Indological Studies

Author(s): H C Bhayani
Publisher: Parshva Prakashan
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/022756/1

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INDOLOGICAL STUDIES Literary and Performing Arts Prakrit and Apabhraisa Studies H.C. BHAYANI

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Present work, a collection of 33 papers and articles on various aspects of Indology by Shri H.C. Bhayani, a great Indologist, covers a wide range of subjects. Right from the problems of Poetics, Dramaturgy, Drama. Jaina literature to the Prakrit and Apabhramsa studies; the author has very ably presented some glaring and hitherto unknown aspects in their respective areas. In support to his viewpoint, Mr. Bhayani has quoted lines from Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhramsa and the old Gujarati. Present work decidedly exhibits the writer's critical acumen of evaluating the literary works and as such this work is equally useful to the researchers and readers of Indology in general. Rs. 250

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Indological Studies

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INDOLOGICAL STUDIES LITERARY AND PERFORMING ARTS PRAKRIT AND APABHRANSA STUDIES H.C. BHAYANI PARSHVA PRAKASHAN AHMEDABAD

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INDOLOGICAL STUDIES Collection of Research Papers on Indological Subjects by HARIVALLABH BHAYANI H. C. Bhayani First Edition : 1993 Price: Rs. 250-00 Sole Distributor: PARIMAL PUBLICATIONS 27/28 Shakti Nagar Delhi-110007 Publisher: PARSHVA PRAKASHAN Nisha Pole Naka, Jhaverivad, Relief Road, Ahmedabad-380 001 Phone: 355 909 Printer: Harjibhai N. Patel Krishna Printers 966, Old Naranpura Village Ahmedabad-380 013

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TABLE OF CONTENTS vii Preface PARTI: LITERARY AND PERFORMING ARTS (1) 1. Paryayabandha and Samghata 2. The Satprajnaka - gatha and Hrdayavati 3. Dombika and sidgaka 4. Some Specimens of the Carcari Song 5. On Chatra and Calli (2) 6. The Characterizing Function of Verse in Sanskrit Drama 61 7. The Dhruvas ia Kalidasa's Vikramorvastya 68 8. Bhayal and the Folk Elements in the Classical Drama 75 80 85 (3) 9. The Character of Aksiptika 10. The Dhavala Songs 11. The Tarana Mode of Singing : Its Origin 12. Some Earliest Literary References to the Sarangi 13. Some Early Literary References to the Ravanahasta 95 100 103 (4) 14. Jain Literature and Performing Arts 111 PART II : PRAKRIT AND APABHRASA STUDIES 1. Some Prakrit Verses of Padalipta and the Authenticity of the Taramgalola 129 2. Gatha-muktavali : A Newly Discovered Recension of Hala's Sapta-sata ka 139 3. The Prakrit Poets Harivrddha, Satavahana and Adhyaraja 162

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vi 195 235 257 4. Bhairavananda 179 5. The Prakrit and Apabhramsa Ramayanas 182 6. The Apabhramsa Poet Caturmukha 7. The Childhood Exploits of Klsna According to Some Pre-eleventh Century Prakrit and Apabhramsa Texts 209 8. Pali, Dhanya and Carukesi : Three of the Earliest Mentioned Krsna's Sweethearts 223 9. The Evolution of Sanatkumara-Carita 230 10. The Sudravatsa-katha 11. The Byhatkatha, the Vasudevahimoi and the Sources of two Puranic Kasna-carita Episodes 12. Apabhraisa Verses Composed by the Paramara King Munja 13. Vardhamana-suri's Apabhramsa Metres 14. The Apabhraisa Passages from Abhinavagupta's Tantrasara and Paratrimsura-vstti 276 15. The Prakrit and Desabhasa Passages in Somesvara's Manasollasa 16. On the Prakrit Sources of Certain Indian Tale-types and Tale-motifs 310 17. The Magic Bird-heart 18. The Tale of the Royal Monk Yava 342 19. Some Versions of the Tale of Vyaghramari 354 Information about the Previous Publication of the Papers Errata 263 297 321 357

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PREFACE I have collected here my Indological papers and articles relating to the areas of (1) Literary and Performing Arts and (2) Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies which were previously published in various journals, Felicitation Volumes etc. during the last four decades or so, and many of which were not within easy reach of the scholars. I am very grateful to Babubhai Shah of the Parshva Prakashan who has readily ventured to undertake the burden of this publication. I hope to publish a second collection also indue course. Vijaya Dasami V. S. 2047 17 October 1991 H. C. Bhayani

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1. PARYAYABANDHA AND SAMGHATA 1. The Vrajya, Parya and Paryayabandha While describing the various types of literary compositions or genres Visvanatha has defined Kosa as a collection of verses that are contextually independent from each other, and that Kosa which is arranged in Vrajyas is, according to him, specially attractive.! Vrajya here designates any collection of homogeneous verses, the homogeneity consisting in the sameness of topic. We have several well-known instances of Sanskrit and Prakrit anthologies of stray verses arranged topic-wise into sections called Vrajya. Vidyakara's Subhasitaratnakosa? (c. 1100 A. D.) consists of fifty Vrajyas which include Vasanta-vrajya, Manini-vrajya, Asati-vrajya, Kavistutivraiya, etc. Similarly the Prakrit anthology Vajjalagga3 (after eighth century A. D.) and Sadharanadeva's recension of Hala's Saptasataka (about fourteenth century A. D.) have Sk. vrajya or Pk. vajja as the section name. Now Vrajya is indeed "a rare word for 'section."4 It is otherwise known only in the meaning of 'the act of going or moving. The connection between the two meanings of vrajya is anything but obvious. The fact is, vrajya in the sense of a topical section of a verse anthology' is not a genuine Sanskrit word. As defined by Visvanatha and as known from Sanskrit verse anthologies, it is nothing but a Sanskritization of the Prakrit term vajja. Prakrit vajja with the meaning adhikara "topic, section is recorded by Hemacandra, significantly as a Desc word in his Desinamamala (7, 32). Again the Vajjalagga equates vajja with paddhai, Sk. paddhati, and defines it as a group of Gathas pertaining to the same subject-matter or topic. Thus according to the Vajjalagga, the meaning and function of the term vajja are the same as those of the term paddhati used in Sanskrit anthologies like Bhartphari's Nitisataka, Jalhana's Suktimuktavali, Vallabhadeva's Subhasitavali, etc. The meaning adhikara for vaija given by Hemacandra is obviously based on such usage as he

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Literary and Performing Arts found in Prakrit (and Sanskrit) anthologies. But still the question remains what is the etymological origin of this vajja and how did it come to have the meaning adhikara or paddhati? Outside of the usage of the anthologies, these meanings remain unattested from the rest of Prakrit and Sanskrit literatures. Luckily a remark of Hemacandra helps to solve the problem. In his commentary on Desinama-mala 6,1 Hemacandra has observed that of the three Prakrit words having the same phonological shape pajja, only the one meaning 'ladder' is Desya. The other two with the meanings 'adhikara' and 'marga' derive respectively from Sanskrit paryaya 'a type of composition' and padya 'track'. Now Prakrit pajja and vajja both meaning adhikara cannot be different words. Sanskrit p, when medial and intervocal, corresponds to Prakrit v. When pajja formed the latter member of a compound as in vasamta-pajja, asai-pajja etc., its p could be treated as medial and so be changed to v. Thus pajja and vajja both meaning adhikara 'topic, section' derive from Sanskrit paryaya through the inermediate form pajjaa paryaya->pajjaa>vajja. Vrajya is nothing but false Sanskritization or a sort of back formation devised by Sanskritists who lost sight of the connection between Sanskrit paryaya and Prakrit vajja. Feeling some insecurity about the coinage vrajya, Ratnadeva has offered padya ( = paddhati, sarani) as an alternative explanation of Pk. vajja and sought some justification for it from the Amarakosa. Hemacandra clearly states that paryaya, the source of Prakrit pajja, had the meaning of prabandhabheda 'a type of literary composition'. Anandavardhana is the earliest authority to refer to the paryaya type as paryayabandha. The Locana defines it as a verse composition consisting of independent units given to describing a single subject like the spring season. This definition is borrowed by Hemacandra and the Agnipurana, but they have parya and paryabandha in the place of paryaya and paryayabandha. Parya is just a syllable-to-syllable Sanskritization of the later Prakrit form pajja. The various Sanskrit and Prakrit forms of the name of the genre Paryayabandha are to be correlated as under:

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Paryayabandha and Samghata Sk. paryaya > Pk. pajjaa; pajja> Pk. vajja Pk. pajja > Sk. parya, padya Pk. vajja > Sk. vrajya We may note in passing that the strange developments undergone by the term paryaya tind a striking parallel in what happened to the term designating the divisons of the Paisaci Bihat katha.? From original lambha (meaning 'aquisition, attainment'), it became lambhaka through pleonastic extension. Due to ignorance or phonological change these were turned into lamba and lambaka, were adopted in Sanskrit and were reinterpreted or else they were replaced by the acceptable Sanskrit synonym labha. Thus misunderstanding of a Prakrit term, Sanskritization and reinterpretation aro the common features in the history of the terms lambha and paryaya. The appropriateness of the designation Paryayabandha is quite obvious. It is a composition in which the same topic is described in its various aspects (paryaya); or variations (paryaya) are worked out on the same theme. The aptness of the term paryaya is in glaring contrast with the forced and artificial interpretation of the manufactured term wajya. The identification of the Paryayabandha with the Vrajya readily solves a mystery : How was it that even though authorities like Anandavardhana and Abhinavagupta thought it worth while to take note of the type Paryayabandha, so far we had not been able to identify even a single actual work of that type ? It now becomes clear that in the Vrajyas or Vajjas of the Subhasita anthologies we have as many examples of the Paryayabandha as we would wish to have. Hemacandra has stated this clearly : Paryas are seen in abundance in the Kosas. This is echoed by Visvanatha in the definition we cited previously. The same characteristic of the Paryayabandha which is specified by Abhinavagupta with the expression ekavarnaniyoddesya is expressed by others with different wordings, e. g. eka-praghattakopanibandha (Hemacandra, Alankaraculamani on Kavyanusasana, VIII 12),8 sajatiyanamekatra sannivesah (Visvanatha).

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Literary and Performing Arts Now prior to Anandavardhana we do not get any treatment of the Paryayabandha as a literary genre9. Instead we find a very similar type called Samghata. But this point requires to be discussed separately. 2. The Paryayabandha and the Sanghata Under the Anibaddha class of literary compositions, the authorities on Sanskrit poetics generally mention Muktaka, Samdanitaka (=Yugalaka), Visesaka, Kalapaka, Kulaka, Kosa, Samghata and/or Paryayabandha, besides a few others. 10 Dandin and Bhoja do not mention the Paryayabandha. Similarly Anandavardhana is silent about the Samghata. Hemacandra and Visvanatha have both, the Paryayabandha and the Samghata. Some difficulty seems to have been felt about formulating the principles of distinction for a few of these literary types and there was probably some confusion and uncertainty about classifying the middle-length compositions as can be seen from their conflicting treatments. Abhinavagupta defines the Paryayabandha as follows: avantara-kriya-samaptav api vasanta-varnanady-ekavarnaniyoddesyena pravsttah paryayabandhah. (Locana on Dhvanyaloka, III 7) This means that the verse composition called Paryayabandha consisted not of one but several self-contained syntactic-semantic units and it aimed at describing one single subject like the spring season. Compare with this what Bhoja has to say about the Samghata : eka-praghattopanibaddhanam subhasitanam samuha! Sanghatah. Aneka-praghattakopanibaddhanam tu kosah. (Raghavan, Bhoja's Srngaraprakasa, p. 630) This means that the Samghata is a collection of independent verses on one single theme, while the Kosa is a collection of verses on various themes.

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Paryayabandha and Sanghata This would make the Paryayabandha and the Samghata as one and the same type. And the same conclusion would follow from Ratnasrijnana's definition of the Samghata, which is as follows : nana-bhittayo bhinna-kriyah svatantrah slokah kosavat sthapitah kosah. Ekap bhittis pravrdadikai varnayitu samudayena pravrila bhinnakriyah slokah Sanghatah. (Kavgalaksana, 1 13, commentary) This means that the Kosa is a treasury of self-contained verses syntactically independent and pertaining to various themes, while the Samghata is a group of verses syntactically independent but purporting to describe one single theme like the rainy season. Accordingly one would suspect that what was called Samghata earlier came to be called Paryayabandha later. But in the definition of the Samghata given by Bhoja at another place one additional detail occurs : eka-praghattake yas tv eka-ksto bhavati sukti-samudayah samghatah sa nigaditah Vindavana-Meghadutadi. (Raghavan, op. cit., p. 808) This means that Samghata is a group of self-contained verses pertaining to a single theme and of single authorship, like the Vindavana and the Meghaduta. Hemacandra seems to have made a clever use of this for providing separate niches for the Samghata and the Paryayabandha types. According to him Parya is a group of Muktakas pertaining to the same theme, and this definition he takes to be substantially the same as given by Abhinavagupta, which also he reproduces. Further be defines Kosa as consisting of a number of Paryas. And as for the Samghata, he reproduces Bhoja's definition.11 Thus the distinction between the Samghata and the Paryayabandha world rest solely on the fact of authorship : if the work is an

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Literary and Performing Arts anthology of stray verses of different authors on the same theme it would be called Paryayabandha; but the same type of work of one author would be called Samghata. In actual practice we find the term vrajya, a fourth reincarnation of the term Paryaya, frequently used in the anthologies. But the term sanghata seems to have gone out of vogue quite early, and so when Bhoja mentions the Meghaduta as an example of the Samghata type, one justifiably feels skeptical about there being a sound earlier tradition in this regard. 12 Notes 1. kosah sloka-samuhas tu syadanyonyanapeksakah/ vrajya-kramena racitah sa evatimanoramah// sajatiyanamekatra sanniveso vrajya, yatha Muktavalyadi. (Sahityadarpana, 6, 329). 2. Subhasitaratnakosa, ed. D. D. Kosambi and V. V. Gokhale (1957), Introduction p. XXX. 3. Vajjalaggam, ed. M. V. Patwardhan (1969), Introduction p. X. 4. Kosambi, Introduction to the Subhasitaratnakosa, p. XXX. 5. ekkatthe patthave jattha padhijjamti paura-gahaol tam khalu vajjalaggam vajja tti paddhai bhaniya|| (Vajjalagga, 4) 6. "avantarakriyasamaptav api vasantavarnanadyekavarsani yoddesyena pravsttah paryayabandhah.'(Locana on Dhvanyaloka, III. 7) 7. For a discussion, see Raghavan, Bhoja's skrgara Prakasa (1963), pp. 844-6. 8. Besides Hemacandra has also reproduced Abhinavagupta's definition. 9. See Raghavan, op. cit., pp. 611, 631.

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9 Paryayabandha and Samghata 10. See for example Hemacandra's Kavyanusasana VIII 10, commentary. For a general and comparative survey, Raghavan, op. cit., ch. XXI. see 11. 'muktakanam eka-praghattakopanibandhah Parya. avantaravakyasamaptav api vasantadyekavarnaniyoddesena muktakanam' upanibandhah Parya. sa kosesu pracuram drsyate yatha Saptasatakadih. Ekapraghattake ekakavikrtah suktisamudayo Vrndavana-Meghadutadih samghatah. (Alankaracudamani on Kayyanusasana, VIII 12-13) 12. Compare Raghavan's reaction, op. cit., p. 629.

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2. THE SATPRAJNAKA-GATHA AND HRDAYAVATI In a passage pointing out the presence, in some form or other, of Dhvani in all poetic compositions, Anandavardhana has illustratively mentioned 'Hrdayavati' as a special class within the type of Gatha compositions like the Satprajna Gathal. The Locana offers some clarification of the terms 'HIdayavati' and "Satprajna' and cites two stanzas of Bhattenduraja as instances of the HIdayavati Gatha. According to Abhinavagupta the Hsdayavati is well-known in the Gosthis of Prakrit poets. He also gives its Prakrit name which the manuscripts have preserved as hiaalalia or aalia. And the Satprajnas, according to him, are those who have a special knowledge of means and ends relating to Dharma, Artha and Kama. Further clarifications of the two terms under discussion offered in various modern editions of the Dhvanyaloka are more or less speculative or fanciful. But Raghavan has thrown some light on the term Satprajna? and Upadhye, with the help of fresh materials has tackled several aspects of the problem of clarifying the character, form and function of the Sagprajnaka-Gathas.3 The present discussion uses some new materials and seeks to obtain a clearer understanding of the terms satprajnaka-gatha and hrdayavati. The known occurrences of the word satprajna are all later than Anandavardhana. It is used by some Jain Sanskrit writers like Somadeva' and Dhanapala5 and has been recorded by a few late lexicons like the Trikandasesa and the Kalpadrukosa. The Trikandasesa defines it as follows : dharmArthakAmamokSeSu lokatattvArthayArapi / SaTasu prajJAsti yasyoccaiH SaTprajJa iti saMsmRta: // Abhinavagupta's explanation of satprajna noted above is akin to this. Similarly in the marginal Sanskrit gloss in the Jesalmer

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The Satprajnaka-gatha and Hrdayavati MS. (dated 1168-69 A.D.) of Santisuri's Puhavicamda-cariya the Prakrit word chappannaya is explained as. fazia: qzeg 951 $?gezfasiia' doi a q29a1 fazza: 1 11 and the following definition has been cited in support : dhamme atthe kAme mAkkhe loe ya loyajattAsu / sig gag' afa qeat a g'fa 30qeal 1) Obviously this is a Prakrit version of the definition given in the Trikandasesa. Pk. chappannaya seems to be earlier than Sk. satprajna (ka). The latter appears to be a late Sanskritization of the former, and is explained according to this derivation. The is also indicated by the other attempts at Sanskritization of chappannaya: satparnaka, satkarnaka, satpancasat.7 Significantly Hemacandra has not recorded satprajnaka in his Abhidhanacintamani despite its uses by Somadeva and Dhanapala. On the contrary he has given chappannaya as a Desya word along with chailla and chaliya in the sense of vidagdha (Desinamamala, 3, 24 and the commentary thereon). This meaning is confirmed by (1) Uddyotana's Kuvalayamala (composed in 779 A.D.), which paraphrases viya buddhiparikappiya (p. 174 ) with chappaNNayabuddhiviyappiya (p. 177), and (2) the Vajjalagga, which has a separate section of Gathas on the Vidagdha, who is referred to as cheya (Sk. cheka), chailla and chappannaya. Sanskrit vidagdha, cheka and and satprajna and Pk. viyaddha (or viaddha), cheya, chappannaya and chailla appear to have gained currency chronologically in that order. G Vidagdhas were persons of cultivated taste and refinement, characteristically adept in the art of love and polished conversation, and their talent in composing and appreciating subtle, clever verse, mostly erotic, was highly admired. The Vajjalagga passage (vv. 270-284) brings this out clearly. Numerous references are found in the Classical Sanskrit and Prakrit literature-especially in the literature pertaining to Kavya and Alamkara, to vidagdha-bhaniti and chekokti which were equated with vakrokti.

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12 Literary and Performing Arts gatherings poets presented their new poems before connoiseurs of literature and there were contests in the art of extempore composition. These literary clubs were variously called Kavigoshi, Onwards from at least the beginning centuries of the Christian era there used to be gatherings of poets and critics, usually under the patronage of kings, ministers or rich merchants. In these Vidagdhagosthig or simply Gosthi. In these Vidagdhagosthis Prakrit poetry was equally favoured as Sanskrit poetry. Many of the short Prakrit poems consisting of a single self-standing verse i.e. the poems of the Muktaka type such as we find e.g. in the anthologies like the Saptasataka of Hala (who, significantly, was famous as "kavi-vatsala') and the Vaj jalagga, were probably composed or first published in a Vidagdha-gosthi. The type and style of Prakrit poetry represented by the Gathas of the Saptasataka indicate a marked preference for the theme of love-clandestine love, to be more specific. It provided ample scope for conveying hidden meanings and subtle undertones. This was also necessitated by the one-verse range of the Muktaka and the increasing sophistication, formality and technique-dependence of Sanskrit and Prakrit literatures in general. As a result of these factors, we get two difierent kinds of Prakrit poems characteristically associated with the Vidagdhas : highly suggestive erotic verses, and entertaining verses, displaying verbal skill and used for diversion or playing literary games. The first kind is typically illustrated by the two verses of Bhattenduraja cited by Abhinavagupta as instances of the HIdayavati Gatha of the Satprajnas. Their theme is clandestine love and their charm depends upon the Vacya characterized by subordinated Vyangya. The verses of the second kind fall under the category of Citra-kavya. They are based on such Sabdalamkaras as are usually treated under the names of Prahelika, Gudha, Cyuta, Prasnottara, Vakovakya etc. Many of them are known to the Alamkarikas beginning with the predecessors of Bhamaha, and several rhetoricians like Rudrata, Bhoja10 and Hemacandra who have treated them at varying length. Dandin (and Bhoja, Hemacandra etc. after him) states that this type of verses

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The Satprajnaka-gatha and HIdayavati were useful for playing games, fos diversion in the Gosthi, for exchanging secret messages and for confounding others (Kavyalaksana, 3, 97). Uddyotana's Kuvalayamala offers us a fair specimen of this kind of Vidagdha-gathas (see pp. 174-177). As an enlightened pastime, the newly-wed hero and heroine have been depicted in that work as engaging themselves in the literary game of composing and solving verse riddles.11 These are said to be like those usually devised by the chappannayas or vidagdhas for diversion. Uddyotana presents us with the following list of the chief varieties : Prahelika, Gudha?, Antimaksara, Bindumati, Astapitaka, Prasnottara, Prstartha, Aksaracyutaka, Matracyutaka, Binducyutaka, Guuhacaturtha-pada, Bhaaitavya, Hsdaya, Paksman (? PK. Pomha), Samvidhanaka, Gathardha, Gatha-raksasaka, Prathamaksaraviracita. Most of these13 he has defined and illustrated. In Jayasimhasuri's Dharmopadesamala-vivarana in Prakrit (composed in 858-59 A.D.), in two different tales the hero and heroine are similarly described as engaged in the pleasant pastime of composing varieties of Prasnottara (pp. 42 and 90). These illustrations given by Uddyotana and Jayasimha can be taken as typical of the playful kind of the Vidagdha-gathas. In the earlier tradition the Kamasutra mentions Prahelika, Bana knows the use of Aksaracyutaka, Matracyutaka, Bindumati, Gudha-caturthapada and Prahelika for diversion and Gudhacaturtha-gosthi is referred to by Haribhadra.14 The broad characterization of the Vidagdha-gathas touched upon above finds strong corroboration from the following vivid picture of the Kavyagosthi given in Dhanapala's Tilakamanjari (p. 108, lines-3-11)15 : yathAsthAnamupaviSThazca taiH saha prastutavicitrakathAlApasya citrapadabhaGgasUcitAnekasundarodArArthI pravRttA kathaJcit tasya citrAlaGkArabhUyiSThA kaavygosstthii| tatra ca paThyamAnAsu vidvatsabhAlabdhakhyAtiSu prahelikAjAtiSu, cintyamAneSu mandamatijanitanivedeSu praznottaraprabhedeSu, bhAvyamAnAsu prasa-nagambhIrabhAvArthAsu SaTraprajJakagAthAsa, vimRzyamAneSu bodhAnupaha

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14 Literary and Performing Arts saMpAditotsekeSu bindumAtrAkSaracyutaka lokeSu, hasyamAneSu dIrgha kAlAnubhUtaniSphalacintAmauneSu prAza manyeSu, prakAzyamAneSu sAdhuvAdavidhinA budhAnAM bAdharabhase vijambhamANe fazez farsani #gatht......I Herein the Kavyagosthi is said to be abounding in Citralamkaras. Elaborating this, Dhanapala refers to Prahelikas, Prasnottaras, Satprajnagathas and Cyutakas (the last of the Bindu, Matra and Aksara type). It is also indicated that high intellectual calibre and literary sophistication were pre-requisites for actively participating in the Gosthi, which afforded cultural entertainment and aesthetic pleasure. It should be marked that the Satprajanka Gathas are here characterized as having a deep and lucid purport. There are two other important references to Chappannaya in the Kuvalayamala. Once it is said that Chappannayas, the eminent poets, cannot be adequately praised as they were the measuring rod for all who write verses rich with nuances (p. 3, 1.25). In another reference Padalipta, Satavahana and Chappannayas are mentioned as most eminent among the poets (p. 3, 1.18). From these two references it is quite clear that Uddyotana has here some specific poets in view. Combined with Anandavardhana's mention of Sagprajna-Gathas this can be taken to imply existence of some collection containing the Gathas written by Chappannayas, as is suggested by Upadhye. 16 That it is a fact and not merely a possibility is shown by one actual reference to such a work. In the tale of Silasundari in Santisuri's Puhavicamdacariya (composed in 1104-5 A.D.), four young boys are described (p. 117, line 30) as trying to catch the attention of a beautiful girl in various ways; one of these ways was to recite Chappannaya-gahas with sweet, charming voice. Here Ratnaprabha's Sanketa (to be dated possibly in the fourteenth century) explains Chappannayagahao as TIT177771 talasta:. This reference certifies that there was a Gathakosa, an anthology of Gathas, of erotic character and known as Chappannaya-gahao. It seems very likely that in Anandavardhana's expression Satprajnadigathasu there is a reference to this specific

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The Satprajnaka-gatha and Hrdayavati 15 anthology entitled Chappanaya-gahao in Prakrit and Satprajnakagathah in Sanskrit. Dhanapala too may have this in view. Of couse other Gathas too similar in form and content to the verses of the Chappannaya-gahao were also referred to as Vidagdha-gathas. Among the different varieties of the Vidagdha-vinoda verses described in the Kuvalayamala, one is called Hiyaya. The designation Hiyaya-gaha (Sk. Hsdayagatha) is quite close to SahrdayaGatha (Abhinavagupta) or Hsdayavati Gatha (Anandavardhana). And what is more the illustration given in the Kuvalayamala (p. 176, 1.16) has a family-likeness to the Gathas of Bhattenduraja cited by Abhinavagupta. We may therefore suggest that the corrupt hiaalali or aali of the manuscripts stands for hiaalia (made up of hiaa-+possessive suffix -ala-+feminine suffix -ia) which is translated in Sanskrit as htdayavati. Such Gathas formed, it seems, a substantial part of the Chappannaya-gaha-koso known to Uddyotana, Anandavardhana and Ratnaprabha. Now Upadhye has discovered and published a few years back a work called Chappannaya-gahao. But this cannot be the original work known to Uddyotana and others. The latter was a collection of erotic Gatha verses, as is clear from direct (Ratnaprabha's characterization) and indirect (the tone of the illustrative Gathas given by Uddyotana and Abhinavagupta, and the characteristic context in the Puhavicandacariya) evidences, while the former is exclusively didactic and has an admixture of numerous Apabhramsa verses in a variety of metres. Upadhye too considers the work to be a highly inflated Jain recension of the original.18 More probably it is a different work altogether. Lastly, while defining the metres of certain popular song-types in Apabhramsa like the Utsaha. the Dhavala, the Mangala etc., Svayain bhu in his Svayambhucchandas treats also of two types of verse compositions called Paheli and Hialia. Paheli is the same as Prahelika. Hialia19 eventhough it is homonymous with the word given by Abhinavagupta for Hsdayavati, refers to a different

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16 Literary and Performing Arts thing. Svayambhu's Hialia is the same as the Bindumati of the Kuvalayamala,20 while the Hialia mentioned by Abhinavagupta is, as already pointed out, the Hiyaya (= Hsdaya) variety of the Kuvalayamala.21 Postscript : In the story of Gunavarman and Kanakavati occurring in the biography of Svayambhu Vasudeva and Bhadra Baladeva (See Silanka's Caupannamahapurisacariya ed. by A. M. Bhojak, PTS, 3. 1961, pp. 117-127), the hero and heroine are described as diverting themselves with verse riddles. Prasnottara, Bindumati, Prahelika, Hrdayavati (Hiyaliya), and Gudhacaturthaka figure there in this connection. The two illustrations of Hiyaliya are as under: jai sikkhavio sIso 'jaINa rayaNIe jujjai Na gaMtu" / tA kIsa bhaNai ajjo 'mA kuppasu do vi sarisAI' / (The solution : fequiuit g at jai sA sahIhiM bhaNiyA daio te dosamaggaNasayoho / tA kIsa muddhAmuhI ahiyayara gavvamuvvahai // (The solution : For az f) It will be easily seen that these Hiyaliyas differ from those of the Kuvalayamala and of Bhattenduraja cited in note 17. Both of them (and especially the second one) bear a family-likeness with the Abhiprayagudha illustration of the Sarasvatikanthabharana cited here in note 21. The date of the Caupannamahapurisacariya is 869 A.D. It seems that regarding the Hrdayavati type Uddyotana and Abhinavagupta had the same tradition and source before them and they were different from those tat were commonly shared by Silanka and Bhoja, the last one of these being responsible for once more changing its classification and nomenclature. Notes 1. yadA tu...hRdayavatISu ca SaTaprajJA digAthAsu kAsucid vyaGgyaviziSTavAcye prAdhAnya aafa yutuqa4H7T safafasa-cuaca i Dhvanyaloka, N. S. edition, p. 222; Chowkhamba Series edition, pp. 553-54. Some editions have saprajJaka or saprajJaka for SaTaprajJa..

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The Sajprajnaka-gatha and Htdayavati 17 2. Raghavan, V. : 'Gleanings from Somadevasuri's Yasastilaka campu', Ganganatha Jha Research Institute Journal, 1, 3, 1944, pp. 370-372. 3. Upadhye, A. N. : "Chappannaya-gahao or the Gathakosa', Journal of the Oriental Instiiute, 9, 4, 1962, pp. 385-402. 4. Yasastilakacampu (composed in 959 A.D.), ch. 3, p. 441. Noted by Raghavan, op. cit., and by Hindiqui, K. K., Yasastilaka and Indian Culture, 1949, p. 62, footnote 1. 5. Tilakamanjari, N. S. Press, Second edition, 1938, p. 108. The date of the Tilakama njari is 972-73 A.D. 6. See Ramnikvijay's edition, 1972, p. 89, footnote 3. 7. Upadhye, op. cit, p. 386. The rendering satpancasat found in the Avantisundarikatha has misled V. V. Mirashi into believing existence of fiftysix Prakrit poets writing in unison. See 'Some Ancient Prakrit Poets', Bharatiya Vidya, 10, 1949, pp. 42-48 (=Studies in Indology. I, 1960, pp. 89-95). Besides these the renderings saprajnaka and samprajnaka are found in some editions of the Dhvanyaloka. It is not clear how far any one of these had got established. We may also note that sakarna meaning "a learned person is attested from literature at least twice: Once from Muniratnasuri's Amamacaritra (Composed in 1168-69 A.D.), in a passage cited at M. D. Desai, Jain Sahitya-no Samksipta Itinas (1933), p. 200; second time, in the Prakrit form sakanna, as noted in the Paiasaddamdhannavo on the basis of two passages from the Surasundarikaha (composed in 1038-39 A.D.). 8. For quite interesting later semantic development of the word satprajnaka see Upadhye, op. cit., p. 388. 9. For example : yastu paryanuyogasya nibhedaH kriyate padaiH / vidagdhagoSThayAM vAkyairvA ta hi praznottara viduH // Sarasvatikanthabharana, 2, 136.

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18 Literary and Performing Arts Svayambhu says at Svayambhucchandas, 8, 26 that Rasabandha is like an elixir in the Gosthis. 10. Sarasvatikanthabharana, 2, 133-137. See also, Raghavan, Bhoja's Srigaraprakasa, 1963, pp. 354, 368-9. 11. Upadhye, Kuvalayamala, Part 2, Introduction, p. 48-49; Notes, p. 147. 12. So to be read for the textual vudha. Upadhye has suggested this doubtfully, but it is clear from Rudrata, Bhoja and Hemacandra. 13. Some are quite new, not mentioned in any standard Alam kara work. 14. Upadhye, Kuvalayamala, Part 2, Notes, p. 147. 15. I am grateful to my friend Dr. N. M. Kansara for drawing my attention to this important passage. 16. Upadhye, Kuvalayamala, part 2, Introduction, p. 76; also 'Chappannayagahao', p. 388. 17. gose cciya haliyavahU paDhama ciya NiggayA gharaddAra / dahu kalabakusuma duhiyA rottu samADhattA // Sk. chaya : prabhAta eva hAlikavadhUH prathamameva nirgatA gRhadvAram / dRSTvA kadambakusuma duHkhitA roditu samArabdhA // The two Gathas of Bhattenduraja are as follows : laghiagaaNA phalahIlaAo hoMtu tti vatIa / haliassa Asisa pADivesavahuA vi NiviA // golAkacchakuDage bhareNa jauMbUsu paccamANAsu / haliavahuA Niya sai jabUrasaratta sia|| (Locana on Dhvanyaloka, 3, 42) 18. 'Chappannaya-gahao', p. 389. 19. suruNAI akkharAI NANAcha deSu jattha bajjhati / hiae vi vasai attho hiAliA bhaNNae esA // (Svayambhucchandas, 4, 15)

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The Satprajnaka-gatha and HIdayavati 19 20. This Bindumati, however, is different from that of Bhoja. 21. Bhoja's Abhiprayagudha variety of Guuha would in a way correspond to it if the statement-form is substituted for the question-form. The relevant illustrative Gatha is as follows: jai deareNa bhaNiA khagga ghettaNa rAula vacca / tA ki sevaavahue hasiUNa' paloi saaNa // . (Sarasvatikanthabharana, 2, 370). Numerous Gathas from the Saptasataka can easily qualify as Hrdayavati alias Hialia.

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3. DOMBIKA AND SIDGAKA* I. The Language and Metre of the Dombika. 1. Our knowledge about the class of works known as Uparupakas (also called Geya Rupakas or Padarthabhinayas) in classical Sanskrit Literature is very meagre, because no actual specimens of this category of works are preserved to us. Besides the information also about them found in various works of Sanskrit poetics is mostly vague and sketchy. Making use of the latter V. Raghavan has given us a critical account of the Uparupakas' and among the modern treatment of the subject his is the most informative. The aim of the present paper is to supplement Raghavan's account of two of the Uparupakas, viz. the Dombika and the Sidgaka2 with some new facts derived from the available data on the subject. 2. In the case of the Dombika? we are fortunate to have the titles of two actual works along with a few citations from them. The Abhinavabharatio (= ABH.) white discussing the basis of distinction between the Nstta and the Natya mentions occasionally several characteristics of the Dombika (pp. 170-182), and cites a few passages from two Dombikas named Cudamani5 and Gunamala, both of which are lost to us. Hemacandra's Kayyanusasana6 ( = KA.) reproduces a substantial portion of the ABH. passages referring to the Dombika (pp. 446-449). The citations from the Dombikas as found in the ABH. are in a highly garbled and mutilated condition, and consequently * Paper presented at the Classical Sanskrit section of the XXIV session of the All India Oriental Conference held at Banaras on the 12th, 13th and 14th October, 1968. Published with courtesy to the All India Oriental Conference

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Dombika and Siqgaka 21 hardly anything can be made out of them. But here, as elsewhere, the great Hemacandra comes to our rescue. In his reproduction we find most of these citations in a considerably less corrupt form, and from them we can know something definite about their contents, language and metre, Further, and this is more important, we can draw some tentative conclusions in general about the language and metrical form of the Dombika. Among the Dombika citations given in the ABH. (and mostly also in the KA.) some three citations are from the Cudamani and one from the Gunamala. I reproduce below the text of the citations in the forms in which they are found in the ABH. and the KA. The text according to the KA. is given first as it is better preserved and hence somewhat intelligible. Below it is given the text according to the ABH. (with recorded variants, if any). As already said the latter is hopelessly corrupt. In order to facilitate comparison and profit by the variants, the ABH. text is so arranged as to match syllable for syllable with the corresponding KA. text. of the four citation given below. No. 2 is found only in ABH. For No, 4, the editors of the KA. have given one version in the body of the text and an improved version of the same in the appendix. I reproduce here both of them. Citations from the Cudamani Dombika 1. (i) de la straft MaafAPES TIH TA'T E-- fa gi mahare aife 2 -] coriyamihuNahauM vammahasAru kahemi tau // [cA-amiduNa-dhamahasAra kAge teu] (KA., 447, 513; ABH.. 171) (ii) erfa Etraft! (KA., 448, 513) [fafia eitafit] (ABH., 175) 2. 99(A)#751#f47211 (ABH., 171) 3. pAAlaale sesAhiNi hu jaya lacchivatthalamaliA (KA., 447)

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22 Literary and Performing Arts: [pAAlaalo sasAhiNi hu jaya jaya lacchimaccamaliA v. 1. vAAgaAla sesahiNi ca japra jaa lacchimaGgadalamaliA] (ABH., 175), Citation from the Gunamala Dombika 4. jAmi tA rAa tuDia aNuNavvIsasi / (HA., 508) jAmi tArA anuDia puNu NavvIsami / (KA., 448). [jAmi harA dhAtu gia pu-eNa cisami] (ABH., 175) Taking the KA. text as basis, a few obvious textual emendations can be suggested as below: 1. Read Naccami for Navvami. (No. 1, line 2) 2. Separate sahii (No. 1, line 2) from what precedes. 3. Read ofsaafh for maatalh. (No. 4) (cf. Nacisami of the ABH.). 4. Read mihuNa for mihuNaha. (No, 1, line 2) 5. Read cUDAmaNia for 0cUDAmaNiA. ___(No. 2) 6. Metrically, as will be shown below, the second line in No. 1 is short by one Matra, and so one syllable is missing probably after sahii. Now the forms ha (1), mihuNaha (or mihuNa) (1), degsAru (1), tara (1), puNu (4) and Naccisami (4) are specifically Apabhramsa forms. Direct singular of a-bases ending in -u (sAru), genitive in -ham (or extended neuter direct singular in-aum) (mihuNaha or mihuNau), pronominal forms hau and tau, future stemformative -is- (paccisami), (4) and the adverb qu (as against the Prakrit form gori) are typically Apabhramsa forms. And the remaining forms in citations No. 1, 2 and 4, so far as they are intelligible and identifiable, are common to Prakrit and Apabhramsa. Accordingly the language of the citations No. 1 and 4 is definitely Apabhramsa and the same seems to be the case for citation No. 2, which is textually quite meagre.

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Dombika and sidgaka 23 3. This conclusion finds a strong support from the characteristic metre of citations No. 1, 2 and 4. The second line of citation No. 1 is the most intelligible. It can be translated as: 'I narrate to you clandestine intercourse, that is the essence of love'. It scans as under : coriabhihuNaha~ (or 3) vammahasAru kahemi tauA Thus the line has 21 Matras. The last five Matras have the form- u. There is a caesura after the 12th Matra. The 21 Matras are divisible in five Ganas as 6+4+4+4+vvv. These characteristics identify the metre as Rasaka. Rasaka is a well-known and quite popular Apabhramsa metre. All the Apabbramsa metrical authorities like Svayambhu, Hemacandra, the Kavidar pana and Ratnasekhara have defined it. It was a Matra-metre of the Sarvasama Catuspadi type-i.e., every stanza having four lines of equal length, the first line rhyming with the second, and the third with the fourth. Every line contained 21 Matras divided as 6+4+4+4+ v; the form u- was forbidden for the second and the fourth Gana. There was a caesura after the 14th Matra, but later a new variety of the Rasaka developed with the caesura after the 11th or 12th Matra. In one tradition, this new variety was called Rasavalaya, while others called it by the same old name Rasaka or by altogether a new name, Abhanaka. The variety with the caesura after the 14th Matra became obsolete and in the available Apabhramsa literature we find mostly the Rasaka with the caesura after the 11th or 12th Matra. Rasaka was the typical metre of the Apabhramsa literary genre called Rasabandha. It was used to build up its main body. See for instance the Samdesarasaka of Abdala Rahamana (13th century A.D.). For some seven hundred years the metre was in much vogue for composing Apabhramsa lyrics and songs of moderate length. Though in the long metrical tradition of Apabhrasma literature several metres of different structures came to be called Rasaka, the one characterized above was the typical and standard Rasaka.

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24 Literary and Performing Arts Like the second line of citation No. 1, the first line also is a regular Rasaka-line except that, as indicated earlier, a syllable is missing, possibly before or after pres. The line scans as under : hetu vi DAmbI Naccabhi sahii - homi hau~ The two lines in citation No. 1 are rhyming (-mi haul-mi tau), which again is a distinguishing characteristic of Apabhramsa metres. Similarly, if we take the fragment we have in citation No. 2 (also from the Cudamani Dombika) to be the end portion of a metrical line, then it regularly scans as the post-caesura segment of a Rasaka line, consisting of ten Matras : (or #) T1410134 Thus it appears that not only the first but the other two citations also from the Cudamani Dombika are in the Rasaka Metre. If we now scan the fragment cited from the Gunamala Dombika (i.e., citation No. 4), we find that it also has the structure of the Rasaka metre. But it is not a full Rasaka line; the portion to the extent of four Matras is wanting initially. In other words, the cited line is that part of a Rasaka line which comes after the first four Matras, as can be seen from below (For the text, of the ABH. is preferred over at of the KA., as indicative of the presence of a one-Matra syllable in that place.) : (4 Matras+) jAmiha rAa tuDia puNu Naccisami The caesura falls here after the 11th Matra. Any one with the ear for metrical rhythm cannot miss the typical Rasaka rhythm of the above;given citation. Thus our analysis and examination of the metrical structure of citations No. 1, 2 and 4 have definitely shown us that the they were composed in the Rasaka metre.9

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Dombika and Sidgaka Of the three citations discussed so far, the first seems to be from the opening portion of the Cudamani Dombika,10 while the fourth comes from the concluding portion of the musical section of the Gunamala Dombika.10 From these texts we can infer that the song-part of the Dombika was composed typically in Apabhramsa language and in the Rasaka metre. But it seems that it contained some Prakrit verses also, as we have to understand from citation No. 3. It seems to be in Prakrit language and Gatha metre. With a proper selection of the readings, the text can be scanned as under : pAAlaale sesahi, Nihu jaa jaalacchivacchathalamaliA Vw 25 www This is a regular purva-dala of the Gatha. And from the context in which this line is cited in the ABH., it appears that the line occurred in some Dombika in its later part at the time of some further dance sequence (after an apasara ?). But in the absence of a detailed and clear picture of the structure of the Dombika, it would be fruitless to speculate about this. From the present discussion of the citations from the Dombikas called Cudamani and Gunamala we have tried to establish that (i) The song-part of the Dombikas was composed typically in the Rasaka metre, which was quite characteristically an Apabhramsa metre. (ii) the language of the musical texts of the Dombikas was typically Apabhramsa. In this connection it is very significant to note a few points about two other Uparupakas, viz., Rasaka and Natya-rasaka (the latter also known as Carcari). 12 These Uparupakas probably contained much of pure rhythmic dance, besides a few songs.13 Now there were also Apabhramsa literary compositions bearing the same names, Rasaka and Carcari. And eventhough the operatic and ballet-like Rasaka and Carcari have to be distin

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26 Literary and Performing Arts guished from the literary and lyrical Apabhramsa works with the same class-designation, the identity of designation may not be quite without significance. And in the case of the literary Rasaka and Carcari we find Apabliramsa to have been their typical language and the Rasaka their typical metre.14 From this it may not be unsafe to infer that the Uparupakas Rasaka and Natyarasaka (=Carcari) too, like the Dombika, had songs in Apabhramsa language and Rasaka metre. This evidence for the use of Apabhramsa for some of the Uparupakas significantly extends the hitherto known range of Apabhramsa literature. II. Dombika and Durmilika. 4. The carliest definition of the Dombika cited from some ancient source in the ABH. (p 181) is as follows : channAnurAgagarbhAbhiruktibhitra bhUpate: / Avajyate manaH sA tu mamRNA DAmbikA matA // The two main characteristics of the Dombika mentioned here, viz, dealing with clandestine love and seeking royal gifts by singing eulogies, etc. are referred to several times in the ABH.15 Now in Bhoja's S'qigararaprakasa the Dombika, inspite of the fact that it is actually mentioned in it as 'Dombalika' in some other context, 16 does not seem to figure in its list of the twelve Uparupakas, which is as under17 : Srigadita, Durmilika, Prasthana, Kavya, Bhanaka, Bhanika, Gosthi, Hallisaka, Nartanaka, Preksanaka, Rasaka and NatyaRasaka. And if such were the case, there was no other way to explain it except as a plain lapse on Bhoja's part, and so it is assumed by Raghavan.18 Of course it would be just another way of saying that such an omission was very strange and quite anaccountable.

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Dombika and Sidgaka 27 However the fact is, I think, that Bhoja has included the Dombika in his list and treatment of the Uparupakas, but under a different name. The name of the second Uparupaka in Bhoja's list is 'Durmilika', and this 'Durmilika' is nothing but 'Dombika' in a Sanskritized garb. The Stigaraprakasa defines the Durmilika as under 18 : cauryaratapratibheda yunAranurAgavaNana vApi / yatra grAmyakathAmiH kurute kila dUtikA rahasi // mantrayati ca tadviSaya nyagjAtitvena yAcate ca vasu / labdhvApi labdhumicchati durbhilitA nAma tadbhavati // This is nothing but an expanded version of the definition of the Dombika as found in the ABH., and all the additional details can be accounted for by what is said about the character of the Dombika in the above-mentioned discussion in the ABH. In fact the S'tngaraprakasa definition incorporates the wording and substance of the following passage of the ABH., which is textually better preserved in the KA. (See ABH., p. 175; KA., p. 448) : saiva DombikA narapatiparitoSakArthAbhidhAyivacananiSTena gItena vAyena nRtyena ca rAjAnamanurajayitu gRhItAdyamA vakrItvena (? ABH. mantritvena; cf. mantrayati in the Srigaraprakasa definition) pUrvasthitA madhye kAcidIdRzI cauya kAmukakelilAlasamAnasA kAcit punareva vidhAM kazcideva bhUtazcauya kAmukaH, kApyeva bhUtastatra kAcideva prauDhadUtItyevamAde rAjaputrahadayAnupravezayogya tatprasAdena dhanA yaja nApAyamabhidadhatI tameva rAjaputra paratvena tathaiva vA samuddizya anyadapiceSTitamamidhAyAnte hobhvikAkutyamevopasaMharati / There can be hardly any doubt about the identity of the types thus characterized in the ABH. and the S'gugaraprakasa. Bhoja's Durmilika or Durmilita (later, also Durmallika) clearly stands for the earlier Dombilika. Possibly Bhoja himself was responsible for the form Durmnilika (or Ota)20. The later writers have it from him. It is found neither in the ABH. nor in the KA. The same tendency to Sanskritize

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28 Literary and Performing Arts names of Prakritic or popular origin is evidenced, as we shall see, in the case of the name of another Uparupaka also, which is found as Srigadita in Bhoja, but as Sidgaka (or Singaka) in earlier sources. 5. In Prakrit we find domba or dumba as the name of a low caste. There seems to have been a measure of free variation in Prakrit in the case of pre-cluster e and 0, which we find spelt varyingly as e, i and o, u respectively. We also find dombilaga (Panhavagarana, 1-4) and dombilaya (Samaraiccakaha, Jacobi's edition, p. 286), which are diminutives of domba formed with the suffix -la-ga- (-la-ya). We find another diminutive also, dumbadaa (Akhyanakamanikosa, 15, 20. Prakrit Text Series, No. 5, 1962). The feminine bases corresponding to the masculine bases domba, extended dombaya and the diminutives dombila, dombilaya are dombi, dombiya, dombili and dombiliya (variant forms dumbiliya, etc.). Hence the name of the Uparupaka in which the Dombi (or Dombiliya, etc.) i.e., a Domba girl was the central figure. In Harisena's Bihatkathakosa (931-932 A.D.) we find the form dumbili for the dombilika of other sources. This (or dumbilia) might have been the immediate basis of the Sanskritized form durmilita (or durmilika). Dumbili or Dombili was perhaps felt to be unrefined or low-brow. So pedantically durmilika (or durmilita) was substituted for it, and now the designation became etymologically transparent and directly meaningful : The theme being some clandestine love affair, it involved difficulties of rendezvousing for the lovers (durmilana). So durmilika or durmilita was felt to be quite appropriate. The pedantic urge to establish somehow inherent significance of the name has been responsible for creating the Sanskritized form durmilika (or durmilita,), as also S'rigadita, for which, see further below. IIJ. Sidgaka and S'rigadita. 6. Among the eight Uparupakas defined in the verses cited

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Dombika and Sidgaka 29 in the ABH. (p. 181), the fourth is Sidgaka. These detinitions were borrowed by Hemacandra also, and he seems to have before him the reading singaka in the place of sidgaka (KA., p. 446, verse 62). In the Viveka on the KA., however, Hemacandra uses the form singataka (p. 446). Now there is no mention of Sidgaka (or S'ingaka) among the Uparupakas treated in the Sprgaraprakasa. But there occurs one S'rigadita and Raghavan has rightly suggested that Bhoja's S'rigadita may be the same as the Sidgaka of the earlier authorities.21. Bhoja's definition is nothing but a slight elaboration of the definition cited in the ABH.22 Srigadita was just a Sanskritic and respectable-looking substitute for the un-Sanskritic and pedestrian Sidgaka which is found in various strange forms such as Siigaka, Silpaka (possibly originating in a corrupt reading), Singataka and Signataka. And part of the first stanza in Bhoja's definition : tatra zrIriva dAnavazatroyasmin kulAGganA pattyuH / quefa thagafim........ which adds something new to the earlier definition, clearly betrays the effort to validate etymologically the new name S'rigadita (=eriya gaditam). This Sanskritization of Sidgaka as S'rigadita stands on par with the Sanskritization of Dombilika as Durmiliki as it has been already suggested.23 But strangely enough Hemacandra seems to have been a victim of this change of name and he defines S'ingaka and S'rigadita separately as two different types of Uparupakas! For the former he reproduces the definition cited in the ABH. and for the latter he uses Bhoja, compressing his definition into a single stanza.24 The fact that in later times we find a tendency to set up new types of Uparupakas merely on the basis of corrupt readings or alternative names is suggestive of obsolescence of some of the types, as also of the break in the tradition. 7. The designations Sidgaka and Singaka remiod us of the word sidga which is found in various forms such as sidga khidza,

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Literary and Performing Arts sitga, singa and khinga. The form khinga is found in Subandhu's Vasavadatta (307) and in the Prabandhacintamani (p. 97., I. 12), singa occurs in Bhoja's Singaramanjari-katha (pp. 17-18) and Hemacandra's Abhidhanacintamani (331). Sidga is found in the Sisupalavadha (5,34), Hemacandra's Anekarthasamgraha (2,40) and Dvyasraya (i,110), etc. Commentators and lexicographers give it as a synonym of vita, pallavaka, kamuka, vidagdha etc., and this meaning of a voluptuary', 'a gallant', 'a person fond of women' is supported by the actual usage in literature. 30 I Consequently a semi-dramatic composition revolving round some affair of such a voluptuary, i.e., a Sidga (Singa) and performed with music and dance can be well designated as sidgaka (sidgaka) or singaka (singaka). And the characterization of the Sidgaka and S'rigadita given in the works on dramaturgy bears this out. Its theme involves reproach or censure expressed by a lady in respect of her husband who, eventhough accomplished, has proved unfaithful to her. It is significant that among the regional words mentioned by Hemacandra in the Desinamamala (1, 4, commentary) there is a word himga in the sense of jara and this himga is the same as our singa. References 1. V. Raghavan, Bhoja's S'rgnaraprakasa, 1963 (545-574). 2. Bhoja's Srngaraprakasa, pp. 567-568. 3. The name has several forms: dombi, dombika and dombalika. dombalika of the S'rngaraprakasa is a corruption of dombilika. In the portion reproduced from the Abhinavabharati in the Kavyanusasana (see further in the paper), we find at one place (p. 447, 1. 14) dombilika for the dombika of the former. In Harisena's Brhatkathakosa (931-932 A.D.) (ed. A. N. Upadhye, 1943), we find at 57,105 one more variation, dumbili. It is mentioned along with Signataka, Bhani, Chatra and Rasa as the five wellknown Nataka types danced by artistes and treated

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Dombika and Siegaka by Bharata. As shown by the form bhani for the usual bhani, the names in the Bthatkat hakosa have more or less a corrupt form. 4. Natyasastra of Bharata (with Abhinavabharati), Vol. I, GOS. No. 36, 1956 edition. 5. ABH., pp. 171, 175. 6. Hemacandra's Kavyanusasana, ed. by Parikh and Kulkarni, 1964 edition. 7. Cf. the definition of the Dombika cited in the ABH. (pp. 181) from some old source : channAnurAgagabhAMbhiruktibhiryatra bhUpate : / AvayaM te mana: sA tu masaNA DombikA matA // 8. For a critical account of the structure of the Rasaka metre see Samdesarasaka (ed. Jinavijaya Muni and H. C. Bhayani, Singhi Jain Series, No. 22, 1945), Introduction, pp. 53-56 and the various sources referred to there. 9. There are a few more non-Sanskritic citations in the ABH. in the same context in which we find the citations discussed in this paper, e.g. EITT 20197 HH1596 I (ABH., 177) is cited from some Nrttakavya, but it seems to be hopelessly corrupt. Another citation, forfeyes #15A1 I (ABH., 195) seems to be in Apabhramsa, but in the absence of any definite indication of its source or context it is of little use. (ABH., p., 175) 10. Cf. 31a a 914fEtfarsi afagiani (ABH., p. 171). 11. Cf. DombikAkRtyamevopasaharati guNamAlAyAM 'jAmi harArdhAtu giapuNuNa cisami' ityAdau / (ABH., p. 175) 12. Raghavan, Bhoja's Sragaraprakasa, p. 563. 13. Raghavan, op. cit., p. 569. 14. The language of the Carcari (by Jinadatta suri, 12th cent. A.D.) published in the Apabhraisakavyatrayi (ed. L. B. Gandhi, 1927) is Apabhramsa. It is in the Rasaka metre. ABH., p. 175);

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32 Literary and Performing Arts 15. pracchannarAga rahasyopadeza...... (ABH., p 172); caurya kAmukakelIlAlasamAnasA (KA., p. 448, for the corrupt text at ABH, p. 175); narapatiparitoSArthAbhidhAyivacananiSThena gItena nRttena vAdyena ca rAjAnamanurajayitu'... evamAdirAjaputrahRdayAnupravezayogya tatprasAdena dhanArjanopAyamabhidadhatI (ABH., p. 175); DombikAsu narapaticATukAraprAdhAnyena pravRttAsu sukumArameva zuddharUpam / (ABH., p. 177). DomvikA derdaSTA ddezena rAjaputrAdiprItaye yadyapi pravRttiH (ABH., p. 177); These passages are reproduced in the KA. (p. 445-448). See also Raghavan, op. cit., p. 568. 16. prekSAnimitta vAcikA dyabhinayarahitamAjikaikanirvayaM prasthAnaDombilikAdivAkya prekSyam / Raghavan, op cit., p. 567. 17. Raghavan, op. cit., pp. 534, 546, 563. 18. Op. cit., p. 567. 19. Raghavan, op. cit., p. 547. 20. The form found in the definition which is reproduced in the Natyadarpana is durmiilita. The Bhavaprakasa gives it as durmallika. See Raghavan, op. cit., p. 5+7. 21. Raghavan, op. cit., pp. 547, 569. 22. sakhyAH samakSa bhatu yadudata vRttamucyate / masUNa ca kvacidbhuta carita Sidgakastu saH // (ABH., p. 181), tatra zrIriva dAnavazatroyasmin kulAhAnA patyuH / varNa yati zorya dhairya prabhRtiguNAnagratassavyAH // patyA ca vipralabdhA gAtavye ta kramAdupAlabhate / zrIgaditabhiti manISibhirudAhRto'sau padAbhinaya: // ( Bhoja's Srigaraprakasa, p. 546). We can compare in the two definitions the following expressions :

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Dombika and Sidgaka 33 4031: 942 and 37068541:, HT": and 969:, 397 qng and zauryadhairya pramRtiguNAn , ucyate and varNayati, masUNa bhatu dhUta carita' and palyA vipralabdhA tamupAlamate. 22. Gondali, the Hunter's Dance (cf. Apabhramsa gondala "confused uproar' and the Marathi folk performance called gumdhal) was Sanskritized as Kundali and associated with Kundalini. See Nittaratnavali of Jaya-Senapati, edited by V. Raghavan (1965), Introduction, pp. 134-136. I am thankful to Dr. Raghavan for drawing my attention to this reference. He also kindly informed me that such Sanskritizations of the names of various popular types and the later error of taking the alternatives as two distinct types are quite common. This finds support in Jaya's treatment of Carcarl and Natya-Rasaka as two distinct forms. 23. ATEISAL 99: 9540T quata Tota 3413FT 7 Fra sta sitafaa a aa ! (KA., p. 449). 24. These singa, singa, himga etc. are probably connected etymol ogically with Sk. esugara. P.S. In the Old Gujarati Sripala-rasa of Vinayavijaya (1682 A. D.), there is a short description of a troupe of Dumbas, singing and dancing before a king in the royal assembly and being rewarded for their performance (Khanda 3, Dhal 4, Stanza 4; p. 149 of the edition published by B.R. Vora, 1937). There a beautiful miniature depicting this episode in a Ms. of the poem dated 1829. See U. P. Shah, Treasures of Jain Bhandaras, 1978, colour plate J.

