome even mighty kings, as the planete, having risen in the east, surmount even lofty mountains.
(V. 30.) “While thou, Rajaraja, art seated on the lion-throne in the Vêngi country in order to protect the whole earth anopposed, may the lustre of (thy) feet be enhanced by clusters of gems in the diadems of many kings, as the beauty of the lotus by swarms of bees!
(V. 31.) “As long as the king of serpents (Sesha), (who is) the only lord of the snake-tribe, as thou (art) the only lord of a troop of elephants, is ruling the lower world, and as long as the lord of heaven (Indra), being worshipped by hundreds of gods and demi-gods, (is ruling) beaven, so long protect thou the earth, purifying the horizon as the impurity in the shape of enemies is washed away by the water of the edge of the sharp, large sword in thy hand!”
(V. 32.) When the prince, having thus obtained the blessing of the king (and) afterwards the true blessings of (his) mother, (and) having bowed to both, was about to start for his country, the sound of the conches (announcing his departure and of shrill auspicious bugles reached the ends of the quarters.
(V. 33.) When the glorious B&jaraja had ascended (the throne of) the Vêngi country, (as) the sun the eastern mountain, the night of enmity was dispelled; darkness in the disguise of foes was driven away; the stars in the semblance of necklaces disappeared from the firmamentthe wives of the enemios; (and) fire in the shape of sorrow sprang up in the sun-crystals the hearts of the wives of foes.
(V. 34.) In the sake year reckoned by the tastes (6), the sky (0), the atmosphere (0), and the moon (1),- (ie. 1006) in the month Jysishtha, in the bright fortnight, on the fullmoon tithi, on a Thursday, when the moon had joined Jyêshtha, in the excellent lagna Simha, the sinless lord, the glorious RAjaraja, having been anointed to the kingdom of the whole earth, pat on the tiara to the joy of the world.
1 The word agrajam occurs in l. 46 and priydtmajam in 1. 50. I omit the intervening epithets of Chádaganga, from which we learn little more than that he was a worshipper of Siva and "an ornament of the Chålukys family" (v. 22).
• The words tuigd wapi mambhritah may also contain an allusion to the Rashtraktas, who had the surname Tunga ;' see above, Vol. IV. No. 40, verse 6, and Vol. V. No. 20, verse 6.
The word dhard has to be taken also in the sense of a stream.'

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[V. 35 is identical with v. 23 of the Pithapuram plates.]
(V&36.) This ocean plentifully supplies heaps of wonderful gems, surelyt (because it) fears & repetition of its) bridging, retreating, stirring, swallowing and overleaping from him who is) a Råmabhadra in archery, a Bhargava in splitting hosta of enemies, a Mandara mountain in firmness, a pitcher-born sage in (absorbing) the ocean of sciences, (and) a son of the wind in prowess.
(LL. 67-76 illustrate by a series of vyatirêkalamkaras that the king as regent of the middle sphere was superior to the regents of the ten directions. The pun (flésha) in the word dakshinada (1.70) is particularly amusing.)
(L. 76.) While this asylum of the whole world (Sarvalókáfraya), the glorious VishnuVardhana-Mabârâjâdhiraja, the Rajaparamétvata, the devout worshipper of Mahêsvara, the Paramabharfaraka, the very pious one, who delights all regions of the world by (his) second name Rajaraja, the dust of whose lotus-feet adorns the diadems of lords of provinces (mandalesvara), whol purifies the whole horizon by the great mass of (his) pure fame that is being praised by the whole world, who is distinguished by the marks of an emperor, the glorious Chôdagangadéva, was enjoying the pleasure of the sport of ruling the whole earth, - once, being attended on all sides by the retinue consisting of the troop of all vassals, etc., in the darbúr hall of the palace, which had very lofty pinnacles, which possessed the splendour of the Kailasa mountain, (and) which produced the impression of a lump of his fame that remained after the interior of the whole world had been filled with it), at the capital of (his) family, the city (nagari) named (after) Jananátha, -called together all the Rashtrakúțas and other ryots living between the Manneru: (river) and the Mahendra (mountain) and ordered as follows in the presence of the councillors, the family priest, the commander of the army, the heir-apparent, the door-keepers and the ministers:
(V. 37.) “There are (many) servants, dependent on the lotus-feet of the kings of my family, clever in service, (and) possessing courage and other virtues.
(Vv. 38-41.) “ Among them are those who have been) always intent on pleasing the minds of the kings of my family by great devotion, strength and intelligence ; who have protected the Chalukya kings at the beginning with their riches, with their lives, (and) with their courage and other virtues; who have come already at the beginning with king Vijayaditya, the ford of Ayodhya, who was desirous of conquering the southern region; the ryots dwelling in the town Vijayavåtå, the capital of the kings (who were) ornaments of the race of the Moon (Rajarama);
(L. 90.) "And who are born in the Teliki family, whose minds are intent on the performance of their duties, (and) who are known to be divided into a thousand families such as Velumanüllu, Pattipalu, Nariyûllu, Kumudallu, Marrúllu, Povandlu, Sråvakulu, Undrullu, Anumagondalu and Addanúllu.
(L. 92.) "Be it known to you that, being pleased by (their) great devotion, we have now granted to these people by an edict (sasana), as long as the moon and the sun shall last, that when marriage festivals are celebrated at all places such as Vijayavåta and all other towns, cities,
The particle isan, 'purely,' introduces the figure (alaskdra) of poetical fancy' (usprekshd), which in the present case pertains to a cause (hétugá), vis, the fear felt by the ocean, and is founded on a series of metaphors (rúpaka), pis, the identity of the king with Rama, etc.
* These humiliating experiences the ocean had undergone successively at the hands of Rama, Parasurama, the Mandars, Agastya and Hanumat.
Manndi is the Telugu genitive of Manners.
• Compare Rdja-kula.pradipa in verse 7 of this inscription, which seems to mean the light of the race of the Moon, rather than the light of the warrior-caste, as I had translated it in South Ind. Inser. Vol. I. p. 59, verse 8.

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villages and hamlets (P), the married couple may proceed on the roads on horse-back, and that afterwards when, at the end of the marriage festival, they place a pair of valuable cloths at the feet of the king and prostrate themselves, betel will be given to them) in a golden vessel, (as) handed down by old custom.
(L. 98.) “ This gift must be assiduously protected by the kings descended from our family."
[Vv. 42-48 contain the usual admonitions to future rulers.]
(L. 108.) The djñapti of this edict, which was given in the seventeenth year of the prosperous and victorious reign, (was) the commander of the camp;' the composer Viddayabhatta; (and) the writer Pennacharys.
POSTSCRIPT. Professor Kielhorn kindly contributes the following remarks on the date of the accession of Béjarája-Chôdaganga (above, p. 345, verse 34).
"The date is irregular for Saka-Samvat 1006, both expired and current. In Saka-Samvat 1006 expired the full-moon tithi of Jysishtha ended 15 h. 27 m. after mean sunrise 'of Wednesday, the 22nd May A.D. 1084, when the nakshatra was Jyêshtha, by the equal space system for 19 h, 3 m., by the Brahma-Siddhanta for 1 h. 58 m., and according to Garga for 6 h. 34 m., after mean sanrise. Simha was lagna from 4h. 32 m. to 6 h. 41 m. after true sunrise.
"In Saka-Samyat 1006 current the same tithi ended 20 h. 36 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, the 2nd June A.D. 1083, when the nakshatra by the equal space system only was Jy&shtha, for 8 h, 32 m. after mean sunrise (while it was Mala by the Brabma-Siddhanta and according to Garga). Biroba was lagna from 3 h. 51 m. to 6 h. O m. after trae sunrise.
"The date would be irregular also for Saka-Samvat 1005 current and 1007 expired."
No. 36.- RANASTIPUNDI GRANT OF VIMALADITYA:
DATED IN THE EIGHTH YEAR.
BY V. VENKATYA, M.A. The copper-plates on which the subjoined inscription is engraved were discovered about 70 years ago whilo quarrying earth for bricks in the fields of the ancestors of a ryot in the Amalapuram taluks of the Godavari district, and are now in the possession of Valavala Jagganna who lives at Amalapuram. They were received from the Collector of Godavari throngh the Government of Madras in 1899 and will have to be returned to the owner. Dr. Haltrach has kindly permitted me to publish them.
The plates are five in number and were strong on a ring, which had not yet been out when they were received. The ring measures about 6 in diameter and about f' in thickness. Its ends are secured in a four-petalled flower, which forms the base of a ciroular seal of about 31" diameter. The seal bears, in relief on a countersank surface, the legend Sri-Tribhuwana mkusa. Below the legend is an eight-petalled flower, and above it & running boar facing the proper left. In front of the boar is an elephant-goad; behind it the crescent of the moon; and above it the san flanked by two chauria. The breadth of the plates is 101, and their height 54". Their edges are raised into rims for protooting the writing, with the exception of the first side of the first plate, which is blank, and of the second side of the fifth plate, which bears only two lines of writing. The writing is on the whole in a state of good preservation, but a number of places are damaged by verdigris.
With hofakddhipo compare kafakadhirdje, etc.; above, Vol. IV. p. 309, note 1, and Vol. V. p. 191, lnst line.
2 Y 2

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The alphabet is ancient Teluga, while the language is mostly Sanskřit verse and prose. The description of the boundaries of the village granted (11. 87-94) is in a mixture of Sansksit and Telugu prose. I would draw attention to the following points in the alphabet of the inscription. The long & after consonants is marked in different ways; compare dhå, nå, rd and há in line 1 with the små of the first tasmad- in line 3, and with the små of the second tasmade in the same line. The long & added to conjunct consonants of which the rêpha is a member is generally omitted, except in rttá of varsa-kartta (1. 4) and rhå of varshani (1. 29). The syllable ja occurs eight times in the inscription; but it is written correctly only once (in maharajadhiraja, 1. 61), while in the remaining seven cases the long d is not marked at all. Initial i occurs in 11. 55, 66 (twice), 70, 85, 87 and 97. In a large number of cases the répha is added to the i-symbol above consonants, the addition being denoted by a slight indenture at the base of the latter, e.g. in rtti (11. 4, 16, 60) and roui (11. 19, 33, 34, 41). Initial occurs in 1. 91. The secondary form of the long iis rarely distinguished from that of the short i; but in sri (11. 1, 2), si (1.3) and chi (1.5) an attempt is made to mark the length. Initial » occurs in l. 94. In combination with consonants this vowel is denoted in three different ways; compare ru (11. 1, 2, 3, 4), $u (1.2) and put (1. 3) with nmu (1.2) and tsu (1. 3), and with yu (11.3, 4, 8). The secondary form of the long û is also denoted in three different ways; compare bhů (1.1) with sú (11. 2, 3) and chú (1.2), and with trú (11.8, 30, 33), trú (1. 41) and ssú (1. 70). Initial é occurs in 11. 36, 75, 91. Combined with consonants, this vowel is denoted in two ways; compare t& (1. 3), mé (1. 4) and ka (1. 7) with jñe and né (1.2). Initial ai is found in 1. 6, and initial si in l. 7. Final k occurs in l. 68: final m in 11. 3, 37, 41, 46; final n in 11. 31, 35, 36, 41 (twice), 53, 62; and final t in 11. 17, 20, 29, 38, 52, 64, 67. In the majority of cases no distinction is made between the dental d and the lingual d; compare chudamani (1. 81) with varan-adis= (1. 83) and mad=alábhi (1. 84); but in pratidakka (1. 22), Kadamba (1. 23), Karamachódu (1. 84) and Peggada (1. 85) the loop of the dis quite distinct. The aspirate chha occurs twice in the inscription (11. 14, 59), and in both cases in conjunction with cha. In all other cases its place is taken by the unas pirated cha. Double shsha is written as if it consisted of sha and va; see 11. 32, 35 and 43. The upadhmaniya occurs in 11. 1, 4, 5 (twice), 11 (twice), 14, 15, 38, 46, 70, 73.
Of orthographical peculiarities the following deserve to be noted - The syllable ri is used for the vowel ri in Richuka for Ribhuka (twice in 1. 7), kritvå for kritva (1. 9), vritämtasfor Curittathtas= (1. 21) and "kritya for "kritya (1. 86). The syllable yi is used for initial i in yiti (1.9) and vita (11. 45, 47, 55, 56 (twice), 57, 68). G is doubled after an anusvåra in Gangg-ads (1. 23) and sanggatir= (1. 81) and before r in oggrahinas- (1. 12), and t before r in Ttrilôchana (1. 17). After r consonants are generally doubled, except in - Bhim-Arjuna- (1. 12) and nirjitya (1. 23). Sámbrájya occurs for samrájya in 1. 23.
The inscription opens with the Paurápik genealogy of the Eastern Chalukya kings (11. 1. 15) and with a legendary account of their ancestors (11. 15-25). Ll. 25-42 furnish the historical genealogy of the donor Vimaladity. The date of his coronation is given in verse 13. He is praised in general terms in vv. 14-20 and in the subsequent prose passage (11. 54-61). L. 61 f. contains the king's titles Sarvalókásraya, Vishņuvardhana, etc. Vv. 21-34 describe the donee and his ancestors. Then follows the grant itself, the description of the boundaries of the village granted, and of a field which belonged to it. The inscription closes with the date of the grant, and the names of the executor, the composer and the writer.
The Pauranik, legendary and historical portion of the genealogy agree almost literally with the corresponding passage of the Nandamapundi grant of Rajaraja I. as far as the description of the reign of Vimaladitya's predecessor Saktivarman (v. 11). The Korumelli plates of Rajaraja I.,' the Têki plates of Chôdaganga, the Chellûr plates of Vira-Chôda, and the Pithapuram plates
1 Above, Vol. IV. No. 43. No. 35 above.
· Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 48 . • South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. I. No. 39.

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of the same kingl also agree with the Ranastipandi grant to a great extent, while the Pithapuram pillar inscription of Mallapadêvafurnishes substantially the same facts regarding the early Eastern Châlukyas and their ancestors. The historical portion commencing with the reign of KubjaVishộuvardhana is known from grants earlier than the time of Vimaladitya. But the Raņastipûpdi grant is the earliest inscription bitherto discovered, which contains the Pauranik and legendary portions (11. 1-25).
This is the first inscription which has been found of king Vimaladitya, the son of Ding or Dânârnava by his wife Âryamahadevis (v. 12) and younger brother of that king Saktivarman who ruled immediately after the interregnum in the Vêng country. An important item of information furnished by our grant is the date of Vimalâditya's accession, which until now had to be obtained by deducting the duration of his reign as given in the copper-plate grants from the date of the accession of his son and successor Rajaraja I. as found in the Korumelli plates and in the Nandamapūņdi grant. According to verse 13 of the subjoined inscription, Vimaladitya's corodation took place in the Simha lagna and the Pushya nakshatra, on Thursday, the sixth tithi of the bright fortnight of the month Vrishabha in Saka-Samvat 933. Professor Kielhorn kindly contributes the following remarks on this date :-"In line 43 read pañchamyam, on the fifth tithi, instead of yash=shashthyán. With this alteration the date corresponds, for Saka-Samvat 933 expired, to Thursday, the 10th May A.D. 1011. The fifth tithi of the bright half of the lunar month Jyaishtha) in the solar month Vpishabha ended at 20 h. 44 m. after mean gunrise, and the nakshatra was Pushya, by the equal space system and according to Garga, for 21 h. 40 m. after mean gunrise. For a place situated at 16° Northern Latitude, the Simha lagna on that day lasted from 5 h. 14 m. to 7 h. 24 m. after true sunrise."
The above date removes a discrepancy in the duration of the interregnum between Dånardava and Saktivarman. All the grants assign 27 years to this interregnum. The interval between the accession of Amma II. (Saka-Samvat 867) and that of Rajaraja I. (Saka-Samvat 944) is 77 years, while the total duration of the intervening reigns is only 25+3+12+7= 47 years. It had therefore to be inferred that the interregnum lasted 77-47=30 years. This discrepancy has already been pointed out by Dr. Hultzsch. As we know now that Vimalâditya's reign commenced in Saka-Samvat 933, the interregnum is reduced to roughly 27 years, the period actually mentioned in the copper-plate inscriptions.
If we subtract from A.D. 1011 the period of the reign of Vimaladitya's predecessor Saktivarman (12 years), we get the approximate date of the accession of Saktivarman himself, vis. A.D. 999. The interregnum which preceded Saktivarman's reign and which lasted 27 years has thus to be placed roughly between A.D. 972 and 999. Hitherto it has been supposed that the interregnum in the Vêng country was caused by a Chola invasion. The earliest Chola king who claims to have conquered Vêngi is Rajaraja I., who ascended the throne in A.D. 985. The conquest of Vengi is first mentioned in inscriptions dated in the 14th year of his reign=A.D. 998-99.8 Consequently, the interregnum could not have been caused by the invasion of the Cholas, but was probably put an end to by that event. If this conclusion is correct, the Chola king Rajaraja I. must have restored order in Vengî by placing Saktivarman on the throne, and the interregnum must have been due to causes other than the Chola invasion during the time of Rajaraja I. There is also reason to believe that no Chola invasion could have taken place before the time of Rajaraja I.
Above, Vol. V. No. 10.
* Above, Vol. IV. No. 33. This quoen is mentioned as A[r]yadevi in the Pithapuram inscription of Mallapadors ; above, Vol. IV. No. 38, verse 19.
• Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 50 and p. 53, text lines 65-67. Above, Vol. IV. p. 302.
6 South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. I. p. 32, note le See Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 372.
& South-Ind. Issor. Vol. III. p. 5.

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The later Eastern Chalukya inscriptions, beginning with the Nandamapuņdi grant, report that Vimaladitya reigned 7 years, while the subjoined inscription is dated in his 8th year (1. 97). His accession took place in A.D. 1011, and that of his successor Rajaraja I. in A.D. 1022. Thus the duration of Vimalåditya's reign was 11 years, i.e. 4 years in excess of the period assigned to him. The explanation of this difference has perhaps to be sought for in the following facts. Two inscriptions on the Mahendragiri hill in the Gañjam district (Nos. 396 and 397 of 1896) record that the Chôļa king) Rajendra-Chola defeated Vimaladitya and set up a pillar of victory on the hill. The date when this event took place is not known. But as this fact is not recorded in the usual historical introduction of Rajendra-Chola's Tamil inscriptions, it may be presumed that it happened during the early part of his military career, when his father Rajaraja I. was still living. Again, there is an inscription in the Panchanadeśvara temple at Tiruvaiyaru near Tanjore (No. 215 of 1894), dated in the 20th year of the reign of the Chola king Rajaraja I., which records certain gifts to the temple by Vishnuvardhana-Vimaladitya, who is no doubt identical with the Eastern Chalukya king of the same name. There is thus reason to believe that Vimaladitya was at or near Tanjore in A.D. 1013-14. This fact, coupled with the defeat recorded in the Mahendragiri inscriptions, appears to show that Vimaladitya was taken prisoner to Tanjore by Rajendra-Chola.. While in the Chôļa country, he must have married Kundava, the daughter of the Chôļa king Rajaraja I. and younger sister of Rajendra-Cho!a I. After this marriage Vimaladitya may have been sent back to his dominions about A.D. 1015. Taking these inferences for granted, it may be assumed that, though the period counting from his accession in A.D. 1011 to the date of his death in A.D. 1022 is 11 years, the later Eastern Chalukya records recognise neither his original accession in A.D. 1011 nor the period of his stay in the Chôļa country, but reckon his reign from the time when he began to rule after his return from the Chôļa country, and thus give only 7 years as the duration of his reign.
The inscription attributes several surnames to Vimaladitya, viz. Birudanka-Bhima (11. 44 and 73 f.), Tribhuvanankusa (1. 47), Mummadi-Bhima (1. 51) and Bhûpa-Mahendra (1.74). Birudanka-Bhima ocours also in the Nandamapüņdi grant (1. 52). The surname MummadiBhima means the third Bhima' and is appropriate for Vimaladitya, as there were only two among his ancestors who bore the name Bhima. Before introducing the surname MummadiBhima (v. 19), the composer of the subjoined inscription refers to certain predecessors of the king who were looked upon as founders of the family, and states that Mummadi-Bhima was also one of those founders. Again, in two different places the king is spoken of as 'the resener of (his) family' (1. 57 f.) and as the only rescuer of (his) family' (1.75). If any significance is to be attached to these statements, they must imply that Vimaladitya took proper care to ensure the succession in his family and to strengthen its position. It is not impossible that there is a remote reference in these passages to Vimaladitya's alliance with the powerful Cholas by his marriage with the Chồls princess Kundavá, and perhaps also to the actual birth of an heir to the throne, via. Rajaraja I. The disastrous effects of the anarchy which prevailed in Vôngi immediately before the accession of Vimaladitya's predecessor could not have been altogether forgotten at the time when the subjoined grant was issued, and the king's attempts to render the position of his family firm and stable were apparently appreciated by the composer, if not by all the people in Vengi.
The donee was a minister of the king, called Vajra (vv. 24, 26, 28, 30) or, in Telugu, Vajjiya-Peggada (1. 85). He belonged to the Kauņdinya gôtra (v. 22), was a resident of the village of Karamachéļu (1. 84), and bore the surnames Budhavajraprakara (v. 31 and 1. 85). Amatyasikhamani and Saujanyaratnakara (v. 33 and 1. 85). The composer was Bhimanabhatta, son of Rachiya-Peddêri. This person must have been the father of the composer of
South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. III. p. 126.

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the Korumelli plates, Chetanabhatta, who calls himselt the son of Radhiya-Peddari-Bhima. The writer of the subjoined grant was Jontâchårye, who may have belonged to the same family as his namesake, the writer of a grant of Amma II.
Raņastipůndi, the village granted, belonged to the Guddavidt-Vishaya? (1. 62). I am unable to identify either Ranastipândi or the other villages which are mentioned in the description of its boundaries. As regards Karamachêdu, where the donee is stated to have come from, it may be mentioned that there is & village named Kårimchedu, 9 miles west of Båpatļa in the Kistna district.
TEXT.
First. Plate. 1 * श्रीधाम्न पुरुषोत्तमस्य महती नारायणस्य प्रभो भीपंकरहाबभूव
जगतस्स्रष्टा खयंभूस्त2 तः [*] जन्ने मानससूनुरचिरिति यस्तस्मान्मनेरचितसीमी वंश[क]रमुधांशु
रुदित[:*] श्रीकण्ठचूडामणिः । [१] 3 तस्मादासीत्य[धा ]सूतबधी बुधिनुतस्ततः [*] [*]त: पुरुरवा
नाम चक्रवर्ती म]विक्रमः । [२] गद्यम् । तखादायुरा4 युषो नहुषः नहुषाद्ययातिश्चक्रवर्ती बंशकर्ता ततारपुरुरि[ति] चक्रवर्ती
ततो जनमेजयाश्वमेधचितय5 स्य कर्त[*] । तत प्राचीश प्राचीशान्य यातिसैन्ययातयपतिहयपते.
स्मार्बभौमस्मार्बभौ6 माज्जयसनः जयसेनान्महाभौमः महाभौमादेशानक: ऐमानकाक्रोधाननः
क्रोधाननाद्देवकिः 7 देवकेरिचुकः रिचुकादृक्षकः ऋक्ष[ कायतिनरसत्रयागयाजी सरस्वतीनदीनाथः
तत: कात्या8 यनः कात्यायनाबील: नीलायुष्यन्त (:)स्वमित: । प्रायं[*] । मंगा
यमुनातीरे यदविञ्चिबंबिखाय यु9 प[*]न्क्रमशः [*] क्रित्वा तथाखमेधावाम महाकम्मभरत यिति"
योलभत(:) । [३] ततो भरतामन्यु मन्योमहोत्रमहोत्रा10 हस्ती हस्ति[नो विरोच*]न: विरोचनादजमीन: अजमीलासंवरण: संवर
णस्य सपनसुतायास्तपत्याच सुधन्वा सुधन्व
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. Vil. p. 17. ? On Guddavadi see above, Vol. V. p. 123 and note 2. : Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 83. * From the original copper-plates. Read gerai. * See above, Vol. IV. p. 804, note 3. Read euchao. o Read °न्मतिवरमच.
" Read नौलाहुण्यन्तस्तस्मत:1 Boad कल्या .
"Read इति.
• Read 'जयीश्वमेध'. • Read भुकः सुभुका. • Bead °विकिवं निखाय य

Page #419

352
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. VI.
11 नरपरिक्षित्परिक्षितो भीमसेनः भीमसेनाबदीपन प्रदीपनाच्चन्त नुश]-1
तनोविचित्रवीर्य: विचित्रवीर्य[*]त्याण्डुराजः । श्रा12 य[*] । पुत्रास्तस्य च धर्मजभीमार्जुननकुलसहदेवाः [*] पंचेन्द्रियवत्यंच
स्युविषयग्ग्राहिणस्तत्र(:) । [४] वृत्तं । येना.
_Second Plate; First Side. 18 दाहि विजित्य 'काण्डवमथी [ग][ण्डीविना वचिणं युद्धे 'पाशुपतास्त्रव
[धक]रिषोच्चालाभि दैत्यान्बइनिन्द्राई[r*]सनमध्यरीहि ज14 यिना यत्कालिकेयादिकान्हत्वा खैरमकारि [व]शविपिनच्छेदः [कुरूणां वि]
भोः । [५] 'ततोजुनादभिमन्युरभिमन्यो परिक्षि[त् परिक्षि*]ती जन15 मेजयः जनमेजयाकेमुकः क्षेमुकावरवाहनः नरवा[हन][]तानीकः शता
नीकादुदयनः तत परं तब16 तिस्त्रविच्चिबसन्तानेष्वयोध्यासिंहासनासीनष्काबपष्टिचक्रवतिषु गतेषु तंदृश्यो'
विजयादित्यो नाम राज[*] विजिगीष. 17 या दक्षिणापथं गत्वा तिलोचनपल्लवमधिक्षिप्य दैवदुरीहया लोकान्तरमग
मत् । तस्मिन्मंकुले 18 पुरोहितेन साईमन्तवनी तस्य महादेवी मुडिवे[सु]नामाग्रहारमुपगम्य
तहास्तव्येन विष्णुभट्ट19 सोमयाजिना दुहितनिर्विशेषमभिरक्षिता स[ती] विष्णुवईनमसूत [1]
सा तस्य च कुमारकस्य मा20 "नव्यसगीवहारितपुत्रादिखक्षत्रगोत्रक्रमो[चितानि कर्म[*]णि कारयित्वा
तमवईयत् । स च मा21 चा "विदितव्रितांतस्मविगत्य [च]लुक्यगिरौ नन्दि] भगवतीं गौरी]मारा
ध्य कुमार[नारायणमातगणांच संतर्य खेता-13 22 "तपत्रकगंखपंचमहाशब्दपालिकेतनप्रतिडकावराह[लांच्छन]पिंञ्च[कंतसिं] हासन
मकरतोरणकन[क]दण्डगंम्मा
Read भाच्छन्तनु • Read खाव
- Read °स्त्रमन्धकरिपी. • Read यइन् । इन्द्रा
- Read ततीर्जुना. • The क: of 'यात्वीमुक: is corrected from का; read 'यात्वमुक:- 1 Read नाचतानीक:• Read °तिष्वविच्छिन.
• Read तश्यी . 1. After waft the original has some letter which seems to have been erased by the engraver.
11 Read fanger. The other published versions of this passage (with the exception of the Teki and Pithapuram plates) read पुचदिपचगोत्र. - Radबात.
"The 1 of dar looks like Read Pre", Oxfacer" and "fde.

