Epigraphia Indica Vol 06

SR No.: 032560
Original Sutra Author: N/A
Author: E Hultzsch
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Publication Year: 1998
Total Pages: 482
Language: English
Classification: Book_English
File Size: 24 MB

Page 94

No. 6.)
THREE RECORDS IN THE BANGALORE MUSEUM.
tree Rachhyamalla." And the event must also be placed some few years after A.D. 938, because we have a date in that year for Govinda IV., and the reign of Amoghavarsha-Vaddigs intervened after that and before the reign of Krishna III. That Rachamalla did actually succeed his father, is distinctly implied by the Deoli grant. And we have now a record which is to be referred to the period of his rule, and which probably discloses the actual outbreak of hostilities between him and Batuga I. It is the Hiranandi inscription, which tells us that " When Ereyappa ascended to heaven, Bhuvanâditya came and said that Kiriya-Rachamalla had given, at Mannebetta or Mannibida (P), half the country and the treagury; wbereupon, the five Samantas' and the Pergades and the governor (?) of the Bayalpad country said-We will not allow any other than Râchamalla to rule; then they fought at Magundi (or perhaps at Bhuvanäytana-Mâgundi) and the four sons of Nindiya-Korantiyarasa fought and died," etc. It is, thus, plain that Rachamalla I. did actually succeed to the leadership of the Gangas. And it seems that he deliberately gave half the principality to Batuga II., and thus paved the way to his own overthrow. At the same time, it appears tolerably certain that he ruled for only & short time. And we may probably place the death of Ereyappa, the accession of Rachamalla I, and the killing of the latter by Batuga II., all in A.D. 938.
In this way, Rachamalla I. was succeeded by Satyavákya-Batuga II., at some time between A.D. 933 and 940, and probably in A.D. 938, or very closely thereabouts. As has been intimated above, we shall probably find hereafter that Batuga II. was a grandson of Bûtuga I., and & son of the Râcheya-Ganga who died in A.D. 891-92. And we have, at present, nothing else to add to the account of him given on the previous occasion, except that certain inscriptions at Annigere and Gâwarawâd in the Dharwår district, and at Hali in Belgaum, shew that the exact name of the elder sister of Krishna III., who was one of his wives, was Révakanimmadi,' and that we have now a later date for him in A.D. 953.
On the present occasion, we are not concerned with the general history of the Gangas after A.D. 940. But it may be conveniently noted here, in connection with Pañchaladêva, that the war between him and the Western Chålukya Ahavamalla-Taila II., in the course of which Pañchaladeva was overthrown and killed, is referred to by the Kanarese poet Ranna,
Above, Vol. IV. p. 289, and Vol. V. p. 191.
* Ep. Carn. Vol. IV., Hg. 116; And see page 62 above.- I take the text, of course, as given by Mr. Rice. But there are points in it that call for comment. The text in Roman characters speaks of "Kongani-Kiriya. Bachamalla," but the text in Kanarese characters omits the Kongapi, and suggests, instead, some illegible biruda of the usual kind ending in vedenga. For the Marne-bettadol of the Roman text, the Kanarese text bas Manni. vididol,- presumably for Mannibidinol. There is nothing in either text, implying an invitation to go to Mannebetta or Mannibida. Koffs means "he gave, he has already) given," not he will give or would give." Bayal-nadan is certainly not the accusative singular of Bayal-ndd, governed by rdjyaman geyal : if it is the real reading at all, it is the nominative singular masculine of a base Bayal-ndda, with the copulative ending un, and it must denote some leading official, probably the Nalgdmunda, of the Bayalnád country; we have the same word in the locative, and in the ordinary nominative without the copulative ending, in the Kattomanuganahalli inscription (Hg. 103), which tells us, not that on the day that "there was a fight in Bayal-nad, when Bayalnad coming, attacked Kottamangala," but that "on the day, or at the time, when there was a quarrel with or war winst the Bayaludda, the Bayalndda came," etc. The lydm of the Roman text and iydm of the Kanarese text must be a mistake for fyem ; and (yem means, not " we do not wish," but " we will not give, we will not allow."
The five Samantas were probably the subordinate commanders of five bodies of local troops ; compare the reference to the Sdmantas of the Nagattara in the Bégar inscription (page 49 above). The same expression, av-edmantarum, and the five Sdmantas," - occurs in an inscription at Modaballi, Ep. Carn. Vol. III, Nj. 130.
Accordingly, & certain correction proposed for line 5 of the Hebba! inscription (see above, Vol. IV. p. 352, note 8) is not neerssary. The name Révaksnimmaçi is, I suppose, practically another form of Immidi-Rêvaks ; and, if so, it probably means "Rêvaka who was twice as beautiful or accomplished as any preceding Revsks" (see page 51 above, note 4).
. See the Postacript, page 88 below.
• See Mr. Rice's Karnatakababdanufdsanam, Introd. p. 288, where Abavamalla is wrongly identified with Iriyabedanga-Satyafraye, and PachAls is evidently mistake for Pafchsla.