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4. SOME SPECIMENS OF THE CARCARI SONG A type of verse composition in Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhramsa and Old Gujarati 1. Onwards from about the seventh century, we find in Sanskrit and Prakrit works numerous references to Carcari or Carcarika (Prakrit forms caccari, caccaria; Early New Indo-Aryan forms camcari, cacari etc.) as a type of dance associated with the Spring Festival. The dancing parties which, on these occasions, were taken out in procession, or which performed in the public park, were also called Carcari. The dance was accompanied by music and song. We find numerous references to Carcari in abovenoted senses in classical works e.g. Kalidasa's Vikramorvasiya, Harsa's Ratnavali, Haribhadra's Samaraiccakaha, Uddyotana's Kuvalayamala, Rajasekhara's Karpuramanjari and other works including several Apabhramsa and Early New Indo-Aryan poems. 2. Further, we find the terms Carcari. Carcarika, Cacari etc. used also in one of the following meanings: (1) A type of musical composition (used in the Carcari dance). (2) Different types of metres (mostly Apabhramsa). (3) A type of Laya or Tala (4) Different types of literary compositions Obviously these meanings are interconnected. In fact the history of the character, form and structure of Carcari over the long period stretching from about the sixth to the sixteenth century has multifarious aspects, and it requires to be worked out from very widely scattered bits of information that are mostly to be gleaned from vague descriptions and casual references. 3. The present paper, however, has quite a limited aim. It seeks to give some idea of the form and character of Carcari songs on the basis of a few actual specimens traced in Prakrit,

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The Carcari Song Apabhramsa and Sanskrit works. One considerably complicating factor in this matter is the fact that Carcari seems to be closely allied to some other Uparupaka types like Rasaka, Hallisaka and Natyarasaka. All these had quite obviously several features in common, so much so that at times one of the types is said by some of the Alamkara authorities to be the same as some other one: Rasaka is identified with Hallisaka or Carcari, Carcari is identified with Natyarasaka, etc. In fact there has been considerable confusion and uncertainty about the shared and exclusive features of these types-especially in later writings, which had no direct contact with a living tradition. This state of affairs appears more or less irremediable. because there is very little that is available by way of actual specimens of these literary types. 35 4. Now we shall examine the following passages from Some Prakrit and Sanskrit works for the light they can throw on the form and features of Carcari: (1) The Carcari song at1 SS9, p. 4, 1.27 to p. 5, 1.7. (2) The Carcari song at Kuvalayamala, $235, p. 145, 1. 7-8. (3) The Carcari song at Caupannamahapurisacariya.2 p. I. 91. (4) The Rasa song at Upamitibhavaprapancakatha,3 pp. 272-273. (5) The Rasa song at Prabhavakacarita, p. 60, 11. 11-15 and Prabandhakosa,5 p. 16. (6) The Carcari description at Karpuramanjari,6 iv. vv. 16-19. (1) The Carcari song at Kuvalayamala, p. 4-5. 5. At Kuvalayamala SS9 (pp. 4-5) Uddyotana narrates how Sudharmasvamin enlightened five hundred robbers by performing before them a Rasa dance during which he sang an instructive Carcari song. Fortunately for us, Uddyotana has also given this song. It consists of four stanzas (Vastuka) and a refrain (Dhruvaka). It begins with the Dhruvaka which is repeated after each of the Vastukas. If we symbolize the Dhruvaka by D and the Vastuka by V, the arrangement is like this: D V1 D V2 D V3 D V4 D.. 6. The metre of the Dhruvaka is to be identified as Magadhi or Magadhika, in spite of slight difficulty in the third and the

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36 Literary and Performing Arts: fourth Pada. It is a Matra metre with the scheme 4 + 4 + -O(14 Matras) for the odd Padas, and 6 + 4+ - - (16 Matras). for the even Padas. The rhyme scheme is a, b; c, d. The text of the third and the fourth Pada seems to be defective, as it is short by one Matra in the later part. The metre of the Vastukas is Manjari.10 It is a Prakrit metre of the Khanjaka class with the scheme 3+3 +4 + 4 + 4 + (21 Matras) for each of its four Padas. 7. From the typical pattern of arrangement of the Dhruvaka and the Vastukas in this Carcari of the Kuvalayamala, we can easily identify its structure as Dvipadi. A Dvipadi according to Viraharka. consists of four Vastukas each of which is followed by a Gitika. Between a Vastuka and a Gitika we can interpolate, if we choose, any one of the following four : a Vidari, a Dvipathaka an Ekaka, a Vistaritaka. But when the intervening Vidari is a Dhruvaka, i.e. it is used as a refrain to be repeated after each Vastuka, the following Gitka was to be omitted. This means that in the latter case the Dvipadi consisted of fon Vastukas each of which was followed by the Dhruvaka. This structure of Dvipadi is given by Virahanka on the authority of reputed prosodists Kambala and Asvatara, Satavahana and Hariyrddha.11 The Janasrayilo, composed towards the end of the sixth century A.D., defines Dvipadi as a complex of a Bhanga-dvipadi and a Gitika in that order. At times a Vidari was interpolated between the two. Each one of the four lines of a Bhanga-dvipadi stanza consisted of three to seven Ganas of either the Caturmatra or the Pancamatra type. Each one of the four lines of a Vidari stan za contained fourteen Matras. The commentary on Janasrayi 5-44 says that Dvipadi was among that class of metres which was in vogue with the common people. 8. Moreover there is also some other significant information, that we gather from Virahanka. According to VJS. IV 50 one class of the Rasaka type of Prakrit compositions was characteristically made up of Dvipadis that had V. followed by Vistaritakas:

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The Carcari Song 37 or Vidarts. The Carcari songs at Kuvalayamala 89 closely resembles this class of Rasakas composed in Dripadis. The difference between them was possibly that as against the longer Rasaka, the Carcari song was made up of only one Dripadi that contained four complex units. The Janasrayi too has treated the Rasaka13 along with the Dvipadi. 9. The form of the Carcari at Kuvalayamala $9 perfectly fits in the scheme of Viraharka's Dvipadi. In the absence of definite illustrations the precise character of the latter has remained considerably obscure. The metrical form of this Kuvalayamala Carcari provides us with a ciear instance of the Dvipadi and this fact enhances its importance. 10. We may digress here a bit and note that at Caupannamahapuri sucariya p. 186, st. 90.97, for the description of the leavetaking of warriors prior to a march, Silarka has employed a Dvipadi. The eight verses in the passage are made up of four metrically identical units, each of which has two constituents, viz. a stanza in Manjari (or Khan jaka) followed by a stanza in Gitika. Similarly we have on pp. 190-191 (st. 137, 139) of the same work two instances of the Manjari-Gitika combination and it is significant that here the subject of description is Spring Season. As already noted, the Janasrayi defines Dvipadi as made up of a BlangaDvipadi followed by a Gitika. 11. Thus our examination of the Carcari song at Kuvalayamala $ 9 has yielded the following facts about the form and function of Carcari :1. Carcari was a song in Prakrit sung while performing the Rasa dance. 2. It could be in the form of a Dvipadi which consisted of four Vastukas accompanied by Dhruvaka; this type of Dvipadi has been described by Viraharka on the basis of an earlier prosodic tradition. 3. One class of the Rasaka type of Prakrit poems closely resembled the Carcari in form.

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38 Literary and Performing Arts: 4. The four-partite Dvipadi is not treated by some wellknown prosodic authorities like Svayambhu and Hemacandra But they do treat its basic units under the Dvibhangika and Tribhangika in the Sirsaka class of metres. Actually their scheme of metrical classification has a different basis, while the VJS prosodic tradition appears to be based on a type of Prakrit poems that went out of vogue during the later times. The Caupannamahapurisacariya has specimens. of both the uses of Dvipad. (2) The Carcari song at Kuvalayamala, p. 145 12. At Kuvalayamala SS 235, p. 145, 1. 7-8 we have another specimen of a Carcari song14. Prince Dappaphaliha, who was drugged and was out of his mind, is described there as dancing a Carcarika, the verbal text of which did not have any connected meaning or acceptable grammar. This nonsensical Carcarika song is in slightly Prakritized Sanskrit and it is made up of a rhymed stanza in the Chittaka or Totaka metre15. (Each line has four Sa-ganas i.e. ~~ x 4). Unlike the Carcari at Kuvalayamala SS9, this instance has no connection with the Spring Festival. The language of the song is modified Sanskrit and not Prakrit. The song has only one stanza and its metre is such as is common to. Sanskrit and Prakrit. (5) The song at Upamitibhavaprapancakatha, pp. 272-273. 13. King Ripudarana is described at Upamitibhavaprapancakatha, pp. 272-273 as forced to dance a tri-talaka Rasa and the accompanying song16 is given in st. 438-442. From the two Carcaris of the Kuvalayamala discussed above we know that the song accompanying the Rasa dance was called Carcari. So eventhough the song in the above-given context of the Upamitibhavaprapancakatha is not actually called Carcari, we may take it as the same functionally. And a formal analysis of this song justifies our assumption. The song consists of four Vastukas, each of which is followed by Dhruvaka. But here the Vastukas and the Dhruvaka are in the same metre, while the prosodists seem to prescribe different metres.

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The Carcari Song 39 for them. This deviation apart, the metre of the song is significantly the same as employed in the Vastukas of the first Carcari of the Kuvalayamala, viz., Manjari. Eventhough it has been given the appearance of a Sanskrit Vitta, and as such it has the form Ra + Na + Bha + Bha + Ra (i.e. -- - - -- - ---), which would define it as the metre called Sundara, Ramaniya or Manibhusana, 17 really speaking its structure is intended to reflect the moraic form 3 + 3 + 4 + 4 + 4 + - Employment of rhyme (clear rhymes in 438 a, b, 439 a, b; 441 a, b; c, d; 442 a, b) too gives out the Prakritic source of the metre. We can therefore take this song as a Carcari with a Dvipadi structure. (4) The Song at Prabhavakacarita, p. 60, and Prabandhakosa, p. 16. 14. In the Viddhavadi-prabandha of the Prabhavakacarita, Vrddhavadin is described as composing extempore a Rasaka song in 'Prakrit' and giving a dance performance on the basis of that song, before a group of cowherds. The actual song is also given 18 (p. 60, 11. 11-15). Its language is post-Apabhramsa or Old Gujarati. This incident is narrated also in the Prabandhakosa (p. 16) with some variation. Therein Vtddhavadin dances singing two songs. The first song is the same as that given in the Prabhavakacarita. The song is said to be in Ghindini (v.1. Ghindana) metre. No metre of this name can be traced in the available manuals of Prakrit metres. 19 Actually the metre of the stanza can be identified as Chittaka (with some irregularity in the third line). And we know that the second Carcari of the Kuvalayamala is in this very metre, which is also found in one of the Apabhraisa songs in the fourth act of the Vikramorvasiya and is treated by Virahanka.20 So we see that for using the metre Chittaka for Carcari songs there was a well-established tradition. The second song is also in Old Gujarati. It is in a different metre : Each of its four Padas have 15 Matras (4 + 4 + 4 +- ) with rhymes a, b, c, d. It is commonly used in Medieval Gujarati Narrative poetry and is called Copai.

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Literary and Performing Arts (5) The Carcari description at Caupannamahapurisacariya, p. 191. 15. So far we have considered some passages which either contain a Carcari song so specified or a song that was used in the Rasaka dance. Besides these, we have to note a few passages which indirectly throw some light on the character of the Carcari songs. These passages purport to describe the performance of a Carcari dance or simply a Carcari at a spring festival, but the mode of description seems to have implications that are useful for our present purpose. 16. First we take up the description of Carcari occurring at Caupannamahapurisacariya, p. 191 (st. 143 and 144). This forms a part of the description of the Spring Festival for which purpose the author has commonly used the Gatha metre, but as a significant variation, twice (in st. 137 and 139) he has used Dvipadi21 and in the two stanzas under discussion, he has used a special SamaCatuspadi metre of twenty-four Matras per line. The language of these stanzas is mixed with Apabbramsa. From the available works on Apabhramsa metre I have not been able to identify this metre. But it seems to be a variation of the Rasaka with two Matras added in the beginning and with the final syllable lengthened. The general structure and rhythm is very close to those of the Rasavalaya (21 Matras per line divided as 6 + 4 + 6 +- ) with some variations, which was the standard metre of the Apabhramsa Rasabandha and which is also used by Jinadattasuri for his Jinavallabhasuri-Carcari in Old Gujarati, composed in the beginning of the twelfth century. (6) The Carcari description at Karpuramanjari, IV, 16-19 17. Similarly in the vivid and detailed description of Carcari given by the Vidusaka in the fourth act of the Karpiramanjari (vv. 10-19), we find that the metre for the first six stanzas is Upajati of Indravajra and Upendravajra while that for the remaining four stanzas is Svagata. The latter is defined as Ra + Na + Bha + Ga + Ga i.e. -- - - - ---. As a VarnavTtta it resembles

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41 The Carcari Song the metre employed in the Rasa song of the Upamitibhavaprapan cakatha in that if we cut down the last four syllables of the later and treat the eleventh syllable (now final) as long we get Svagata. Looked upon as a Matra metre its structure and rhythm are those of the very widely used Apabharamsa metre Vadanaka (scheme 6+4+4+2, the last four Matras having the form or--). 18. Thus our examination of the Sanskrit and Prakrit passages from various texts having some direct or indirect bearing on determining the formal character of Carcari songs has shown that in the earlier period Dvipadi was used for composing these songs, but other metres also like Chittaka and perhaps Rasavalaya and Vadanaka were employed for this purpose. Later Developments in the Form of Carcari 19. Carcari became established in later Apabhramsa and Early Vernacular literatures as a literary type or genre. And here also we can see how the Prakrit studies are quite indispensable for a thorough understanding and assessment of Early New Indo-Aryan literatures. In many a matter of language and literature there has been a continuous tradition without break from Prakrit through Apabhramsa to Early New Indo-Aryan, and much of the last cannot be even properly understood without help from the other two. Carcari in Apabhramsa and Old Gujarati 20. We know about two Carcari poems from the Apabhramsa literature. One is the Caccari composed in the twelfth century by Jinadattasuri to eulogize Jinavallabhasuri22. It consists of fortyseven stanzas in the Rasavalaya metre. It is the same metre in which the Apabhramsa poem Samdesarasaka is principally composed23. The other Caccari is known to us only by its name. While giving his personal account Vira, the author of the Apabhramsa poem Jambusamicariya (11 th cent.) informs us that one of the four poems composed by his father was Samtinahacaccari24 i.e. a Carcari about the Jain Tirthankara Santinatha. Nothing more is known about it.

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Literary and Performing Arts 21. Some six Caccaris or Cacaris are known to us from Early Gujarati literature. They were composed in the 14th Century. Some details about them are given below25 : Title Author Form and extent Subject Carcarika Solana 38 Dohas Pilgrimage to Mount Girnar. Caccari Anonymous 30 ., Dharma-Caccari 20., Jain religious practices and Vows. Besides, Jinacandrasuri-carcari by Hemabhusana (25 Dohas about the greatness of Guru), Jinaprabodhasuri-carcari by Somamurti (a eulogy in 16 Dohas) and a Caccari by Jinaprabhasuri are still in the manuscript form. 22. These Carcaris in Apabhramsa and Early Gujarati were didactic works composed by Jain authors on the model of contemporary popular and purely literary compositions. They indicate that during its long course of evolution Carcari got transformed from a short festive lyrical song to a substantial poem with some narrative and deseriptive content. The connection with the festival and dance also altered substantially and the original metrical form and structure too changed beyond recognition. 23. These general observations about Carcari with some inevitable elements of surmise can be verified only when huge gaps in our information are filled up, and that depends upon finding out actual specimens of Carcari from classical texts belonging to the period between the sixth to the thirteenth century. It was also a part of the purpose of the present paper to show that a close scrutiny of published Prakrit and Apabhraisa works is likely to be rewarding in such matters. Postscript 1. In the marrative of Nagadatta in the Katha-kosa-prakarana, a snake-charmer is described as employing a snake-charm to cure

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The Carcari Song 43 Prince Megharatha bitten by a cobra. The ritual involves among other things a rhythmic performance of Carcari dance by sixteen dancers with the singing of the following snake-charm : jai paihariyau odiyau, pIyalau ji paiddhau / uThiya naccahi putraDA, ki acchahi muddhau // (There are same variant reading) (p. 13, 11. 6-7) The language is Apabhraisa and the metre is probably Doha, although the text is corrupt in several places. The meaning of the first half is partially obscure, but the general sense is clear : 'Enenthough the yellow dragon has struck you in its pride, oh son, rise up and dance; why are you lying unconscious ?' 2. The sixteenth chapter of the fourth Vimsati (i.e. seventysixth chapter according to the continuous numbering) of Manasollasa (1113 A.D.), devoted to the description of the pastime of music (Gita-vinoda), describes among other things, the metres which were usnally used for the songtexts that serves the musical Prabandhas. At Manasollasa IV 16, 302 the metre of the Carcari Prabandha is treated and illustrated with a verse Passage in Apabhramsa. The text is badly preserved. The reconstructed version is as under26 : madhu-ritu manmatha-nAyaku pahutau, sahAra-kisalaya-lakhiu nirutaH / vicakila parimala-laggau, ghummai alikulu jhakArai bahu-kusumai / koila kalarau karai suhAvau, NAvai (?) kusumasaraha hakkArau / hAlihiM naravai-kavvu paDhijjai, tAlihiM chadehi gAijjai / kukuma-salile taNu ra jijjai, taruNiyaNihiM mahurau naccijjai / varu hiMdolau vaDi khelijai, juvatihiM caraNahiM daidu peliJjar3a / caMdaNi accaNa levaNu kiJjai, malliya-ma jari siri badhiJjai / siha dhUvijjai ayaru Dahijjai, mottAhala-nava-sama pahirijjai / kapUra-sanihu sasi sevijjai, rAgi vasati piyau gAijjai / haMsa tulAisu do (?) sovijjai, piu ghullatau vaNi mANijjai / /

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444 Literary and Performing Arts The metre can be identified as Vadanaka. Each of its verseline has 16 Matras (6 + 4 + 4 + ). At Chandonusasana, VII 47 (following Svayambhucchands VI 165) is defined an Apabhraisa metre of the Dvipadi type, called Caccari. It has 37 Matras (6, 4x 7, 3; Caesuras after 14, 8) Its illustration is as follows: caccari cAru cavahiM acchara ki-vi, rAsau khellahiM, ki-vi ki-vi gAyahiM vara dhavala / rayahiM rayaNa-satthia ki-vi dahi.. akkhaya givhahiM, ki-vi jammUsavi tuha jiNa-dhavala // Hemacandra's illustration indicates that Caccari could be recited also, that it need not be necessarily acconpamied by a dance performance and that it can be used as a hymn at a religious festival.27 Now in the first act of the Ratnavali there is a reference to the sounds and notes of the Carcari, that was being performed by the city folk in the main street. It was accompanied by sweet vocal and instrumental music. When Vidusaka refers to it as Caccari, the maid Madanika rebukes him with the remark, 'Oh fool, it is not Caccari, It is Duvadi-khamda'. Thereby Madanika points out that the song accompanying the dance is in the metre called Duvadi-khamda (i.e. Dvipadi-khanda) and not in Carcari metro. At Kuvalayamala p. 52, 11. 11-14 and p. 116, 11. 18-19 we come across two occurrences of song in this metre, designated by Uddyotana-suri as Duvai-khamdalaya. Of these the first song is sung by Mana-bhata while swinging on a swing as a part of the celebration of the Spring Festival. The second song is sung by a Yaksa maiden as a hymn to the Jina idol. The two songs differ in language and metrical structure. The first is in Prakrit and is a strophic metre of the Dvibhangi type. It is made up of two syntactically connected units. The first unit is a Dvipadi (four lines of 28 Matras each) and the second a Giti two lines of 30 Matras each). On the other hand, the second song is in Sanskrit and is made up of only a Dvipadi.

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The Carcari Song 45 In this connection it is also relevant to point out that Uddyotana has specifically stated in his introduction to the Kuvalayamala (p. 4, 1. 8) that some of the passages in his work he has composed in Dvipadi joined with Gitika, some in Dvibhangi and Tribhangi and some in the Bhinnaka metre. Besides the above two songs Dvipadi is used several times in the Kuvalayamala.28 3. From the quite limited data presented here and from numerous references to Carcari in Prakrit and Sanskrit literature, it is clear that the Carcari dance was not confined to the spring festival or the Holi festival). It was the general name of a type of festive, common people's dance performed publicly in the village streets and city squares (Sk. catvara, Pk. caccara) by troupes consisting of dancers, singers and instrument-players. Of course by association the term Caccari, Carcari came to be used for the accompanying song, its characteristically used metre (or metres), the tala etc. 4. In the fourth act of Kalidasa's Vikramorvasiya Carcari or Carcarika occurs frequently as a stage direction. Velankar has discussed in detail the occurrences of these terms in that drama and his critical observations and conclusions are greatly enlightening in this regard. I will quote him rather at length : "As regards the exact meaning of the word carcari, we saw above that the stanzas associated with carcari are not composed in one particular metre and this shows that the word does not sigpisy a metre at least in our drama. It is true that sometimes carcari involved the recitation of some composition, as is seen from the solitary, but definite reference to the patha in I 3. I. Its usual association with a Prakrit, or in a few cases, a Sanskrit stanza, shows that it mostly accompanied the singing of the Prakrit or the recitation of the Sanskrit stanza, if such a one is provided by the author; but otherwise it may accompany the singing or the recitation of any common song, or may even be without any one. This is also borne out by the description of a carcari in the Karpuramanjari, IV. 10-18, where reference is mostly made to dance to instrumental music, and to vocal music only in one case.

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46 Literary and Performing Arts A reference to carcari dhvani is found also in Ratnavali of Sriharsa. All this would show that (I) carcari is not the name of any one particular metre; (2) that it could be presented to the accompaniment of either a Sanskrit (though this was very rare) or (more generally) a Prakrit stanza, or sometimes even in the absence of any particular stanza; (3) that the recitation of a common song or any particular stanza did not form any essential part of a carcari: and (4) that its main attraction lay in its dance and instrumental music which accompanied it. References to carcari in older literature confirm these conclusions'. APPENDIX 1. Kuvalayamala $ p. 4, 25-5, 4. jahA teNa kevaliNA araNNa pavisiUNa paMca cora-sayAi rAsa-NaccaNa-cchaleNa mahAmoha-gaha-gahiyAI akkhiviUNa imAe caccarIe saMbohiyAi / avi ya - sabujjJaha kiM Na bujjhaha, ettie vi mA kiMci mujjhaha / kIrau jaM kariyavvayaM, puNa Dhukkai ta mariyavvayaM // iti dhuvaya / kasiNa-kamala-dala-loyaNa-cala-rehatao piinn-pihul-thnn-kddiyl-bhaar-kilto| tAla-calira-valayAvali-kalayala-saddao rAsayammi jai labhai juvaI-satthao / / sabujjhaha 0 asui-mutta-mala-ruhira pavAha-virUvaya / vata-pitta-dugga dhi-sahAva-vilINaya 29 / meya-majja-vasa-phopphasa-haDDa-kara kayaM camma-metta-pacchAyaNa-juvaI-sasthaya / / sabujjJaha. kamala-caMda-NIluppala-kati-samANaya mUDhaehi uvamijjai juvaI-aMgaya' / thovaya pi bhaNa katthai jai ramaNijjaya asuiya tu savva ciya iya paccakkhayaM / / sabujjhaha. jANiUNa eya ciya ettha asArae asui-metta-ramaNUsava-kaya-vAvArae /

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The Carcati Song kAmayammi mA laggaha bhava-saya-kArae virama virama mA hiMDaha bhava-sasArae / / sauMbujjhaha. 2. Caupannamahapurisacariya, p. 186, 11. 15-27. tao DhakkArabamAyaNNiUNa paDibuddho sayalo vi sAmata-talavagga-sauMdoho tti / tao ya kiM kA payattA ? avi yasiDhiliUNa daiyaM piya gudalasAlaya, koi sihinndhnnphlhrvcchvisaaly| Na daNaM va virahuggayatAvapaNAsaya, sAmikajji bahu maNNai Navara pavAsaya // 90 aNNAe kaThavalaiya, moijjai kaha vi osuhellayapi / suhaDeNa sAmikajjae, daiyAlaiyasiNehapAsaya va // 92 viluliyasiDhila kesacaTulIkayaca calavAlaya, sauMThavesu devarataNutaralayavAlaya / bhaNai koi maha sundari ! muya mANallaya, vayaNaya ca mA vubbhau bAhajalollayaM // 91 upatIe kavayaM, kIe vi rakkhAsaha ti daiyassa / AliMgijjai bahuso, guNANa rajjai jaNo Na rUvassa // 93 jaMtadaiyamavayacchiya kIe visAlaya, uNNavevi muhamubbhaDajaNiyaviolaya / duNimittasakAe visAyabasubbhae, vAhao paholijjai loyaNamajjhae // 94 supaDitthiraparisappayaM, ko vi samAruhai sasae vi miliyANa / vavasAya piva turayaya', sahAyaya AvaIe sasiyANa / / 95 ko vi galiyakaraDayaDapaloTTiyadANaya, guruvipakkhabheyakkhamadIhavisANayauM / NiyayapurisayAra piva parabhaDabhajaya, Aruhei gurumayagalamaidappujjaya // 96 kIe vi gao tti daiyao, virahabhayAhitthavevira gayAI / avila biyAi turiyaya, vayaMsiyAe vva Navara mucchayAe // 97 3. Ibid, p. 190, 11. 25-28. avi ya surahiparimaluddAmapaloTTiyadANao, cUyama jarIjAlaviNitavisANao / gayavatINa vitthAriyavirahaduhAsao, vAraNo vva paviyambhai mAhavamAsao // 137 kayaguruvirahuvveyaya, bhamatabhasalA liyAsamIvayammi / .. pahiehiM sabhamAula, paloiyA kuviyakAlasa'kalo vva // 138

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48 Ibid, p. 194 last line, p. 191, 11. 1-3. ettha tarammiya paDhiyAM ba MdiNA -- ucchala takalacacca riruM jiyarasaNao, dhavalamalliummilliyadIhara dasaNao / caDulapallavu velliratara liyajIhao mahuNihAi, paviyambhai mAhAsIhao // 139 jaha jaha dAhiNapavaNao NarANa parimusai mAsala gayAI / mayaNaggaNA samahiya taha taha saMtAviyAI hiyayAi // 140 Literary and Performing Arts 4. Kuvalayamala, $ 235, p. 145, 11. 5-8. kaiyA vikahiM pi parimamamANo ima asa baddhakkharAlAvaraiyaM cacaricaya* ccamANo / avi ya yadi kazci vipazci na jAtu sakhe, yadi sarkara sarkaralA na bhavet / yadi candra - munIndramanaGga citaH, yadi so'sti namo'stu namo'stu tataH // 5. Upamitibhavaprapancakatha, p. 272-273, vv. 439-442. pravRttAste tAlAva N kartum / samavatAritA'ha N rAsamadhye / tato mAM nATayanta:. prakhvAste manuSyAstritAlaka rAsa dAtum, katham ? / yA hi garvamavivekabhareNa kariSyate, bAdhakaH ca jagatAmanRtaM ca vadiSyate / nUnamatra bhava eva sa tIvra viDaMbanAM prApnuvIta nijapApabhareNa bhRza N janaH // dhruvakaH // * * * * pazyateha bhava eva janaH kutUhala, zailarAjavarabhitravilAsakRta N phalam / yaH puraiSa gurudevagaNAnapi ne| nataH, seo'ya dAsacaraNeSu natA ripudAraNa: || ye hi garva 0 * zailarAjavazavartitayA nikhile jane, hiNDiteo'hamanRtena vRthA kila paNDitaH / mAritA ca jananI hi tathA narasundarI, tena pApacaritasya mamAtra viDambanam // yeo hi garva 0 yo'tra janmamatidAyigurUnavamanyate, so'tra dAsacaraNAghatalairapi hanyate / yastvalIkavacanena janAnapatApayet, tasya tapananRpa ityucitAni vidhApayet // yo hi garva 0 no nRto'si pitRdevagaNa N na ca mAtara, kiM hato'si ripudAraNa pazyasi kAtaram / nRtya nRtya vihitAhati devapuro'dhunA, niphta nipata caraNeSu ca srvmhiibhujaam||ye hi garva

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The Carcari Song 6. Prabhavakacarita p. 60, Il. 11-15. sUrayastatsadabhyastagItahubaDakaistadA / bhrAntvA bhrAntvA dadAnAzca tAlamelena tAlikAH // prAkRtopanivandhena sadya: sampAdya rAsakam / UcustatpratibodhArtha tAdRzAmIgaucitI // tathA hinadi mAriai navi coriai para-dAraha atthu (V. L. gamaNu) nivAriai / thovAha vi thovara dAiai tau saggi[hiM] TugudaTugu jAiai // The texts of the song as given in the Prabhavakacarita and the Prabandhakosa (p. 16, I. 8) slightly differ from each other. The context of the event is differently given in the latter. There the line preceding the song is as follows: tato vRddhavAdI kAlajJa: kacchAM dRDha badhdhvA / ghIndiNicchandasA krIDati / Prabandhakosa, p. 16, il. 11-13 punaH paThati nRtyati cakAla kabala anu nIcATu (1), chAsihiM khAlaDDu bhariu ni vATu / (v. 1. chAsihi bhariu daiaDu pATu) abbaDa paDiyau nIlai jhADi, avara kiM saggaha siMgu nilADi // 7. Caupannamahapurisacariya, p. 191, 11. 15-19. vAsudevA vi pAsapariTTayariTaNemI Niggao pecchai ya cccriN| sA ya kerisA - aliulclpmhuddviyaasiysumnndle| unbhaDamahumAseA vi viyambhai bhUsiyabhuvaNayalo / ubbhiNNacUyaNavapallavakisalayasaddalae 'ko piu bajjevi vaccai ?' kUviu koilae // 143 / jai daiyavioe vivajjai tA kahe duccariu iya ciMtae to kalaya Thie 'tuha tuha' uccario / iya eva viya bhiyamaNaharabahuvihacaccario NisuNatu jaNaddA lIlAe viyarai saccario ||144 // 8. Karpuramanjari, iv, vv. 16-18. kA-vi vAiakarAlahuDukkA, rammamaddalaraveNa maacchI / dollaAhi parivADicalAhiM, callikAmakaraNammi paaTTA / 16 //

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50 Literary and Performing Arts kiMkiNIkaajhaNajhaNamaNNA kaNThagIilaaja tiatAlaM / joiNI va laaNaccaNalIla, tAraNeurava viraaMti. // 17 // kouhallavasajagamavesA, veNuvAaNaparA avarAo / kAlavesavasahAsialoA, osara ti paNamati hasati // 18 // Notes 1. Date of composition, 878 A.D. 2. Date of composition, 869 A.D. 3. Date of composition, 906 A.D. 4. Date of composition, 1278 A.D. 5. Date of composition, 1349 A.D. 6. Date of composition, first quarter of the 11 th Cent. 7. A. N. Upadhye has suggested that the source of this episode is an almost identical incident given by Nemicandra in his commentary on the eighth chapter of the Uttarajjhaya which is attributed to Kapila. The later is said to have converted five hundred robbers by dancing before them and singing a song which was the same as Uttarajjhaya VIII. 8. For the text of the song see the Appendix. 9. Ch. 3, 62; KD. 2, 18. 10. See Ch. 4, 61; KD. 2. 22 Commentary. A. N. Upadhye, the learned editor of the Kuvalayamala, identifies the metre of the Vastukas as Galitaka (with the Gana scheme 5+5+4+3=21 Matras). But Yamaka, one of the defining characteristics of the Galitaka, is absent from the Vastukas under discussion. In this connection it may be noted that the metre of the verse expressly associated with Carcari dance at Vikramorvasiya IV. 11 (Sahitya Akademi edition) is Manjari, though the initial 6 Matras of the fourth Pada are not divisible as 3 + 3. Further we may also note that the Tribhangi illustration at Ch. 4, 89.1 has Manjari as its first unit. .

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* The Carcari Song 51 11. See VJS. 2, 4-8. 12. Janasrayi, 5. 60-58. 13. Janasrayi, 5, 69-72. 14. For the text see Appendix. 15. For the text of the Carcari sce Appendix. 116. In this connection we may note that the metre of Vikramorvasiya IV, 14 is also Chittaka. In the stage direction that precedes it, the associated Laya or the specific Tala characterizing the rhythmic dance movement is termed Bhinnaka. VJS IV, 54 treats the Chittaka, and the metre treated next, with the form - ux3+ --, is called Bhittaka, which may well stand for bhinnaka. *17. For the text of the songs see Appendix. 18. Ch. 2, 256; Jayakirti's Chandonu sasana, 2, 191. 19. The word Ghimdini (v. I. Ghinnana) occurs as the name of the song that accompanies the Rasa dance in the Old Gujarati poem santinathabolika of Jinesvara-suri (13th cent), written in Srimala (Rajasthan): tA dhiMdiNi deviNu, rAnu rameviNu, dIvI liu naccati / Pracina Gurjara Kayya Sancaya, p. 115, stanza 3 a. 20. For the text of the song see Appendix. 21. See Ch. 5, 26; Samdesarasaka, Introduction pp. 53-55 and the sources indicated there. 22. See Apabhramsakayyatrayi, ed. by L. B. Gandhi, pp. 1--27. 23. The commentator of the Caccari has wrongly identified the metre as Kunda. (Apabhramsakavyatrayi, p. 2). According to Ch. 5, 6 the Gana-scheme of Kunda is 4 + 5 + 5+ - +--- and this is different from the Gana-scheme of the Rasavalaya (Ch. 5, 26), viz. 6+ 4+ 6 + 5 (the last three Matras to be all short). 24 Caccariabamdhi viraiu sarasu, gaijjai Saintiu tarajasu,' Jambusa micariya. I, 4, 5.

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52 Literary and Performing Arts 25. Of these the first two are published in the Prucin Gurjar Kavya Sangrah. The third is published in the Pracina Gurjara Kayya Samcaya. 26. See, H. C. Bhayani, "The Prakrit and Desa-bhasa passages in Somesvara's Manasollasa', K. K. Handiqui Felicitation Volume, p. 167 ff. 27. A Sanskrit metre variously called Pancacamara, Vasanta camara, Vasantacatvara etc. is defined in metrical manuals (Velankar, Chandonusasana, p. 293, no. 12.5). One of the last two names of the metre seems to be originating from scribal error. 28. Incidentally, we may note that there is considerable variation in nomenclatures we find in different metrical traditions and practices as reflected in metrical manuals, and this tends to create some confusion. Hemacandra's Dvipadi-khanda is quite different (Chandonusasana IV 85). He has cited as illustration Ratnavali. The combination of Dvipadi + Giti, which is called Duvai-khamdalaya at Kuvalayamala p. 52. 11. 12-15, is termed Dvibhangi by Svayambhu ( Svayambhucchandas. p. 2-1). But according to the Chandonusasana IV 86, Dvibhangi is Dvipadi + Giti. However in his illustration of Dvibhangi we find Dvipadi + Lalita (Chandonusasana. IV 10). This Lalita is called Gitika in the Janasrayi and it is different from Giti (Chandonusasana IV 6). Further eventhongh Uddyotana has called the song at Kuvalayamala, p. 116. 11. 18-19 Duvaikhardalaya, it is just a Dvipadi without the following Giti. One more occurrence of the combination of Dvipadi + Giti we find at Kuvalayamala, p. 94, II. 8-10. References at Kuvala yamali, Part II, p. 85. 29. The word is recorded in the form cilINaya as well as vilINaya.. The former seems to be the correct form. See H. C. Bhayani, 'Studies in Hemacandra's Desinaramala 1966, p. 13, s. v. farload (= Studies in Desya Prakrit, 1988, p. 11-12); R. N. Shriyan, A Critical Study of Yakapurane of Puspa-danta, 1969, no. 955.

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"The Carcari Song 53 REFERENCES Apabhramsakavyatrayi, ed. by L. B. Gandhi, 1927. Upamitibhavaprapancakatha of Siddharsi, ed. by Chandrashekharvijay Part 1, 1968; ed. by Peter Peterson, 1899 (pp. 721-722). Kathakosa-prakarana of Jinesvara-suri, cd. Jinavijaya Muni, 1949. Karpuramanjari of Rajasakhara, ed. by S. Konow, 1963 reprint. Kavidarpana (=KD.), H. D. Velankar, 1962. Kuvalayamala of Uddyotada, ed. by A. N. Upadhye, Part I, 1959, Part II, 1970. Caupannamahapurisacariya of Silarka, ed. by A. M. Bhojak, 1961. Chandonusasana of Hemacandra (=Ch.), ed. H. D. Velankar, 1962. Chandonusasana of Jayakirti, ed. H. D. Velankar, in Jayadaman, 1949. Jam busamicariya of Vira, ed. by V. P. Jaina, 1968. Janasrayi (=Appendix to Chandonusasana of Hemacandra), ed. by H. D. Velankar, 1951. Prabandhakosa of Rajasekhara, ed. by Jinavijaya Muni, 1935. Prabhavakacarita of Prabhacandra, ed. by Jinavijaya Muni, 1940 Pracina Gurjara Kavya Sancaya, ed. by H. C. Bhayani, Agarchand Nahta, 1975. Pracin Gurjara Kavya Samgrah, ed. by C. D. Dalal, 1920. Manasollasa or Abhilasitartha-cintamani of Somesvara, ed. bp G. K. Shrigondekar, 1961. Vikramorvasiya of Kalidasa, ed. by H. D. Velankar, 1961. Vittajatisamuccaya of Viraharka (=VJS), ed. H. D. Velankar, 1962. Samdesarasaka of Abdala Rahamana, cd. by Jinavijaya Muni, Introduction by H. C. Bhayani, 1945. Svayambhucchandas of Svayambhu, ed. by H. D. Velankar, 1962.

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5. ON CHATRA AND CALL! 1. Chatra ; a Type of Uparupaka ? In the fifty seventh Kathanaka in Harisena's Bihatkatha-kosa (written in 931-932 A.D. in Vardhamana (i.e. modern Vadhyan in Saurastra), called Asoka-Rohini, the queen Rohini while sitting in the palace-balcony in company of her husband, child and a nurse, happens to see on the road below a group of women giving customary public expressionto the grief of somebody's death in their family. They had fomed a circle and moving round, they were rhythmically beating their breasts and nttering wailing notes. Rohini, who was quite lacking in any personal experience of sorrow, fails to really understand what the women were doing. She takes it to be some sort of dance or musical performance. She was well-versed in the Natyasastra of Bharata : Hence she. observes : 'which type of dance performance is this? It does not confirm to any of the five types, viz. Signataka, Bhani, Chatra, Rasa and Dumbili described by Bharata and usually performed by the expert dancers'.1 The learned editor of the Bihatkatha-kosa the late, Dr. A. N. Upadhye has observed in his Notes (p. 383) that the readings giving the names of the five types are corrupt and he takes them to stand respectively for Sidgaka, Bhanika, Citra, Rasaka and Dombika, on the basis of a text passage cited on p. 544 of M. Krisnamachariar's History of Classical Sanskrit Literature. Here the identifications do not pose any problem, excepting that of Chatra with Citra. In various treatments of the Uparupakas known to us from works on Dramaturgy and Poetics we have no mention of a type called Chatra and hence Upadhye's understandable assumption that it was possibly the some as Citra. Unexpectedly, however, I came across a reference to Chatra in a Prakrit narrative work of about the seventh century AD., which fact vouches for the authenticity of the name Chatra.

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On Chatra and Calli In Dharmasena-gaai's Vasudevahindi-Madhyama Khanda, in the fifteenth Lambha, called Kanakavati-lambha, we have an elaborate description of the residential palace of Princess Kanakavati. Therein it is said that in the fifth hall of the palace a group of delicate maid-servants, all of the same age and beauty of form, putting on the same type of the dress, ornaments etc. were busy making the rehearsal of the Chatraka performance : sarisAlakAra-vaya-vattha-lAyaNNANa chattaya-ppayoga-vAvaDANa sukumAlANa' ceDhINa baMda / (p. 224). Regarding the form and character of the Chatra or Chatraka we have no information except the implication of the above-noted allusion that it was obviously a group dance. But its mention in the Brhat-katha-kosa along with Dombika etc., all of which are known to be Uparupakas makes it likely that Chatra too was an Uparupaka. 2. Calli : a Mode of Popular Dance In the section on the Uparupakas, while discussing Rasaka and Natyarasaka, Raghavan deals at length with the passage in Rajasekhara's Karpuramanjari (IV, vv. 11-18) wherein the Vidusaka describes in detail the troupes of danseuses and revellers performing on the occasion of Spring Festival. Besides the Dandarasaka, Rajasekhara has referred there to the performance of a dance called Calli. Raghavan's passage5 on Calli I reproduce below : Next, Rajasekhara describes a dance called Calli which seems to be a division of the Nartakis in two rows facing each other. samaMsa-sIsA sama-bAhu-hatthA, rehA-vimuddha avarAu deti gire alle 334-213.7787', qocaz' Afegats afe (93) Again, For-fa 91537-78175-ECEI, FH-HE-poe 43908gt dollAhiM parivADi-calAhiM, calli-kamma-karaNagmi paaTTA (16)

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Literary and Performing Arts We have in the Abhinavabharati the Dombika, along Calli or Calli as occurring in the Dombika, along with the playing on Hudukka. The Hulukka-vadana is associated with Calli by Rajasekhara also. 'kvacin nRtta-prAdhAnya yathA DombikA-prayogAnantara huDukkAvAdyAvasaraH ata eva tatra loka-bhASayA cilli(calli)-mArga iti prasiddhiH / ' (21f9qhizat, p. 168-169) Cilli or Calli is thus a dance, Nytta, with the Nartaki playing on the Hudukka-vadya, a drum.' Raghavan has also noted from the dance chapter of the Sangitaratnakarar Cali and Calivada as two of the ten Desi Angas of the Lasya dance-type.7 He has further remarked that in his Sangitasamayasara Parsvadeva has observed that the use of regional terminology with authorities like Bhoja and Somesvara, was based on the Bhannika (or Bhanaira) Bhasa. The Sangitaratnakara characterizes Cali and Calivada as types of folk dances in which there were simultaneous movements of hands, legs, thighs and waist in the medium tempo. In the Apabhramsa poem Saidesa-rasaka of Abdala Rahamana', written in about 1200 A.D. while describing, the affluence, cultural richness and beauty of Mulasthana (i.e. modern Multan), the poet says : Somewhere were played flutes. Vina, tabours and drums; somewhere were heard the notes of songs in harmony with words and sounds. Elsewhere attractive and trained dancers, with plump and high breasts, moved performing Calli' (v. 45). The actual reading there is calla, which, in the light of the abovenoted occurrences should be calli. The Sanskrit Commentaries, ignorant of the meaning of calli, wrongly paraphrase the phrase calla (callt) karamtiya as cala-cala sabdam kurvantyah. Thus Calli was a popular dance-type, performed by women with rhythmic movements in accompaniment with the playing of the Hulukka drum, and in vogue in several regions from, say, 11th to 13th century A. D.

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On Chatra and Calli Notes 1. amba signaTaka bhAnI chatra rAso'pi dumbilI / etAn paJcApi nRtyanti nATakAn nRtyakovidA: // etAn paJcApi satajya nATakAn bharatoditAn / nATako bhIrubhiH ko'yauM natyate sAdikuTTana: // (57, 105-103) In 57, 103 the ritually wailing women are said to perform a Rasaka (rasakam kurvatih), probably in view of their circular, rhythmic movement. 2. V. Raghavan, Bhoja's Singaraprakasa, pp. 545 ff. 3. Part I, ed. by H. C. Bhayani and R. M. Shah, 1987. 4. At the time of editing the text, the Brhatkathakosa reference to Chatra had not come to our notice. Hence we gave chattaya in the passage with a question-mark indicating our doubt about the correctness of the reading. 5. op. cit., p. 566. 6. I have given the original Prakrit verses in the place of the Sanskrit chaya given by Raghavan. 7. op. cit., p. 590. 8. Edited by Jinavijaya Muni, 1945.

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6. THE CHARACTERIZING FUNCTION OF VERSE IN SANSKRIT DRAMA The use of prose and verse in the Sanskrit drama has received less discriminating attention as compared to its other aspects. The earlier category mistake of assessing Sanskrit drama by Western dramatic models has been corrected since long, and it has been recognized that the aims and objectives, and the consequent structure of the Sanskrit drama were basically different from those of the Western drama. The former was primarily and essentially poetic and this fact governed its use of prose and verse generally and with respect to each other. Simple, conversational prose was used for the ordinary dialoguel but at times we also find descriptive passages in the highly ornate style of a prose Kavya, though this is more frequent in the case of monologues. Verses are interspersed in the prose dialogue to such an extent that the medium of Sanskrit drama can be properly described as prose-cum-verse. The verse in Sanskrit drama is a basic constituent of the structure. Far from being decorative or adventitious (or even a harmful legacy of the epic source-as some would have it), it has got its definite and exclusive functions, for which ordinary prose just could not do. We can broadly distinguish three functions of the verse in Sanskrit drama-besides of course, the conventional use of verse for the introductory Nandi and the concluding Bharatavakya. (1) Verse is used to describe time, place and certain types of situations. (2) It is used to describe the mood, emotional impact or reaction of a character with regard to some happenings or the actions of other characters in the play. (3) It is used to describe from the viewpoint of some character present on the stage another character as it enters or is seen involved in some action or situation etc. Or else it may contain the self-introduction of a newly But dialogue in verse was not unknown.

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Literary and Performing Arts entering character. It should be stressed at once that these verse descriptions are never naturalistic, matter-of-fact descriptions. They are always poetic. It is true that the verses of the first category impart necessary information to the audience and serve as verbal substitutes for some of the present-day stage-properties and accesories. But the verses of this type as also of the other two types essentially build up the emotional tone and atmosphere of the dramatic action, and contribute substantially to the sentiments of the drama. Only a systematic and detailed examination of Sanskrit dramatic works from this point of view can reveal the full range of the functions of the dramatic verse and the high significance of its multiple roles. Here we have only a very modest aim of presenting a few observations mainly on the third and occasionally on the second type of the verse functions mentioned above, on the basis of a few Sanskrit plays. - (2) For this purpose I have collected data from some of the plays attributed to Bhasa, and from the Mahaviracarita, the Micchakatika and the Mudraraksasa. In the following list I give drama-wise details of the characterizing verses. Pratima : IV V 8 16,17 Laksmana's description of Bharata. Ravana's description of his own power and exploits. Kancukiya's description of Bharata. VI 6 Abhiseka : I 11 Vali's description of his own powers. Rama's description of the fighting Vali. Laksmana's ,, Sugriva. ; ,, the fallen Vali. Hanumat's description of Sita. ,, ,, Ravana. The gardner's description of Ravana. II 7,8

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Verse in Sanskrit Drama 63 IV 6 Sugriva's description of Vibhisana descending from the sky. Laksmana's descriptiou of Varuna. Vidyadhara's description of the fighting Ravana. , ,, ,, Rama. 15 6 7,10,11 VI Pancaratra : I 20 II 32 33 Bhisma's description of Duryodhana. Bihannala's ,,Yudhisthira. Abhimanyu's , Bhisma (in disguise) Abhimanyu's ,, ,, Arjuna (in disguise) Madhyama : The Brahmana's description of Ghatotkaca. The first son's The second son's ,, The third son's Bhima's description of Ghatotkacha (unknowingly) Ghatotkaca's , ,, Bhima (unknowingly) The Brahmana's description of Ghatotakaca before Bhima. Dutavakya : I 3 Kancukiya's description of Duryodhana. 7,10,12 Descriptions of Draupadi, Yudhisthira, Arjuna, Nakula, Sahadeva and Sakuni as seen in the painting of Draupadi-vastra-harana, Sudarsana's self-introduction description of Sarnga. ,, ,,Kaum odaki ,, ,,Pancajanya. 50 the Nandaka sword. 51,52 ., descriptian of the weapons collectively. Duta-Ghatotkaca : I 35 Ghatokaca's description of Dhitarastra. Ghatotkaca's description of Krsna's heroism. 41

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64 Karnabhara : 4 I Urubhanga : 16-24 I II 9 23 III IV 220 26 29 Balacarita : I 3-4 5 6 21 22-26 36 40 56 59 4 5 20 22-24 2 3 4 5-6 15 13 The warrior's description of the armed Karna. Karna's description of Parasurama (reminiscence).. Karna's description of Sakra. Description of the combat between Bhima and Duryodhana. The warrior's description of Balarama. Balarama's description of Duryodhana, lying mortally wounded. Balarama's description of Dhrtarastra. Ganhari. Asvatthaman's voice 29 Literary and Performing Arts. 29 "" behind the curtain. Asvatthaman's description of the wounded Duryodhana. Narada's self-introduction. 29 33 23 description of Devaki. Krsna. ww 59 Garuda's self-introduction. Cakra's, Sarnga's, Kaumodaki's, Pancajanya's Nandaka's self-introductions. Kamsa's description of Curse (personified). Curse's self-introduction. Kartyayani's self-introduction. Self-introductions by Kartyayani's Kundodara, Sula, Nila and Manojava. Damodara's description of the cowherd-maiden. Samkarsana's description of the cowherd-boy. Damodara's bull Arista. 33 33 servants. Arista's self-introduction. Damodara's description of Arista killed in the fight. Damodara's self-introduction.

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Verse in Sanskrit Drama Samkarsana's description of the subdued Kallya. , , Kssna on Kaliya's head. Kamsa's messenger's description of Kssna. Canura's and Mustika's self-introduction. Kamsa's description of Damodara. ,, Samkarsana. Krsna's , the fallen Kamsa. 4-5 8 19 Mahaviracarita : 16, 17, 18 Kusadhvaja's description of Rama and Laksmana. 35 Laksmana's description of Tataka. 39 ,, ,, (wounded) 43 ,, ,, the divine missiles. 16,17 Jamadagnya's self-introduction. Rama's description. 20 Description of Parasurama (offstage). 23-26 Rama's description of Parasurama. Parasurama's description of Rama. Rama's compliments to Parasurama. 39-41 Parasurama's compliments to Rama. Sampati's description of Jatayu. Jatayu's self-introduction. Jatayu's description of Sampati. 20-21 Laksmana's description of Rama. 33 Laksmana's description of Danu. Sramana's description of Vali. Vali's self-introduction. 32 36 1-2 3-4 Mscchakatika: IV 4 Sarvilaka's description of Madanika. VII 4 Carudatta's description of Aryaka. IX 4 Adhikaranika's description of Carudatta. Mudraraksasa : II 12 The Snake-charmer's description of Raksasa.

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66 III V 3535 17 30 The Kancukin's description of Candragupta. 23 Canakya. Candragupta's description of the indignant 99 Literary and Performing Arts dw Canakya. 13 Raksasa's description of Malayaketu. Data can be collected on these lines from other dramas also. (3) An examination of these verses reveals their different types and characteristics. We can broadly distinguish the following categories. By means of such a verse (or verses) (1) a character already present on the stage describes another character which is just making an entry; (2) a character which has just made its entry describes some character already present on the stage; (3) a character making entry gives self-introduction; (4) a character on the stage describes either another character under particular circumstances or in a particular situation, on the stage or off the stage. These diffrent categories serve a number of dramatic functions: (1) The first and the third categories serve to identify the new character for the spectators. (2) The first and the second categories serve to indicate one character's impression and reaction with regard to another character, thereby preparing the spectators for the subsequent course of action as also for the attitudes taken by the characters, with regard to each other. They may also serve to indicate in what light the character is intended by the dramatist to be taken. (3) In a number of cases the situation is such that the character already present on the stage is a stranger to the entering character, and it describes the powerful impression the latter makes on itself. This serves to intensify dramatic surprise created by the subsequent recognition or identifi cation.

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Verse in Sanskrit Drama (4) The self-introductory verse indicates to the spectator what the charactar thinks of itself, what is its importance and how it may behave in the subsequent action. (5) The verse reporting the impression about another character or the account of some situation involving in the current happening on the stage (or off the stage) help the spectators to grasp the implications and to visualize the character or situation fully and vividly. That is why the descriptions in the characterizing verses are generally picturesque and poetic. Many of these verses possess a great literary charm, and even independently of their context, they present instances of beautiful poetry. (4) One more significant fact emerges from the limited data presented above. It is evident that the dramas ascribed to Bhasa betray a strong tendency to use characterizing verses. We find a similar tendency in the Mahaviracarita also. This suggests that dramas with heroic characters and heroic sentiment are more congenial to characterizing verses.

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7. THE DHRUVAS IN KALIDASA'S VIKRAMORVASIYA The thirtysecond chapter of Bharata's Natyasastra (NS.) deals with Dhruvas. It defines and describes various types of Dhruvas, their characteristics as songs in the drama, their metres, contents. and functions. It defines a very large number of metres in which Dhruvas were composed and gives illustrations for all of them. There are in NS. about one hundred and fifteen illustrations of Dhruvas. Their language is Sauraseni Prakrit. The text of these illustrations is badly preserved. It contains numerous errors, and requires to be reconstructed. The general function of Dhruvas in the drama is to contribute at certain key-points to the emotional effect rather than the dramatic action. A highly striking feature linked with this fact is that the Dhruva always refers to the state or action of a character on the stage. This reference is in the third person and the mode of expression is not direct but symbolic i. e. it is Anyokti or Anyapadesa in the parlance of Sanskrit rhetorics. The Dhruva conveys to the audience, the observation or report of somebody off the stage, about the condition of some character that is present on the stage and that is in a critical or interesting situation. As such the Dhruva is outside the dramatic representation (prayogaanangatva as observed by Abhinavagupta). As Raghavan says, the Dhruvas were inserted 'wherever the emotion or idea reached a degree of pointedness and needed effective expression.' He also says that 'Dhruvas were sung by musicians from behind the curtain'. Bharata has given very detailed rules and elaborate conventions as to when, for whom and how Dhruvas are to be introduced and sung. He lays down (i) status, type, class, age and condition of the character, (ii) time, place and season relating to the situation, and (iii) the prevalent sentiment and emotion as the groups of criteria for selecting a particular type of Dhruva for a dramatic situation.

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The Dhruvas in the Vikramorvasiya NS. (GOS. edition) XXXII 352-373 describe the symbolic objects i. e. Asrayas that were to be used for the Anyoktis expressed in the Dhruvas. This indicates their appropriateness according to the type and mood of the character concerned. The information is tabulated below: Character Class (Superior: Male) gods, kings demons, goblins violent beings sun, moon, wind. cloud, mountain, ocean. buffalo, lion, carnivora. Siddhas, Gandharvas, Yaksas planets, constellations, bull. ascetics fire. (Female) (Middling Male) (Female) (Inferior Male) (Female) Symbol 69 lightning, meteor, ray. night, nectar, moon-light, lotusplant, cow-elephant, river. swan, peacock, crane, stork, lotus-pond etc. step-well, creeper, female crane, peahen, doe. (2) owl, cuckoo, black bee, crow, pigeon etc. female bee, female crow, female cuckoo etc. Among the actual illustrations of Dhruvas given in NS. we find Anyoktis with the symbols like elephant, wind, male and female swan, peacock, cloud, moon, monntain, creeper, river. female crane, male and female bee, fire, sky, lotus-pond, night. sun, owl etc. The fourth act of Kalidasa's Vikramorvasiya (Vik.), according to one of its two recensions, is remarkable for having numerous Dhruvas in the NS. tradition. In the whole range of Sanskrit dramatic literature available to us there is no other work com

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70 Literary and Performing Arts parable to Vik. in this point. Velankar has shown2 that there are twenty verses in Vik. IV, which are to be recognized as Dhruvas. Nineteen of them are in Prakrit (or Apabhramsa), and only one (Vik. IV 56) is in Sanskrit. All these verses are Anyoktis. As Dhruvas they can be analysed as follows: occurrence language type of Dhruva character (verse number) 1. 2. 3. 4 5. 6. 12, 14. 19. 23. 28. 29. 35. 41. 43. 48. 54. 1533535 56. 63. 75. Prakrit Pravesiki 99 Prakrit mixed Prakrit "" with Apabhramsa 55 39 Prakrit mixed Prakrit Apabhramsa Parkrit mixed Antara with Apabhramsa "" Sanskrit Prakrit Naiskramiki Pravesiki 22 with Apabhramsa Antara3 "" 99 22 99 ura shiri A rari wr Sahajanya & Citralekha "" Naiskramiki "" 99 Pururavas 29 53 23 "" A 35 29 .. : 99 symbol pair of female swans. 29 "" female swan elephant young swan Kalpataru elephant "" 99 33 young swan elephant. hog ocean Airavata elephant young swan

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The Dhruvas in Vikramorvasiya Now NS. XXII 383-384 give the conventions about the languages to be used in the Dhruva songs. As a rule Sauraseni is to be used. But if the metre is Narkuta, the language should be Magadhi. In the case of divine characters, which include gods and kings, Sanskrit could be used. In the case of human characters the language could be Ardha-Sanskrit, which meant mixed Sanskrit, according to one view, but general Prakrit, according to another. The actual illustrations given by NS. are all in Sauraseni. On the other hand the Prakrit of most of the Dhruvas of Vik. is Maharasrtri. This fact combined with the fact that the Dhruvas in Vik. have most of the other characteristics required by NS. indicates that here we have essentially a continuation of the dramatic tradition that served as basis for Bharata's rules, although the use of Maharastri (and even of Apabhramsa in a few cases), instead of Sauraseni, and of Matra-vrttas instead of Varnavrttas can be looked upon as a change in the earlier conventions about the language and metres of the Dhruva. 71 As noted previously, the language of Vik. IV 48 is Apabhramsa, and that of Vik. IV 12, 29 and 54 is Prakrit, mixed with Apabhramsa. Hence it seems relevant to inquire about the use of Apabhramsa in songs (or otherwise) in the dramatic and musical traditions. In the fourth act of Vik. there are twelve Apabhramsa verses which form a part of Pururavas's speech. The fact that Apabhramsa also was used in drama in the subsequent tradition-especially in the Uparupakas, which are chiefly based on song and dance, is borne out by a few Apabhramsa citations in the Abhinavabharati from some Uparupakas of the Dombika and Sidgaka types.5 The fact is that for songs accompanying dance, whether in drama or elsewhere, popular dialects were usually preferred from the earliest period. Earlier, the languages of such songs were Sauraseni and occasionally Maghadhi. Later on Maharastri, Apabhramsa, post-Apabhramsa regional dialects, and the Dravidian languages like Kannada came to be used. In musicological texts

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Literary and Performing Arts like the Brahaddesi and the music chapter of the Manasollasa of Somesvara, we find prescriptions (and in some cases illustrations also) for songs in numerous non-Sanskrit languages. In this connection we may further note that in Bhoja's Sarasvatikanthabharana (SK.), the illustrations of Aksiptika and Dhruva,6 two of the basic types of Sravya Kavya, are in Apabhraisa (SK. under II 157.) Moreover the illustrations for the four out of the six varieties of Preksya, viz. Lasya, Tandava, Sampa (of samya) and Chalika are in Apabbramsa, and those for the remaining two varieties, viz, Hallisaka and Rasa are in Prakrit (SK. under II 159). All these were songs accompanying dramatic or dance performances. There is some indication in a ninth century text on Prakrit prosody that Dhruvas in Apabhramsa were in vogue round about that period also. In the Svayambhucchandas8 of Svayambhu (c, 88C A. D.), the illustration of Antarasama Catuspadi Dhruva9 called Ravanahastaka is a Gajanyokti. It is as follows : pia-virabio, kannatala-haa-mabuarao | dubbhamtao, bhamai vane vana-kumjaro // (VI 13 1) (Sk. Chaya : Priya-virahitah, karna-tala-hata-madhukarah / durbhraptah, bharmati vane vana-kunjarah. // With this we can compare Vik. IV 43. So also, the illustration of Makarandika is a Cakravakanyokti. It is as follows : nisi-agame, nia-sahaari-viraha-vasamgao / dhuva-pakkhao, kamalaare bhamai rahamgao // (VI 17 1) Sk. Chaya : nisagame, nija-sahacari-viraha-vasamgatah. dhuta-paksah, kamalakare bhramati rathangah. With this we can compare Vik. IV 4.

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The Dhruvas in the Vikramorvasiya 73 Moreover the illustatrion of Magadha-narkuti metre, a type of Khanjaka, is a Varahanyotki (Sc p.) I 5 (1). That of Visloka is a Bhramaranpokti (SC. (P), IV 4(1). Svayambhucchandas VI 37 is possibly a Varahanyokti and IV 5, 1 a Karabhanyokti, Music and dance were integral parts of the Classical Sanskrit drama. Dhruvas contributed significantly to the emotronal and aesthetic effect of the drama.10 They played a central role in producing the emotional and lyrical intensity in the fourth act of the Vikramorvasiya. Notes 1. The recension with Prakrit verses is accepted as original by Ranganatha, Konesvara, Bollensen, Pischel and Velankar. 2. H. D. Velankar, Vikramorvasiya, 1961, editor's Introduction, pp. LXIV-LXVII. Velankar has discussed in detail various problems connected with the Dhruvas of Vik. The references to Vik. here are to his edition. For the general character, nature and functions of the Dhruva see V. Raghavan's article. *Music in ancient Indian drama', The Journal of the Musical Academy, Madras, Vol. 23, pp. 84-89. 3. Velankar thinks this and the following are Aksepiki Dhruvas, but in view of Bharata's definition that the Antara Dhruva is sung when one is in deep grief, or in swoon or out of his mind we can call them Antara. 'Aksepiki is the Dhruva for the switch-over to a changed mood or situation'. 4. Except the first three : which are in the shortest metres (every line of two or three syllables) and are in Sanskrit. They are more for the completeness of the treatment, and could have been hardly functional. 5. See 'Dombika and Sidgaka', in the present collection, pp. 20-33. 6. It is interesting to note that this SK. Dhruva is an Anyokti using Vyadha (hunter) as its symbol. The purport of the verse is that when the lion had left his den in search of some prey

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74 Literary and Performing Arts like deer, the hunter got an opportunity and took away the pearls from the den. The veiled reference is to Ravana's. abduction of Sita, when Rama had gone in search of the golden deer. 7. The references are to Anundoram Barooah's edition (1969 reprint). 8. H. D. Velankar, Svayambhucchandas, 1962. 9. This term Dhruva is somewhat different from the Dhruva of the drama. In the Apabhramsa epic the verse which occurred in the very beginning of a Canto (Samdhi), and which also occurred usually in the same metre at the end of every section (Kadavaka) of that Canto was called Dhruva, Dhruvaka or Ghatta. 10. The form and function of the Dhruva in later dramatic practice (e.g. in Anargharaghava, Devicandragupta, the dramas of Rajasekhara, the account in Kuttanimata) require a separate treatment.