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No. 36.]
RANASTIPUNDI GRANT OF VIMALADITYA.
353
23 यमुनादोनि खकुलक्रमागतानि निधिप्तानीव 'सांब्राज्यचिजानि] समादाय
[क]डंबगंग्गादिभूमिपाविर्जित्य सेतुन24 मंदामध्यं साईसप्तलक्षं [द]क्षिणापधं' पालयामास । []क' । तस्यासीहि
ज[या]दित्यो विष्णुवईनभूपतेः [*] पनवान्वयण[*]
Second Plate ; Second Side. 25 त[*]या महादेव्याच नन्दनः [॥ *] [तत्सुत]: 'बोलकेशिवल्लभः सत्पत्र:
कीर्तिवर्मा[*] तस्य तनयः । स्वस्ति श्रीमतां सकलभु26 'वनसंस्खयमानमानव्यसगीचाणां हारितीपुत्राणां कौशिकीवर] प्रसादलब्धरा
ज्यानां मातगणपरिपालितानां 27 स्वामिमहासेनपादानुध्यातान[ भगवब]रायणप्रसादम[मासादितवरवराह
___ लांचनेक्षणक्षणवशीकतारा28 तिमण्डलानामखमेधावभृथनानपवित्रीकतवपुषां चालुक्यानां कुलमलंकरि
कोस्मत्याश्रयवश्लमेन्द्रस्य 29 भ्राता कुलविष्णुवईनोष्टादश वर्षाणि वेंगीदेशमपालयत् । तदात्मजो जय
सिंहवल्लभस्त्रयस्त्रिं30 शतं । तदनुजेन्द्रराजमात दिनानि [*] तत्सुतो विष्णुवईनो नव ।
तत्सूनमंगियुवराज: पंचविंश31 ति । तत्पुत्री 'जयसिहस्त्रयोदश । तदवरजः कोक्किलिष्षण्मासान् ।
तस्य ज्येष्ठो भ्राता विष्णुवईन32 स्तमुच्चाव्य सप्तत्रिंशतं । तत्पु[ची] विजयादित्यभट्टारकोष्टादश । तत्तनुजो
विष्णुवईनष्पट्त्रिंश- . 33 तं । तत्सूनुर्विजयादित्यनरेन्द्रमृगराजश्चाष्टचत्वारिंशतं । तत्सूत: कलि
विष्णुवई नोध्यईवर्ष । तत्सुतो गुणगविज34 यादित्यचतुश्चत्वारिंश । तातुर्विक्रमादित्यभूपतेस्तनयश्चालुक्यभीमस्त्रिंशतं ।
तसुतः कोशबिगण्डविजयादि35 त्यष्यण्मासान् । तमनुरम्पराजस्ाप्त वर्षाणि । [तत्सुतं विजयादित्य
बालमुच्चाव्य ताडपो म[*]समेकं । तं जित्वा चालु36 क्यभीमतनयो विक्रम[*]दित्य एकादश मासान् । तत्ताडपरानसुतो
युवमनस्मात वर्षाणि । तं यहमलं परिह.
1 Read साम्राज्य • Resd पीस. - Read जयसिंह
- Read °पथं. • Read °संस्तूय. • Read सत्सुतः.
- Read शीक. 6 Read 'लोकने. • Read°रिंशतं.

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354
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. VI.
.
Third Plate; First Side. 37 त्य देशात्विष्ट्येतरेषामपि शात्रवानाम् [*] मामम्मराज[*]नुजराजभीमो
भीमस्ममा हादश रक्षति स्म । [*] 'तत्सुनुरानतारा38 तिरम्पराजी "नृपाग्रणी पंचविंशतिवर्षाणि (1) वेंगीभुवमपालयत् । [१]
दैम[*]तुरीम्मनृपतई[7] बंनृपो राजभीमन39 पतनयः [*] विद्याकलापचतुरश्चतुरंतधरामपात्ममा[स्त्यनः । [८] अनु
'दा[ना*]गर्नवादासीईवटुथे]ष्टया ततस्सप्त40 "विशतिवर्षाणि वेंगीमहिरणायिका' । [१०*] अत्रान्त (1)दाननरेन्द्र
सून[:*] श्रीशक्तिवर्म [*] सुरराट्सधर्म[ 1] यशौर्यशक्त्या वि41 निहत्य शत्रू(न्)न्म हादशाब्दा(न्)समरक्षीम् । [११] तस्यैव दाननृ.
पतेस्माध्वपाश्चार्य[*]महादेव्या: [*] सू.. 42 "नुब्बिमलादित्यस्मत्याश्रयवंशवईनो देवः । [१२] अनलानलरन्धंगते शक
वर्षे वृषभमासि 43 सितपक्षे [*] यष्षष्ठयां गुरुपुष्थे सिंहे लग्ने प्रसिद्धमभिषिक्त: । [१३]
शशिविशदयशोव्यात्या स्व44 शरीरविबोधनार्थमवहत्कण्ठे [*] शशलक्ष्मलक्ष्मलक्ष्मी शंभुबिरुदंकभीमन
पर्यस्य । [१४*] 45 अरिकरटिकुंभविदलनमुक्तसमामुक्तरुचिरमुक्तानिकर: [*] हार यिव" यस्य
दोरसिर(1)ध्यासितजयथियो 46 भाति चिरम् । [१५] यत्तेज प्रपलायितरिपुपुरग्रहशालभंजिकामख
__ रोधी [*] लूतापटस्तु परजनविलोकना47 सहनबहपट 'यि[व]" भाति । [१६*] दुस्माधनाधिकविरोधिगजेन्द्र]संघ
निर्भदतस्त्रिभुवनांकुशनाम युद्धे [*] अन्वर्थ48 त[*]बिजमजीगमदुद्धतं यो बं[हि]ष्ठसिंहपरिहासिपराकमधीः । [१७]
यस्मार्बभौमधरणीखरनीतकल्प
Third Plate ; Second Side. 49 "प्रापूर्वकेभमदसिक्तमहीविभाग: [*] यस्तजितानिलजवाखसहस्रसंघधाट्या
हिताहितशिरोंकित
- Read °वाणाम् • Read "निपी. T Read ततः । सप्त. » Rend 'बुधि " Read "प्राघूपर्ण.
• Read तत्सूनु. • Read °मास्तिख:. • Read °विंशति ॥ Read इव.
- Read 'ग्रणीः । पंच. • Read दानापर्यावा. • Read रनायका. 1 Read .

Page #422

Ranastipundi Grant of Vimaladitya ; the eighth year.
ఆ ఆ ఆ దేవతల
జనియి - 2 Are స త త
సూరడంతం 2 - సిపత్యం 2024
: 34, 4
:42) ఇత్తలు ఈ శమంత: శంకరాత్మజంతు | - తత్ర -
తమసులుని పై అతను మంత్ర త నూతన కావ్యాలు ఈ 2 - సం -
నితా - శత్రాతిపు
శాంసపు మగ వాశాలలో 8
, జత్వం తమను త గారూ తమ తమ
పంతోష పరామం తరువాత తనతోపులా 10 1 -2తం జంపతంగా తన
10 i am a 24
పితం 12 ఆ అ పపడితేజని ఆత్మ శుం ల సతమ శృండు తరాలుగా తల 12
iia.
--
-
తినా రానాతం 1 అయితే అవి శాంతంగా
నాకు తినిఖండి అత్మజం 14 జులు ఆహారతంశంశాలు: 21న సతివృతస్తులు వేసి నా తు తం తన జనం | 16
అంతులు తరలి 18 న లత నా
కుడి కాలువ పన్ను 18
గడం వల్పృశ్యత నాతృ వంశస్త్ర - అంత ప్ర
శ్యాము నలుని 20 తక్షణ నాతలలు తో మంతను సదారాలు 132427 శ్వా శం తర్వాత
వహణ పైగా 22 Manగా ఆకుల లల మూత్రము
వాని ఆ లా
తోసి జలకలశాలు 24
iid.
26
- తలంపురం : ప్రతి కాని 26 1 daM అనంతకుముందు నాకు నా ఆలgarayana కమతాస్నుతహృంగారంలో సువరి 2012 Jana తారు ! 28 19 పులులాంత్ర కాంతల
శguagna శశల ఇంజల వల్ల ప్రతుకు -
జపత నివళ్లు క్షమత గతం నా తంలోని అవుతుగ్రా 112108 నిన్నా రవి
SA-1 కామ చేస్తున్న కరత జాతర తనువులయిన తన పని తల తలల సంక్షలు 841 అ తడతార, అక్షతం ప్రసవాల సముదాల తార తత్తుత శాతం జల్లు 2 1. స్వాత తర్వాత ప్ర
జలు, వ్రతాలు చాలు | 36 తలూ వంశాలను కొని తystead
E. HULTZSCH.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
SCALE •5.

Page #423

tria.
DIAN
నాకంత వా న్ని పురం శాంతి
- -
ఆ తహతని కుమ్ముతాలనే దృత రారాజని 38 తెల్లవారు వృద్ధుల అండము వాపు వాసనతతనిపై Cine తహ తతంగా 15
వ రాజులలో 40 నాలైన
సాకు తిన Mana
ను తన తప్పులు ఉన్నా తరగతప్పని' 42 కోరుకో రకం తలు
తలలతోంది తన నివాసం 44 అంతులు నా త
లనింఫిసింజలు 40 శ్రీవారి యిత జయకి కవాలన్న తప
న
46 ఆ సతుల నుంచి ఇండియాలో ఇంత 48 kada తులం మతం రాష్ట్రంలోని సోమరుల 48
-
--
-
-
తత పితరులు సజ న్మతాసురడం, 501 లో రాజ్యసభలో ప్ర
వేతృడు 50 0: సాండవులు తు సంకర
వ్పాయి ఈ తంతు తం సూరాష్ట్రంలో 100
పతంగోన్నతి.. 52 తెల్లని - రాష్ట్ర పతనానికి కుంతల 547 ఆగ్రహాలు
తిరుమల వేంకలనంజల్ని సైతం అరకు
ఎపుతారతము చివురం మండలం 561 ఇన్నామని
- తారలు తమవం: తిరుమువావిలపించాలని
ప్రతి
నిగిత్ర 58 ) వారు ఈ కారు తల కి తన పుకు : 2018 - 58
తట ఆ మహిషి శరీర భ్యంతరం తనతో 60 కచ్చితంగా ప్రములు అంత్యనాడిని 60
--
-
iva.
-
- ఎత్తులో శాక ఆరిలో నంజుంజ రషరతులు వారు తెలంగా 62 - అరవ్వి 202సిన రాజశాతం సత్రం పలు సంకు
-62 అసలజ శాతం జువాలల 64 14 2 పై పోనత నాతతలు తల తమిళ ఇది రూ.64 అపుత్ర : వారాలు ఇంజనీర్తనలు
125 వాషికానా . పూరు
వంశంలోని వితం-68 కపిల
తప్యులతో P2
సంని అరమరల మనసున పత్రం 88
అమలును ప్రక్షాన నిర్మాతలకు F ము వాడాన్సువానా
సాయంకాక అను
70 పాలు పితృత ఆ తరువాత వివరణలు
. MANA నారు 72

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No. 36.]
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50 शूलकोटिः । [१८] श्रादौ शंभुशिरोमणिम च सुधासूतिस्सुधांशस्ततस्तह
[श्यो] भरत[स्त *] तश्च विजयादित्य51 श्चलुक्यांकितः [1] श्रीसत्याश्रयवल्लभस्तदपि च श्रीसर्वलोकाश्रयो [देवो]
मुम्मडि[भीमनामनृपतिर्यो व-1 52 शकतं[]भवत् । [१८] सौराष्ट्रान्दारयन्ती निशितपरशुधारायमाना
शकानां ला[टानां गुजराणामथ भवति मनो- .. 53 हारिणी वल्लभा वा । शूरान्व[:]स्थाविधत्ते सुकतिवदखिला[खर
[मन्यान्वि]भीतान् काष्ठान्तन्तत्त54 प[:*]श्रीरिर्षा' नयति रणे शौर्यसम्पद्यदीया । [२०] स वीरमकर
ध्वजः मकरध्वज यिव ध्वस्तविग्र55 हः ग्रहपतिरिवाहितान्धतमसापहरः हर इव राजकलाधरः धरणीधर यिव' 56 रमारामाभिरामः राम यिव परशुक्रियासहः महादेव यिव देव[*]
ध्वयनन्दनः 57 नन्दनविशेष 'यिवाभिलषितफलसमुत्कविसहस्रः सहस्राक्षोपमानः मानव्यस
गोत्र: गोत्रनि58 स्तारकः तारकाधिपान्वयवों सद्धिनिशाकरः करदीक्वतारातिपर[म्य]रः
परनरपतिनिकरमुकुट59 तटघटितमणिगणकिरणपरिकरितसमरुणितचरणे]न्दो[व]र[:] वरवराहलांच्छ
नालोकनम[*]60 त्र()वित्रासिताखिलधराधीशचक्रः चक्रवर्तिपदवीसमुचितानेकधवलच्चत्रच्चायाचादितसर्व
Fourth Plate; First Side. 61 लोक(:)म्मलोकाश्रयश्रीविष्णुवईनमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरपरमभ[7] रकपरम
ब्रह्मण्यपरम62 माहेश्वरः । गुद्धवादिवि[ष*]यनिवासिनो "राष्ट्रकुटप्रमुखान् कुटुंबि[न]
स्म[7]न्समाइय मन्त्रिपुरोहि63 तसेनापतियुवराजदौवारिकाध्यक्षमित्थमाज्ञापयति यथा । आद्यो य[:*]
स्वयमुबभूव परमब्र64 या निसृज्यान्वपो वीर्य्यन्तास्ववसृष्टमण्डमभवमनहत्तेन यत् । तस्मालो
कपितामहो विधिरभूत्त
Read वंश • Read वा. 1 Read राष्ट्रकूट'.
• Read °ौरिव. • Read °च्छत्तछायाच्छादित. s Read 'मम्मह.
Read इव. • Read गुद्दवादि.
12

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356
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. VI.
65 मान्नरोष्यादयः पुत्रा ये दश जजिरे श्रुतिमय[*] वर्चखिनो म[7]
नसाः । [२१] तेषां श्रेष्ठत(). 66 मो वसिष्ठ इति यस्मारुन्धतीको मुनिस्तस्मात्कण्डिन' इत्यभूदध' च तत्कौ.
ण्डिन्यगोत्रे - 67 म[r ]त् [i] यो विहानुदितोदितहिजवरी द्रोण: 'प्रमाणीभर[]त्त[:"]
स्तुत्ययमतिर्वित्योदय68 सत्यवाक् । [२२] दत्ताभिधानसचिवो हरदत्तवरप्रसाद यिव तस्य
सुतः [*] शुभकप्रभा69 वमहित: प्रभुमन्त्रोत्साहशक्ति(य)संयुक्तः । [२३] तस्य च सद्गुणधाम्न:
पतिव्रतायाब चीडमं[*]बाय[*]: [*] व70 वाभिधान इति यस्मनुस्मूतवचास्सुमेधास्मुमणः। [२४] नित्याक–नया'
खहटुभि पटुभिहे [*] वेद71 शास्त्राणि यानि पन्ति' शु[क]शारिका: । [२५*] भीमेश्वरसमो देवो
_ _गोश्वरस[मो नृ]प: [*] वबामात्यसमोमा72 त्यो न भूतो न भविष्यति । [२३] "नागेन्द्रदिगिभैश्च षोडशनृपैराधे. पितां" माधु][f] वीरैरप्यति शू]द्रकप्रभृति
Fourth Plate ; Second Side. 73 भिचाजेडेर दुमहां [*] बिभ्रद्य पथि[तं]" क्रमावयबलाहाहाबलात्प्राप्त
वान्म[*]हाय्यं बिकुदंक-13 74 भीमनृपतेः कार्येण खङ्गेन च । [२७] "गो[]चेत्तुररिक्षमाधरकुलो -
दान्म[हेन्द्राक्षम]:"] [बी]माम्भूपमहेन्द्र 76 एव नितरां गोत्रकनिस्तारकः [*] तहजादतिरिभ्यते" लघुतराहयाभिधीयं
गुरुर्यवाथोपि च यन78 टच विबुधवातैरि[ति"] स्तूयते । [२८] "[य]वेधानलधूमधूमघटितैरभे.
बिजेहाहितक्षोणीभृत्पुरदाहधूमजनि. 77 तांभीभृत्सहस्रमम" । व्याप्तं व्योम तदीयशत्रुललनादृक्पाथसा[मा क्षमा
सिता यत्परिपा
• Read रौचादय:• Read भवः • Read ra.
Read पठन्चि " Read प्रथितं. 3 Read रचते
. Read 'कुसिन.
Between 1 and - Read झुमना.. 10 Read नागेन्द्र " Read विश्व - Rend योधा.
- Read °दष. the engraver bas omitted five akaharas,
• Read 'कपर्यनया. 1 Read राद्यैता. - Read गीचईतु 1 Read °सम.

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No. 36.]
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357
78 वनातिथिपदपक्षा[ल*] नाच्चभिसा' । [२८] य[:] श्रीववामात्यो 'धन
सन्तप्पितजगज्जनस्तुत्यः [*] भूमर[व]गा.' 79 दित्यश्शुचिरतिचतुरो वचोनिरत्ययसत्यः । [१०] बुधवचमाकारा' टहनि
यमितारिसैनिकचक्र[: 1"] 80 चक्रभृाधीक[:] श्रीकण्ठपदारविन्दषट्भरण: । [३१] सदा स्ववाचा
मनसा च कर्मणान्वकारि ये81 नाधिगुणेन कुण्डिनः [*] प्रवृत्तवैतानिक (व)धर्मसंम्गतिहिज[धिनाधी
ययदारतानिधिः। [३२] चालुक्यचूडामणिपा- . 82 दभक्तो भक्तीकचूडामणिरीश[मूर्तिः [*] कीर्त्यन्वि[तोम]त्यशिखामणि[:"]
श्रीसौजन्यरत्काकरनामधेयः । [३३] सप्तांगके तृ. 83 पपदे प्रभुता प्रधाना तादृश्यमात्यपदवी खलु तद्वितीय' । श्रोहारपिंञ्च
करकातपवारणादिस्तस्यां वि84 शेषमहिमा मदलाभि येन । [३४] ती मलाय तक्लेशाय कारमचेडुवास्तव्याय कौण्डिन्यगोचा
Fifth Plate ; First Side. 85 य[*]मात्यशिखामणये बुधवषप्राकाराय सौजन्यरत्नाकराय वज्जियपेरगड
इति प्रसिहाभिधा86 नाय भवद्विषय" () पानामग्रामणं साई रणस्ति[पूण्डिनामग्रा.
मोग्रहारीक्रित्य" मत्संवईि. 87 तत्व()निमित्ते मय[*] दत्त इति विदि[स]मस्तु वः] । अस्यावधयः
पूवतः कौत नडिपिय [चे] पमटि क88 ।। भाग्नेयत: मोतुकलतियुं बालूरियु] [ण]स्तिपूडियु मुयलिकु.
ट्न वेलंगगुण्ड पमटि कट । दक्षि89 पतः पेंजेवु कह डिग्गु[ना]लि चोव । नैरित्यत:" पालूरियुं गो
केटियु रणस्तिपूण्डियु 90 मुबलिकुट्छन चिन्तगुण्ड" । परिमत: कोकेटि पोद । व[r'
यव्यतः नसीमेव सोमा ।
1 Read नाच्छांभसा.
Read प्राकारी. • Read षट्चरच: • Read तदितीया. - Read रोय. " Read गुम
- Read सन्तर्पित.
- Read शा. . Instead of the metre (Udgiti) requires a short ayllable. Read नाथीयमुदार
• Read रवाकर 10 Read °पिंक.
Read विषये. - Read 'गुर.
" Read ततः

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. VI.
91 उत्तरतः कपतियुन टयु सीमैव [सोमा । ईशानत:' एes टयु
मोन्तुक तियु रणस्तिपूण्डि.92 यु मुय्यलकुट । एतद्रण(र)स्तिपूण्डिनाम[*]ग्रहारसंबन्धिनः तांक80
पोलमुनामलंघनक्षे93 वस्यावधयः पूर्वतो दक्षिणतच [ग]गले । पश्चिमत: सिरि[पोदि]
पूण्डियु गोंगनव्रोलियु मयुं बोत्तुन कोल्लिकुल । 94 उत्तरतः सिरिपोदिपूण्डि[सीमेव] सीमा । अस्योपरि न केनचिहाधा
कर्तव्या [*] यः करोति स पंच[महापात()को भव95 ति । तथा चोक्तां भगवता] व्यासभट्ट[] रकेनापि । बहुभिर्वसुधा
दत्ता बहुभिचानुपा लिता] [*] [यस्य यस्य] [यदा ____96 भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तद[फलं । [३५*] [व] दत्ता प[रदत्ता] व[*]
यो हरेतु वसुन्धरां [1] षष्टिं वर्ष() सह[स][*][णि विष्ठायां ज][*]यते क्रि
Fifth Plate ; Second Side. . 97 मिः । [३६] पष्टमवर्षवईने सिंहम[*]से दत्तस्यास्य शासनस्य श्री.
दण्डनायक इति हिज[*]धिनायकः । प्राज्ञप्तिर्नुप*]का98 मो राचियपहेरितनयभीमनभट्टः [*] कतषां काव्यानामध* शासनले
___खकश्च जोन्ताचार्यः [॥ ३७*] *
TRANSLATIONS [Up to line 36 the text is nearly identical with that of the Chellôr plates (11. 1-42)].
(Verse 7.) Having expelled this Yuddhamalla from the country and having crushed the other enemies, the terrible Rajabhima, the younger brother of Ammaraja (I.), protected the earth for twelve years.
(V. 8. His son Ammardja (II.), the foremost of princes, before whom enemies prostrated themselves, ruled the country of Vengi for twenty-five years.
(V. 9.) The son of king RAjabhima (and) brother of king Amme (II.) by a second mother, king Dana, (who was) skilled in all sciences, ruled for three years the earth to (its) four ends.
(V. 10.) Then after (the reign of) Danarnava, through the evil action of fate, the country of Vengi was without a ruler for twenty-seven years.
1 Read ऐशानत:
Read 'शापि. J Read हरीत.
• Read °मथ. • It is my duty to acknowledge my indebtedness to Dr. Hultaach for the translation of a number of verses, the meaning of which I could not make out.
. See the translation in South-Ind. Insor. Vol. I. p. 57 t.

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Ranastipundi Grant of Vimaladitya ; the eighth year.
inb.
తహ ల ను కుదురుకుల ఆటere
? | ఇంతవరకు నా పాలు పడుతుంది . తనతో A
నాంకాల జాలరులు పవనాలు వాల పవనాత్మజాతి అవునా పోరాట వృత,
ఆందని వెళ్లేం కారు ఆ మహలు అతడపటం జగనా Maga Ma:72] 23 జత్రాశారామ స్వరాలు
శృదేశాల రవి పాత్ర అని నాన్న నా మీలో నా తలని పలు పట సాగరిజం వాలు జరుపులు 82 పరుగవతం నిజం నాభాతం. 82 -
పటుతరమిశారణోతనార . 84 పరువాత తరాలవారలు
సం
Cool
A
మతం నా బలం యజులనుండి 86 లున్న, జనావలన ప
na పుత్వపు అతని పులకరిస్తుందా శaanaa 88 1 డబు ,
ప్రతyayyeda:గం సులు మం
అవ 148వుడ: నాలు గెలుపు 904 లక్ష్మ శత్రం 21 20: 42 vaas: 29 సిసి||
ప్రజలు సిహdside పళని స్త్రీలపై శత్రలను - 13 ఇక నామదేవతలంతా S:ులు
: నాలుగుబ్బల శాఖ 14న సిరింపు కోతలు: సమంత పాలగంగా సన్మాంతృత్వ గుబ
S ముకు తమ వంతు తన అవసరాలకు 08
98
Swara శుక్రశసి అమ్మ ప్రస్థనాన్ని తితలు-2
సంవANA
అవు
|
శంకి: జోశాలలు
E. HULTZSCH.
SCALE •6.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

Page #429


Page #430

No. 36.]
RANASTIPUNDI GRANT OF VIMALADITYA.
359
(V. 11.) At this point the son of king Dâna, that glorious Saktivarman, who resembled (Indra) the king of the gods, having overcome the enemies by the force of (his) valour, protected the earth for twelve years.
(V. 12.) The son of this same king Dana and of (his) virtuous great queen Åry& (was) king Vimaladitya, who made the family of Satyasraya (i.e. of Polakesin II.) prosper.
(V. 13.) In the Saka year contained in the fires (3), the fires (3) and the openings of the body (9), (ie. Saka-Samvat 933),- in the month Vpishabha, in the bright fortnight, on the sixth tithi, in the nakshatra) Pushya (combined with) Thursday, in the lagna Simha, he was publicly anointed.
(V. 14.) As (the whole world) was filled by the fame- white as the moon- of this king Biruáanka-Bhima, (the god) Sambhu (Siva), in order to make his (white) body recognizable, wore on (his) throat (a black spot possessing) the splendour of the spot in the moon.
(V. 15.) The sword in his arm, to which were sticking a mass of glittering pearls which had dropped at the splitting of the temples of the elephants of (his) enemies, is resplendent for a long time, as if it were the necklace of the goddess of victory who rested (on his arm).
(V. 16.) The cobwebs, which cover the faces of the statues in the houses of the towns of the enemies routed by his valour, appear as if they were veils put on (because they could not endure the sight of strangers.
(V. 17.) He, the glory of whose valour laughed at the strongest lions, made significant in battle his proud name Tribhuvanankusa (i.e. the elephant-goad of the three worlds') by splitting the temples of a crowd of numerous mighty elephants of the enemy, which were hard to overcome.
(V. 18.) The ground (in front of his (palace) was sprinkled with the rut of strong foreign elephants, brought by the rulers of the country of Saryabhauma. Crores of stakes were surmounted by the heads of enemies, which had been brought (back) from raids (undertaken by) his troops of thousands of horses which rivalled the wind in swiftness.
(V. 19.) In the beginning the founder of the race was (the Moon), the jewel on the head of Sambhu (Siva), the nectar-producer, the nectar-rayed; then his descendant Bharata; then Vijayaditya surnamed Chalukya; (then) the glorious Satyasrayavallabha; and then the glorious king Sarvalókasraya, the prince named Mummadi-Bhima,
(V. 20.) At its free will his great valour in battle, like the edge of a sharp axe, cuts up the Sauråshtras; like a wife who captivates the mind, deprives the Sakas, Latas (and) Gurjaras of (their) courage; like good deeds, causes all heroes to reside in heaven; (and) drives others who are afraid to the ends of the quarters, as if the fervency of their austerities led (them) to the highest goal.
(L. 54.) This Cupid among heroes, who has put an end to war (vigraha), as Cupid has lost his body (vigraha); who destroys (his) enemies, as the sun denge darkness; who is skilled in royal sciences (raja-kala), as Hara (Siva) wears the crescent of the moon (raja-kald); who is beloved by the goddess Lakshmi (Rama-ramá), as a mountain is adorned with pleasure-gardens (ram-arama); who is skilled in the use of the axe, like Râma; who pleases gods and priests, as Sahadeva is the son of the Adhoaryus of the gods (i.e. the Asvins) ; who gladdens thousands of poets (samut-kavi-sahasra) (by granting) the fruit of (their) desires, as a kind of Nandana
1 Literally guests. The kings of the North had come on their elephants to visit Vimaladitya.
. I.e. by the kings of the North. Sárvabhauma is the name of the elephant of the god Kubera, the regent of the Northern direction.
This verse implies that Vimaladitya, to whom the titles Sarvalokasraya and Mummadi-Bhima refer apparently, was considered equal in importance to his ancestors: the Moon, Bharata, Vijayaditya (of Ayodhya) and Polukesin II.

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360
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. VI.
(tree) (bears) desirable fruits coveted by thousands of birds (samutka-vi-sahasra); who resembles the thousand-eyed (Indra); who belongs to the gôtra of the Månavyas; (who is) the rescuer of (his) family; who increases the race of the Moon ; (who resembles) the moon in waxing; who has made crowds of enemies tributary ; whose lotas-feet are surrounded and reddened by the rays of clusters of jewels set into the diadems of crowds of (bowing) hostile kings; by the mere sight of whose excellent boar-crest the circle of all the rulers of the earth is terrified; the shade of whose many white parasols, worthy of the dignity of an emperor, overspreads the whole world ; the asylum of the whole world (Sarvalskáśraya), the glorious Vishņuvardhana-Maharajadhiraja, Paramédvara, Paramabhadraka, the very pious one, the devout worshipped of Maheśvara (Siva), having called together the Rashtrakůtas and all other ryots residing in the district (vishaya) of Guddavidi, orders as follows in the presence of the ministers, the familypriest, the commander of the army, the heir-apparent, and the door-keepers :
(V. 21.) The primeval supreme Brahman, who was born spontaneously, subsequently created the waters. The seed emitted by him into these became a great golden egg. Out of this was produced the Creator, the progenitor of the world. From him were born ten learned (and) brilliant sons of the mind, commencing with Marichi..
(V. 22.) The best of them was the sage called Vasishtha whose (wife) was Arundhati. To him was born Kundina. And then in due course in that Kauņdinya gôtra (appeared) Drôņa, a learned Brahmaņa conversant with the tradition, whose conduct became authoritative, whose mind . . . . . was praiseworthy, who was continually rising (and) truthful.
(V. 23.) His son (sas) the minister called Datta, who, like an excellent boon granted by Hara (Śiva), performed good deeds, was honoured on account of his greatness, (and) possessed the (regal) powers, (vix.) majesty, counsel and energy.
(V. 24.) The son of this abode of good qualities and of (his) devoted wife Chidamamba is named Vajra, whose speech is true and pleasant, (who is) wise (and) benevolent.
(V. 25.) In his residence parrots and mainds recite the Vedas and Sastras, as they hear (them) continually every day in the house from clever students.
(V. 26.) There never was nor will there be a god like Bhimêsvara, a king like the lord of Vengi (vis. VimalAditya), (and) a minister like the minister Vajra.
(V. 27.) He obtained in due course the high position of companion of king Biru dankaBhima, carrying by means of (his) administration through the power of (his) policy the heavy burden of the earth, which had been supported by the lords of serpents, the elephants of the quarters, and the sixteen first kings, and (holding) by (his) sword through the power of (his) arm the front of the battle, (which had been held) also by heroes like Atibûdraka (?).
(V. 28.) Hosts of wise men praise both the master and the servant, because the glorious Bhûps-Mahendra (i.e. Vimaladitya) alone is much more able than the god) Mahendra, who destroyed the mass of hostile mountains (as the former) hostile kings, (but) split families' (while the former is) the only rescuer of his family, (and) because the weighty man named Vajra is superior to his (vis. Indra's) very light thunderbolt (vajra).
(V. 29.) The sky is filled with the clouds formed by the dark smoke of his triple fire, together with the thousands of clouds produced by the smoke of the conflagration of the cities of (all) kings on this earth hostile to him, (while) the earth is sprinkled by the pure water (used in) washing the feet of his holy guests, together with the tears of the wives of his enemies.
(V. So.) This glorious minister Vajra is to be praised by (all) the people of the world whom (he) has gratified by (gifts of) money, the sun of the Brahmana caste, pure, very clever (and) of faultless truth in (his) speech.
1 Evidently the temple at Draksharima is meant; see above, Vol. IV. p. 37, note 3.
? The author here attributes this meaning to Indra's surname Gotrachchhaltri or Gótrabhid, which properly means "the mountain-splitter.'

Page #432

No. 36.]
RANASTIPUNDI GRANT OF VIMALADITYA.
361
(V. 31.) (This) Budhavajrapräkära! keeps the troop of the soldiers of the enemy at home, possesses the happiness and prosperity of the discus-bearer (Vishyu), (and is) a bee at the lotas-feet of Srikantha (Siva).
(V. 32.) This very virtuous lord of the twice-born, who always equalled Kundina: in his speech, thoughts and actions, has performed a mass of sacrificial rites (and is) a treasury of liberality.
(V. 33.) (This) Amatyagikhâmaņi is devoted to the feet of the crest-jewel of the Chalukyas (viz. Vimaladitya), (is) the only crest-jewel among devotees, resembles Isa (Siva), has acquired fame, (and) bears the glorious name Saujanyaratnakara.
(V. 34.) Among the seven constituent parts of a kingdom the foremost is sovereignty, (and) second to it (is) a suitable ministry. Special distinctions, such as Sridvara, a peacock's tail, a water-pot and a parasol, he (viz. Vajra) received from me in that office).
(i.. 84.) "Be it known to you that, for the sake of my prosperity, I have granted the village named Raņastipůņdi in your district, having made (it) an agrahara, together with the villago named Påruvala, to this Amatyaśikhâmaņi Budhavajrapråkára Saujanyaratnákara, who is known by the name Vajjiya-Peggada, is devoted to me, has taken pains (in my service) resides at Karamachôdu, (and) belongs to the Kauzdinya gôtra."
(L. 87.) The boundaries of this village are):- In the east, the western bank of the tank in the middle of Kauta; in the south-east, the western bank of the Wood-apple pond (Velangagunta) at the spot where the three boundaries of Mrontukarru, Paluru and Raņastipůndi meet; in the south, the road on the ridge (ali) sloping to the bank of the Big tank (Peñjeruvu); in the south-west, the Tamarind pond (Chinta-gunta) at the spot where the three boundaries of Paluru, Korukôru and Ranastipůndi meet; in the west, bush in Korukeru; in the northwest the boundary (is) the boundary of Lulla; in the north the boundary (is) the boundary of Kalaparru and Elta; in the north-east, the spot where the three boundaries of Elta, Mrontukarru and Ranastipundi meet.
(L. 92.) The boundaries of the Amallarghana (?) field in the fields of Tarkala, which belongs to this agrahara named Ranastipûņdi, (are) :- In the east and south, the [G]ångalêru (river); in the west, Kollikurru near (?) Siripodipundi, Gonganavrôlu and Lulla; in the north the boundary (is) the boundary of Siripodipundi.
(L. 94.) Nobody shall cause trouble to this (grant); he who does (it) becomes possessed of the five great sins.
(L. 95.) And the venerable lord Vyasa has also said :-[Verses 35 and 36 contain admonitions to future rulers.]
(L. 97 and v. 37.) The executor (ajñaptt) of this grant, which was given in the prosperous eighth year, in the month Simha, (was) Nrispajkama, the lord of the twice-born, entitled the glorious Dandandyaka. The author of these verses (was) Bhimanabhatta, son of RaohiyaPeddéri. And the writer of the edict (was) Jontacharya.
Ie.. the wall of adamant (in protecting) wise men.' • I.e. they are afraid to leave their houses.
According to verse 22, Vajra belonged to the gótra of Kundins. • I.e. the crest-jewel of ministers.' . I.e. the ocean of gentleness.'
• Compare mataratorana which, as well as the peacock's tail, was one of the emblems of tbe Eastern Chalukyas. Compare also above, Vol. III. p. 92, verse 88, and Vol. IV. p. 48, verse 3.
7 Regarding mwyyalikweru see above, Vol. IV. p. 96, note 4.
SA

Page #433


Page #434

A
Abhimanyu, Rashtrakuta ch.,
Ablår, vi.,
Achalapuri, s. a. Kondavidu,. Achârasara, Jaina work, Achari, an artificer, Achcharapakkam, vi., Achyutaprêkshacharya, teacher, Achyutaraya, Vijayanagara k., Adaraguñchi, vi.,
Adavi, m.,
Adḍakatte-hola, field,
Adḍanallu, family,
Adhika, s. a. Adigaiman, ådhikarika,
Adhipurisvara, te.,
Adhora, .,
Adideva, m.,
Adigai, s. a. Tiruvadi,
Adigaiman,
Adigan, s. a. Adigaiman, Adityavarman, Kadamba ch., Adityavarman, W. Chalukya k., Adivaraha, sur. of Bhojadeva,
Adiyama, CA.,
Âḍar, vi.,.
Advaita, doctrine,
Agarayya, ch.,
Agastya, author, Agastya, rishi, Agastya-Mahéévara, te.,
•
.
•
INDEX."
•
258n 112, 131 25
219
323, 324, 325
261 . 231n
82, 180, 185 321, 322 213 346
331, 332
35, 286, 297, 300
283, 310 27, 35 203 831 331, 332
331, 332, 333, 334
83
PAGE
188
•
"
.
191
196n
99n
262n, 265n
41, 43, 44, 45
109n
10n, 204, 346n
114 Agastya, te., . 117 agnihotra,. 300 Agnifarman, m.,. 94, 97 Agniévara, te., 304 agrahara, .114, 115, 157, 230, 254, 361 Ahavamalla, Kalachurya k., 92 Ahavamalla, sur. of Sôméévara I., 23n, 169n Ahavamalla, sur. of Taila II., Ahavamalla-Bhateyadeva, ch., Ahirama, CA.,
71, 191n
83, 191n
199
331n
Ahitamartanda, sur. of Kakka II., Ahitarajava, sur. of Indra IV., Ahsan Shab, Musalmán ch., Aihole, vi.,
1, 99n, 100n, 164, 169, 171, 175, 185, 191, 255, 295n Aitareya-Brahmana, quoted, 9n Aiyanna, ch.. 324 aja 9, . 114n Ajitatirthakara-purana, 72 89, 347, 361 228, 229 27,
jñapti,
Akalanka, sur. of Vikrama-Chola, . Akalavarsha, sur. of Rashtrakuta kings, 34, 161, 162, 169, 175, 176, 178, 180, 186, 187, 188, 193, 208, 212, 213 Akalavarsha-Krishnaraja, Gujarat Rashtrakúta ch., 168n, 176n, 181, 287 Akálavarsha-Subhatunga, do., 189, 190, 286 Akkama or Akkambikà, queen of RajendraChocla,
Akkara, metre, . akshaya-tritiya, tithi,
Akshobbyatirtha, Madhva teacher,
Alagiyamanavalan, s. a. Vishnu,
Alaktaka-vishaya, di., Alampundi, vi..
Alas, vi, .
Alata, di,
Al-Idrisi, author, Alina, vi., AllAbâbâd, vi Allar, vi.,. alphabets :box-headed,
Grantha,.
•
•
•
•
.
PAGE
181
182 324n
.
269, 276n
213, 214 39a 261, 263
322 209, 213
320n, 328 208, 209
209
. 190n . 297
3n 230
12 79, 83, 228, 315n, 320, 323, 331 Kanarese, 25, 41, 43n, 46, 50, 74, 78, 90, 98, 160, 161, 162, 164, 213, 251,
•
Nagari, Telugu,
Vattelutta,
The figures refer to pages; 'n' after a figure, to footnotes; and 'add.' to the additions on pp. v. to vil. The following other abbreviations are used:-ch. chief; co. country; di. district or division; do. = ditto; dy. dynasty; E.-Eastern; f. female; k.=king; m.= male; mo. mountain; ri, = river; s. a. = same as; sur, surname; te. temple; vi. village or town; W.-Western.
3A2
255, 258 .58, 74, 198 38, 78, 108, 116, 146, 223, 230, 260, 268, 334, 348
.815n

Page #435

364
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VI.
PAGE
PAGB Alugu, vi.. . . . . . . 29, 37 Aphilwad, vi. . . . . . 190n Âlupa, family,
. . 10
Aniyanka-Bhima, biruda,. 268, 273, 376, Amalapuram, vi., .347
276, 277 Âmallaughana, field,
361 Aniyankabhima, 8. a. Anangabhima L, 198, Amarakosa . . . 128n, 203n
199, 200 Amaravati, vi... . 85, 112, 130, 146, Añjanädri, . a. Tirumalai,. . . 328, 380 147, 148, 167, 324, 233n, 289 Âñjanêya, 8. a. Hanumat,
277 Amaréévara, te., . , . 146, 147, 148, 155 ankakâra, a champion, 56n, 57n, 83, Amatyalikbåmaņi, skr. of Vajra, 350, 361
132n, 179, 182n Ambûr, vi.. . . . . . 321 Ankama, 4. a. Akkama, 269, 273, 274, 276n Amma I., E. Chalukya k., . . . 47, 358 Avkanathapurs, vi. . .
. 21 Amma II., do... . . . 47, 349, 351, 358 Ankatriņêtrs, sur. of Krishna III., 5la, Ammalapandi, vi., . 147, 148n, 156
53n, 54n, 83, 178, 179n Amoghavarsha I., Rashfrakdfa k. . 25, Anna Goppappa, s. a. Goppana . . 324 26, 27, 28, 34n, 35, 59, 64n, 100, 102, Annavara, vi., . . .
. .
. 116 106, 107, 166, 167, 168n, 173n, 174, Anna-Vêma, Reddi k.,. . .108, 139n, 130n 176, 188, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, Annigere, 'vi., .
71, 74, 100, 101, 107 192, 193, 194, 197, 209, 255n Annitataka, 1. a. A nigere,. . . . 100n Amoghavarsha II., do. , 172, 176, 189 antahkara-vishtika, . . . 13n, 16n Amoghavarsha, Sur. Of Kakka II., 28n, 181, 182 antaranga, . . . .
186, 141 Amoghavarsha, sur. of Vaddiga, . 62n, 66, Anomagopdalu, family, . .
846 70, 71, 176n, 178, 186, 187, 188, 189 Anumakonda, 8. a. Anamkond, . . 91 Amoghavarsha-Vákpatirkja, Paramdra k. 188n anupravara - amritapadi, . . . . . 232n Audala, . . . . . 186 Anaikkondi, vi., . . . . . 329 Aparajita, cur. of Prithivipati I., . 59 Anamkond, vi, . . . 39n, 91, 163n Aparimitavarsha, sur. of Dantivarman of Guja Anand, vi.,
.
297 råt, . . . . . . . 296 Ânandapura, .. a. Anand,
296, 297, 299 Apasundara, 6. a. Asundar,. . 286 and add. Å nandatirtha, Madhva teacher, · 260, 261, Appa, ch., . . 111, 112, 113, 116, 117, 129, 262, 263, 265, 266
130, 131, 132, 281 Anangabhima I., E. Ganga k., . 198, 200 Appa, 3. a. Varuna, . . . . . 129 Ananta, serpent, . . . . 84, 204 Appapura, vi., . .
. 113, 115, 132 Ananta-Gopinatha, te., . 113, 116 Appâyika, k., .
. . . 2,9 Anantarasa-Odeye, ch., . . .
. 827
aprastata prasarsi, alankára, . . . 9n Anantavarman, Maukhari k.,
Apratidaghoshe, 1., . .
136 Anantavarman, sur. of Chádaganga, 273n, 276n| Ananta-Vasudeva, to.. . . . . .198 arathasanvinâyika, . . . 88, 319 Anantavishộubhafta, 7., . . . 241 ardhôdaya, . .
. . . . 267 Andhra, co. . . . 85, 203n, 316, 316 Argaladeva, author, . . . . 214 Andhra-mandala, 6. a. Andhrapatba, . 85n Arbat, . . . . . .. . 332 Andhrápaths or Andhrapatha, the Telugu country,
Arihararåjs, . a. Harihara II., . . .829
85, 88 ari-samasa or viruddha-samsa, . .100n, 179n Ånevedenga, sur. of Krishņa III., . bln, 661, Ariyappa-Udaiyar, .. a. Harihara II., . . 827 178, 179 Arkevara, to.. . . . .
21 anga=7,. . . . . . . 128nArttapi-vishaya, di.,. . . . 141 Anga, co., . . . . . 92, 106, 208n Arulála, m., . .. Angadi, vi..
. . . 90 Aryadevi or Aryamahad&vi, queen of DanarAngadi-Gopinatha-Hari, to. . . . 113, 116
..: : : ......
849, 869 angarangabhoga, .
89, 93 Åryasamgha, the Buddhist community, . . 286 angarangavaibhava, .
.232n | Arya-siddhanta, 31n, 84, 266, 268, 270, 281
3

Page #436

INDEX.
365
.
.
.
. 258n
Âtuka, ., .
PAGE Årykvarta,
. . . 203 ashtabhôga,
. 99 Aska, vi., .
. . . . . 137 Assam. co., . . . . . . 134 Asundar, vi.. . . . . . 286 add. Asvins, gods, .
359 Âtakûr, vi., . 42n, 48, 50, 53, 70, 80,
178, 185, 187, 188 Atharvavėda, quoted, . . . , In Atisayadhavala, sur. of Amoghavarsha I., 100,
106, 107, 175, 186, 188 Atifadraka, k. (P). .
860 Attahása, m., . . . . . . 203 Áttan-Kömburs, vs., . . . . .229
.88n Âtukůr, s. a. Atakûr,
50, 52, 53, 56 Âtukůr twelve, di.,
. 50, 52, 67 Åtukůru, vi, .
, 116, 132 Atyanga, m. .
. . . 208 Aubhala-Närasitha-Hari, te., .
116 Avacba, family, . . . 214, 217, 218 avagraba, . . . . . 199, 208, 286 Avanibhajana, sur. of Mahendravarman I., 820 Avanibhajana-Pallavasvara, to. . 820 Avanijankdraya-Palakasirkja, Gujardt Chalukya ch., . .
. . . 191, 192 Avanti, .. a. Ujjain, . . . . . 195 Avaravādi, vi., .
. . . 28, 37 Ayodhya, vi.. . . , 181, 886, 346, 369n Ayaktaka,. . . . . . . 86 Ayya, ch., . .
. . . 39 Ayyapadeva, Nolamba k., 47, 48, 49, 65, 70
PAGB BAlabbárata, champú, . . . . 109 Balagámi or Balagårve, vi... bin, 58n, 67n, 72, 91, 92, 93, 94, 99n, 100m, 1070, 165n,
252, 254 BAlavalabhibhujanga, sur. Balavalabb
Of BhavadevaBhatta, . . . , 198, 203, 204, 205 Balavarman, Pragjyotisha k., . . 134 b&lgachebu, . . . . 450, 52, 53n, 57 Balbari, s. a. Vallabharkja,. . 169, 190 bali, . . . . . . . . 900 Balivamia, family, . . BalJAja I., Hoysaļa k., . .
90, 91, 96 BallAla II., do., . . . 92, 94, 97 Ballavi, vi, . .
. . 17 Balligáve, 8. a. Balagåmi, i • 262 Bå manghâti, vin . . . . 134, 186 Bapa, author, . . . . . 143, 240 Banaiya, vi, .
. . . 297 anavåsi, . .58, 67, 262 Banavasi, vi, . . . . . 13 Banavasi twelve-thousand, di., 27, 62, 162, 163,
. 251 and add., 262, 263, 254 Banduladárt or Bhanduladevi, to., . . : 89 Bånevara, to. . . . . . 20, 21 Bangadikote, s. a. Bagalkot, . . .. 101n Bangalore, vi.,
41, 45, 50, 677, 78 Bankapura or Batkapura, oi., . . 86, 88 Bankda or Bahkega, ohn. 26, 27, 28, 86, 86, 87 Bannahalli, oi., : . . . . 16 Bapatla, vi., . . . . . 369, 386 Bappa, m., . . . . . . 192 Bappasvamin, th..
. . 295, 300 Bappúra or Batpura, family,
. . 72 Bappuvarasa, ch., . . . . 189 add. Baragûr, vi, . .
. 47, 66 Baranåsi, ... Våra åsi,
. 167 Barma, ch., . .
.. .... 89 Baroda, vi., 108n, 168n, 170, 172n, 173, 181n,
188, 186, 187, 190n, 194, 209, 287, 290n Barukdr, vi., .
. 2611, 327, 328 Basavayya, mh..
. .. 700 Batgero, Battagørt, or Battakere, vi., 101n, 162n, 176 Bauddha,. . . . . . 166n, 204 Bayal-náą, di.,
. . 63, 71 BayyalamahAdévi or Bayyamåmba, queen of
Manma-Greta, . . . . 157, 158, 159 Begur, vi., . 42, 45, 48, 68, 69, 70, 71n, 82, 103, Behura, vi, . . . . . . 29, 37 Bojavada or Bejavila, t. a. Bezvada... 160,836 Belatur, vi, . . . . 62, 63, 66
B Baboolgaon, vs., . . . . . .242 både, a village, . .
. 252 Badamadevi or Bad&mbika, queen of Budda, 274, 278 Badami, vi.. . 64n, 182n, 189, 190, 191,
192, 208, 269, 295 Badaņeguppe, vi.. . . . . . 67n Baddega, s. a. Vaddiga. . . . 178, 185 Badipoddi or Bålipoddi, f. . . . . 255n Bagadage or Bågadige, .. a. Bagalkot . 63, 101n Bagalkot, vi.... . . 53, 72n, 73n, 101n BagenAd seventy, di., . 62, 63, 67, 70 Bågni, vi.. . . . . . . 101n Bagumri, vi.. . 168n, 169 add., 172n, 176, 176n, 181n, 183, 184, 190, 191, 192,
900, 286, 287, 391n

Page #437

865
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. VI.
PAGE
PAGS Belatūra, vi., 20, 21, 23, 213, 214, 215, 218 Bhimarasa, ch., . .
254 Belgali three-hundred, di...
. . 27
Bhimarathi, ri.. . Belleru, vi., . . . . 28, 37 Bhimavaram, vi.,
. . . . 219, 220 Belar, vi... . 90n, 91, 99n Bhimavuram, vi,
• 147, 156 Belaru, vi., .
. . . 57n Bhimėśvara, to. . . 03, 220, 224, 279, 360 Beļvola three-hundred, di., 52, 53, 57, 70, 91,
Bhogada, 7., .
. . . 141 98, 96, 97, 98, 101, 107, 257 | bhôgapati, . ,
. 141n, 300 Bempar, 8. a. Bågar, . . . . 45, 48, 60 bhogika, . .
37, 297, 300 Bempár twelve, di., . . . 45, 47, 481, 49 bhôgikapala,
. 295 Bendandra, vi., . . . . . 28, 36, 37Bhoja, co., . . . . . . 218 Bendigeri, vi, . . . . 1019 Bhoja I., Kanauj ch., . . . . 198 Berunt, author, . . . . . . 114n Bhojadêve, Kananj k.,
. . . 196n Beta, Amaravati ch., . . . .147, 2681 Bhujabala, sur. of BallAla II., . . . 92n Bezvada, vi., . .
. 169, 888
Bhujagêndra, family, . . . . 73n Bhadana, vi. . 168, 172, 175, 176, 178, bhukti, . . . . . 28, 36, 37
181, 192, 193bhômichobhidra, . . • 136, 141, 300 Bhadrabahu, Jaina saint, . . . . 68n Bhundarkowteh, vi.,. .
. . . add. Bhagavadgita, quoted, . . . . 266n Bhopa-Mahendra, sur. of Vimaladitya, 350, 360 bhagavatpadacharya,. . . 260, 265 Bhussanahalli, vi.. . . . . 825 Bhagirathe mythical k., . . . . , . 56
56 Bhatarya, s. a. Būtuga II., . Bhatarys, . a. Batuen II..
. . . 70 Bhaimarathi, 8. a. Bhimarathi,
• 2,9 BhuvanabhAjana, biruda, . . . . 320n Bhairanmatti, vi.. . .
161 Bhuvanáditya, 8. a. Bataga II., . . . 71 Bhaka, sur. of Mahendrapala,
198 Bhuvanevar, vi.. . . . . . 198 Bhandaragavittage, .. a. Bhandarkowteh, add. Bijabbe, queen of Maruladeva, . . 59 Bhaņdarakeri, vi., . .
. 261n Biļitr, vi., . . .50n, 61, 65, 68, 73, 82 Bhåpahånavarman, ., . . . . 319
Binakalamma, te., . . . . . 28 Bharata, mythical k., . . 359 Birarabira, sur. of Indra IV., .
182 BharatatAtparyanirņaya, quoted,
262, 263 Birudanka-Bhima, sur. of Vimalâditya, 350, 359, 360 Bharata war, . .
. 3, 11
Biradarájabhayathkara-valananda, di.,. 228 Bharavi, poet, . . . 3, 7n, 12, 106 add. Bissênhalli, vi., . . . . . . 64 Bhargava, .. a. Para urma, .
346 Bitraganta, vi, . . . . 108, 130n, 230 Bhartapāņdi, vi, . .
. . . 116
boar crest, . .251, 352, 334, 347, 360 Bharukachchha, &. a. Broach,
• 297 Bodh-Gay, vi., . .
. . 3, 189 Bharukachchha-vishaya, di., . . 295, 800 brahmadêya, . . . . 88, 318, 319 bhatára,
. . 182, 194 Brahmagapta, astronomer,. .
21n Bhatkal, vi., .
. . . 324 brahman-9, . .
P 114, 115 Bhatta, s. a. Kumgrila, . . . 904 Brahman, ch., .
. . 92, 96 bhattaputra, . .
. 141 Brahman, god, 105, 128n, 165n, 204, 246, 273, bhattaraka, . . . . 106, 213
276, 277, 330, 336, 360 Bhattu, muy . . . 800 brahmapura, . .
. . . 199 Bhavadáva, m.,
• 203 Brahma-siddhanta, 20, 21, 280, 281, 282, 284, Bhavad&va-Bhatta, author, 198, 203, 204, 205 285, 301, 303, 304, 305, 306, 307, 308, Bh&vanåráyana, te., . . . . . 338
309, 310, 311, 313, 325, 326, 327, 347 Bhavannaja, ., . . . . .318 Brahmasútra, . . . . . 285n Bhillama, Yadava k., . . . 92, 88 brihadbhôgin, . . . . . . 141 Bhima I., Amardvati ch., . . . 147, 155 Brihadisvara, te., . . . . .313 Bhima II., do. . . . . 147, 156, 158 Brihannårikå, 8. a. Banaiys, . 295, 297, 300 Bhima II., .. a. Chalukya-Bhima II.,
70 Brihaspati, Jupiter, . . . 88, 247, 248n Bhimadabhatta, . . . . 350, 361 Brihatphaldyana, gotra, .. 316, 318, 319 Bhimana-Boya, ini. . . . . . 278 Brihathamhita, quoted, .
. .
. . On, 250R
•
•
• 2012