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8. BHAVAI AND THE FOLK ELEMENTS IN THE CLASSICAL DRAMA (1) If we rely upon the legendary account of the origin of Bhavai, the traditional folk drama of Gujarat, it cannot be dated earlier than the fourteenth century. The evidence of language, metre and the themes of the various 'Roles' (vesa) of the Bhavai also support a date thereabout. But the term bhavai itself was in vogue mueh, earlier, though its meaning then was 'show' or 'spectacle in general. The earliest use of the word bhavai is known from Laksmi-. candra's Savaya-dhamma-doha, an Apabhramsa verse composition descrbing religions condnct for the Jain lay follower. It is datable about the thirteenth century. Verse 77 of that work contains the following line (obviously it is a proverb) : 'nirukkhai eramda-vaai kim na bhavai hoi'* 'In a treeless tract, would not even a bunch of Erandas make a glamorous show ? Thus it is obvious that restriction of the meaning of bhavas to a kind of dramatic performance was a later development. In an old Gujarati verse tale written in 1528 A. D., we find a mention of bhayaja i. e. the professional performers of Bhavai. And in a sixteenth century work on Sanskrit lexicography bhavaja is given as the meaning of the Sanskrit word bhrukusa (also spelt bhrukumsa etc.), which is further explained as 'male actor doing a female role'. We also find in works written round about the fifteenth century several occurrences of the verb bhavad in the sense of 'to put up a good show', 'to show with pomp and eclat.' * In modern Gujarati the corresponding proverb is 'ujjad gum mam erando pradhan'. 'In a deserted village, the Eramua tree rules as the headman'.

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Literary and Performing Arts Origins of the Bhavai as such are shrouded in complete obscurity, but we can plausibly discern some significant resemblances and affinities to a few of its characteristic features and elements in the popular traits embedded in certain Classical and post-Classical Sanskrit dramatic and balletic forms. The elements of burlesque, farce and social satire found in some of the 'roles (resa) of the Bhavai were also characteristic of the Sanskrit dramatic types Prahasana and Bhana. But for our purpose the Uparupaka types of the Classical Sanskrit drama are more relevant than the Rupakas. The Uparupakas were predominently balletic or operatic, and many of them had usually only one actor. In their form, subject-matter, characterization and language many of these types bear quite clear marks of earlier popular origin. Unfortunately the information available in old works of drama, the names, number, structure and characteristics of the Uparupaka types is scanty, vague and contradictony, and all the early examples are lost. Moreover there seems to have been periodic changes in their forms and vogue. There are indications that some of the Uparupakas made use of speech besides dance, singing and acting. Some new forms that developed in the post-Classical period were treated in medieval musicological works. For the dance-based Uparupakas like the Hellisaka, Gorghi, Nartanaka and Rasaka, song too was indispensable, and similarly for the song-based types like the Raga-kavya, Bhana and Carcari (also known in some sources as Rasakanaka or Natya-rasaka), dance also was absolutely necessary. The theme of the songs used in these types related the episodes from the early life of Krsna or else it described the joys of the Spring season. In the type called Dombika, a woman of the Domba caste accompanied by a party of singers performed before a king to win rewards by singing his eulogies. Its characteristic song had as its contents a request made to a prince by a Duti on behalf of her mistress, who was longing for a clandestine love-affair with him. The type called Sidgaka had as its theme the heroine's reproach to the hero for once playing false to her.

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Bhavai and the Folk Elements in the Classical Drama 77 The subject of Prasthana was Pravasa-vipralambha, and hence its characteristic song related to Prathamanuraga, departure of the hero and the descriptions of the Spring and the Rains by the Virahotkankhita heroine. Bhana, Bhanika and Prerana made symbolic use of the nature, traits and behaviour of animals to serve as instructive examples. Preksanaka presented spectacles like Siva's burning of Kama, which was performed by a troupe of actors at some street-corner, public square or temple premises. In several Uparupakas, the language of the song that served as the text for the dance was not Sanskrit or Prakrit but Apabhramsa-a strong evidence of the popular or folk origin of these dramatic types. (3) The song constituent of the Uparupakas is treated in musical works like the Samgitaratnakara and the Sangita samaya sara, while the dance constituent is handled by the works like the Nittaratnavali. Under the section on the country dances (desi-nrtta), Jaya Senapati's NTttaratnaavali (1253-54 A. D.) describes, over and above the dances Rasaka, Carcari, Natyarasaka and Preksana, a few other's named Perani, Gomdali, Bhandika and Bahurupa. These latter types have arisen later than the former ones and they have survived in some form or other, in the folk traditions upto the present day. For example the Bahurupa of the Nittaratnavali continues to live today in the performances of the folk artist known as bahurupi or bahurupiya. The Bhanoika is still kept alive by the Bhanda community. The Gondali is found today in Maharastra in the form of gomdhal, which consists of singing Povadas. Laynis etc. on festive occasions like marriage. It is also celebrated as a religious festival in honor of a goddess. This Gondali has very interesting history. According to the Minasollasa (composed in 1131 A. D.). King Somesvara witnessed

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78 Literary and Performing Arts the dance and musical performance of some dancer in the role of a Bhilla damsel at a Bhuta-matrka festival in Kalyana, and he formalized it as a new dance type. He named it as Gondali because (so it is reported) the Bhili was called Gondali in Manarasgra. Here ignorance and confusion seem to have played a part. The fact is that the word gomdala was current in Prakrit and Apabhramsa since at leart the nineth century in the senses of 'uproar', 'tumult', 'noisy and confused crowd' etc., usually in the context of singing and music in festivals. Thereafter it came to denote such a festival, and shortly, mythical origins were invented for it. Jaya Senapati informs us that originally the Gondali dance along with the music was taught by Parvati to an Apsaras named kundali and hence that type of dance came to be known as the Kundali dance. The Sangita-muktavali goes one better. According to it the dance is called Kundali after that designation of the dancer, who derives it from her affinity with the Kundalini Sakti. These accounts give us some idea of how devine origins were invented for popular forms of dance and drama when they received acceptance of the elite and the consequent Sastric codification. Lastly we consider the account of the type called Perana or Peranai. Perana finds casual mentions in the Abhinavabharati, but it is only in later works like the Sangita-ratnakara, Nyttaratnayali etc. that we find it described in detail. In the Perana at the very beginning enters on the stage an actor with its gratesque cost and make-up, making ludicrous gestures. Being shaven headed, he was called atla-bodaka. Next enters the chief actor called Perani. His head also is shaven, excepting the Sikha. He was besmeared all over with white ashes and small bells were tied round his ealves. In the fourth section or act of the Perani dance, called Vikata, this main actor performs a grotesque dance assuming the roles of a monkey, goblin etc., making wild and distorted gestures with his face, hands, belly and legs. Here it is obvious that the character of Perani is madelled on a Saiva devotee and his gratesque makeup and facial distortions remind us of the Ganas of god Siva. But

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Bhavai and the Folk Elements in the Classical Drama 79 the element of lampooning in the Peraai can be perhaps compared with the same in the Vesa (role) of Adava in the Bhavai. In this connection we may also note that the Telugu work Basavapurana written by Somanatha tells as that the Perani dance originally came from Saurastra. . Even this casual examination of certain Uparupakas and allied forms with regard to the popular traits goes to suggest that our regional folk dramas with their varied forms and contents are made up of elements that in many cases reach back to the medieval and classical periods. REFERENCES : V. Raghavan, Bhoja's Srngaraprakasa, 1963, pp. 533-576. V. Raghavan, Nsttaratnavali of Jaya Senapati, 1965, Introduction, pp. 134-153. H. C. Bhayani, Vagvyapar (in Gujarati) 1954 (the note on 'Gomdhal, p. 272-274) H. C. Bhayani, 'Dombika and Sidgaka'. See the present collection, pp. 20 ff. H. C. Bhayani, "Bhaval-na alava-no vadavo' (in Gujarati), Sansksti, 1969, pp. 473-474. H. C. Bhayani, Sabda-Parisilan (in Gujarati), 1973 (the note on bhavadvu, bhavai, bhavaiyo, pp. 69-76).

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9. THE CHARACTER OF AKSIPTIKA 1. In the beginning of the Pravesaka of the fourth Act of Kalidasa's Vikramorvasiya before the actual entrance of Sahajanya and Citralekha on the stage, there is a verse (1937-Af&-fa377an etc.) which heralds the entrance of the characters and which is to be sung backstage. Technically this verse is Pravesiki Dhruva.1 The stage directions following this verse are as follows : sahajanyA-citralekhayo: prAvezikI AkSiptikA / tataH pravizati sahajanyA citralekhA ca / Similarly after the Pravesaka and before the entrance of Pururavas, we have the Pravesiki Dhruva of Pururavas (TIE etc.) followed by the following stage directions ; purUravasaH prAvezikI AkSiptikA / tataH pravizatyAkAza baddha-lakSyasonmAdo rAjA / The problem is why these Pravesiki Dhruvas are called Aksiptika ? What is the meaning of that term ? 2. Konesvara in his commentary on the Vikramorvasiya explains Aksiptika as follows : sahajanyA citralekhayoH prAvezikImAkSipatItyarthaH / tathA ca evamAkAreNa te praveza kariSyata iti sUcitam / Similarly later : gelaa: gastatai Efe*uferhiferadicet: i gat Hal grafateht I (p. 284). From these explanations we gather that the entrance Dhruvas in the above two cases are called Aksiptika because they indicate (aksip) the appearance, manner etc. of the character just to enter. 3. Ranganatha, in his commentary on the Vikramoryasiva characterizes Aksiptika as a kind of song (giti) and cites its definition from Bharata as follows? :

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The Character of Aksiptika caJcat puTAditAlena mArga-traya-vibhUSitA / AkSiptikA svara-pada-grathitA kathitA budhaiH // 81 From these two accounts we understand that a Dhruva is called Aksiptika if it describes the appearance of a character and is sung in a particular manner with a particular Tala. Bhoja gives Aksiptika as one of the six varieties of the Sabdalamkara called Sravya. He defines it as follows : abhidhitsita - rAgavizeSa-prayoga mAtra phalaM vacanamAkSiptikA / (Sarasvatikanthabharana under II. 140-141) This means that in an Aksptika song the words have no more function than to serve as a base for the particular Raga that is to be sung. What is aimed at is a musical composition and not a poetic composition. Bhoja has given a illustration of Aksiptika. It is an Apabhramsa verse which prays to the goddess Mahalaksmi, describing the beauty of her features. her power and her blessedness'. verse as an Now several facts are noteworthy in Bhoja's treatment of Aksiptika. He does not connect or confine it to the drama. The illustration given by him is a Stuti of Mahalaksmi. Moreover, he' mentions and defines Aksiptika and Dhruva separately as two of the six varieties of Sravya. On the basis of the above given data Raghavan has attempted to ascertain the precise nature, and character of Aksiptika. Bhoja's six varieties of Sravya are Asis, Namaskriya, Vastunirdesa, Nandi, Aksiptika and Dhruva. Raghavan thinks that these kinds of Sravya Sabdalamkara pertain to drama only and have little to do with poetry. Nandi and Dhruva are clearly associated with drama and the same may apply to the other varieties. Moreover. Aksiptika, from its only two known occurrences in the Vikramorvasiya, is actually seen to be connected with the Pravesiki Dhruva in the drama. But this view of Raghavan has to face several difficulties. Raghavan finds it rather difficult to account for the illustration

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Literary and Performing Arts of Aksiptika given by Bhoja. Moreover Bhoja clearly says that these varieties of Sravya are Sabdalankaras because in their case the verbal text is primarily neither for visually presenting and seeing, nor for reciting and listening; but it is basically for singing and musically responding. Neither Konesvara, nor Ranganatha, nor Bhoja confine the Sravya to the drama. Consequently Raghavan is constrained to think that Bhoja's Aksiptika was different from Ranganatha's. It seems that Aksiptika was a musical piece. Its verbal text indicated some features of the person which was its subject (hence the name Aksiptika) and it was sung in a particular musical mode with a paiticular Tala. It could be used in drama or poetry. In Vikramorvasiya Act IV two Pravesiki Dhruvas are called Aksiptika because the verse contains description of the entering character. In Uddyotanasuri's Prakrit Katha-work Kuvalayamala (779 A. D.) there is a passage giving vivid poetic description of the characteristic atmosphere and acrivities of the evening in a city:3 At one place therein are described diverse modes of the offering of prayer and worship in the temples, shrines and sanctums of different deities and in the quarters of pious men : Cracking sounds of offerings and sacrificial wood being burnt in sacrificial pandals; of sombre Vedic chants in the Brahmanasalas; of charming Aksiptika manahara-akkhittiyageyaim) in the temples of Rudra; of bells and Damarus from the residences of Kapalikas; of beating of puffed up cheeks in the ascetic cloisters; of tabours and hootings in the street sactums of Siva; of the recitation of the Bhagavadgita in the Avasathas; of hymns and prayers in the Jain temples; of the recitation of sayings suffused with compassion in the Buddhist Viharas; the ding-dong of huge bells rung in the Durga temples; the cries and cackles of peacocks, cocks and sparrows in the Karttikeya temples; and the notes of women's songs and beating of drums in (other) lofty temples." Here Aksiptika is referred to as beautiful musical compositions (geya) sung during the evening prayer offered in the Siva temples.

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"The Character of Aksiptika 83 We have also a second reference to Aksiptika in the Kuvalayamala. A Yaksa girl is described as singing Aksiptika during her worhsip of the image of Arhat Rsabha (i. e. the first Jaina Tirthamkara) (Kuvalayamala, p. 116, 1. 11)5. It also gives the actual verse that was sung. The verse describes the holy feet of the Jina. (11. 18-19). These eighth century references are important for showing that Aksiptika was used for prayers (Stutis and Stotras) by Saivas and Jainas. We saw that Bhoja's illustration of Aksiptika is a prayer to Mahalaksmi. If we can find some more literary references to Akasiptika, they may shed further light on its character. Notes 1. See Raghavan, 1963, pp. 370-371; 604-606. 2. Raghavan, 1963, p. 606. Raghavan says that the definition is not from the text of Bharata's Natyasastra as it is known to us to-day. 3. Kuvalayamala, pp. 82. 31 to 83. 2) 4. Dajjhira-tila-paya-samihA-taDattaDA-saddaI janna-maDavesu, gabhIra-veya-paDhaNa-ravaI baMbhaNa sAlAsu, maNahara-askhittiyA-geyaI rudda-bhavaNesu, galla-phoDaNa-ravaI dhammiya-maDhesu, ghaTA-Damaruya-saddaI kAvAliya-gharesu, toDahiyA-pukkariyai caccara-sivesu, bhagavagIyAguNana-dhaNIo AvasahA(?he)su, sabbhUya-guNa-raiyaI thui-thottai jiNaharesu, eya'takaruNA-NibaddhatthaI vayaNaI buddha-vihAresu, cAlira-mahalla-ghaTA-khaDahaDao kohajjAgharesu, sihi-kukkuDa-caDaya-ravaI chammuhAlaesu, maNahara-kAmiNI-gIya-murava-ravaI tuga-deva-gharesu tti| 4. The edited text calls the verse Duvai-khamdalaya. (Dvipadi khandaka), but the Ms. P, reads akkhittiya i. e. Aksiptika) in its place. Duval (Dvipadi) characterizes the metre of the verse, while Aksiptika indicates its specific musical mode of singing.

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84 Literary and Performing Arts Reference Works Kalidasa, Vikramor vasiya, ed. H. D. Velankar, 1961. Konesvara, Konesvari ed. H. D. Velankar, Annals of B.O.R.I; XPXVIII, iii-iv, 1957 (1958), 225-29. Raghava:), V; Bhoja's Srigaraprakasa, 1963. Uddyotana-suri, Kuvalayamalo, Part-I. ed. A. N. Upadhye, 1959. Postscript : Sarngadhara's Sangitaratnakara, chapter 2, has treated numerous Aksiptikas, giving their illustrations and D. R. Widdess has discussed these in his Ph. D. Theses 'Early Indian Musical Forms, A Study of Examples in Notation from Sources c. 600-1350 (Cambridge, 1980), chapter V, entitled 'Aksiptika songs from the Sangitaratnakara'. I tam hankful to Dr. Widdess for making avail-- able to me that chapter.

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9. THE DHAYALA SONGS In Prakrit Apabhramsa and Post-apabhramsa Traditions 1. The Earlier Prakrit Dhavalas. There is some evidence to trace back the beginning of the Prakrit Dhavala songs to the first century of the Christian era on account of some references found in manuals of prosody. According to Sch. VIII 18 (end of the 9 th cent.), Salahana i.e. Satavahana had composed in quantity many types of Dhavalas. Under Ch. It 32 Hemacandra also remarks that one can get examples of various types of Dhavalas from the epigrammatic compositions (ukti) of Satavahana. He further states that he himself has aimed at giving just some idea of the Dhavala, not an exhaustive treatment. If we take this Satavahana to be the same as the author of the famous Prakrit poetic anthology Gahakosa or Saptasataka, who is assigned to the first or second century A. D., his Dhavalas could be only in the Maharastri Prakrit. It is true that Svayambhu and Hemacandra have treated the Dhavala under the section on Apabhramsa metres and their remarks about Satavahana's Dhavalas appear as a concluding observation of their definition and illustration of the Dhavala. But Apabhramsa arose a few centuries after Satavahana. We can possibly reconcile this situation by assuming that the Apabhramisa Dhavala in its metrical form was a continuation of the earlier Prakrit Dhavala. It is significant to note here that in VJS. II 8-9 Virahanka (c. 8th cent.) mentions Salahana as a recognised authority on the treatment of the Dvipadi and the Dhavala. Like Hela, Avali, Manjari, Vilasini, Dvipadi and a few other metres, Dhavala was used in Prakrit as well as in Apabhramsa poetry. We have, however, no actual specimen of the early Prakrit Dhavala. If it served as a model for the Apabhramsa Dhavala. we can assume that it also was a type of short popular lyric-a festive song or a panegyric.

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Literary and Performing Arts: 2. Dhavalas in the Apabhramsa prosodic tradition. Several manuals of Prakrit prosody have defined, described and illustrated Dhavala.1 The information they give obviously derives from a common source, granting that there is some difference in details. All the manuals treat Dhavala under the Apabhramsa section and all the illustrations of the Dhavala are in Apabhramsa. This indicates that these Prakrit prosodists knew Dhavala as a characteristically Apabhraisa composition-type. The following account is based on Sch., Chs., Ch., Chk. and KD. The Dhavala composition is so called because it characteristically describes some eminent person under the guise of or in. terms of dhavala, i.e. "a white bull of excellent breed". This means that Dhavalas are Anyoktis (symbols of the person who is described, metaphorical poems) in respect of their thematic structure. Secondly a Dhavala can be eight-lined, six-lined or four-lined.. The structure and names of the varieties are as follows: The eight-lined Dhavala Structure (1) a,c : 4+4+4 + 2 Matras Name: Source Sch. IV 17 Ch. V 34 b, d, f, h : 4 + 4 + 4 e, g, : 4 + 4 + 3 (or f, h : 4+4 + 2) Che. 22 Ch. V 34 Ch. V 33 (borrowed at Chk. !I 34) Yasodhavala Sridhavala (2) a, c, e, g, : 4 + 4 + 4 + 2 b, d, f, h : 4+4+4 (odd lines rhyming with even lines) Name The six-lined Dhavala Structure (1) a, d : 6 + 6 + 6 b, e: 6 + 6 c, f: 6 + 6 + 4 or 5 Source Sch. IV 18

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The Dhiavala Songs 87 Kirtidhavala a, d : 6+6+ 2 b, e: 4 + 4 c, f : 6 + 6 + 4 or 5 (a rhymes with c and d rhymes with f) Ch. V 35 Chs 23 Chk II 32 Name The four-lined Dhavala Structure (1) a, c : 6 + 4 + 3 b, d: 6+4 a, c: 6 + 4 + 4 b, d : 6 + 4 + 4 + 2 or 3 Bhramaradhavala Source Sch. IV 19 Chs. 25 Ch. V 37 Chs. 24 Ch. V 36 Ch. V 38 Gunadhavala Amaradhavala (3) a, c: 6+ 4 + 3 b, d: 6 + 4 + 4 It appears from the above that the distribution of varieties for each of the three types in our three sources is as follows : Svayambhu : 1, 1, 1 Rajasekhara : 1, 1, 2 Hemacandra : 2, 1, 3 Svayambhu does not name the varieties. Rajasekhara names one variety as Bhramaradhavala. Hemacandra gives a name for each of the six varieties he treats. In this matter KD follows Hemacandra. Hem acandra has illustrated all the varieties with his own compositions. Of the two illustrations given by KD., one is borrowed from Ch, and the other is patterned after the corresponding illustration in Ch. All the metrical authorities tell us that besides the specific metres of eight, six and four lines (as described above), other metres were also used to compose Dhavala. Sch. IV 21 says that Dhavala and Mangala compositions were named after whatever metre in which they were composed. The anonymous Sanskrit quotations given by Chs. Ch. and KD. tell us that Dhavalas

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88 Literary and Performing Arts composed in metres like Utsaha, Hela, Vadanaka, Aaila etc. are known as Utsaha-dhavala, Hela-dhavala etc. KD. following Chk. adds Rasayalaya-dhavala and Dohaka-dhavala to the list. Of the six Dhavalas composed by Hemacandra as illustrations, only two, viz. V 35. 1 and V 36. 1 are Dhavalanyoktis--i.e. their mode of description is to praise a servant of unflinching devotion to his master and of indomitable spirit, under the guise of a strong white bull, who successfully pulls a huge load over a difficult track. The rest of the illustrations describe the great fame, glory and favour of a king. The Dhavala illustration at KD. II. 32.1 describes the fame of Yasoghosa-suri. This suggests that besides being in the form of a Dhavalanyokti, a Dhavala can be straightaway a panegyric for some eminent person. To sum up the information we get from the Prakrit prosodists ; Dhavala was a short one-stanza poem. Its language was usu Apabhraisa, but earlier Prakrit Dhavalas were also known. It was eight-lined, six-lined or four-lined. These typical (and probably earlier) Dhavalas had specific, exactly defined Matra structures prescribed for each of the three types. But there were other kinds of Dhavalas for which various popular Matra metres were used. This rules out the use of some specific metre or metres as a defining characteristic of Dhavala. The name and the definitions based thereon point to a thematic criterion : Dhavalas praise some great person under the guise of a white bull of good breed. This means that characteristically, Dhavalas are Anyoktis. But the prosodists have given such illustrations of Dhavalas also which praise a person without using the symbol of a white bull. The numerous and varied Dhavalas written by Satavahana were famous as models. 3. Dhavalas in the Prakrit-Apabhramsa poetic tradition. In several Prakrit and Apabhramsa texts we come across a few actual examples of the Dhavala. In the tale of Sthanu and Mayaditya illustrating the evil consequences of practising deceit (maya), inserted in Uddyotana's

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The Dhavala Songs 89 Kuvalayamala (779 A. D.), a Campu in Prakrit, Sthanu is described as hearing a Dhavala-Duvahaya sung by a Gurjara wayfarer while he was spending the night in a temple. The verse runs as follows: jo navi vihure vibhajjanau, dhavalau kad dhai bharu, so gotthangana--mandanau, sesau vya jam saru (p. 59. 1.5).2 "That white bull who does not break down in a catastrophic situation, but pulis the burden through, is the ornament of the herd-station. The rest of the bulls are worthless". This verse consoled Sthanu who was down with the grief of his friend's disappearance. It is in Apabhramsa in the form of a Dhavalanyokti. The metre is Dola. Uddyotana designates it as Dhavala-Duvahaya (p. 59, 1.4), which is almost identical with the designation Doha-Dhavala as laid down by the Prakrit prosodists. It is also significant that the Dhavala. Duva haya was sung by 2 Gurjara wayfarer i.e a native of the then Gurjara-desa in Western Rajasthana. In the Prakrit anthology Vajjalagga3 to be dated possibly in c. 10th century A. D., a whole section (no. 18) relates to Dhavala. It is called Dhavala-vajja. It contains seven Gathas (no. 179 to 185). All of them are Dhavalanyoktis. They praise the native dependability of the white bull to successfully pull the burden against all odds and even at the cost of his life. This shows that there was a tradition of composing Dhavalas in Prakrit in the Gatha metre. Vira's Jambusamicariu, an Apabhramsa Sandhibandha on the life of Jambu written in 1020 A.D., has seven Dhavalas. All of them are Prakrit Gathas (Jambusamicariu VII 6 1-7). Of these the first is similar to Vajjalagga 182. So it is quite likely that some of the rest may have been borrowed from earlier sources. Most of these verses contrast the great merits of the white bull with the worthlessness of a lazy bull. The sixth verse is the source of one of the two Apabhramsa Dhavalas cited by Hemacandra in his Grammar (see below).

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90 Literary and Performing Arts In Heinacandra's Grammar5 we find that two Dohas cited as illustrations are Dhavalanyoktis. Hemacandra IV 340 (2) is an Apabhramsa rendering of Jambusamicariu VII 6 6. IV 421 contrasts the strength of the white bull with the laziness of bad bulls. These examples show that from the eighth to the twelfth century there was a continuous tradition of composing Dhavalanyoktis in Prakrit and Apabhramsa, and for these Dhavalas the metres that were used were the Gatha (in Prakrit) and Doha (in Apabhramsa). 4. Dhavalas in the post-Apabhramsa literatures. There is hardly any Apabhramsa poem which does not refer to the singing of Dhavala and Mangala songs in its description of festive Occasions like marriage, birth of a son, triumphal return of a prince, the Diksa ceremony of a Jain monk or the ceremonial welcome accorded to him etc. This literary convention continues throughout the period of the Old Gujarati literature, in which the stock descriptions of such occasions invariably mention the singing of Dhavalas and Mangalas. Some Sanskrit narratives written in Gujarat and other regions of Western India during the centuries around 1000 A.D., also refer to the singing of Dhavala and Mangala on festive occasions like marriage Hemacandra's Trisasti salakapurusacaritra, while describing Rsabhadeva's wedding, mentions singing of Dhavalas and Mangalas along with other ceremonies and customs which evidently reflected the then prevalent popular traditions of Gujarat. Hemacandra has given there two actual Dhavala songs. One was sung at the time of the reception of the groom at the gate of the marriage pandal (I 2, 835-840). More interestingly another one, a special variety of Vivaha-dhavalacalled Kautuka-dhavala (I. 2, 854-862) was sung for lampooning the best man, and mocking at his greediness for sweets etc.

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The Dhavala Songs Quite obviously these songs were Sanskrit versions of some actual marriage songs current in the contemporary popular dialect. The refrain of this Kautuka-dhavala is a tell-tale evidence for this. This kautuka-dhavala is the earliest precursor of the phatana songs sung currently during traditional wedding in Gujarat. Women on the side of the bride's and the bridegroom's party compete in humorous lampooning of the opposite side by means of traditional and improvised songs, which sometimes do not shun even coarse or bawdy expressions. 91 The account of the Dhavala in the literatures of the Indian regional languages is a vast subject and I can do here little more than touching a few broad points and features. Further, my observations are confined to the Gujarati and Rajasthani literatures. The rich tradition of the Marathi Dhavalas deserves a separate treatment. The Dhavala in the traditional Gujarati and Rajasthani literatures is a song, a panegyric, in praise of a person for whom some ceremonial occasion is being celebrated. Wedding songs constitute a special class of Dhavalas, and the Dhols sung in the Vallabhaite Vaisnava sect make up another class. Frequently the Dhavalas occur as wedding songs within a narrative poem, but there are independent compositions also called Dhavala. The type of poems known as Vivahalo in Old Gujarati describes the wedding of the hero, and either these poems contain a Dhavala song or they are synonymous with the latter. At times the marriage described is not real but allegorical: a hero going to the battle front or someone to be initiated as a monk in the Jain order is praised in terms of a bridegroom in the Dhavala song10. The Vaisnava Dhos are in praise of Krsna, or of some Vallabhaite Acarya, or even of a sacred place personified e.g. the Yamuna river. In the later tradition, which continues till today, the term Dhol came to be loosely used even for poems about some episode in the life-account of a Puranic character or for those preaching worldly renunciation. In his paper referred to earlier (see n. 6), Agarchand Nahta has given information about the general characteristics and function

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Literary and Performing Arts of the Jain Dhavalas in Gujarati and Rajasthani literatures. Besides reproducing Hemacandra's definitions and illustrations of various types of Dhavalas, he has noted several Old Gujarati-Rajasthani Dhavalas composed from the thirteenth to the seventeenth century, e.g. Jinapati-suri-dhavala, Antaranga-vivaha-dhao, Kayavanna-dhao, Neminatha-dha', Ardra-kumara-dhao, Rsabhadeva-dhavala-bandharivahalo, Santinatha-vivahalo. He has also noted Dhauls like those relating to Una and Savitri currently sung on ceremonial occasions among the the Srimali Brahmin community of Rajasthan. We may add that there are numerous other Early Gujarati Dhavala poems not noted by Nahta. In several of his writings, K. Paramar has given an account of the various aspects of the Dho! as it is current today in the general culture and folk-traditions of Gujarat, and he has published several collections of Dhols especially from the Saurashtra region!2. The scope of the application of the term Dho! (as compared with the carlier Dhavala) has become considerably extended so as to include Puranic and even social themes, and the lines of distinction between Pad, Bhajan, Garbi and Dhol have become blurred*. Abbreviations Ch. = CHk. = Chs. - Hemacandra, Chando`nusasana, ed. H. D. Velankar. Bombay, 1961 (SJS 49). Chandahkandali (known only from references in KD., q.v.). Rajasekhara, Chandahsekhara, in Svayambhucchandas, ed. H. D. Velankar, Bombay, 1962, pp. 129-139. Kavidarpana, ed. H. D. Velankar, Jodhpur, 1962 Svayambhu, Srarambhucchandas, ed. H. D. Velankar, Jodhpur, 1962. Viraharka, Vittajatisamuccaya, ed. H. D. Velankar, Jodhpur, 1962 KD. = Sch. = VJS = * Paper read in the "Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes IVeme Section at the invitation of Prof. Ch. Vaudeville (10. 05. 88).

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The Dhavala Songs 93 Notes 1. See Sch. IV 16, 21; VIII 18; Chk. as cited under KD, IJ 32-1; Ch. V 32-40; KD. II 32, 34: Chs. 22-24 present Sanskrit translation of Sch. IV 16-19. Ch. V 32 ], and y. 81 under KD. II 32 reproduce Sch. IV 16. The two Sanskrit verses giving the thematic characterization and the mode of naming of Dhavala, which are given. anonymously at Chs. 27-28 are also found cited at Ch. V 40 1-2 and at KD. 82-83 (under II 32-1). 2. Uddyotana Suri's Kuvalayamala, ed. A. N. Upadhye. Part 1. Bombay 1959. (SJS 45). 3. Jayavallabha, Vajjalaggam, ed. M. V. Patwardhan, Ahmedabad, 1969 (Prakrit Text Society Series, 14). 4. Vira. Jambusamicariu, ed. V. P. Jain, Delhi : Bharatiya Jnana pitha, 1968. 5. Hemacandra's Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen (Siddhahemac andram Adhyaya VIII).. herausgegeben von R. Pischel. Leipzig, 1877-1880. Reprint Osnabruck, 1969. 6. See A. Nahta, "Dhavala-samjnak Jain Racanaeni". Bihar Thietar (referred to in his paper mentioned next). Nahta has discussed Dhavala in some of his other writings also. See for example "Pracin Bhasa kavyo ki Vividh Samjnaem". Nagaripracarini-pratrika, 58, 4 (V. S. 2011 = 1955 A. D.), p. 426. Sk. Pk. dhavala changes to dhaula, dhula and then to dhol in Gujarati and to dhaul in Rajasthani. 7. For example, four Dhulas in Karmana's Sitaharana, published in F. H. Dhruva, Pamdar-ma Satak-nam Prucin Gurjar kavya, Ahmedabad, 1927. 8. Nahta, Kapadia and others have discussed Vivahalo. See A. Nahta's works cited in note 6; also A. Nahta's and H. Kapadia's articles in Jain Satyaprakasa, Vol. 11, 12, 13, 14; A. Nahta in Proceedings of the All India Oriental Conference, Ahmedabad, 1953; M. R. Majmudar, Gujarati Sahityceny Sarupo: Padya-Vibhag. Vadodara. 1954. pp. 364-374.

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Literary and Performing Arts 9. For example the Sarasvati-dhaula in Bharatesvara-Bahubalirasa, st. 142, 144, 146, 148, 150, 152. 94 10. For example the Antaranga-dhavala referred to by Nahta in his paper on Dhavala (note 6). 11. See F, Mallison, "Les chants Dhola au Gujarat et leur usage pour la devotion Vallabhaite", Bulletin de 1 'Ecole Francaised 'Extreme-Orient, 75. 1986. 79-103. 12. See especially K. Paramar (ed.), Dholmangal, Ahmedabad, 1974.

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10. THE TARANA MODE OF SINGING : ITS ORIGIN 1. The mode or style of singing known as Tarana in the tradition of the North Indian Classical music is generally supposed to be of late origin. This view is based on such accounts as we find in the Aini-Akabari, which gives credit to Amir Khusarau for introducing the Tarana type of desi songs. It seems, however, that the students of the history of Indian Classical music have paid little attention to this problem. There is more than enough evidence to show that the Tarana is quite indigenous, and its roots, like those of many other aspects and elements of our current Classical music, go probably as far back as the early centuries of the Christian era. 2. We begin with a cursory account of what is said in the old texts about Tenaka, Tenna or Tenna. A number of musicological texts in Sanskrit refer several times to a Giti or Prabandhanga variously called Tenna, Tenna, Tena, Tenaka etc. Thus (i) Matanga's Bihaddesi refers to tenna (VI 407) and tenaka (VI 417, 506). In VI 406, 43, 507, 509 and probably in VI 414 also we have to emend tentaka or tenata of the text as tennaka.1 (ii) There are numerous references to Tennaka (Tenna, Tena) in Somesvara's Manasollasa, written in 113 A. D. See for example, IV, XVii 339, 369, 390, 395, 398, 400, 402, 404, 556. (iii) Sangitaratnakara has defined Tena or Tenaka at IV 12-13, 17-18 as one of the six structural constituents or limbs (anga) of a musical Prabandha. Tena is also referred to at IV 182, 246, 266, 272, 277, 278 and 285 as an anga occuring in the recital of particur Prabandhas. 1. The Trivandrum text of the BThaddesi is corrupt at numerous places. It requires to be carefully reedited.

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96 Literary and Performing Arts (iv) In his Bharatakosa, M. Ramakrishna Kavi has cited definitions and explanation of Tenna from the musicological manuals of Haripala, Raghunatha and Somesvara. (v) Subhankara has enumerated in his Sangitadamodara twenty varieties of Pure Song, each of which is said to have six Angas. One of the Angas is called tendaka, for which a variant reading tenna is recorded. (vi) Konesvara in his commentary on Kalidasa's Vikramorvasiya explains Tena giti with the help of some earlier authorities. 3. The Bharatakosa explains Tenna as a Prabandhanga. From the definitions given from Haripala and others we gather that (i) It was a mode of singing Sanskrit and Prakrit songs. (ii) In that mode a Raga was sung using only its characteristic Svaras and the word tenna or tena. (iii) The use of the syllables tena was auspicious and conducive to welfare, because tat (as in the famous Mahavakya tattvamasi) was equivalent to Brahman or alternatively, to Hara, Hari and Brahma. Consequently using the syllables tenna (tennakara) in singing and tatta (tattakara) in the performance. of a Tala were bestower of prosperity. The Sangitaratnakara and its commentaries too connect tena with the tat of the Mahavakyas like Om tat sat and tat tvam asi, and emphasize its auspicious character. 4. According to the Sahitya Akademi edition of Kalidasa's Vikramorvasiya (edited dy H. D. Velankar), the 12th verse (i. e. gaidhummaia etc.) of the fourth act is, as per the stage-direction, a Carcari song. At the end of the verse the stage direction reads: tena nartitva. The obvious meaning is that Pururavas performs here a dance expressive of the meaning and sentiment of the preceding Carcari song. But there is slight difficulty. Grammatically we expect here the form taya referring to Carcari (feminine) instead of tena (masculine/neuter). The commentator Konesvara has offered quite a novel interpretation of this stage-direction. He seems to rend tenona instead of tena, because he explains the stage-direction

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The Tarana Mode of Singing 97 thus: "Having performed a dance based on the Tena mode of singing (tena-gitil-nartanam vidhaya). He then explains and defines the Tena as follows, citing several authorities in dramaturgy: (i) Tena is a particular niode of singing using just syllables te and na. (ii) Matrgupta says that by employing the Tena mode of singing on the dramatic stage, one reaches the abode of Visnu. The Gods Vayu, Brahma, Hara and Ananta are also propitiated, because in the syllables tena the sound t represents Vayu, e Brahma, n Siva and a Visnu. (iv) The commentary of Sahasanga (? Sahasanka) says that the Tena is to be used along with the Dhruva. (v) Because it has an auspicious character, the Tena is to be usually performed in the beginning of the Nandi, but it is seen to have been also used along with the Dhruva in many other places in the drama. 5. The 48th Canto (Samdhi) of the Paumacariya, an Apabhramsa. epic on the Jain version of the Ramayana narrative that was written by Svayam bhu in the ninth century A. D., describes how Hanumat defeated successively Asali, Vajrayudha and Lankasundari, who guarded the fort of Larka. Each of the fifteen sections (Kadavaka) of that Canto opens with a fourlined Dhruvaka in the Jambhettiya metre, and at the end of every second and fourth line of the Dhruvaka (each of which is again divided into two equal parts), there is given tena tena tena cittem as the refrain. This obvioudy indicates that the opening stanza of all the fifteen. Kadavakas was to be sung also in the Tena mode. 6. From all this it is quite clear that in the Tena-giti, the particular Raga was to be sung without using any other verbal text except the repeated syllables tena, tena or tenna. Now we know that in the Tarana style tana, tena, terena, derena etc. are among the most customary syllables used. The above-given description and characteristics of the Tena force us to conclude that basic it had the same form and function as the Tarana. As

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Literary and Performing Arts the Brhaddesi shows, the Tena mode was in vogue for various musical Prabandhas and this finds support also from Subhankara's manual referred to earlier. In the later dramatic practice, a convention developed according to which the Tena mode was to be used for singing the Dhruva in the opening Nandi of the drama, but from onesvara's remark it is clear that the Tena was used at other places also in the drama. It is but natural that over the centuries some minor changes and variations might have been developed in the Tena style (e. g. use of various other syllables besides te and na). 98 7. The form tenna, with interpolation of r in the first syllable would give the form trenna. In Prakrit and Apabhramsa some words came to be pronounced with an r interpolated in the initial syllable. Hemacandra has noted it for Apabhramsa (Siddhahema, VIII iv 399; abhuto'pi kvacit). Hindi, Gujarati and other New Indo-Aryan languages also have some words with an interpolated r in the first syllable. Note for example Sanskrit koti, Prakrit kodi, Hindi, Gujarati karod 'crore'; Sk. sapa, Hindi sarap, Guj. frap; Sk. sana, Pk. sana, Guj. saran, etc. trenna, thus derived from tenna, later changed to tarena, or tarana. South Indian thillana also derives from the same source. 8. Lastly I may draw attention to an occurrence of Tenna in a very interesting context. In the third Kadavaka of the 34th Samdhi of Svayambhu's Paumacariya (referred to above), in the description of Indra's extraordinary pomp and glory, it is said that Haha, Huhu, Tumburu, Narada, Tejja and Tenna served Indra as his court musicians. Thus it seems that by the ninth century, Tenna was believed to have been a divine female singer in a troupe which performed at the celestial court of Indra and which included such esteemed mythical figures as Haha, Huhu, Tumburu and Narada. Regarding the remaining member Tejja, we are completely in the dark. But the pair of Tejja and Tenna reminds us of the legendary singers Tana and Riri, the two sisters supposed to have flourished at Vadnagar in Gujarat and helped Tanasena in a critical situation.

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*The Tarana Mode of Singing 99 To conclude, the evidence presented here shows that the Tarana is unquestionably of indigenous origin and throughout the long history of our Classical music, it has been a current and well-known mode of singing. References Matanga, Behaddesi, ed. by K. Sambasiva Sastri, Trivandrum Sanskrit Series No. 94. Somesvara, Manasollasa, ed. by G. R. Shrigondekar, GOS. No. 138, 1961. Sarngadeva, Samgitaratnakara, II, ed. Subrabmanya Sastri and V. Krishnamacarya, Adyar Library Series No. 43, 1959. M. Ramakrishna. Kavi, Bharatakosa, Venkatesvara Oriental Series No. 30, 1951. Subhankara, Sangitadamodara, ed. by G. N. Sastri and G. G. Mukhopadhyaya, Calcutta Sanskrit College Research Series No. 11, 1960. Konesvara, Vikramorvasi-totaka-Viveka, ed. by H. D. Velanker (under the title 'Vikramorvasiya-Konesvari'), Annals (B. O. R. Institute), 38, 3-4, 256-298, 1958. Kalidasa, Vikramorvasiya, ed. by H. D. Velankar, 1961. Svayam bhudeva, Paumacariya, ed. by H. C. Bhayani, Singhi Jain Series No. 34, 36, 1953, 1960.

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12. SOME EARLIEST LITERARY REFERENCES TO THE SARANGT It appears that the Sargitaratnakara of Sarrigadeva, composed in the first half of the thirteenth century A.D., is the earliest musicological work to mention the Sarangi as a type of stringed instrument. The Sarangi figures here in a list of some lwenty-one stringed instruments beginning with the Vina.! The relevant line is as follows: N771712 Criat777191-17 91971: 1 Sangitaratnakara, Ilf. 215) Two Prakrit works of Jain Katha (religious narrative) literature contain incidental references to the Sarangi, and these are important in that those works are earlier than the Sangitaratnakara. One of these works is Laksmanagani's Supasanahancariya, composed in 1145 A. D. (1199 V. S.). It contains three references to the Sarangi. In the tale of Manisimha, two Vidyadharis are described as singing in a Jain temple, with Sarangi accompaniment. The relevant verse is as follows: pUiya jiNapaDimAo bhattIe vadiUNa vihisAra / sAraM gIgayageyajjhuNIe gAyati gIyAI // 5 // (p. 132, v. 57) ['Having worshipped the Jina images with devotion and performing vandana with proper ceremony, they were singing songs accompanied by the musical notes of the Sarangi'. ] Further in the same narrative, the musical notes of the Sarangi are said to be drowned in the bustle created by the crowd of Vidyadhara-s rushing in for worship : to teNa kalayaleNa sAraM giravammi avalavija te / 43A12 40 729 as 72' ll soll v. 60.),

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Literary References to the Sarangi [As that bustle was drowning the notes of the Sarangi, they moved to the shrine of Padmavati and continued to sing there'.] In the third reference, it is said that when the two Vidyadhari-s saw the extremely handsome Vidyadhara princess, Sena and Visena, they were so wonderstruck that the Sarangi-s dropped from their hands.3 tAo-vi tANa svaM picchatIo tahAhayA taNa / sAra gIo karAo paDiyAu-vi jaha na ceyati // 64 // (1,64) ['They, too, gazing at their handsome form were so struck by it that they were not even conscious of the Sarangi-s dropping from their hands.') Another similar work of Jain religious tales takes the Sarangi still a century earlier. There are two references to the Sarangi in Jinesvarasuri's Kathakosaprakarang. composed in 1052 A. D. (1108 V. S.). The first reference occurs in a passage describing a dance performance in the tale of Surasena, illustrating the religious merits of Jina worship. The relevant verse is as follows: vINA-tisariya-sAra giyAisa mIsakAgalIgIya / gijjai veNuravA-vi hu ucchalai tadatarAlemu // (Kathakosaprakaranu, p. 30, 1-30) ["Kakali song, blended with the notes of the Vina, Trisarika, Sarangi etc., was sung. The notes of flute, too, shot up intermittently through these notes'.] The second reference occurs in the tale of Simhakumara, illustrating the religious merits of singing a hymn to the Jina. The concerned passage4 is otherwise also quite important in the context of the history of the science of music. While classifying various types of music, the Sarangi is mentioned among the stringed instruments as follows: faayazit'azz' I ' l-a'fa-Agit, au-Ach, 94-ATY' 71 tattha tati-samuttha vINa-tisarI-sAra giyAi aNemavihaM /

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102 Literary and Performing Arts [Gandharva (melodic music) originates from three sources as follows: from a string, from a bamboo, from a human being. Of these, that which originates from a string is of several types, for instance produced by the Vina, Trisari, Sarangi, etc.) Foot-notes : 1. The Sangitaratnakara gives a detailed description of various musical instruments in Chapter Six, but the Sarangi finds no mention there. The afore-mentioned reference to the Sarangi is duly given in the Index to Vol. II. 2. Attention to this was drawn by me in the 'Quartely Journal of the National Centre for the Performing Arts, X. I. 1981, pp. 49-50. 3. The Paia-saddamahannavo has noted the word under this reference. 4. This passage is historically important as it touches upon some well-known topics in the theory of music. It is reproduced in Sanskrit verse by Munisundarasuri in his Jayananda-kevalicarita (composed in c. 1430 A. D.). Its prose recast was made by Padmavijaya in 1802 A.D. Reference Works Sangitaratnakaru of Sarngadeva, Vol. II, edited by S. Subrahmanya Sastri and V. Krishnanacharya, Adyar Literary Series, 43, 1959. Supasanahacariya of Laksmanagani, edited by H, T. Sheth, 1919. Kathakosaprakarana of Jinesrvarasuri, edited by Muni Jinavijaya. Singhi Jain Series, 11, 1949. Jayananda-kevalicarita of Munisundarasuri, 1938 (1933 V. S.)

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13. SOME EARLY LITERARY REFERENCES TO THE RAVANAHASTA The following few notes are meant to supplement the historical information about the stringed musical instrument called Ravanahasta given by Joep Bor.' Incidentally they also will suggest some modification of Bor's observations on the subject. In the Jain version of the Ramayana, Vali, a Vidyadhara ascetic, substitutes Lord Siva in the episode of the lifting of Mount Kailasa by Ravana. According to Vimalasuri's Paumacariya, the earliest available Jain Ramayana, the chastened Ravana apologized to Vali and went to the near-by temples to offer worship to the Jinas. He cut open his arm, drew out the sinews which he used as strings for the Vina he fashioned and played upon to accompany the hymn he started to sing in praise of the Jinas (Paumacariya, IX, 87-89). The date of the Paumacariya is a matter of controversy, but it cannot be later than the sixth century. Accordingly it presents a version which is earlier than that we find in the poems of the Southern Saivaite saints.2 Ravisena's Padmapurana, a Sanskrit recast of Vimalasuri's poem dated 677 A.D., and Hemacandra's Trisastisalakapurusacarita, dated 12th cent. A. D., refer to the Vina fashioned by Ravana on this occasion as bhuja-vina.3 Svayambhu's Paumacariya is an Apabhraisa epic having Ravisena's poem as one of its sources. It is assigned to the fourth quarter of the ninth century. In its version of the episode of Ravana's chastisement by Vali, it describes the worship of the Jinas performed by Ravana with the following details of Ravana's. musical performance on the occasion : After offering the worship Ravana began to sing sweet, enchariting music which had the seven notes, Sadja, Rsabha, Gandhara,

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Literary and Performing Arts Madhyama, Pancama, Dhaivata and Nisada; which was marked by Murchana, Krama, Kampa and the three Gramas; which had the accompaniment of the Ravanahastaka; which had Alamkaras, sweetness of notes, aesthetic charm and sophistication; which had the ascending scale, the descending scale, Sthayin and Sancarin; which was characterized by Tilaka (melody), lower and upper octaves, Tanas and smooth melodiousness; which was like a bow in that it was endowed with jiva (i.e. 1. bowstring. 2. the dominant note).4 104 Two things are noteworthy in this account. Firstly, the instrument providing accompaniment to Ravana's vocal recital, which was called Vina in the earlier sources (which have been also followed in this matter by some later accounts), is called Ravanahastaka. The name obviously derives from the myth of the instrument's creation. Secondly the music offered is not some sort of folk music. It is rather highly cultured and sophisticated music, the same type that has been codified in musicological texts. This means that this Ravanahastaka of the ninth century had already secured a place in the elitist music.5 In another passage of the same text, describing similarly Ravana worshipping the Jina, the former is described as singing a Mangala song6 while playing on the Ravanahastaka (LXXI, vi. 18). In this description of the festival of Jina-worship, the following traditional list of musical instruments is given: Mukunda. Nandi, Mardala, Hudukka, Dhakka, Kahala, Runja, Bheri, Jhallari, Dadikka, Pani-kartari, Dardura, Tala, Sankha, Daunda, Dakka, Tattari, Jhunakka, Bhambha, Jhimkiri, Vavvisa, Vamsa, Kamsyika, Trisari, Vina and Pavika. Svayambhu (and following him, Rajasekhara and Hemacandra) have defined in their manuals of prosody an Apabhramsa metre called Ravanahastaka. It is of the Antarasama Catuspadi type, with each of its half containing 7+ 13 Matras. The metre was generally used for the Ghatta (i.e. the concluding piece) of a Kadavaka (i.e. a verse paragraph) of an Apabhramsa Sandhibandha

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Literary References to the Ravanahasta 105 (i.e. an epic poem).? From the illustration of the Ravanahastaka metre given by Svayambhu, it however appears that the metre was also used for the Dhruvas in the drama. The fact that a particular Apabhramsa metre is called Ravanahatthaya presupposes possibly two things : (1) The legend of Ravana's lifting up of Mount Kailasa (or Astapada for the Jainas) and his fashioning of the peculiar chordophone. (2) AD Apabhramsa poetic composition that used for the first time to describe that episode in a metre that had 7 + 13 Matras in each half. The verse-example given in the Chandonusasana to illustrate the Ravanahastaka metre can be translated as follows :- 'Taking Vina and holding Ravanahastaka in their hands, the gods performed the Samahasta (hand-pose in dancing) on the occasion of the ceremonial bathing of the Jina. Apparently the theme of the verse derives from the description of Ravana'a Jina-worship referred to above. In the Paryaya Commentary on this verse of the Chamlonusasana, the word Ravanahatthaya is explained as follows : rAvaNahastaka: Atodya, yat purA dazAsyenASTApade jinendrANAmagro svahasta79192929 aifea faraleg 391# () 2104 1 This means, 'Ravnahastaka is a musical instrument, which after first plucking out sinews from his own arm, was played by Ravana, on the Astapada in front of the Lords of the Jinas. It has three chords and is........(?).' The second characterizing adjective in the original text, viz. 729* is obscure. Most probably the text here is corrupt. We are not sure if we can emend it as waa'a' ('provided with a gourd') or something similar. The date of the Paryaya commentary is unknown. The manuscript is dated 1659 V. S. i.e. 1603 A.D. Regarding the early references to Sarangi in the Prakrit literature of the Jainas, Bor observes :8 'Apparently the Sarangi played an important role in Jain religious music during the 11th and 12th centuries, and like its modern counterpart, it was used to accompany singing. The fact that it is first mentioned in popular narra

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106 Literary and Performing Arts tives which were written in Prakrit, the language of the masses, seems to indicate that the Sarangi was primarily an instrument of folk and religious music. Here we should point out that the Prakrit works of Jinesvara - suri and Laksamanagani wherein the earliest reference to Sarangi occur, as also the Apabhraisa epic of Svayambhu which is the earliest work mentioning the Ravanahasta, are written in a language which is considerably ornate and stylized. In the matter of sophistication these works cannot be distinguished from the Sanskrit works of their age. The literary Prakrit and Apabhramsa used in these works had long ceased to be the language of the masses'. The occurrence of Sarangi and Ravanahasta in these text cannot be taken as indicating primarily the folk character of those instruments, and we have already pointed out the elitist character of the Jain religious music in which they have been mentioned as figuring. It seems that, although originally they were folk instruments, they later on secured a place in elitist musical performance. Notes 1. The Voice of the Sarangi, pp. 40-47. 2. The Voice of the Sarangi, p. 43. 3. Padmapurana, IX, 176: Trisasti VII, ii. 267. See also Bulcke, pp. 643-644. 4. Svayambhu, Paumacariya, Xill, ix. 8-10; X, 1-3. 5. In the account given, however, in the Trisasti Ravana's sin ging on the occasion is said to be gramaragaramya charming due to the use of the folk melodies', to which he provided accompaniment with the bhuja-vina. (VII, ii, 268). For the Mangala songs see Svayambhucchandas, IV, 20-21: VIII, 30; Chandonusasana, V, 40. 7. See Svayamcucchandas, VI, 13; Chandah sekhara, V. 47; Chan donusasano, Vi, 19.6. 8. The Voice of the Sarangi, p. 51.

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Literary References to the Ravanahasta 107 Reference Works Camil Bulcke, Ram-katha (in Hindi)?, 1962. Joep Bor, "The Voice of the Sarangi,' Quarterly Journal of the National Centre for the Performing Arts, 15, 3-4; 16, 1, 1986-87. Hemacandra, Chandousasana, Singhi Jain Series, No, 49, 1961. Hemacandra, Trisastisalakapurusacarita, The Jain Dharmaprasarak sabha edition. Rajasekhara, Chandahkosa (given at the end of the Svayambhucch andas). Svayam bhu, Paumcariya, Singhi Jain Series, No. 36, 1960. Svayambhu, Svayambhucchandas, Rajasthan Puratan Granthamala, No. 37, 1962 Vimalasuri, Paumacariya, Prakrit Text Series, No. 6, 1962, No. 12, 1968.

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14. JAIN LITERATURE AND PERFORMING ARTS Preliminary Observations Jain literature is a matter of continuous literary activity of some twenty-five hundred years, embracing eight or nine different languages. Apart from its staggering voluminousness, its variety and richness are quite imposing. Other significant facts about it are that much of it (especially the innumerable tales and narratives) relates to the middle and lower strata of society, the subjectmatter has usually been drawn from the ordinary life of people and frequently the treatment is considerably realistic. Quite obviously, therefore, Jain literature can serve as a highly fruitful source of information for all the periods and aspects of Traditional Indian Culturel Even for our present limited purpose, it is a very vast field, demanding a book of several volumes for a systematic account and as such, far beyond the scope of a seminar paper. I will, therefore, delimit the enquiry by excluding technical literature (eg. works on dramaturgy or musicology) or dramatic works in the main tradition by Jain authors, and will confine my observations to three areas, viz., (1) audio-visual presentation of narratives, (2) dramatic types, and (3) songs and music. And there, too, no attempt would be made at any sort of survey2. My endeavour aims only at drawing attention to certain pieces of information gleaned from a few Classical texts, mostly in Prakrit, and showing their importance for the history of performing arts in the Indian Tradition. It will be seen from what follows that the value of the Jain data lies for the most part in supplementing or filling up information gaps in non-Jain sources. 1. Audio-visual Presentation of Narratives We have had a very long tradition, extending over some twenty-five hundred years, of presenting religious narratives in accompaniment with showing of corresponding pictures. 3

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112 Literary and Performing Arts The earliest evidence for this is provided by the Jain canonical literature. Several texts like the Viyahapannatti, Nayadhammakaha and Ovavaiya refer to maikha, a class of wandering beggars, who earned their daily food by showing picture-boards (mamkhaphalaya) to the people4. From later texts like Visakhadatta's Mudraraksasa and Bana's Harsacarita we know that such picture-boards or picture-scrolls (yamapata) depicted punishments in hells suffered by various sinners. The showman also sang verses that narrated the pictorial scenes. If we are to trust the canonical account, the father of Gosala, who was an ascetic associate of Vardhamana Mahayira, was a Maskha. This would suggest that the practice was as old as the sixth century B.C. In a Jain religious tale written in Prakrit in 779 A.D., we find an elaborate poetic description of two such picture scrolls. Uddyotanasuri's Kuyalayamala narrates an episode figuring a teacher who exhibits and describes to a prince two scrolls which he himself had painted. The first scroll depicted the cycle of births and deaths (samsara-cakra), which consisted of countless scenes relating to living beings with their struggles, momentary joys and endless sufferings in the three divisions of the universe, viz., the earth, heavens and hells. The description extends over more than one hundred and fifty verses. What we find here is a poetic elaboration of the prevalent practice of showing the yamapatas. The other picture scrollo, described in the Kuvalaymala, relates to a different theme. It is a religious tale having the identical 'purpose of edifying and inculcating the spirit of renunciation In a passage of more than a hundred verses are described the scenes of struggles and travails of two brothers, extending over their three successive births7. From another Jain work we know that the picture-scrolls were also used to make more spectacular the narration of popular tales. In a Jain religious work Vaddaradhane, written in Kannada in circa tenth century A.D., there is a tale about a picture-showman,

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Jain Literature and Performing Arts 113 who used to show to rice-dealers scrolls depicting scenes from three popular tales. The showman thus kept the dealers absorbed in the show and this gave a free hand to his two abetters to steal rice from the shops! The Jain texts throw light also on the mode of presentation and the actual method of showing the pictures. According to Samghadasa's commentary on the Bihatkalpa-sutra, the picture showman, while pointing at the various scenes on the picture board or scroll, sang story-verses and explained the purport in plain prose. From the Buddhist text Asokavadana, we know that the showman held in his left hand the scroll which was fixed between two bamboo sticks, and pointed at pictures with a pointer held in his right hand. The Jain texts Kuvalayamala and Lilayatisara also record the same method of making audio-visual presentation". 2. Dramatic Types The Classical Indian dramaturgy recognised and described many dramatic types : Ten major types variously designated as Pathya-Preksya, Vakyarthabhinaya or Rupaka, and numerous minor types known as Geya-Preksya, Padarthabhinaya or Uparupaka. In one Jain text we find the earliest specimen of the Rupaka called Utsrstikanka and in another. there is a reference to the types Dima and Vithi. (a) Utsrstikanka or Arka In his Prakrit work Caupannamahapurisacariya, giving the lifeaccount of the fiftyfour Great Men in the Universal History according to Jainism, Silankacarya has given a dramatic composition which forms a part of the biography of Rsabhasvamin, the first Tirthankara10. In the account of the fourth previous birth of Rsabha as king Mahabala, the minister Vimala mati is described als staging a drama before the king with a view to induce him to renovace the world. The drama is called Vibudhananda. It consists

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114 . Literary and Performing Arts of one act only. It has a tragic end. Silanka calls this drama 'Anka'. Nilanjana Shah has shown that the dramatic characteristics of the Vibudhananda clearly establishes it as an instance of the type called Utsrstikanka or Arka, which was counted among the ten major types and was defined by Bharata and others. The importance of the Vibudhananda lies in the fact that it is the one and only specimen of Utssstikanka preserved in the whole range of classical literature and it is fairly early. The Vibudhananda also shares with Bhasa's Karnabhara and Urubhanga the credit of being one of the few dramas having a tragic end. (b) Dima and Vithi Bharata has divided the dramatic types into two classes : robust or forceful (aviddha) and delicate or graceful (sukumara). Dima belonged to the former class and Vithi to the latter12. In a passage in Dhanapala's Tilakamanjari, a Katha in Sanskrit prose written in the first half of the eleventh century, it is said that performers ignorant of the tradition of Dasarupaka (the ten major dramatic types) destroyed the basic quality of a Vithi by staging it in a violent and forceful style (appropriate for the presentation of Vira and Raudra sentiments) as in a Dima, instead of the tender and graceful style (appropriate to the presentation of Stngara)13. Dhanapala's remark can be appreciated if we keep in view the real character of the Vithi: "Vithi was a love-comedy, a mixture of Natika with features of Prahasana grafted on it."14 (c) Some other types The Uparupakas were an ill-defined, open class, with no specimens preserved for us. Dramaturgical literature has handed down a collection of descriptive statements about them, which give the impression of a tradition that was no longer living. The reason for this probably lies in the fact that these dramatic types were mostly dominated by song and dance. The use of verbal text was marginal. Most of them were in Prakrit or its later regional modifications 15.