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INDEX
367
PAGE 1
PAGE British Museum plates, . . . . 231n
Chalukya, Eastern, dy, 3, 47, 64n, 70, 76, 77, Broach, oi., . . . . . 297 82, 141n, 148, 179n, 190n, 191, 196n, Budda, Kondapadmați ch., . , 274, 276 209, 223n, 269, 334, 335, 338, 348, 349, Budda, Natavadi ch., . . 157, 158, 159, 160
350, 3611 Budda I., Kondapadmatich., . , 274, 275 | Chalukya, Western, dy, 1, 2, 4, 64n, 71, 72, Budda II. or Buddhavarman, do.. . 274, 275 74, 81, 91, 92, 169n, 181, 182, 1871, 189, Buddha, god, 146, 147, 148, 155, 156, 157, 159 190, 191, 192, 193, 208, 224, 251 add., Buddharkja, Kalachuri k.,. 295, 296, 299n, 300
253, 254, 295, 296 Buddhardja or Buddaraja, Kondapadmafi ch., Chalukya-Bhima I., E. Chalukya k.. .220n 268, 269, 273, 274, 277, 278 Chalakya-Bhima II., do., .
. 47 Buddhavarman, do.. . 269, 273, 274, 275, 277 Chalukyabhimapura, s. a. Bhimavaram, 220, 228 Buddhist, . . . . 112, 148, 286, 287 Chalukyachakravartin, sur. of Taila III., 91n Budha, m., . . . . . 203 Chalukya-Chola, family, . . . 220, 269 Budhavajraprakara, sur. of Vajra, 850, 361 Chalukyapañchanana, sur. of Panchaladva, 259 Buguda, vi.. . . . . 134, 144, 146n Chambå, oi., . . . . . 188n Bukka I., Vijayanagara k., 129n, 263, 324, Châmena-Böya, ., . . . . . 273 325, 327, 329 Champåhitti, vi, . . .
205n Bukka II., do. .
328, 329, 330 Chamundarâja, Chaulukya k., Bukkana or Bukkanna, s. a. Bukka I., 934, Chanakyachaturmukha, sur. of Govinda IV., . 177
326, 329 Chaodadibhatta, ... . . . . 241 Bulandshahr, vi.. . . . . . 196n Chandella, family, . .
2030 bull crest, . . . . 84, 133, 140, 143 Chandiyamma, m., . . . . . 241 Båtabbe, f., . . .
. . 218 Chandrabhůshana, 4. a. SiddhantichandraButarasa, 8. a. Båtuga, 61, 62, 68, 68, 69 bhusbana, . . . .
. 94 Bütuga I., W. Ganga k., 42, 48, 50n, 57, 59, Chandradhavala, ., . . . . 199
61, 62, 69, 70, 71 Chandråditya, W. Chalukya k., . Batuga II., do., 48, 51, 52, 56, 57, 59, 60, 62, Chandragupta, Jaina saint, . . . 68n
63, 69n, 70, 71, 83, 180 Chandraprabhapurana, quoted, . . 214
Channa-Kolava-Ramanatha, to... . 114 Chanpaks, 8. a. Chambe, . . . • 188n Chåps, family, . . . . . 196n, 197 Châpa, 8. a. Dhanus, . . . . . 301
Charamãodel (Coromandel), . . . . 110 Cambodian inscription, . . . .In, 4 charu, . . . . . . 300 Catair, di, . . . . . . 110 Chaturanana, sur. of salva-Timma, . 138 Ceylon, island, . .
214
Chaturbhuja, 8. a. Vishnu, . . 128n chaitya, a stapa, . . . 146, 147, 155
Chaturthabhijana, 4. a. Chaturthakula, 269, 273 Clákirája, ch., . . . . . . Chaturthakula, the sadra caste, 167, 168, 275 Chakratirtha, . .
. 262 Chaubattamalla, sur. of SA]va-Timma, 128 Chakráyudha, k., .
. 197
Chaulukya, family, . . . . . 190n Chaladaggali, sur. of Indra IV.,.' . 182 chavela or chavala, coin, . . . 233 Chaladankakâğa, do.,. .
83, 182 Chébrölu, vi., 38, 39, 220, 223, 224, 276n, 278, 280 Chaladan karima, sur. of Santiverman, 179n Chelladhvaja, ch., . . . . . 28 Chalakenallata, sur. of Krishna III., 178, 179, 180 Chellaketana, sur. of Bankesa, . . . 28 Challagarâ, . a. Challagaregi, 147, 148, 156 ChellapatAka, sur. of Lokaditya,. . 28 Challagaregi, vi.. . . . . 148 Chelldr, vi. . 8, 334, 835, 836, 344n, 349, 358 Challebvara, te, . . . . . 50, 52, 56 Chembarti, vi.. . . . . . . 156 Chalukya, family, 2, 7, 8, 12n, 191, 192, 345, 359 Chembrðla, .. a. Chébróla,
mbroid, 6. d. Chebrola, . . . 224. 227 Châlokya, da., 84, 156, 160, 220, 223, 224, 225, Chetohi, .. a. Señiji, . . . . 823, 930
247, 259, 260, 845n, 846, 861 Chera, co., . . 51n, 856n, 823n, 881,892

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VI.
146
360
30,
PAGE 1
PAGE Chéramån-PerumAl-Kbyilûr, vi., .
331 Dakshiņapatha, the Dekkhan, . .173n Chêtanabhatta, ill., . .
351 Dâmaka-Amare-Boya, m.,. . . 158 Chharampasvåmin, m.;
Dambal, vi. . . . . 98, 101n Chhavalakkhaya, vi., . . .
144, 146damma or dramma, coin, . . . . 233 Chicacole, vi.. . . . . . . 42 DÂmodaradatta, m., . .
13,16 Chidamâmbå, f. . . . .
Dåna or Dånarnava, E. Chalukya k., 349, 358, 359 Chikka-Kampanna, . a. Kampana II., 324, 326 Dånálava, m., . .
. . 186 Chik-Kați, vi... .
. . 61 dandant
dandanátha, . . . . . . 109n Chikkulla, vi. . . . 16, 181, 84, 135n, 159 dandanayaka, . . 64n, 92, 106, 111 add., 361 Chinchila, 8. a. Chiñchli,
dåndapatika. . . . . . 135, 141 Chiñohli, vi., 83, 105, 106, 179, 180, 255n Dandapur, vi.. . . . . . 177 Chintagunta, pond, . . . . . 361 Daņdimahádôvi, queen, 133, 135, 136, 140, 144 Chintapalli, vi, . .
147, 148, 156 Dantidurga, Rashtrakufa k., 26, 27, 34, 161, Chitpâvan Brâhmans, . . . . 2410
167, 168, 169, 170, 172, 1740, 182, Chitrakūta, kill-fort,. .
106 183, 187n, 188, 190, 191, 192, 193, Chitravedenga, sur. of Khoftiga,. . 180
197n, 209 Choda, s. a. Chồla, . .
Dantivarman, ch., .
. 208, 213, 287 Choda or Choderája, Kondapadmati oh., 274, 276 Dantivarman, Gujardt Rashfrakúga ch., Chodaganga, E. Chalukya oh., 884, 335, 345,
168n, 285, 286, 287 346, 347, 348 Dantiverman I., Ráshfrakufa k.,. . 168, 183 Chodaganga, E. Ganga k., 199, 200, 273n, 276n Dantivarman II., do., . , 168, 192, 209, 212 Choda-Gonka, 8. a. Gonka III., . , 269n Daquem (Dekkhan), .
. . 110 Chodakulasekhara, sur. of Kulottunga I., 221 Dalakumaracharita, quoted,. . .103n, 245n Choda-mandala, co., . . . . .223 Dâsamma, m., . . . . . 161, 162 Chodaruram, sur. of Ammalapundi, 147, 156 Dafávatára, cave to., 27n, 188, 174, 181n, 183, 193 Choderája, Amaravati ch., .
147, 156 dates :Chode vara, te. . . . . . 38
recorded by a chronogram, 112, 129, 131, Chokhad, vi., . . . . 288 add.
323, 380 Chok khakuti, a. a. Chokhad,
286 and add. recorded in numerical symbols, 85, 86, 134, 135, Chola, co., 11, 20, 23, 24, 44n, 61, 62, 63n, 56,
136, 295, 316 57, 74, 75, 76, 81, 82, 92, 169n, 212, recorded in numerical words, 39, 112, 113, 214, 217, 218, 220, 227, 302, 303, 304,
114, 115, 116, 117, 128, 155, 156, 159, 319, 331, 323n, 331, 333n, 335, 349, 350 221, 231, 266, 267, 268, 273, 275n, Cholatriņêtrs, biruda, . . . 53n
276, 277n, 278n, 334, 345, 359 Cholávara, te., . . .
. . 281
Datta, ini. . . . . . . . 360 David, m... . . . . . 89 days, lunar :
bright fortnight :Dabbhellanka, s. a. Dabbel, . . 286 and add. first,.
21, 26, 283, 303, 327, 328 Dabhel, vi.. . . . . . 286 add. second, . . . . 180n, 310, 326 Dabka, vi., . 297 third,
. 39, 281, 283 Dadda I., Gurjara k.,
296n fourth,
. .311 Dadda II., do., . . . . 296, 297 fifth, 17, 18, 19, 268, 275, 283, 807, 312, Daderkop, di.,. . . . 29n
925, 328, 329 Dadhere, vi., . . . . 29, 37 sixth, , .282, 306, 325, 349, 359 Dadiga-mandala, di., . . . 256n seventh,. , 208, 213, 263n, 328, 329 Dadigarasa, ch., . 256, 257 eighth, . .
. . 260, 266 Dakshiņa-Kedaresvera, te., . . . 61n, 94 ninth,
262, 304 Dakshiņa-Koala, co.,. . . . 196n, 141 tentb, 147, 155, 156, 176n, 282, 302, 303, Dakshinamurti-Bhatta, m., . . . . 230
309, 330

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369
PAGE
PAGE eleventh, 111n, 157, 159n, 221, 267, 279, 325 Tuesday, . . . 282, 284, 307, 326, 327 twelfth, .
. 111, 129, 255n Wednesday, 221, 232, 233, 260, 266, 279, thirteenth, . 23, 180n, 310, 311, 313 283, 284, 285, 304, 305, 306, 307, 309, fourteenth,: . . . . 313
325, 326, 330 fifteenth, 159, 160, 232, 325n, 327, 328 Thursday, 20, 21, 24, 147, 155, 156, full-moon, 13, 15, 20, 24, 25, 26, 36, 93, 97,
167, 169, 160, 259, 260, 268, 276, 281, 112, 114, 115, 116, 220, 225, 268, 278,
303, 306, 308, 325, 328, 329, 334, 345, 280, 329, 334, 345, 347
349, 369 dark fortnight :
Friday, 220, 266, 275, 278, 285, 303, 308, first, . .
309, 310, 311, 326, 327, 329 . . . . 21n, 307
. second,
. 259, 260, 282, 309
Saturday, 39, 83, 84, 93, 94, 97, 111, third, . . . . . 303, 310, 311
129, 225, 266, 267, 282, 801, 306, 910, fourth, . . . . 282, 284, 306
312, 313 fifth,. . . . 136, 276, 280, 326
Debhaka, 8. a. Dabka, . . . 295, 297, 900 sixth,. . . . . 308
Debür, vi., . . . . . . 66 seventh, .
. 308, 309, 326
Décha, .. . . . . . . 116
: eighth,
.22, 24, 225
Dekabbe or Dekale, f.. . 214, 215, 218, 219 ninth, 268n, 284, 286 and add., 306, 307,
Denduldru, vi... . .
. . . 169 312, 313
Debli, vi., De
28n, 64n, 70, 71, 170, 172n, 176, tonth, 18n, 284, 285, 302, 304, 305, 326, 927
178, 179, 183, 184, 186, 187, 189n, 190, eleventh, .
192, 193 . . . 111n, 301, 306 twelfth, . . . . . 23, 217
Désináthekvara, te., . . . . . 332 thirteenth, . . . . 266, 285, 308
Debiya-gana. . . . . . 26, 36 fourteenth,. . . . 826 Dåvagere, vi., .
. . 13, 17, 18n fifteenth,
. 267, 296, 800 Dêrageri, vi.. . .
101n, 102 new-moon, 102, 107, 242, 267, 228, 229, 830
Davagiri, vi. . . . . . 82, 263
Devakt, f. . . . . . . 203n days, solar :
Devanaiyyabhatta, ti,
. . . 241 first, . . .
• 806, 329 Devannayya, ch. .
100, 101, 107 second, . .
Devaraya I., Vijayanagara k., . • 18n, 828 fourth, . . . . . 301, 302
Dávarhalli, vi.. . . . seventh. .
. . 60, 77, 79 .
802, 303
Dévalarman, m., tenth,
. .
.
13, 16
.
Dévavarman, Kadamba k., . eleventh,
. . 281
. . .
17
Devendra, Jaina teacher, . . . twelfth, . .
26, 36
Devendravarman, E. Ganga k., . , . 42 fourteenth,. .
. 308, 309
Devi-Hosûr, vi., . . . . seventeenth, 312, 313, 323
180 .
Dhammapada, quoted, . . . . 318n nineteenth, . .
. . 305
Dhanadapura, Dhanadaprólu or Dhanadavrolu, twenty-first, .
8. a. Tandavölu,. . twenty-second,
268, 273, 274
Dhangadêva, Chandella k., . . . twenty-fourth, . .
. 203n
Dhafifiskada, .. a. Amaravatt, twenty-seventh,.
85, 88
Dhånyaghati, do. . . . . 157, 169 thirtieth,
Dhányakataka, do. . 146, 147, 155 days of the week :
Dharaņikota, vi.,
. . . . Sunday, 21, 23, 102, 176n, 177n, 180n, 267, Dharaniyaráha, biruda, . . . . 196n 288, 289, 306, 307, 308, 826, 826, 827, 828 | Dharapivaráha, Chapa ch...
Dharanivardha, Chapa ch., .
.
. . . 196n Monday, 22, 23, 25, 112, 114, 116n, 180n, Dhardvarsha, Paramára ch, . .188n
214, 217, 226, 228, 229, 267, 280, 283, Dharivarsba, sur. of Dhruvs, 27, 84, 172, 186, 384, 302, 303, 304, 310, 311, 312, 313,
187, 188, 196, 240 827, 828, 829Dharkvarsha, sur. of Dhruvarkja I., 189, 190n
33
..
.
.
.
..
.
.
.
.
.
.
.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
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PAGE Dugmonelmalli, vi, . .
50 Durga, Natavadi ch., . . . . 157, 158 Durgafakti, Séndra ch.. . Durjaya, family, 224, 225, 227, 268, 273, 275,
276, 277 Durjaya, Kakatiya k., . . . . 268n Durlabha, sur. of Amoghavarsha I., 175, 193 Durlabhadevi, queen of Pulakê in I., . 73 Durvinita, W. Ganga k., . . . . 73 dataka, . . . 136, 192, 286, 287, 300 Dvaita, doctrine, , 260, 261, 265n Dváradáva, ch., . . . .
199 Dvårska, vi., . . . . . . 3 Dvaravati, .. a. Dvaraka, . . . 93 Dvådai-Kəmbusam, oi.,
. . . . 230a dvivedin, . . . . . . . 211n
PAGE Dhardvarsha, sur. of Dhruvardja II., 183, 184,
187, 190n dharmamaharaja, dharmamaharajadhiraja, . . 15n, 44, 55, 260 Dharmapala, Pála k.,
. .
. . 197 Dharmapuri, vi.. . . . . 331, 833 Dharmaraja-mandapa, Dharmasindho, quoted, . . . llln Dharmávaloka-Tanga, Ráshfrakúta ch., . 189 Dharmavarman, mythical k., . . 523 dharmayuvamahârâja, . . . . 15n Dharme vara, te. . . . . 282 Dhavala, m., , .
136 Dhavala, Rashtrakúta ch., . . . . 196n Dhora, s. a. Dhruva, 105n, 163, 172, 185, 195,
240, 241, 247 Dbrûbbața, sur. of siladitya VII. : 297 Dhruva, comet,. . . . . 250, 256n Dhruva, Rashtrakúta k., 27, 42, 65, 72, 105,
163, 165, 166, 170, 171, 172, 173, 183, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 193, 194, 195,
196, 197, 240, 265n, 256 Dhruvarija, ch., . . . . . 208, 213 Dhruvaraja I., Gujarat Rdshfrakúta ch.,
183, 190n, 290n Dhruvarája II., do., 183, 184, 187, 190n, 286,
287, 291n Dhruvasena III., Valabhi k., . . .249n Dhvajatatáka, s.a. Guļigere, . . . 254 Didgûr, vi.. .
351 and add., 252, 256 Disidhavala, m., . . . . . 199 ditham (drishtam), . . . . . 88n ditys, . . .
. 300 Doddahundi, vi. . 41, 42, 66, 69n, 107n Dodda-Kaulande, vi.,
. .325n Doddikandravidi, di., . , 147, 148, 167 Dokiparru, vi.,
. Domba or Domma, a Dom or Gipsy, 161, 162, 163n Dombara-Mattûr, vi., . .
181 Dommara-Kadava, m., .
. 163 Donepaņdi, vi.. . . . . . . 220n Donkiparru, 8. a. Dokiparra, 147, 149, 156 Dora, 8. a. Dhruva, . . 163, 172, 185 Dorasamudra, 8. a. Halebid, . 90, 91 Dôrayya, m., . .
. . 163n Dosi, ch. . .251 and add., 252, 253 Dosiråja, ch., . . . .
. .
251 add. Drákshåráma, vi., . , 220, 224, 279, 360n Dröna, m.. .
. 860 Dudda, Valabki princess, . . . . 166n
Echa, ch., . . . 214, 215, 217, 218 fechaladavi, queen of Narasimha I., . 92, 95 eclipse, .
. . . . 253 eclipsos, lunar, 25, 26, 36, 93, 94, 97, 22), 224,
. 227, 232, 233, 278, 280, 325n, 327 eclipses, solar, 102, 107, 144, 146, 241, 242, 267 Edenadu, di, . . . 214. 218 Edenadu seventy, di., . . . . . 67n
kamranatha, te. . . . . 281, 282 Elad@yasimha, biruda, 268, 273, 275, 276, 277 elephant crest, , . . 72, 73n, 254, 255, 256 Elevabedenga, sur. of Indra IV., . . 182 eleya-bhojaga, . .
. . . 258 Elini, Chera ch., . . . . 331, 332 Elkuppe, vi.. . . Elkůru, oi.. . . . . . . 57 Ellora, vi., . 377, 168, 174, 181n, 183, 193 Ellore, oi., . . . . . 159, 333 Elta, vi., . . . . . . 361 Emmandala-gonda-Perumal, sur. of Sundara
Pandya, . . . . . .323n Engupavirai, .. a. Arhat, . . . . 332 Erakori, m... . . . . . 27, 35 eras :Armenian, . .
. . . . . . 89 Gaupta or Gupta, . . . . 143, 146 Gupta-Valabhi, . . . . . 297 Hijra, . .
324n Kalachuri-Chedi,
295, 296, 300 . 3, 263, 322n, 323, 826
148

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371
81
G
PAGE
PAGB Bala or SAka, 3, 12, 13, 18n, 20, 21, 22, 23, Ganga, Western, dy., 29, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44n, 24, 25n, 26, 27n, 36, 39, 51, 55, 57, 58,
47, 51, 52n, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 60, 61, 62, 63, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 73n,
65, 66, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 83, 84, 90, 91n, 92, 93, 97, 102, 106,
80, 81, 82, 83, 176, 178, 179, 180, 182, 107n, 108, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115,
183, 214, 215, 254, 256, 259, 260n, 116, 117, 128, 129, 131, 134, 147, 148,
321, 322 155, 156, 157, 159, 160, 176, 177n, Gangå, the Ganges, 21, 58, 132n, 146, 203n, 178, 180n, 195, 200, 208, 209, 213, 214,
221, 227, 233, 287 217, 220, 221, 223, 224, 225, 227, 231, Ganga-Bana, family, . . . 65, 75, 82, 1910 232, 233, 242, 255, 259, 260, 262, 263, Gangagångeya, sur. of Batuga II., . bln 266, 267, 268, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, Gangaikondasolapuram, vi., . . . 313 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285, Gangakandarpa, sur. of Marasimha II., . . 286 and add., 287, 297, 322, 323, 324, Gângalèru, ri., . . . . . 361 325, 326, 327, 328, 329, 330, 334, 336, Gånga-nadu, di.,. . . . 331
345, 347, 349, 359 Gânganarayana, sur. of Batuga II., . 5ln Ereganga, Ganga k. : . . . .57n
Ganga-Pallava, family, . . . 321 Ereya, ., . . . . . . 161, 162 Gangapáti, 8.a. Gangavadi, . . . 28n, 70 Ereyanga, ch., . . . . . 217 Ganga-Permanadi, W. Ganga k.. . 87 Breyanga, Hoysala k, . . . 90, 95 Gangaraja, ch., . . . . . . 331n Eroyappa, W. Ganga k., 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 52, Gangavadi ninety-six-thousand, di., 28, 35, 47, 53n, 57, 59, 61, 62, 63, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 82
48, 49, 52, 57n, 70, 180, 195 Erraganta, &. a. Yerraguntapadu, 147, 148, 166 Gangegonda, st of Rajendra-Chola I., . 22 Erra-Mapda, Kondapadmafich, . . 274, 275 Gångøya, . a. Bhishma, . . 56, 273, 276
Gañâm, di. . . 133, 134, 137, 140n, 143
Gafijâm, vi, . . . . 63n, 61, 73 Gadag, vi., . . . 89, 92, 93, 94, 98, 101 Garasambha, vi., .
. .
141 Gadiyamaderi, queen of Budda II., 274, 276 Garga, astronomer, 20, 21, 111n, 280, 281, Gahiyaså hasa, 8. a. Ghaisiss,
282, 284, 285, 301, 302, 303, 304, 305, Gajapati, dy. . . . 110, 138, 218, 261 306, 307, 308, 309, 310, 311, 312, 313, Gajapura, vi.. . . . . 336
325, 326, 327, 328, 347, 349 Galaõjavägila, vi.. . . . . . 60
Garuda crest, 36, 106, 130n, 131 and add., Galigêkere, vi... . . . 62, 73n
208, 285 gåmundo, a village headman, . . . 49n
Gasavi-Säramadêvi, f., . . . . 147, 156 Ganadáva Rautaraya, ch., . . . . 110 Gattavați, vi., . . . . 62, 70 Ganapamba, Kakatiya princess, 147, 268n Gauda, co., . . . 105, 143, 197, 203, 248 Ganapati, god,. . . 90, 169 add. Gaudabhatta, m., . . . . . 277n Ganapati, Kakatiya k., 89, 199n, 159, 160, 268n gaupa names, . . . . . Gapapati, m., . . . . .
. 26, 37 Gauri, queen of Bukka I.,
827 Ganapékvaram, oi., . . '. 38, 39, 1890 Gautama, rishi, . . . . . . 199 Ganda, Konda padmați ch., . 269, 273, 274, 277
Gautama, Saiva teacher, . . . . 94 gandabhêranda, a double-headed eagle, . 166 Gautam putra Satakarpi, Andhra k., . Ganda Kattari Saluva, biruda, . . .131n Gavadivada, &. a. GÅwarawad, . . .1077 Gandamabendra, sur. of Chalukya-Bhima II.,. 47 GÅwarawid, vi., . . . 71, 74, 107n Gandamartanda, sur. of Govinda IV., 177 Ghaisåsa,. . . . . . . . 2410 Gapdamartanda, sur. of Krishna III., 56n, 179 Gingee, vi.,
. . . 323 Gapdamartande vara, te., . . . 55n, 179 Ginjipadłu, s.a. Gunjapalli, . 147, 148, 156 Handén, 8. a. Ganapati, . . . 78, 179nG irija-tithi, . . . . . : 39 Ganga, family,. . . 10, 49, 56, 171, 848, 249 Giripa chima, . a. Kondapadmati,. . . 276n Gadge, Eastern, dy, 42, 72, 76, 76, 77, 82, 198, Giripaschimalâsana, biruda, 269, 276, 277 199, 200, 362n, 376 Giripidalu, vi. . . . . . 29, 37
SB
241
186

Page #443

872
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
•
823 •
207
PAGS
PAGE Goa, di. . . . 180, 10n, 72, 191n | Govinda I., Rashfrakda k., 27, 84, 167, 168, Godávarl, ri, . . . . 8, 192n
171, 212 Goginaja, ., . . . . . . 318 Govinda II., do., 27, 170, 171, 172, 189, 190, Goindamma, m., .
.241
192, 196, 197, 208, 209, 218 Gojjiga, s.a. Govinda IV. · 177, 186, 186 Govinda III., do., 26, 27, 41, 64, 65, 72, 105, Gokulasvâmin, m., . . . . . 30
106n, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 171, 172, gôkuta, . . . . . . 136, 141 173, 174, 176, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, Golla, .. . . . . . . . 286
188, 189, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, Gonandija (Gonandydrya), m.,
. . 88
197, 208, 209, 240, 241, 249, 252, 256, 267 Gondandtavați, .. a. Konnatavadi-vishaya, 147, Govinda IV., do., 26n, 53n, 71, 170n, 178n,
148, 156
174n, 176, 177, 178, 184, 185, 190, 191, 209 Gonganavrolu, oi., .
. . 861 Govindaraja, Gujardt Rashtrakdfa ch., 188 Gorka JI., Velanandu ch., . . . 269, 373 Gdyinda, *. a. Govinda III., . . 173, 185 Gobka III., do., . .
gråmagrása,
. .
. 218n Gopa, ch., . . 111 and add., 112, 113, 129, 180, gråmakóta, . . . . . 35, 286
131, 231, 232, 238 Guddavádi-vishaya, di, ... 351, 360 Gopala, Pala k., . . . 169n Guļigere, vi. .
189n, 253, 254, 257 Gopalasvâmin, to. . . . .
. .
. 113 Gudrabara, Grudravåra, Gudråvara or Gudrara, Gopaña, s. a. Goppana, . . . 822, 829, 830 a. Kadůrahara, . . .816 Gopapuram, vin, . .
. 116
Guhavarapataka, vi.., . . 185, 186, 140 Gopavars, vi., . . . . 113, 116 Gujarat, co., 167, 170, 173, 174, 181, 182, Gopinathasvâmin, te..
183, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 208, Goppana, ch., . .
257, 278, 286, 286, 297, 295, 296 Goraj, vi, . . .
Gujjappanahundi, ti.,
28 Gorajja, .. a. Goraj, .
Guldapadi, vi., . . . 41, 48, 46 Gorajje-bhoga, di.,
• 296, 800 Gülgånpode, vi., . . . . . . 100n gorava, . . .
Gunabhara, sur. of Mahendravarman I., 320 GOsana.Boya, ., . . . . .223
Gumaga or Gupaka, sur. of Vijayaditya III., . 179n gossa, . . . . . . 266, 267 Gunakenalla, biruda,. . . 179n Gondsi, vi., . . . . . 266n
GuŅAvaloka-Nanna, Rashtrakdịa ch., 189 gotras :
Gundamadori or Gundambika, queen of BudÂgniviya, . .
dbarája, . . . . . 274, 277, 378 Aupamanyava,
318 Gundasamudra, tank, . . . . .277 Bharadvája, 76, 85, 88, 146, 208, 219, 241, Gundiya-Boya, m., . . . .223 318, 824 Gundlakamma, ri., .
113, 114 Gautama, . . . . . . 818 Gupdlupēte, vi., . .
• 828 Karshpåyana, .
• 818
Gandur, vi,, . . . 37n, 82, 181, 182, 185 Kabyapa, .
. . 141
Gunjapalli, vi., . . . . . 148 Kaundinya, 15, 109, 116, 128, 318, 350, 300, 361 Gunti-Ane-Boya, m., . . . . . 169 Kaulika,
17, 19, 111, 129, 141, 292, 818 Gupta, dy. . . . . . 298, 299n Manavys,
. . 16, 19, 360 Gurjari, family,178n, 190n, 296n, 896, 297, 800n, 369 Parkkara,
. . 300
Gurjara, co. . . . 2, 10, 92, 108, 250 Tanavya, . .
. . 818
Guruparampard prabhava, quoted, .263, 332, 828 Tuthiyalla, . . . . 17, 19
Gutti (Gooty), vi.,
112, 180 Vasishtha, . .
• 116 Guttiyaganga, sur. Qf Marasimha II., . . 69 Visvamitra, . . . .
186 i Gwalior, vi, . . . . . 1960 Govs, co.,. .
• 218 Govardhana, m., .
• 203 Govardhanasvamin, to. . . . . 977 Haddela, vi, . . . . 196n Govinda, k., . . . . . . 2, Hagandra, .,. . . . 39, 37
.
.
68
88
...