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Jain Literarture and Performing Arts 115 From Jain narrative works we get a few references to some of these types, suggesting that they were still in vogue at a particular period. Besides, some tests have preserved a few specimens of songs that were used in these dramatic types 16. In Uddyotanasuri's Kuraiayainala, a Katha-work in Prakrit completed in 779 A.D., the hero Kuvalayacandra is described as visiting a residential school (matha) in the Southern city of Vijayapuri, where students from the regions of Lata, Karnata. Malava, Kanyakubja, Golla, Maharastra, Saurastra, Srikaatha and Saimdhava were learning various Sastras, Vijnanas and Kalas. The long list of subjects taught there included Bhanaya, Dombiliya and Siggada among others17. These three are grouped with painting and music. Now from Abhinavagupta and other dramaturgists we know that Bhanaka, Dombilika and Sidgaka were three well-known types of Uparupakas18. The Kuvalayamala. reference to them is the earliest19 known so far. It precedes Abhinavagupta by more than two centuries. Similarly another Jain Sanskrit text, viz., Bthatkathakosa of Harisena, completed in 93132 A.D., refers in one of its illustrative tales20 to five types of dance-dramas called Signataka, Bhani, Chatra, Rasaka and Dumbili, expounded by Bharata. All of these except Chatra are wellknown as Uparupakas. Chatra has been quite unknown so far. But recently I spotted an early reference to it in a Jain Prakrit text, viz., Vasudevahimdi (Madhyama-khanda), written by Dharmasena-gani in the seventh or eighth century A.D.21 We get a third reference to some of the Uparupakas in Jinesvarasuri's Kathakosaprakarana. It is in Prakrit. The work was completed in 1052 A.D. In the tale of Simhakumara, in an interesting passage on musicology, it is said that the Agama type of songs (as against the Desya type) consists of seven types of Siggalas, seven Bhanikas, Bhanakas and Dumbiliyas22. Such varieties of these Uparupakas are not known from any other source. This reference is of the same period as that of Abhinavagupta. It should be noted that Bhanaka, Dombika and Sidgaka are common to all the above given references.

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116 Literature and Performing Arts Lastly, we may note from Jain works a few references to Visakhila and Dattila who were reputed ancient authorities on music, dance and minor 'dramatic' types23. In the Kuvalayamalakatha, already referred to above, a king's royal assembly is dcscribed as attended, among others, by experts in Bharata's Natyasastra and as also in the tradition of Visakhila24. Elsewhere in the same work there is an episode of a royal parrot, who in the course of narrating his autobiography, says that he quickly learnt the theory of Natya and mastered Visakhila (i.e. the musicological work of Visakhila)25. Similarly, in the introductory portion of his great Apabhramsa epic poem Mahapurana, completed in 965 A.D, Puspadanta, foliowing the poetic convention of expressing humility, gives a list of subjects and works about which he says he was quite ignorant. The list includes the works of Dattila. and Visakhila26. These references, too, are notable as pre-Abhinavagupta references. 3. Song Used in the Musical Prabandhas In many of the Classical works on musicology, the section on the musical Prabandhas define and describe a number of Prabandhas. The names of many of the Prabandhas are the same as the names of many well-known Prakrit and Apabhramsa metres. As. has been already pointed out, the same term was used to designate the song, dance, poem and metre in the complex of a performance. Accordingly, the description of metres bearing the same designation as borne by the Prabandhas, throws light on the several aspects of the latter. Works like Brhaddesi, Manasollasa, Samgitaratnakara, Samgitacudamani etc. treat Prabandhas like Arya or Gatha, Kanda, Catuspadi, Carcari, Jhambada, Tribhangi, Dvipathaka, Dvipadi, Dhavala, Mangala, Matrka, Rasaka, Vadana, Vastu, Satpadi and others, and we find these either treated as metres in the prosodical treatises of Svayambhu and Hemacandra or as types of poetical compositions current in Prakrit, Apabhramsa and early regional literatures. It may be significant in this connection to note that I derived the greatest help from metrical manuals for restoring the corrupt passages that are given

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Jain Literarture and Performing Arrs 117 as illustrations of the song-texts for the Prabandhas in Somesvara's Manasollasa.27 (a) The Dhruva Song Various types of Dhruva songs were used in Sanskrit drama23. Conventions about the use of various languages (Prakrits like Sauraseni and Magadhi, Sanskrit, etc.) in the Dhruva are given in the thiry-second chapter of Bharata's Natyasastra. But all the illustrations of the Dhruva given there are in Sauraseni only. The Dhruvas in the Vikramorvasava are either in Maharastri Prakrit or Apabhraisa. This shows that language conventions for the Dhruva changed in course of time. From Bharata's description and illustrations, as also from the later tradition it is quite clear that thematically the Dhruvas were symbolic i.e. they were generally Anyoktis. They referred to a dramatic character under the guise of some animal, natural object etc. There are some indications in a ninth century Jain work on Prakrit prosody that Dhruvas in Apabhramsa were in vogue around that period. In the Siapambhucchandas of Svayambhu (c. 880 A.D.) the illustration of the Antarasama Catuspadi Dhruva29 called Ravanahastaka (VI 13. 1) is a Gaja-Anyokti. It is comparable to Vikramorvasiya, IV 43. The illustration of Makarandika (VI 17, 1) is a Cakravaka-Anyokti. This is comparable to Vikramorvasiya IV. 4. So also Svayambhucchandas, VI 37, 1 is possibly a Varaha-Anyokti and IV 15, 1. a Karabha-Anyokti. (b) The Aksiptika Song From the description given by Bhoja and Ranganatha, we know that Aksiptika was a type of song. We have two references to the singing of Aksiptikas from the Kuvalayamala of Uddyotanasuri30. From these we come to know that this type of songs was popularly sung in the temples of Rudra, Rsabha etc. by Saivas and Jainas. An Aksiptika song is actually given in that text.

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118 Literary and Performing Arts (c) The Carcari Song31 We know that in Sanskrit drama, music, dance and drama? in the Western sense were closely interlaced. The former twoelements were predominant in the minor dramatic types. From Harsa's Ratnavali and other sources, Carcari is known to us as a type of dance connected with the spring festival. On the other hand Bhoja. says it was an alternative name of Natyarasaka which was a type of Uparupaka. In fact from numerous references in Sanskrit and Prakrit literature it is clear that Carcari signified in different contexts (1) a kind of song, (2) a kind of dance, (3) a kind of Tala, (4) a kind of metre, and (5) a troupe singing and dancing. These meanings are evidently interrelated. Carcari as a type of musical or dance performance seems to be closely allied to some other Uparupakas like Rasaka, Hallisaka and Natyarasaka. All of them had, quite palpably, several features in common, so much so that the Alamkara authorities at times have identified any one of them with any other. In fact there has been considerable confusion about the shared and exclusive features of these types-especially in later writings, which had no direct contact wiih a living tradition. Reference to Carcari and Rasaka as musical and dance performances connceted with the festive celebrations at the advent of the spring season are found in numerous Prakrit, Apabhramsa and Old Gujarati narrative and poetical works. Besides this, some actual Carcari or Rasa32 songs are given in several Jain works in Prakrit or Sanskrit. Further, we know some short poems called Carcari from Apabhramsa and Old Gujarati literatures. From an examination of the relevant passages we can conclude that during its long course of evolution Carcari got transformed from a short musical piece accompanying dance to a substantiat poem with some narrative and descriptive content. The connection with the festival and dance also altered substantially, and theoriginal metrical form and structure too changed beyond recognition. The Rasaka types also had the same history.

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Jain Literarture and Performing Arts 119 (d) The Dhavala Song35 Dhavala as a type of song has a continuous life of some two thousand years--from the beginning of the Christian era till today. Svayambhu, and following him, Hemacandra, the two leading authorities on Prakrit and Apabhramsa prosody, have noted a tradition according to which king Hala Satavahana, the famous poet and compiler of the Prakrit verse anthology called Saptasataka (or Gatha-kosa), had composed many Dhavala songs. In later Prakrit and Apabhramsa works like the Kuvalayamala, Vajjalagga, Jambisami-cariya, Siddhahema etc. we find many instances of the Dhavala. Medieval Gujarati, Rajasthani, Hindi and Marathi literatures were rich in the Dhavala (Dhaula) and Mangala types of musical poems written by Jain and non-Jain poets; and up to the present day Dhols are sung in Gujarat as marriage songs and as songs praising Kssna or other deities and sacred persons in the Vaisnavaite and Jain religious traditions. 4. Musicological Data In several Jain texts we find scraps of information that throw light on such musicological subjects as the history of the Tarana36, modes and classification of the Ragas, musical instruments like Sarang 137 and Ravanahastaka. etc. which I have noted elsewhere, Notes 1. It may be observed in this connection that many important Jain Classical texts still remain unedited and unpublished, lying buried in manuscript collections and even for many of those whieh have been published, no translation is available in any modern language. These facts prove to be great handicaps for many who want to utilize them as sources. 2. Kapadia, 1973 gives detailed information about Music, Dance and Drama from Jain Canonical literature, its commentaries and some other works. Kapadia, 1980 similarly presents data

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120 Literary and Performing Arts on musical instruments from similar sources. The latter was reviewed in Bhayani, 1981. 3. This is besides the tradition of presenting epic, Puranic or folktale narratives in sculpture and painting (Hindu, Buddhist, Jain). One of the earliest evidences is supplied by the Jaina Acarya Padalipta's Taramgavai, a romantic tale in Prakrit, written probably in the second century A. D. The original is lost, but we have its two faithful abridgements (not later than tenth century A.D.). In one of the episodes, we are told about a merchant's daughter(the heroine) who, during the Kaumudi Mahotsava, puts forth her canvasses for public display. The picture portrayed scenes from her past birth which were preserved in her revived memory. This motif is frequently found later in the Jain and non-Jain Kathas also e.g. in the story of Lalitanga, in the Nilayasa Lambha of the Vasudevahimdi and in Asaita's Hamsauli in Old Gujarati. 4. Paiasaddamahannavo, s. v. mamkha; Basham, p. 35. For a detailed discussion of this and other references given further, see Bhayani, 1983. 5. Kuvalayamala, I pp. 185-190. 6. Kuvalayamala, I pp. 190-194. 7. The Buddhist text Divyavadana records the practice of narrating Gautama Buddha's life with reference to corresponding pictures. The Kuvalayamala presents here a poetic elaboration of the same. 8. Khadabadi, pp. 25-28; Bhayani, 1980, p. 180. 9. Hemacandra's Kavyanusasana defines a narrative genre, called Akhyana. It was a composition deriving its theme from epics or Puranas and it was presented by a narrator (granthika, Kathaka), through a combination of recitation, singing and acting. But this information Hemacandra has derived from Bhoja's Srngaraprakasa, wherein it is called Akhyanaka and three such Akhyanaka works are named: Govindakhyana, Sambakhyana and Marakhyana. The tradition of the perform

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Jain Literarture and Performing Arts 121 ance of narrative poems is preserved in several regions of India till today. See Raghavan, Bhoja's sungaraprakasa, pp. 619-620, 812-813. 10. Caupannamah apurisacariya, pp. 17-27. 11. Shah, 1982. 12. Raghavan, 1963, p. 585. 13. Kansara, 1970, pp. 552-553. 14. Raghavan, 1963, p. 889. 15. Raghavan, 1963, pp. 545 ff. 16. Raghavan has given information only from the Rajaprasniya, which refers to dance types only. See Raghavan, 1963, pp. 572-74. 17. Kuvalayamala, p. 150. 18. Raghavan, 1963, pp. 546. 547, ff. 566-572, Bhayani, 1969. 19. Kohala is of course known to have been the earliest authority on the minor dramatic types, and quotations from his work occur in dramaturgical literature, but that work is lost. See Raghavan, 1963, pp. 535-536. 20. Byhatkathakosa, 57, v. 105-106. 21. Bhayani, 1985; Bhayani and Shah, 1987, p. 224 (where the female attendants of Princess Kanakavati are described as engaged in the rehearsal of the Chatraka performance : chat taya-payoga-ganana-vavada). 22. Kathakosaprakarana, p. 41. 23. Krisnamachariar. pp. 820-822; Raghavan, 1963, p. 586. 24. Kuvalayamala, p. 16. The editor has misunderstood this as a reference to some authority on warfare. He has also noted Visakhila as an author. 25, Kuvalayamala, p. 123. 26. Mahapurana, I i 9. 27. Bhayani, 1983 (B).

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122 Literary and Performing Arts 28. See Raghavan, 1954, 19; 1963, pp. 370-371; 604-606; Bhayani, 1986. Here some relevant points from the last-mentioned paper are briefly given. 29. This term Dhruva is somewhat different from the Dhruva of the drama. In the Apabhramsa epic the verse which occurred in the beginning of a Canto (Samdhi) and that which occurred (usually in the same metre) at the end of all the sections (Kadavaka) of that canto was called Dhruva, Dhruvaka or Ghatta. 30. Bhayani, 1987; Raghavan, 1963, pp. 370-371, 604-606; Kuvalayamala, I, pp. 82-83, 116. 31. In Bhayani, 1972, I have discussed in detail the character, function and evolution of the Carcari song, and described specimens of these songs so far as I could trace them in Prakrit, Sanskrit, Apabhramsa and Old Gujarati works of the Jain writers. In the present paper, therefore, I have treated the topic briefly. For some other discussions of Carcari see Velankar, 1961, Introduction, pp. 81-85: Sandesara and Thakar, 1962, pp. 132, 133, 134; Jaya Senapati and Raghavan, 1965, pp. 145-146 (text, pp. 218-219); Shah U.P.. pp. 28-48; Tarlekar, 1983 1984), pp. 65-66, 73-74. 32. As a type of poetic composition Rasaka was quite well-known in Prakrit and Apabhramsa literatures, and there are hundreds of Rasas in Old Gujarati. But this Rasa was different from the Uparupaka type of the same name. 33. Similarly in Rajasekhara's Karpuramanjari, a Carcari dance is described partly in Svagata metre, which in structure and rhythm closely resembles the well-known Matra metre called Vadanaka. 34. The information about the metrical structure of Dvipadi given in my paper on the Carcari will supplement observations and discussion in Raghavan, 1963, pp. 560-561. 35. See Bhayani, 1975, pp. 69-71. 36. Bhayani, Forthcoming (1).

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Jain Literarture and Performing Arts 123 37. See Bhayani, 1982. 38. See Bhayani, 1986(1987). Reference Works Basham, A.L., The Ajivakas, 1951 Bhayani H.C., 'On the Uparupakas called Dombika and Siegaka', Vidya, 1969, pp. 1-14. Reprinted in the present collection, pp. 20-33. 'On some Specimens of Carcari', Sambodhi, 2, 1972, pp. 12-35 (Also published in the Journal of the University of Bombay, 1973). Reprinted in the present collection, pp. 34-53 'The Prakrit Poets Hariveddha, Satavahana and ANhyaraja.', Sanskrit and Indological Studies ( V. Raghyan Felicitation Volume), 1975, pp. 61-76. Reprinted in the present colle ction, Part II. Review of Kapadia, 1980, Quarterly Journal of NCPA, 10, Dec. 1981, 55--56. Review of Khadabadi, 1979, Sambodhi, 8, 1979-80, p. 180. Some Earliest Literary References to Sarangi', Quarterly Journal of NCPA, 11, Mar. 1982, pp. 37-38. Citrapat par Adharit Katha-Kathan' (in Gujarati), Gujarat (Dipotsavi Number), 1983 (A) (V.S. 2039), pp. 6-9. "The Prakrit and Desabhasa Passages in Somesvara's Mana sollasa', K. K. Handiqui Felicitation Volume, 1983 (B), pp. 167-77. Reprinted in the present collection, Part II. 'Uparupak Chatra ane Nstta-prakas Calli' (in Gujarati), Samipya, Oct.-Dec., 1985, pp. 166. 123. Translated in the present collection, pp. 54-57. 'About the Dhruvas in Kalidasa's Vikramorvasiya'. Bulletin of the Chunilal Gandhi Vidyabhavan, 1986, pp. 1-5. Reprinted in the present collection, pp. 68-74.

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124 Literary and Performing Arts "The Character of Aksiptika', Bulletin of the Chunilal Gandhi Vidyabhavan, 1987 (A); pp. 22-25. Reprinted in the present collection, pp. 80-84. "Fresh Light on the Tarana Mode of Singing', Pandit Dalsukh Malvania Felicitation Volume (Forthcoming). Reprinted in the present collection, pp. 95-99. Some Early Literary References to Ravanahasta', Journal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda. 36, 1-4, 1986 (1987 issue), 111-114. Reprinted in the present collection, pp. 103-107. Bhayani H. C. and Shah R. M. (Eds.), Vasudevahindi (Modhyama Khanda), 1987. Bhojak, A. M. (Ed.), Caupannamahapurisacariya, 1961. Chaturvijaya Muni and Punyavijaya Muni (eds.), Brhatkalpasutra-bhasya, 1936. Dharmasena-gani, Vasudevahindi (Madhyama-khnda). See Bhayani and Shah, 1987. Harisena. Brhatkathakosa. see Upadhye, 1943. Jain. Jyotindra, "The Painted scrolls of the Garoda Picture Showmen of Gujarat', Journal of NCPA, 9 Sep. 1980, pp. 2-23. Jaya Senapati, Nrttaratnavali, See Raghavan, 1965. Jinavijaya, Muni (Ed.), Kathakosa-prakarana, 1949. Jinesvarasuri, Kathakosaprakarana. 1949, See Jinavijaya Muni. Kansara, N. M., Tilakamanjaria Critical Study, Ph.D. thesis, Gujarat University), 1970. Kapadia, H. R., Samgit, Nrtya ane Natya Sambamdhi Jain Ullekho ane Gramtho (in Gujarati) (English Title: The Jain Records and Works about Music, Dance and Drama), 1973.

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Jain Literarture and Performing Arts 'The Jain Data about Musical Instruments', Journal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda, pp. 263-276, 3, 1954, pp. 186-195, 4, 1955, pp. 372-392. (Reprinted in 'Three Monographs on Music', Indian Musicological Society, 1980, pp. 25-58). Khadabadi, B. K., Vaddaradhane: a study, 1970. Krishnamachariar, M., History of Classical Sanskrit Literature,3, 1974. Puspadanta, Mahapurana. See Vidya, 1937. 125 Raghavan V., 'Music in Ancient Indian Drama', Arts and Letters, 28, 1, 1954 pp. 3 ff.; (also Journal of the Music Academy, Madras, 255, pp. 79-92). Bhoja's Srigaraprakasa, 1963. (Ed.), Nrttaratnavali, 1965. 'Music in Sanskrit Literature', Quarterly Journal of NCPA, 8, March, 1979, pp. 1-11. Sanghadasagani, Brhatkalpasutra-bhasya, See Chaturvijaya Muni. Sandesara, B. J. and Thakar, J. P., Lexicographical Studies in Jain Sanskrit, 1962 (A book-form reprint of articles serially published in the Journal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda, Vol. 8-12, 1959-1963). Shah, Nilanjana, 'Caupannamahapurisacariyantargata-Vibudhananda-Natak Par Ek Najar (in Gujarati), Pharbas Gujarati Sabha Traimasik, 1982, 65-72. Shah, U. P., 'Cacar, Carcari-Ek Adhyayan' (in Gujarati), Svadhyaya, II, 1963, pp. 28-48. Sheth H. T.. Persaddamahannavo2, 1963.

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126 Silankacarya Caupannamahapurisacariya, see Bhojaka, 1961. Tarlekar, G. H., 'Music and Dance in Vikramorvasiya Act. IV', Annals of the B. O. R. I., 1983 (1984), pp. 59-75. Uddytonasuri, Kuvalayamala, see Upadhye, 1959. Upadhye, A. N. (Ed.), Literary and Performing Arts Brhatkathakota, 1943. Kuvalayamala, Part-I, 1959; Part-II (Study), 1970. Vaidya, P. L. (Ed.), Mahapurana, Part-I, 1937. Velankar, H. D. (ed.), Vikramorvasiya, 1961.

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PART II

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1. SOME PRAKRIT VERSES OF PADALIPTA AND THE AUTHENTICITY OF THE TARAMGALOLA 1. Gatha 75 of the first Sataka of Hala's Saptasaaka1 (also called Gathasaptasati) is as follows: ua pommaraa-maragaa-samvalia nahaalau oarai | naha-siri-kantha-bbhattha-vva kanthia kira-rimcholi || According to Weber, the name of the author of this Gatha is missing in Pitambara's commentary, while Bhuvanapala's commentary gives it as Vasudeva. But in the Svayambhucchandas of Svayambhudeva, the above given Gatha is ascribed to Palitta2 (Sk. Padalipta). Svayambhu's ascription of authorship to the verses cited by him has been found reliable, and the text of the Purvabhaga of the Svayambhucchandas in which the Gatha occurs is based on an old palm-leaf MS. from Tibet. So we can safely accept Padalipta as the author of the Gatha. 2. There is moreover one definitive piece of evidence which places Svayambhu's above-mentioned ascription beyond doubt. Svayambhu has cited two more Gathas under the name of Palitta at Svayambhucchandas, Purvabhaga, 5. 3 and 5. 4. The latter of these is as follows: * aasa-talae nimalammi paphulla-camda-kamalammi / mia-mahuara-carana-vihadiassa va jonha-rao phurai || Translation In the limpid sky-lake, the moon-light-pollen sparkles on the full-blown moon-lotus, ruffled by the feet of the Deer-bee'. This Gatha colud be identified from the Samkhitta-taramgavaikaha (also known as (Taramgalola), the abridgement of Padalipta's lost romance Taramgavai. The abridgement3 was prepared by one Jasa (?), a disciple of Nemicandragani of the Haiyapuriya 9

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130 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies Gaccha. The author of the abridgement has made it clear that he has made selection from the Gathas composed by Padalipta and that his tempering with the text of the original is confined to simplifying the obscure Desya expressions. This clearly implies that an overwhelming majority of the original Gathas have been preserved intact in the abridgement, so that we can take them as the genuine and authentic work of Padalipta himself. The value of such a conclusion can be appreciated when it is recalled that the original Taramgavai is lost. It is no. 543. The text is as follows: ayasa-talae nimmalammi papphulla-camda-paumassa / maya-bhasala-calana-papphandiyassa jonharao padai // The identity of TL. 543 with Svayambhucchandas, Purvabhaga, 5. 4 is quite obvious, despite the variants pauma- for kamala-, bhasala- for mahuara-, papphamdia- for vihadia- and padai for phurai. Thus a Gatha ascribed by Svayambhu to Padalipta is actually found in TL. which claims to be a faithful digest of Padalipta's Taramgavai. 3. In the beginning of our discussion we saw that Gatha 1.75 of the Saptasataka (henceforth abbreviated as SS.) is according to the commentators either anonymous or by some Vasudeva, but it is not ascribed by any of them to Padalipta. Now if we look up for the author's name for the Gatha that just precedes, viz. 1.74, we find that it is either Palittaka (according to Bhuvanpaala) or Paulinya (according to Pitambara). paulinya can be readily explained as a scribal corruption of palitta : palitta misread as palinna, which, with a preceding danda mis-interpreted as padimatra, would yield polinna, which was Sanskritized as paulinya. It is not unlikely that due to some confusion, in some cases there crept in an error of one in the tradition of author-ascription as found in some MSS. of the commentaries of the SS. We find a similar discrepancy between Pitambara and Bhuvanapala regarding the author-names for the first few Gathas of the SS. 4. Here we may point out one more famous Gatha which is quite reliably ascribed to Padalipta. Under Siddhahema 1.187 and

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131 Prakrit Verses of Padalipta 3.142 we find gajjamte khe meha cited among the illustrations. The complete Gatha of which these words form the beginning is given in MS. B used by Vaidya for his edition of the Prakrit portion of the Siddhahema.5 It is as follows: gajjamte khe meha phulla niva panatthi(sic.)ra mora / nattho camdujjoo vasaratto hala patto || This Gatha is also found cited anonymously at Bhoja's SaraSvatikanthabharana 3.153 (with the variant panatthira). Now the self-same Gatha is cited in the anonymous commentary on Kavidarpana 2.8.7 as an example of the Brahmi type (which has maximum permissible number of heavy syllables), and what is relevant for us here, it is cited as a Gatha by Padaliptasuri.6 5. The bunch of five Gathas at TL. 1022-1026 constitute, according to TL. 1021, a song sung by some soldiers. The theme of the song is that one should not lose heart and initiative even in the face of severest calamities. The second Gatha in this group (i.e. TL. 1023) is the same as SS. 1.42. with slight difference in the case of a few readings. The TL. text is metrically and gramThe two texts of the Gatha matically defective in some places. (with suggested emendations for the defective readings in the TL,) are as follows: arambhamanassa (bhamtassa) phudam lacchi maranam va(va) hoi purisassa | tamanarambha(bhe) vi hoi [maranam] niyayam na una lacchi || (TL. 1023) ambhamtassa dhuam lacchi maranam va hoi purisassa | tam maranamanarambhe vi hoi lacchi una na hoi || (SS. 1.42) As the above-cited Gatha from the TL. forms part of a group with thematic unity, it is less likely to have been an addition of the epitomizer, and we can accept it as belonging to the original poem.7 6. In this connection I feel the fourth Gatha of the SS. has a particular significance. The Gatha is as follows:

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i32 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies ua miccala-nipphamda bhisinivattammi rehai valaa / nimmala-maragaa-bhaana-parit!hia samkha-sutti-vya // The Gatha is quite well-known in the Alamkara literature. The name of the author is given as Vodisa (Kulanatha), Yodita (Pitambara), Potisa (Bhuvanapala). The last mentioned is the correct form. In the Lilavai-kaha of Kouhala and elesewhere Pottisa is said to have been the chief minister of King Hala Satavahana. Now the Jaina Prabandhas closely associate Padaliptasuri also with the same king. Pottisa and Padalipta were probably am the poets that formed the far-famed literary circle at the royal court of Pratisthana during Hala's period. It was quite natural for some of these poets to have commonly shared the style and modes of literary expression prevalent in their period. With the abovecited Gatha we can compare Gatha 63 from the TL, which is as follows: sohasti cakkavaya pomini-pattesu samthiya kei / karenu-kusuma-niyare vva hariya-mani-kuttimesu thiya || This can be translated as, 'Some cakravakas, settled on lotus. leaves. appeared as beautiful as heaps of karnikara flowers lying on emerald pavements. The close affinity between the two Gathas is quite obvious. 7. Archaic Prakrit. In the language of TL. there are numerous words, forms and phrases which are characteristically associated with Early Prakrit, especially of the Jain variety. (the numbers refer to the TL. Gathas.). 1. I Verbal Forms : (1) Present I sing. in -ami : 9E (261, 1400), 9 (1492). 973 (252, 264, (876, 1252), AT (277), 17 (501). score' (748), 34773 (736, 818, 1013, 1442), 354" (356, 763), say (786, 1507), 1753' (1073), 1 (1002), 7 (1090), gn (1135), 949703 (1200), 972: (1491). (2) I plur. in -mu: 75919 (1994), 25314 (1316), 21212 (1075).

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Prakrit Verses of Padalipta 133 (3) Aorist forms in -sIya,-gacchIya,-hIya or -Iya : kAsIya 105, 221, 639, 1045), aIsIya (622), viSNavesIya (730), dacchIya (949, 1608), rocchIya (1132), gahecchIya (1248). ghacchIya (1636); dAhIya (611), nAhIya (754), bhAhIya (1042); AsIya (46, 305, 1377), bhANIya (169, 278, 643, 1178, 1381, 1596, 1600, 1604), sAhIya (593, 1131), gacchIya (800), vAhIya (867), neIya (993), badhIya (994), ciMtIya (1:06), lajjoya (1164), acchIya (1184); also kAsi (1312). Forms in -itthA : mA kAsi (796, 935), mA bhAhIya (1042). With mA in an imperative (II sing.) sense : paDijangitthA (1157); imper. mA bhAitthA (1067); Forms in -iMsu (III plur.) : paroiMsu (1235), vihariMsu (1624). (4) Forms of as : (with the past passive participle) : I sing. mi (119, 177, 185, 206, 283, 603, 680, 682, 755, 1012, 1135, 1148, 1255, 1269 etc); I plur. mA 1055, 1056, 1086, 1157, 1226 etc); II plur. tthaH (bhe) ttha parituTTA (1077). ___(5) Atmanepada-forms (I sing) : bhave (49), kahe (80), saMbhare (84), vaNNe (84). (6) absolutive as with je : jANije (75; and similarly in 150, 194, 408, 1081, 1290, 1473, 1479, 1509, 1534 etc.) (7) Absolutives in -ittANa : karittANa' (130), niveyaittANa (762), pariyaittANa (1043). (8) Infinitives in -3 (with sakkA) : 1026, 1030, 1075 etc.) ___2. Pronominal Forms ; Frequent use of Ne (I plur. and bhe (II plur.). (9) Pleonastic suffix -AgaM (-Aya) : muhuttAga (864, 1469), saceiyAga (1492), uharAya (1384), puvvattarAya (1464), vahutarAya (1481). Noteworthy words : kiNo (79), maNe (157, 950), baliya (173), Arujiya (535), uttuyamANI (604), vokasemANA (640), aicchamANa (841), AbhaTTa (864), nihammiya (1173) sAhaTTa (1182), ihai (44), tattoccaya (12), pAsaNio

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134 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies. (95), ciMcelliya (1196), viheDhaga (1312), vihaNNU (100, 423, 1378), khiNikkhiNiyA (109), phaDakya (109), cagoDa (142, 145), lacchighara (168), upphAla (188), kAsiyAra (196), bojjhaka (212), mohaNAghara (235, 1116), kAmapAla (238), ribhiya (242, 1488), vomissa (243), cilalliyA (254), mahAla (255), dohaliNI (292), pagutti (296), naDDAliyA (310), paDhamelluya (341), mAluya (343), bIhaNaya (362), doddiya (300, 697), ghoTTa (327), avaguya (464, 859, 1252), varavariyA (470), kimicchaga (471), leNa (474), porANiya (492), gosaggiya (519), paDijaggaNa (552), vaMdra (553), aDayaNa (556), kaTTha (589), magasaya (683), cuppAlaya (689), parajjJa (966), aNAha (696), mija (697), muhamakkaDiyA (707), sacakkAra (770). Avallaya (861), makha (863), sirighara (934), duyaggA (942, 949 etc), mallahaDi (945), pirili (945), ukkuTThI (965), mattalao (1003), pahAli (1004, 1040), solla (1004, 1393), avaoDaya (1012), pattalI (1046), nipheDA (1049), niccaTTa (1057), vakkheva (1091), vodrahI (1095), pAraga (1103), ceDaruva (1103), gosa (1158), jogavakhema (1169), pAuhArI (1175), aMtivAsI (1188, 1189), kavilAsa (1189), varisadhara (1201), cuDulI (1218), chAyaggha (1236, 1271), AcikakhaNaka (1246), gAgara (1333), magula (1338), vallUra (1374), nevya (1375), pillaya (1383), yatti (1431), richolI (1468), gidhdhu (1482), accheppa (1548), davadavassa (1561), nIi (201, 437), nImo (1151), nIhati (176), parIti (1348), aItI (548, 1201), atIbhi (1621), pareta (322, 353), uIrati (450), ughUsai (513), upphiDati (549, 700), bei (412, 533), beti (62), avayakkhato (729), nivajjAmi (813), nighohato (1454) etc. These traits of Archaie Prakirt are the same as those which Alsdorf has pointed out from the language of the Vasudevahindi.9 He has observed that this type of Prakrit belonged to that period when Jain Maharastri was still connected with Ardhamagadhi and wherein colloquial forms were in vogue as against the stylized later forms. As he assigns the Vasudevahindi to the fourth century A.D. or places it even earlier, TL. also, in view of the shared traits of Archaic Prakrit, can be assigned to the beginning centuries of the Christian era. It should not also be forgotten that the number of archaic linguistic traits noted above from TL. must have been much larger in the original Taramgavai.

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Prakrit Verses of Padalipta 8. The stylistic traits of the TL. also are quite remarkable. They amply testify to imaginative power and literary skill characteristic of an accomplished poet. The theme of the tale is original and highly romantic. It has been handled perceptively. The descriptive modes and rhetorical devices are indicative of a vigorous Kavya tradition. 10 The author seems to have been fond of anuprasa and yamaka,11 which are employed quite effectively in a number of cases. The exquisite rupakas and utpreksas of the TL. deserve a special study. 9. A work of such poetic excellence is bound to have influenced some of the later works, especially the Prakrit romances. No doubt such a supposition would require to be substantiated through a regular inquiry. But some significant indication we do get from a few passages from two famous romances, viz., the Kuvalayam ala of Uddyotana12 and the Lilavai of Kouhala.13 135 The following descriptions of the city of Kausambi in the TL. and the Kuvalaymala have clear verbal resemblance : sa majjha-desa-lacchi uvamanam anna-rayanayaranam (TL. 90) anna-nayarina tam ciya nisamannam havai savvam || (Kuvalaymala, p. 31, 1.25) The vyajastuti mode employed for describing the excellence of a city in the Kuvalayamala and the Lilavai seems to have derived from the TL. Compare: ekko ttha navari doso.. (TL. 1491) aha ekko cciya doso aha navara tattha doso (Kuvalayamala, p. 8 1.16) (Lilavai, 62-63) The description of Mahanumati and Kuvalayavali in the Lilavai is matched by similar descriptions in some passages of the TL. Compare: imdo acchi-sahassena pecchamano na tippejja (TL., 975) sakayattho nayana-sahassa-pecchiro ettha sura-naho | (Lilavai, 251)

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136 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies mahiya-simdhussutthiyam va phenotthayam lacchin / TL., 39) takkala-mamthanuttinna-simdhu-phenotthaya niraharana / sa ekkacceya siri (Lilavai, 254)14 All the above considerations leave no doubt about the authentic preservation of much of the original Taramgavai of Padalipta in its available abridgement, the Taramgalola. Foot Notes 1. The following editions have been consulted here : A. Weber's Saptasatakam des Hala (The 1966 reprint of the 1881 edition); the Nirnayasagara Press edition of 1933; S. A. Joglekar's Gathasaptasati (1956). For Bhuvanapala's commentary I have consulted a MS. from the Lalbhai Dalpatbhai Bharatiya Samskriti Vidyamandir of Ahmedabad, for which I am thankful to its Director. 2. Svayambhucchandas, ed. by H. D. Valankar, 1962. Purvabhaga 1.4. The variants in the Svayambhucchandas are : nahaalahi and ovarai. The editor has rightly pointed out that makaalahi is an incorrect reading for nahaalao. 3. Samkhitta-taramgavai-kaha (= Taramgaloal), ed. by Kasturvijayo gani, 1944. It was translated into German by E. Leumann (published under the title Die Nonne, 1921; this was translated into Gujarati by N. I. Patel and published in 1924). It has been reedited by me and published with Gujarati transtation and epilogue. See Samkhitta-Taramgavai-kaha, L. D. Series No. 75, 1979. Further here it will be referred to as TL. 4. to ucceunas gahao palittaena raiao / desi-payai mottum samkhittayari kaya esa |! (TL. 8) 5. Prakrit Grammar of Hemacandra, ed. by P. L. Vaidya. rev. ed. 1958. p. 456. n. 8.

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Prakrit Verses of Padalipta 137 6. Kavidarpana, ed. by H. D. Velankar, 1962. For the panatthira of the Siddhahema MS., and panatthira of the Sarasvatikanthabharana, the Kavidarpana commentary reads panacciya, which points to a probable panaccira. Also it has wrongly camdulloo. for caidujjoo. 7. Pitambara and Bhuvanapala both give Vallabha as the name of the author of this Gatha. Among the author names traditionally recorded by some commentators (see, for example, Appendix no. 3 in Joglekar's edition) we find Palitta (variants : Palittaka, Palita etc.) in the case of several Gathas according to this or that source. See Gathas no. 63, 74, 217, 254, 256. 257, 262, 393, 394, 417, 425, 432, 433, 434, 545, 578, 609, 623, 706, 720. Some of these Gathas (e.g. no. 63, 217, 262, 394, 434, 578, 623) are noteworthy for their striking image or telling description, and their kinship with some of the descriptive Gathas of the TL. cannot be easily dismissed as accidental. But for accepting any of them as Padalipta's some independent support is necessary. 8. Gathas no. 89, 173, 293, 403 etc. also are attributed to Pottisa by various commentaries. 9. L. Alsdorf, "The Vasudevahindi, a specimen of Archaic Jain Maharastri', BSOS, 8, 1936, p. 319-333. 10. For a detailed appreciation, See TL., pp. 283-285. 11. See for example TL. Gathas no. 10, 12, 17, 21, 31, 34, 36, 40, 89, 94, 175, 185, 189, 490, 542, 548, 586, 647, 711, 770, 863, 888, 892, 896, 942, 1064, 1067, 1072, 1095, 1155, 1300, 1358, 1386 etc. 12. Ed. by A. N. Upadhye, 1959. On pp. 86-87 of Kuvalayamala pt. 2 (1970), Upadhye has pointed out certain general resemblances in ideas and narrative points between the TL. and the Kuvalayamala. He thinks that, 'as the original T[aramgavati] is no more available, verbal agreements here and there carry no special significance.' 13. Ed. by A. N. Upadhye, 2nd ed., 1966.

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138 Prakrit and Apabhraisa Studies 14. Verbal agreements or close parallelism in ideas with the TL. can be pointed out from some other works also. At TL. 296 and 970 a damsel is described as a river by means of the figure rupaka. The same idea is elaborated in the illustrative stanza at Svayambhucchandas, 1. 26.1 (Note cakkavaya-thanajuyala of the TL. and paohara-rahamgia of the other work). Vikramorvasiya 4.52 also is relevant in this context (The garment of foam and the girdle of aquatic birds find correspondence in the TL). The description of the moon as a goose (sasihamso) of the sky-lake (gayana-sara) finds correspondence in a late Gatha known only through its defective Sanskrit chaya : See Weber's edition of the Ss. Gatha 719 (with the comparable expressions gagana-tataka and miganko maralaiva). But it may not be plausible to see in these agreements more than a general sharing of a stylistie tradition.

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2. GATHA-MUKTAVALI A NEWLY DISCOVERED RECENSION OF HALA'S S'APTA-SATAKA A. Weber1 distinguished six different recensions of Hala's Sapta-Sataka (popularly also called Gatha-Saptasati) which he designated as : (1) the Vulgate, (2) X, (3) R, (4) S (=Sadharanadeva's Muktavali), (5) T = The first Telinga recension), (6) W (= the second Telinga recension). Of these the recensions S and T basically depart from the other recensions in the arrangement of Gathas. They arrange the Gathas in subjectwise groups called Vrajya (S) or Paddhati (T). We are indeed familiar with this type of grouping and designation from several anthologies of Samskrta and Prakrta Subhasitas. In the MSS. collection of the L. D. Institute of Indology exists a manuscript of a work called Gatha-muktavali (GM.) (No. 7812), which turns out to be one more recension of the Sapdtasataka, different indeed from the aforenoted six recensions set up by Weber. GM is similar to Sadharanadeva's Muktavali and the first Teling recension in that it also groups the Gathas under different Paddhatis, Since its grouping is similar to that of the Muktavali, it differs from T, which first divides the Gathas into Satakas or Centuries, and then subdivides each one of the Centuries according to the subjects. Obviously, though influenced by S, GM shows considerable independence in the number and sequence of the group as well as the number and sequence of Gathas within the groups. The manuscript is incomplete. Only first 14 out of a total of 45 folios (reported in the list of contents for which see further) are preserved. The obverse of the first folio is blank. The manuscript folios measure 23 x 8 cm. Each side has ten lines and each line has forty letters on an average. The handwriting is bold and clear. The padimatra (prsthamatra) is used. The Ms. is carefully

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140 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies copied ; there are therefore very few copying mistakes. No continuous serial numbering for the verses is given, but the verses within each group (Paddhati) are serially numbered. The Ms. breaks off after the word laDahattaNa in the fourth verse of the strIrUpavarNanapaddhati. Over and above the fourteen folios of the text, we find two extra folios, one of which contains a complete list of contents of the whole manuscript. This folio, though unnumbered, seems to be in the same hand as the folios of the text proper. The list is reproduced below with the serial number added to the Paddhatis. Accordingly, out of a total of 58 Paddhatis and 850 verses, we have in the preserved portion 14 Paddhatis (the 14th being incomplete) and 249 verses? (the last verse being incomplete). The second extra folio has its portion at the right hand upper corner missing; hence the numbering on the back side is lost. On examination it turns out to be a folio belonging to another Ms. of GM. The obverse side begins with fefe aus' which exactly corresponds with the beginning of the 10th folio of our Ms., and the five letters are the final letters of verse no. 8 of the Varsapaddhati. But in the stray folio the verse is numbered as the 14th. The remaining verses of the group in this folio, from the 15th to the 17th, exactly correspond to the Varsapaddati verses no. 16 to 28 in our Ms. This fact indicates that the different Mss. of the GM. recension varied in matter of the arrangement of verses within a group Although the number of Paddhatis contained in S and GM (60 and 58 respectively) is roughfly the same, only 30 titles are common between the two recensions. Our guide in drawing this conclusion is the GM. list of contents. Also, the number of verses, their selection and ordering within the groups that are common, show so much variation between the two recensions (judging. of course, from the available portion of the GM.) that we must recognise them as two distinct recensions. Although GM. had S before it, it shows a high degree of independence in its classification as well as in its selection and ordering for each group. Of the 249 verses

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Gatha-muktavali 141 of the extant portion of GM., only 170 are common with S, and only the sujana, durjana, rAjacATu, dAna and parts of the Sar3aRtuvarNana and Paddhatis of GM. have substantial correspondence insofar as the selection (but not the number and sequence) of the verses is concerned. For the rest of the groups there are many omissions and several additions. Regarding the new verses we find GM. to be in substantial agreement with the R recension. Besides the numerous verses which are absent in the Vulgate but which GM. commonly shares with S and R, there are 15 verses in GM. which are absent in S but available in R. Moreover, there are 7 verses in GM. which are exclusively found in the T recension, 3 verses. which are not found in any recension, but which Weber has noted as citations in the Alamkara literature, 2 verses which, although found in the Vulgate, are absent in S, and 15 which are not found in any recension and indeed not noted by Weber. A most remarkable oddity to be noted about GM. in this connection is that it has included several verses which are not in the Gatha metre. The prominently glaring case is that of 29 verses in Skandhaka metre, all borrowed from the tenth Asvasaka of the Setubandha. The Suryastamana, Sandhya, Timira and Candrodayapaddhatis are constituted exclusively with these verses (excepting the last verse in the Candrodaya-paddhati). Besides this, I 2, I 8, II 6, III 14 are Skandhakas. Of these III 14 is the same as Setubandha III 10. 14 and XII 12 are Gitis, the former being the same as the second Culika Paisaci verse cited by Hemacandra under Siddhahema VIII iv 326 (the first verse, known to be the Mangala verse of the lost Brhatkatha and cited by Hemadandra under that Sutra as also by Bhoja in the Srngaraprakasa is also found in GM. as I 3), and the latter is identical with the fourth verse in the Prastavana of the Abhijnana-sakuntala. Lastly, VI 16 in the Aparavaktra metre is also taken from the Sakuntala. It appears there as the opening verse of the fifth act. One more fact to be noted about GM. is that some of the verses it exclusively shares with S and/or R are also found in

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142 Prakrit and Apabhraisa Studies Bhuvanapala's text of the Gathakosa(the Chekokti-vicara-lila), which also shares with GM. a very large number of variants that are different from G.'s readings. These comparisons and facts show that, besides using S as its principal source, GM. derived some material from S and T (which, together with Bhuvanapala, had before them a text-tradition for some individual verses that was different from G.'S), and for the rest it eclectically selected from a few other sources, not caring to restrict itself to the Gatha verses. Il CONCORDANCE OF GM. WITH S. AND G. GM S Some other recension or source 1. gefa 1. (1. a FF177571) 238 (12. Bat172deg) 2 (27deg) 60790 3 (979) 151 T. 11; W. 816 644 (coastaa") 642 245 (12.3702176deg) 112 114 3. ga90 664 (56. g572deg) 94 673 250

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Gatha-muktavali 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 4. durjanapa 1 2 3 4 5 5. manasvipa 123 O 6. rAjacATavaH 1 2 3 4 7. nItipadeg 1 2345 O 674 672 679 677 680 670 669 (suja) 678 666 671 25 "" 33 22:2 684 (58. durjanatra ) 685 686 687 689 "" ". "" 588 (31. manasvitradeg) 3 225 11. cATuva 228 213 227 22 ,, 265 224 319 272 321 320 - 282 285 280 113 248 253 135 537 688 284 364 471 - 467 600 ( 24. sAhasatra 0 ) 42 128 (7. svarUpAsyAnatra ) 251 126 ( ) 243 "" 68 116 (6. jAtivradeg) 109 (5. dRSTAntatra N) 217 R. 452; W. 753 R. 450; W. 752 W. 978 143 R. 607; X. 613; W. 726

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144 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies 255 127 (svarU) 599 (sAhadeg) 601 (35. vidagdhavra) 111 (dRSTA) 132 (svarU) 245 286 310 191 dAnapa 136 602 (36. kRpaNata) 662 (55 tyAgana) 660 ( , ) 230 76 3 9. anyApadezapa (1) hastI 1 2 95 (4 anyApadezava) 103 ( , ) 104 ( , ) 383 45 / / / / / / R. 668; W. 787 R. 669; W. 788 R. 670: W. 789 R. 671; W. 790 R. 672; W. 791 R.673; T. 72; W. 792 (2) gopa 1 597 (33. saubhAgyavra) 460 639 / / / 640 R. 587; W. 795 hariNapa0 287 285 (13. prematra) 571 (28. hariNava ) 2 589 620 - 595 R. 597; W. 763. 571 (hariNatra)

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Gatha-muktavali 145 (4) zunakapa0 1 598 (33. saubhAgyavra0) 689 2 690 (59. devaratra) 690 3 507 (22. asatIvra0) 664 (5) kapipaH 1 119 (6. jAtivra) 532 2 117 533 3 113 , 171 (6) bhramarapa0 ___569 (27. madhukarava) 92 37 (2. vasaMtatra) 331 593 (32. guNava) 139 96 (4. anyApadezatra) 387 561 (madhu0) 442 562 (,) 444 3 R. 484; W. 754 R. 501; W. 755 564 (maghu) 563 ( 565 ( , 566 ( . R. 587; W. 161 ) ) ) 591 592 T. 53; W. 819 10 14 568 (madhu) 15 - 16 (7) nama dApa0 1 594 (32. guNatra0) 2 497 (22. asatIvra0) 3 98 (4. anyApadezatra) (8) azokapa0 1 40 (2. vasantatra) 2 93 (4. anyApadezava ) 579 - 549 R. 574; W. 760 279

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146 3 4 (9) pATalApa0 1 2 3 (10) prakIrNaka 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 10. RtuvarNanapa (1) vasantapa 1 2 3 4 5 172 (10. uccAvacatra ' ) 51 (vasadeg) 6 7 8 9 102 (4. anyApadezatra 1) 694 (59. devaratra deg) 567 (27. madhukara vra0) 636 (46. mallikAtra deg) 121 (6. (jAtitrao) 105 (4. anyApadezatra') 12 (2. zarada ) 626 (43 ikSutra) 112 (jAti) 688 (58. durja' natra0) 99 (anyAdeg) 658 (54. (subhaTavadeg) 627 (530) 12 (jAti) 42 (2. vasanta) 43 "" 406 (19. rodanatra ) 39 (vasa ) 47 ( ) "" 50 ( ) 321 (14. mAninI) 45 (vasa ) 44 ( 99 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies "" > 404 405 468 469 621 88|2|3| | | tstshu 535 424 172 402 414 543 544 586 396 499 11 R. 624; W. 768 S. 626; W. 740 R. 594; W. 762 W. 982 R. 654; W. 776 R. 664; W. 783 R. 658; W. 778 R. 659; W. 779 R. 657; W. 777

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Gatha-muktavali 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 (2) grISmapa0 1 2 3 4 9 10 11 12 (3) varSAqo 1 2 397 (rodadeg) 2 - 41 (vasa) 32 46 48 33 49 35 - 22 "" 29 dw - "" 5 56 (grISma) 6 7 8 54 (2. grISmavra0) 4C2 (19. rodanatra0) 11 "" 311 34 308 31 219 "" 371 (16. virahiNItra ) 412 39 (vasadeg) 322 29 82 (3. utprekSAtra deg) 443 497 128 450 (21. sakhIsamAzvAsanatra ) 70 494 575 92 -- 288 399 53 (grISma) 299 195 (10. uccAvacatra0) 473 198 ( ) 559 63 (varSA) 539 351 (16. virahiNI) 336 3 612 (40. apragalbhatra) 170 4 66 (varSA) 315 5 70 (varSA) 584 R. 660; W. 780 R. 663; W. 782 R. 662; W. 781 R. 547; W. 758 T. 267; W. 845 147

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148 Prakrit and Apabhraisa Studies 584 29 386 567 538 696 __75 (varSA0) 368 (vira0) 370 (,) 67 (varSA3) 64 ,, 400 (roda0) 403 (,) 62 (varSAo). 72 (,,) 73 (,,) 76 ( ,,) 237 (12. anurAgratra) 380 (vira) 506 (22. asatIvra) 65 (varSA) 61 (,,) 560 (27. madhukarava) 566 436 541 623 324 R. 615; W. 766 R. 616; W. 767 Y. 420; W. 711 177 37 638 R. 684 R. 608 560 394 578 88 (3. utprekSAtra) 68 (varSA0) 87 (utpre0) 118 (6. jAtivra) 27 564 28 102 zaratpa0 ___11 (2. zaradra) 434 13 " 624 186 563 9 , 92 (3. utprekSAtra) 79 (3. utprekSAtra) 86 ( , 17 (zara) 75

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Gatha-muktavali 149 ___147 (varNa nAva) 500 (asatIvra) 10 T. 90; W. 821 R. 640; W. 769 - 568 569 606 488 (asa) 22 (zara0) 23 (2. hemantatra0) 574 (29. hAlikavA) 575 ( , ) 645 (50. pratyUSatra0) _10 (zara0) ___14 (,,) ____15 (,) 16 (,,) (5) hemanApa0 30 (2. hemantatra) 18 (,) 20 , 19 562 625 681 684 20 2 77 109 329 330 21 , 691 (59. devaratra) 25 (hema0) S. 641; W. 770 R. 642; W. 771 R. 643; W. 772 R. 644; W. 773 R. 645; W. 730 R. 646; W. 745 R. 647; W. 774 T. 229; W. 834 11 12 13 29 ,, - , 6 6 (22. asatIvra) 66 (6) zizirapa0 1 487 (22. asatItra0) 8 __19 (2. hemantatra) 238 193 (10. uccAvacatra) 458 - 3 4 T. 556; W. 925 -

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150 Prakrit and Apabhraisa Studies. 11. sUryAstamanapa0 Setubandha 10.6 10.8 10.97 10.10 10.11 10.14 12. sandhyApa0 10.16 10.20 10.23 10.24 13. timirapa0 10.27 10.28 10.29 10.30 candrodayapa0 / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / 10.31 10.34 10.38 10.40 10.41 10.42 10.43 10.44 10.45 10.46 10.47 10.50 10.51 10.52 10.73 16 219 (11. cATuna) 300

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Gatha-muktavali 151 15. strIrUpavarNanapa0 153 (8. varNanAtra0) 2 136 , - , 234 271 303 W.969 III GM. VERSES NOT FOUND IN WEBER'S EDITION OF THE SAPTASATAKA The verses are given according to the Paddhati and the serial number therein. We have supplied the Sanskrit chaya also. 1. jA thera va hasatI kai-vaaNa buruha-baddha-viNivesA / dAvei bhuvaNa-maDalabhaNNa cia jaai sA vANI // (The Mangala Gatha) [thA sthaviramiva hasatI kavi-vadanAmburUha-baddha-binivezA / daza yati bhuvana-maNDalamanyameva jayati sA vANI // ] 2. sajhA-paNAma-ghaDio giri-taNaA-vihua-vAma-hattha-vihaDio / hasiUNa mukka-salilo eka-kareNa NiamajalI jeNa kao // ___(12) sindhyA-praNAma-ghaTito giri-tanayA-vidhuta-vAma-hasta-vighaTito / hasitvA mukta-salilo eka-kareNa niyamAjaliye na kRtaH // ] 3. panamata panaa-ppakupita-kAlI-calanagga-lagga-paTibiMba / tasasu nakha-tappanesu ekAtasa-tanu-thala ludda // ... [praNamata praNaya-prakupita-gaurI-varaNAgra lagna-pratibimbam / dazasu nakha-darpaNeSu ekAdaza-tanudhara rudram // ] (13)

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152 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies 4. navatassa ya lIlA-pAukkhevena ke pitA vasudhA / ucchallati samuddA sailA nipatati ta hala namata // ] ___(14) [nartatazca lIlA-pAdotkSepena kampitA vasudhA / ucchalanti samudrAH zailA nipatanti ta hara namata // ] 5. sasihaMDa-maDaNANa samohanAsANa suraaNa-piANa / girisa-girida-suANa saMghADo vo suha deu // ] (17) [zazi-khaNDa(pa-zikhaNDa)-maNDanayoH sa-mAha-nAza(sa-mohanAza)yoH ___ surajana(suratna)-priyayAH / / giriza-girIndrasutayA: saghATI va: sukha (zubha) dadatu / / ] 6, oMkAra-vaka-dhaNuNo paDhama-pulidassa Namaha puNNe calaNe / Na muAMti caDula-jIhA pAsalla' jANa sArameyA deyA (vA) // (18) [oMkAra-vakra-dhanupaH prathama-pulindasya namata puNye caraNe / na muJcanti caTula-jihvA: pArzva yayA: sArameyA: devAH(1) // 1 daNuiMda-ruhira-litto sahai uvidA Naha-ppahAvali-aruNo / sajhA,vahu-avaUDhA Nava-vAriharu bba vijjulA-paDibhinno // (II) dinujendra-rudhira-liptaH zobhate upendro nakha-prabhAvalyaruNaH / sandhyA-vadhvavagUDhA nava-vAridhara iva vidyutpratibhinnaH // ] 8. te viralA sappurisA je abhaNatA ghaDati kajjAlAve / thoa ccia te vi dumA je abhaNia-kusuma-NiggamA deti phl|| (III 14) [te viralAH satpuruSA ye avadanto ghaTayanti kAryAlApAn / . rutokA eva te'pi drumA ye ajJAta-kusuma-nirgamA dadati phalam // ] 9. maDahullaAe ki tuha imIa kiM vA dalehi taliNehiM / mAmoe mahuara mAlaIa jANihisi mAhappa // (VI 15)

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Gatha-muktavali 153. [laghutayA ki tava asyAH kiM vA dale: talinaiH / Amode madhukara mAlatyA: jJAsyasi mAhAtmyam // ] 10. ahiNava-mahu-lava-bhAvi taha paricubia cUda-majari / kamala vasahi-mitta-NivyudA mahuara visumaridA si Na kh|| (VI 16) [abhinava-madhu-lava-bhAvitAM tathA paricumbya cUta-maJjarIm / kamala-vasati-mAtra nirvR to madhukara vismRto'si tAM katham // 11. ekku ccia duvvisahA virahI mArei gaI bhImA / . ki puNa gahia-silImuha-samAhave phagguNe patte // (XI II) [eka eva durviSado viraho (virathA) mArayati gata-patikA: (gaja-patIn ) mImaH / ki punaH hIta-zilImukha-samAdhave phAlgune prApte // ] 12. DahiUNa Niravasesa sasAvA sukka-rukkhabhArUDhA / ki sesa ti davaggI puNo vi raNa pulovei // (XII 7) [dagdhvA niravazeSa sa-vApada zuSka-vRkSamAruDha: / ki zeSamiti davAgni: punarapi araNya praleokayati // ] 13. isi (IsIsi) cubiAI bhasalehi sukumaar-kesr-sihaaii| Adasati dasamANA pamadAo sirosa-kusubhAI // (XII 12) [ISadISaccumbitAni bhramaraiH sukumAra-kezara-zikhAni / avata'sayanti dayamAnAH pramadAH zirISa-kusumAni // ] 14. caMda-Nimiekka-calaNA Naha-bhamira-marAla-Nimia-bIa-paA / kamala-vaNa-diNNa-hatthA saraa-sirI bhuvaNamoarai / / (XIV ) [candra-nyastaka-caraNA kamala-vana-datta-hastA nabhobhramanmarAla-nyasta-dvitIya-padA / zaraccha vanamavatarati // ]

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154 15. 265 sA mAha-mAsa - gosagga-majjirI ta miliA golA- tUhe duve vi Besides these there are twentynine verses taken from Setubandha X. The GM. variants are noted under V below. W. 7 IX 37 X 42 VII X 67 X 66 [sA mAMgha mAsa - prAtarma 'jjanazIlA tvamapi datta - puNyAgniH / militau godA-taTe dvAvapi yuvAM khalu dharmiSThau // ] OPEL 8 GM. VARIANTS FOR THE GATHAS GIVEN IN W. (B. stands for Bhuvanapala's text of the Saptasataka) VI VII X 92 IX 102 X GM. viii 1 iii 22 V iii Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies pi dinna - puNNaggI / tumhe dhammiTThA // 4 3 1 1 iii 28 V vi 1 13 17 S. IV (XVI 5) Variants pAappahara bhAi (B); vuDDu vuDaNivuDa (B). dhuvaM jaM si Na viNiddA (B). ciragaia0 (B). malasa para tuha viiNNa (B). kaTaijjatamamhamaMgaM kiNo hasasi (B) - hAe a (B), viraseA a (B). AsaMdhia0 (B); paNaijaNo. 0saNaM va (B). vaddhaphalagaruI mAlai tti (B). tahasaM ThikaM tapela0 (B).