Page #444

INDEX
373
PAGE
PAGS Halebid, vi.,
. 16, On Hiuen Tsiang. . . 136, 137, 143, 144 Hallegere, vi, .
. . . . . .
60, 73nbolegéri, . . . . . . . 166n Halsi, vi,
. . . 13, 16n, 16, 17, 19n Hombal, vi., . . . . . . 94 Hampe, oi., .
. . 231n, 262n Hombklalu, .. a. Hombal,. . . 93, 94, 97 Hângal, vi, . . . 18n, 82 Homma, vi. . .
. . . 828 Happikeri, vin, . .. .100n, 101n Hồndala, vi.. .
. . 136 Hanumat, god,. . 127, 181, 346n Honnali, vi, . .
. 64n Hara, s. a. Siva, . . 105, 165n, 246, 359, 360 Honnêyakanhalli, vi., . . . . 62, 67 Haradutta, author, . . . . . 16n hôrå-sastra, . . . . . .204 Hararåya, s. a. Harihara 11., ,
329 Hosakote, vi.. . . . . . . 91 Hari, s. a. Visbņu, 17, 19, 56, 108, 116, 127, Hosanjalalu, vi.. .
. 29, 37 165n, 208, 212, 265 Hosapattana, vi.,
327 Haridetta, m., . . . . . 17, 19 Hosûr, vi, .
. 158, 78 Hari-dina, the 11th tichi,
. . llln Hoysala, dy., add., 69, 90, 91, 94, 307n, 328n, Harihar, vi., . . . 74,93
327, 331n, 388 Harihara II., Vijayanagara k., 323, 327, Håglt, rin . .
. . 203n 828, 329, 880 Håli, vi., . . . . . . . 71 Harichandra, mythical k., 226, 227, 278, 276, 277 Hulimangale, vi., . Hariti,.. . .
. . 15, 19 Huliyamarasa, eh., . . . 25, 88 Barivania, Jaina work, . . . 195 Hulla or Hullapa, ch., . . . . . add. Harivarmadêrs, k., . . . 208, 2015 Humcha, si.. . . . . 76,88 Harivarman, Kadamba k., . 13n, 15n, 16, 17, 19n Husnkura, vi., . . . 61, 65, 66, 68, 100n Harivarman, W. Ganga k., . . . 81 Hari-vasara, . . . . . 111, 129 Hariyagiri, mo., . .
. 213 Hariyana-, Hariyanna- or Hariyappa-Udaiyar, Iddhatējas, sur. of Dhruva,. . . 173, 192 #. a. Harihara II., . . . 327, 328, 329 Iggali, vi., . .
62, 67, 68, 69, 70 Harsha, Kanawj k., . . 10, 143, 144, 248n Iggalûr, vi, i . . . 48, 50 Harsha, sur. of Vin&yakapala, . . . 198 Iļamisvara, te., . . . 310, 311, 312 Harshacharita, quoted, 149, 240, 245, 247n, Immadi-Bukkaraya, *. a. Bukka II., . 829
248, 249n Immadi-Nolambádbiraja, Nolamba k., . 51n Håsan, vs., . .
. . 18n Indagere, vi.. . . . . . 29, 37 Hastimalla, sur. of Prithivipati II., 59, 60, 65, Indamma, .. .
. 267 76, 82, 191n Indra, god, 10, 19, 92, 105 and add., 127, 128n, Hastintbhiţta, vi.. . . . . 203, 205 180n, 166, 178n, 212, 273, 800, 345, 359, 360 Hatondi, vi, . .
. . 196n Indrs I., Rashtrakufa k.,. . 27n, 168, 171 Hatti-Mattûr, vi., . , 161, 162, 176, 187 Indra II., do.. . . . . . 27, 84, 212 Hayapati, k., . . . . . 218 Indra III., do., 26, 168n, 170, 172, 176, 177, Hebbal, vi., . . 52n, 71n, 82, 176, 178, 185
178n, 183, 184, 189, 194 Hebbalu, vi.. . . . . . . 62n Indra IV., do... . . . 88, 180, 182, 189 Hoggadadêvankote, i., . . . .
Indrakila, hill, . . . . . . 169 Hemachandrs, author, . . . .
Indrapalavarman, Prdgigotisha k. . 184 Hémávati, vi. . . .
47,66 Indraraja, Guardt Rashfrakdfa ch., . 178n, 174n Hinduriya-suratråpa, biruda, . , 327n Indraraja, k., . . . . . . 197 Hirabadagalli, di, . . . 179, 85, 86, 88n Indravarman I., E. Ganga k., . . 72 Hiranandi, vi, . . . . . 62, 63, 71 Indrayadha, k., . .
195, 196, 197 Hird-Handigol, vi. . . . 180, 185 Indugala, oi., . .
29, 87 Hirt-Bidanur, di., . . . . 45n, 47, 65 Irēru, ri.,. .
. 89 Hiriya-nadu, di. .
. . 881n Irivabedanga-Satyafraya, W. Chalukya k., 710 Hitpahebb&gila, vi..
19n, 16n, 16n Irlapadu, vi. . . . . . 274, 276

Page #445

374
Irmadi-Vira-Manalera, ch., Irraluru, s. a. Irlapâdu, Iruga, ch., Isa, s. a. Šiva,
Isaradataja (Isvaradattarya), m., lévaradeva, s. a. Mahadeva,
J
Jannaya, m.,
Jataka, quoted,
Jatavarman Kulasekhara, Pandya k.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Jagadavâdu, Jagaddêva, ch.,
Jagadėkamalla II., W. Chalukya k.. Jagadėkamalla-Permadi I., Sinda ch., Jagamechchuganda, sur. of Kêta II., Jagamechchugandapuram, vi., Jagannatha (Puri), vi.,
•
Jagattunga, sur. of Govinda III., 26, 27, 34, 85, 105, 174, 175, 186, 187, 188, 189,
Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I., do.,
Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya II., do.,
Jatilavarman, do.,
Javanayya or Javaniyarma, ch., Jaya or Jayana, ch.,
Jayabbe, queen of Nolambadhiraja,
:
Jayabhata III., Gurjara k., Jayadankakara, biruda, Jayadattaramga, sur. of Batuga II., Jayambika, queen of Gorka III.,
PAGE 52n
276, 277 46, 47, 49
37, 344, 361
818 263
•
•
•
.
193, 194 Jagattunga II., Rashtrakuta k.. 169, 170, 176, 177n, 178n, 186 Jaggu, m., 208, 213 Jaina, add., 2, 7n, 25, 26, 28n, 34, 75, 81, 195, 199, 258, 265n, 287, 315, 331 Jaitasimba or Jaitrasimba, ch., 92, 96 Jaitugi I. or Jaitrapala, Yadava k., 92 Jakabbe, f., . 217 Jakkivada, vi., 162n 136
·
Jambhala, m., Jambukéévara, te.,
Jammapa-Udaiyar, Vijayanagara ch., Jananathanagari, s. a. Kajamahendri, Janavallabha, sur. of Govinda III., janmashtami, tithi,
.
.
•
.
. add. 91, 95
91, 191n
191n
156, 157n
147, 157
144
281, 307, 309 324n, 325 add.
335, 346 174, 186, 192 24 ⚫ 230 15n
83, 301, 302, 314, 324
306, 807, 308, 314 310, 311, 312, 314
320
217
89
66 295n 57 51n, 180 269
PAGE
Jayangonda-Chola, sur. of Rajadhiraja I., 214, 218n Jayangonda-Chola-mandalam, co., Jayangonda-Chola-Permâḍi-gåvanda, sur. of
228, 320
.
Raviga,.
Jayangondanâtha, te., Jayanta, god, Jayanta, Matsya ch., Jayasimha, k.,
214, 218 311 105n, 273, 277 262n . 263n
Jayasimha I., W. Chalukya k., 8, 182, 189, 190 Jayasimha II., do.,
Jayasimha I. Vallabha, E. Chalukya k.,
224 190n 136
Jayȧtman, m., Jayatungasimha, ch., Jayavarman, k., jihvâmûlîya, Jina,
Jinasena, author, Jinendra, prophet, Jinnahalli, vi., Jommâdêvi, queen of Bukka I., Jontacharya, m., Jotishkuḍi, vi., Junagadh, vi., Jupiter, planet, .
•
.
•
. 189n
316, 318, 319
1, 2, 17, 25, 286, 295
12, 26, 34, 36, 37
195
.
[VOL. VI.
.
2, 7, 12, 26, 34n
52n, 62 327 851, 361
323
19n, 165n
84
.
·
K
Kachchega, sur. of Krishna III., Kachcheya-Gabga, biruda, Kadaba, vi., 26, 27n, 28, 61, 103, 169, 173,
•
•
51n, 55, 178
. 55n
174, 190 • 65
7n, 8, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18n, 19, 101n, 283n 16n, 82 223
Kadabûr, vi., Kadamba, family, Kadamba, do., Kadambanguḍi, vi., Kadambari, quoted, 28n, 240, 241, 245, 247n, 248n, 249n, 250m
Kadanatrinêtra, biruda, Kadapperi, tank, Kadappêri, vi., Kadaram, co.,
Kadiyar, vi.,
54n, 179n 332 . 310 21 52, 53, 57 Kaikeya, k., 17, 19 Kailasanatha, te., 79, 227, 228, 279, 284, 285 Kaingoda, vi., 136n, 144 Kakatiya, Kakatiya or Kakatys, family, 39, 91, 147, 159, 160, 163, 268 28, 37
Kakeyanâru, vi.,
•
•

Page #446

INDEX.
375
PAGE Kakka L, Rashtrakúța k.,. 27, 181n, 212 Kakka II., do., add., 26n, 53n, 173, 174n, 181,
182, 184, 186, 190, 191 Kakkala, Kakkara, Karka or Karkara, 6. a.
Kakka, . add., 27, 34, 181, 182, 186, 186 Kakkaraja I., Gujarat Rashtrakdfa ch., 181n Kakkarája II., do.,
170, 181n, 188, 18On KAkula, . a. Srikakulam, . . 109, 127 KAkusthavarman, Kadamba k., . , 7n, 17 Kalachuri, dy, , 92, 96, 178n, 188, 189n Kalachurya, dy. . . . . 92, 181 Kalamdevara, te.,
. . . 254 Kalamukha, Saiva teacher, . . . 93 Kalañjar, vi.. . .
. 105n Kalaparru, vi... .
. . . 361 Kalapriya, sur. of Krishna III., Kalapriyanatha, to.. .
. 179n KAlapriye vara, te. . . . .
55n, 179 Kalas, vin, . .
177, 185 Kalasâ par, vi., .
177 Kalashtami, tithi, .
22 Kalstsûri, .. a. Kalachuri, .
295 Kalbappa, hill,. . . . . . 187n Kalbhåvi, vs., . .
. . . 66 Kalevara, te...
93 Kali, hound, . . . . . 52, 56 Kalisco,
11, 12, 35, 105, 248, 266, 266 Kaliballaha, &. a. Kalivallabha,
172 Kalidasa, poet, . , 40, 7n, 9n, 11n, 12, 168n Kaligalolganda, sur. of Indra IV., . 182 Kalinga or Kalinga, co., . 2, 11, 72, 92, 100,
128, 260, 261, 262, 266, 273n, 276 Kalinganagara, vi., . . . 76, 77, 82 Kelingattu-Parani, quoted, 76, 77, 223n, 3310 Kalivallabha, sur. of Dhruva, 105, 172, 186,
187, 192, 196, 240, 248 KAliyar-kottam, di.,. . . .228 Kallabbarisi, queen of Bataga II., . . 59 Kallur Gudda, vi.. . . . . kal-nadu, . . . . .
.
.
. 43, 45n Kalûpallika, .. a. Karoli, . . 286 and add. Kalyani, vi., . .
. . 81, 253 Kami, co. . . . . . . 1890 Kâms or Kavana, ch., . . . . . Kamarnava, E. Gariga k.,
. 200 Kamauli, vi.. . . . . . . 198n Kambayanallôr, vi., . . 329, 832, 339 Kambayya, Kambhadeva or Kambharass,
Rashfrakdfa prinos, .65, 196, 197, 252, 256 Kammatti, vi., . . . . . . 229
PAGJ kampana, . . . . . . 252 Kampana I., Vijayanagara ch., .
324 Kampaņa II. or Kampanna, do., 323, 324, 325, 326 Kampil, vi, . . . .
287 Kampilya-tirths. s. a. Kaphleta, 286 and add, 297 Kanakadurga-mandapa, . . . 159 Kanakapati-ti thi,
. 801 Kanakapura, vi., .
. 336 Kananj, vi.
. 19€n, 198 Káñchi or Kanchipura (Conjeeveram), vi.,
3, 11, 63n, 72, 82, 85, 88, 108, 171, 179, 203n, 212, 227, 281, 282, 320n, 324,
325, 326, 829, 329 Kåndarba, ch., . . . . 72, 1070 Kanderuvadi-vishaya, di., . . . . 148 Kandravadi, .. a. Kanderuvâţi-vishaya, . 147,
148, 156 kanduga, measuro, . . . . 56 Kapheri, vi., . . 174, 175, 187, 188, 189, 193 Kannagur, vi.. . . . . . . 307a Kannara, -. a. Krishna II., . . . 175, 185 Kannara, 1. a. Krishna III., 61, 66, 67, 178,
180, 185 Kampadaipperuman, sur. of Vikrama-Chola
Sambuvarayan, . . . . 333n Kaunůra-Basappa, te., . . 180n, 185 Kantavara, vi...
ara, vi, . . . . . . 828 Kanthakaka, m., . .
. . . 141 kanthika, a necklet,. . . 171, 249n Kanvåd, vi.. .
. .1010 Kåpadwanaj, vi.. . 172n, 176, 186, 187n, 190 Kaphleta, vi. . . . . 286 add. Kapila, Gajapati k..
. . . 110 Karamachodu, .. a. Kärinchedu, 850, 851, 861 Karanai, vi.. . . . . . . 936 kataņika, a village accountant, . Karda, vi., 23n, 27n, 170, 172n, 178, 180, 181,
183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 190, 192, 193, 209 Kargudari, vi... . . . . . 83 Karhåd, vi., 65n, 170, 172n, 178, 178, 179,
180, 183, 184, 186, 187, 190, 192, 193 Kårimchedu, vi.. . . . . . 351 Karivarsha-Sahilladeva, k., . . . . 188 Karle, vi.. . . . . 316, 319n Karna, mythical k.,. • 218, 219, 248 Karpasuvarna, co., . . .
143 Karpáta or Karpátaks, co., 67n, 68n, 131n, 212 Karoli, vi, .
. . 286 add. Kasakuļi, vi.. .
. 321 and add. Kastarikamda, biruda, . . . . 878A

Page #447

376
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
PAGE
PAGK Kasturi Amodini, queen of Chodaganga, .273n
Kirnji, vi... . . . . . . 230 Katachohuri, s. a. Kalachuri,
Kiratarjunlyn, quoted, 4, 7n, 8n, In, 11n, 105 add. Katak (Cuttack), vi., . . . 134, 137 Kiriya-Rachamalla, .. a. Rachamalla I., . 71 katakadhipa or katakadhiraja, . .347n Kirtinarayana, sur. of Govinda III., 28n, 106, Katama-Nayaka, ch., . . . . 3
173, 186, 194 Kata-Vema, Reddik. .
. . 110 Kirtinarayana, sur. of Indra III., . 26n, 176 Kathåsaritsågara, quoted, .
. 96n | Kirtinarayana, sur. of Indra IV., . . 182 Kattageri, vi., . .
. 101n Kirtipurusha, sur. of Govinda III., 106, 173 Kattemanuganahalli, vi., . . 69, 71n, 100n Kirtivarman L., W. Chalukya k., 8, 64n, 72, Kattiyara, W. Chalukya k., 851 add., 262, 253, 256
189, 191 Kaujgere, vi, . . . . . . 177 Kirtivarman II., do. 18n, 164, 190, 191, 193, Kaunala, 8. a. Kunala, . . . .2, 3n
251 add. Kaurålaka, do. . . .
. . 30 Kisukad soventy, di. . . 52, 53, 57, 70, 254 Kauta, vi.. . .
. . . 361
Kittaivole, vi.. . . . . . 29, 37 Kauthêm, vi, . . add., 8n, 27n, 181, 182n
Kddaņdaramasvamin, te.. . . . . 116 Kevalêdurga, vi., . . . . . 256
Kod', the,. . . . . . .229 Kávéri, ri.. . 9, 11, 28, 38, 67, 321, 227, 333 Kodikop, oi... . . . . . . 258n Kavi, vi., 170, 172n, 175, 181n, 189, 912n, 296n Kökalla, vi. . . 147, 148n, 156 Kavirkjamarga, name of a soork,. . .1971 kola or kolaga, measure, .
219 kavgalinga, alarkara, . . . .348n
Kolagala, si.,
. . Kawarwara, vi... .
. . 297 Kolála, ni.. . . . . . 13, 14, 16 Kaza, vi., . . . 114, 116, 133, 231 Kalalapura, . a. Kolar, . . . . 55, 260n Kedala, vi.. . . . . . 28, 85 Kola-Nalldra, vi.. . . . . 17, 19 Kedara, vi.. .
. . 51n
Kolanu, 8. a. Ellore, . . . . 3, lin Kedarasakti, Saiva teacher,
Kolandra, 8. a. Konnur, 25, 26, 27, 28, 35, 36, Kelale, di, . . . 52, 56
37, 38 Kerala, co., 11, 92, 105, 213, 218, 331, 332 Kolar, vi.,
.
. . 44n, 72 Kesaripidu, vi, . .
. . . 116n
Klikkůdu, .. a. Caliout, . . . 323 K ava, m., .
Koliyanûr, thu, . . . . . 329 Kolavadeva, s. a. Gvardhanasvamin,. 277 Kollapuram, vi.. . . . . 23n Késavasvåmin, te., . , . 323, 22, 280 Kolleru lake, . . . . . 3, 11n Kesimayya, ch., . . . . . . 54n Kollikura, vi., . . . . 361 Kekirija, author, , . . . 43n, 179n Kollipaka, Kollipake or Kollippakkai, vi., 224, Keta I., Amaravati ch., . 147, 155, 157
226, 227 Kata II, do., . . 147, 148, 155, 156, 157, 269 Komaravadonga, biruda, . .
67 Keto Boya, m., . . . . . . 156 Kommana-Boya, n., . . . . 156, 274 Katepalli, vi.. . . . . 147, 148n, 156 Kommaya, 7.,. . . . . . 227 Kdyůravarsha-Yuvaraja I., Kalachuri k., Kondakâvori, vi.. . . . . . 116
188, 189n Kondakunda, Jaina teacher, . . . 38 Khadmavaldka, sur. of Dantidurga, 168, 188 Kondamudi, vi.. . . . . . . 315 Khaïrapata, vi., . . . . 136 Kondanúr, .. a. Koppúr, . . . 25 Khajuraho, vi., .
203n Kondapadmaţi or Kondapadumati, di., . 147, Khandaradaja (Skandarudrårya), ., . 318
148, 166, 167, 268, 269, 273, 974, 277, 278 khand, measure, . . 39n, 273 Kondapalle, vi.,
. khanduka, 4. a. khandi. . . . 273 Ronda-Søre-Boys, m., .
. 100 Kharepatan, vi., . 178, 181, 192, 143 Kondavidu, vi., 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114n, kbojn, a merchant, . . . . 89 116, 129, 130n, 132n, 230, 231, 232, Khottiga or Khotika, Rashfrakdfa k., 180,
233, 269 181, 185, 189 Kopdaviti,.. a. Kondavidu, 109, 110, 112, 124, Klavada, vin : . . 28,36
129, 131, 132, 231

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INDEX.
377
361
.
134
PAGE
PAGS Kongal-nad eight-thousand, di., 61, 66, 67, 68, 69, 73 Krishnaraja, Kalachurik., . . 295, 296, 299 Kongañivarman, W. Ganga k.,.
73 Krishnaraya, Vijayanagara k., 109, 110, 111 Kongode, s. a. Kaingoda, . . 144, 146
and add., 112, 128, 129, 130, 131, 231, 233n Kongode-mandala, di. 135, 136, 137, 141, 144 Krishyishtami, tithi, Kongunivarman, sur. of W. Ganga kings, Krishnavarman I., Kadamba k., . , 17, 19 44, 55, 59, 73, 180, 259, 260 Krishnavarman II., do., .
17, 19 Kong-u-t'o, co., . . . . 136, 137, 144 Krishnavennå, . a. Krishņa, 182n, 147, 155, 224, 227 Konkaņa, co., . . . . 10, 168, 169n
Krishnaverna, do., 91, 95, 208, 209, 213, 225 Konnatavadi-vishaya, di,
148 Krishạe vara, te., . . . 650, 179 Konnûr, vi.. . . 25, 28, 29, 166n, 175n
Krita age, . . . . 105, 248, 330 Konnûr, vi. . . . . . 26n
Kroydru or Kroyydru, vi., . . . 39 Koolenoor, vi...
. . . 252n Kubêra, god, . .
. .331n, 369n Koppam, vi.. .
23n
Kubja, poet, . Korukésu, vi...
Kubja, sur. of Vishộuvardhana I., 190n, 269, Korumelli, vi.. . . . 76, 82, 348, 349, 351
273, 275, 277, 349 Kosala, co., .
. . . 2, 11
Kudakůru, vi., . . . . . 162n, 183n Kota, sur. of Amaravati chiefs, 147, 155, 156,
Kadal, vi.. . . . . . 48, 50
157, 159 K ddgere, vi.. . . Kottamangala, vi.. . . . . . 7in Kudiya, s. a. Sadra,. . . 214, 218, 219 Kottase, vi.. . . . . . 29, 37 Kağjâpura, vi., . . . . . . Kottayam, vi., . . . . . . 83
Kudopali, di. . . Koftiga, s. a. Kbottiga, . . . 180, 185 KudrAhåra, s. a. Kůdurahåra,
. . 316 Kotûr, vi, . .
49n, 82
Kádárs, vi.. . . . . 316, 318, 319n Kovaļalapura, .. a. Kolår, . . 44, 260n
Kudarahåra, di., . . . 316, 318, 319 Koviladi, vi.. . . . .
Kúlagere, vi., . . . . 62n, 62, 68, 69 Kovajagere, vi., . .
. 101n
Kulam, Kulan or Kulapûr, 8. a. Ellore, . 383, 834 Köyilolugu, quoted,
322, 323, 328n
Kulappayya, ch., . . . . 101, 107 Kråñja, 8. a. Káza,
. . 114
Kulottunga-Choda or -Chola I., ChalukyaKranteru, vi., . .
147, 156
Chóla k. 24, 76, 77, 196n, 220, 221, Kratuka, s. a. Gadag, .
93, 94, 96
223, 224, 226n, 278, 334, 335, 344 Krishna, god, . 37, 128n, 130n, 212, 248,
247n, 249, 265, 296n Kulottunga-Choda or -Chola II., do., 3, 228,
269, 273, 275, 276, 277 Krishna I., Rashfrakúta k., 27, 161, 162, 163,
Kulottanga-Chola III., Chola k., 24, 281, 332, 169, 170, 171, 172, 174n, 181n, 183n,
333, 334 187, 188, 189, 190, 193, 194, 196, 197n,
Kulottunga-Chola-Takatadhiraju, sur of 208, 209, 212, 240, 246, 247n
Marasimhadeva, . . . . 333n Krishna II., do, 175, 176, 178n, 183, 184, 185, 190, 191, 193, 209, 267
Kulottunga-Solan-Ulà, name of a sork, . .228
Kumara, s. a. Skanda, . . . . . 344 Krishna III., do., 51, 52, 53, 55, 70, 71, 83,
Kumara-Kampaña, s. a. Kampaņa II., . 324 173n, 176, 178, 179, 180, 182, 183, 184,
kumframktya, . 185, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 194, 321
. . . . 135, 141
Kumârasambhave, guoted, . . 8n, 9n, 260n Krishna, ri... 3, 64n, 85, 110, 116, 132n, 209, 259
. . . 224, 227 Krishnabhatta, .
Kumarasvåmin, te., . . . . 229, 286
. Kumarila, author,
. . , Krishna-Chaitanya, Vaishnava teacher,
204, 205 261
Kumärivadas, &. a. Kawarwara, 295, 297, 800 Krishnad@ya-mabáråya, s. a. Krisbparkys, 282 Krishna-Dvaipayana, m., .
. . .
.
346 Kumudallu, family,. . . 280
. . 2, 3, 11 Krishnagiri-vishaya, di, .
KunAla, .. a. Kolleru lake, .
. . 144, 146 Krishnamamba or Krishřámba, f. . 111, 129
Kundâmbika, queen of Manda II., 269, 273,
274, 277 Krishpamiéra, poet, . . . . Krishộapuraddva Aruldlaks, th...
Kundarage seventy, din, .
. . . 27 . 229
3 c

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. VI.
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.
113
PAGE
PAGE Kundavå, queen Vimaladitya,
350 Páli, .
: . .670, 85, 86, 97n Kundavige, vis. .
• 252 Prákpit, . . . 3n, 85, 184, 185, 186, 315 Kundina, rishi, . . . . . 360, 361 Savskrit, 2, 13, 17, 25, 39, 90, 99, 109, 135, Kundûr, vi, . .
• 229
140, 143, 146, 147, 157, 199, 203, 208, Kundůr five-hundred, di., . . .
219, 223, 228, 230, 231, 233, 240, 252, Kuntala, co., . . . . . 92, 96
260, 268, 275, 276, 277, 278, 285, 295, Kuntamaddi, vi, . . . . . 148
315, 316, 320, 331, 334, 348 Kunthanagaibhatta, m.. .
241
Tamil, 61n, 52n, 223n, 228, 315, 320, 322, Kunti, ri.,
331, 332 Kuntimaddi, s. a. Kantamaddi, 147, 148, 156 Telugu, 39, 109, 146, 147, 157, 159, 219, 223, Kuppeyarasa, ch.,
. . . 107n
230, 231, 232, 268, 275, 276, 277, 278, Karagallu, vi, . . . 67, 66, 67, 69, 161n
315, 334, 346, 348 Kuram, vi,
82, 190n, 191n, 249n, 321n Láta, co., . . . . 2, 10, 173n, 174n, 359 Kürmékvara, te., . 260, 265, 267, 268 Lattalúra, vi.. . . . . . . 106 Kuruvanda, family, .
. .
214. 218 214, 218
Lemballe, vi.. . . . . 231, 232, 233 Kusumabhâra, k., . .
. . . 135
Lendulûra, 3. a. Dendulůru, . . . 159 Kütanidu-Nalluru, vi,
Leyden grant, . . . . . 82, 220 Katråd, vi., .
. . 101n linga, . . .. . 39, 90, 93, 161, 258 Kurallapura, 8. a. Kolår, . . . 259, 260 Lingavanta, sect, . . . . . 215 Kyâtanahalli, vi, . . 42, 63, 68, 69, 73, 254n Lingodbhavasvâmin, te., .
lion crest, . . Little Mount, . . . . . . 89 Lokaditya, ch., . . . . . . 28 Lókapura twelve, di., . .
. 83 lagnas :
Lokatriģētra, biruda, .
53n, 61 Rishabha, . . .
. . . 304 Lokavallabha, sur. of Pulakesin I.,
192 Simha,. . . 334, 345, 347, 349, 359
Lokekvara, te., . . . . . . 255n Lakkundi, vi.. . . . . . 94 Lokkigundi, 8. a. Lakkundi, . . 93, 94, 96 Lakshmamma, s. a. Lakshmi,
232, 233 Lolla-grantha, . . . . 232n Lakshmana, . . . . . 260n Lolla-kula,
. . . . . . 232n Lakshmêshwar, vi., 75, 76, 80, 81, 164, 165, Lülla-Lakshmidhara, m., . . . . 232 167, 176, 193, 195 Lôņabhara, k., . .
· 136 Lakshmi, f . . . 109, 114, 116, 231 Lulla, ti., . . . . . . . 381 Lakshmi, goddess, 56, 98, 127, 128, 165n,
170n, 223, 246n, 247, 265, 276, 322, 330, 359 Lakshmidhara-Dabika, author, . . . 232n Lakshmi Narasimhasvamin, te. . . 262n, 267 Machena-Boya, 11., . . . . 156 Lakshmivallabha, sur. of Amoghavarsha I., 100, Machiga, ch., . .
. . . 49n 106, 173n, 175, 187, 188, 192, 194 Madagajamalla, sur. of Krishna III., 56n, 179 Lala, s. a. Låta, . . . . . 218 Madagajaradhamåtaga, sur. of Govinda IV., 177 Lâlanakere, vi., . . . . . . 91 Madanapala, Pála k., . . . 205n Lelitabhára, k., . . . . . . 135 Madapalla or Madapalli, vi... 157, 158, 159, 180 Lalitâökura, sur. of Mahendravarman I., 320 Madarmeluquo, ch., . . . . 110 Lalitapada or Lalitavsitta, metre, . 213, 214 Madderála or Madderela, di, . . 113, 115 languages :
Madhava, ch., . . . . . 220, 223 Ardhamagadhi, . . . . 315 | Madhava, s. a. Vaisakha, . . . , 39 Armenian, .
. 89 Madhavâchårys, s. a. Vidyårapya,. . 263 Kanarese, 25, 42, 47, 51, 90, 99, 147n, 161, Madhavairiyappu, m., . . . . . 241
162, 165, 213, 232n, 252, 255, 258 Madhavaràja I., sil6dbhava ek., , 144, 148 Magadbi, . . .
86 | Madhavarija II., do. . . . . 144, 146
M