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Gatha-muktavali 155 112 II 113 III 114 II 135 IV 136 VIII 139 IX 151 II 170 x vi 3 1 3 iii 171 IXv 3 172 IX x 9 177 x ii 21 186 X iv 4 191 VII 217 VII 219 xi 230 VIII 238 X vi 245 VII 248 IV 250 III 251 VII 253 IV 255 VII 263 X 265 III 3 279 IX_viii 2 281 IX x 1 284 V . 1 285 III 286 VII 8 - 287 IXili 1 NiuNaM. aNudiaha vaDaDhato. goviAa (B). saNehadANeNa (B). dANarahiassa (P): vacchassa (B). mahai pANalohillo (B). sUraviMve vva. 0ottiNie (B); 0paloTTa0 (B); diahe (B); muddhA (B). ullalai; kokkhae i. mayaserihi (B); kuMDahi. dauti; mamaM (B). mahadahANaM; sIAI (B). viriDiM; gAravagdhabiA; sAgaNAra0; khaMgheNa. jaM mittaM vasaNadesaAlammi (B); vAullabha va (B). asajjha (B); maNammi asaittaNa pattA (B). khaNNuo jhaDiapatto (B); mA (B). pAria (B). vAluapaDala (B); Na ei (B). bhAaNo. maMgula (B); lajiro rUva (B). akulINo (B) dA akajjAi'; Nivvavia), jamaNivvavi. pattapphalasAricche (B); "vaMdammi (B). apavvaseA vi suaNo (B); AhijAIe. puNa bhaNAmo, kaMkellipallavA pallavANa hu huti (B). mAliAe NomAliAi; phuTTihii (B); mAsalo (B). atthamaammi. poTTe bhareti sauNI (B); vihaluddharaNabharasahA (B). jANao. savva (B); maINa vi.

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156 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies 8 4 299 x ii 310 VII 311 Xi 315 x iii 320 III 321. III 322 x 324 x 329 x 331 IX 336 x ____iii 364 VI ___vi 2 2 386 x iii 387 IX ___vi 392 IX ___x 396 x i 402_IX 404 IX viii 405 IX viii 412 Xi IX x IX x 8 4 2 4 10 3 Thavei ure paiNo (B); galatauppha (B). guNehi (B); nenchati puliMdA mAttiAI (B). 0mAsammi (B); AvIya0 (B). rottUNa (B); joei gaavaIu (B). Na vi taha dUmijjai (B); parehiM (B). vi Na viNiggayAiM (B). phiTTo. muDhie (B). dUmijjai (B); paviralaa0. Nakkha; piva (B). 0NIsahi piva. ko tarai samutthari vitthiNNaM Nimmala' samuttugaM (B); ca paoharo. NesA (B); gajjirubhaMta0. vicchaTTo kusumaraseA hoi (B). 0daraveviAI (B); vAdahIu. sAsai sasaMko (B) aMbANa vaNaM. muMDI kajjeNa viNA vi. eeNa ci. 0kamalAhaeNa ja. Na deha sutta suvaha. vAtavahala0 (B). cAva jai vi visuddhaM (B); saro (B); vihaDatA; va; keccira. aviraapaData-jalahara-dhArA-raarajju-ghaDiya-vadhehi / (B); avaaMto ccia hakkai mahialaM pAusA uaha // pakkhA0 (B); viasAvijjai (B); kudaakaliA (B). viva; dUmijjai (B); dakkhiNa0. Isi pi mAlaImaulaM (B); AruhaNapANa0 (B). paritto jUrai (B); NialAiA. mayaNaMmulIi mayaNavaDarohaNaM0 (B); 0vaDa0. saalagoTha (B). . 12 6 436 x iii 13 442 IX vi5 443 x i 10 444 Ix vi 6 454 IX i 2 458 x vi 3 460 IX : ii: 1

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Gatha-muktavali 157 1 467 VI 468 IXix 494 x ii 497 x i 499 x i 527 IX i 12 5 3 532 IX v 1 535 IX x 4 537 IV 538 x iii 10 541 X 543 Xi 1 549 IX vii 3 560 x iii 24 563 x iv 5 564 X 566 x iii 12 567 x iii 9 568 x iv 15 569 x iv 16 575 x i 576 X iii 26 579 JX vii 1 584 x iii xxxxxx AvannAI. NikkaMDadeg; pADalaM; kaA iha ggAme (B). cIriviruehiM. vAreha gaM dharA Neti (B); jA maA sA ma ci. iha ggAme (B); tassea (B). 'raia-amaNa(?)-deho; Navari gaiMdo ccia (B); gambhamAi (B). phophA; samalliai (B). juNNa adda (B). ThaDheNa. eMte pahie gharaM NieUNa (B). NenvaMtaradeg (B). etaM; ukkaMThao. degmaddaNasaAI. sahai; pariggaha ANaM va. pUsaANa (B). degveDhaesu (B). paMthakalaMbANa (B); Asasa (B); mA pariNimuhaM Na (B) avariM (B); mA taM. chirekkadeg (B); dinna-unnaapaeNa (B). kAle; tusArehiM (B). raNajhaNai. paDi pellio (B). aNNaNaIsu (B). - pavaNagalatyallaNa" (B) dhukkuddhakei (B); hiaaM va vijjulA. pecchaha (B); urammi. violA pahiA (B); uppaMka (B); "bhalli (B). degavirala-pasari. "maaraMda-parimala suhAe (B). kuMdakaliAe; ahilijjai (B). 585 x 586 Xi3 589 IX iii 2 591 IX vi 11 592 IX vi 12

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158 595 IX iii 606 X iv 620 IX iii 621 IX ix 623 X iii 625 X iv 638 X iii 639 IX 640 IX 664 IX 681 X 684 X 688 IV ::- 22 ii ii iv iv iv iv 689 IX iv 690 IX iv 691 X 692 X 695 X iv iv iv 696 X iii 711 X iii 726 VI 730 X 740 IX X 745 X V 753 III V 755 IX vi 758 X ii 760 IX vii 761 IX vi 553 35 am 17 15 19 23 2332 20 21 5 1 2 93183 8 11 20 9 5 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies 10 AUSNaM AaDria - bhalla - mammAhaAA. paccaha', parimAsaM. dIviamaIe (B); taha lAlio (B). kamalesu bhai parimalai sattaliM (B). mui (B). ucchevaaM (B); deg jAbhA (B). avariM. deg gharadeg (B); vojjharakalabhala ; maNoharA iha girigAmA (B). pi jaha ulleha. (B). jaha ahiNaMdara; vukkai. siarseghavadeg (B); dhUlipuMja'; vasuAati va mukkodeg (B). vAsammi; sarasacikkhilaM (B); tassa sImaM 0 . cADualsa kusalANa. vAsasaa N (B). taM taha (B) * sAsa... paumAlehaDa10 (B); deg valaNeNa; sotta. vaThANa (B); sarae sahassa magge (B). saMkIlio Sa Najjaha; vAsAamammi paMtho; maNeNa. sua (B); jIveNa. (B); caMdamuha (B); deg DahaNo. amaama carieNa. 5 rasAsAo (B); suviNNachANaM paMDuucchUrNa, bhamAsANaM (B). 10 9 8 6 2 paiNA. suaro caMdo (B). mahuarehiM (B); saMbharaMtehiM (B). tisio; samUsarai. veDisalaAdharaMtelli mailiA (B). jImiva kalia .

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Gatha-muktavali 159 7 762 IX 763 IX x iii iii 19 767 x 768 IX 769 x 770 x iv 14 771 x v 6 772 x v 7 %3D i 9 774 x 777 x 778 X 780 x i 14 kiM bhaNNai. mahaatti mao maIvi tisio maoM tti kaliUNaM, Na piai. utthaMdhiyAe; seo. kallaM va phuTTihisi (B). daMtukkatta0. ohAra saMghAsAluANa vaimUlamalliatoNaM (B); kiliMcaa (B); valai, kuNa parihAsa de diara; gahoraNo varAIaM; puNo piraM kuNasu taM chAaM. pAvareNaM; vAsabhavaNeNa (B); lassa urammi Nisammai (B). ua asa. pavaNo; pattaM. dharijijahii (B); degpallavANaM jo. sajjeha deha tUraM (B); kuNaha vicchittiM (B); puhavivaissa (B); jaha halahalo (B). vaNaava0; vasaMtamAse; puNo vi. dUraM; parimaladeg; viva. jaNassa (B). degsaMThiArakkha (B); jIhamettamahuraM kalamachetta. vaNasAliNo (B); hohI. visamAha apaDahaveDhaNAviulaM (B); jANai NimbAheu. omuggakavoleNa gayamaeNa patte; dasAvasANammi (B); tae (B). degsurapIDhapellaNadalaMtapattharadeg (B); dhavaloAriapaMthe. rae lacchI. gamesu; vAsaa0. aMve; jANaMtA via. volImo. rAIu; vaha ira. 781 X 782 X 783x 787 IXi 788 IX i 6 4 790 IX 791 IX i 4 vi 795 IX 816 II 819 IX 821 x 834 x 845 x -13 11 12 . 11 vi ii .

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/ 160 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies vi 925 x 969 xv 978 V 982 IXx 4 . 4 dIhA vi samappai; kaha Na te. laDahattaa. vaaMsa0. baha gaMmIro jaha; so sarasavANio Na kao. 8 V Variant readings of the Setubandha verses found in GM. as compared with the texts according to the Setutattvacandrika (R. G. Basak's edition) (S), Goldschmidt's edition (G) and the Kavyamala edition (K). Setu. GM. x 6 x 1 raiNo (GK). 8 , 2 rai0 (,) , 3 disAbhoA; degvedaM (GK). , 4 divase. 5 divasa, virame (S); gamiAdeg; kiliMtAI (GK). phusia0. 14 , 6 6 diaheNa, homuddhadeg (S deghosuddha); raiNo. 16 XII 1 roaggAI. 2. dIsai; degsaDhadeg (GK); kumuadeg GK. sthai'; degbhA; NivvadaMti (S). rAa0 (GK). 27 XIII timiravilibhaMtamailamuddha*. maulAviadeg; vaDaNadeg (GK). ____ 29 , 3 ukkhaDa;deg uttaMbhi0; laMvia vvasaddo; ghettamva. ___30 , 4 a; uvari0 (GK). " 31 XIV 5 kasiNa. ___34 , 2 vivaM; degsuumAlaM. In Basak's edition dhuvvantatimira is to be read for dhuvvanta in XI 38.

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Gatha-muktavali 161 6 visthiNaM (GK); taDujjua0: khAUNa; ukkhittaM (S). vahalammi vi tama0 (GK); NivAviUNa; aNuvajjhati. . 0parimAsaNa; avaDicchi0 (GK); pADeMti diNaara. phusio; viraio. agaI; thoadeg (GK); paaDati (GK). uvautta. NirAapalaMvo; degpaDio. maiMda dhavalasasi. oatte. valiA (S) bhamaMti. 0cchaMdaNa. vicchUDhavva sasiaraM; avibhAdeg (GK). , 10 , 15

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3. THE PRAKRIT POETS HARIVRDDHA, SATAVAHANA AND ADHYARAJA 1. As a comparative and critical survey of the whole range of subjects and topics coming under. Alamkara in its broadest sense, Raghavan's study of Bhoja's Stngaraprakasa has an incomparable value. But it is equally valuable as a rich storehouse of interesting literary-historical information and of exhumed references and citations relating to lost works and authors of past. The purpose of the present paper is to supplement the information about a few of the forgotten Prakrit authors, out of a sizeable number discussed by Raghavan. 1. Harivrddha 2. On the basis of a quotation in Bhoja's Sarasvatikanthabharana, Raghavan has drawn our attention to a Prakrit poet named Hariveddha,' who, though possibly quite important, has been so far practically unknown to us. To illustrate the Dosa-guna called Gulhartha, Bhoja quotes anonymously a Prakrit vrese, 2 wherein a modest poet says : 'There are poets and poets. The same term Kavi applies to nobodies like us as also to big poetic geniuses like Hariveddha and Sali, just as the term hari applies to mere frogs and monkeys as also to fierce serpents and lions'. Here the names of Hariveddha and Sali stand for eminence in the field of Prakrit poetry. There is slight uncertainty about the text of the verse, but the commentator Ratnesvara takes Harivrddha as one name and not as two (i.e. Hari and Viddha), and Raghavan is rightly inclined to the same view. We many also note that the commentator characterizes Harivrddha and sali as poets of uncommon genius-lokottara-pratibhasalinah. Moreover, Raghavan has suggested that sali here may be the same as the famous poet Sallvahana or Hala.3

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Some Prakrit Poets 163 3. Further Raghavan draws our attention to a Prakrit verse of some Hari cited by Namisadhu on Rudrata's Kavyalankara II 19. It enumerates eight modes of literary expression" (equivalent to Anuprasa vitti-s): Madhura, Parusa, Komala, Ojasvin, Nisthura, Lalita, Gambhira and Samanya. But Raghavan leaves it at that, as there is nothing more to suggest the identification of this Hari with Harivrddha of the Sk. illustration. 4. Now there are at least two references to Harivrddha prior to the one noted from Bhoja. One is from Virahanika before eighth century (?) and another is from Rajasekhara (c. 880--920). Viraharka's manual of Prakrit prosody called Vsttajatisamuccaya5 (=VS) indirectly gives us some further valuable information about the poet Hariveddha. Viraharka characteristically treats the structure of the Dvipadi. In the second chapter of VS., he first defines the characters and functions of various constituents like Vastuka, Gitika, Vidari, Ekaka, Dvipathaka, Vistaritaka and Dhruvaka which build up the structure of the Dvipadi. In the end he states, on the authority of several eminent Prakrit prosodists, a rule about the employment of Gitika in the Dvipadi, and concludes the chapter with the enumeration of fiftytwo types of Dvipadis after the same authorities. The two starzas of the VS. giving the names of these metrical authorities are as under : Bhuaahiva-Salahana-Vuddhakai-niruviam imam daie / nihana-airuvia-dhuvaammi ratthue giia natthi // Bhuaahiva-Salahana-vuddhakai-niruviana duvaina / namaim jaim sahemi tujjha taimpia kamena // -VS. II. 8. 9 These can be translated as : O Dear, in the treatments of Bhujagadhipa, Satavahana and VIddhakavi there is no scope for a Gitika after a Vastuka, if the latter ends in a Dhruvaka. I will now tell you, according to their order, the names of the Dvipadis which have been treated by Bhujagadhipa, Satavahana and Vrddakavi.'

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164 Prakrit and Apabhraiba Studies The commentator Gopala on VS. II. 8, identifies Bhujagadhipa as two persons called Kambala and Asvatara and Satavahana as a king, Regarding VIddhakavi, he says that according to some he was the same as Harivsddha. If we accept this last identification, then it follows that Hariveddha, also known as Vrddhakavi, was, along with the two Bhujagadhipas and Satavahana, a recognized authority on Prakrit metrics and especially on its section on the Dvipadi. In this connection we may attach some significance to the fact that as Harivrddha and Sali figure together in the SK. I. 99 illustration, so also Satavahana and VIddhakavi figure together in VS. II. 8 and 9. 5. We may also mention here in passing that the expression Tuddhakai-miruviam from VS. II. 8 is anonymously quoted by Hemacandra, in the form Viddhakai-niruviam under Siddhahema, 8-2-40 as a counter-instance of -ddh- changing into -ddh-. That the example is in fact drawn from the VS. is shown beyond doubt by the fact that the whole of the first part of Vs. I. 13 (iaraim jana lahu-akkhara ir paort imella-sahiana) is reproduced under Siddhahema. Vill. iii. 134 (with the variant payamtimilla for payantimella) to illustrate the use of a genitive form for the ablative. Hemacandra's using of Virahanka's metrical manual to obtain illustrative matter for his grammar implies a good measure of respectability and traditional authority for the latter. And the same conclusion is to be drawn from Virahanka's acknowledgement that Vrddhakavi was one of his sources and authorities. 6. We come across one more reference to Hariveddha in Rajasekhara's Karpuramanjari. In the first Javanika of the Karpuramanjari during the squabble with the maid Vicaksana, the Vidusaka reacts angrily to the King's praise of the former and says, "Then why don't you say straightway : this our servant-girl is a poet surpassing even Harivuddha, Nandiveddha, Potfisa, Hala and such others ?7'--ta ujjuaril jeva kin na bhaniadi amhanam cedia Jlariuddha-Namdiuddha-Pottisa-Halapaludinam pi purado sukgi tti ? Here Hariyrddha figures is one of the famous and foremost

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Some Prakrit Poets 165 Prakrit poets. As in the two references previously considered, here too he is found in Hala's company. 7. The other two, Nandivrddha and Pottisa, also must have been renowned Prakrit poets. One Namdiyaddha (Sk. Nanditadhya) is known to us as the author of a small work on Prakrit metres called Gathalaksana.8 The form in which the Gathalaksana is at present before us is the work of a Jain author. But Velankar has serious doubts about the genuineness of certain parts of the Gathalaksana. There are clear borrowings from works like Svayambhucchandas. Again we find the definition of an Apabhramsa metre cited elsewhere under the name of poet Namdaddha (kai Namdaddha)10, but it is not found in the Gathalaksana. The present Gathalaksana seems to be a mutilated and interpolated version or recast of the metrical manual composed by a poet Namdiyaddha which treated Prakrit and Apabhramsa metres. And that Namdiyaddha may be the same as the Namdiuddha of the Karpuramanjart. Some of the commentaries on Hala's Gaha-sattasai ascribe the authorship of Gatha IV. 92 (N. S. Edition) to Namdiuddha. The Gatha seems to be an old one. A portion of this Gatha is quoted under Siddhahema VIII. ii. 80 to illustrate the fact that Desya words like vodraha 'youngman' invariably preserve an r-cluster (instead of optionally assimilating it). As against the form vodahio of the Gaha-sattasai mss., the Siddhahema offers us vodrahio which preserves the original phonology. 8. Now we consider Pottisa whom Rajasekhara has mentioned along with Hariuddha, Namdiuddha and Hala. Pottisa figures as the chief minister of Hala-Satavahana in the Lilavaikaha of Kouhala11 (c. 800 A.D.). There at times he is respectfully referred to as Pottisa-misra and Sri-pottisa. Four Gathas (viz., I. 89, II. 73, III. 93, V. 3) from Hala's Gahasattasai are attributed to Pottisa.12 One more, viz., I.4 also is to be added to these: In the N. S. edition of the Gahasattasai the name of its author is given as Vodisa, but Bhuvanapala's commentary gives the name as Pottisa and in one MS. of that commentary (that which is in the MSS. collection of the L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad) the

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166 Prakrit and Apabhraisa Studies. marginal gloss on the authorship-label 'pottisassa reads : Hala-- mantri tu pottisah. This confirms the tradition we find in the Lilavai. 9. As in the case of Namdiuddha and Pottisa, so also in the case of Hariuddha we find in Hala's Gaha-sattasai a Gatha or two attributed to him. III. 88 is given under the name of Hariuddha, and the name Haritau under which II. 100 is given may be a corruption of Hariuddha misread as Hariuta. As Virahanka is plausibly assigned to a period prior to the eighth century A.D.13, Harivrddha is to be placed between Hala and Viraharka. 10. Thus Harivrddha alias Viddhakavi was an acknowledged carly authority on Prakrit prosody. His eminent achievements as a Prakrit poet are indicated by his sobriquet Viddhakai or Vuddhakai (Vnddha-kavi) and by the Karpuraman jari and Sarasvatikanthcblxrana allusions. If he is the same as the Hari quoted by Namisadhu, he should be also credited with some notable contribution to poetics. In the literary tradition current during the period 800-1000 A.D., his name figured in association with the names of important Prakrit poets and authors like Haja, Nandivuddha, Pottisa and Bhujagadhipa-s. 2. Satavahana 11. The following facts about Satavahana are quite well-known. Onwards from the sixth century A.D., we have a powerful' literary and legendary tradition which considers Pk. Hala, Salahana, Salavahana, Sk. Satsvahana, Salivahana, salavahana etc. as different forms of the same namel, which belonged to a famous king of Pratisthana. This Hala-Satavahana had become a great legendary figure credited with many glorious deeds and achievements. There are numerous references to his patronage of learning and partiality for Prakrit language and literature. He is famous as the compiler of the anthology of Prakrit verse variously called Gahakoso, Kosa, Gaha-satu-sai, Gathu-saptasuti etc. He is also credited with the authorship of (1) numerous.

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Some Prakrit Poets Gathas in the same collection and of (2) the introductory section (katha-pitha) of the lost Brhatkatha which was composed by Gunadhya in the Paisaci Prakrit.16 But Hala-Satavahana's reputation as a great Prakrit poet and author would naturally suggest that his literary achievements might not have been confined to just this much. He might have written extensively. And in fact from a few references scattered here and there we do get some positive information about several other writings of Hala-Satavahana. 167 12. From Virahanka's references discussed earlier, we have already inferred that Hala-Satavahana had composed a manual of Prakrit prosody, which was considered authoritative. We have no information about its general scope or contents, but this much is definite that it treated at length the form and structure of the Prakrit Dvipadi. 13. Besides being a Prakrit metrician, Hala-Satavahana was also a Prakrit lexicographer. He had composed a lexicon of Desya words from which five actual quotations are given in Hemacandra's Desinamamala. At all the five places Hemacandra cites Satavahana to record a difference of opinion about the meaning of a particular Desya word. This implies that Hala-Satavahana's authority as a Desikara was such that Hemacandra deemed it necessary to give the former's view where it diverged from one which he himself had adopted. The quotations given by Hemacandra are as under: 1. "jambulam madya-bhajanam' iti Satavahanah-(Desinamata, under II. 41, p. 146) 2. tivvam atyratham' iti Satavahanah (ibid, under V. II, p. 187) purohadam pacchokadam (?) iti tu Satavahanah (ibid, under VI. 15, p. 215) 3. padis amtam astamitam' iti tu Satavahanah,' (ibid, under VI. 18, p. 217) padihatt ho vacanam' iti tu Satavanhanah (ibid, under VI. 19, p. 217) 4. 5.

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168 Prakrit and Apabhraisa Studies These quotations suggest the following points about the character and value of Hala's Desya lexicon : (1) Hemacandra cites Satavahana only so far as the latter differs from the position acceptable to him. Nowhere has he cited him in his support on a controversial point, unlike most of the her early authorities on Desya which Hemacandra cites (at times agreeing, at times disagreeing with his own position.)17. This suggests that Satavahana's work might have been of a limited scope. But the fact that Hemacandra quotes him several times is indicative of the traditional authority acquired by the work. (2) Satai ahana's lexicon gave Sanskrit meaning equivalents for Desya items. (3) Unlike most of ther known lexicons which have been composed in Gatha, Satavahana's work seems to have been composed in Anustubh. Of course, one cannot be quite definite about this in view of the very meagre material available, but the rhythm of the fragments cited is felt more like that of the Anustubh. (4) The work may have been in the form of just a glossary i.e. a collection of selected words with only meaning equivalents and without illustrations. 14. If Hala-Satavahana has composed a work on Prakrit metres, it is reasonable to believe that he might have written several Prakrit poems also besides those Muktakas in Gatha that are preserved in his Gatha-kosa. And fortunately we can point out something actual to support such a belief. The Apabhramsa poet Svayambhu has quoted in his Svayambhu-cchandas two illustrative stanzas, one under the name of Salahana and another under the name of Hala. He has illustrated the metre Udgiti with a verse of Salahana, 18 and for the Varnavstta Sardulavikridita le has quoted two examples, one of which is said to be from Hala.19 This second quotation signifies that Hala had used some VarnaVrttas also in his Prakrit compositions.

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Some Prakrit Poets 169 15. Further, from two other references we come to know that Salahana had acquired lasting reputation as a composer of a particular type of Prakrit lyrics called Dhavala. In the Apabhramsa section of Hemacandra's metrical treatise, the Chandonusasana, we find at the end of the Utsaha subsection the description of a class of metres called Dhavala. Hemacandra defines and illustrates several varieties of the Dhavala. But at the very beginning of his treatment, and just after describing the general form and character of the Dhavala, he remarks that he would be illustrating only a few of the varieties, but for a fuller picture one should consult the utterences' (ukti) of Satavahana - dhavalani Satavahanoktisu drstavyani, digmatram tudaharisyate 20 16. What is exactly the meaning of the words 'the ukti-s of Satavahana' in Hemacandra's allusion ? Were they some sadikti-s or sukti-s composed by Satavahana in different varieties of the Dhavala metre or were they possibly his descriptive statements about the same in his metrical treatise ? The required clarification, on this point can be found from a similar statement of the Apabhramsa poet Svayambhu. And it is quite likely that Svayambhu's remarks, discussed below, was the source of Hemacandra's statement. In his famous manual of Prakrit and Apabhramsa metres, the Svayambhucchandas, Svavam bhu has described in the last chapter the general metrical organization of some outstanding Apabhramsa literary genres like the Sandhjbandha, the Rasabandha etc. First he defines different types of Chaddania, Ghatta and Padhadia which built up the Sandhi, and thereafter he seems to specify the kinds of metres used in the composition of Giti-s which were probably short Prakrit or Apabhramsa lyrics. He refers in this connection to various types of Ghatta, Chaddani and Vidarika, different from those he had described earlier and adds that over and above these there were various types of Dhavalas such as those composed in quantity by Satavahana :-Sulahanena dhavalaiti jaim viraiaim area is balu-rihaim.21 Here Salahana i.e. Satavahana is said to have composed (riraiais) a number of diverse types of Dhavala songs.

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170 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies 17. Thus from these references it clearly follows that Satavahana's Dhavala songs were very famous and were considered quite typical.22 Though both Svayambhu and Hemacandra treat, and the latter also illustrates, separately Dhavala as an Apabhramsa metre, this need not necessarily imply that Satavahana's Dhavalas were in Apabhramsa. Many of the typically Apabbramsa metres were also used for composing in Prakrit, and at times even in Sanskrit. 23 Satavahana's Dhavalas must have been short lyrics having eight, six or four lines describing some eminent person under the guise of a dhavala (i.e. a white bull of the best breed). In other words they must have been Dhavalanyokti-s, a few examples of which we come across in some Apabhramsa works. For example, we, have seven Dhavalanyokti-s in the seven Gathas of the Jarnbusumicariu of Vira (VII. 6) (composed in 1020 A.D.).24 Again among the illustrations cited by Hemacandra in the Apabhraisa section of the Siddhahema we find two Dhavalanyokti-s (VIII. iv. 340/2; 421), one of which (iy 340/2) is clearly based on Jainbusamicariu VII. 6, lines 26-27. Although these stanzas are either in Gatha or Doha metre, while the Dhavalas defined by Hemacandra and Svayambhu have altogether different metrical structures, still the former were also called Dhavalas, as both the above-named metrical authorities make it clear that besides the songs of specific metrical forms, other songs also in metres like Utsaha, Hela, Vedana etc. were also called Dhavalas, if they described the hero under the guise of a dhavalu. 25 This second category of Dhavalas was named after their metre, e.g. Utsahadhavala. Heladhavala etc. We cannot say whether Satavahana had also written Dhavalas coming under this second category. 18. Hemacandra's Desinamamala has recorded several names by which Hala-Satavahana was known to the tradition :26 Kuntala (DN. II. 36), Pusa (VI. 80) and Cauracimdha (III. 7). There has been a persistent tradition taking Satavahana as a king of the Kuntala country with his capital at Pratisthana. But from the following reference in the Kamasutra of Vatsyayana it appears that

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Some Prakrit Poets 171 Kuntala was also an alternative name of king Satavahana himself : Kartarya Kuntalab. Satakarnih Satavahano mahadevin Malayavatim (jaghana). Hemacandra might have followed this tradition27 in giving Kuntala as a Desya word signifying Hala-Satavahana. Pusa would correspond to Sk. pusya. As a Desya item it also means "a parrot', Why Satavahana was called Pusa and what was its significance--these things are totally in the dark. The third alternative name of Hala-Satavahana noted above is Cauracimdba, which corresponds to Sk. Caturacihna. One way of interpreting this is to take it as equivalent to Sk. Vidagdhasiromani. And it can very well fit the personality of Hala-Satavahana as it is known from legends. But another interpretation is also plausible. Catura-cinha is the same as Caturanka, i.e. one whose aika or pen-name was Catura. The Srigarakpraasa has classified and illustrated various types of ankas.28 An aika was some special marking word used by a poet at the close of each section of his literary work, as a sort of signature. Instead of aika, its synonyms cilina and lunchana were used occasionally. We have the pen names of ancient poets like Abhimananka, Parakramanka, Sahasanka, 29 Viraharka, 30 etc. Similarly we have Dakkhinnaimdhay! [i.e. Daksinyacihna], Abhimanacihna, 32 Avalevacinha33 [i.e. Avalepacilna,), Jasaindha34 (i.e. Yasascihna), etc. Thirdly we may note Sadbhavalanchana35, Virahalanchana, 36 Daksinyalanchana,37 etc. Accordingly Sk. Catura or Pk. Caura would be the aika i.e. identifying mark of Satavahana employed in the concluding verses of the sections of his narrative poems. Of course, this remains merely a speculation until we can verify it, and that would be possible only when luck favoured us with the recovery of some sustained composition of Satavahana. Finally we should note that in the closing verse of each Sataka of the Gatha-Saptasati, Hala-Satavahana is called kaivacchala (Sk. kavi-vatsala) 'a loving patron of poets'. This seems to be rather a biruda than a pen-name.

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172 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies 3. Adhyaraja 19. The tradition that identifies Satavahana with Hala is old. persistent and vigorous. The same cannot be said of the tradition which idectifies Satavahana with Adhyaraja. Rajasekhara and Bhoja have noted that tradition. As pointed out by Raghavan,38 Rajasekhara has recorded in his Karpamimamsa (p. 50) a legend according to which Satavahana, the king of Kuntala, had ordered his harem to make exclusive use of Prakrit, and similarly Sahasanka, the king of Ujjayini had prescribed exclusive use of Sanskrit. 39 Bhoja, in Sarasvatikanthabharana, II. 15 refers to the same traditional legend when he says that everybody used Prakrit under the regime of Adhyaraja, while under the regime of Sahasanka everybody used Sanskrit.40 Here we see that Bhoja's Adhyaraja corresponds to Rajasekhara's Satavahana of Kuntala. And Ratnesvara's commentary too on the Sarasvatikanthabharana identifies Adhyaraja with Salivahana, and Sahasanka with Vikramaditya. So the fact that there was such a tradition cannot be denied. 20. In this connection Mirashi and Raghavan have drawn our attention to Bana's reference to Adhyaraja in his Harsacarita. In the introductory verses of the Harsacaritu Bana, in the course of eulogising eminent poets that preceded him, says that with the excellence of Adhyaraja's Utsaha compositions before them, other poets found no heart to write poetry : Adhyaraja-kstot sahaih hsdayasthaih smTtair api / jihvantah kTsyamaneva na kavitve pravartate //41 Now it looks certain that according to Bana this Adhyaraja on one hand and Satavahana, the compiler of Gatha-kosa on the other, were different persons, because each of the eight introductory verses of the Har.sacarita, beginning from the 11th and ending with the 18th, pays tribute to someone famous poet or work in the following order : Vasaradatta (11), Bhattara Haricandra (12) Satavahana (13), Pravarasena (14), Bhasa (15), Kalidasa (16), BThatkatha "(17) and Adhyaraja (18). So the tradition that identified Adhyaraja with Hala-Satavahana was a later development.

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Some Prakrit Poets 173 21. Adhyaraja's literary compositions which Bana has so highly admired have been referred to by him as 'Utsaha-s.' The term Utsaha' has intrigued the scholars and they have made various conjectures42 about its meaning. But Utsaha here is not a general designation for the chapter-divisions of an Akhyayika like Asvasa, etc. The commentator Sankara has recorded two earlier interpretations as he himself had no idea as to what was exactly meant by Utsaha. According to one view it was primarily the name of a particular type of Tala in dance, and secondarily it applied to poems which were used as song-text to accompany the dance.43 According to another view it was a prose-cum-verse composition with a definite pattern: The introductory stanza presented the theme in substance, which was further enlarged upon in prose interspersed with verse, and the whole formed a self-contained unit.44 22. Prakrit prosody enlightens us on this point and it supports in substance the first of the above two interpretations. Utsaha was a well-known Prakrit metre. Both the leading Prakrit prosodists, Svayambhu and Hemacandra, have defined it.45 In their scheme of treatment the Utsaha metre headed the first sub-section of the Apabhramsa section and hence that sub-section was usually called Utsahadiprakarana.46 Utsaha was a metre of 24 Matras, made up of 6 Caturmatras, the third and fifth Caturmatra having the form u-u or u, uuu. The fact that Utsaha is treated as an Apabhramsa metre does not mean that it could not be employed in Prakrit compositions. As pointed out earlier, the prosodists have explictly stated that the metres treated under the Apabhramsa section are generally but not exclusively47 used in Apabhramsa poems. Conversely several metres of the Khanjaka category, described under the Prakrit section are found in actual practice to have been used in Apabhramsa poems. Further the Prakrit prosodists tell us that the Utsaha metre was also used to compose certain types of songs called Dhavala, Mangala and Phullataka which were mostly in Apabhramsa.48 gather about the Utsaha metre Thus from the information we

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174 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies from the manuals of prosody, it is clear that in early Prakrit and Apabhramsa literatures there must have been in vogue an important class of short lyrics in the Utsaha metre. In Bana's times ANhyaraja's poems in Utsaha were judged to have been superb. 23. Raghavan has drawn our attention to one more fact about Adhyaraja's writings which he gleans from the Sgngaraprakasa.49 While illustrating the various conventional modes of marking the closing verse of each canto in the Sargabandha etc. the Stngaraprakasa says that in Adhyaraja's work the end of each section was specifically marked by his favourite word dhairya : abhiprayankata yatha dhairyam Adhyarajasya.50 This implies that Adhyaraja had also written some Prabandhakayya-may be a Mahakavya. Looking to his reported love of Prakrit, we can suppose that it was a Prakrit Kavya, like Sarvasena's Harivijaya which was Utsahanka or Pravarasena's Setubaddha which is anuraganka, but of course we cannot be definite about this point. Notes 1. His 'Bhoja's Stngaraprakasa' (1963), p. 835. 2. amharisa vi kaino Harivuddha-Sali-pamuha vi / mamdukka-makkada vi hu homti hari sappa-siha vi // - Sarasvatikanthabharana (Sk.), Nirnaya Sagar edition, 1.99 (133). As in the case of so many other Prakrit passages of the SK. the text of this verse is also faulty. The printed text reads halibudhdha and harisappasimha. For the former it also records a variant harianda, Sragaraprakasa ed. by Yatiraja Swamy and G. R. Josyer (Vol : II, 1963) also has got this verse. At p. 348 it is in a very corrupt form (like most of the other Prakrit and Apabhramsa passages in that edition) : the end portion of the first line reads marimudhdhaelavamuhai. At the end of the volume this verse is reproduced editorially and is provided with Sanskrit

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Some Prakrit Poets 175 chaya. Here the corresponding portion reads haliandahalapamuhavi. 3. Sali is otherwise not known as an abridgement of Salivahana. Moreover among the traditional names of the authors of various Gathas of Hala's Gahasattasai, we find the name Salia in the case of a few Gathas, e.g. II. 29. But in view of the fact that in other references too, discussed further in this paper, Harivrddha is found associated with Hala, identification of Sali of the SK. verse with Salivahana seems highly plausible. 4. Tatha hy astau Harinokta yatha : mahuram pharusam komalam-ojassim nitthuram ca laliyam ca gambhiram samannam ea attha bhanitiu nayavva || -Namisadhu on Rudrata's Kavyalamkara, II. 19. Again the printed text is faulty. It meaninglessly reads addha bhaniti unayassa. 5. Edited by H. D. Velankar, Rajasthan Puratana Granthamala, No. 61, 1962. 6. Bhujagadhipau Kambalasvatarau Satavahano raja. Vrddhakavir Harivrdaha iti kecit. (Com. on VS. II. 8). Usually bhujagadhipa is taken to be synonymous with nagaraja and is identified with Pingalanaga or Pingala, the famous authority on prosody. For example in the opening verse of Sura's manual of prosody cited in the commentary on Kavidarpana (ed. by H. D. Velankar, 1962), I. 1, Pingala is characterized as naganatha : Sambhum natva giramanu tatah Pingalam naganatham. But Gopala seems to have followed Jayakirti, who in his Chandonusasana (ed. by H. D. Velankar, Jayadaman, 1949), I. 13 mentions Pingala and Kambala among those Muni-s who favoured the Yati (metrical pause), and Asvatara among those who were against it. So according to Gopala, Bhujagadhipa at VS. II. 8 and 9, and Visahara (i.e, Visadhara- which he paraphrases as naga) at VS. II. 7 signify two persons named Kambala and Asvatara and these were according to him quite different from Pingala. In the Mangala at the beginning of his commentary, he salutes separately Pingala, Saitava, Katyayana, Bharata and Kambala-cum-Asvatara. On VS. I. 1 too he qualifies Pingala simply as a Chandahsastracarya.

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176 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies 7. A. N. Upadhye (in his edition of the Lilavai of Koubala, 1949, Introduction p. 56, footnote 3) and N. G. Suru (in his edition of the Karpiramanjari, 1960, Introduction, p. civ) have drawn our attention to the passage of the Karpuramanjari discussed here. See also J. C. Jain, Prakst Sahitya ka Itihasa (1961), p. 573, footnote 1. 8. Ed. by H. D. Velankar, in Appendix I to his edition of Kavidar pana, 1962. 9. Gathalaksana, 26-29 considered by Velankar as quite out of place and hence interpolations, are in fact reproduced from the Svayambhucchandas (Purvabhaga) I. 3.2, 3.3, 4.1 and 4.2. So also verse 77 is borrowed from Vittajatisamuccaya I. 7 as pointed out by Velankar in his introduction to the latter, p. XXX. Verse 83 is again identical with Svayambhucchandas IV. 5-1 and verse 16 is the same as Prakstaping ala I. 54. 10, See Samdesarasaka (ed. by Muni Jinavijaya and H. C. Bhayani, 1945), Introduction, p. 102. The commentary on verse 19 quotes a definition of the metre Radda in which the words kai Namdaddha bhanamti occur in the end. It also quotes at various other places verses which we find as verse no. 16, 74, 78 and 80 in Velankar's edition of the Gathalaksana. It may be noted that for the form namdiuddha some MSS. of the Karpuramanjari read namdiyaddha. 11. Ed. by A. N. Upadhye. See the references to Pottisa in the word-index. 12. See the references in note no. 7. 13. Vittajatisamuccya, Introduction, p. XXV. 14. See especially Upadhye, op. cit., Introduction, pp. 46-58 and the references in the footnotes on these pages. 15. Hala originally a Prakrit form had later become current in Sanskrit also as we can see from Hemacandra's Abhidhanacintamani (712), from the references of Abhinanda and Soddhala, etc. See Upadhye, op. cit., pp. 47, 54-55. Salivahana too is a Sanskritization. We may note here another instance also of the same process. Palitta was the Prakrit form of Padalipta,

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Some Prakrit Poets 177 the name of the author of the lost Tarangavati Katha. It appears in a newly Sanskritized form as Sripalita in Abhinanda's Ramaccrita, xxii, 100; see also Upadhye, op. cit., Inro duction, p. 55. 15. See Upadhye, op. cit., pp. 47, 54-55. 16. Kathasaritasagara, VIII. 37. Satavahana is said to have com posed the Kathapitha with the help of Gunadhya's pupils, Gunadeva and Nandideva. See also Raghavan, op. cit., p. 854. 17. Definamamala, edited by R. Pischel, second edition by P. V. Ramanujaswami, Introduction I, p. 12-14. Ramanujaswami says that from Hemacandra's references to Satavahana in his Definamanala, he could not gather definite evidence for saying that Satavahana had composed a Desi Kosa. But what Hemacandra has given under Satavahana's name are clearly quotations, and each one gives a Sanskrit meaning-equivalent for a Desya word. These facts leave no doubt about the existence of a Desya lexicon of Satavahana. Ramanujaswami observes that Hemacandra has quoted Satavahana seven times. I have been able to locate only five quotations. 18. Uggii Salahanassa : thana-dohadie bharai va bala laanna-saliloham / ramanalavala-niggaa-romavali-vallari vya simcei // -Svayambhucchandas (Purvabhaga), I. 4.2 19. ahava Halassa : . kamai puppha-dhanum sa-kosuma-saram tunnam tiacchahaam soum jam juvai-jano na kuvio tam atthi se karanam ! . hela-sajjha-jaar samattam-inamo paamtaralikaam kesakesi-nibamdhanam cia jiam ettamha ko mallao 1). :-Svayambhucchandas, I. 47.2:

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4. BHAIRAVANANDA In the introduction (pp. LXII-LXV) to his edition1 of Rajasekhara's Pk. play Karpuramanjari Ghosh has sought to re-interpret the character of Bhairavananda, the Kaula priest figuring in that play. Konow and Lanman take the words of Bhairavananda in Act I at their face value and accordingly consider him to be depicted as a low priest leading a licentious life and a charlatan. Ghosh criticizes this view of the character of Bhairavananda and tries to show that the apparently vulgar and immoral words of Bhairavananda possess an inner meaning which sets his character in quite a good light. But if we strictly confine ourselves to the words of the text and their natural tone, it would be difficult for us to accept Ghosh's view. And there is some evidenee to show that as early as the beginning of the fourteenth century A. C. Bhairavananda's character was understood, as by Konow and Lanman, to be drawn in anything but flattering colours. Certain passages in Puspadanta's Jasaharacariu are express interpolations made by one Gandharva in the year 1308 A.D. One of these interpolated passages (Jas. I. 5.3 to I. 8.17) concerns itself with Kaulacarya Bhairavananda's visit to king Maridatta. The portrait of the Bhairavananda of this passage is obviously drawn with a view to present a typical Acarya of the Vamamargaboastful, licentious, given to magic lore. Now it appears probable that for this passage as for another passage (Jas. IV. 22. 17 b-IV. 30-15), the material was taken by Gandharva from the work of an earlier poet called Vatsaraja, regarding whom or whose work 1. Manomohan Ghosh, Karpuramanjiri, University ef Calcutta, 1939. 2. P. L. Vaidya, Jasaharacariu (K. J. S. I), 1931, Introduction pp. 17-18.

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Bhairavananda we know no more. But Gandharva appears to have avaied of another work also. As pointed out below there is such a close resemblance in certain statements and characteristic traits of the Bhairavananda of the interpolated passage of the Jasaharacariu and those of the Bhairavananda of the Karpuramanjari that we cannot but think that while composing the Jasaharacariu passage in question, Gandharva must have the Karpuramanjari before him. Of course there is some difference in the distribution of emphasis with regard to the depiction of the various traits of the character, Gandharva stressing its braggart side while Rajasekhara bringing its dissolute way of living into prominent relief. But otherwise the similarity between the two portraitures is strikingly far-reaching. The points of resemblance-verbal or otherwise-are: (1) Bhairavananda is a Kaula priest. kulamagga- laggA Karpu. p. I3, 1. 5. p. 13, 1. 10. kolo dhammo kulamagga cAri jasa I 6 25 kaulAyari I 52 "" "" (2) Rumours about his miraculous powers reach the ears of the king. kiM so jau jaNa - vaaNAdo accanbhUda-siddhi suNIadi / Karpu. p. 12, 1. 13. '63 fame facgefta bahu tanta-manta aggai saranti' / iya jampantaho to jAya vatta sA mAridatta - kaNNantu patta // Jasa. I 615-16. (3) He subsists on begging alms. bhikkhA bheojja Karpu. p. 13, 1. 9. bhikkhaaru Jasa. I 6 2. 179 (4) He freely partakes of wine and meat. majja' maMsa pijjae khajjae-a savva- gAsi Karpu. p. 13, 1. 8. Jasa I 6 I.

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Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies ! (5) He leads a life completely submerged in sensual pleasures. Stanzas 21, 22, 23, Karpu. Act. I. indriyasuhu mahu pujjai Jasa. I. 6 28 (6) He is self-praising. taM Natthi bhUmivalae maha ja na siddha etc. Karpu. I. 24. appiM apaho bhAhappu dappu aNaunchiu jampai thuNai appu Jasa. I 68 (7) He claims to have control over the sun and moon. daMsemi tapi sasiNa vasuhAvaiNNa thambhemi tassa-vi ravissa raha Nahaddhe / Karpu. p. 14, 1. I-2. hau~ thambhami ravihi vimANu jantu candassa jonha chAyami turantu / Jasa. I 6 15. Note the almost identical wordings of the second and the third line. (8) In fact he claims to be all-powerful. taNatthi bhUmi-valae maha jana sajjha / tA bhaNa, kiM kIradu / Karpit. p. I4. 1. 5-6.. mahu sayala siddhi vipphurai; khaNantari vijja-siddhi / hau~ haraNa-karaNa-kAraNa-samatthu ja' ja tuha~ maggahi kiM-pi vatthu ta ta hau~ demi mahA-pasatthu / Jasa. I 7 1-3. (9) He instantly complies with the king's request. vidUSakaH-tahiM mae ekaka kaNNA-raaNa ditttt| ta iha ANIadu / ((This is supported by the king : rAjA-avadArijjadu puNimAhariNakoM dharaNIalammi / ) bhairavAnanda:- zodhAdi / Keenrip. 14, 1.9-11'

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Bhairavananda tA cavai rAu 'mahu khecaratu kari X X ' tuha khecaratta hau~ karami banpa' | Jasa. I 7 4-5 181 Such a close resemblance between ideas and certain expressions. of the above-quoted passages cannot be accidental. Gandharva, in all likelihood, has modelled his Bhairavananda directly or through Vatsaraja-after the Bhairavananda of the Karpuramanjari and both of these sketches are drawn in colours which are far from complimentary.

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5. THE PRAKRIT AND APABHRAMSA RAMAYANAS (1) Introductory We know that in all the centuries subsequent to Vyasa's Mahabharata and Valmiki's Ramayana numberless adaptations, reworkings and translations (of the whole or of particular parts) of those two epics have been produced in numerous Indian and non-Indian languages down to the present day. As literary media Prakrits were in use side by side with Sanskrit over more than fifteen cenruries. So it can be naturally presumed that there must have appeared several compositions on the narrative of Rama in Prakrit paralleling those in Sanskrit, in both the traditions, Brahminical and Jainistic. In fact such a presumption is borne out so far as the Jainistic tradition is concerned : We have with us several full or abridged versions of Jaina Ramayanas in Prakrit. Nothing has been known, however, about the Ramayana compositions in Prakrit in the Brahminical tradition. Nothing has been preserved and so pobody has noted so far any references to such works, if they were at all written. (2) The Brahminical tradition This utterly hopeless situation is now slightly relieved through an unexpected source. From a few references available in a ninth century work on Prakrit prosody, we come to know for the first time something definite about Brahminical Ramayanas in Prakrit and Apabhraisa. The Svayambhucchandas of Svayambhudeva gives numerous citations from earlier Prakrit and Apabhramsa works to illustrustrate various metres it defines. This gives us a glimpse into the extensive and rich literature of high excellence that is unfortunately all but lost. Among these citations there are a few in the Prakrit section and slightly more than that in the Apabharamsa Section, which pertain to the theme of Ramayana. So far as these 1. This remark is with regard to works dealing with the complete Ramayana narrative. Prakrit poems - Mahakavyas-in the VedicBrakmanic tradition, based on particular episodes (e.g. the Setubandha, the lost Ravanavijaya) are of course well known.

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The Prakrit and Apabhramsa Ramayanas 183 Prakrit citations are concerned we are quite in the dark regarding the exact nature (whether a regular Ramayana or otherwise) and character (whether Jain or non-Jain) of their source works. The citation from Kanhadatta (Sk. Krsnadatta), illustrating the mixture of Giti and Skandhaka metres, relates to the message delivered to Ravana (either by Angada or by Hanumat) advising him to return Sita before Rama's arrows destory him (Svayambhucchandas I, 103.3). The citation from Vadhamitta (Sk. Vtddhamitra), illustrating the Ugra variety of the Galitaka metre is considerably obscure, but there is no doubt about the fact that it contains an exhortation to Ravana by somebody desiring him to negotiate peace with Rama (Sva', I, 2-3-1). The third citation, from Nagaha, illustrating the Tolaka metre (Svao, I, 16.1), describes Ravana's army discharging velleys of arrows at the monkey hordes. We may speculate that of these, the name Krsnadatta possibly implies that he was a non-Jain. (3) Caturmukha's Ramayana Fortunately we are somewhat more informed regarding Svayambhudeva's citations from an earlier Apabhraisa Ramayana by a poet named Caumuha (Sk. Caturmukha). From bits of information scattered in diverse sources, we can piece together the following account of Caturmukha and his works. He may have flourished in the eighth or seventh century. Acknowledged by the subsequent centuries as a major Apabharamsa poet, he had three extensive eipies to his credit. One of these was a Ramayana, another a Bharata and the third one was called Abdhimathana, which had obviously as its theme the Puranic episode of the churning of the ocean by gods and demons. All the three epics were in the Sandhibandha form. The Sandhi bandha was the characteristic form of the Apabhraisa epic. The poem was divided into Sandhis, each of which was subdivided into Kadavakas tylpically made up of eight rhyming couplets with a closing piece. These eipcs contained in the final verse of each section the namanka or namamudra of the author. Bhoja informs us that in the case of Caturmukha's poems, the author's name was identical with the name of bis ista-devata.

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184 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies This means that Caturmukha (i.e. Brahman) was the deity, our poet worshipped. Caturmukha was a pioneer in evolving the Sandhibandha and Svayambhudeva's Ramayana epic (Panmacariya) was considerably influenced in its form, organization and treatment by the former's Rama epic. From the citations found in the Svayambaucchandas and in the Siddhahema, one can form, some idea of the great literary worth of Caturmukha's Ramayana, although we have no idea of its extent, contents and organization. (4) The Jain Tradition Works based on the Jainistic versions of the narrative of Rama are numerous and extensive. They are spread over some seventeen centuries and encompass more than eight languages. Adequate study of this vast amount of material would demand extensive and intensive labours of several scholars. Even so, the work actually done so far in the subject is not inconsiderable. There have been several studies-some quite elaborate, others of a limited nature dealing with the comparative-historical problems.1 As to the Jain versions of the Ramayana in Prakrit and Apabhramsa we have several works with us. They are listed below Paumacariya of Vimala (Pk.). 4th or 5th Century. The Vasudevahindi version of Sarghadasa (Pk.). 5th Century. The Caupannamahapurisacariya version of Silanka (Pk.). 868 A.D. The Kahavali version of Bhadresvara (Pk.). 11th Century. Panmacariya of Svayambhudeva (Ap.). 9th Century. The version in Puspadanta's Mahapurana (Ap.). 965-972 A.D. The present account is intended to be more informative than critical, and is confined to the general and comparative-historical aspects of the subject. There was therefore little for me to do than to paraphrase the findings and conclusions already arrived at in the previous studies. (5) Alterations and Variations As the works of Caturmukha and others of the Brahmanical

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The Prakrit and Apabhramsa Ramayanas 185 tradition are lost, nothing can be said about their departures, if any, from Valmiki's version. The Jain versions of the Ramayana do not have an all-acceptable common narrative. They follow several traditions. We have to distinguish no less than three considerably different versions, with a few sub-versions or minor variants. One of the three main versions is a direct descendent of the Standard or Valmiki version (VR), while the other two, even through deriving from the same, have undergone some basic alterations- one can rather say, 'transformations'-, which make them characteristically distinct and peculiarly Jainistic. Vimala has a special Jain version which is followed by Svayambhndeva and Silanka. Sanghadasa mainly follows the Digambara version found with Gunabhadra, it being a mixture of Valmiki and Buddhist Dasaratba Jataka version with some peculiar Jain features added. The detailed comparison and tabulation of depatures from Valmiki are available in specialized studies and we need not go into them, we are concerned here primarily with the implications of the changes and variation in the narrative of Rama. It should be noted that the Ramayanas in Prakrit and Apabh. ramsa do not share a common tradition or character. The same applies to the Ramayanas in Sanskrit. Differences in the narrative of Rama, follow the religious rather than the linguistic lines, and even in the former case there is anything but uniformity. Leaving aside minor differences, we shall consider the major changes in the Rama narrative made by the pricipal and peculiar Jain tradition and make a few observations about the motivating factors. The remarks have relevance for most of the Jain versions (with some important reservations), irrespective of the works. (6) Vimalasuri's Paumacariya The version we find in Vimalasuri's Paumacariya (VPc) is the earliest available Jain version, and most characteristic. It is in Prakrit and probably not later than fifth cent. A.D. Earlier than

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Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies that there might have been current some Samgraha-gathas-traditional mnemonic verses-possibly stringing together the names of chief characters and cryptic references to main incidents of the Rama-story. Vimala's work seems to be the first full-fledged literary composition on this theme. The Jain canonical literature, though conversant with several episodes of the Krsna-carita, lacks any explicit reference to any character or incident of the Ramacarita. The general outline and pattern of the narrative in VPc., with chief landmarks and their sequence, are basically the same as we find in VR. Rama's parentage, birth, marriage with Sita and exile to the forest along with Laksmana and Sita; Sita's abduction by Ravana; Hanumat's messengership; Rama's alliance with Sugriva; invasion of Lanka; Ravana's defeat and death; scandal about Sita and her rejection; birth of Lava and Kusa; Sita's ordeal these are basic also in VPc. But the divergences too between VPC and VR are far-reaching and quite numerous. One can compile a huge catalogue of them. But such a catalogue by itself would fail to convey the full significance of the divergences. The additions, omissions and alterations affected by Vimala (or any of his predecessor) in his source-narrative can be understood only if we relate them to the aims and objectives that motivated his effort. The concern of the Jain tradition was to prepare and provide for its followers a version of the quite popular and important Ramanarrative, which would be acceptable as truly and authentically Jainistic. To achieve this end the overall frame, orientation and atmosphere of the Rama-story of the Vedic-Brahmanic tradition was to be altered and replaced. 186 In its earlier form the Rama-story may have been just a heroic legend, but in VR as preserved to us. it is already linked up with the Avatara doctrine. The Rama of the Bala and Uttara Kandas is an incarnation of Visnu. Moreover there is a substan 2. Only Samavayanga, the fourth anga of the Jain Canon, mentions at Sutra 54, in a general way 24 Tirthankaras, 12 Cakrarvartins, 9 Baladevanas and 9 Vasudevas.

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The Prakrit and Apabhraisa Ramayanas 187 tial admixture of Puranic myths and legends that are pervaded with Vedic-Brahmanic spirit and atmosphere. Ramacarita, it is true, has not become integral with the Puranic tradition to the same extent as Krsnacarita. Even then its close kinship with the Pur-- anas and the Mahabharata is quite patent. Jain Ramayana too shares this Puranic character. Some of the works are actually designated as Purana (e.g. Padmapurana, anapurana.). It has also some dynastic lists and legends and numerous side-episodes. But naturally the spirit and atmosphere are Jainistic. All the characters in VPc including Dasaratha, Janaka, Ravana, Sugriva, Hanumat and their families are devout Jainas : Jain ascetics loom large on the whole course of the narrative, and throughout opportunities have been frequently provided for preaching principles of Jainism and inculcating Jain doctrines. (7) Rama as a Mahapara sa The Jain conception of the Supreme Divinity is basically different from the Vedic-Brahmanic conception. Jainism has no place for a divine creator and Lord of the creation. Jain theology has no Supreme God presiding over the destinies of the Universe. The highest state of being in Jainism is that of the Siddhas or Muktas. Siddhas have no dealings with the transmigratory world. Hence there is no scope in Jainism for the Avatara doctrine, and the Jain Rama can be no more than an illustrious human hero. Further the Jainas too have worked up the Rama-narrative into an overal) mythology and the Jain legendary Universal History is much more systematized and thoroughgoing. The mythological and hagiological literature of the Jainas has as its core works called Mahapurana and Purana. A Mahapurana gives biographies of 63 Great Men, known as Mahapurusa, Uttama-purusa or Salakapurusa. They comprise 24 Tirtharkaras, 12 Cakravartins, 9 Baladevas, 9 Vasudevas and 9 Prativasudevas.3 Each aeon is characterized by the appearance of this fixed number of Mahapurusas. In the current 3. Sometime the Prativasudevas are excluded, and the number is given as fiftyfour.