Page #450

INDEX.
379
.
.
89
PAGE 1
PAGE Madhavatirtha, Madhva teacher,. 261, 262, 263 Maharajashanda, sur. of Amoghavarsha I., 175, 186 Madhavavarman, Sailodbhava ch., . . 134, 144 Maharashtra or Maharashtraka, co., . 10, 263 Madhavidēvi, te.. . . . . 113, 115 mahåráya, . . . . 111 add., 329 Madhura (Madura), vi., . . 324, 325 mahasimanta, 107n, 135, 141, 144, 146, 173n, Madhurintakt, queen of Kulottunga-Choda I.,
189 add., 254n, 236, 287
334, 335 mahåsardhivigrahAdhikaranádhikrita,. 800 Madhva, school,
261, 262n, 263n, 265n mah samdhivigrahin,. . . . 136 Madhvacharya, s. a. Ânandatirtha,
261 Mahasena, .. a. Skanda, .
. 224, 227 Madhvavijaya, quoted, . . , 261, 263 Mahatagi, family, . Madhyamandara, sur. of Ânandatirtha, 361 mahattara, . . . . 26, 35, 37, 936 madhyastba, an arbitrator, .
Mab&viracharita, drama,
. . 179a MAdivarma-patta, . .
Mahendra, mo., .
132n, 335, 346, 350 Madras, city, . .
Mahendra, 6. a. Indra,
. 47, 360 Madras Museum plates,
• 320 Mahendradhiraja, Nolamba k., . . 47,66 Madurai (Madura), vi.,
281
Mahendrapala, Kananj ch., . . . 193 Magadha, co., . .
92, 106 Mabêndrapotarâja, s. a. Mahendravarman I., . $20 Magundi, vi., .
. . 71 Mahendravkdi, vi.. . . . . . 320 mahâbaladhikrita, .
• 300 Mahendravarman I., Pallava k., . . 320 Mahabharata, quoted, . . . . 180n, 214n Mahovara, .. a. Siva, 135, 299, 300, 316, 318, Mshábhashya, do. . . . . .16n
846, 380 Mahâbhavagupta I., Trikalinga k. , 134 Mahodaya, s. a. Kanauj, . . . . 193 Mahâbhavagupta II., do.,
134mahópådhyâya,. . . . 231, 232n mabâdandanayaka, . .
319 Mailamâmbå, queen of Radra, . . 163 Mahadeva, m., . . .
203 Maindavolu, 8. a. Mayidavôlu, 231, 232, 333 Mahaddva, . a. Siva, 160, 219, 273, 274, 376, Muitraka, family, . . . 166n
276, 277, 278 Majjantiya soventy, di., . .28, 36, 37n Mahadeva, Yadava k.,
263 Majjhima, vi, • • • • • • 213 Mahadevacharya, author, . . . 232 makaratôrana, . . . . . . 361n mahajana, 900, 102, 107, 163, 166n, 241, 282, Malapa, . . . . . . 93 253, 255, 260, 276, 319 Málatimâdbava, drama,
. . 179n Mahakala, te. .
. .179n MAlava, co., . 2, 10, 91, 92, 105, 106, 171, 197, 250 mahakshapatalika,
. . 136, 141 Malavikågnimitra, drama, . . . . 10n Mahakata, vi.. . . . 4, 100n, 189 add., 295 | Malkbed, vi, 64n, 82, 160, 167, 169, 182, 188, mahamabattara, . . . 141
189, 190, 192 mahamandale vara, 83, 91, 147, 156, 156, 167, Malla, ch., . . . . . 224, 225, 227 169, 160, 224, 225, 227, 268, 273, 275, Malla, ., . . . 214, 215, 219
276, 277, 278, 327 | Malla or Mallerâja, Konda padmati ch., . 274, 277 Mahånâman, Buddhist teacher,. . . 3 Mallapadeva, E. Chalukya ch.. . . 228, 319 maha pilupati, . . . . . 295 | Mallapp-Odoya, Vijayanagara ch., . .327 maháprabhu, . . . . . 26, 38 Mallasamudra, tank,. . . . 277 mah&pradhana or mahậpradhani, 92, 324, 327 Mallavara, vi., . . . . . 114, 115 mahậpratibâra,. . . . . . 136 Mallékvara, te.,. . . . 159, 160 mahârâja, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 135, 141, Malligere, vi., . . . 62, 63, 67, 68, 69n 144, 146, 157, 159, 160, 191, 195, 198, Mallikarjuna, te.. .
331 290, 223, 255, 257, 269, 278, 279, 316, 319 Mallinátha, commentator, . . . 7n, lln maharajadhiraja, 35, 93, 106, 135, 140, 143, Mallinátha, s. a. Mallapp-Odeya,
327 144, 146, 168n, 172, 178, 194, 195, 213, Malparbba, ri., . . . . . . 25
221, 227, 240, 346, 360 | Maltarur, 8. a. Mattor, . . 161, 163 Maharajalarva, rur. of Amoghavarsha I., 174, Mamallapuram, vi.. . . . . 78, 320n 176n, 188 Mámballi, vi.. . . . . . 336
802

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
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.
. 8,10
PAGE 1
TAGS mâna, measure, . . 156, 159, 160, 327, 274 MAravarman Kulasekhar I., Pandya k., 308, Managbli, vi.. . . . . add., 181, 263
809, 810, 814 Manahali, oi., . . . . . 206n Maravarman Kulasekhara II., do., 312, 313, Banalera, ch. . . . 51n, 62, 64n, 56, 57
314, 315 Mañávalóka, sur. of Vijayaditya . . 208, 213 Maravarman Sandara-Påndya I., do., 302, 303, Manda I., Kondapadmatich., 269, 273, 274,
304, 314 270, 17
Maravarman Sundara-Pandya II., do... 304, Manda II., do., . . 269, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277
305, 3:4 Mandakini, .. a. Mindhola, 286 and add., 287 | Margard, ., . . . . 89 mandalesvara, . . . , 269, 273, 846 Mári, goddess, . . . . . . 32 mandalika or mandalika, . 218, 275, 276 Mappállo, family, . . . . 848 Mandalikatrinetra, eur. of Mårasimha II., . 53n Maru (Marwår), co., . . . . 197, 248n Mandara, mo., . . . . . 247, 3 16 Maruladeva, W. Ganga k., . . 59, 680 Mandaya, m.. . . 220, 223 Yarar, vi., .
. . 70 Mapde-Narayana, te., . . . . . 220n Maruvarman, m., . . . . . 255n Manderaja, Kondapadmafich., . , 274, 277 Matakere, vi..
. 100n, 194 Måndhátrivarman, Kadamba k., . . . 13 matha, 38, 165n, 166n, 261, 262, 2680, 265n Mangal, vi.. . . . . . 100n Matsya, family, . . . . . 262n Mangalagiri, vi, 108, 115, 116, 117, 230, 231 Mattikatte, vin, . . . . . 28, 37 Mangalaraja, 8. a. Mangalda, . . 295 Mattûr, vi., . . . 161 Mangalasaila, 8. a. Mangalagiri,. . 115 Maukhari, dy. . . . . . . 3 Mangaldea, W. Chalukya k., 4, 8, 9, 72, 189n, Maurys, dy, . . . . . 191, 192, 295 Mávinura, vi,.
. . 28, 87 Mangapada, k., . . . . . . 185 Mâykvådin, s. a. VedAntin, . . . 261 Mapimangalam, vi., 24, 190n, 229n, 230n, Mayidavõlu, vi., . .
.84, 233, 315, 316 282, 283 Mayarakhapdi, vi. . . . 241, 242 Manma-Gêta, 8. a. Keta II., . 157, 159 Mayůravarman I., Kadamba ch., . . . 83 Manma-Manda, Kondapadmați ch., . 274, 276 Meda, m., . .
. . . 275 Magpargudi, vi.. . . . 284, 285, 811 | Madamamba, f.
• 275 Manne, vi., 61, 62, 64n, 66, 195, 240, 243n, Medikondur, vi.,
. . . . . 148
214n, 245n Medukondůru, s a. Medikondur, 147, 148, 156 Mannebetta or Mannibidu, vi.,
71 Medūru, vi. . . . . . . 110n Mannêsu, ri. . . . . 336, 346 Meerajgaon, vi., .
. . .243 Manni-nadu, di., . . . . .223n Meghachandra, Jaina teacher, . . 35, 37 Manni-nându, di.. . . . . .223 Méghadata, quoted, . . . . . 2470 Mantena-Gunda or Manthena-Gunda, k. 39 Méghêśvara, te. . . . . 198, 199 Mantrapatha, quoted, . . . . . 131n Méguti, te. . . . . . . 1 Manu, rishi, 17, 20, 146n, 178n, 204n, 217, MelAgani, vi..
• 64 218, 241n, 268n, 836 | Málpadi, oi., . . . 179, 824, 325 Manyakhêţa, . a. Malkhed, . . .26, 36, 64n | Mélpåfi, .. a. Melpadi, . . . 179 Máragámunda or Maragavanda, m.. . 70n Mélukote, vi., . . . 322, 328 MArak karasa, ch., .
. . 163 mêra, a fee, . . . . 114 Mapambavai, qucon of Nandippottaraiyar, 921Merkan, di. . . . 42, 58, 66n, 75, 77 M&rafarva, k., . . . . 250, 256, 257 Moru, mo. . . . 130, 212, 247n Mårasimha I., W. Ganga k. . . 59, 60 Mimams,
. . . . 204 Marasimha II., do., 40, 49n, 50n, 62n, 63n, Mindhola, ris,
. . 286 add. 558, 59, 60, 62, 68, 69n, 75, 76, 80, 81, Miriyathana, 1. a. Meerajgaon, . . 241, 242
82, 179, 182, 259, 260 Modekarani, fiold, . . . . 16 Marasimhadeva, ch.. . . . .833nModukur, vi, . . . . .. 30 Márussba, .. a. Maralarva, . 256, 257 Mokkan, 1. a. Mushkar, . . . 81n

Page #452

INDEX.
381
PAGE 1
PAGE months, lunar:
Málasamgha,
. 26, 36 Ashadha, 20, 22, 61, 111, 129, 208, Mülasthåns or Málasthåndkvara, te., 228, 213, 247n, 262, 326
275, 276, 277, 278 Révayuja, . . . . . 26, 86 mûlavisa, . . . . 231n, 232, 233 Bhadrapada,. 111n, 176n, 259, 260, 330
Mulgund, vi.. . . 98, 175, 184, 190, 257, 259 Chaitra, . .
· 223, 326, 327 Mulgunda twelve, di.. . 98, 101, 107, 257 Jyaishtha, 21n, 23, 25, 60, 102, 107, Mulki, vi., , . . . . . 263n 167, 169, 224, 227, 247n, 280, 327, 329, Mummadi-Bhima, sur. of Vimaladitya,. 350, 359
330, 334, 345, 347 Mummadi-Choda, E. Chalukya ch., 334, 385, 344 Kårttika, 17, 18, 19, 23, 111n, 116, 130, Mummadi- or Mummudi-Chðla, sur. of Raja
217, 295, 300 râja I., . . . . . . bln Mágba, 147, 155, 156, 220, 262, 263n, Munivalli, vi...
. 29, 37 268, 275, 278 Mappamambé, queen of Budda,. . .158 Margasira or Margasirsha, . 21, 68, 93, 97, múrumkéri, .
. . 165, 166 138, 327, 328 mürampura, . . . . . 165, 166n Pausha or Paushya,. 177n, 180n, 267, Musa, vi., . . . . . .
29, 37 286 and add. Mushkara, W. Ganga k., . . 74, 81n Phålguna,
24, 58n, 61, 68, 112, 255n Musi, rii,. . . . . 208, 209, 213 Śråvana, . . 24, 114, 115, 116, 242, 267, 328 Musunúllu, family, . . . . Vaisakha, i is, 15, 39, 115, 116, 159, Muttalagere, vi.. . . . . 28, 37 160, 180n, 225, 228, 229, 232, 280, 281, Mottarasa, W. Ganga k., . 42, 43, 52n, 69, 325n, 328
60, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 73, 82, 256 months, solar :
Muttatti, vs., . . . . . 62n Adi . . .
. 326, 327
Mûvadi.Chola, sur. of Rajaditya, . 51, 55 Âni, . .
. 325, 328
muyyalikutru, . . . . . . 38ln Kåttigai, .
Mysore, State, 40, 42, 44n, 47, 48, 58, 60, Margali,
63, 64, 72, 74, 75, 76, 82, 83, 194, 197, Panguni. . .
. .
. . . . 329
356, 359, 325 Purattadi. . . . . . 302, 303 Vaigási,
. . . . 281, 305, 323 Moon, race of the . 199, 269, 273, 275,
N 277, 346, 359, 360 Mrigé avarman, Kadamba k., 13, 17., 18n Nadagám, vi.. . . . . . . 134 Mrontukapru, vi., . . . 361 NAdendla, vi., 111n, 116, 268, 269, 274, Mrontukůru, s. a. Modukur, . . 39
275, 276, 277, 278 Madabidure, vi., . . . . . 330
Nadinda, 8. a. NAdendla, .111 and add., 112, Müdahalli, vi.,. .
. . 71n
113, 115, 116, 129, 130, 131, 132, 231, Mudigonda, sur. of Rajendra-Chola I., . 20, 22
232, 233, 268, 273, 275, 276, 277, 278 Muļikondakblapuram, vi...
302, 803 Nadiņdla, sur. of Âtukůru, . . . . 115 Madugundi, vi.,
. 39, 37 Nadupůru, vi., . . . . . . 129n Mugdhatunga, sur. of Prasiddhadhavala, 189n Någa, family, . . . . 73n, 296 Mogunda, 8. a. Didgør, . 251, 252, 253 Någadêva, ch., . .
. . 72 Mugunda twelve, di, . . . . 262 Någai-Nayaks, ch.
333, 334 Mögûr, vi.. . . . . . .
Någaiyappalli, 8. a. Kambayanallar, . 333 mukhya names, . .
186 Någaiyyabhatta, 11., .
. .241 Mukkars, m., . .
810 Nagamangale, din, . . . 58, 60, 77 Mukkaravasati, Jaina to. . . 81 Någamudda, m., .
108 Mukula, family, . , 27, 28, 36 Nagariśvara-chaturv @dimangalam, sur. Máladéva, ch., . . . . . . 199 Sevilimádu, . . . . . 228 Málaraja I., Chaulukya k., . . . . 190n Nagarjuni, hill, . . . . . . 3
.....

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PAGE
PAGE Någasärika, 8.a. Nausâri, . . . . 287 Nangani Naigai, f., . Någattara, family (), . 46, 47, 49, 50, 71n Nañjangud, vi., . . . . . . 265n Någavarman, author, . . . . 213, 214 Nañjanna-Odeya, Vijayanagara ch., , .325n Någavarman, m. . . . . . 37 Nanniya-Ganga, sur. of Bûtuga II.,
5ln Någivi, vi., . . . . .
Nanniya-Ganga, W. Ganga k.,
65 Någe vara, te,. . . 38, 220, 224, 278 Naraharitirtha, Madhva teacher, . 260, 261, nakshatras :
262, 263, 266 Anuradha ) . 111n, 281, 304, 305, 307 Narahariyatistötra, quoted,. , 261, 262n Ardra,. . . . . . . 323 Narapati, k., . . . . . . 218 Asvinf, . . . .
. 232, 305, 308 Narasimha, Pallava k., . . . . 320n Dhanishtha,. . . 283, 285, 335, 326 Narasimha I., Hoysala k., . . add., 92, 95 Hasta,
• 305, 303 Narasimha II., E. Ganga k., .. 262n Jyêshtha, 17, 19, 240, 247, 248n, 256n, Narasimha, te., . . . . . 252
334, 345, 317 Narasimharaya, Vijayanagara k., . 131n Krittiká, . . . . . . 329 Narasimhavarman I., Pallava k., . . 190n Mrigafiras or Mrigasirsha, 180n, 328 Narasipura, vii, . . .
.327 Mula, . . .
. . 21, 306
Nåråyana, author, . . . . . 131n Punarvasu, . . . 307, 309, 325, 327 Narayana, 6. a. Vishņu, 26, 34,56, 100, Půrvabhadrapada,. . i . 303
106n, 174n, 204, 220, 223, 262 Pârvaphalguni, . . . , 313, 325 Narayapadóvarkere, vi.. .. . . . 262 Pârvâshådhå, . . . .
Nåråyanadêv-Odeya, Vijayanagara ch., 327 Pushya, . . 304, 312, 313, 349, 359 Nårayanapandita, author, . . . 291 Rêvati,. . . 111n, 259n, 282, 307, 310 Narayanasvâmin, te., . . . . . 219 Rohiņi,.
. . . 24, 84, 309, 323 Nåråyanivilasa, name of a work, . . . 328 Satabhishaj, . . . . 306, 328 Naregal, vi.. . 161n, 162, 164, 172, 185, 258n Áravaņa . . . 111n, 267, 282, 283 Narendragupta, Gauda k.,. .
143 Svati, . . . . 22, 301, 311 Nareyaṁgal or Narayangal, 8. a. Naregal, 162, Uttara,. . 228, 229, 280
163, 358n Uttarabhadrapada, 18n, 283, 284, 310, 311, 329 Nariyallu, family, . . . . . 346 Uttaraphalguni, . . 308, 309, 308, 309, 311, 312, 313
Násik, vi.. .
.
. . . . .
85, 88, 316 Uttardshadha, • 20, 21, 280, 284, 285, Natavadi, di.. .
. 159, 160 302, 303, 306, 310, 313 Náthayadi or Nathavați, . a. Nâtavadi, . 157, Visakhå, . . . . 1lln, 303
158, 159 Nala, dy., . . . . . 8 Natripati, do., . .
. . . . 159 Nalachampa, quoted, . . . . . 249n Nausari, vi., 26, 27n, 82, 168, 169 and Nalgodu, vi. . . . . . 214, 218 add., 172., 173, 174, 175, 176, 181n, Nallapâţi, vi., . . . . . 117 183, 184, 186, 191, 192, 193, 194, 197, Nallûru-Komarangundu, oi., . . 48n, 50
278n, 287, 290n, 295n nalvamu, a furlong,. .
Navale-nadu, di, . . . 69, 214, 215, 218 Nambaya, Nambiraja, Nambha or Nambhiraja, Nawalgund, vii,. . . . . . 25
ch., . . . , 224, 225, 227, 268n Nellaiyappar, te, 302, 303, 304, 305, 303, Nandagiri, mo.. . . . . 44, 55, 259, 260
309, 312 Nandamapundi, vi, . . . 348, 349, 350 Nergutti, W. Ganga ch., . . . 321, 322 Nandigunda, vi. . . . . 100n Nepilage, 8. a. Niralgi, . . . 28, 37 Nandija (Nandyarya), mn., . . . . 88n Nerûr, vi.. . . . -11, 189n, 192, 295 Nandin, Siva e bull, . . 90, 140, 160, 101, 258 | Nidagundi, vi.. .
27 Nandipåţi, vi., .
. . . 114 Nidubrôlu, vi., . . . . . . 281 Nandippottaraiyar, Pallava k. . . 321 Nigarili-80la-mandalam, co.
n. co., . . . 381 Nandivarman, do.. . . . . 190n Nikumbhallasakti, Sandraka ch., 191, 192 Nandwadige, vi. . . . 166n, 175 Nilabbe, J . . . . . . .
39n
Nave

Page #454

Nilagiri, s. a. Jagannatha, Nilaganda, s. a. Nilgund, Nilagundage, vi., Nilgund, vi.,
.
Nityavarsha, sur. of Khoṭṭiga,
nivartana, land measure,
Nivivada, vi.,
Niyamam, vi,
Nindiya-Korantiyarasa, m., Niralgi, vi.,
98, 173, 174, 175, 186, 187, 189n, 193, 194, 257 71 28, 255n .98, 102, 107, 257 295 219 .241n, 247n
Nirgunda, s. a. Nilgund, Nirihullaka, ch.. Nirmanamalti, tank, Nirukta, quoted,
Nirupama, sur. of Dhruvaraja I., Nirupama, sur. of Dhruvaraja II., Nitimârga, sur. of W. Ganga kings, 43, 44, 45, 47, 52n, 57, 59, 61,
Nirupama, sur. of Dhruva, 27, 105, 170, 172, 173, 186, 192, 195, 240, 218 190n . 187, 190n 41, 42, 62, 63,
66, 67, 68, 69, 70 Nityakandarpa, sur. of Govinda IV., . . 177 Nityavarsha, sur. of Indra III., 168n, 169 add.,
176, 177, 178n, 184
180 15, 28, 37
niyoga,
niyukta or niyuktaka,
213 321 113, 231 35, 286 47, 66, 68, 70 .47, 51n, 66 . 260
Nolamba, s. a. Pallava, Nolambadhiraja, Nolambakuļântaka, sur. of Marasimha II., Nolambântaka, do., 40, 49n, 52n, 53, 55, 60, 62, 63, 75, 76, 80, 81, 82, 179, 182, 259 47, 48, 66 275 275, 276
Nolambavadi, di., Noñchedlapândi, ni,
Noñchinipâḍu, vi.,
361 228, 229 53n,
174n, 177 Nripatunga, sur. of Amôghavarsha I., 100, 106, 107, 175, 186, 193
177
Nripatunga, sur. of Govinda IV., Nripatunga, sur. of Kakka II., Nrisimha, god,
181
Nripakama, m...
Nripasundari, s. a. Râjasundari, Nripatitrinêtra, sur. of Govinda IV.,
Nrisimha, m., Nuga, ri., Nugu-nâdu, di., Nunes, Fernão, Nantulapâți, vi.,
.
PAGB
144
98
28, 37
•
•
INDEX.
•
115, 204, 249a, 266n, 273,
276, 277 136 69, 214
69, 214, 215, 217, 218, 219
..
Nurmaḍi-Taila, s. a. Taila II., Nútanapârtha, sur. of Kakka II.,
Odda, s. a. Orissa, Oddavadi, co.,
Oddiṭṭage, vi., Ôdimükki, m., Omkara, ri., Ongêrumârga, di., Onkadona, vi., Orissa, co.,. ottu,
.
P
•
Paḍilagere, vi.,
Padmanabhatirtha, Madhva teacher, Pâdra, vi.,
Paes, Domingos,.
paikamu, coin,
Paiņimarri, vi, Paishṭapuraka,
•
•
113, 114
224, 225
147, 156, 157
110, 112, 134, 140, 144, 233n
108, 109
•
•
PAGE
51n, 83
181
•
.
233 . 262n
29, 37 229
•
28, 36
261, 263
294, 297
110
232 . 113 3n
•
Paithan, vi., 166, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174n, 181n, 184, 186, 187, 188, 190, 194, 197, 208, 209, 212n . 169n, 205n 320 . 321
227, 333
333, 334
34, 106, 170
Pala, dy., Palagunra-kottam, di., Palaiyûr, vi., Pâlâru, ri.,
Pali, s. a. Pâlâru, pålidhvaja,
18n, 47,
Pallava, dy,, 3, 11, 13n, 15n, 16, 17, 64n, 72, 73n, 75, 76, 77, 78, 82, 85, 88,
383
190, 191, 218, 248, 250, 256, 316, 320, 321
66 190n 321
361 214
287
Pallavadhiraja, Nolamba k.,
Pallavamalla, sur. of Nandivarman,
Pallavatila[ka P], family,
Pâluru, vi.,
Pampabharata, quoted, Pañchâla, co..
Pañchaladeva, W. Ganga k., 59, 69, 71, 72,
•
.
83, 182, 259, 260
306, 350
.
268, 273, 274
Pañchanadéévara, te.,
Pandisa or Pandisvara, te,
110 Pandya, co., 11, 51n, 83n, 92, 212, 218, 227,
114
281, 301, 323, 324

Page #455

384
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VI.
PAGE
PAGE Pandyakulántaka, sur. of Kulottunga I., 221 Perumal, .. a. Vishnu,
. . . 322, 323 Paņini, quoted, 7n, 10n, 11n, 39n, 154n, 350n, Perumbalaiyår, vi., . . . . 331, 322
295n Peruvalanallûr, ui. . . . . . 190n Påntārs, oi., . . . 316, 318, 319 Pervayal, vi.. . . . . 214, 215, 218 Pånungal-vishaya, di.. . . . 251 add. Phalmaru, vi.. .
. . . 263n Papana-Boya, .. . . . . . 223 Pilduvipati, .. a. Prithivipati II., . . . 65 Parachurage, oi., . . 213 Pinna-Chodi, ch.,
. . . 39 Parakesarivarman, sur. of Chóa kings, 21, Pirisingi, oi., . . . . 29, 87
24, 169n, 224 Piriyakkara, netre, . . . 213, 214 Paramabbe, queen of Batuga I., . . 57, 59, 69 Pishtapurs, 8. a. Pithapuram, . 2, 3n, 11 paramabhattaraka, 35, 56, 93, 168, 172, 178, Pithapuram, oi., 2, 3, 127n, 191, 228, 269, 195, 221, 227, 240, 346, 360
334, 335, 336, 344, 346, 348, 349, 352n paramabhattArika, . .
136, 140 Pogilli, Sandraka sh., . . 72, 107n, 254 Paramára, dy. . . . . . . . 188n
. 188n | Polaketin or Polekabin, . a. Pulakekin, 2, 4, 8, Paramardidêva, &. a. Vikramaditys VI., 91, 92, 95
9, 11n, 359 paramékvara, 35, 55, 93, 108, 168n, 172, 178, Pop-m@ynda-Perumal, sur. of Sundara193, 194, 195, 213, 240, 360 Pandya .
. . 823n Parameávara, s. a. Šiva, .
Ponnakka, f., . . . . . 214, 218 Paramekvarabhatta, m.,
.241 Ponnambi, M., . . . . . . Paramesvaravarman I., Pallava k.. . 190n Popni, .. a. Kávéri, . . . , 333, 334 paramê vari, . . .
Povandlu, family, . . . . . 348 Parantaka, sur. of Kulottunga I., . . 220, 223 Prabhakara, ., . . . . . .241n Parantaka I., Chóla k.,
. . 59, 82 Prabhakaravardhana, Kananj k., . .348n Parasurama, rishi,
Prabhåsa, sur. of Bhoja I., .
198 Paravūru, vi., . .
. . 50 Prabhůtavarsha, sur. Of Rashfrakúta kings, Pariyala, vi.,
. . 190n
26. 27, 34, 106, 170n, 172, 173, 174, 177, Påruvala, vi.. . . . . . . 361
186, 188, 193, 194, 195, 209, 213, 240, 241 Pârvanagere, vi,
29, 37 Prabhatavarsha-Govindaraja, Gujardt RashPârvati, goddes,
39, 105, 179n, 218 frakúța ch., . . . . . 183 Patpa, vi., . . . 184 Prabodhachandrðdaya, drama,
211 add. Pattadakal, vi... 42, 72n, 164, 172, 187, 255n Prahass, m., .
. 136 pattika, a charter, .
13,89 Prahlada, rishing . . . . . . 268 Pattipalu, family, .
• 846 Pramadicha, s. a. Pramidin, .
22n Patti-Pombuchchapura, .. a. Humcha,. . 91 pramina, a document, . . . Pattiya-Mattaüra, 8. a. Hatti-Mattûr, , 161 Pramoddta, 8. a. Pramoda, . . . . Paulasti, goddess, . .
336 Prasadini, ri, . . . . . . 213 Peddacherukäru, vi, . .
• 148 Prasahyavigraha, m.,. . . 300 Peggu-ur, vi., . . . 73, 82, 254 Prasantaråga, nr. of Dadda II., 296, 297 Peltiyür, oi., . .
. 162n prasasti, 2, 3, 4, 135, 136, 199, 200, 206, 241, 298 Pemmanadi, .. a. Permanadi, . . 44, 45 Prasiddhadhavala, Kalachuri k., . . . 189n Penakonda, vi.. . . . . . .327 Prasthanatrays. . . . . 261n, 265n Peñjeruva, tank, . .
361 Pratápachakravartin, sur. Or Jagadékamalla Pennacharya, tih., .
. Penpai, ri..
. 91n . . . . . 333, 334
333, 334 Pratápechalanti
Pratápachakravartin, sur. of Vira-BalJAL IL.. 93 Penugondo .. a. Penakonda, .
337 pratibhedika, pergade, . . .
stipati, 8. 4. Prithivipati I., . . . 65 Permadi, sur. of Vikramaditya VI.,
prátirajya, . . . . . . . Permadi-patta. . . . . . . 49n pravars :Permanadi or Permånadi, title, 44, 45, 66, 69,
Ângirus, . . . . . 148 66, 67, 68, 69, 180, 221, 827 Audalya . .