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188 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies aeon appeared Tirtharkaras beginning with Rsabha and ending with Vardhamana Mahavira. The Tirthankaras are human beings who have attained spiritual perfection (absolute knowledge) and who preach and teach the Right Path to all the living beings. So far as their function of establishing, upholding and spreading of Dharma, and counteracting Adharma is concerned, they correspond to the Avataras of Vedic Hinduism, though among themselves the Tirthankaras have no connection. They are not menifestations of the same essence. In addition to the Tirthnkaras, there have appeared in the current aeon twelve Cakravartins Universal Monarchs, beginning with Bharata and ending with Brahmadatta. The Cakravartins establish their sovereignty over all the six divisions of the Bharatavarsa through the power of their fourteen Ratnas (objects and agencies endowed with marvellous magic powers) and nine Treasures. Their worldly power, pomp, pleasures and glory are the highest among the earthly beings. Vasudevas have half the status and power of the Cakravartins, so they are also called Ardhacakrins. In alliance with their elder brothers, Baladevas, they overpower and kill their opposites, the Prativasudevas, and establish their sway over three divisions of Bharatavarsa, through the power of their seven Ratnas. In the current aeon there appeared nine sets of Vasudeva, Baladeva and Prativasudeva. Rama, Laksmana and Ravana made up the eighth set, while Baladeva, Krsna and Jarasandha formed the ninth set. Baladevas are of gentle and sobre temperament, while Vasudevas are violent and impetuous. So the former immediately or mediately attain liberation, while the latter have to suffer in hell prior to their liberation. Here too some semblance to the Avatara doctrine is created by the cyclic character of the emergenee of Baladevas, Vasudevas and Prativasudevas, though again they too have no conection among themselves. Consistent with this conception, Rama and Laksmana enjoy all the power and glory due to their status. Like any great monarch both of them are highly polygamous. Rama, like all Baladevas, had eight thousand wives with Sita, Prabhavati, Ratinibha

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The Prakrit and Apabhramsa Ramayanas 189 and Sridama as the chief queens. Laksmana, like all Vasudevas, had sixteen thousand. (s) Rationalizations The monkeys and monsters typyfied by Sugriva, Hanumat, Ravana and their followers are basically mythical elements of the original legend which underlay VR. From the familiar human world of the first two Kandas of VR, we suddenly enter quite a strange world of humanized beasts and monsters of the latter Kandas. These mythical elements did not fit in with the Jain view of the world which has a strong rationalistic strain. And from a commonsense point of view too, defeating of powerful man-eating nonsters by crude beasts and mere humans was quite absurd, unless one conceived it on a purely mythical or divine plane. So the Jain tradition introduced numerous changes in the source-version to make it acceptable to rationality and commonsense, even at the unrealized cost of losing some of its imaginative and weird appeal. The Vanaras and Raksasas were turned by the Jainas into Vidyadharas These latter were human beings that had acquired. through austerities and mortification, superhuman or magical powers, which enabled them to fly in the sky, to assume various forms, to create and use magic missiles etc. The Vidyadhara dynasty which flourished in the Vanara-dvipa ('Moukey Island) and which adopted the monkey as a dynastic emblem was known as the Vanaras, while the Vidyadharas who established a kingdom in the Raksasa-dvipa came to be known as Raksasas. Far from there being any beastiliness or cannibalism about them, they were rather highly intelligent and developed humans. And the Jain tradition has systematically used this device to rationalize the Rama-story. Thus Sugriva, Hanumat and Ravana are all Vidva - dhara kings. As the crossing of the ocean was no problem for the Vidyadhara's, the incident of layiog a bridge over the ocean finds no place in the Jain account. But instead we find there Samudra and Setu as two Vidyadhara Chiefs, loyal to Ravana and hostile to Rama, ruling at Velandhara city in the midst of the ocean. They attack the forces of Rama and Laksmana which

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190 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies were on their way to invading Lanka. They are defeated by Nala and Nila. Similarly Jainas found it unacceptable that Ravana, even with all his power could overpower Indra and other Lokapalas like Yama, Varuna etc. Gods of Jain mythology are infinitely superior in power to any human, be he even a Vidyadhara. So Indra, Yama, Varuna etc. whom Ravana is credited to have vanquished were according to the Jain tradition no more than just names of different Vidyadhara chiefs. A powerful Vidyadhara King created all his paraphernalia in imitation of the celestial Indra, because he claimed the status of terrestrial Indra. So he adopted the name Indra, called his elephant Airavata, designated his various feudatories as Yama, Varuna etc. and so on. It was this Vidyadhara king parading as Indra, and not the celestial one that was defeated along with his subordinates by Ravana. Most of the other traits too of Ravana are changed. The Ravana of VPc is not a ten-headed monster of hideous appearance. As a powerful Vidyadhara king he is endowed with most attractive physical and mental qualities. His designations Dasamukha, Dasagriva etc. are in fact to be taken metaphorically and not literally, and according to the Jain tradition there hangs a story about it. As a child Ravana was precociously strong and adventurous. Still just a newly-born babe, he once rolled out of his bed and caught hold of a wonder necklace. The necklace, handed down in the family line since generations, was guarded by one thousand Nagas and it could not be worn so far by any Vidyadhara king. As the mother put the wonder necklace around the child's neck, there were produced nine reflections of his face in the nine gems of the necklace. And hence he came to be called Dasamukha, etc. And it is on these very grounds that Vimala criticizes in VPc. the orthodox version of the Rama story. He declares it to be falsified and full of absurdities on the following grounds : How could Raksasas, who were pious Jainas descended from noble Vidyadhara families and who possessed enormous power through their mastery of Vidyas, be killed by mere monkeys ? Again it

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The Prakrit and Apabhramsa Ramayanas 191 is height of absurdity to represent Ravana, whose prowess was comparable to Indra's, as a blood-drinking monster, or to describe Kumbhakarna, who was learned in all the Sastras, as sleeping continuously for six months unperturbed even if elephants pushed him and pots of oil were poured in his ears, and when awakened swallowing buffaloes, elephants, human beings, one and all that he could lay his hands on. How again could Ravana be represented as conquering Indra, who is powerful enough to uproot the whole of Jambudvipa and to reduce his opponent to ashes at the mere thought of him. It is also false to depict Rama, who was highly pious, as killing a golden deer or as deceitfully killing Valin for the sake of Sugriva and Tara. Further it runs counter to reason to believe that monkeys could build a bridge over the ocean. The popular version of the Ramacarita was thus according to Vimala full of absurdities, falsifications, misrepresentations and elements contrary to sense. (9) Changes in Characterization And this outlook has changed Ravana from a sinful, wicked, tyrranical monster to a noble, pious and powerful Vidyadhara king, whose conduct had no other blemish except abducting Sita. Several other characters also have undergone a similar transformation. It is not any Manthara-inspired intrigue which leads Kaikeyi to ask throne for Bharata and exile for Rama. According to the VPc version, Bharata expressed a strong desire to renounce the world and become a monk in the footsteps of Dasaratha, and it was with a view to forestall this step of Bharata that Kaikeyi contrived to saddle him with the responsibility of kingship. As to Rama's exile to the forest, it was Rama's voluntary decision, out of his love for Bharata. So too the Valin of VPc is quite different from the Valin of VR. According to the Jain tradition Valin was an exceptionally powerful Vidyadhara king, who humbled the pride of Ravana in an encounter, and thereafter renounced the world. Practising austerities he attained liberation. It was another Vidyadhara called

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192 Prakrit and Apabbramsa Studies Sahasagati who, enamoured of Tara, assumed, through magic power, the form of Sugriva, ousted 'the real 'Sugriva and usurped his queen and kingdom. Rama killed this phoney Sugriva. This orientation absolves both Valin and Rama from all guilt. Rama has also nothing to do with killing Sambuka. According to VPc. Sambuka was a son of Ravana's sister Candranakha (same as the Surpanakha of VR). He was practising austerities for acquiring the magic sword Suryahasa, when he was quite accidently killed by Laksmana. The few typical and basic alterations described above would suffice to give some idea of the general orientation of the Jain Ramacarita. As to the spirit and atmosphere pervading the Jain versions, following points are easily noted: Omission of the typically Brahmanic episodes like the legends of Vasistha and Visvamitra, Agastya etc.; addition of anti-Brahmanical legends pertaining to the origin of sacrifice and Ravana's destruction of Marutta's sacrifice; addition of episodes implying devotion to and veneration for Jain religion: interspersing the narrative with sermons of Jain monks; depicting numerous characters as devout Jainas, as renouncing the world and becoming Jain monks, as worshipping at Jain shrines and holy places; describing past and future births characters wherein functioning of the law of Karma is given Jainistic prominence; the emphasis throughout on the doctrine of Ahimsa-all these create a characteristically Jain atmosphere. (10) Other Jain Version. My observations so far have kept in view only Vimala's version of the Ramacarita. It is the principal and most important Jain version and is followed generally and for the most part by the Padmapurana of Ravisena (678 AD.) and Trisasti-Salakapurusacarita of Hemacandra (1060-72 A.D.) in Sanskrit, Paumacariu of Svayam bhu in Apabhramsa (9th cent. A.D.), and Kahavali of Bhadresvara (11th or 12th cent, A.D.), in Prakrit. Another Jain version of the Rama story is contained in the Uiterapitara of Gunabhadra (878 A.D.) in Sanskrit, which is fol

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The Prakrit and Apabhramsa Ramayanas 193 lowed by Puspadanta in his Mahapurana (965 A.D.) in Apabrhamsa. The version found in the Vasudevahindi of Sanghadasa (c. 6th cent.) is closest to Valmiki's and one found in the Caupannamahapurisacariya (868 A.D.) follows this with a few elements imported from the Vimala tradition. Obviously, the force of the popular tradition of Ramayana proved irresistible and overwhelming. Gunabhadra's version is abbreviated, and in several points deviates from both Valmiki and Vimala. According to it Rama was a son of Dasaratha's queen Subala and Laksmana of Kaikeyi. Bharata and Satrughna were born of some other' queens. There is no reference to the difference or dispute as to who should succeed Dasaratha, nor to Rama's exile. Rama and Laksmana once went to the earlier State Capital Varanasi, when Ravana, assuming the form of Rama abducted Sita from the city park. It was Narada who had incited him to this act by pointing out to him the fact that the most beautiful Sita was given to Rama and he (Ravana) was totally ignored. We have here after Valmiki the incident of Marica assuming the form of golden deer. Like Valmiki's version too, Ravana has here a wicked, violent, voluptuous and oppressive character. Valin also is here moulded following Valmiki rather than Vimala. The Jain versions are divided with respect to Ravana's character. Some depict him as virtuous, some as wicked. These conflicting conceptions lie also at the basis of the wavering Jain tradition about the inclusion of Prativasudevas among the Salakapurusas and the resulting total of fifty-four or sixty-three. Regarding Sita's birth and origin too there are basic differences. In the VPc she is born to Janaka in a natural manner. But according to the Vasudevahindi, Uttarapurani etc. Sita was a daughter of Ravana. and Mandodari. She was abandoned because her birth portended destruction to whole of her family including Ravana. She was found and reared by Janaka. There are numerous other differences of details which it is not necessary here to touch upon or describe. In concluding, it may be observed that the differences found in the Jain versions have the same significance as those found in 13

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194 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies the Vedic-Brahmanic versions. If a legend or narrative has to preserve its living and inspiring appeal and influence over centuries, it has got to be dynamic and responsive to the changes in the ideals, tastes, norms of behaviour, mores and traditions of the people. Most of the numerous significant developments in the Rama-narrative throughout the more than two thousand years of its existence would find adequate explanation in the sociological, religious, cultural and ethical changes extending over that period. References Harivamsapurana-L. Alsdorf, 1936. The Ramayana version of Sanghadasa as Found in the Vasudevahindi (Jour. Or. Ins. Baroda, 2, 2, 1952, 128-138)-V. M. Kulkarni. : The Ramayana of Bhadresvara as found in his Kahavali (JOIB 2, 4, 1953, 332-338)--V. M. Kulkarni. Caupannamahaparisacariya- Klaus Bruhn, 1954. The Ramayana Version of Silacarya (ABORI, 36, 1-2, 1955, 46-53)--V. M, Kulkarni. Ramayana in Jain Literature -(unpublished Ph. D. thesis) - V. M. Kulkarni. The Origin and Development of the Rama Story in Jain Literature (JOIB, 9, 2, 1959, 189-204; 9, 3, 284-304)-V. M. Kulkarni. Caupannamahapurisacariyam (=Prakrit Text Society Series, No. 3)-ed. A. M. Bhojak, Introduction by Klaus Bruhn, 1961. A Critical Study of the Paumacariya of Vimalasuri -(unpublished Ph. D. thesis, University of Bombay, 1962)-P. M. Upadhye. Paumacariyam-Part I (=Prakrit Text Society=Series, No. 6) -ed. Muni Punyavijaya, Introduction by V. M. Kulkarni, 1962. Rama-katha (in Hindi)-Camil Bulcke, 1962.

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6. THE APABHRAMSA POET CATURMUKHA I. The few facts we gather about a poet called Caturmukha from Srgaraprakasa of Bhoja are as follows! : I. Caturmukha was an Apabhraisa poet. 2. His poetic work, Abdhimathana, was a Sandhibandha i.e. an Apabhramsa kavya in matra meters and having divisions called sandhi. 3. Caturmukha, like Govinda and Candrasekhara, had introduced his name as his special mark (anka) in the concluding verse of each of the divisions or Sandhis of his poems. This name-mark conveyed punningly the name of his favo. urite deity also viz., Caturmukha (i.e. Brahma). 4. Caturmukha's stanzas are found as citations in Svayambhu's work on Prakrit prosody. From these facts it follows that Caturmukha was a Brahmanical poet and his work Abhimathana had the well-known uranic episode of ocean-churning as its theme. The Abdhimathana has been similarly mentioned by Hemacandra2 and Vagbhataas an example of Apabhramsa poem divided in Sandhis. 2. If we refer to the preserved portions of Svayambhu's Svayambhucchandas4 we in fact find in its Apabhramsa section several illustrative verse passages cited under the name of a poet Caumuha i.e. Caturmukha. Caumuha quoted by Svayambhu and Caturmukba, the author of the Apabhramsa epic Abdhimathana seem to have been one and the same person. 3. Since Bhoja as well as Hemacandra give the Abdhimathana as a typical example of the Apabhramsa epic in the Sandhi form, Caturmukha must have been regarded in their times as a prominent poet. This surmise finds a strong confirmation from what Svayambhu states in the second introductory Kadavaka of his epic Ritthanemicariu or Harivamsa.5 There while acknowledging obligations to his great predecessors in the fields of literature and learning, he expresses his indebtedness to Caturmukha for the "Paddhadiya studded with Chaddani, Duvai and Dhuvaya'. Paddh

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196 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies adiya etc. mentioned here are wellknown structural units that play a basic role in the construction of the Apabhramsa Sandhi bandha.6 The obvious conclusion is, Caturmukha was the pioneer in evolving the Sandhi form and his works served as models for Svayambhu's epics. 4. Additional support for this comes from another direction too. In the Apabhramsa section of the Svayambhucchandas (further here abbreviated as Sc.) the chapter dealing with the metres of the Sandhibandha gives illustrative citations exclusively from Caturmukha, aside from the anonymous ones which include passages m Svayambhu's own work. This could have not been the case if Caturmukha had been mediocre or one among several. 5. Such a pioneer and prominent poet could not but have several extensive compositions to his credit. As we have already Seen, the Abdhimathana was a well-known Apabhramsa epic from Caturmukha's pen. But regarding its form and contents we ha not one jot more information than what has been noted above.? 6. Regarding another epic of Caturmukha, which occupied itself with the narrative of Rama, we are slightly more fortunare. Evidence for Caturmukha's Apabhramsa Ramayana is quite conclusive. In the opening Kadavaka of the sixtyninth Sandhi of his Mahapurana with which begins the Rama-story, Puspadanta pays his compliments to Caturmukha and Svayambhu. As Svayambhu has actually a Rama-epic, the Paumacariu, to his credit, Caturmnkha too is to be supposed to have composed one. Otherwise there would be no point in Puspadanta's remembering and eulogizing Caturmukha in that context. Similarly in the introductory portion of his Bahubalicarita or Vahuvalicaria (1398) in Apabhramsa, Dhanapala mentions Caturmukha, Drona, Svayambhu and Vira as authors of works narrating the life-history of Padma (i.e. Rama).9 From among the several citations given in the Sc. under the name of Caumuha only VI 54.1 has a positive reference to the Rama-story. And even this looses most of its value because in this ascription of authorship, the Manuscript turns out to be quite wrong. Actu

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The Apabhramsa Poet Caturmukha 197 ally the stanza in question has been taken from Svayambhu's own epic. Sc. VI. 54.1 is identical with the opening Dhruvaka of the seventyseventh Sandhi of his Paumacariu. 10 7. Of the other citations from Caturmukha Sc. VI. 63.1 can plausibly be taken to relate to an incident in the narrative of Rama.11 Its original text is nam pavaru palasu le coddaha lakkha vanasuncarima phullia / nimisaddler sara-sallia // Now the published text of the Sc. is based on a sixteenth century manuscript which is palpably incorrect in numerous places from several points of view. The stanza under discussion is correct in so far as it is considered metrically. It is given as an example of Koilarimcholi and aecordingly it has (6 + - - =) 10 matras in the old padas and (6 + 4+ - =) 13 matras in the even ones. But grammatically it is unsatisfactory in several points. pavaru palasu of the first pada, being in the sigular, cannot be a proper upamana for an upameya in the third pada, which consists of plural (fourteen) entities Obviously pavaru palasu is corrupt for pavara palasa. One familiar with Apabhramsa manuscripts can quote numberless examples of unjustified addition and ommission of -u in the wordfinals in late Apabhramsa manuscripts. Secondly vanasamcarima is! uasatisfactory as a compound and if vana is separated, it cannot construe. It appears to be corrupt for vane. Lastly from the fourth pada it is clear that the stanza describes a situation in battle wherein warriors have been pierced with arrows and their number is given in the third pada. As it stands the third pada means 'those fourteen lakhs'. Now to say that in a particular encounter in a battle fourteen lakh warriors were pierced with arrows within a trice is rather a tall order even for the epics! lakkha in all likelihood is a corruption of rakkha12 'demons', and accordingly the emended text of Sc. VI 63.1 and its translation would be as follows:

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198 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies nai pavara palasa te coddaha rakkha vane samcarima phullia / nimisaddhem sara-sallia // 'Like excellent Palasas in motion that had bloomed forth in the forest, those fourteen Raksasas were within a trice pierced with arrows.' It now becomes obvious that the situation described is one wherein Rama destroya the fourteen attacking Raksasas sent by Khara on Surpanakha's incitement. In Valmiki's parallel description13 the fourteen Raksasas, pierced and blood drenched, fall like trees when their roots are cut off' (chinnamula iva drumah). 8. Several other illustrative citations, but all anonymous, in the Apabhramsa section of the Svayambhucchandas, have clear, reference to some character or incident in the Rama narrative. Since as many as ten of the anonymous illustrations of the Sc. could be identified from Svayambhu's Paumacariul4 it was but natural to assume that the rest of such illustrations were from one or another work of Svayambhu himself.15 But there were several snags in such a solution. Sc. VI 50.1 (reference to Ravana and Nila), 52.1 (ref. to Angada and Ravana) and 68.1 (ref. to Vali's son i.e. Angada) doubtles pertain to the theme of Ramayana, they have been cited anonymously, and yet they are not identifiable from Svayambhu's Paumacariu. Similarly Sc. VI 35.1 (ref. to Bharata, Karna and Arjuna), 44.1 (ref. to Arjuna and Drona), 75.1 (ref. to Hari i.e. Krsna and Mathura), 78.1 (ref. to Dhananjava i.e. Arjuna), 122.1 (ref. to Kepa, Karna, Kalingaraja, Jayadratha and Krsna), 124.1 (ref. to Satyaki, Hanumat-banner and the sakatavyuha); VIII 1.1 (ref. to Dhitarastra and Duhsasana), 5.1 (ref. to Kurupati i.e. Duryodhana and the Vyasa lake) and 10.1 (ref Karna), even though anonymous and pertaining to the narrative of the Pandavas and Krsna, are not identifiable from Svayambhu's: Ritthanemicariu.16 Moreover Sc. VIII 14.1, although given anony-- mously, cannot be from the pen of Svayambhu who was a devout Jain, whereas the stanza in question refers to the story of Vamana. incarnation and the demon-king Bali17 so well-known in Brah

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The Apabhramsa Poet Caturmukha manical mythology. These facts go to establish that only a part of the anonymous citations in the Sc. derive from Svayambhu's works. The other part was taken from an author or authors whose names are omitted by the manuscript of Sc. due to a defective transmission tradition. That in the matter of indicating sources of its citations Sc. does not always preserve the original state of affairs faithfully is proved beyond doubt in at least three cases. As already mentioned, though Sc. VI 54.I is reproduced from Svayambhu's Paumaccariu (77. 1. 1), the manuscript ascribes it to Caturmukha. Similarly though Sc. I 74.1 and 74.2 are respectively the same as Paumacariu 73. 3. 5-8 and 72. 15. 5-6, the manuscript gives them respectively under the names of Mauradeva and Rajjautta. The alternative of verbatim borrowing in the Paumacariu from others is highly implausible, if we attach any weight to the position of these passages in the Paumacariu (one is the opening stanza of the 77th Sandhi, while the other two figure in the midst of a Kadavaka), and to bigh calibre of Svaymbhu as an epic poet. In this connection it is also significant that in two cases the gloss in the manuscript of the Sc. disagrees with the ascriptions of the MS. For Sc. I 3.1 cited under the name of Vijja, the gloss gives the name of Divaara and for Sc. I 38.1 ascribed to Suddhakal, the gloss gives Niuna. 9. These considerations, coupled with the fact that Caturmukha has been acknowledged by Svayambhu as a pioneer in the field of Apabhramsa epic makes it very likely that Sc. VI. 50.1, 52.1 and 68.1 are derived from Caturmukha's Apabhramsa Ramayana. 199 10. There is one more stanza quoted in another work which appears in all likelihood to be taken from Caturmukha's Ramayana. To illustrate a rule of Apabhramsa grammar, Hema candra cites under Siddhahema 8 4 331 the following stanza : Dahamuhu bhuvana-bhayankaru, tosiya-Sankaru, niggau raha-vari cadiau | Caumuhu Chammuhu jhaivi, ekkahi laivi, navai daivem ghadiau ||

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200 Prakrit and Apabhraisa Studies Translation : 'Having propitiated Sankara, Ravana mounted an excellent chariot and started -a terror to the world : It appeared that Fate had concentrated its mind on the conceptions of the four-faced Brahma and the six-faced Karttikeya, amalgamated them and created the ten-faced Ravana ! From the reference in the stanza to Ravana worshiping Sankara. it follows that it is taken from some Brahmanical epic on the life-history of Rama. With what the Stngaraprakasa tells us about Caturmukha's practice of punningly marking his poems with his own name as well as the name of Brahma, it is quite tempting to read the name of the poet Caturmukha in the beginning of the second half of this stanza. This would mean that the stanza formed the Ghatta or the concluding piece of the final Kadavaka of one of the Sandhis of Caturmukha's Ramayana. This finds an indirect but definite corroboration, if we look up the same context in Svayam bhu's Paumacariu and compare the wording there with the wording of the stanza quoted in the Siddhahema. Paumacariu 73 6 describes Ravana, who having mastered the magic power Bahurupini, was preparing for a final showdown with Rama and Laksmana. He equipped his great elephant-chariot (gainda-maharahu Pc. 73 6 2) and mounted it amidst shouts of 'Victory' 'Victory' (jaya-jaya-saddes cadiu Dasananu, Pc. 73 6 5a). With his ten faces Dasamukha appeared terrific (dahalin muhehiin bhayankaru Dahamuhu, Pc 73 6 6a). It appeared that Fate had concentrated its mind on the conceptions of the ten Guardians of the world and had brought out Ravana. (dasaviha loya-pala mane jhaevi daivem mukku nai uppaevi, Pc. 73 6 8). Who would not lookupon him as a terror to the world ? (bhuvanabhyankaru kaho vi na bhavai, Pc. 73 6 9a)'. The common expressions Dahamuhu, bhuvana-bhayankaru raha-varu (maha-rahu), jhaevi daivem etc. and the parallelism in the ideas are quite striking. It does not seem to much to assume that here the passage in the Paumacariu contains echoes from Caturmukha's description of a similar situation. Some more cases of such verbal influence of Caturmukha's poems on Svayambhu's compositions have been pointed out below.

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* The Apabhramsa Poet Caturmukha 201 11. Paumacariu 71 1 1-2 is as follows : katihai angaraya-samkasau, rehai tamviru phulla-palasau / nam davanalu au gavesau, ko maim daddhu na daddhu paesau// 'At one place a Palasa in full bloom, as scarlet as live charcoals, appeared charming : It looked as if it were the forest fire (itself) trying to find out what region it succeeded in burning down and what escaped it!' This appears to be modelled on the anonymous Ghatta given at Sc. VI 19.1 which runs as follows: nava-phaggune, giri-siharovari phulla-palasu / ko daddhu me, ko na daddhu joai va-huasu // Translation : 'In early Phalguna the blooming Palasa on the mountainpeak (appeared) as if it were (forest)fire trying to find out whom it succeeded in burning down and who escaped ! Paumacariu 80 11 Ghatta also mentions phaggune phullapalasu.. .. .. .. girivare. "The blooming Palasa in Phalguna on the beautiful mountain,' But as the passages contain no clue to any narrative theme, we cannot decide anything about the attribution of Sc. VI 24. And the possibility for such descriptive passages having been taken from some unknown work of Svayam bhu himself cannot be ruled out. 12. The third work with which Caturmukha is to be credited was an epic about the narrative of Krsna and the Pandavas. We have several references to this work direct or indirect. Dhavala, who was a Jain poet, states in the second introductory Ghatta of his Harivamsa that he is composing the popular narrative of Hari and the sons of Pandu after the manner of Caturmukha and Vyasa, so that the sacred tradition may not be lost. 18 The implication here perhaps is that to counteract the popularity of the false version of the Bharata-story, Dhavala undertook to present the true version in accordance with the saered Jain tradition, which perhaps faced during his times some danger of being obscured by the rival version.

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202 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies 13. Another reference to Caturmukha's Bharata is contained in a laudatory stanza, probably composed by Svayambhu's son Tribhuvana, that is found in the opening of the Paumacariu in one of its manuscripts. 19 There Caturmukha's go-graha-kutha, like Svayambhu's description of the water-sports, is praised as a performance unexcelled in the whoie range of Apabhramsa literature. This go-graha-katha is obviously the cattle-lifting attempted by Duryodhana and party, when the disguised Pandavas were completing their thirteenth year at Virata. Like the jala-kridavarnana which figures in the fourteenth Sandhi of Svayambhu's Paumacariu, Caturmukha's go-grahu-katha too was possibly not an independent work, but formed a part of his Bharata epic. 14. Moreover, Sc. IV 2.1, cited under the name of Caturmukha, contains a reference to Arjuna and Sc. VI 87.1 also with the meaningless doha na taken to be metathetically standing for the original donaha, refers to Drona's appointment as the commander-- in-chief in the Bharata war. Accordingly Svayambhu's complimentary reference to Caturmukha in the introductory portion of his Harivamsa or Ritthanemicariu20 can be looked upon as respects paid to a distinguished predecessor that had tackled the same epic subject. 15. As indicated previously, of the numerous anonymous citations pertaining to the Bharata-story that we find in the Apabhramsa section of the Svayambhucchandas not a single one is traceable to Svayambhu's Ritthaneniicariu. Like the Ramayana quotations in the Sc. untraceable to Svayambhu's Paumacariu, these too were in all likelihood taken from a work of Caturmukha.-in this case treating the Bharata-narrative. 16. Some additional support for this inference comes from the fact that even on the basis of the meagre material at our disposal several lines from Svayambhu's extent poems can be shown to contain clear echoes from Caturmukha's verses. One such case from Svayambhu's Paumacariu has been already considered above. Sc. IV 2.1 is a parallel though more definite case. The text is haum Ajjunu, tumha, eu ranu

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The Apabhraisa Poet Caturmukha 203 This can be translated as 'Here am I, Arjuna; there are you; and this is the battle.' If tumha is counted as two matra (for this there is enough sanction of standard Prakrit and Apabhramsa prosodists),21 this would be a pada of 13 matras. Now with this compare the Ghatta of Svayambhu's Harivania 67 11. Kuru paccariu Ajjunena, te tumhaim so hau eu ranu / rakkhaho sisu Jayaddahaho, lai dharahu savya maim ekku khanu // which can be translated as 'Arjuna challenged the Kuru king : There are you; here am I: this is the battle. Try to save Jayadratha's head, if you can; come on ! Lct you all try to hold me, even for one moment!' The resemblance between Sc. IV 3a and the second pada of this Ghatta is unmistakable. It is not without some significance that metrically the Ghatta has 13 matras in the odd padas and 15 in the even ones. 17. Again Sc. VI 44.1 relating to the Bharata narrative and given anonymously is to be considered on the same lines. It reads : ekkal? u) ji Ajjunu, saggammi kahim(? ep)pinu / Donu su-dukkhena, dara ruai punuppunu // Translation : 'Arjuna was the only one (who could have accomplished this:) but he is now in heaven : uttering such words Drona was gently weeping, again and again, in deep grief'. If we consult Svayambhu's Harivania, we find that the situation described in Sc. VI 58 relates to the Svayan vara of Draupadi, when one after another the famous princes, failing to string the bow as stipulated, return crest-fallen to their seats and then disguised Arjuna steps forth, strings the bow and prepares to pierce the target. This spectacle immediately stirs up in Drona's heart sorrowful memories of Arjuna, who could have easily performed that feat of archery but who had reportedly perished in fire at Varanavata along with his brothers and mother. The wording at one place in Svayam bhu's passage closely resemble that of Sc. VI 44.1 Harivania 21 8 8b reads :

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204 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies niya-sisu sarantau ruvai guru / Translation : Remembering his pupil22 (Drona-) guru was weeping'. 18. One more passage of Svayambhu's Harivamsa bears very close resemblance to an anonymously quoted passage in the Svayambhucchandas. But as it describes shooting of arrows in general terms and contains no clue to any epic character or situation, no useful surmise can be made regarding the ascription of the Sc. passage. The two passages in question are as follows: vaala pharusi vindhana, gunehim vimukka pana-hara / jiha dujjanul?a) sajjana-uvari, tiha pasaru na lahanti sara // Sc. VI 121.1 dummuha sa-loha vannujjala, vindhanasila pana-hara / guna-mukka dhamma-vivajjiya, to vi mokkha(?u) pavanti sara || Ritthanemicariu, 64 11 Ghatta A comparison of the wordings, basic ideas and metres of these stanzas makes inevitable the assumption of a close connection between the two. 19. From the remaining anonymous citations in the Apabhramsa section of Sc., the Dhruvaka illustrated at VI 37.1 is noteworthy for containing the word Cauvaana (i.e. Caturvadana = Caturmukha): indindirao(?u), runarunai kusuma! parihavai / Cauvaana-ruhal ?u), Naraana-nahi-kamalal ?u) bharai || Translation : 'The bee hums on and avoids flowers (because) he remembers the lotus from Narayana's navel from wh four-faced one (Brahma) arose'. But in the absence of any epic reference in the stanza, we cannot decide whether the expression cauvaana-ruha overtly mentions Caturmukha and accordingly the stanza is from that poet, or whether it has only a plain meaning. 20. We do not know if over and above these three epic poems Caturmukha had composed any other works. Tribhuvana's statement that he composed his wonderful Parcamicariya without

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The Apabhram sa Poet Caturmukha 205 allowing himself to be influenced by the diction and meaningfulness of Caturmukha and Svayambhu,23 does not necessarily imply that Caturmukha and Svayambhu also had written each a Pancamicarita. In view of what has been said in one of the opening laudatory stanzas in the manuscript of the Paumacariu, about the unsurpassaable excellence of Caturmukha's diction (sadda) and Svayambhu's language (jiha), or alternatively, both word and sense, 24 this can also mean that Tribhuvana composed his work unifluenced by the poetic compositions in general of Caturmukha and Svayambhu. 21. No wonder the name of such a pioneer and eminent Apabhramsa poet continued to be respected and praised for many succeeding centuries. Svayambhu's and Tribhuvana's high appreciation of Caturmukha has been already referred to above. It was a convention with Apabhramsa poets, onwards from Svayambhu, to include in the prologue to their compositions a list of eminent poets, scholars and authors that preceded them. The list, varying with the poet, usually contains such names as Vyasa, Bharata, Bhasa, Kalidasa, Bana, Sri-harsa, Pingala, Dandin, Bhamaha, Ravisena, Jinasena, Caturmukha, Svayambhu and Puspadanta with a few additions and omissions. Caturmukha (mostly in Company of Svayambhu and Puspadanta) has been remembered in this fashion25 in such Apabhramsa work as the Dhammaparikkha26 (987) of Harisena. Harivansapuruna27 of Dhavala (c. 11th cent.), Sakalavidhinidhana28 (18th cent.) of Nayanandin, Jambusamicariu29 (1020) of Vira, Rayanakarandu30 (1064) of Sricandra, Jinadattacariul (1218) of Lakhu alias Lakkhana, Suloyanacariu32 of Devasena (12th or 13th cent.), Vahuvalicariu33 (1398) of Dhanapala. We have seen that some of these speak about Caturmukha in superlatives. If luck favours us some day with the discovery of any manuscripts of Caturmukha's works, it will be indeed a great day in the history of Apabhramsa studies. Notes 1. Raghavan, V., 'Praksta works known from Bhoja's Stagar aprakasa', Siddha-Bharati, Part II, 1950, 206; Ramkrishna

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206 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies Kavi, M., Bharatakosa, 1951, s. v. Sandhibandah. The text of the relevant passages of the Sgrgaraprakasa is as under ; (I) yo' pabhramsanibandho matrachandobhirabhimato'lpadhiyam / vacyah sah sandhibandhas Caturmukhoktabdhimathanadih // (Kavi's remarks : Sandhiriti paricchedasya nama. Caturmu khakstapadyani Svayambhuna prakstachandasyudahrtani.) (2) Svanamankata yatha svaprabandhesu Govinda-Caturmukh adinam.... Caturmukha-Govinda-Candrasekhara-istadevata namarkata ca purvoktesu purvoktanam. 2. Kavyanusasana, K. M. edition, 337. 3. Raghavan, V., op. cit., $12. 4. Velankar, H. D., Svayambhucchandas, 1962. .5. Premi, N., Jain Sahitya aur Itihas, 1942, 392; Bhayani H., Paumacnriu, Part I, 1953, 51 and 125 (passage 57); Kochhad, H., Apabhramsa-Sahitya 1957, 68. The Ms. of the Ritthanemicariu, in the MSS. collection at the Ailak Pannalal Diga mbar Jain Sarasvati Bhavan, Bomhay has also been consulted. 6. Svayambhucchandas V 1, VIII 7. 30-35; Chandonusasana of Hemacandra 1912, 38a, 1.13-16; Paumacariu, I. 74, 75, 78, 93. 7. It may be noted that in the Vikramorvasiya, Kalidasa refers fictiously to a dramatization of the episode of 'Laksmisvayamvara' and this means that the Puranic myth of the churning of the ocean was considered by him quite worthy of literary treatment. 8. Kairau Sayambhu mahayariu, so sayana-sahasahim pariyariu/ Caumuhahu cayari muhaim jahim, su-kaittanu sisau kaim tahim// Mahapurana II (ed. P.L. Vaidya, 1940), 69, 1, 6-8. 9. vara-Paumacariu kiu su-kai-sedhi / iya avara jaya dhara-valaya-vidhi // Ghatta : Caumuhu Donu Sayambhu-kai Pupphayantu punu Viru bhanu / Vahuvalicariu I, 8, 20-21 cited by Kaslival, K., Prasasti-Samgrah, 1950, 142; also in Apabhraisa-Sahitya, 236. Vahuvalicariu I 8 is apparently based on Dhavala's Harivamba-Purana (probably before 11th cent.) 1.3 : See Apabhramsa-Sahitya, 103-104.

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"The Apabhramsa poet Caturmukha 207 10. Paumacariu I, 23. The Sc. references there are to Velankar's earlier edition. 11. For my previous discussion of this point vide Paumacariu I 17, n. 5. There the editorial emendation of Sc. VI 83 (which is reconsidered here) has been shown to be improbable. 12. The word is twice used in Svaymbhu's Paumacariu. See Index to Vol. I, s. v. 13. Ramayana (N. S. Edition), 3. 20. 19-21. 14. Paumacariu I, 23. 15. Paumacariu I, 23 and the references to the view of M.C. Modi and Nathuram Premi cited there. 16. Paumacariu I, 24. 17. Vamana-rua kareppinu Mahau, Veu padhamta paraju sahau / tinni-paaim kareppinu samau, danau bandhiu so Bali-namau// 18. Jain Sahitya aur Itihas, 372; Paumacariu I, 18; Apabhramsa Sahitya, 107. 19. Paumacariu I, 121; Text I. 20. See footnote 5. 21. Svayambhucchandas Purvabhaga, 1.6; Chando'nusasana, 1b, Jl. 12 ff; Kavidarpana, I 6 and the commentary thereon; Chandahkosa (=Appendix II to Kavidarpana), v. 3. 22. As an iliustration of the text suitable to performing the Tandava, the Sarasvatikanthabharana of Bhoja (K. M. edition, 2 379) quotes the following Apabhramsa stanza (Probable emendations for orthographic or memorial corruptions are suggested within brackets) : sua-vaha-vaiara(?u) nisunia(?u) darunu / rosa-visatta(?u) pahara-rubirarunu // jaliu janai (?nai) saru riu-sastavanu / anala-sariccha(?u) jai(?ji) hoi maha-ranu // 'Hearing the terrible news of his son having been killed, Arjuna, bursting with anger and crimson with bloody wounds, (though himself) a cause of burning to the enemies, felt a burning sensation; (now) the war will rage like a fire'. The occasion is obviously that of Abhimanyu's treacherous

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208 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies death in the Bharata battle. But in the absence of any definite clue, we cannot say whether it is from Caturmukha's epic. 23. Paumacariu I, 28, 121, text I. 24. Ibid. The view expressed at Paumacariu I, 28 has been revised here. 25. Cf. Paumacariu 1, 30 26. Apabhramsa-Sahitya, 344; Prasasti-Samgraha, 101. 27. See f. n. 18. 28. Apabhraisa-Sahitya, 175; Prasasti-Samgraha, 287. 29. Premi-Abhinandana-Grantha, 439. 30. Apabhramsa-Sahitya, 351; Prasasti-Samgraha, 165. 31. Ibid, 229. 32. Jain, P., Sulocanacaritra aur Devasena, 'Anekanta, 7, 1945, 161; Apabhramsa-Sahitya, 216-217. 33. Apabhramsa-Sahitya, 236; Prasasti-Samgraha, 142.

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7. THE CHILDHOOD EXPLOITS OF KRSNA ACCORDING TO SOME PRE-ELEVENTH CENTURY PRAKRIT AND APABHRAMSA TEXTS Originally this paper was planned to contain two sections : the first section to give information about a few little known Prakrit and Apabhraisa texts relating to the early life of Krsna in Gokula, Vindavana and Mathura and especially those dealing with the love-sports of Krsna with Radha and the other cowherd girls. The second section was to touch upon the regional aspect of the Krsna-literature and Krsna-bhakti prior to the eleventh century. As it was however felt that in that case the paper would be unreasonably lengthy, the present attempt is confined to the first of the two above-mentioned themes. The tradition of presenting and representing Krsna's childhood in literature and art extends over more than two thousand years. So it is bound to have numerous variations of episodes, individual details and motifs. These variations tie up with chronology, religious sect and region. The importance of the Krsna literature of different periods for interpreting some of the aspects of the art of those periods depicting Krsna's life is self-evident. So far mostly the Sanskrit and Hindu sources have been explored for this purpose. The Prakrit, Apabhramsa and Jaina sources remain neglected for the most part. No doubt some specialized work on the Jain Krsna-katha has been done by a few scholars. But this, as. also some relevant Prakrit and Apabhramsa works remain more or less inaccessible to the students of the history of Indian Art. The great impact of Jayadeva's Gitagavinda (12th Cent. A.D.) on the subsequent art and literature is well-known. Lilasuka Bilvamangala' (possibly 11th Cent. in one view) preceded Jayadeva in the characteristic type of Krsna-bhakti which had the Bhagavalapurara c. 850 A.D.)' as its fountain-head.

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210 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies There is a gap of some three centuries between the Bhagavata and the two lyricists. Which predecessors, if any, did inspire or influence the latter ? Where does Radha, absent in the early Puranic sources, come from ? These questions have not been satisfactorily answered.? A glance at the few Prakrit and Apabhramsa works preserved from the extensive literature produced during the post-Gupta period shows that Kssna's childhood exploits and his love-sports with Radha and other Gopis were for the poets themes of perrenial interest. Onwards from the fifth century, there was a tradition with the Prakrit poets to include for homage Ktsna also in the deity-list figuring in the opening section (mangalacarana) of their poems. Thus Pravarasena's Setubandha (5th Cent. A. D.) refers to the killing of Arista, the Bull-demon (1 3), and to the robbing of Parijata from Indra's paradise3 (I 4). The Mangalacarana in Vakpatiraja's Gaudavaha (731-735 A.D.), while praising various incarnations of Visnu refers to Krsna's garland of wild flowers (v. 20), his yellow garment and dark skin (v. 27), his lotus-face kissed by Yasoda (v. 21) and his chaste bearing the nail-marks of Radha4 (v. 22) Kouhala's Lilavai-kaha (c. 800 A.D.), besides referring en bloc to Krsna's exploits like breaking the pair of the Arjuna trees, killing Arista, Kesin and Kamsa and lifting the Govardhana (v. 6), describes separately Arista-vadha etc. as follows : (1) Krsna's powerful dark arm, like Yama's noose, encircled Arista's throat (v. 4). (2) Krsna's one arm clutched Kesin's neck, and the elbow of the other arm blocked the demon's mouth (v. 7). (3) As the infant Ktsna tried to cross the threshold but could not, his leg hanged in the air and the scene was being witnessed by Balabhadra with suppressed laughter (v. 3). There is no doubt that numerous poetic and dramatic works dealing wholly or partly with Krsna's life continued to be written

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The Childhood Exploits of Krsna 211 in Prakrit in the subsequent centuries, though most of them are now lost to us. The Jain tradition is largely dependent upon the Vedic-Brahmanic tradition for the Krsna-carita and for the Mahabharata narrative, of which the former formed a part. But it treats Krsna as a royal hero of extraordinary prowess, and not as a supreme divine being that had assumed the human form5. One of the sources of the Apabhramsa poet Svayambhu was Jinasena's Harivamsapurana (784 A. D.) in Sanskrit. Cantos 4 to 8 of Svayambhu's Ritthanemicariya in Apabhramsa deal with Krsna's early life (from his birth to the founding of Dvaravati). In the fifth canto are narrated various childhood exploits of Krsna (killing etc. of Putana, Sakata, Yamalarjuna, Kesin etc.). The first four sections (Kadavaka) of the sixth canto give a highly poetic description of Kaliya-mardana. Svayanbhu is assignable to the last quarter of the ninth century.5 Ratan Parimoo has shown that description and representation of Krsna as leading the subdued Kaliya by a nose-cord that pierced the latter's nose was a North Indian tradition, as against the South Indian tradition preserved in Jain literature. Some four hundred years earlier Jinasena's Harivamsa-purana refers to Kalindyam naganathanam (I 91), and about a hundred years thereafter Svayambhu's Harivams apurana gives the same version of Kaliyadamana : Harivamsapurana VI 3 9 refers to Krsna piercing Kaliya's nose with a cord and then whirling him by holding that cord. Puspadanta's Mahapurana (completed in 972 A.D.) is an Apabhramsa epic dealing with the lives of 63 Great Men of the Jain tradition. Its 85th and 89th cantos narrate Krsna's early life. Following the Jain tradition (as represented by Jinasena's Harivamsapurana), Puspadanta has poetically described various well-known exploits of Krsna as also his pranks and his sports with the Gopis. As Alsdorf has pointed out,7 Puspadanta too refers to Krsna's piercing Kaliya's nose with a cord 'natthiya-bhuy imgu', 89 20 3). Among the numerous Prakrit and Apabhramsa poets cited by Svayambhu (about most of whom come to know only from him), there were three poets whose works had partly or wholly we

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Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies Krsnacarita as their theme. The citations from the poet Govinda (c. 800 A D.) indicate that he must have writen a long poem in Apabhramsa about Krsna's early life. Out of the six verses cited from Govinda one pertains to the Kaliya-damana episode, and two to the amorous sports of Krsna and the Gopis. Svyambhucchandas (=SC.) IV 10(i) refers to Kamsa's order to Nanda to bring for him lotuses from the fatal pool of the Yamuna that was the abode of the Serpent Kaliya9. IV 10(2) refers to Krsna's deep love for Radha above all the other Gopis. IV 11(1) describes. love-lorn condition of Pali, one of Krsna's sweethearts. +212 As Govinda's verse given at SC. IV 10(2) is also cited anonymously by Hemacandra in the Apabhramsa section of his Siddhahema grammar (VII 4 422/5), we may make a surmise that another Apabha citation also in the same work (VIII 4 420/2), describing how Krsna was made to dance by Radha in her courtyard, derived from the same poem of Govinda. Both the Prakrit citations in SC., which are relevant to our present purpose, are from the poet Suddhasvabhava (Pk. Suddhasahava). One of these is highly interesting for the light it can throw on the trend of Krsnabhakti that is typified by the poems of Lilasuka Bilvamangala and Jayadeva. SC. I 75(1) describes in the Simhavikranta variety of the Dandaka metre Krsna and Gopis playing the game of Blindman's Buff. In the autumn night, in the game played with the GopIs, Radha covered with her beautiful, delicate hands the eyes of Krsna, who stood with the hollow of his joined hands filled with dust, and led him to the place of rendezvous as she removed her hands from his eyes, Krsna saw before him the extremely beautiful girl, who kissed him, embraced him and passionately engaged him in love-sports. This at once reminds us of the opening verse of the Gitagovinda. The theme of Krsna's clandestine love sports with Radha was, it seems, favourite with the poets since at least eighth century, if not earlieri.e. some three-hurdred years prior to Jayadeva. It is significant to remember here that the metres of the Gitagoy

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The Childhood Exploits of Krsna 213 inda are not Sanskrit Varnavrttas. They are peculiarly by Apabhramsa metres. The second Prakrit citation, relevant for our purpose is an illustration of the metre Jaya from the same poet Suddhasvabhava (Sc. I 12/1). It refers to Radha who, seeing approaching Krsna reflected in the bright necklace on her breasts, naively thought it was Baladeva's reflection and felt shy, and how thereupon Krsna gave her a hearty embrace.10 It should be noted that the above three poets cited in the Svayambhucchandas flourished just about fifty years or so before the Bhagavata Purana, and quite possibly they hailed from the Western region. Most of the rich Kssna poetry, however, produced during the last few centuries of the first millennium has disappeared. Besides the Svayambhucchandas, we have some Prakrit anthologies in which a few stray verses on the themes of Krsnacarita are preserved. One of the verses (I 89) of Hala's Saptasataka or ahakosali (2nd to 5th cent) refers to Krsna's blowing away with his mouth the dust particle fallen in Radha's eye, the action making the other Gopis envious. Another Verse (I 12) describes the Gopis listening with suppressed laughter Yasoda's naive ramark that Krsna was still a mere boy. Vajjalagga12 (c. 10th cent.) contains a whole section on Krsna. of the sixteen verses in that section, eight verses are related to Krsna's love for Gopis, or a particular Gopi's attachment to and craving for Krsna. Four verses have Krsna's love for Radba as its theme. The remaining four verses deal with Krsna's partiality for a Gopi called Visakha. This last group is indicative of fresh development in the theme of Kssna's love-sports. From later literature we are familiar with the names of other Gopis (like Visakha, Lalita, Candravali etc.), besides Radha. In Jinesvara-suri's Gaharayana-kosa13 there are nine verses, given under the section called Kesna-krida (Krsna's sports). Alth

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214 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies ough the anthology is dated 1195 A. D., many verses are demonstrably taken from earlier anthologies or independent works. Of the nine Krsna verses, three relate to Visnu. Two about Visakha are taken from the Vajjalagga. Two describe Kssna's love for Radha, and one for the Gopis. The remaining one is about Kaliya-mardana. There are numerous citations in Prakrit and Sanskrit in Bhoja's Sarasvatikanthabharana and Stagaraprakasa (11th cent.), which have various episodes from Kssna-balacatita as their theme. Many of them can be reasonably regarded as derived from earlier literature. But they deserve a separate treatment." The sixteenth chapter of the fourth Vimsati (i.e. seventysixth chapter according to continuous numbering) of Manasollasa (or Abhilasitarthacintamani), the encyclopaedic work written in 1143 A.D. by Somesvara, the Western Calukya king of Kalyani, is devoted to the description of the pastime of music. Therein Somesvara has illustrated various metres and musical Prabandhas with his own verse-compositions. Most of these illustrations are in praise of Krsna or various incarnations of Visnu. Verses 327, 330, 340, 370, 384, 451, 457, 462, 468, 482, 501 (and verses 6, 20, 28 in the Ms. D) wholly or partly refer to various exploits of Krsna. Of these, verse 330 (illustration of Sukasarika), verse 6 in Ms. D (illustration of Muktavali) and verse 20 in D. (illustration of Ovi), are specially noteworthy as they describe loves of Krsna and Gopis in post-Apabhraiba regional dialects. So also verse 340 describing the ten incarnarions of Visnu (after Jayadeva) is in a mixture of a post-Apabhramsa dialect and Old Kannada. Somesvara must have modelled his compositions after the lyrical tradition known to him, which suggests existence of vernacular poems on Krsna-carita in the eleventh century A.D. Lastly we have to draw attention to a dramatic work dealing with the loves of Krsna and Radha. Among the Uparupaka types of dramatic works, Rasaka, Natyarasaka and Rasakanka are described by the works on dramaturgy. No specimens, however, of these types are preserved. Only in the case of Rasakanka we

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The Childhood Exploits of Ktsna 215 get a passage, quoted by Bhoja in his Srigaraprakasa (1lth century) and another by Abhinavagupta in his Abhinava-bharati (12th century), from a work called Radha-vipralambha by Bhejjala16. From Bhoja's citation we know that that dramatic work must have at least four characters, viz, Krsna, Radha, the Pratinayika called Palitaka and Vidusaka. Abhinavagupta observes that the work freely uses the Apabhramsa dialect. This is a very valuable evidence of a tradition of dramatic works composed on the themes derived from the early life of Krsna.17 Appendix (Text of the verses reterred to) (1) pINattaNa-duggejjha jassa bhuA-ata-NidaThura-pariggahi / riTThassa visama-vali kaTha dukkheNa jIvi vAlINa // (setubagha 1-2) (2) oAhia-mahiveDho jeNa parUDha-guNa-mUla-laddha-tthAmo / ummUlateNa duma pAroho vba khuDio mahedasya jaso // (setubaMdha, 1-4) (3) so jaai jAmaillAamANa-muhalAli-valaa-pariAla / lacchi-Nivesa teura-vaI va jo vahai vaNamAla' // (gauuvaha, 20) (4) bAlattaNammi hariNo jaai jasAAe cumbiaM vaaNa / .. paDisiddha-NAhi-magguddha-Nigga puNDarI va // (gauDavaha, 21) (5) Naha-rehA kAraNAo karuNa haratu vo sarasA / kcchatthalammi kotthuha-kiraNAtIo kaNharasa // (gauDavaha, 22) (6) ta Namaha pI-vasaNa jo vahai sahAva-sAmalacchA / diasa-NisA-laa-Niggama-vihAaM savala piva sarIra // ... (gauDavaha, 27)

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216 ( 7 ) tasseya puNo paNamaha Nihuya haliNA hasijjamANassa / apahRta - dehalI-lauM ghaNaddha-vaha-saTiya cala // ( 8 ) se jayau jassa patto kaThe rihAsurassa ghaNa- kasaNo / upAya-pavaDhiya-kAla-vAsa- karaNI bhuya-pphaliho || ( 9 ) hariNo jamalajjuNa - riTTha-kesi ka sAsuriMda-selANa / bha'jaNa-vaLaNa-viyAraNa-kaDDhaNa-dharaNe bhue Namaha // ( 10 ) kakkasa - bhuya - kAppara-puriyANaNo kaDhiNa-kara- kayAveseo / kesi-kise|r-kytthnne-kujjmo jathai mahumahaNo || Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies ( 11 ) NatthepiNu mahumahaNeNa, kAliu Nahayale bhAmiyau / bhIsAvaNukAMsaho NAi kAla-daMDu uggAmiyau // ( 12 ) ehu visamara suchu Aesu pANatira mANusa kavi mAre dhuu ( 13 ) sabba - goviu jai - vi joei hari su-vi AareNa kA sakkar3a savarevi ( 14 ) dei pAlI thaha panbhAre tApa liNi-dalu phala cot pAviya ( 15 ) hari naccAviu paM gaNai embarhi rAha - oharaha diTThI-visu sappu kAliau / kahi gammau kAi kijjau // deza diThI jahiM ssc aNa he ( lIlAvaI, 3) (lIlA jaI, hari - vibhAa - satAveM tattI / karau daia ja kiMpi rucca // vimha Diu lou / jaM bhAvai ta hai|u // (lIlavaI, 8) 6) ( riTThaNemi cariya, 6-3-9) ( lIlAvaI 7 ) ( svayambhUcchandasU, 4-10.9) kahiM vi rAhI / paleTTA // ( svayambhUcchandas, 4-10-2) (svayambhUcchandas, 4--) ( siddhama, 8 -4 - 420.2)

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The Childhood Exploits of Krsna ( 16 ) ua saraa - NisAe ramato sama vAla govIhiM rAhAi kanhA kare puji 'a' dhuli - puja / lalia-uhaa-hattheNa pacchAiUNacchi-vattAi NIo saa jAva sa kea - kelI -paesa // vihalia-kara- roho paloei jA tA purA puSNimA - caMda bAMdI nave dIvaracchI kisa gI vihasia savilAsaM puNo nIa seA gADhamAliMgio bAaraM cu bio NibbharaM rAmio a // (svayambhUcchandas, 1 - 75 . 1 ) ( 17 ) medhai duramambara vanabhuvaH zyAmAstamAladrumair nakta N mIruratha tvameva tadima rAdhe gRha prApaya / ittha N nandanidezatazvalitayoH pratyagrakuJjadruma rAdhAmAdhavayojayanti yamunAtIre rahaH kelayaH // ( 18 ) rAhAe tAra- hAre thaNe paDibiMbia kaNha bAlAi daThu balo-tti palajjia / gAu riTThAriNA vipiA ia muddhiA gADha ghettUNa kaThe uNa uvahi // ( 19 ) muha - mArueNa ta kaNha goraa' rAhiAe avaNe to / eANa vallavINa aNNANa vi goraa harasi // (20) kusala rAhe suhio si kasa kaso kahiM kahiM rAhA / i bA (pA ?) liyAi bhaNie trilakkha hasira hariM namaha / ( svayambhUcchandas, 1 - 12. 1) ( 21 ) kaNhA jayai juvANo rAhA ummatta - jovvaNA jayai / jauNA bahula-taraMgA te diyahA tettiya cceva // ( 22 ) ke si - viyAraNa - ruhirullankupparugdhasaNa-laM chaNagdhaviya N / na muei kaNha juNNaM pi kaMcuya ajja-vi visAhA // ( 23 ) rAiAi kavola - talucchala ta- jonhA - NivAya dhavalauMgo / rai rahasa - vAvaDAe dhavalo AliMgio kaNho // 217 ( gItagovinda, 1 ) ( gAhA kAsa, 1 - 89 ) ( bajjA lagga, 590 ) ( vajjAlagga, 582) ( vajjAlagga, 595) ( vajjAlagga, 595 )

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218 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies (24) sacca ceya bhuyagI visAhiyA kaNha taNhahA hoi / sate vi viNaya-taNae jIe ghummAvio ta si // (vajjAlamga, (25) kesava puraann-purise| sacca ciya ta si ja jaNo bhaNai / jeNa visAhiyAe bhamasi sayA hattha-laggAe // (vajjAlagga, 599) (26) kisio si kIsa kesava kiM na kao dhanna-saMgaho mUDha / katto maNa-pariosevisAhiya bhujamANassa // (vajjAlagga, 600) (27) uya UDha-bhuvaNa-bhAro vi kesavo sihi-bhareNa rAhAe / kuvalaya-dalo va tulio haluijjai keA na pimmeNa // (gAhArayaNakosa, 54) (28) sA saggo sA lanchI tAI vatthAiM te alaMkArA / rAhA-palAya-hINA hariNo hiyae khuDukkhuDai // (gAhArayaNakAsa, 60) (29) The few lines of Lati dialect identifiable in the corrupt text of the illustration of Sukasarika are restored by me as follows (they form a dialogue between the Gopi and her mother) : hau na jANau mAe torI tAsA (1) chAMDu chAMDu / maI jAevau goviMda-sahu khelaNaha / tA AmhaNi kAhAM mhaNasi vAuliyA nArAyaNu jagaha kerA gosAMvI // (mAnasollAsa, 4-16-330) (30) The lines pertaining to the Krsna incarnation of Visnu are restored by me as follows: nada-gAule jAyau kanhu jo gAvI-jaNe paDihe nayaNe joviyA /

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The Childhood Exploits of Krsna mahaNAdhara Avi-nA mhaNi hakkAriyA kanhau bhaDArA sau amhANA ciMtiyA deu // (mAnasollAsa, 4-16-340) (31) The partially and tentatively restored text of the illustration of Muktavali is as follows: avvA DoMgara - kaNie vAjiyA nAdu summai hIsai kAlA haraNu vedheM dhUmavi ( ? ) sIMga nAdu / ...... chade bahu-pari vAjai, govadvaNa- giri-kaMdaru gAjai // devaI-nauMdaNa kanhaDau...... rUpeM salANA sAMvaliyA, gouli bAliyAM pasihe nayaNA / rannihi karai vAuliyA // 219 (mAnasollAsa, Vol. III p. 42, v. 6) (32) The restored text of the illustration of Ovi is as follows : gAule golini mhaNia, valu valu to majha paDiche / kanha sAMvala, ovie // (mAnasollAsa, Vol. III, p. 43, v. 20) Notes 1. See Fricdhelm Hardy, Viraha - bhakti, 1983. 2. Earlier, S. L. Katre has collected references to Radha from pre-twelfth century Sanskrit works like the Pancatantra, Venisamhara, Dhvanyaloka, Kavyamimamsa, Nala-campu, Yasastilaka-campu, Vakroktijivita, Sarasvatikanthabharana, Kavyanusasana, Naisadhiya and Arya-suptasali, and the Prakrit text Gatha-saptasati. See his paper 'Krishna, Gopas, Gopis and Radha P. K. Gode Commemoration Volume. S. P. Tewari has drawn our attention to two early inscriptional references to Radha : one in the Paramara king Munja's copper-plate inscriptions dated 974, 980 and 986 A. D., and another in a fragmentary inscription from Mandor (Rajasthan), datable in the early 9th cent. A. D. See his paper 'Early Inscriptional :

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-220 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies References to Radha,' Krishna in Art, Bulletin of Museums and Archaeology in U. P. Nos. 21-24, 1978-79, published in 1980, pp. 83-84. R.C. Agrawala has referred to (1) Two terracotta plaques from the Rangamahal temple in Rajasthan, depicting the Govardhanadharana and Danalila scenes, and to (2) two Mandor pillars depicting Govardhanadharana and several other Bala-lila scenes. See his paper 'Krsna-Lila Scenes in Early Rajasthani Sculptures', Krishna in Art, pp. 27-31. In the same volume Doris Srinivasan has sketched the development of Kssna-Lila scenes in early art with relevant bibliographic references. See her paper 'Early Klnsa Icons : the case of Mathura', pp. 1-16. Sridharadasa's Saduktikarnamsta (1205 A. D.) has sixty verses relating to Balakssna. Many of these verse quite probably derive from earlier sources. 3. The textual citations are given in an Appendix at the end of this paper. Sarvasena's Harivijaya (4th Cent. A.D.), now lost, was the earliest know Prakrit Mahakavya based on the episode of Parijata-harana. See Kulkarni, V. M., 'The Harivijaya of Sarvasena', Annals of the BORI, Diamond Jubilee Volume, 1977-78, p. p. 691-710, now also published in his Studies in Sanskrit Sahitya-Sastra, 1983, pp, 162-191. 4. Vakpatiraja is known to have written another Prakrit Mahakavaya called Mahumaha-vijaya (Madhumatha-vijaya). but we have no information about its subject-matter or contents. Mahumaha or Mahumahana was a favourite Prakrit name of Krsna or Visnu in the post-Gupta period. 5. For a survey of the Jain tradition on Krsna's life as a whole, and for variations within that tradition see Alsdorf L., Hariyamsapurana, 1938, pp. 52 ff; Bhayani H.C., 'Apabhramsa Sahitya mem Krsna-kavya', in Bharatiya Bhasaom mem Ksrnakavya, ed. B. Mishra, 1979, Part 1, pp. 139-151. 6. Ratan Parimoo, 'Kaliya Damana ceiling from Gujarat Temples' Kalakshetra, 1981, pp. 6-7. 7. Alsdorf, op. cit., p. 57. The whole canto 85 of the Mahapurana, * containing 25 Kadavakas, is devoted to describing the childhood

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The Childhood Exploits of Krsna 221 i exploits of Krsna. In this Puspandanta is considerably influenced by Svayambhu. 8. Edited by H. D. Velankar, 1962. 9. Puspadanta perhaps knew Govinda's poem. Mahapuranu, 86 1 8-11 seem to echo SC. IV 10(1). 10. Vajjalagga 595 is comparable to this verse. 11. Edited by A. Weber, 1960 (reprint); by M. V. Patwardhan, 1980. 12. Edited by M. V. Patwardhan, 1969. 13. Edited by A. M. Bhojak and N. J. Shah, 1974. 14. While defining various literary genres, Bhoja describes akhya naka as the Upakhyana composition capable of being recited, sung and enacted by a single narrator before an audience. As an illustration he names Govindakhyanaka, which quite obviously had the Ktsna -carita as its theme. In view of the continuation of this type of Akhyana in Old Gujarati, it is quite likely that there were Akhyana works in Apabhiamsa also. 15. Edited by G. K. Shrigondekar (Vol. III, 1961). Most of these illustrations are textually corrupt and I have tried to reconstruct and interprete them in my paper 'The Prakrit and Desabhasa pissages in Somesvara's Manasollasa', K. K. Handiqui Com memoration Volume, 1983, pp. 167-177. 16. See V. Raghavan, Bhoja's Stngaraprakasa, 1963, pp. 889-891. According to the Stigaraprakasa, the Gosphi type of Uparupaka deals with the childhood exploits of Krsna like killing of the demon Arista (p. 468). The Nandimali Bhana describes Haricarita (p. 467; Raghavan, p. 553). There is also a reference to a Sanskrit Mahakavya called Kesnacarita (p. 474). These are indications of the Kisna literature lost to us. 17. The Balacarita, attributed to Bhasa, is of course quite well known. But there is the unsolved problem of its authenticity.

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222 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies P. S. Some of the Prakrit sources and a few of the Apabhramsa sources noted here are also noticed and discussed by Friedhelm Hardy in his Viraha Bhakti (1983). But there are several other important sources pointed out here, which are absent in Hardy's discussion. Some of the implica tions of the Prakrit and Apabhramsa passages Hardy point out seem to me debatable. For Krsna poetry in Apabhramsa see my earlier paper "Apabhramsa sahitya mem Kesna-kavya', referred to in fo. 5. Earlier KK. Shastri had drawn our attention to several of the above given references in his Gujarati book Narasimha Maheto (1971), pp. 36-41.

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8. PALI, DHANYA AND CARUKESI THREE OF THE EARLIEST MENTIONED KRSNA'S SWEETHEARTS In the later Krsna-bhakti tradition, we increasingly come across the names of gopis like Visakha, Lalita, Candiavali and several more, some of whom were also Krsna's favourites besides Radha. In the late Puranic literature represented by the considerably later sections of the works like the Padma-purana, and the Gargasamhita, the name-list has been considerably extended. The problem is to locate and date the beginning of the tradition of naming Radha's companions who occasionally and intermittently shared Krsna's loving attention, and as such started figuring in the erotic and religious poetry. Leaving aside for the moment Visakha and Candravali, who also seem to be among the names to appear early in literature, I present here the information I could gather about three gopis, each of whom figures in poetry as Radha's rival. The sources are not later (some may be even earlier) than the 9th-10th century A. D. The names of the three gopis were Pali, Dhanya and Casukesi. Different poets have described Krsna as enjoying in the company of one of them, in temporary disregard of Radha. Pali, Palika/Palita, Palitaka The earliest milkmaid known from the poetic tradition as Radha's rival for Krsna's love is variously called Pali, Palika/ Palita (Pk. Paliya) or Palitaka. From the references or citations made by four writers we gather that several poetic works in Apabhramsa, Prakrit and Sanskrit, assignable roughly to the period between the eighth and tenth century A. D., contained episodes involving Krsna, Radha and Pali. The sources of this information are discussed below : 1. Govinda's Apabhraisa poem on Krsgacarita (Not later thap the latter half of the 9th century A. D.).

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Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies Several verses from this lost work are cited by Svayambhu (latter half of the 9th cent.) in his Svayambhucchandas (SC.). The citation given under SC. IV 11 as an illustration of the Bahurupa variety of the Apabhramsa metre called Matra is as follows: 224 dei pAlI thaNahaM pabbhAreM toDepiNu NaliNidala, hari - vioa-saMtAveM tattI / phalu aNNehiM pAvi (ya) Ga, karau dahau jaM kiMpi rucca // 'Pali, burning with pain due to separation from Hari, plucks a lotus leaf and places it on the slope of her breasts. The poor fool(?) got her due! Let the fate (now) do whatever it choses to.' Like Velankar, I also earlier interpreted Pali as gopalika i.e. a gopi in general. But in the light of the occurrences noted below, I now take it to be a personal name. We must note that another verse from the same poem (SC. IV 10.2) describes Radha as Hari's most favourite Gopi and several other verses of Govinda (SC. IV 9.1., 9.2, 9.4) depict the mood of a love-lorn girl.1 2. Bhejjala's Radha-vipralambha (prior to the 11th cent. A. D.). Rasakanka was one of the types of uparupakas described, discussed or referred to by several Sanskrit dramaturgists and other writers. Bhoja and Abhinavagupta knew of an actual instance of Rasakanka, namely the Radha-vipralambha, composed by Bhejjala.2 They refer to a few incidents and characters in that dramatic work and also give a few citations from it. Besides Krsna as the hero, Candrayana as the Vidusaka and Radha as the heroine, the play had one more female character named Palitaka, who was one of Krsna's paramours and Radha's rival. Krsna is depicted as once favouring Palitaka on a moon-lit night, which makes the pining Radha go out in search of Krsna.3 Abhinavagupta, too, mentions Palitaka. 3. Jayavallabha's anthology of Prakrit subhasitas has sixteen verses in its section on Krsna (vv. 590-605), which are pertinent to our purpose, because there are several references to Krsna's

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Pali, Dhanya and Carukesi other sweethearts besides Radha, The very first verse in that section is as follows: 'kusalaM rAdheH' 'suhio si kaMsa' 'kaMso kahiM ' ' kahiM rAhA / ' i bAliyAi bhaNie vilakkha hasira hariM namaha // 225 (Vajjallaga, 590). Patwardhan thus translates it: 'Oh Radha, is it all right, with you? 'Oh Kamsa, are you happy?' 'Where is Kamsa ?' 'Where is Radha (either) ?' When the young damsel had said thus, Hari (Krsna) smiled with embarrassment. Pay your homage to him!' The text reads bAliyAi ( Sk. bAlikayA) in the second line of the verse, and Ratnesvara's Sanskrit commentary explains the word as kayAcana and kAcana gopabAlikA. I think, however, the af was not the original, genuine reading. Through scribal error or misunderstanding the original pAliyAi was changed to bAliyAi. In that case this becomes a dialogue between Krsna and his paramour named Palika, and not between Krsna and some unspecified Gopi. This view finds support from the Sanskrit version or translation of the above Gatha cited in Bhoja's Sarasvatikanthabharana (Sk.), discussed hereunder. 4. While treating the figure of sound called Vakovakya, Bhoja has cited in SK. the following verse as an illustration of Naimittiki Vaiyatyokti, which is one of the several subvarieties of the Vakovakya : kuzalaM rAdhe ? sukhitA si kaMsa ? kaMsaH kva nu ka nu sA rAdhA ? | iti pArI prativacanairvilakSa- hAsI harirjayati // (Under sarasvatIkaNThAbharaNa, 2, 132) All the editions of SK. read 1 in the second line. But qa 'milking pot' cannot fit here. Obviously it is a corruption of 15

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Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies 1. Accordingly the fag in the above-cited Vajjalagga verse is to be emended as pAliyAe. 226 In this context it is also significant that the verse rAdhAmohana - mandirAdupagatazcandrAvalImUcivAn etc. which is found in some of the Northern mss. of Bilvamangala's Krsnakarnamrta and which is just an elaboration of the Vajjalagga verse, has Candravali (instead of Pali), and not a certain (nameless) gopi as one of the interlocutors. 5. An anonymous verse cited by Bhoja in the Srngaraprakasa (first half of the 11th cent. A. D.) As an illustration of the type of Nayaka who is Dhiralalita, Sadharana, Satha and Uttama, Bhoja has cited in the Srngaraprakasa the following verse: nirmagnena mayA'mbhasi smara-bharAt pAlI samAliGgitA nAlIkamidaM tavAdya kathitaM rAdhe mudhA ityutsvapna-paramparAsu zayane zrutvA gira savyAjaM zithilIkRtaH kamalayA kaNThagrahaH tAmyasi / zArGgiNaH pAtu vaH / / (SP., p. 600) 'Who gave you today the false report that while diving in water, I, fired by passion, gave an embrace to Pali? Radha, you are unnecessarily distressed" :-Hearing in the bed these words uttered by Sarngin in sleep, Kamala meaningfully loosened her clasp on his neck. May that protect you'. In this instance too the rivalry between Radha and Pali is clearly explicit. Dhanya, Dhanika 1. In three of the four verses in the Kanha-vajja (Krsnaparyaya) of the Vajjalagga which relate to Krsna's sweetheart called Visakha,5 the word visahiya, a diminutive form of visaha (Sk. Visakha) is used with double entendre. One of these verses is as follows :

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"Pali, Dhanya and Carukesi 227 kisio-si kIsa kasava ? kiM na kao dhanna-saMgaho mUDha ? / katto maNa-parioseA visAhiyaM bhujamANassa ? // (Vujjalagga, 600) 'Oh Kesava, why have you become emaciated ? Oh fool, why did you not store food-grains ? How can one get mental satisfaction, feeding himself (just) on whatever he obtains ? (or, on what is highly poisonous ?)'. Alternatively, 'Oh fool, why did you not stick to Dhanya ? Is it ever possible for one enjoying himself in the company of Visakha to get real satisfaction ?' Pk. dhanna (Sk. dhanya) is understood by Patwardhan as 'beautiful women'. But like Visakha, Dhanya here is the personal name of a particular gopi who once enjoyed Krsna's favour. This interpretation finds support from two verses cited in the Ssngaraprakasa. 2. The following verse is cited twice in the Srigaraprakasa. Once it is cited as an illustration of Samakhyabhidhaniki Vyapeksa, wherein the signification of a designation is brought out by means of a sentence. At another place it is cited as an illustration of a designation that is construed meaningfully to convey the relationship of love : saccadhaNNA dhaNNA, jA taiyA kesaveNa giri-dharaNe / guru-bhAra-vAvaDeNa vi, ujjua-acchaM cira diTThI / / (Sp., pp. 269, 888) 'Dhanya is indeed dhanya (blessed), who was looked at directly and lingeringly by Kesava, even when he was weighed down with a heavy load due to holding the mountain (i. e. Govardhana) aloft'. 3. The following verse is cited by Bhoja as an illustration of the type of Nayaka who is Dhiralalita, Sadharana and Madhyama. dUre gokulanAtha gokulamitassa cAra-zUnyA dizastyaktvA mAM dhanikAdayo pi hi gatA bhArAtikhedAlasA: / vistIrNA vanarAjikeyamaparA jAtA puro nirgamAc khinnA'smi pratipAlayetyabhihito gopyA hariH pAtu vaH / / (SP., p. 611)

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228 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies "Oh Lord of Gokula, Gokula is far away from here. Dhanika and other (companions), feeling exhausted and languid under their load have gone away already, leaving me alone. This vast woodland has become strange to me (as it were), before I can get out of it (?) and I am (extremely). tired. Please protect me. May Hari, addressed thus by the Gopi, protect you'. Here Dhanika is the name of one of the gopis. It is quite: close to Dhanna (Sk. Dhanya) of the Vajjalagga verse. Carukesi As an illustration of the Dhiroddhata-asadharana-dhrsta type: of hero, Bhoja has cited in SP. the following verse. zaure kasmAd vidhatse dazanapadamidaM cArukezyAhita te' 71679" framea fa-93-7991 ferai fafiaca ? 'naiva dhRSTa bravImi vrajayuvatimahaM' 'bADhameSa vrajAmI-' a nchisaara a: 81(* ?)72-470.gifora: $2H1f: 11 (SP., p. 602) 'O Sauri, why do you display this tooth-mark impressed on you (i.e. on your lip) by Carukesi (Carukesi-ahitam)' ? "How can it be beautiful (caru), produced as it is by Kesin (kesi), who had assumed the bodily form of a beast ?" 'You brazenly unfaithful! I don't mean that. I am talking of the milkmaid (vraja-yuvatim)'. "Very well, here I am wooing (vrajami) a young girl. May the enemy of Kaitabha, thus resorting to chicanery, and delighted by the milkmaid (?) protect you'. The Gopi of this dialogue is possibly Radha, who creates a scene with Krsna, who has just returned after spending a night with Carukesi Krsna tries to save himself by resorting to Slesa on the words carukesyahitam and vrajayuvatim used by Radha. We can campare with this the Kysnakarnamstaa verse (rudhu-mohanmandirad etc.) referred to above. A closely similar repartee between Krsna and one of his sweethearts is instanced by the verse rasah samprati kesava ka bliayato etc. cited on p. 607 of $o.

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Pali, Dhanya and Carukesi 229 Notes 1. I have slightly emended Velankar's text orthographically, and my translation differs from his in several points. 2. See V. Raghavan, Bhoja's Sragaraprakasa, (1963), pp. 567, 887, 891, where the references and citations are noted and their implications are fully brought out. G. R. Josyer's edition of the Sragaraprakasa silently omits the Prakrit passage given by Raghavan. 3. Raghavan, ibid., p. 890 : parqafu anajalgai fazanafanan rAdhA, yatra pAlitakA gatA / (=Stiigaraprakasa, text, p. 491, 11. 4-5). 4. An anonymous verse given in Jayavallabha's Vajjalagga (pos sibly about the 10th cent. A. D.). 5. These are the earliest known verses referring to Visakha, who is known in the Krsna-carita tradition as one of the Gopis which are mentioned as Krsna's favourites and Radha's friends and rivals. The Patala-khanda of the Padma-purana (ch. 70, vv. 4-7) gives the following list (which includes Dhanya) of the eight main beloveds of Krsna : Radhika, Lalita, Syamala, Dhanya, Haripriya, Visakha, Padma and Candravali. It may be also noted that the Gujarati folk-songs know only two names, viz., Camdaraveni or Camdaraval (i.e. Candravali) and (very rarely) Dhanai (i.e. Dhanya, Dhanika) as Krsna's beloveds, besides, of course, Radha. References Bhoja : Sarasvatikanthabharana, ed. K. Mishra, 1976. Sungaraprakasa, ed. G. R. Josyer, 1955. Bilvamangala : Krsnakarnamita, ed. F. Wilson, 1975. Jayavallabha : Vajjalagga, ed. M. V. Patwardhan, 1969. V. Raghavan : Bhoja's Stngaraprakasa, 1963. Svayambhu : Svayambhucchandas, ed. H. D. Velankar, 1962.

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9. THE EVOLUTION OF SANATKUMARA-CARITA* Evolution of Indian religious myths and legends is a vast and intricate field of study. Jain myths and legends form an important part of this field and at its centre we find the Universal History.. The Jain Universal History usually enumerate sixtythree Great Men (Uttam/maha/Salaka-purusa). Of the twelve Universal Monarchs (Cakravartin) included in the list, the fourth is Sanatkumara, the previous three being Bharata, Sagara and Maghavan. The life-story of Sanatkumara Cakravartin has been the subject of numerous works in Prakrit, Apabhramsa, Sanskrit and other Indian languages. Like the treatment of the stories of the other Salakapurusas, the treatment of Sanatkumara-carita (Sc.) too has passed through four stages. Initially it is found as an isolated narrative more or less sketchy. Next it is found as a part of fullfledged systematic works dealing with the account of all the sixtythree Great Men. Thereafter the individual caritas occur as drstanta-kathas, embedded in some commentary, didactic prakarana or tale-collection (kathakos'a, kathavali). Lastly we have independant works on some one Salakapurusa, in the form of a regular mahakavya in verse, prose or a mixture of both. The table below presents most of the important Sanatkumara-caritas according to the above-indicated fourfold categorization (The abreviation of the title of a work is given in adjacent parantheses). Title Author Date Abbreviation vasudevahiMDI saGghadAsa c. 5th cent. VH upadezamAlA-vivaraNa jayasiMha 9th cent. UV dharmopadezamAlA-vivaraNa 859 A.D. DV cauppanna-mahApurisa-cariya zIlAGka 869 A.D. CM uttarapurANa guNabhadra ante 897 A.D. bRhatkathAkoza hariSeNa 932 A.D. BK mahApurANa puSpadanta 965-972 A.D. MP UP

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The Evolution of Sanatkumara-carita ngenter zrIcandra devendra uttarAdhyayana-vRtti AkhyAnaka-maNi-kozavRtti Amradeva haribhadra haribhadra briSaSTi- zalAkA puruSa - carita hemacandra fg-aft fig-afta 1070 A.D. 1073 A.D. 1134 A.D. ante 1160 A.D. 1160 A.D. c. 1165 A.D. 231 KK UVD AKV MC NC TS Broadly speaking, the Digambara versions of the Sc. as we find in UP, MP, BK and KK constitute a sub-group and along with VH version they form a group set apart from rest of the Sc. Versions by the fact that their account is confined to Sanatkumara's renunciation and philosophical suffering of diseases. In the fully developed version that we find, say, for example, in TS, this part of Sanatkumara's life-story forms the third section. We may call it section C.C seems to be the earliest part of the Sc, because the earliest works like VH and UP know only that much of the legend. The fact that in BK, DV, UVD and AKV the Sc. is given to illustrate how one should suffer with equanimity the consequences of the past deeds also supports such a conclusion. The account in the UP is the shortest, and the MP version is based theron. The VH and UP versions differ in a few details, and so far as we can judge from the outline given in DV, UV appears indebted to VH for this part of its Sanatkumara-carita. The same remark applies to the Sanatkumara-carita in CM except that we have now a systematized list of diseases that afflicted Sanatkumara as a monk. But BK develops for the first time some points of the narrative (e.g. the incident at the court of Saudharmendra which occasioned the visit from two gods; Sanatkumara's perceiving of the decaying character of his bodily lustre, the particular incident that was the direct cause of the diseases; the second visit from the same two gods to test Sanatkumara etc.). KK mostly follows BK. The new elements that we find for the first time in BK are incorported in all the subsequent Sanatkumara-caritas of the Svetambara tradition also (e.g. UVD, MC, NC and TS). But otherwise the Sc. in UVD is just lifted from CM. AKV seems to be fami

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232 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies liar with the Sc. of DV, CM, BK and UVD as is clear from parallels in minor details, but as a whole it abridges the narrative in some points and adds on its own the sections on the purusalaksana, strilaksana and rogalaksana. The MC version of the Sc., is little more than a verse recast of the CM version, and the NC version is poetic reworking of the same. The TS account in its C section is based on the UVD version (and through that on the CM version). The story of Sanatkumara from his birth to the point when he attained the status of a Cakravartin constitutes section B of the Sc., in its full form. This section is absent from VH, as also from UP and the most of the Digambara versions. It appears for the first time, so far as we know, in UV and this is also a surmise made on the basis of what we find in the DV outline, as UV is lost to us. Our earliest available source for a detailed account of section B is CM. UVD takes this over in toto, adding to it a few details from some other source. It is drastically abridged by AKV. MC gives us a verse recast of the CM version and uses it in NC for a poetic working over. TS uses CM and also some other sources. Consistent with its uniform plan it shifts to the beginning the account of the previous lives of Sanatkumara which in UV figured in the midst of Section B. We may note here one quite significant detail that throws light on the relationship and mutual influence of various Sanatkumara-carita versions. The name of Sanatkumara's father was Anantavirya according to UP, Asvasena (Asasena) according to VH, UVD, MC, NC and and TS and Visvasena (Visasena) according to BK, CM, AKV and UD. In this matter (and similarly in several other details) the Svetambara and Digambara versions of the Sc., cross each other. The remaining section of the Sc., the Section A, seems to be the latest addition. It deals with the previous births of Sanatkumara. The account is absent from VH, UP, MP, BK and KK. It seems to have appeared for the first time in UV. But CM just touches it in a couple of verses. The earliest available detailed treatment is in UVD. In keeping with its casual approach to the narrative content of the Sanatkumara-carita, AKV altogether omits

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The Evolution of Sanatkumara-carita 233 the account of previous births. TS and UD versions follow UVD (or its source version). Thus we see that the Sanatkumara-carita has evolved in three stages. Originally it consisted of the story about Sanatkumara's renunciation and severe austerities (section C). The romantic account of the earlier life was added later (Section B). Finally appeared the section containing the stories about the previous lives (section A). Section C has two versions. One, perhaps the earlier, is represented in UP and MP, while another in VH which found acceptance in the rest of Svetam bara and Digambara versions. The innovations in VH version of C, which we first find in BK became a common heritage for later versions. The other two sections are peculiar to the Svetambara tradition and they appear for the first time in UV. Thereafter they figure in most of the Svetambara versions of the Sanatkumara-carita. Thus regarding the Sanatkumara-carita, on the one hand we have clear cut Svetambara and Digambara traditions relating to the legend as a whole, but on the other hand there is some definite influence and borrowing of details across the two traditions. Notes 1. See L. Alsdorf, Harivamsapurana, 1936, Introduction; Claus Bruhn, 1954; A.M. Bhojak, Carippanna-mahapurisa-cariya, 1961 (Introduction by, Claus Brubn). A.N. Upadhye, Brhatkathakosa, Introduction. The number sixtythree varies. At times it is given as fiftyfour (with the exclusion of the Prativasudevas) or Seventytwo (with the addition of of nine Naradas). 2. See A.M. Bhojak, Cauppanna-mahapurisa-cariya, 1961, Hindi Introduction, p. 42. 3. Dhavala's Harivansapurana (about 12th cent.) and Dhanapa la's Bahubalicarita (1398 A.D.) refer to a Sanatkumara-carita, probably in Apabhramsa, composed by a Svetambara Jain poet named Govinda. See K. Kasliwal, Prasastisaingraha,

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234 Prakrit and Apabhraisa Studies 1950, p. 142; H. Kochad, Apabhramsa-sahitya, 1957, pp. 103, 236; P.J. Shastri, jain-grantha-prasasti-sangrah, part 2, 1993, Introduction, p. 65; text, p. 12, 35. Moreover, Svayambhu's. Ritthanemicariya (about ninth century), Nayanandin's Sayalavihivihanakavva (about 1044 A.D.), Devasena's Suloyanacariya (1075 A.D.) mention one Govinda along with Rudra, Dandin, Bana, Halika etc., in the list of famous poets. See Kasliwal, op. cit., p. 287; Kochad, op. cit. pp. 175, 216; P.J. Shastri, op. cit., Introduction, pp. 47, 51, 72, text pp. 19, 25. Svayambhu quotes six stanzas from some Apabhramsa poem of Govinda, which seems to have Krsnacarita as its theme and was composed in different varieties of the Matra metre. See H.D. Velankar, Svayambhucchandas, 1962, 4, 9; 1, 3, 5; 10. 1, 2; 11. 1; p. 156. It is not certain whether these references pertain to the same or different poets. For a more detailed comparision of various versions of the SC. treated here see my Introduction to Haribhadra's Sanatukumaracariya (1974).

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10. THE SUDRAVATSA-KATHA 1. The twenty--eighth chapter of Bhoja's Stngaraprakasa treats the topic of sending of love-messengers as a part of the treatment of Purvanuraga, the first variety of Vipralambha Sengara. Messengers are classified on the various types of their characteristics. Functionally distinguished messengers include Gardner, Vidusaka, Vita, Pighamarda etc. As an instance of Pithamarda, serving as a love-messenger, Bhoja mentions Dantaka, who is said to serve Sudravatsa in a work called Kamasena-vipralambha. Raghavan's note on this is as follows: "The examination of the Kathasaritsagara, the Bshat-kalhamanjari and the Kathakosa have (sic) not produced any fruits in the matter of identifying at least some version of a story with the heroine called Kamasena and a hero cal dravatsa (?) with a Pitha marda-ain named Dantaka'2 Now, we come across several casual literary allusions from the beginning of the eleventh century onwards, to an Apabhramsa romantic tale which relates to the adventures of a prince called Suddaya, i.e. Sudraka. Moreover, we have several literary compositions in Old Gujarati and Rajasthani, which present different versions of that tale. There is also a Sanskrit recast of the earliest known Gujarati version. The tale continues to live to the present day in folk-literary traditions of Gujarat and Rajasthan. In what follows, I shall first note the early references to the story of Suddavaccha and give information about the literary versions of the tale available in Old Gujarati and Rajasthani. This will be followed by a brief summary of the story as we find it in Bhima's Sadayavatsa-vira-prabandha. 2. Vira, an Apabhraisa poet of Malwa, enumerates in the Jambusamicariya (completed in 1020 A.D.) the following four works of his father, the poet Devadatta3 .

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236 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies Varamga-cariya (in Paddhaoi metre); Suddaya-vira-kaha; Samtiinaha-caccari; Ambadevi-rasaya. None of these works has been recovered so far. Most probably all the four were in Apabhraisa. The themes of these works, except that of the second one, are well-known in the Jain literary tradition. We know of numerous works in Prakrit, Apabhramsa, Sanskrit and Old Gujarat (either in any one of these or in several languages) pertaining to the lives of Varanga, santinatha and Ambadevi. But the Suddaya-vira-kaha, qualified by Vira as 'praised by learned critics for its poetic qualities', is obscure4. 3. Samdesarasaka of Abdala Rahamana (composed probably in the thirteenth century), while describing the city of Mulasthana (i.e. present-day Multan in Eastern Punjab), refers to the public recitation of the epics, epic tales and popular tales along with performances of dance and opera. Along with the Bharata, the Ramayana and the Nalacarita, we find there mention'5 of Sudavaccha, which is explained in the Sanskrit Tippanaka on the Sandesarasaka as Sudayavaccha-katha 'the tale of Sudayavaccha'. In the Index to the Samdesarasaka I had suggested that this tale of Sudayavaccha was the same as the popular tale of Sadevamta and Savalimga well-known in the oral tradition and early literature of Gujarat and Rajasthan. The Samdesarasaka reference establishes its currency in the Punjab region. Further, Padumavata of Jayasi (17th Century) refers to a tale of Sadaivaccha and Mugudhavati. If this tale was the same as (or a version of) the Sudavaccha, its currency in other regions also is indicated. 4. Another reference to the tale of Suddaya or Sudavaccha sheds some light on the general character of that tale. In the * Apabhramsa poem Sudamsanaeariya completed in 1044 A.D.. Nayanandin extols the biography of Sudarsana in the following terms: Ramo Siya-vioyu-sova-vihuram sampattu Ramayane jada Pandava Dhayarattha sadadam gottamkali Bharahe deda-kodiya-cora-rajja-airada ahasida suddhae no ekam pi Sudamsanassa caride dosam samubbhasida 6

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The Sadayavatsa-katha 237 The text of the third line here seems to be corrupt in a few places, and its interpretation presents difficulties. But the meaning of the rest is quite clear. The poet says : The Ramayana story is not enjoyable because of the sufferings of Sita due to separation. The Bharata story is marred by the constant family-feud of the Pandavas and the Kauravas. As against these narratives, the lifestory of Sudamsana cannot be alleged to have a single fault. In the case of the third line, we have several variant readings : tema for deda; koliya for kodiya; suddae for suddhae. Helped by them and in the light of the plot of the tale as known to us from the Sadayavatsa-vira-prabandha of Bhima (see below) we can restore the line as follows: tenta-koliya-cora-rajju(?)-nirada ahasida Suddhae "In the Sudraka (narrative) the story deals with (disreputable places and episodes involving) gambling dens, Kolis, thieves and police-guards'. Tenta = diyutasthana : see R. N. Shriyan, A Critical study of Mahapurapurana of Puspadania. (Ahmedabad, 1969) where various occurrences of tenta are noted and discussed (entries 999 and 1000): koliya = kaulika, "a person of that caste of lower social rank"; cora-rajju = coroddharanika : corarajjuka is used by Kautilya in the sense of a police-officer'. The author of the tippana on this verse in the Sudamsanacariya, faced with wrocg readings, has offered fanciful interpretations. He reads gomukala for gotramkali in the second line and explains it as rajyabhrastah. The third line is construed with the second line and so, dedakodiya is explained in Gujarati as dhedhavala ni kodi havi Bharate : 'In the Mahabharata there was the climax of (quarrelling), characteristic of a settlement of untouchables (dhedha). The gloss on suddhae is also confused : vacchasudaye sastre. It should be sudda yavaeche and it was not a sastra. Jain, the editor of the Sudamsanacariu, wrongly thought that the name of the work was Siddhaya. Paramanand Jain Shastri too failed to make out the name and has vaguely rendered suddaya as bokasastra?.

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238 Prakrit and Apabhraisa Studies In the verse cited above, Nayanandin points out that the life of Sudarsana is free from the blemishes that mark the three very famous and popular narratives and hence that it is superior to all of them. 5. In the Sayala-vihi-vihana-kavva, another Apabhramsa poem by Nayanandin, we get another important reference to the story of Sudravatsa. In the opening portion of the poem, while describing the cireumstances under which the poet was urged to undertake its writing, he incidentally touches upon the historical glory of the city of Dhara where the poet carried out his literary activity. He mentions great kings of yore who ruled over Dhara: jahim Vaccharau punu Puhaivatthu, humtau puhaisaru Sudavatthu, hoeppinu Vatthael? pacchae) Harimadeu (?) mandaliu Vikkamaiccu jau. Here, Puhulvatthu, Sudavatthu, and Harimadeu are respectively to be corrected as Puhaiyacchu, Suddavacchu, and Harisadeu. The kings mentioned are Vatsaraja, Psthvivatsa, Sudravatsa, Harsadeva and Vikramaditya. Here Psthvivatsa and Sudravatsa are mentioned as famous past rulers of Dhara. In the Old Gujarati version of the tale, the names of the hero and his father are given in various forms, but Suddavaccha and Pahuvaccha (i.e. Sudravatsa and Prabhuvatsa) are the earliest. This point is discussed further below. Secondly, Suddavaccha in that poem marries a princess of Dhara and later on becomes the ruler of that city. 6. Thus two Apabhramsa poets of the eleventh century, who lived in Dhara, are quite familiar with the story of Sudravatsa and one of them actually wrote a narrative poem having a plot based on that story. They flourished in the time of king Bhoja. who alludes in his Sragaraprakasa to some characters of that story. All these references point to the great popularity of this tale in the Malwa region in the tenth and eleventh century, and this is

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The Sadayavatsa-katha 239 self-explanatory, in view of the fact (as we shall see) that the hero was a prince of Ujjayini and Dhara. The characters alluded to in Bhoja's reference noted at the beginning of this paper, viz. Dantaka (?), Sudravatsa and Kamasena, actually figure in the Sadayavatsavira-prabandha of Bhima8. and the episode itself mentioned in the srngaraprakasa can be exactly identified in that work. 7. The Sadayavatsa-vira-prabandha (further here referred to as SVPj was composed c. 1400 A.D.9. Regarding the text there is considerable variation among the manoscripts. The work has round about seven hundred verses (730, if we go by the printed text). The work is mostly composed in the Caupai and Duha metres, but numerous other metres also are used for variation, . Besides there are some thirty-four Gathas in Prakrit. It is obvious that at least some of these Gathas were borrowed from some early Prakrit version of the tale, as mostly they repeat in short what is said in the preceding Old Gujarati verses 10. The tale narrates the loves and adventures of Sudavaccha, who was a Prince of Ujjayini and son-in-law of Salivahana, the ruler of Pratisthana. Rescuing a mast elsphant, machinations of a minister, exile, wanderings in strange countries, princesses pining for the hero, omens, helpful robbers, goddesses, hunchbacks, courtesar battles, wrestlers, goblins, witches, cemeteries, deserted cities and all the rest of the hot romantic stuff, and numerous well-known motifs fill up the tale. 8. The followiug is a brief outline of the story according to Bhima. Sudayavatsa (S.) was the son of king Prabhuvatsa and queen Mahalaksmi, ruling at Ujjayini. He was a gambling addict. Once he rescued a pregnant Brahmin girl from the clutches of the Royal elephant which had gone mad, by killing it. The king appointed him as heir-apparent in appreciation of this act of bravery. But the minister of the king, fearing to lose the favour of the prince because he had earlier restrained him from spending liberarlly at the time of his marriage with Savalimga, the princess of Pratisthana,

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240 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies succeeded in turning the king against S., whom he (the king) ordered to leave the kingdom. Savalimga accompanied S. in exile. Passing through a dreary tract, S. procured water for the thirsty Savalimga by offering his blood in exchange. But this turned out to be just a test devised by Harisiddhi, the presiding divinity of Ujjayini. Mightily pleased with his fortitude, she gifted him miraculous dice and cowries and a steel-knife, which made him invincible in gambling games and battles. Resuming their journey, they came to a temple of Siva where Lilavati, the daughter of king Dharavira ruling at Dhara, was practising penance to obtain S. as her husband. S. accepted her. The marriage was celebrated. S. stayed at Dhara for a few days. Then he left for Pratisthana to deposit Savalimga at her father's house. He promised to take Lilavati with him on the return journey. While passing through a dense forest, S. met a band of five thieves in a den. In a chailenge game of gambling they lost against him. S. declined their offer of magic gifts. So the thieves clandestinely inserted in his shield jewelled bodice worth a million and promised to go to his help when remembered in a critical situation. S. and Savalimga left that place. Proceeding further they came across a deserted city, where the presiding deity of the buried treasures of king Nanda of yore appeared before S. and offered him the treasures. But unwilling to take possession of the treasures without offering ceremonial worship. S. moved on and reached the precincts of Pratisthana. He lest Savalimga in charge of a bard there, and proceeded towards Pratisthana to procure funds through gambling. As he entered the city-gate he chanced to see a feliow with hands, nose and ears maimed. He took this to be an evil omen, but that Thumtha introduced himself as the prince of Simhala. He lost all his money at gambling during his visit to Pratisthana and having failed to pay dues, he was maimed by the gamblers. S. accepted him as his trusted companion.

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The Sadayavatsa-katha 241 The pair arrived at the temple of the Sun-god, where a dispute raged between the Royal Courtesan Kamasena and a city merchant. Kamasena was demanding five hundred gold coins from the merchant's son Somadatta as the charge for cohabiting with her in her dream ! The disputing parties appointed S. as the arbiter. He resolved the dispute by offering to the courtesan's mother the mirror-image of the demanded amount. The amount was piled in front of a mirror. Kamasena, receiving report of the arrival of an attractive noble young man, came to the temple. She was love-striken at the first sight. She gave a dance-performance at the temple with such intensity that she collapsed with exhaustion. The royal physician diagnosed her ailment as love-affliction. Kamasena invited S. to stay with her. When S. sought shumtha's advice in this matter, the latter warned him about the viles of prostitutes. But Kamasena won Thuotha by offering him the services of her younger sister. So they accepted Kamasena's proposal which solved S.'s boarding problem. Next day, S. went to the gambling house and won huge sums from expert gamblers. He presented a part of the win to Kamasena, distributed another part in charity to all and sundry, and with the rest he purchased costliest garments and toiletries for Savalimga. On the fifth day, S. prepared to leave Kamasena's residence, to keep his promise to Savalimga. Kamasena, madly in love with him, tried to detain him by pulling his shield. The jewelled bodice that was smuggled in the shield-cover by the thieves dropped down. Kamasena kept it as a parting gift. Shortly, wearing it she started to attend upon the king. On her way, she was seen by the city mayor, who, identifying her bodice as one which was stolen from his house some time back, lodged a complaint with the king. On being questioned by the king, Kamasena refused to reveal the identity of the person who had gifted her the bodice. She was ordered to be executed, and taken to the execution ground. Her mother traced S. at the gambling house. S. rushed to Kamasena's help, freed her and put to rout the city guards. Hearing about this Somadatta reached there. S. requested him to take his message to Savalimga. Soma

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242 Prakrit and pabhramsa Studies datta secured from the king S. 's release by pledging himself as the hostage. S. visited Sayalimga, who on failure of S. 's return by the promised fifth day, was on the point of immolating herself on a burning pyre. S. presented her with clothes and toiletries. Next morning he returned to the execution ground. S. boasted of having committed many thefts. The king discovered S. 's identity by examining a sword bearing the latter's signature-the sword was procured from the courtesan. But to test S.'s prowess the king sent an army to attack S. A band of fifty two crack heroes mounted an attack. The five thieves informed by Narada rushed to Si's help and overpowered the attackers. The king acknowledged his defeat. He warmly welcomed his son-in-law and daughter. Shortly, S. struck up friendship with a Brahmin, a Vaisya and a Ksatriya. The four were looking out for adventures. Hearing about a mystery of the corpse of a merchant's father in the city of Tumba that kept returning every day from the cemetery, the four friends went to the merchant, who was prepared to offer two lakhs to anyone who would accomplish cremation of the corpse. They undertook the task. Incidentally S. exorcized a Brahmin's daughter possessed by a Sakini. The four friends carried the corpse to the cremation ground and decided to guard it by turn. When the Brahmin was on duty in the first watch of the night, a woman requested him for help to reach the food brought by her to her husband, who was hanged but life was still lingering in. The Brahmin bent down and the woman mounted on his back. Eventually she was caught gobbling raw flesh from the hanging body. The Brahmin cut off the witch's hand before she escaped. During the second watch, the Vaisya saw a bunch of ghosts cooking their dinner. Nearby twenty-two princes were kept bound for being served as dessert. He assailed the ghosts and released the princes. During the third watch, the Ksatriya saw a Raksasa abducting a princess. He killed him and freed the princess. During the fourth watch, the corpse, occupied by a Vetala stood up and challenged S. to a gambling match. Extending his arm, he got the game from the royal palace. He was defeated at

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The Sadayavatsa-katha 243 the game by S. who then cremated the corpse. S. produced four proofs of their carrying out the assigned task successfully to claim the stipulated reward. Incidentally the witch was identified as the queen of that city. S. 's three friends were married to the three girls saved or offered as reward. The four friends returned to Pratisthana. Thereafter S. left Pratisthana, reached the deserted city, which he rehabilitated and governed Savalimga and Lilavati were called there from Pratisthana and Dhara. In course of time each of them gave birth to a son, both of whom grew up as accomplished young men. On receiving news that Ujjayini was surrounded by enemy forces, S. commissioned his sons for its defence. They put the hostile forces to rout. The poem ends with the happy reunion of Prabhuvatsa and Sadayavatsa. 9. From this summary, it will be seen that the episode and characters alluded to in the Sragaraprakasa reference cited above, actually occur in this story (see Appendix; especially vv. 460-475; 484-500). In the Stngaraprakasa reference the name of the Pighamarda is given as Dantaka. It is a wrong reading resulting from some scribe misreading tumtaka as damtaka. Tumta is noted by Hemacandra at Desinamamala IV. 3 in the sense of 'having the hands cut off' (chinha-hasta) (For New Indo-Aryan derivatives see R. L. Turner A Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Languages, entry no. 5698). In Bhima's text he is called Thuotha, because Gujarati has the base form thumtha corresponding to the Pk. form tusta (For thuttha-, thuntha etc. see Turner's dictionary, entry no. 5506). The Simhala prince is nicknamed Tuntaka because the gamblers had cut off his hands for not paying them the gambling dues (Sadayavatsaviraprabandha, vv. 436, 442). 10. The name of the hero appears in various forms in SVP : Sadayavatsa, Sudayavatsa, Sadayavaccha, Sudayavaccha, Sadaya. Sudava, Sudau (Suda) and Suddha. Sudau (Suda) occurs quite

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244 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies frequently. The form Sudda (Suddaya) is historically earlier than the others. It is found in some of the Prakrit Gathas and Vastu stanzas in the SVP. Suddhayavira (or vaccha) changed to Suddayavira and finally became Sadayavira (or Sadayavat sa). As noted earlier, in the Samdesarasaka (v. 44) the tale is referred to as Sudavaccha (v. 1. Sudayavaccha). 11. As noted previously ($$ 3-4), Devadatta's poem was called Suddaya-vira-kaha. Similarly the title of Bhima's poem is Sadayavatsavira-prabandha. As will be seen from the summary given above, it is patently a tale of adventures and heroism. And in SVP. itself, the princess Lilavati introduces herself as the daughter of Dharavira, sister's daughter of Naravira and desirous of marrying Sadayavatsa-vira. It is first expressed in the following, possibly borrowed Prakrit gatha : Dharavira-rau(? ya)-dhua, muhusale mujjha rau nara-viro varavira-Sadayavaccho(ccham), vamchauh siva pujjiyalayi) sahie (?) (SVP vs. 244) The same idea is repeated in a Doha further in the text : vira maharau maulau, tata vaditau vira vira mani Sudau varus, kai davi dahum sarira (SVP vs. 249) 12. There is also a Sanskrit version of the tale in prose and verse called Sadayavatsa-katha, prepared by Harsavardhana gani in 1471. It is a Jain recast of SVP, with several new tales emboxed and hundreds of Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhramsa and Old Gujarati Subhasitas, taken from the traditional store-house, scattered all over the text. The work is unpublished so far. Later on the tale of Sadayavatsa and Savalimga underwent such development and alteration as to become altogether a different tale. This new version of the tale is represented in the SadayavatsaSavalimgu-Caupai of Kesava Muni alias Kirtivardhana, which was completed in 1623 A.D. Another such work of unknown authorship and date, but linguistically assignable to the seventeenth century is called

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The Sadayavatsa-katha 245 Sadayavaccha-Savalimgi-Panigrahana-Caupai. Both these works have been given in the appendix by Manjulal Majumdar in his edition of Bhima's poem. Agarchand Nahta has given us a survey of different early and late versions of the tale current in Rajasthan and Gujarat". 13. There is one more reference to the tale of Suddaya, once again from an Apabhramsa poet. And if this tale is the same as the one we are considering here then the date of the earliest literary composition about the adventures of Suddaya can be shifted back by a century. The reference concerns the great Apabhramsa poet Svayambhudeva, the author of the epics Paumacariya and the Ritthanemicarira. In the latter work, which has been partly published so far, we find the following verse, which expresses exhaustion on the part of the poet after continuous life-long literary activity. 12 kauna Pomacariyam Suddhayacariyar ca guna-gan'agghaviyam Harivansa-moha-harane Sarassai sudhiya-deha-yya The poet here says that after having composed the Paumacariya and the Suddayacariya full of literary merits, his Sarasvati (literary powers) seems to have become exhausted in the present task of clearing delusions regarding the Harivamsa narrative.13 Here it is quite likely that Svayambhu's Suddayacariya was a poem dealing with the tale of Suddayavira. Of course we cannot be definite about this as Pk. Ap. Suddaya stands also for Sk. Sudraka and we have references to several Sudraka-kathis composed in Prakrit and Apabhraisa But it should be noted that Svayambhu has composed works on Ramayana and Mahabharata and his third work Suddayacariya might have handled the popular tale of Suddaya. We have already taken note of two Apabhramsa' poets, Nayanandin and Abdala Rahamana, talking about the Ramayana, the Mahabharata and the Suddaya tale in the same breath. 14. The sources and precedents of the Sudravatsa tale remain to be investigated. We may point out here some significant parallels to a few of its episodes and motifs. The episode of a courtesan

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246 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies: demanding fee from a merchant's son for dream enjoyment occurs in the Punyavanta-jataka which is given in the Mahavastu (ed. Senart, 1897, third part, p. 33-41). That story occurs elsewhere also in Buddhist and later non-Buddhist literatures. In the Jataka version the courtesan's claim is more plausible in that is was made on the basis of the dream of the merchant's son and not of the courtesan herself. The dispute is resolved by a similar stratagem15. * The motif of accusation of theft due to a stolen costly article found in possession of the innocent hero (Sudravatsa accused of theft of the jewelled bodice), is found in the story of Sridatta and Mrgankavati in the eighth taranga of the Kathasaritsagara, wherein Sridatta has to face execution for possessing a stolen necklace which he had found tied at the end of an upper garment he accidently got from a lake, where it was thrown by some thieves. The episode of undertaking to burn a dead hody and a witch caught while she was deceitfully gobbling lumps of flesh torn from a hanging man occurs in the interesting tale of Bhavattika, in the emboxed story of Amaradatta and Mitrananda that was narrated by Bhavattika in the third watch of the night16. Corresponding to the four incidents that occur during the four watehes of the night to each of the four friends keeping a guard on the dead body in the SVP narrative, we have in the story of Amaradatta and Mitrananda four fabricated episodes connected with the four watches of the night (attack from a hoard of jackals, from a band of Pisacas, from a group of Dakinis and from the goddess of pestilence, narrated by Mitrananda. The last of these latter episodes presents a close parallel to the incident of the fourth watch in SVP)17. The earliest known version of that motif is found in the story of Nitambavati occurring in the sixth Ucchvasa of Dandin's Dasakumaracarita. We get another version in the first tale of the Vetalapancavimsati included in the Kashmirian version of th@ BThai katha and existing also as an independent collection in Sans

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The Sadayavatsa-katha 247 krit with renderings and adaptations in regional ianguages of India. Penzer has noted various western versions of the motif deriving from the Arabian Nights which itself is based on the version that occurs in Seven Vazirs, the Arabic version of the Book of Sindibad 8. 15. The text in which Sudravatsa, and Tuntaka are said to figure is mentioned by Bhoja as Kamasena-vipralambha. But the references and the works we have discussed consistently refer to the tale by the name of the hero ; Suddavaccha-vira-cariya, Sadayavatsa-vira-prabandha, Suddavaccha, Suddaya etc. So it seems that the work referred to by Bhoja was possibly a composition based on the love-affair between Sudravatsa and Kamasena. Bhoja has referred to another similarly titled work : Irsyalu-vipralambha.19 Moreover a work cited by Bhoja as a Rasakanka is identified by Raghavan as the Radha-vipralambha of Bhejjala, on the basis of Abhinavagupta's references 20. This fact makes it likely that Kamasena-vipralambha was the title of the full work, possibly a dramatic type. On the other hand, from the SP. references like Karpurikalabha, Kalingasenalabha etc. which are names of sections Brhatkatha version known to Bhoja", and not titles of complete works, we see that Bhoja sometimes gave reference to a section only of a work wherein the episode, character etc. he wanted to illustrate figures. In that case Kamasena-vipralambha can be taken to refer to a particular section or episode in the Sudravatsa-katha, known to Bhoja. Notes This is a revised and expanded version of my paper entitled "Suddayacariya, a lost romantic tale in Apabhramsa' which was published in the Proceedings of the Seminar on Prakrit Studies (1973), ed. by K. R. Chandra, Ahmedabad, 1978 (L. D. Series 70), 24-27. 1. 1978, "pithamardah dantaka Sudravatsasya Kamasena-vipra lambhe' (Srngaraprakasa, p. 999). 2. Bhoja's Sragaraprakasa, p. 826.

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248 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies 3. Jambusamicaria of Virakavi, edited by V. P. Jain, 1968, Sandhi 1, Kadavaka 4; also Introductions pp. 11, 14. 4. Hence Kochad (Apabhramsa-sahitya, 1956, p. 148), has missed it. Paramanand Jain Shastri (Jain-Grantha-Prasasti-Sangraha, Part-2, 1963, Introduction, p. 59, text p. 6, Index, p. 165) has misunderstood it as Vira-kaha, V. P. Jain has either simply mentioned it (loc., cit. Index, p. 386) without any comment or has rendered it incorrectly and with a query as 'Suddhaja l'ira-katha ?'. 5. Sandesarasaka, edited by Jinav!jaya Muni and H. C. Bhayani, 1946, verse 43-44, 6. Sudamsanacariya of Nayanandin, edited by Hiralal Jain, 1970, Samdhi 2. verse 2 in the opening. 7. Jain-Grantha-Prasasti-Sangraha, Part 2. Delhi, 1963, Intro duction, p. 48. 8. Jain-Grantha-Prasasti-Samgraha, text, p. 26. 9. Sadayavat sa-vira-prabhandha (= SVP) edited by Manjulal Majumdar, Bikaner. 1960. 10. It may be also noted in this connection that the Gathas at vv. 180 and 181 are the same as Vajjalagga 54 and 51 respec tively with a few variants. 11. "Sada yavatsa-savalimga-ki prem-katha', Rajasthana-bhurate, 3, 1. See also H. C. Bhayani, Anusamdhan (in Gujarati), 1972, pp. 241-243. 12: Paumacariya of Svayambhu, edited by H. C. Bhayani : Part I. Bombay, 1952, Introduction, pp. 28, 43-45. 125 (v. 65). 13. The poet expired sometimes after he wrote this. The remaining portion of the epic was completed by his son Tribhuvana. See Paumacariya, Part I, Introduction pp. 44-45. 14. V. Raghavan, Bhoja's Stngaraprakasa, 1963, pp. 624, 819, 820. H. C. Bhayani, 'About the Language of the Sudrakakatha'. JOIB 18, 1969, p. 316.

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The Sadayavatsa-katha 249 15. In Caritraratna-gani's Danapradipa (1443 A. D.), we have another version of this episode (in the story of Siddhidatta and Dhanadatta figuring as a part of the account of the previous incarnation of king Ratrapala), in which the trickster is a merchant and the victim is a courtesan. See H. C. Bhayani, Sodh ane Svadhyay (in Gujarati), 1965, pp. 224-230. 16. Muni Punyavijay (ed.), Akhyanaka-manikosa-vrtti by Amra deva-suri (1134 A. D.), Bhavattika-Akhyana, pp. 193-218; for the episode referred to above see verses 408-439. 17. There are numerous versions of the story of Amaradatta and Mitrananda in Prakrit, Old Gujarati etc. 18. Tawny and Penzer, The Ocean of Story. Reprint, Delhi, 1968. Vol. II, 251-261. 19. Raghavan, op. cit., 827. 20. Raghavan, op. cit., 889-891. 21. Raghavan, op. cit., 839ff. Appendix Sadayavatsa-vira-prabandha (Bikaner, 1960) vv. 444-503. [ kAmasenA-gaNikA-jUTha-prasaMga] 3be jaNa pATaNa majjhi pahutta, dIThau deuli loka bahutta / 'kahi bhAI ! kolAhala kisiu ? e aNa-khAdhai pANI-risau' 445 'kAmasenA je nAciNi nAma, lii paca sai sonnA-drAma / muhaNai somadatta mANiu, te ihAM UhadI nai ANIu // 445 3 'ta suNi' A.

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250 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies gaNikAnI mA atihi raDhIla, vivahArIu manAviu mila / DokarI ma Diu gADhau Doha, ardha Apatai na chUTai choha" // 446 [sadayavatsa-vacana] sadayavaccha bolA : 'suNi mitra ', e khATU ati karai akhatra / ' [ThUThA-vacana ] 'deva : anerau nathI anyAu, mAtI rAMDai vI Tiu vAu // 447 eka bhAMDaNiyA UThI bhADa, bIjau mahiM mUkiu sADI / trIjI rAula-vAI rAMDa, iNi kAraNa TalIi mAMDa' // 448 te jovA puhutu prAsAdi, Dokari dIThI vaDhatI vAdi / 'nara navayauvana chei navara gi, e bolisyaDa amhArai 4aMgi' // 449 ekadati bolaha : 'muNi sAha !, amhi paraThyA chai rAuta Aha / ' seThi-kumara Ucarai sujANa, 'ApaNa vihu jaNa eha pramANa' // 450 tava tINai bihu kAraNa kahI, rAuti vAta vimAsI sahI / sadayavacchi vici lIdhA sAda, teha-naH niravAlyu vAda // 451 [ sadayavatsa-kRta catura nyAya ] eka seThi hakAriu tAma, 'ANi vicchedii darpaNa drAma' / seThii je jaNa bolAviu, aratha ArIsau leI AvIu // 452 dhana reDI oDiu ArIsa. ekadati tava dii AsIsa / AghI thaI levAnai artha, 'darapaNa-mAMhi giNI liu gartha' // 453 [gaNikA-kapaTa-upahAsa] hAthi tAlI deI hasiu loka : 'rAMDai lIghA TakA roka' / aMtari teDAvI DokarI, kADhI bAhari bAMhi dharI // 454 1. 'itanI ati ADalI raDhIla' A. 2. 'sudaya bhaNai suNi ThUThA mitra' A. 3. 'e muha' a. 4. 'bhagi' A.

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The Sadayavatsa-katha 251 iki chAMNii, iki chAMTai chAri, iki khIjavai anerai khAri / ekadati tava 1opI isI, rAya rAjA chavi rANI jisI // 455 teha-taNai chokari nahIM cheha, DokarI dekhI harakhI teha / vAdii vivahArII harAvI, TakA ThIka roka lei dhari AvI 456 // [gaNikAprati kulastrIjana-dhRNA ] ApApaNA dhavalahara dhasI, abalA save AvI uddhasI / 'kahau, kisI-pari jItau vAda ?,' bolI na sakai baIThau sAda // 457 jINai ghaNA ghAsavyA ti ghAThI, kalA bahuttari-si buddhi nAThI / triNi divasa ji lAMghaNai lAMghI, ghaNe ghAvU e kIdhI ghAMdhI // 458 parakhyA pAkhai puruSa vIsasI, nayara-mAMhi nara saghalai hasI / 'kAI re choDI ! pUchai kAja, hAriu vAda vigUtI Aja' // 459 [ sadayavatsa prati kAmasenA-AkarSaNa ] kAmaseni sabhaliu svarUpa, te rAuta-nU joIi rUpa / teDiu saghalau saparadAu, cAturi catura joevA jou // 460 puhatI maDapi madhi-Adita, vAjiu 5gajara sadhuDiu gIta / vaMzakAri sAtai sura sAri, Alati kIdhI AlatikAri // 461 uDImAna uDavIu tAla, jhaNajhuNa karai mRdaMga rasAla / dhurI dhUAnI dhUralI Adi, rahI rekha ravina : prAsAdi // 462 nayaNa vayaNa mana mastaka nAsa, hAvabhAva kaTi-taNA kalAsa / ura kara caraNa lagai cAlavai, ima jUjUA aMga jAlavai / / 463 1. 'dekho' A. 2. 'vigoI' A. 3. 'joya' A. 3. 'jovA nai tihAM' A. 4. 'mUdhA dItI' a. 5. 'guhara suddha sagIta' A. 6. 'raNajhiNa' A. 7. 'devanaI' A. 8. 'mayaNa' A. 9. 'karaI' A.

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252 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies [ kAmasenA-vihvalatA] uttara UjeNI-pati diTTa, baIThau mattavAraNai baliTTha / kAmaseni thiI kAma-vikAma, mANasa kAi na jANai mAma // 464 teu calAvI bhaNI avAsa, truTI nADi, na salakai sAsa / nayara. naresara vAhara karaI, isi pAtra aNa-khUTai maraI // 465 [ upacAra! rAjabaMda jaI joI nADi, eu vikAra nahIM amha pADi / desa-videsI biij| bahU, rAjA-5Ayasi Avi saha // 466 eki bhaNaIH 'UtArau AMca,' eki seka divarAvaI pAMca / eki bhaNai : 'Alasa chAMDIi,' eki bhaNaiH 'maDala mAMDII' // 467 eki bhaNai : 'amha halUu hAtha,' 8eki bhagaiH 'diI kaDUu kvAtha' / ApApaNI kalA savi kahaI, guNIyA naI vaIda gahagahaI // 468 [ gUrjara vaidya-nidAna / anaga-roga] gUrjara vaidya tihArai hasiu, jANe dharaNi-dhana tari jisiu / dIThaI rUpi sarUpa olakhaI, veda anerU rA Agali jhakhai : // 469 'ehanaI aMgi aggalau anaga, naravara ! ko dIThau navaraMga / maharati eki mUrchA bhAjasii, miliu loka dekhI lAjasii' // 470 tAsa vacani kAlamuhA thAI, valiu ceta. 10vaida UThyA jAi ! / bAhari varataI bhIDAbhIDa, pramadA paMcavANanI pIDa // 471 1. 'hUi kAminI kAma' A. 2. 'leI' A. 3. 'lAbhaI' A. 4. 'nareza na' A. 5. 'isi te' a. 6. 'lAMca' a. 7. 'kahaI' A. 8. 'eka vAi chatrImu kAtha' A. 9. 'guNIA nIkAraki' A. 10. 'vegi UThI' A.

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The Sadayavatsa-katha 253 [rAjaputra-Anayana-upAya ] nAciNi 1jasa nAyikIde nAma te teDInai kahi kAma / 'tu. 2DAhI DAMkharI ma jeDi, ravi-umardiri jaI rAuta teDhI // 472 uttari baIThau Uco pATi bhaDa je pAkhali vIM Tiu bhATi / keki-kalA siri jhAMTi jhamAla, Agali ADaNa anai karamAla / / 473 [vRddhA ekadati virodha-dazana ] ekadati tINi bolii balI. parIsii puruSa eka UchalI / 'jiNi 5halUI kIdhI Aja te TITau teDii kuNa kAja ? // 474 rAya rANA bhUtali jetalA, vivahArIyA kahU ketalA ? / karai sAda kA Disara keDi, kehA guNa tu rAuta teDi ? // 475 [ gaNikA-dravyaharaNa-naipuNya] pArakhi-siu jau kIjai prema, pADI dii pIyArU hema / ochI vAnI tau ghaNau virAma, sArI lIisU sArA drAma // 476 dosI 10kora kApaDAM diyai. lUgaDa-mAMhi ti bimaNU lIyai / kAja surahIu sArai ghaNU, Apai sadA surahU dhUpaNU // 477 sonI kAji 11kihArai 12vAhi, sUdha cautha lii sUnA-mAMhi / pahilU ghATa ghaDInai hATi, ghari Avai ghaDAmaNa mATi // 478 bAMbhaNa-si bahu neha ma karai, mAsa pakSa pUThii pariharai / bhATa bhalau hui dIha bi.cyAri, jAM jUvaTai na thAlai hAri // 479 1. 'je' A. 2. 'gADhI' A. 3. 'maDapi' A. 4. 'dIsai' A. 5. 'ha hAlU' a. 6. 'zU' A. 7. 'bhUpati' a. 8. 'je bhalA' A. 1. 'AsA' a. 10. 'kApaDa vAra' A. 11. jihvAi' A. :. 'pAhi. a.

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254 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies taMbolInI thoDI tIma, jihanai pAna pAMcanI sIma / ToMTA dekhI TAle neTi. sohamI jaInai manAve seThi / / 48 0 / / mAlI Apai 'surahAM phala, je vArU nai ati bahumUla / moTA jhoTA anai chaDa cheka, teha-naI dIjai vahilu cheka // 481 / / phUTarasI nai pharaphaTa kUca, hAtha vihArai na melhaI mUcha / te ulagU-nai ma desi aDAu, kUDI karagara lAu nasAu // 482 / / [dhanavAna parIkSaNa] nANAvaTi nANU nirakhIi, tima ApaNai puruSa parakhIi / 'jihAM jihAM dosai dravya jetalau, tihAM Adara kIjai tetalau' // 483 / / kAmasenA-vacana] kAmasenA naI caDiu kopa, nAyakade prati dIgha niropa / 'e bUDhI-taNA bola ma vimAsi, rAuta teDI ANi AvAsi' // 484 // gaI rAmA ravi-maMDapa bhaNI, vyAdhi te kAmiNi-taNI / [sadayavatsa-prati vacana] 'suNi sAvajjala sAcI bAta, kAmasenA tUM-rAtI rAta / / 485 // hU~ pAThavI tINai tUa pAsi, 'pasAu karI amha Avi AvAsi / aratha anethi achai amha ghaNau, te vanitA vibhrama tU a-taNAu / / 486 // bAra ma lAu, vahilau thai deva !, TAlA-taNI 1degTalI chai Teva / marai akhUTai moT pAtra, taI dIThaI duHkha phITai gAtra' // 487 // [ThUThA-prati sUdA-bacana] sudda bhaNai. 'suNi ThUThA mitra !, iNi mAMDiu evaDU caritra / 11ima teDai 12tima kAraNa kahai, ehU vAta vimAsaNa lahai' // 488 // 1. 'sarasyU neha mana' A. 2. 'phAphaTa' A. 3. 'kai dhasa lAu' A. 4. 'para khII' A. 5. 'jehanau bhAva dIsai' a. 6. 'radhi' A. 7. 'mayA' A. 8. 'bhati' A. 9. 'vikrama' A. 10. 'ma karisiu' thA. 11. 'tima a. 12. 'ati' A.