Page #456

INDEX.
385
PAGE
PAGE Avatskrs, . .
. . 141 Bárbas patys,
. . . .
R .
. . 146 Devarata, . . . . . 136, 141 Racha, ch., .
. 109, 128 Kadyape, . .
. 141 Rachamalla I., W. Ganga k., 49, 52, 57, 59, Naidhruvs,. . . • 141
62, 63, 70, 71 Tuthiyalls,. .
17,19 Rachamalla II., do. . . . . 57, 59, 69n Visvamitra, . . . . . 141 Rachamma, this . . . . . . 44n Prayaschitta-nirdpapa, name of a work, 204 Racboha-Ganga, W. Ganga k., . . 59, 69n Prichchhakarkja, Rashtrakdfa k., . 27, 84 Rachchhyamalla, s. a. Rachamalla I., . . 71 Prithiviballava, .. a. Prithivivallabha, 190n Racheya-Ganga, ch, . . . . 68, 70, 71 Prithivi-Konguni, sur. of Muttarasa, . 59
Rachiya-Pedderi, 71., . . , 350, 361 Prithivipati I., W. Gaiga k., . 59, 65 Rachiya-Peddêri-Bhima, ., . . . 351 Prithivipati II., do.. . 69, 60, 65, 76, Radha, co., . . .
203, 304 82, 191n Radbanpur, vi., 64n, 165n, 171, 172n, 173, 183, Prithivivallabha or Prithvivallabba, biruda,
184, 185, 186, 193, 194, 197, 209, 239, 168, 169n, 173, 174, 176, 177, 178, 182,
262n, 256 186, 188, 191, 192, 194, 195, 240 Radbeya, .. a. Karna, . . . 278, 275, 277 Prithivivarman, E. Ganga k., . . 134
Radhiya, . . . . . . 203n Prithvirams, ., . . . . . 37
Raghava, E. Ganga k., .. . 200 Prithvifvars, Velanándu ch., . . 127n, 269 Råghava, 1. a. Råma, . . 217n, 219 Prólamadóri, f, . . . . . 147, 156 Raghava or Raghunayaks, te., 112, 131, 231, 232 Pajyapada, Jaina teacher,
. 81 Raghavendrasvâmi-matha,. . . 261n, 265n Palakerin I., W. Chalukya k., 64n, 72, 169n, Raghu, mythical k.,. . 4, 11n, 268n
189, 191, 192 Raghuvamia, quoted, 3, 4, 7n, 8n, On, 10n, 11n, Pulake in II., do., 2, 3, 7n, 72, 81, 164, 171,
168n, 247n, 250n 189, 190, 191 Råhappa, ch., . . . . . . 170 Panadu six-thousand, di... 61, 66, 67, 68 rabasya, 8. a. rahasyadhikrita. . . . 13n Punganûr, vi.. . . . . . 393
rahasyAdhikrita, a private secretary, . . 13 para=3, .
128n, 120n Rajabhima II., 8.a. Chalukya-Bhima II., 358 Purale, vi., .
. . 88
rajadhani, . . . . . . . 323 Paranapura, name of a work, . . . 331 râjâdhiraja, . . . 111 add., 198 Paravi, . a. Půrņa, . . . . 286, 287
| Rajadhiraja I., Chola k., 22, 23, 24, 169n, 214, Pari, ti... . . . . . 10
218n, 221 Purigero, .. a. Lakshmeshwar, 164, 165, 166 RajAditya, do.. . . 51, 52, 53, 55, 57 Parigere-nad, di. . . . . . 107n Rajngambhira, sur. of Jatavarman Kulasekhara, 324 Parigere three-hundred, di., 27, 68, 68, 57, 70 Rajagopåla-Perumal, te., 21, 282, 283, 284 Parna, ri.
. . . . . 237 Rajaguru, sur. of Vâmalakti, . . 94 Parpaprajfin, sur. Anandatirths, . 261 Rajakemarivarman, Chola k., . : 321 Parushottama, m. .
. . . 141 Rajakesarivarman, Nr. of Chóla kingi, . 24, Parushottama-mahatirtha or Purushottama
169n, 221, 224, 227, 282 tirtha, sur. of Achyutaprekshacharys, 260, Rajawabêndra, Chóļa k., . .
261, 266 Rajamahendra, sur. of Amma I., . . . 47 Pushpabhäti or Pushyabhūti, k. . . . 247n Rajamahendra, sur. of Amma II., . . . 47 Pushpavandkvara, to., . . . . . 807 Rajamahêndri (Rajahmundry), vi., 110n, 335 Pustaka-gachohhe . . . . 28, 38
Rajamalla, W. Ganga k., 43, 47, 59, 60, 61, pustakapala, . . . . . . 141
63, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 82 putti, measure, . . . . . . 116 Rajamartanda, sur. of Indra III., . 176 Puttar, vi.. .
• 327 Rajamartanda, sur. of Indra IV., . 182 Puvakotuja, m., . . . . . . 88 Rajamärta da, sur. of Khottiga,.
180 Pavina-Pullimangala, s. 4. Hulimangala, 48, 50 Râjanårågapa-Vinnagara, te., , . . 220n
.
. 169n
3D

Page #457

386
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
• 288
PAGRI
PAGE rajaparam var, . . 111 add., 221, 227, 346 Rapakambha, 1. a. Ranastambha, . . add. râjaputra, . . . . 135, 141, 188n, 199 Rånappa, 15., . . Rajaraja, Chera ch., . .831, 332, 333, 334 Ranaråga, W. Chalukya k., . , . 8 Rajaraja, E. Chalukya k., 223n, 348, Ranastambha, Rashfrakúța k., . . add.
349, 350 Ranastambhapur., 1. a. Ranthambhor,. . add. Rajaraja, sur. of Chodaganga, 334, 335, 345, Ranastipůndi, vi., . , . 349, 351, 361
346, 347 Rapávaldka, sur. of Kambayya, 65, 188, 195, 197 Rajaraja, sur. of Mummadi-Choda, 334, 335 Ranavikrama, W. Ganga k., 43, 59, 63, 65, 66, 69n Rajaraja I., Chola k., , . 20, 24, 349, 350 Rapavikramayya, do. . . . . 61, 62 Rajaraja III., do., , 282, 283, 284, 285 Raņavikranta-Buddhavarmarája, Gujarat ChaRajaraja II., E. Ganga k., . 199, 200 Lukya ch., . . . . . . 189 Rajarajendra, sur. of Rulottunga I., . 221 Ranganatha, to.. . 51n, 303, 322, 323, 325, 330 Rajarajendra, sur. of Vikrama-Chola, , 227 Rangarija, .. a. Ranganatha, . . 330 Rajasirinha, Pallava k., . . . 79, 320n Ranna, Kanarese poet, . . . . 71 Rajasimha, sur. Of Amoghavarsha I., .
Ranthambhor, vi.. . . . . . add. Rajasimha, sur, of Dantidurga, . . 168 rashtragramamahattara, .
297, 300 Rajasinha, sur. of Govinda I., .
168 rashtrakata, a headman, . . . 346, 360 Rajasimha, sur. of Indrararman I., . . 72 Rashtrakața, dy, add., 25, 26, 27, 28n, 34, rajaéråvita, a royal decree,. . 99, 102, 107n 35n, 47, 48, 51, 61, 84, 70, 72, 74, 75, Rajasundari, s. a. Sevilimedu, . 228, 229 76, 82, 83, 100, 160, 161, 163, 165, 167. Rajataramgini, quoted, . . . 250n 168, 169, 170, 172, 173, 174n, 181n, Rajatriņētra, sur. of Kakka II., 58n, 174, 182 182, 184n, 187n, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, råjavallabha. . . . . . 135n 193, 194, 196, 208, 209, 212, 240, 249, Rajavallabha or Rajavallabba-Pallavaraiyan,
252, 256, 257, 286, 287, 345n sur. of Madhava, , 220, 223 rashtrapati, . . . , 35, 241, 288 Rajendra-Choda, Velanandu ch., 269, 273, 274, 276 Råsin, oi, . . . . . 242 Rajendra-Chola I., Chóļa k., 20, 21, 22, 24, Rasiyana, 4. a. Rasin, . . . . .
169n, 324, 350 Rasiyana-bhukti, di.,. . . . 241, 243 Rajendra-Chola II., .. a. Kulottuðga-Chola I., 220 Ratâjan, vi. . . . Rajendradêva, Chola k., 23, 24, 169n, 214, Ratbånga, m., . . 217, 218nRatnapalavarman, Pragjyotisha k.,
134 Rajyavardhana, Kanaujk, . .143, 144 RatnAvaloka, sur. Of Bappuvaras, 189 add. Råma, m., . . . . . . . 230 Ratnavarsha, sur. of Vijayaditya, 208, 213 Råma, saint, 93, 108, 109, 112, 113, 127, 129n, Ratta, .a. Rashtrakata, 53n, 106, 179n, 189n 131, 179n, 217n, 218, 231, 260n, 261, Rattajjuna or Rattajuna, s. a. Ratajan, 241, 242
275, 346n Rattakandarpa, sur. of Govinda IV. . . 177 Râm, t. a. Parafurama, . . 359 Rattakandarpa, sur. of Indra III., 176, 186 Råmabhadra, &. a. Rama, . . 108, 291, 346 Rattakandarpa, sur. of Indra IV. . . 182 Ramadeva, te., . . . . 257 Rattakandarpa, sur. of Khottign,
180 RAmannjacharya, Vaishnava teacher, 261 Rattavidyadhara, sur. of Govinda IV.,. 177 Råmapúrvatápaniya-Upanishad,
Råvana, demon, .
. 127, 156 Råmatapaniya-Upanishad,
127n Raviga, ch., . 214, 216, 217, 218, 219 Råmayana, quoted, .
19n, 20n Ravika, m., . Ramayya Bhaskara, 11., .
Ravikirti, poet,. . . 2, 3, 4, 7n, 11n, 12 Ramešvara, te. . .
. 114 Ravikulatilaka, sur. Of Kulottunga I... 221 Rambévara, tirtha, :. 64n Rayakota, vi. . .
. . 883n Ramnid, vi.. . . . . . 324, 326 Rayapa-Bhaskara, 7.. . . . 116 Rampura, vi., . . . 87, 88 Reddi, dy. . . . . 110, 293 Ranabhañja, ch, . 134, 136 Returi, din .
116 râpaka, . . . . . . . 136 Revi, ring . . . . . . . 10
.
. 203
.
111

Page #458

INDEX.
387
.
8
PAGE Révakanimmadi, queen of Batuga II., 51n,
52n, 59, 70, 71 Revanta, mythical k., . . . . 275 Revati, island, . . . Rüyaiyyabhatta, .,. . Rompicharla, vi.. . Rudaghosaja (Rudraghosharya), m., • . Rudavennhuja (Rudravishņvårya), m.,
818 Radra, Amardvati ch.,
. . 147 Rudra, Natavddi ch., . . 157, 158, 159, 160 Rudrabhatta, author, . . . . . 192n Rudradáman, Kshatrapa k. 19n, 20n, 166n Rudradeva, Kakatiya k., . . 39n, 163n rapaka, alankára. . . . . . 346n
Sabara, tribe, . . . . 360, 268 Sabba or Sabbama, queen of Bhima II., 147,
148, 155, 156 Sabbaka-Mre-Bøya, m., . . . 156 Sabbambikapuram, sur. of Kokallu, 147, 156 Sabdamapidarpana, quoted, 43n, 108n, 179n, 255n Badaiyar, te.. . . . .
. 321 Sadasivarkys, Vijayanagara k.,. . . 231n Sádéva, m.. . . . . . . 162n Baduppêri, vi, . . . . . . 321 Sagara, mythical k., .
. 16, 52, 56 Sagaratriņėtra, sur. of Mañalera . . 58n sabagamana, . . . . . . 21 Shasanka, sur. of Govinda IV.
177 Sabattanga, biruda, . . . . 276, 876 Sahya, mo. . . . . . . 132 Saigotta, sur. of Sivamâra II., . . Sailapagchatyadipa, sur. of Baddharája, 289 Sailodbhava, ch., . . . . .
144 Sainyabhita, biruda, . . . , 143, 144 Saiva, . . . .572, 93, 148, 199 Saka, tribo, . . . . . .859 Sakatamantani-nându, di, . . : 220, 223 sakti = 3,. . . . . . 128n Śaktivarman, E. Chalukya k., . 348, 349, 359 Bakuntala, quoted, . . . . 299n Sala, mythical k., . . . . 90, 94 BAlima, ri. . . . . . 141, 146 Salivahana, k., . .
112, 181, 232 Ballékhand, . . . . . . 182 Salotgi, vi,
. . 178, 188 Saluva-Raghava, to., . . . . 119, 131
PAGB SAlava-Saluva, biruda,
. . 131n SAluva-Timmanna, .. a. SAlva-Timma, 100n Salva or Salva, tribe, . . . . . 1310 Salva- or SAluva-Timma, ch., 109, 110, 111 and add., 112, 114, 115, 116, 128, 129, 130,
131, 132, 231, 232, 233 Såmångad, vi., 26, 167, 168, 181n, 182, 183,
187n, 188, 190, 191, 192, 193, 208, 209, 212n så manta,
71, 135, 166, 297, 300 Samasastrin or Ramasastrin, .. a. Naraharitirtha, 361 Samasi-Gudigere, vin, . . . . . 254 Samastabhuvanáfraya, sur. of E. Chalukya
kinge, . . . . . . . 221 Samastarkjafraya, sur. Of Kulottunga I. . smavajika or såmavAyika, s. a. sdmavajin, . så mavajin, . . Samayapuram, vi.. . . . . 322 Sambhaks, m., . . . . . . 136 samdhivigrahin, . . . 203, 820 Sargama, vi... . . . 29, 37 Samgama II., Vijayanagara k., 108, 130n Samgamner, vi, . . . . . 82 Samhita, . . . . .
- 204 Sankaracharya, . . . 232n, 261, 266n Samkaráchârya-matha, . . . 263n Barkaragana, Kalachuri k.,. . 295, 296, 299 Sankrandana, . a. Indra, . . . . 277 sankranti:-
. .
. . . . 135, 136 Kanya-sankranti, . . . . 259, 260 Uttarayaņa-samkranti, 141, 177n, 180n, 221,
268, 278, 279, 286 and add. Vishuva-sarkranti, . . . . 221, 223 santana, santanaka or samtati, tbe seven, 189, 180 Samudragupta, Gupta k. . . . . 3n sangadirakshapalaka,. . . . . 233n Sangavär, .. a. Sangoor, . . 261, 262, 253 Sangli, vi., 28n, 76, 172, 176, 177, 183, 184,
186, 190, 192, 198 Sangoka, f. . . . . . . 203 Sankalapura, di.. . . . . . 281n Sankama, Kalachurya k... . . 99 Sankhoda, vi... . . . . 295 Santars, family,
. 9 Santikars, k., . .
.. . 185 Santilla, ch., . .
. . 296 Santivarman, Kadamba k.,
. .. 13 Såntivarman, Raffa ch., . . . 1790 Saragüru, Din,
. . 66n, 73 Säramvu, oi., . . . . .
. 60 Sarsalpuri, vin . . . .
3 3D%
65

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VI.
PAGB
PAGE Sarasvati, f., .
Sellaketana, 8. a. Chellaketara, 27, 28n, 35 Sarasvati, goddess, . . . . 128n, 218
Sellavidega, biruda, . . . . . 28n Saraţavura, 3. a. Soraţür,
. 107n Sellavidyadhara, ch., . . . . . 28n Sarbhon, vi. . . . . . . 2
Sembiyan-M&valivånardyan, sur. of PrithiviSarbhôn, vi.. . . . . . . 257n pati II., . . . . . . 191n Sarsavņi, vi, . .
294 sênabhogika, a village clerk, . 285n, 286 Sarthâtailâţa forty-two, di., .
286 sênadhipati, . . . . . . 92 Sårvabhauma, the elephant of Kubéra, 359 SanAnandaråja, Sandraka ch., . . 191 Sarvadarśanasangraha, . . . 281 Sendra, 8. a. Sandraka, . . . 731, 81 Sarvajñachakravartin, sur. of Som kvara III... 91n Sandraka, family, 72, 73, 107n, 191, 192, 254 Sarvalókadraya, sur. of E. Chalukya kings, Sengama, vi.. . . .
329, 333 220, 223, 335, 346, 348, 359, 360 Songêni Ammaiyappan Attimallaş, sur. Of sarvamânya, . . . . . 114 Vikrama-Chola-Sambuvarayan, 333 sarvanamasya, . . . . . . 93 Señji, s.a. Gingee, . . . . 322, 323 Sarvånanda, author,, .
. 203n Setavinabidu, vi., . . . . 91 Basakapura or Sabapura, 8. a. Sosavůru, . 90, 94 Seuņa, co., . . . . . . . 82 Basanka, Karnasuvarna k., . . 143 Sevånamedu, s. a. Sevilimodu, . . 238 Sasankarája, k., . . . . 143, 144, 146 Sevilimedu, vi., . . . 227, 228, 379 ŚÅsavevádu, vi., . 28, 36 Seyyagangar, s. a. Siyagangan, .
333 Såtalige or Såntalige thousand, di.. . 254 shadangavid, . . . . . . 241 Såtanúr, vi.. .
. . 67 Shanmukha, s. a. Kumara,. . 876 Satara, vi.. .
. .296 Shatsahasra, di., . 147, 166, 224, 225, 227 sati (sattee), . . 215 Shiggaon, ui., .
.
. .257 Satrumalla, sur. of Mahendravarman I., 320 Shirhatti, vi.. . . . . . . 101n Sattenapalli, vi,
. 147, 148, 156,269 Shiruvinhal, vi., . . . . 194 Satya, s. a. Satyabhama, . . . 246 Sholinghur, vi., . . . . . 650 Satya raya, sur. of W. Chalukya kings, 2, 4, Siddbala, vi, . . .
203, 205 7, 11, 12, 81 | Siddhantichandrabhúshana, śaiva teacher, . 93 Satyåfraya or Satyakraya-Vallabha, a. a. Pula Sidhitunga, ch., . . . . . . 189n kesin II., . . . . . 190n, 359 Sikimabri (P), vi., .
39, 37 Satyåsraya-Dhruvarâja-Indravarman, ch., 72, 73, Šiladitya VII., Valabhi k., . . . 297
silabára, family, 168, 169n, 172n, 175, 176, Satyavákya, sur. of Siddhantichandrabhu
178, 181, 192 shana, . . . . . . . 93 SilAmégha, k., . . . . . 214, 218 Satyavákya, sur. of W. Garga kings, 41, 43, Silodbhava, family, . . . . 144, 146 44, 45n, 49n, 50n, 51, 55, 59, 60, 61, 62, siman,
. 113, 114, 115, 116 63, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 180, Simhachalam, vi, . 262, 266, 267
259, 260 Simhadri, s. a. Simhachalam, . . 110 add. Saujan yaratnákara, sur. of Vajra, 350, 361 Simhanandin, Jaina teacher, . . . 75 Saumyayana, 8. a. Uttardyana,
268, 273 Simhavarman, Kadamba k., . , 17, 19 Saundaryalahari, quoted,
232n Sithavarman II., Pallava k., 17, 18n, 191 Saundatti, vi., .
. . . 179n, 258nSina, ri... . . . . . . . 242 Saurashtra, co... . . . . 197, 359 Sinda, family. . . . . 72n, 730, 191n Saurya, co., . .
. 196, 197 Singapuram, vii, . . . • 322, 323 Savagutaja (Sarvaguptarya), m., . . 318, 319 Singarầyakonda, vi, . . . . . 336 Såvarda, rishi,
Sinha, s. a. Sina, .
. 241, 242 Såvideva, ch., . . 165n Siripodipuodi, vi.,
. 861 Savigija, m., . . . . . 318 Sigukkottai, di., .
. 333, 334 Bavvaibhatta, m. .
.241 Sirdr, vi., 26, 98, 100n, 101n, 102, 103, 104n, Sayaņácharya, author, . . .
9611
106n, 107n, 175n, 209, 240
191n
• 208

Page #460

INDEX.
389
PAGB
PAGE sifapklavadba, quoted, . . . . 249n Sriharsha, 1. . .
. . 37 Sita, queen, . . . 218, 219, 260n, 261 Srikakulam, ving. . . . . . 109 Biva, god, 7n, 10n, 37n, 93, 94n, 114, 128n, śrtkamatha or Kamatha, s. a. Srikdrmam, 266
131n, 132, 144, 146, 148, 165, 158, 169 Srikantha, Saiva teacher, . . . . 94 add., 174, 179, 198, 199, 204n, 214, 215, Sríkärmam, vis, . . 260, 262n, 266, 267, 268 219, 228, 229, 230, 248, 248n, 259n, śpingåri, vi., . .
. .263n 268, 274, 276, 277, 286, 296, 299, 819, Sriparvata, s-a. Srisailam, . . . 51n
320, 344, 345n, 350, 361 Sriprithivivallabha or Sriprithvivallabha, biruda, Siva-dina, . . . . . . . 280
168n, 169n, 187n, 208, 221 sivakara, m., . . . . 199 Bripurusha, sur. of Muttarasa, 42, 43, 62n, 59, Sivamshárája, s. a. Sivaméra II., . , . 66
60, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 73, 82, 256 Śivamdra I., W. Ganga k., 59, 60, 63, 64, 72, Srirangam, vi, 510, 281, 303, 307, 309, 322, 73, 74, 81n, 82
323, 324, 330 Sivamara II., do., 53n, 58, 59, 61, 63, 64, 65, Srirangpur, vi., . . . . . 162n
69n, 256 Srisailam, vi, . . . . . . . 93 Sivaraje, m., . . . . . . 300 Árisena, m., .
.. . 213 Sivarpatna, vin,
. . . 65 bri-Tribhuvanamkusa, legend on seal, . 334, 347 divaskandavarman, Pallava k., 170, 85, 88, Srivallabha, biruda, 163, 165, 167, 168, 169,
315, 316
170, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 178, 184, Sivapur, Di., . . . . . . 266n
186, 187, 188, 189, 191, 192, 193, 194, Biyagangan, ch.. . . . . . 338
195, 196, 197, 310 Siyamangalam, vi.. . . . . $19, 320 Srivars, 8. a. Sirûr, . . . . . 107n Si-yu-ki, . .
136, 143 Sryakraya-Siladitya, Gujarat Chalukya ch., . 295n Skandagupta, ch.. . . . .
. 218n Stambha, .. a. Kambayya, 174n, 183, 188, 197, flesha, alarkdra, 241, 348
252, 256 Smarta, sect, . . . . . . 262n Stambhekvara, te., . . . . . 319 Smriti, . . . . . . 146, 204 sthanacharya, a chief priest, . . . 93 Somana-Peggada, ., . . . 376
sthanadhikaraņika, .
1350 Somappa, ch., . . . . 324 sthånâdhikrita, . .
. 136n Someévara, śaiva teacher, . . 93, 94 sthånAntariks, . .
135, 141 Sombávara, te...
• 274, 276, 277 1 St. Thomas' Mount, . Someevara I., W. Chalukya k., . . 169n
St. Thomé, vi., . . Somdávars III., do. . . . . .
Subandhu, author, . Somlévara IV., do. . . . . 83, 92 Subhachandrapandita, in.. Sorata, co., . .
• 218 SubhAkara, k., .
.
. 136 Soratūr, vi., . 560, 107n, 179, 185, 190n Bubbatungs, sur. of Krishna L, 27, 34, 161, 169, Sosavdra, vi.
90
174n, 186, 208, 212 Sovidêva, Kalachurya k..
Subhatunga, sur. of Krishna II., . . 175, 186 Sownshee, vi.. . . . . . 254 Subrahmanya, vi.. . . . . . 261n Sphurita, sur. of Budha, . • 203 Suchindram, vi.. .
. i 20 érdhi, . . . . · 220, 221, 278n Sadi, vi... . .57n, 60, 73, 82, 255n, 256n Srkvakula, family, . . . . 346 Sádra, caste, 147, 157, 214, 216, 268n, 269, 273 Sravana-Belgola, vi., 25, 40, 56n, 65, 82, 91,
Sadraka, mythical k., . . . . . 179, 180, 184, 187n, 195 Sugate, . a. Buddha, . . . 155 freshthin,
. . . 17, 19 Sulla, vi., . . . . 23, 37 Srballaha, 3. a. Srlvallabha, . 165, 166 Salliyår, oi.,
. 251 ada. éribhavana, s. a. Shiggaon, . . 250, 256, 267 Sumatindranatha, . a. Raghavendrasvåmimatha, Sridhara, A., • 209, 213
286n fridvåra, . . . . . . . 861 summer,
85, 89 Sriharsha, k. . . . . .313 Sun, race of the, .
. . 227, 288n
.
89
99
. 9in
.
.
252
.
92
56

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VI.
.TT
1
99
361
PAGE
PAGB Sundars-Pandya, s. . Jatavarman Sundara
talavargin,
. . 106n Påndya I., . .
• 510, 323n
Talekadu, . a. Talakad, . 214, 215, 218 Sungoor, vi., .
. . . 252
Taley ra, vi.. . . . . . 26, 28, 86 Surs, m.,. . .
275nTalgund, vi..
. . . . . . . 78, A,
. 7n, 8n, 16n, 254 Sura-Boys, ., .
. . 327 Talikheda, vi., .
. . . . . .
. .
28, 37 Suradhênupura, vin . 58, 60m, 61, 64, 74 T&mrapura, 1. a. Chebrölu,. . . . 39 Surageyur, vi.,. .
. . . 162 Tåņaka, vi. . . . . . . 230 Suramadevi, queen of Rajaraja II.,
Tanjore, vi., . . 53n, 179, 232n, 360 Suramara, vi.. .
. 190n Tankala, field, . Surangi, vi,
. 162a Tantra, . .
. .
204 Surat, vi, . . . . . . i81n, 2950 Tantravårttikn, name of a work,... 204n, 205 Súraval, vi., .
. 266n
Tapadankakåsa, biruda, . . . 57n Särisetti, m., . . . . . . 336 Tapti, ri.. . . . . . . . 170 Surya-Boya, 7., . . . . . 273 Taramangalam, vi., . . 310, 311, 312 sutra :
Tautâtimatatilaka, name of a work, , 205 Åpastamba, . . . . . 232, 324 Tayalár, vi., . . . . 70, 73, 254n sutradhâra, . . . . . . 199 Têkal or Tyákal, vi, ..
52n Suvarnavarsha, sur. of Govinda IV., 170, 177 Teki, vi.,. . 334, 335, 336, 348, 352n Suvarnavarsha-Karkardje, Gujarat Rashtra- Teliki thousand, family, .
336, 346 kuifa ch., 168n, 170, 174, 181n, 183, 190n, Telungu, s. a. Telugu co.. . . . . 253
278n, 287, 290n Tennarrir-nadu, di.,. . . . 320 Svâmidêra or Såvidêve, śaiva teacher, · 94n Tennáttûr, vi., . . . . . . 320n Svåmi-Mahasena, .. a. Skanda, .
16, 19 Thåņésar, vi., .
. . . 143 Svapnêkvara, ch. . 198199, 200 Tigavi, .. a. Tugaon,.
. 341 342 Bvêtårsnyékvara, te., . . . 284, 810 tiger crest, . . . .
73, 80 ayAdváda, . . . . . . . 37 Timma, ch. . . . 111, 129, 131n, 232 Symamdary, . a. Simbâdri, . . 110 and add. Timma, 8. a. Sålva-Timma, . . . 130
Timmaya, do... .
. .109n Tinnevelly, vi., . 302, 303, 304, 305, 308, 309, 312 Tippåmba, Queen of Bukka II., . . . 930 Tirthamkars, . . . . . 26
Tiruchcheppambandi, vi, . . . 321 tadàyuktaka, . .
Tiruchchirappalli, s. a. Trichinopoly, . 329 Tadivaya, .. a. Taduvaya,
147, 148, 156 tiruchchurrumáligai,. . . . 232n Taduvaya, vi.. . . . . 148 Tirukkalukkuņram, vi. 185, 230n, 307, 334n, 326 Tagadai,.. a. Tagadůr,
331, 332, 333, 334 Tirukkarrali, .. a. Stambhébvara,. . 320 Tagador, 8. a. Dharmapuri, . . . 381, 833 Tirukkattuppali, vi., . . . . 304 Tagaddr-nadu, di.. . . . . . 331 Tirumala or Tirumalai, the Tirupati hill, 232, Tagaddru, oi., . . . 73n, 326, 831n
322, 828 Taggaldru, vi., .
. 620 Tirumalai near Polar, vi., 320n, 324n, 326, Taila II., W. Chalukya k., 5lo, 71, 72, 182,
331, 332, 384n 191n, 254
Tirumalavadi, vi.. . . . . 306, 308 Tails III., do.. . . 91 Tirumaliruñjolai, vi, . . .
323 Tailapanankakksa, sur. of Bhimarasa, 264 Tirunárkyapapuram, .. a. Melukot
822 Takata, s. a. Tagadür, . . . 381, 332 Tiruppalaiyår, vi, . . . . . 322 Takkolam, vi.. . . . . . 51, 63, 66 Tiruppandurutti, vi., . .
307, 330 Talakad, vi, . 28, 42, 67, 69, 83, 266, 269 Tirupparattikkupru, vi.
. 829 talakattu,. . .
. . 108, 109 Tiruppukkuli, vi., . . 324, 325 talapraharin, . . 286, 286 Tiruppullaņi, di, .
324, 326 Talavanapura, .. a. Talakad, . . . 28,86 Tiruppáva pam, vi. 83n, 301, 302n, 303n, 394
.
.
.
.
YUKLAR
.
136. 141

Page #462

INDEX.
391
• 331
PAGR
PAGE Tiruvadi, vi. . .
tuppadere, tax, . . . . . . 107n Tiruvadi-rajya, di. . . . . . 8310
Taragavedenga, biruda, . . . . 56n Tiruvadi-rajya, di.. . . . . .331n Turuka, . a. Turushka, . . . 233 Tiruvaiyaru, vi., . . . . 306, 350 Turushka, a Musalman, . . . . 322n Tiruvallam, vi., . . • 65, 320, 321 Turvasu, mythical k., . . . . . 231 Tiruvañjikulam, vi.. . . . . .331 Tusam, vi, . . . . . . 108n Tiruvannamalai, di., . 326, 327, 328, 329 Tyagasamudra, sur. of Vikrama-Chola, 228 Tiruvengadu, oi.,
. 284 Tyagavåråkars, . a. Ty&gasamudra, , 228, 229 Tiruvorriyûr, vi.. . . . . 383, 310 çivili, musical instrument, . . 106 Tondai-mandalam, co.,. 85, 322, 323, 382n Toragal, vi., . .
. . . 83 Tôrkhede, vi.,
173, 188n, 187, 193, 194 Tottaramudi, oi. . . . . 84, 110 Tovaguru, vi, . . . . . 48,50ubhayamukhi, . . . . . . 255n Trailokyamalla, ch., . .
225Uchchangi, vi., . . . : 91, 95 Traividya, sur. of Meghachandra,
25, 37 Udayaditya, Hoysala k., . . . 90, 91, 95 tribhôga,, . . . . . 93 Udayagiri, vi., . . . . . 110 tribhuvanachakravartin, .
Udayana, poet,. . . Tribhuvanamalla-Jagaddeva, santara ch., . 91 Udayêndiram, vi.. . 60, 65, 75, 82, 190n, 191n Tribhuvanankuda, sur. of VimalAditya, 350, 369 uddada, . .
. . . 136, 141 Trichinopoly, vi., . . . 320, 322 Udipi, vi.. . . . . . 261n, 262n Trikalayogita, Jaina teacher, L . 36, 36 udranga,. . . . . . . 300 Trikalinga, oo... . . . . 198, 199 Ugråditya, 71... . . . . 136 Trikûtékvara, te., . . . 89, 93 Ujjain, vi. . . . . 178n, 196, 197 Trikåtåevara-Nitaladrió, te., . . . 116 Ujjvaladatta, author,
. . 3n Trilinga, the Telugu country. . . 93 Ukkal, vi. . . . 179, 186n, 229n, 321 Tripayana-Pallava, mythical k., . 147, 156, 277nUmmattasimha, k. . . . . 135 Triņêtra, 8. a. Siva, .53n, 54n, 55, 56, 174n, Unaldsu, vi, . . . . . 20,37 178, 1790 Onamåñjêri, vi.. . .
. . 231n Trisamgamaka, vi.,
. . . 166n Undrallu, family, . . . . . 316 Tritiya-Brahmatantrasvatantrasvamin,
Unnuva, vi, . :
. . 113 Vaishnava teacher, . . . . 322 upadhmaniya, . 1, 2, 25, 143, 286, 295, 347 Trivandrum, vi.. . . . . . 263n uparika, . . . . . . 135, 141 trivedin, . . . . .241 uparikara, . .
. 136, 141, 300 Trivikramapandita, . .
361 upaya=4,. . . . . . 128n Tryambaka, mo., . .
Uppalapadu, vi., . . . 147, 148, 156 Tsandavôlu, vi., . . 268, 274 Orrukkåda, vi., . .
321 tában, a tuskless elephant,
92n Ofrakkattu-kottam, di., . . 321, 322 Tugaon, vi., . .
Uravapalli, oi, . . . . 16, 17, 18n tuld purusha, . . . . . 323 Ushavadata, m.
. . 19n Tulukka, 8. a. Tuloshka, . . . . 322 ntpréksha, alankdra, . . . . 3, 346n Tulushka, a Musalman, . . .
wted Uttamacharitrakathanakam, quoted, 925, 880
250n Tumbadi, vi, . . . . . . 48 Uttaradi-matha, . .
281n Tumbepkļi, . a. Tumbadi, . . . 47, 48, 49 Uttarai, vi.. .
213 Tan-Ändår, s. a. Stambhekvara, . . 819, 320 Uttara-Kanderuvadi-vishaya, di., . . . 148 Tundira-mandala, 8. a. Topdai-mapdalam, .332 Uttaramallar, vi.,
. . . 321 Tanga, 8. a. Rashtrakata, . . .1890, 845n Uttarapurana, . .
. . 28 Tungå, ri.,
. . 266 Uttararåmacharita, drama, . . . . 1790 Tungabhadra, rin 64, 260, 266, 257, 258, 262 Ofukůru, in . . . . . . 156
132
342

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VI.
PAGR
Váchaspati, m. . . . . . . 203 Vaddiga, Rashfrakdľa k. .52n, 56, 70, 71,
176n, 178, 187, 189 Vaduga-vali, . a. Andhrapatha, . . 85n Vagan, s. a. Rajaraja, . . . . 331, 332 váhyált, a camp,
. . 260n Valdyadeva, ch., . . . . . 198n Vaidyajivana, name of a toork, . . .132n Vaidyanatha, te., . . . . Vaidyanathapur, vi, . .
329 Vaijayanti, s. a. Banavasi,
13,15 Vairamêgha, sur. of Dantidurga,. . .169 Vaishnava, . . 64n, 232n, 261, 266, 322 Vaishnava-tithi, s. a. Hari-vasara,. . llln vaibvaders, .
. . .800 Vaibya, caste, . . . . 220, 223 Vajivama, family, . . . . . add. Vajjiya-Pegguda, s. a. Vajra . : 350, 361 Vajra, ., .
. 350, 360, 361 Vajrahasta, E. Ganga k., . . . . 134 Vajrata, k., . . . . . 212 Vajréévara, te., . . . . . . 92 Vakkaleri, vi., .
. 18n, 164, 251 add. VAlabha-KĀyastha, .
37 Valabhi, vi., 52, 56, 78, 166n, 249n, 294, 295n, 297 Vallabha, sur. of Rashtrakdta kings, 27, 34,
35, 36, 169, 170, 172, 173n, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 182, 184, 185, 186, 187,
189, 190, 191, 192, 198, 197n, 212, 247 Vallabha, sur. Of W. Chalukya kings, 8, 189,
190, 192, 193, 212 Vallabhadova, ch., . .
. 134a Vallabharaja, Chaulukya k.,
. 1901 VallAladova, Hoysala k., ..
. 323n Vallam, vi.,
.
• 320 Vallaråja, 8. a. Vallabharaja,
. 190n Vallavi-vishaya, di.. i
17,19 Vallimalai, vi., . . . 60, 63, 65, 82 Vamalakti, śaita teacher,. . . 94 Vanagajamalla, sur. of Krishņa III., 51n, 56n,
178, 179 Vânapalli, vi.. . . . 108, 129n, 130n, 230 Vanayasa, . a. Banavasi, . . . 28 Vanavasi, do., . . . . . 9, 27, 35 Vandyaghatiya, . . . . . 203 Vanga, co. . . . 92, 106, 203
PAGE Vañji, vi., . . . . . 331, 332 Varada, ri., . . . . . VaradAkhanda-vishaya, di., .
136 Varaha, 8. a. Varahamihirs,
• 204 Varaha or Jayavarâha, k.,
. 196, 197 Varahagråma, 8. a. Wurgaon, . 241, 242 Varahamihira, astronomer, . . 9n, 201n Varanasi or Vâråņási (Benares), vi., 45, 51n,
107, 156, 253 Vardhamana, s. a. Wadhwân,
195, 198n Vardvara, 17.. . . .
. . 57n Varuda, god, . . . . 8, 129n, 300 Varuna, vi.. . .
. . 100n Vasantagaruvu, . .
. 232 våsåpaka,. .
. . 285, 286 Vasavadatta, quoted, 240, 247n, 248n, 240n, 250n Våsishthiputra Pulamayi, Andhra k.,
316 VAsiyapa, m., . . . . . . 241n Vasudeva, 8. a. Krishna, . . . . 203 Vat&pi, vi., .
. 8, 11, 169n, 191 Vatsaraja, Avanti k., . , 195, 196, 197, 248 Vatsarkja, m., . .
. 26, 37 Vatsarkja, mythical k., . , 19, 273, 277 Vavulla, s. a. Baboolgaon,. . . 241, 243 Vậyupuråpa, quoted, . . . . . 132n V dagiri vara, te., .
. . 307 Veda-Kömbura, vi., . . . 230 Vedanta, . . . . . . . 187 Vedantadódikn, Vaishnava teacher, 322, 323 Vedas and cAkhâs :Yajus, . . . . . . . 232 Kaņva or Kapva,. . . 136, 141, 300 Taittiriya,. . . . . 15, 241
Vajman@ya, . . . 141, 300 Vela, 1. a. Skanda,
. 218 Velanándu, di., 39, 148, 268, 269, 273, 276n Velandunúllu, family, . . . . . 336 Velangagunta, pond, .
. . 861 Volan Madhavan, s. a. Madhava,
220, 228 Veldpura, s. a. Bölür, . . . . 80n Velloro, vi., . . .
. 185 Velumanallu, family, . . . : 336, 346 Véma, cim . . .
. . 109, 128 Vengi, co. 3, 64n, 106, 171, 208, 209, 213, 224, 225, 250, 334, 335, 344, 346, 349,
350, 358, 360 Venkata, . . . . . . Venkata I., Vijayanagara k., . . . 181n Vennayabhatta-Somayajin, m., . . .277n
994

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INDEX
393
092
PAGE Véppambattu, vi.. . . . . . 329 Véppúr, vi., . .
• 324n, 325 Viddayabhatta, m, .
. . . 347 Vidugadalagiya-Perumal, Chèra ch., 331, 332,
333, 334 Vidyabharaṇa, saiva teacher, . . 93, 94 Vidyadharabhañja, ch., . 134, 140, 141n Vidyåranya, Advaita teacher, . 263, 333 Vidyafan kara, do.,
. . . 263n vihara, . . . . . 16€n, 286, 287 Vijayábharaṇa, sur. of Kulottunga I., . . 221 Vijaya-Buddhavarman, Pallava k., . 85n Vijaya-Dantivikramavarman, Ganga-Pallavá
. . . 321 Vijayaditya, ch., . . . . . 208, 213 Vijayaditya, Chalukya k.,. . 338, 346, 359 Vijayaditya, W. Chalukya k., 81, 189n, 255n Vijayaditya, W. Ganga k., . Vijayaditya II., E. Chalukya k.. . 64n Vijayaditya III., do.
. 179n Vijayaditya VII., E. Chalukya ch.. . 334, 344 Vijayanagara, vi, 18n, 58, 109, 110, 112, 131n, 196n, 231, 233, 263, 283n, 323,
324, 327, 331n Vijayanagara, 8. a. Vijayanagara, 324, 328 Vijaya-Nandivarman, k. . . . . 316 Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman, Ganga-Pallava
k., . . . . . 320, 321, 322 Vijaya-Narasimhavarman, do.,
72, 73 Vijaya-Narayana, te., . . . . 92 Vijayanka, f.. .. . . . 37, 35 Vijaya-Nripatangavikramavarman, Ganga.
Pallava k., . . . . .321 Vijayaraja, Gujarat Chalukya ch,
296 Vijayachaiva, s.a. Vijaya, . . . . 22n Vijaya-Siva-Mandhátrivarman, .. a. Mandha
trivarman, . . . , 13, 15 Vijaya-Siva-Mrigefavarman, . a. Mrigéravar
man . . . . . . . 13 Vijaya-Skandavarman, Pallava k., , 85 Vijayavata or Vijayavata, 8. a. Bezvada, 336, 346 Vikkirama-bolan-Ulà, name of a work,
228 Vikrama-Choda, sur. of Kulottunga I., 221, 224 Vikrama-Chola, Chola k., 24, 224, 227, 228,
229, 280, 281, 335 Vikrama-Chðla-Sambuvardyan, ch., . • 393 Vikramaditya I., W. Chalukya k.. . 190, 191 Vikramaditya II., do.,
81, 164, 192 Vikramaditya VI., do.. . . . 91, 92 Vikramkókadévacharita, quoted. . . lla
PAGE Vikramárka, Chapa ch., . . . . 196n Vikramávaldka, sur. of Govinda II., 209, 213 Vikramêndravarman II., k., . . . 16, 18n Vikrántanárayana, sur. of Govinda IV., 28n, 177 Villa, vi., . . . . . 136 Vimaladitya, E. Chalukya k., 348, 349, 350,
359, 360, 361 Vinayaditya, Hoysala k., . . . 90, 95 Vinayaditya, W. Chalukya k. 72, 81, 1072, 254 Vinayakapåla, Kanauj ch., . . . . 198 Vindhya, mo., , 10, 249n, 250, 256, 257, 296n Vingipataka, vi., . . . . . 136 Vinikonda, . a. Vinukonda, 112, 113, 114, 116,
116, 130 Vinukonda, vi., . . 112, 113, 114, 116 Vipparla, vi, . . . . . 147n Vippedu, vi.. . . . . . .228n Vira-BallAla II., Hoysala k., 90, 92, 93, 95, 96 Vira-Bhû pati, Vijayanagara ch., . . . 330 Vira-Bokkaņa, Vira-Buk kans or ViraBukkanna, s. a. Bukka I., 323, 324, 325,
336, 327 Vira-Bukkaraya, s. a. Bukka II., . . . 330 Vira-Choda, E. Chalukya ch., 334, 336, 336,
844, 345, 348 Vira-Chola, sur. of Prithivipati II., . . 82 Vira-Hariyana, Vira-Hariyapa or Vira-Hari
yappa, s. a. Harihara II., . . 327, 328 Vira-Kampaņa or Vira-Kampaņņa, 8. a..
Kampaņa II., . . . . 324, 325, 328 Vira-Kumara-Kampaņa or -Kampanna, do.
925, 326 viråma, . . . . 41, 48,51, 161, 199 Viramahendra, k.,
46, 47, 49, 70 Viramahendra, sur. of Kulottunga I., . .221 Viramahendra, sur. of Vikrama Chola . 227 Vira-Mahesvara, biruda, 224, 225, 276, 276, 277 Viranandin, Jaina teacher, . . . 25, 37, 38 Vira-Naranárasim hadeva, s. a. Narasimha II.,
282n, 268 Viranârayana, sur. of Amoghavarsha I., 26, 34,
36, 175, 193 Viranårå yaņa, sur. of Govinda IV.,
177 Viranarayapa, sur. of Kakka II., 26n, 181 Vira-Nolamba, Nolamba k.,
. . . 65 Virapratåpa,' sur. of Vijayanagara kings,
111 add., 329 Vira-Raghava, k., . . . . 83, 84 Vira-Salemegan, Ceylon k., . . . . 214 Viravali, ., . . . . . 229
33

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394
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vox. VI.
Vyâsasútra, . a. Brahmasútra, vyutipåta, .
. . . . .
. vyatirêka, alankára,. . vyavahârika names, . .
. . .
PAGE 260, 265n . . 279 . 247n, 346 . . 1861
W
Wadgao, i . . . . . . 178n Wadhwåņ, vi... . . 195, 196n Wani, vi, 27n, 105n, 163, 170, 171, 172, 173, 183, 185, 186, 189n, 190, 193, 194, 197,
240, 243n, 244n, 246, 256 winter, . .
. . . 316, 319 Wurgaon, vi, . . . . . 242
Y
PAGE Vira-Virupanna I., Vijayanagara ch... 327 Vira-Viruppaņņa, 8. a. Virupaksha I., . 328, 329 Vira-Visvanatha, Hoysala k.) . . 333 Virdsvara, te., . . . . 114, 13 Virifichipuram, vi.. . . . . Viripara, oi., . . . . 85, 83, 147n virðdhabhåsa, alatkára, . . . Virpédo, s. a. Vippedu, . . . .228n Virpêd -nadu, di., . . . . 228 Virpaksha, te., . . . : 58, 262n Virtpakaba I., Vijayanagara ch., . 328 Viruppaņa- or Virappiņņa-Udaiyar (II.), s. a.
Vird paksha I., . . . 323, 328, 329 rishayapati, . 35, 135, 141, 286, 297, 300 Vishņu, god, . 3, 26, 340, 371, 90,
92, 98, 99, 100, 105 and add., 106, 108n; 109, 111n, 127n, 128, 131n, 159, 174n, 204, 212, 223, 248n, 240n, 260, 265, 266n,
274, 286, 300, 320, 323n, 361 Vishņu, .. a. Vishnuvardhana. . . . 91 Vishnu, s. a. Vishnuvardhana 1., 269, 273, 275, 277 Vishņu, Saiva teacher, . . . . 199 Vishnu-dina, . . . . . . 217 Vishnugopavarman, Pallava k., 16, 18, 191n Visbộukunda, .. a. Vinukonda, . . .118n Vishộupurana, . . . . . 174n, 180n Vishqudarman, m., . .
. 17, 19 Visbnuvardhana, Hoysala k., 90, 91, 92, 96, 381n Vishnuvardhana, sur. of E. Chalukya kinge,
336, 346, 348, 350, 360 Vishnuvardhana, sur. of Kulottunga I., 220,
221, 223, 224n, 278, 279 Vishnuvardhana I., E. Chalukya k., 190n,
269, 295, 349 Vishnuvarman, Kadamba k., . , 17, 19 VikishtAdvaita, doctrine, . . . . 2660 Viúva, quoted, . . . . . . 247n Vifadi, . a. Vivavası,
325 Vibvakarmad, m., . Vitariga, . a. Jinêndra,
. 1661 Vitthala, to.. . . Vitthapu, m.. .
.241 Vitthu-duvējba, ., .
.241 vriddharåja, . . . . . . 75 Vrishabhagiri, .. a. Tirumalai, . . 323, 330 Vyamuktafravanjjvala, 6. a. Vidugkıdalagiya
PerumA), . . . . . 331, 332 vyáprita, an official,. . . 88, 318 Vysa, rishi, . 37, 107, 218, 265, 800, 861 Vyanaraya-matha, . . . . . 2619
Yadava, family,. 27, 34, 82, 92, 93, 249, 263 Yadu, mythical k., . , 90, 94, 180n, 231 Y&jőavalkyr, quoted,. . . . 2410 Yajoavați or Yajñavâţika, vi.. . 231, 232, 233 Yakshe, ..
. . 331, 332 Yakshi, . . . . . . 331, 332 yumaks, alarkára, . . . . . 12n Yasakenallâta, sur. of Khottiga,.
180 Yafobhita, sail6dbhava ch., . . . . 144 Yabhita, sil6dbhada ch., . . . 144, 146 Yavana, a Musalman, . . . . 322n Yavanika, s. a. Elini, . . . 331, 332 years of the cycle : Akshaya,
. . . . . . 322 Ânanda,
. . . 180n, 325, 326 Bahudhânya,. . . . . 114 Dhatri or Dhátu, 114, 115, 116, 176n, 329 Dandubhi, . .
180n, 328, 329n Durmati,
. . . . 159 Durmukha or Durmukhin, 21n, 58n, 159, 160 H&malambin, . . . . 23, 214, 217 Isvara,. . .22, 113, 114, 116, 116, 263n Jaya, . .
. . 157, 159, 327 Kalayukta or KAlayuktákshi, . 337, 328 Kilaka,. .
. . . 326 Kródbana, . . . . . . 328 Kshaya,. . . . . . . 329 Manmatha,
- 330 Nala, . . • 220, 278, 324n Parabhava,
. . . . 385 Paridbävin, . . 98, 97, 323, 326 Parthiva, . . . . . 329
• 262, 263, 327
• 262

Page #466

INDEX
395
PAGE Yelburga, ti., elburga, 11.,
. .
.
. . . . . . . 72n Yenamadala, vi., . namadala, Dk..
. . . 147, 148, 268n Yêrchûri, vi, . .
. . . 115, 116 Yerraguntapadu, vi., . . . . 148 Fôga :Vyatipåta,
. . . 225, 267 Yogananda Nesimha, te.,. . . 260, 266 Yuddhaznalla, E. Chalukya ke., . . .358 Yuddhasura-Nandarajı, Rashfrakúfa ch., 188 yuvamahårája,. .
16, 18n, 85, 88 yuvaràja, an heir-apparent, 9n, 17, 61, 63,
66, 68, 70, 171, 18A, 208, 224, 295n
PAGB Pluva, . . . 324, 227, 280, 281, 325 Plavaiga,
224, 2:0, 331, 328 Pramåtbin, .
. .177n Rakshasa, .
. . 324n Raktákshin,
262, 263, 328 Raudra, .
. 20, 328 Sarvajit, .
58, 242 Saumya, . .
51, 55, 308, 213, 325 Siddharthin, . .
328 Srimukha, .
21, 25, 262, 263 Bukla,
. . 323 Vibhaya, .
. . . 329 Vijaya,. ..
22n, 23, 178, 255n Vikarin, .
. . . 57 Vikrama,
26, 36, 231, 232, 233 Vilambin,
262, 263, 375n Virðdhiksit,
. . 324, 326 Virodhin, . . . . . 322n Viévayasa, .
. 324, 325 Vrisba, . . . .
112 Vyaya,
102, 108, 107n, 329, 330 Yuvan, . . . . 110, 112, 131, 259, 260 years of the reign, 13, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20,
21, 22, 23, 24, 60n, 58, 60, 61, 62, 64, 65, 67, 68, 70, 73, 82, 85, 89, 102, 107, 169n, 179, 185, 214, 217, 220, 221, 223, 221, 227, 228, 229, 262n, 268, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 294, 295, 301, S02, 303, 304, 305, 306, 307, 308, 309, 310, 311, 312, 313, 314, 315, 318, 319, 321, 322, 332, 333, 334, 335,
347, 349, 350, 361
Zodiac, signs of the :
Dhanus, 221, 279, 293, 301, 303, 309 Kanya,. . 266, 282, 303, 311, 328 Karkataka, . . . 20, 308, 311, 313 Kumbba, . . . . . 303, 825 Makara, 20, 21, 84, 282, 283, 804, 305,
309, 326 Mésha,. . 260, 266, 275, 303, 306, 329 Mina, 84, 284, 285, 302, 304, 305, 310, 313 Mithuna . . . . 305, 307, 326 Rishabha or Vrishabha, 268, 307, 312,
349, 359 Simba,
24, 282, 283, 310, 311, 313, 361 Tula, . . .
. . . . 308 Vpifcbika, . . 306, 309, 312, 313, 325

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