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The Sadayavatsa-katha 255 hUMThA-vacana] ThThu bhaNai : 'navi jANiu bheTa, vAri rAMDa-taNai mani kheda / . 'deharA-mAMhi duhavI jea, DaMsa vIsarai na Dokari teha // 489 / / . iNi vIsAsI vAhyA vIra, iNi khAi pADayA ghara-dhIra 'iNi vesAiM vigoyA bhalA; iNi rolyA rAuta ketalA // 490 // vesA-taNau ma kari vIsAsa, vesA-vayaNa te muhi galI pAsa / 5 'maccha jema mAMsa-nai dharai, jIva-taNau jIvI apaharaI' // 491 // [sUdA-vacana] sudda bhaNai : 'hUMa jANUM sahU, vesA-taNI vAta chai bahU / jau bhAI ! bhava kIjai eha, jayallapaNAnau Aviu cheha' // 492 // [ThUThA-vacana] 'eha anerau nahIM uAu, ehanai viSaya-taNau vivasAu / ihanai mani mATInI Asa, ihanai lahai videsI vAsa' // 493 // [paricArikA-nivedana] paricAriki je pUThii vahI, tINAi ghari jaInai kAraNa kahI / 'te dhIrau Aveva karai, paNi ThUThIu kuTAi karai' // 494 // tau vIjI bolAvo bAla : 'jaI cAlavi ThUThau caMDAla / mAnI lAMca lobhavi ghaNU, kAmiNi kAna kare ApaNU' / / 495 / / 'tau tINai khilakI-nai khuTa, hUlavI bolAviu ThUTha / lAMca-taNau dekhADiu lobha, kAMi e kSitrI-kAraNi zobha? / / 496 // [ThUThAne lAMcanu pramobhana] "lAMca AMca navi ThUTau sahai, kAMI kathana apUrava kahai / [ThUThA-vacana] 'kAmaseni-lahuDI citralekha, teha Upari mAharI abhilekha // 497 // te jau rAtiI mai-siu ramai, tau e gehi tamhArai gamai / bIjU 10 kAMi ma boli Ala, ThUThai-sarisa na cAlai cAla' // 498 // 1. 'maha' A. 2. 'hAriu vAda vigoi jeha, e vIsarai' bhA. 3. 'yA chai' a. 4. 'INai vyAsa vigoyA ghaNA' A. 5. 'mANasa jema machinaI' A. 6. 'vahasI' A. 7. 'pUcho rahI' A. 8. 'hupAI' bha. 9. 'vATe karInai khalakI khuTa' A. 10. 'vezA-vacana' A. 11. 'bahu' A, 'isyu bhaNiI ThUThU caMDAla' A.

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256 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies. mani ApaNai AlocIya sAca, vezA ThUThai lIdhI vAca / caturA rAu UThADayau tehi, ANiu gayagAmiNi naI gehi' // 499 // kAmasenA-AvAse sudA-gamana] nAciNi nara AvaMtau dekhi, ApaNapU saMvarI suvekhi / kaNaya-kalasa bhari nirmala nIra, dii AcamaNa vicchediI vIra // 50 // satkAra Adara-siu avAsa bhajhAri, 'ANI Avarajai vara nAri / bhojana bhagati yugati jUjuI, miliyAM rAti suraMgI huI // 501 / " vaDai bhalaki jAgiu jUAra, dAMtaNa karivA kAji kuMvara kAmaseni Ayasa uhAsi, dAMtaNa leInai AvI dAsi / / 502 / / 'dAMtaNa sAriI,' UgyU sUra, Aviu DhUMTha : ma karau asUra / ' bIDU ApI bolai bola, 'rAuta ! rakhe karau vigola' // 503 / / 1. te Avarjara karai apAri A. 2. 'mamaraha' a. 3. 'ati kAla' a.

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11. THE BRHATIKATHA, THE VASUDEVAHINDI AND THE SOURCES OF TWO PURANIC KRSNA-CARITA EPISODES 1. We know that in the Puranic life-story of Kesna the episodes of Vastraharana i. e. stealing of Gopi's clothes is not found in the Harivansa and the Visnu Purana, but occurs for the first time in the Bhagavata Purana. In his paper 'Kssna's Stealing of the Herdsmaidens' Clothes' (1986), Sheth has noted that 'This episode has its parallels in the folk-literature of all the continents' (p. 174), for which he has given reference to Ruben's study on Krsna (1944, pp. 98-99). Further, on the basis of Hardy's study of the Alvar Literature (Viraha-bhakti, 1983; pp. 512-516), Sheth has remarked that "The Bhagavata Purana, however, following the lead of the Alvars, has invested the tale with a religious significance by putting it in the context of bhakti' (p. 174). The eminent Indologist, M. B. Emeneau has again taken up this subject for a detailed discussion in his paper 'Kssna steals the Gopis' Clothes : A Folktale Motif' (1989). He has consider ed the Vastraharana episode as a motif in the folktale tradition, and drawn our attention to its occurence in the famous eleventh century Sanskrit work, Somadeva's Kathasaritsagara. To quote, 'To these versions of motif and tale-types, drawn from the collections of little more than the last century, we may add time-depth by referring to the two occurrences of the motif that are foundin Somadeva's Kathasaritsagara' (p, 524). The two passages discussed by Emeneau are : (1) Kathasaritsagara 108 (otherwise 14.4), vv. 64-72 (translation in. Penzer 1927, p. 58 f), and (2) 121 (otherwise 18.2), vv. 109-111 (translation in Penzer 1928, p. 20). By way of conclusion Emeneau observes, ..... we need feel no doubt that the source of the Ciraharana episode in the Krsna 17

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258 Prakrit and Apabhraisa Studies cycle is the motif....K 1335 that we have been examining. It is a floating motif of sexual fantasy, of ancient date, as attested both by its wider spread throughout India and by its occurrence in the Kathasaritsagara, and of some popularity in South India. It has been seized upon as a fitting episode in the depiction of mystic love by Krsna bhakti movement of South India, first in early Tamil bhakti Literature (attested in the earlier epic), and then by the composer of the Sanskrit Bhagavatapurana in the 9th-10th Century-even though the episode can hardly be said to be a closely-knit element in the story line.' 2. Now thanks to Bhoja's Srngaraprakasa (11th Cent. A.D.), we come to know that the motif under discussion, as attested in the second of the two passages that Emeneau has referred to, most probably already occurred in the Vaddakaha (i.e. Btahatkatha), the Paisaci treasure-house of stories written by Gunadhya, which is lost and which was the ultimate source of the Kathasaritsagara. The Paisaci passage cited in the Stagaraprakasa relates to the very incident which we find in Kathasaritsagara 121 (=18.2), vv. 109114. The passage occurs on p. 937 in the Sprgaraprakasa. Raghavan has discussed 'it (p. 850) and shown its great significance. The peculiar name of the gambler (the hero of the story) is also tell-tale. Of the three variants of that name, Thinthakarala, Gentakarala and Tentakarala, the last one is correct. temta (or timta) is nonSanskritic and occurs frequently in Apabhramsa texts and is glossed as dyuta-sthana 'a gambling house or gambling den'. Hence tentakarala means 'the terror of the gambling house', a designation quite appropriate for the inviterate, diehard gambler. Thus we can date the earliest occurrence of the motif of Ciraharana in the Indian literature in the first or second century A. D., the probable date of the Vaddakaha. In the light of this evidence, the view that the Vastraharana motif is based on a 1. For the slightly enended and restored text of the passage see Bhayani and Shah, 1987, Introduction, p. 75.

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The Brhatkatha and the Bhagavata popular theme in Tamil poetry that originated in the custom of presenting girls with a leaf-frock at puberty (Entwhistle, 1987, p. 36, fn. 69), first advanced by Hardy and corroborated by Emeneau requires reconsideration. 259 3. The absence of the episode of Vastraharana in the pre-Bhagavata Puranic Krsna myths and its occurence in the Vaddakaha and the Bhagavata provides us with some food for speculation. On the basis of archaeological evidence we know that the 'Ganga king Durvinita, assigned to the sixth century A. D., had prepared a Sanskrit version of the Vaddakaha. (Raghavan, 1963, p. 844). The stealing of clothes figuring in the Tentakarala story which was quite likely present in that early Southern Sanskrit recast was possibly the immediate source of the Vastraharana episode of the Bhagavata. This inference finds a support from another interesting episode we find in the Krsnacarita of the Bhagavata. 4. Visnu Purana 5, 13, 31-42 describe how Krsna disappeared just when the Rasa dance was to start and how the agitated Gopis wandering in the woodland in search of Krsna came to notice the latter's footsprints. They pursued the track and from the condition of these footprints, and of the other smaller ones by their side, the Gopis made precise inferences about some favourite Gopi that accompanied Krsna: Krsna had plucked a bunch of flowers and adorned her with it. She felt proud. Krsna repulsed her and went away leaving her pining. This Visnu Purana episode we find much more developed in the Bhagavata, where there is a meticulous description of the process of deductions. From various signs, the Gopis make surmises about Krsna carrying her sweetheart, adorning her with flowers and making love to her. The Gopis continuing their pursuit arrived at the place where they found Krsna's once favourite lamenting her fate. (Bhagavata, 10, 30 Krsnanvesana). -14 To Now this episode has a very close parallel to an episode in the autobiographical account of Carudatta, occurring in the Gandharvadatta Lambha of the Vasudevahimdi (pp. 135-138). There Carudatta and his friends picnicing on the bank of a river 'notice

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Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies some foot-prints on the sandy beach. From, the shapes and from the conditions and surroundings of the footprints which they follow they cleverly make several very detailed deductions : The footsprints were those of a Vidyadhara, who carried her human sweetheart in his arms; the latter had requested her lover to pluck for her a bunch of flowers of the Saptaparna tree on their way; the woman was offended by the Vidyadhara, who then won her over and carried her to a creeper bower, where they made love. 260 We cannot miss the very close resemblance between these episodes from the Bhagavata and the Vasudevahimdi. Now the Vasudevahimdi is a Jain recast of some version of the Brhatkatha. The fact that the story of Carudatta occurs also in Budhasvamin's Brhatkatha-sloka-samgraha (9, 8-46: the story of Sanudasa), the earliest available Sanskrit version of the Brhatkatha, assures us about the occurrence of that story in the early Brhatkatha tradition. It seems to me that the Bhagavatakara moulded the episode of Krsnanvesana on the incident we find in the story of Sanudasa (Carudatta) in the Brhatkatha and he possibly utilized the Southern Sanskrit version of Durvinita. 5. The motif of intelligently arriving at correct deductions (in a modern detective-like fashion) through sharp observation of trifling marks and objects is greatly popular in all the folktale traditions. According to Thompson's Motif Index, it is motif no. J. 1661.1. To note only a few occurrences from Classical Indian literature (1) The Pali Jataka tale No. 432 Pada-kusalamanava-jataka. (2) The illustration of that type of trained intelligence (vainayiki-buddhi) which one acquires by studying nimitta (i.e. making deductions from telltale marks, etc.), as we find in the commentarial literature on the Avasyaka-sutra of the Jain Canon (e.g. in the tippana (12th Century) of Sricandra on Haribhadra's commentary on the Nandi-Sutra, verse 64). This tale has found a place in Arabian tale collections and spread to various regions.

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261 The Brhatkatha and the Bhagavata Incidentally we should emphasize the fact that high literature, popular literature and oral texts have to be taken as convenient categories only. They are not mutually exclusive. There has been continuous and considerable give and take at all the three levels, much more so in the Indian tradition. References Antti Arne and S Thompson. The Types of the Folktale, 1961. H. C. Bhayani and R. M. Shah. Vasudevahimdi-Madhyama Khanda, Part 1, 1987. Budhasvamin, Brhatkatha-sloka-samgraha. M. B. Emeneau, 'Krsna Steals the Gopis' Clothes : A Folktale Motif'. JAOS, 109.4 (1989), 521-526. A. W. Entwhistle, Braj: Centre of Krishna Pilgrimage. Groningen, 1987. Friedhelm Hardy. Viraha-Bhakti The Early History of Krsna Devotion in South India. Delhi. 1983. G. R. Joryer. Srrngaraprakasa. Vol. IV. 1975. N. M. Penzer. The Ocean of Story. Vol. 8,9. 1927, 1928. V. Raghavan. Bhoja's Srngaraprakasa, 1963. Walter Ruben. Krishna Konkordanz und Kommentar der Motive seines Heldenlebens. Istanbul. 1944. Sanghadasa-gani. Vasudevahimdi. Ed. Caturvijaya and Punyavijaya. 1930. Noel Sheth, 'Krsna's Stealing of the Herdsmaidens' Clothes' (Paper presented at the VII th World Sanskrit Conference, Philadelphia, Oct. 13-20, 1984). ABORI, LXVI, 1986. Somadeva. Kathasaritsagara. Ed. Durgaprasad and Parab. 1903. S. Thompson. Molif Index of Folk Literature. 1932-36.

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12. APABHRAMSA VERSES COMPOSED BY THE PARAMARA KING MUNJA 1. As an instance of the Samkirna type of the Catuspadi Dhruva used in the Apabhramsa Sandhibandha, Hemacandra has cited under Chandonusasanal 6, 22 the following of verse that illustrates an admixture of two different varieties of Catuspadi : cUDulau bAhoha-jalu, nayaNA kaMcua visama-thaNa / ia muji raiA dUhaDA, paca-vi kAmahu paca sara // ESZE, 91617-73, 7901, #1937 and faah 90-these five Dohas, comparable to the five arrows of Kama (the Love God) were. composed by Munja'. This verse has a unique historical importance in that it records the anthorship of some stray verses in the Doha metre : they were composed by Munja, the famous Paramara king of Malava, who flourished during 975-995 A. D. He enjoyed great fame in legend and history for his romance, heroism, literary talent and patronage to literature. The cited laudatory verse mentions five characteristic words, one from each of the five verses of Munja which had become famous among literary circles due to their poetic excellence. This was a traditional device to record in a fool-proof manner the authorship of isolated, stray verses (Muktakas), which otherwise would become anonymous (as has actually happened in the case of thousands of Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhramsa and early regional verses) 2. Now the problem is to trace or identify these Munja verses from the available Apabhramsa literature. Fortunately Hemacandra happens to have preserved them for the posterity. The Cudullau and the bahoha-jalu verses are given in the Chandonusasana at the same place as the commemarative verse noted above i.e. under VI 22. The cudullau verse occurs also in the Siddaliema under

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Apabhramsa Verses of King Munja 263 VIII 4, 395 with slight variation in the third pada. The text according to the Chandonusasana is as follows : cUDullau cuNNIhoisaI, muddhi kaoli nihittau / faegs annafsso, a13-afssafAFS 11 The Siddahema has falfes for abenfes and A19175A13-7814243 for the third pada. The verse can be translated as follows : "Oh simple girl, your bracelet, positioned as it is under your cheek (which rests thereon) will be reduced to powder, having been (first) heated by your firy sighs and (then) sprinkled with the water of your tears'. The second, bahoha-julu verse is as follows : ta tettiu bAhoha-jalu, sihiNaMtari vi na pattu / chimichimichimivi gaDatyalihiM, simisimivi simivi samattu / / Translation : 'That huge flood of tears did not reach even up to the interspace of her breasts -- it boiled up on her cheeks, emitting chimi-chimi sounds and disappeared emitting simi-simi sounds.' The remaining three Munja verses can be identified from the illustrative citations given in the Apabhraisa section of the Siddhahema. There is some uncertainty about the identification of the nayana-verse. Probably it is the same as cited under VIII. 4, 414 to illustrate the word praimva. It is as follows : asujale prAimva goriahe, sahi uvvattA nayaNa-sara / te sammuha saMpesiA, deti tiricchI ghatta para // Translation: 'It seems that the arrows of glances of the fair damsel are deflected due to the stream of tears-hence eventhough charged straight, they strike sideways'. The fourth verse, i.e. the kamcua verse, is the same as cited under Siddhahema VIII 4, 437. It is as follows:

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264 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies pahiA diTTI goraDI, dilI maggu niaMta / asUsAsehiM kaMcuA, tiMtuvvANa karata // Translation: 'Oh wayfarer, did you meet any fair lady?' 'Oh yes, I saw her gazing at the road (of you return) and alternately drenching and drying her blouse with her tears and sigh.' Lastly, the visama-thana verse is the same as cited under VIII 4, 350 (as also under 362). Its text and translation follow. phoDe ti je hiaDa appaNa, tAha parAI kavaNa ghaNa / rakkhejjahu loaho apaNA, bAlahe jAyA visama thaNa // "Those who burst their own heart-what compassion can they have for others? Men, be on your guards: the breasts of the young girl have become terrific.' 3. Apart from the evidence of the Chandonusasana, some further evidence, eventhough indirect, is now available in support of Munja's authorship of the above given verses. The Apabhramsa poem Jambusamicariya was completed by Vira in V.S. 1076 (=1020 A.D.). Vira was connected with the places Simduvarisi and Gulakheda in the Malava country, which was ruled by king Bhoja from 1010 to 1055 A.D. Bhoja was preceded by Sindhuraja (9951010 A.D.) and the latter by Munja (975-995 A.D.). Thus the Janbucariya was written some twentyfive years after the death of Munja. From the Jambucariya it is evident that Vira was not only famliar with important literary works of his times, including the Apabhramsa works of Puspadanta (c. 930-980 A.D.) and Svayambhu (later half of the 9th cent.), but he was also considerably influenced by them. The Jambucariya reveals numerous borrowings in ideas and expressions, from earlier wellknown Apabhramsa, Prakrit and Sanskrit works. Hence Vira cannot but be familiar with the Apabhramsa poems of the royal poet Munja, who was also famous for his literary patronage-so much so that later legends extolled him in such glowing terms as gate muje yaza: puje nirAlamvA sarasvatI /

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Apabhramsa Verses of King Munja 265 'With the departure of the glorious Munja, the Goddess of learning has become a homeless wanderer'. Now one passage of the Jambusamicariya, viz., IV 11, 1-3, describing the love-lorn condition of the women of Rajaglha on seeing Jambusvamin contains echoes from two of the Munja verses noted above. The passage is as follows : kAhi vi virahANalu saMpalitta aMsujalohaliu kavole khittu / pallaTTai hatthu karatu suNNu, daMtimu cUDullau cupNu cuNNu / kAhi vi hariya daNa-rasu ramei, laggaMtu aMge chamajamachamei / 'In the case of some one woman the fire of separation so flared up that it reduced to powder the ivory bracelet that was drenched with tears due to its contact with the cheek, thus rendering her hand bare; in the case of another woman, the sandal-paste applied to her body emitted sizzling sounds'. The poet had obviously here before him the cudullau and the bahohajalu verses of Munja. Moreover the sequence of images in both the occurrences correspond to each other. This fact suggests that the five verses of Munja alluded to in the listing verse cited by Hemacandra must have formed a closely associated group. 4. References to Munja are found in the illustrative verses cited under Siddhahema VIII 4 439 (3) and (4). In the first of these the speaker is Munja's sweetheart. The lovers have quarrelled. Munja, wrenching his arm from her beloved's clutch is leaving her, when she says, "What is the harm if you leave me physically ? But if you can disappear from my heart, then only I would feel you are really angry with me.' The second verse describes Munja's beloved as striving to preserve her life in Munja's absence by kissing the two palms which had drank the water reflecting Munja's image without disturbing that image. Similarly in the Munja Prabandha of the Prabandha-cintamani numerous Apabhramsa verses are cited pertaining to some key incidents in Munja's romantic and heroic biography and some of

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266 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies them are in the form of Munja's speech. In all these cases it seems probable that they are not verses composed by Munja, but some other poet (or poets), whose works on Munja's biography are now lost.6 Notes 1. Velankar's edition, Singhi Jain Series No. 49, 1961, p. 209. 2. For this traditional listing device see H. C. Bhayani, Tarayana, 1987, Introduction, p. 11-13. 3. Edited by V. P. Jain, 1968. 4. It is also to be noted according to his own statement Vira was closely associated with the state business. See Jambusami cariya, Prasasti, verse 5. 5. Prabandhacintamani, ed. Jinavijaya Muni, 1933, p. 25, 1. 2. 6. Utpalaraja was another name of king Munja and various Sanskrit anthologies (Subhastia-kosas) we find some verses under that name. But it was also a name of some other persons. So there is uncertainty about the authorship of those verses.

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13. VARDHAMANA-SURI'S APABHRAMSA METERS Introductory A noteworthy feature of the religious-didactic narrative litera-- ture in Prakrit produced mostly by the Jainas of Gujarat from about the tenth century onwards was the increasing use of Apabhramsa. One or more complete stories, episodes etc., long or short descriptive passages and individual stanzas in Apabhramsa were scattered throughout the work. We have biographies of Tirthankaras, religious narratives, didactic Prakaranas giving stories to illustrate principles of religious conduct and 'treasuries of tales' (kathakosa) characterized by this stylistic pattern. Upadesamalavitti of Ratnaprabha (1082 A.D.), Manorama-kaha (1084 A.D.) and Jugai-jinimdacariya (1104 A.D.) of Vardhamana, Sthanaka-vitti of Devendra (1090 A.D.), akhyanaka-mani-kosa-vitti of Amradeva (1134 A.D.), Mallinahacariya of Haribhadra (c. 1160 A.D), Kumarapalapratibodha of Somaprabha (1185 A.D.) may be mentioned out of a host of works of this type. L. Alsdorf's Der Kumarapalapratibodha (1928) was a pioneering study of the Apabhramsa portions of such a work. It was admirably systematic and through. No other similar study has appeared thereafter. As a modest effort in that direction, I have attempted in what follows to describe the metres used in the Apabhramsa passages of Vardhamanasuri's Manorama-kaha (= MK.) and Jugaijinimdacariya (= JC.). There are about 160 Apabhramsa stanzas in MK. and about 460 such stanzas in JC. There are several irregularies in the numbering of verses in both the texts. In some places the two halves of a four-lined stanza are numbered separately. Elsewhere a single number is given to a passage containing two or more stanzas. The following tables give information in the case of both the texts about (a) the name and type of the metres that are identified, (b) the number of Matras per line, (c) the place of occurrence and (d) the total number of stanzas occurring for each metre. For the description of the metres one can refer to the standard manuals like the Svayambhucchanda, the Chandonusasana and modern works on the Apabhramsa prosody.

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268 Table I Metres of the Apabhramsa Passages in MK. Description Place of Occurrence Sr. Name & Type No. Sama Catuspadi Total no. of stanzas 1. Vadanaka 16 Matras per line 2. Paddhadi 3. Padakulaka 4. Laghu-catuspadika per 15 Matras per line line 6 5. Madanavatara 6. Rasayalaya 1213 (three stanzas), 219 (C); II 97, 509; III. 163 I 786-797 I 361 I 219 (A.B ) II 284 (two st.) III. 111-118 (four st.), 1 182 (two st.), 193 (A) (two st.), 268, 269, 270, 272 (two st.), 273 (three st.), 274; II. 93-94 (one st.), 95-96. (one stanza), 135-136 (one st.) 325; III 144, 160, 161, 165-169, 512-521. I 326; II 89-90 (one st.), 137-138 (one st.); III 159, 162, 879-880 (one st.) III 929-930 (one st.) Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies 7. Vastuvadanaka 24 , , 6 8. Dvipadi

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9. Doha 9. Doha 13+11 Matras in each half 42 191, 213, 221, 275, 276, 278, 329, 344, 511, 678, 694; II 194; 195, 236, 456, 457, 458, 461; III 104, 511, 522, 537, 568, 838-855, 1017. I 193 (B), 202. 10. Culala-Doha 13+16 Matras in each half 10+8+13 Matras in each half 11. Satpadi I 798. Vardhamana-Suri's Apabhramsa Meter 10 Matras per line III. 786-791 (14 distichs) The Short Dvipadi 12. Manthana Dvibhangi 13. Matra + Doha 15+12 (or 11) +15+19 (or 11)+13 +11+13 + 11 I 266-267 (1 st.), 519-526, 746; III 925-26 (1 St.), 927-28 (1 st.) 269

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270 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies Critical Remarks No. 1. I 218 and 219. The fourth Pada of the first stanza under 218 is defective. The episode of the Dispute Between the Seasons has clear indications of having a folk-tale origin. Hence these verses bear clear dialectal traits. The second stanza under 219 is made up of Vadanaka and LaghuCatuspadika. The latter has been very frequently used for Old Gujarati verse narrative (see for example Bhayani and Nahta, 1975, Introduction, p. 15; text, pp. 95-97) and for epigrammatic poetry, and it also holds sway in traditional and folk poetry, e.g. in the summing-up verse of a prose tale and in nursery rhymes. At II 97 Vadanka functions as the concluding piece (Ghatta) of a verse passage (Kadavaka). At II. 97 and II 509 it is used to describe the condition of love in separation (viraha). III 163 is a gnomic verse cited from some earlier source. Paddhadi is used for the main body of the Kadavaka at I 786-797. That Kadavaka is a hymn to the twentyfour Tirtharkaras. For a similar use of Paddhaoi see Svayambhu, 1962, pp. 96-99; for the use of Vadanaka, Paranaka and Paddhaoi for the main body of the Kadavaka, see Bhayani, 1952, Introduction, pp. 94-97. No. 3. The language of 1 361 shows some dialectal ("Proto Hindi') traits. No. 4. See remarks under 1 above. No. 5. In II 284, the fourth Pada of the first stanza and the second and the fourth Pada of the second stanza are textually defective. The passage under III 111-118 also has some inaccuracies. The language of such descriptive Madanavatara verse is usually Prakritized. It has been conventionally used to describe wealth of wild flora. See far example Svyambhu's Paumacariya III 1, Vijayasenasuri's, Revantagirirasu, second Kadavaka (wherein as in

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Vardhamana-Suri's Apabhramsa Meters 271 No. 6. MK. III 111-118 Mount Girnar is described in a Dvibhangi type of metre, one of its constituent being Madanavatara). The Rasavalyas seem to be used mostly in passages describing emotional condition of a character or tense moments in a narrative. This characterization applies to I 182, 193; to the verses II 93 96 (with 97 as the summing-up verse in Vadanaka) and I 135-138. The verses from the story of Candanabala (I 268-272; 273-274) give the impression of a composition partly executed as a Rasaka, II 325 is a citation. III 144 is a summing-up verse. III 160-169 is a sermon on chastity. III 512-522 is a hymn to the Tirthankara santinatha. Rasavalaya was the standard metre of the Apabhraiba poetic genre Rasabandha or Rasaka. The MK. Rasavalaya passages are valuable in view of the fact that the rich Rasaka literature of Apabhramsa is totally lost except a single late specimen, viz, the Samdesa-rasaka. No. 7. Vastuvadanka is used in MK. for the summing-up verse of a story at I, 326. Elsewhere it is used for variation. In the later regional traditions, Vastuvadanaka forming the first constituent of a two-unit strophic metre called Satpada (or Kavya or Sardha Chandas) beeame very popular, especially for gnomic verses. No. 8. No. 9. Dvipadi, which has been frequently used in Apabhramsa Sandhibandhas, either as a Kadavaka-opening piece or for variation, seems to have declined in popularity after the eleventh century. Doha is frequently used for sentential sayings, proverbs and bons mots. Many of the Doha verses in MK. are apt illustrations of the figure Arthantaranyasa. Sometimes it is used to highlight some important moment or the conclusion in a narrative. At III, 522 Doha occurs in the

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272 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies Ghatta. III, 838-855 is a hymn to Parsvanatha composed in Dohas. The total does not include the figure of Dohas occurring as the second unit in the strophic metre Radda. No. 10. Actually Cudala-Doha, as the name signifies is a 'Crested Doha' because in it each half of the Doha is extended by five Matras. This seems to be a later development. The instances we find in MK., JC. and the Mulasuddhiyrtti (p. 164, v 168) are the earliest known occurrences of this metre. Later on we find one instance cited in the Siddhahema (VIII 4, 419 : 6th illustration) and two instances in the Samdesarasaka (vv. 112, 114). The Cudala-Doha is defined and illustrated by the Kavidarpana (II 17), Chandahkosa (26) and Praksta-paingala (I 167 168). See also Bhayani, 1945, pp. 64-65. No. 11. The short Dvipadis have been conventionally used as variation metres in the Sandhibandha and usually they are used to detcribe a festive occasion, a battle-scene or similar episodes. No. 12. At I 519-526 Radda is used for a hymn to the Tirthan kara Candraprabha. I 746 is a gnomic verse. Elsewhere it is used narratively. The passages I 519-529, I 785-798, III 512-522 and III 838-855 are hymns sung before the images of Tirthankaras and as such are self-sufficient poems. Of these the second and the third constitute a regular Kada vaka that ends with a Ghatta.

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Table II Metres of the Apabhraisa Passages in JC. Description Place of Occurrence Sr. Name and Type No. Sama Catuspadi 1. Vadanaka Total No. of stanzas See Table I, 2. "Paddhadi 3. Padakulaka 4. Rasavalaya 38, 39, 96-98, 657, 1419-1420, 22962299. 2495-2505 (in a Kadavaka). 1721-1729 988-989 138, 443, 1070, 1335-1336 (one st.) 14171418 (oue st), 1719 1720 (one st.), 1730-53 (12 st.) 1758-1759 (one st.), 2648, 2649, 26-54-2684. 2692-2699, 3081-3086 (3 st.). 31, 873-874 (one st.) 869-870 (one st.). 448, 1715, 1760, 1761, 2269 (p. 205), 2507. 36 2506 (as a Ghatta) Vardhamana-Suri's Apabhramsa Meters See Table 5. Vastuvadanaka 6. Dvipadi 7. Doha 8. Cudala-Doha 9. Satpadi Dvibhangi *10. Radda 320 1375-1384, 1401-1415, 2350-2495, 2517-2553, 2557-2647, 3537--3560. 1067-1069 (one st.) 11. Doha + Vastuuudanaka See individual descriptions Dandaka 12. Anangasekhara u-23 times 273 2554-2556 (one st.)

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274 Critical Remarks The observations made above about the functions of various metres in MK. hold good in the case of JC. also. Some special remarks follow. No. 1. vv. 2495-2506 make up a Kadavaka. It is a hymn to Rsabha. No. 2. Paddhadi is used at vv. 1721-1729 for variation with the Rasavalaya. No. 4. Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies We have three long passages in Rasavalaya. vv. 17301753 describe female beauty, vv. 2659-2684 describe seasons. vv. 2692-2699 describe Bharata's repentant mood and Rsabha's observations. No. 10. Radda is extensively used in JC. We have a total of 320 vv. 1375-1384 describe the eight Pratiharyas, vv. 14011415 describe Marudevi's worries about Rsabha's plight and Bharata's consolation. vv. 2350-2495 and 2517-2553 describe the episode of the battle between Bharata and Bahubali. vv. 3537-3560 contain a hymn to the twentyfour Tirthankaras. Vardhamana-suri's extensive use of Radda for the narrative purpose probably set a model for Haribhadrasuri who later on composed his Neminahacariya entirely in Raddas. Ratnaprabha also described in his commentary on the Upadesamala the battle between Bharata and Bahubali in the Radda metre (folios 65-68, vv. 85-108). Alsdorf L. (ed.) Bhayani H. C. Bhayani H. C. (ed.) Bhayani H. C. and Modi M. C. (ed.) Reference Works Der Kumarapalapratibodha, 1928. Introduction to the Samdesarasaka, 1945. (See under Muni Jinavijaya) Paumacariya of Svayambhadeva, Part I, 1952. Neminahacariya of Haribhadra, Vol. I, 1970; Vol. II, 1971.

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'Vardhamana-Suri's Apabhramsa Meters 275 Bhayani H. C. and Pracina Gurjara Kavya Samcaya, L.D. Nahta Agarchand (ed.) Series. 40, 1975. Bhojak Amritlal (ed.) Mulasuddhi-prakarna of Pradyumna-suri with commentary by Devacandrasuri, Prakrit Text Society Series 15, 1971. Dalal C. D. (ed.) Revantagiri-rasu of Vijayasena-suri (in Pracin Gujara Kavyasamgraha, 1920). Haribhadra See under Bhayani and Modi, 1970 1971. Hemasagara-suri (ed.) Upadesamala (with Ratnaprabha-suri's commentary), 1958. Muni Jinavijaya (ed.) Samdesarasaka of Abdala Rahamana, Singhi Jain Series 22, 1945. Pagariya Rupendrakumar Manoruma-kaha of Vardhamana-suri, (ed.) L. D. Series 93, 1983. Pagariya Rupendrakumar Jugai-jinimda-cariya of Vardhamana (ed.) suri, L. D. Series 104, 1987. Ratnaprabha-suri See under Hemasagara-suri, 1958. Svayambhu See under Bhayani, 1952. Vardhamana-suri See under Pagariya, 1983, 1987 'Velankar H. D. (ed.) Chandonusasana of Hemacandra, 1961. Velankar H. D. (ed.) Svayambhucchandas of Svayambhu, 1662. Velankar H. D. (ed.) Kavidarpana, 1962. Velankar H. D. (ed.) Chandabkosa of Ratnasekhara-suri (= Appendix II to Kavidarpana), 1982. Vijayasena-suri See under Dalal, 1920. "Vyas B. S. (ed). Praksta-paingala Vol. II, 1959.

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14. THE APABHRAMSA PASSAGES FROM ABHINAVAGUPTA'S TANTRASARA AND PARATRIMSIKA-VRTTI (1) Among the original texts of Kashmir Saivism. there are a few, which, eventhough composed in Sanskrit, contain also a few verse passages in Prakrit and Apabhramsa. Abhinavagupta's Tantrasaa and Paratrimsika-rriti, composed in the first half of the eleventh century A. D., "contain a number of such passages. There are thirtytwo passags in the Tantrasara and seven in the Paratrirnsika-Vrtti. It has been Abhinavagnpta's practice in these texts to give Sangraha verses in Sanskrit as well as Apabhramsa (or Prakrit) at the end of every chapter or some similar convenient interval. They were intended to present the gist (tatparyartha, samk separtha) of the topics discussed in the body of the chapter. The importance and value of these Apabhramsa passages, especially in view of extreme of the Apabhramsa texts belonging to the Vedic-Brahmanical tradition, are quite obvious. But unfortunately the text of the Apabhramsa verses in Abhinavagupta's above-mentioned works, so far as it is available in the printed edition? (and probably also in most of the available manuscripts), is full of serious corruptions and errors. Some of the Tantrasara passages are comparatively less corrupt, but its other passages and all the Apabhramsa passages in the Paratrimsika-vriti are quite hopeless. They have been given in the printed edition as chaotic jumble of letters from which it seems near-impossible to make out any connected verbal structure or palpable meaning. If the passages would have been handled by one with some knowledge of Apabhranga, some at least of the textual errors could have been avoided. But about 1918 when the above texts were published little Apabhramsa literature had come to light and there were very few at that time who could claim adeguate know

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"The Apabhramsa Passages of Abhinavagupta 277 ledge of Apabhramsa grammar and metres. So ignorance of Apabhramsa combined with defective text transmission seems to have produced the sorry state in which we find the Apabhramsa passages in the texts of Kashmir Saivism. The faults and errors in the Apabhramsa and Prakrit passages that are being discussed here derive mostly from the following four causes : (1) Misreading of the letters of the oiginal writing (either by the editor or by the scribes of the Manuscripts). (2) Textual omissions (3) Incorrect word division (4) Incorrect line division. The present attempt mostly deals with the textual faults of 'the passages due to the last two causes. The faults due to the first two causes are considered only occasionally. Further, the present paper primarily aims at identifying the metres of the Apabhramsa and Prakrit verses of the Tantrasara and Paratrinsika-Vrttia. Secondly it attempts to ascertain the general character of the Apabhramsa of these verses on the basis of their identifiable grammatical features. Those among us who had some occasion to deal with highly corrupt and obscure verse passages in Apabhramsa know that identification of the metre of a passage helps considerably in making out its word and line divisions and revealing thereby its general purport, if not its detailed verbal meaning. Similarly ical characteristics ascertained from one segment of the passage can serve to distinguish words and forms from among the confused assemblage of letters in the other segments. These two criteria combined with the criterion of context could play quite a seful part in establishing the correct text at least tentatively, in precisely demarcating the corrupt segments, as also in suggesting emendations. It is of course greatly desirable that these passages are now re-edited with the help of all available manuscripts. But in the absence of such an effort, it would be somewhat useful to make out whatever meaning and form we can from the muddled texts.

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278 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies (2) The chapter-final Apabhramsa and Prakrit passages of the Tantrasara comprise thirty-two verses in all, that are distributed: over twenty-two chapters (ahnikas), each chapter having one to three of these verses. If we correct some obvious blunders in word division and line division of the text of the verses as given in the KSTS edition of the Tanrtasara, we succeed in a large majority of cases in identifying the metrical rhythm as well as several words and forms of the passages. Moreover, it has been found that a number ons has resulted from misreading ES 3 or 1, u as ta, ma as sa, I as 6, la as sa, ya as va, Na as na, e as etc., from confusing single and double letters, from failing to correctly decipher the post-consonantal u-hook in the script and from Sanskritizations. If we make necessary orthographical adjustments as also readjustments of word and line-divisions, we find that from the shapeless mass of letters, there emerge verse structures with idenitfiable metrical forms, and word structures with ascertainable grammatical forms and meanings Below I reproduce the KSTS text of each of the thirly-two Apabhramsa and Prakrit passage of the Tantrasara followed respectively by their partly corrected or "restored' text and the corresponding Sanskrit chhaya. (The latter two would be quite obviously only tentative and with numerous lacunas and questionmarks.) saMveaNa nimmala dappaNasmi saalaM phuratta niasAraM / 2714TH JA AJA QAEE34 273 11 (3.1). saMveaNa-nimmala-dappaNammi saalaM phuraMta-nia-sAraM / 371A TAU-T8-8778-QAZ-437 Az 113 11 [hazafa sagt at Egofag-er2 I. Arzana-rasa-sarabhasa-vimRSTa-rUpaM svayaM bhAti / /

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The Apabhramsa Passages of Abhinavagupta 279 isa suNa vimalameNaM nia appANaM samatthavatthamaam / jo joaya so parabhairai bovva paraNivvaI lahai / / (32) iya suNi a vimalameNaM nia.appANaM samattha-vatthuma / jo joaha so para bhairavo vva para-NivuI lahai // [iti zrutvA vimalamenaM nijAtmAnaM samasta-vastumayaM / yaH pazyati sa para-bhairavaH iva paranirvRtiM labhate // ] jaM anu andhi visesaM ghetUNa jaDanti mantamuccarai / icchAsattippANo taM taM manto karei phuDam // (15.1) jaM aNusaMdhi-visesaM ghettUNa jhaDatti maMtamuccarai / icchA-satti-ppANo taM taM maMto karei phuDaM // [ yamanusaMdhi-vizeSaM gRhItvA jhaTiti mantramuccarati / icchA-zakti-prANa : taM taM mantro karoti sphuTam // ] IV paramma sivatamma attaNappaDisacchandamAna / paramatthaM jo AvisattA'sadikkhai parAkkha ivaM pisissagaNaM / / (16.1) parama-sivatama-attaNa-paDi sacchaMda-bhAna-paramasthaM / jo AvesaMto se dikkhai parokkhe svaM pi sissa-gaNaM // [parama-zivatamaM Atma-patitaM svacchanda-bhAna-paramArtham yaH Avezayana sa dIkSayati parokSarUpamapi ziSyagaNam ] jissa daDhapasiddhighaDie vavahAre soi asima nniisNko| taha hohi jahuttiNa pasiddhirUDhie paramasivo / / (21.1) jaha daDha-pasiddhi-ghaDie vavahAre lou asthi nniisNko| .. taha hoi jaNuttiNa-ppasiddhi-rUDhie parama-sivo // [yathA dRDha-prasiddhi-ghaTite vyavahAre lokaH asti niHzaGkaH / tathA bhavati janottIrNa-prasiddhi-rUDhayA parama-zivaH // ]

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280 Prakrit and Ababhramsa Studies VI ehu paAsaUu attoNata sacchandau DhakkA NiaUu / pUNu paDhai jhadi aha kamavasva ehata paramarthiNa zivarasu // (1.1) ehu paAsa-rUu attANau sacchaMdau DhakkA Nia-rU[a]u / puNuvi] paaDai jhatti aha kama-vasu ehau paramasthiNa xx siva-rasu // [ eSaH prakAza-rUpaH AtmA svacchandaM chAdayati nija-rUpam / punarapi prakaTayati aTiti atha kramavazaH eSaH paramArthena xx ziva-rasaH // ] VII jahi jahi phuraNa phurai so saalau paramesarU bhAsai mai amalau / attA nata so zciya paramatthiNa ia jAnaa kajja paramatthi Na // (2.1) jahiM jahiM phuraNu phurai so saalau paramesaru bhAsai mahu amalau / attANau so cciya paramasthiNa iu jANahu kajju paramatthi Na / [yatra yatra sphuraNaM sphurati sa sakala: paramezvaraH bhAsate mahyam amalaH / AtmA sa eva paramArtheNa idaM jAnIta kArya paraM asti na // ] VIII bAhori sattidehiNi adeha ijAmali pANabuddhigurubodhai / jo aNusaMvidi sandhi aroha iso para ikkala laddhaNi sohai // (22.1) bAhori satti dohiNi a(1) dohai jAmali pANa-buddhi guru bohai / jo aNusaMvidi saMdhia rohai . so para ikka kuladdhaNi sohai // [xx xx xx xx yAmale prANa-buddhIH guruH bodhayati yaH aNusaMvidi saMdhAya rohate saH paraM ekaH kulAdhvani zobhate // ] 1X suNNau ravisasi dahana sau ussau ehu savIrU / uhi acchantau paramapau pAvai acire vIru / / (5.1) suNNau ravi-sasi-dahaNa-sau ussuu ehu sa-vIru / tahiM acchaMtau parama-pau pAvai acire dhIru / / [zUnyaM ravi-zazi-dahana-samaM utsukaH(1) eSaH sabIryaH / tatra(?) san parama-padaM prApnoti acireNa dhIraH // ]

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The Apabhrammsa Passages of Abhinavagupta X, XI, XII pahiNa ubhAharabhAvakalapuNu abbhantari eha / saccivapasama ipuNujaala rabbhahiniddakaleha | saMveNa paarUDha iubhAvakalA usamaggu bhariaddasussuhupuNubhariu / / 1 / / turaNantara laggu ghaDubo hijoasieha / vitatta samatthaphuraNakameNa kameNalihAlamisANamivaJcAvatu // 2 // ( 9. 1 2, 3) 1 (X) pahilau bAhira bhAva-kala sacciya samai puNu saala [prathamaM bAhya-bhAva-kalA punaH abhyantare eSA / sA eva prazamati punaH sakalA x x x kalayata ] (XI) saMveaNa-paa-rUDha iu bhAva-kalAu samaggu / bharia sammuhu (?) puNu bhariu turiANaMtaru laggu // [ saMvedana-pada-rUDhaH ayam bhAva-kalApaH samagraH / mriyate saMmukhaM (?) punaH bhRtaH turiyAnantaraM lagnaH // ] puNu abbhaMtari eha / ibbhihi (?) nidda kaleha || (XII) ghaDu bohiNa hauM joami ehu vitattu samatthu / phuraNa krameNa NihAlami mANami paMcAvatu || [xx bodhena aham pazyAmi etat tattvam samastam / sphuraNa krameNa nibhAlayAbhi mAnayAmi paJcAvartam // ] jaha pasaru atti vipara XIII mahesaru acchavi saMviravitahU / jaha nia rUu mahesarau taha puNu aDivi para - pasaru pasaru accha ivimala sarUi || ( 11.1) acchai saMvarivi (?) / acchai vimala-sarUi // 281. [ yathA nija-rUpam mahezvaraH Aste saMvRtya / tathA punaH prakaTayitvA para- prasaraH Aste vimala - svarUpe / ]

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282 Prakrit and Ababhramsa Studies XIV paramAnandanimajjaNu iuparamasthiNa hrANu / tahiM AviTTataratti diNu jANai para appANu // (12.1) paramANaMda-nimajjaNauM iu paramatthiNa nhANu / tahiM AviThau (1) rattidiNu jANai para-appANu / [paramAnanda-nimajjanam idaM paramArthena snAnam / tatra AviSTaH(1) rAtriMdivaM jAnAti paramAtmAnam / / ] XV sivaNAhu sacchandu tattvakoNaviappa iccha / cari Amitti NajijaNa huki. bhavaroa ciiccha // (20.1) siva-NAu sacchaMdu uhu(?) ko Navi appa iccha( ? ) / cariA-mittiNa jiNa jaNa hu kia bhava-roaciiccha / [zivanAdaH svacchandaH pazyata(?) kaH nApi alyA icchA(?) / caryAmAgeNa yena janasya kRtA bhava-roga-cikitsA // ] XVI jaha jaha jassu jahiM civa papphurai ajjavasAu / taha taha tassu tahiM civa tArisu hoi pahAu // (4.1) jaha jaha jassu jahiM ciya paphurai ajhavasAu / taha taha tassu tahiM ciya tArisu hoi pahAu / / [ yathA yathA yasya yatra eva prasphurati adhyavasAyaH / tathA tathA tasya tatra eva tAdRzaH bhavati prabhAvaH / / ] XVII hataM maliNau hataM pasu hataM A aha saalabhAvapaDalavattirittau / ia draDhanicchaa Nia liahiaaha phurai NAma kaha jissa paratattvau // (4.2) haumaliNau hau pasu hau Aaha (?) saala-bhAva-paDala-vairittau / ia daDha-Nicchaa-Nialia-hiaaha phurai NAmu kaha jasu para-tattau // [aham malinaH aham pazuH aham asya(1) sakala-bhAva-paTala-vyatiriktaH / iti dRDha nizcaya-nigaDita-hRdayasya sphurati nAma kathaM yasya para-tattvam / / ]

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The Apabhramsa Passages of Abhinavagupta 283 XVIII jaha ullasaha jaha viNirujjai pavanasatti taha ehu mahesaru / siThipalaaM isai ja Nimajjai so attA |u cittahasAaru // (6.2) jaha ullasai jaha(?) vi Nirujjhai. pavaNa-satti taha ehu mahesaru / sihi palaa daMsai a Nimajjaha so attANau cittaha sAaru // [yathA ullasati yathApi nirudhyate pavana-zaktiH tathA eSaH mahezvaraH / sRSTi-pralayAn darzayati ca nimajjayati / sa AtmA citrasya sAgaraH / / ] XIX ehu sarIru saalu aha bhavasaru icchAmittaNajeNa vicitti u / sozcia sokkhadeyi paramesaru iajAnanta urUDhipavitti u // (19.1) ehu sarIru saalu aha bhavasaru(!) icchA-mittiNa jeNa vi ciMtiu / so ccia sokkhu dei parabhesarU ia joNaMtau rUDhi-pavittiTha / / [etad zarIram sakalam atha bhava-saraH(1) icchomAtreNa yena api cintitam / sa eva saukhyam dadAti paramezvaraH iti jAnan rUDhi-pavitritaH // ] xx pasavaaNuhaM jottamasAsaNula iviNupaNuparamesapasAiNa / patthai sadgarU bohapasAhaNu so dikkhai liGgoddhAriNa // (17.1) pasava-jaNahaM(?) jo uttama-sAsaNu laiviNu puNu paramesa-pasAiNa / patthai sagguru-boha-pasAhaNu so dikkhai liMgoddhariNiNa(?) // [pazu-janAnAm (?) yaH uttama-zAsanam prApya punaH parameza-prasAdena / prArthayate sadaguru-bodha-prasAdhanaM sa dIkSyate liGgoddharaNeNa (?) / / ] XXI saala praAsa rUu saMveaNa phandataraGga kalaNa tahu pANura / pANabbhantarammi pariNihau saalau kalipasarU pariANuH / / (6.1) saala-praAsa-rUa saMveaNa phaMdataraMga-kalaNa tahu pANu / pANabhaMtarammi pariNihiu saalau kAla-pasaru pariANu / / [sakala-prakAza-rUpA saMvedanA spaMda-taraGga-kalanA tasyAH prANaH / prANAbhyantare pariniSThitaH sakalaH kAla-prasaraH parijAnIhi // ]

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284 Prakrit and Ababhramsa Studies XXII paramesarasosaNusuNirUiu suNivima alaaddhANau / jhahujsatisarIripavaNi saMdea Niapekkhantau pahurai pariuNNu // (7.1) paramesara-sAsaNa-suNirUiu suNivi saala-addhANau puNNu(?) / zatti sarIri pavaNi saMveaNi pekkhaMtau paphurai pariuNNu / / [paramezvara-zAsana sunirUpitaH zrutvA sakalAvA puNyaH(?) / jhaTiti zarIre pavane saMvedane prekSamANaH prasphurati paripUrNaH // ] XXIII je sahu ekIbhAulaye viNu acchai ehu viboha samudda / so pazu bhairavu ho ilaye viNu anta vajiu asa asamudda / / (14.1) meM sahu ekkobhAu laeviNu acchai eha viboha-samuddi / so pasu bhaivu hoi laeviNu uttANau jiu amaa-samudi / [yena saha ekIbhAvam prApya Aste eSaH vibodha samudre / saH pazuH bhairavaH bhavati prApya AtmAnam yathA amRta-samudre / ] XXIV jo pari uNNa satthasaM aNu tassa aNuggahametu pavitti / kAmaNAi jo puNuso sAha utai uA aruhurai Nahu citti // (18.1) jo pariuNNa-sastha saMpaNNau tassa aNuggaha-metta pavitti / kAmaNAi jo puNu so sAhau taha upAa paphurai(?) Nahu citti / / [yaH paripUrNa-zAstra-saMpannaH tasya anugraha-mA pavitre / xxx yaH punaH sa sAdhayatu tathA upAyaH prasphurati na khalu cite / / ] XXV, XXVI, XXVII, XXVIII, XXIX bhuvanajAlasa alau parisarasahaavasIsaitattAhaMsakUu / tattabbhAukalaNA ivimarisahasIsaipaccakalAhaMsarUu / / paJcakalAmaueha mahesarakuNaiviujjhai / icchaisuhamau bharihavibodhataraGgamahAsaru / / socciabhAsai bhavataruvisarau / saalauaddhajAlu niadhaaNiparimarimehaharo //

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The Apabhramsa Passages of Abhinavagupta aNubharibhari mANasapANapavaNa jivaDA nihala matadANu AvAhaNu addhakalaNa (XXV) (XXVI) (XXVII) (XXIX) [(XXV) (XXVI) (XXVIII) mANasa - pANa-pavaNa-dhI-sAma taM ji ghaDAinihala para bhairava (XXVII) (XXVIII) (XXIX) ahamaNisacciapANimaNu / vIsA supUrita jakhiNu // parabharavaNAhahu hoita / praaNusaNihANuiu ahiNaauDDu || nirbAhArAetilaDe ciara haI ttattva | ( 10. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5.) bhuvaNa-jAlu saalau parimarisaha tatta-bhAu kalaNoi vimarisaha paMca- kalAmau ehu mahesaru bhariu viboha taraMga mahAsaru asalau addha-jAlu nia aNi (?) aNu bhari bhari apaha maNi aha sIsai tattAhaM sarUu / sIsai paMca kalAhaM sarUu || kuNai viujjhai icchai suhamau / socina bhAsai bhava-tarU - visarau || - saalabhA apari uNNau parabhairau attANu jAivi agaNi suSNau joabhimI sattANu / parimariseha haro ( ? ) socci pANi maNu // jaMjikhaNu / hu hoi ta || maMta dANu AvAhaNa asaNu (?) chanviha addha-karaNa - nibbAhara (?) bhuvana-jAlaM sakalaM parimarzayata atha kathyate tattvAnAM svarUpam / tatva bhAvaM nayA vimarzayata kathyate paJca - kalAnAM svarUpam / hANu jJau ahiNava- uttu / etilaDu cci ehau tattu // paJca- kalAmayaH eSaH mahezvaraH karoti vibudhyate icchayA sukhamayam / bhRtaM vibodha-daraGga mahAsaraH sa eva bhAsate bhava-taru - visaraH / sakalamadhva - jAlaM nija - XXX parimarzayata Xx / cetanaM bhRtvA bhRtvA AtmanaH manasi sa eva Xx X X I mAnasa-prANa - pavana dhI-zAma- supUritaM yadeva kSaNam / tadeva X XX X para - bhairava nAthasya bhavati tanH // mantra-dAnamAva!hanaM XXX saMnidhAnametadabhinavoktam / SaDvidhAdhva-kalanA - XXX etAvadeva etad tattvam // ] XXX, XXXI 285

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*286 Prakrit and Apabhra mia Studies ehasa samayadikkha parabhairava jalaNi hi majjaNiNa itthati lajjahavana bahupabhavahoiuvAujiNa / / (13.1,2) saala-bhAva-pariuNNau para-bhairau atANu / jAivi agga-NisaNNau joabhi(?) sIsa-ttANu / / eha sa-samaya-dikkha para-bhairava jalaNahi majjaNiNa / ittha tilajjahavana(?) vahu-paribhava hoi uvAu ji Na // [sakala-bhAva-paripUrNaH para-bhairava AtmA / xxx apra-niSaNNa: xx xx xx // eSA. sva-samaya-dIkSA para-bhairava jalanidhi-majjanena / atra Xx x x bahu-paribhavaH bhavati upAyaH eva na // ] XXXII saalatattapariuNNau saalatatta uttiNNau / pariANahaattANau paramasiveNa samANauu / / (8.1) saala-tatta-pariuNNau saala-tatta-uttiNa u / pariANaha attANau parama-siveNa samANau / / [sakala-tattva-paripUrNam sakala-tatvottIrNam / parijAnIta AtmAnam parama-zivena samAnam / / ] (3) The Metres of the above passages can be identified as follows: Name of the Occurence Type of the Metrical scheme (number metre metre of matras per line and the Ganastructure) 2 4 Gatha 3.1,3.2,15.1, Visama 30(%3D4+4+4+4+4 16.1,31.1 Catuspadi Fuulu+4+-)+ 27(34+4+4+4+4+n+ (total 5) 4+-) Vadanaka 1.1,2.1,22.1 Sarvasama 16(=6+4+uu - +u) (total 3) Catuspadi (rhyme : a, b, c, d)

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The Apabhramsa Passages of Abhinavagupta 1 Doha Ragada Dhruvaka 2 Upadohaka 4.1,9.3,13.1, (total 3) Mahanu bhava (?) 5.1,9.1,9.2,11.1, Antarasama 13(=6+4+uuu)+11 (61 iu -- +u) Catuspadi 12.1,20.1. (total 6) 4.2,6.2,10.2, 17.1,19.1, (total 5) 3 Sasibimbita(?) 6.1,7.1,10.1, 4 Antarasama 12(=6+4=uu)+11 Catuspadi (6+uu - +u) Sarvasama Catuspadi 16(4+4+4+4) (rhyme b, d) Antarasama 16(=4+4+4+4)+ 10.5,14.1,18.1, Catuspadi 15(=4+4+4+-u) (total 6) Chaddania- 10.3,10.4,13.2 Antarasama 16(=4+4+4+4)+ (III) (total 3) Catuspadi 9(=4+-uuu) 8.1 Sarvasama 12(=4+4+4) (total 1) Catuspadi 287 (4) Abhinavagupta's Sanskrit commentary on the Paratrimsika has seven Apabharamsa verse passages, functioning as Samgraha-slokas. They are to be found on page numbers 16, 18, 65, 93, 112, 216217 and 272 of the printed edition. Each of the passages on pp. 16, 18, 112, and 272 consists of a single stanza. The passage on p. 65 is made up of two stanzas. That on p. 93 sems to consist of four stanzas. The long passage on pp. 216-217 still remains mostly impenetrable. I have not succeeded in arranging it in any sort of satisfactory metrical shape. Even then on the basis of a few meagre clues, it seems to me to be containing ten stanzas. The passages with their original text, their metrically arranged and partly corrected text and the corresponding Sanskrit chaya (wherever feasible) are given below.

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288 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies jAhaNakuNahajahiM zihapahilau uziasabbo vialiaroviamvaibANibba ukA abbaINajoantihi majjiabhedasphurantu kAmeNa AsariseiNaoava isocciareccamereNamatu ujimaNi avasthavahiaNusaMdheikhanena / / (p. 16) jANaha kuNaha jahiM siva-pahi lau ujjhima samvo vi alia bheu viaMbhaI jANivvau ! kAavau Na joatihi majjhia bhea phuraMtu kAmeNa / / AmariseuNa joavai so ciareccabhaNeNa (1) mattau jima Niavattha bahi aNusaMdhei khaNeNa / / [jJeyasya kAryasya yatra ziva-pathe layaH xx sarvamapi vigalitabhedam vijRmbhate jJAtavyam / kartavyam na pazyantyAm madhyAyAm bhedAH sphurantu kAmena / / Abhaya yojayati sa eva xx xx mattaH yathA nijAvasthAma bahiH anusaMdaghAti kSaNena ] II jahi jahi dhAvai jaMkuNa tahi tahi biaviakAu / acchanta upariuNadhiapAya ihalaiphalasivaNAo // (p. 18) jahiM jahiM dhAvai jaM kuNa[3] x x x tahiM tahiM vialia-kAu / acchaMtara pariuNavia pAvA(?) ihu lai phlu siva-gAu / / [yatra yatra dhAvati yat karoti x x tatra tatra vigalita kAyam / AsIna: xxxxxx etad gRhANa phalama ziva-nAdam / / ] III paphilau phurai phuraNa avi AriNA hoiparAvara avaravihaiNa devi visarima iU u / sAsacciA parisari . seisaUaudeu vilomaI bhairava Uau uttara ehu aNutula // (p. 65)

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The Apabhra mia Passages of Abhinavagupta 289 pahilau phurai phuraNu aviAriNa hoi parAvara-avara-vihAiNa devi vimarisaI rUu / (sA) sa cia parimariseI saruau deu viloai bhaIrakha-rUau uttaru ehu aNurUu(?) || [prathamaM sphurati sphuraNam avikAreNa bhavati parAIrAparA-vibhAgena devI vimarzayati rUpam / sA eba parimarzayati svarUpam devam vilokate bhairava-rUpam uttara eSaH anuruupH||] saala bahusaMveaNaphuritamatta ujahita hiMci ajatto hittaupaphura / ija kuTTi usa alabhAva saMveaNaraaNaNihANuiu // pariANahuettiaNuturuchattuhajasausammUDhatuNiacchahatuhaattAsiaUuUusubAhirabiturahubandhuNamokkhatauiriavahuvikuNasibisagguNisamidraupuNasaMharasijjitipaviSNuviriJcarudramaalakkhahimasaraNirohacintaimalakkhaekkavAapariANahuattANauparamatthaaNNuNakoibiAsubahuiusaalausasthattha / (p. 93) saala-vatthu-saMveaNa phuria-matta jahiM xx ___xx xx tahiM cia jattohuMtiu paphuraI ja kuTTiu (1) / saala-bhAva-saMveaNa-raaNa-NihANu iu pariANahu ettiaNuturuchantuhajasaThTha // (1) sammUDhattaNi acchaha tuha attAsiu rUu rUu subAhira viturahu (?) baMdhu Na mokkhu tau / xx iriavahu vi kuNasi visaggu(1) Nimisaddhau puNu saMharasi(jjiti) // (2) 19

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290 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies paviNhu viriMca-rudda-saa-lakkha hima-sara-Nirohu citai salakkha / (3) ekka-vAa pariANahu (?) attANau paramatthu / aNNu Na koI viAsu bahu iu saalau satthatthu / (4) saipariuNNapamaruuttANa uttahugahiabuNabhajjii / ajANiavihaDaiajjANa ujampusuacchaipUriakajja // (p. 112) sai-pariuNNa-pasaru attANau tahu gahiavvu Na bhajjia Nijju (?) / ia jaiNia vihaDai aNNANau jammu su acchai pUria-kajju // [sadA-paripUrNa-prasaraH AtmA tasya gRhItavyaM na xxxx iti jJAtvA vighaTate ajJAnaM janma saH(1) bhavati pUrita-kAryaH / / VI parasaMveaNAbhAsamaUiNAUraaramahasoAimaUNasaibhAsaima alAhi zaraNiapasaraha parisarisana jatuhaso pazcaapa hiluavarNa parigAharu ira vasattipadhamahasma ohabhitura kadasukha visaripi asiddhi dharAima usa ala viparisi abhAsai vAhiravihariNI ehi visargAbhU mi anArdahuktai lartha INa pavi miNa dahuamalAhaM vihariNI kuilitthata aNuttara parapai jazci abhavi atata tacamappai bhasmaivi binduvisari sutAe hupa Asatta taaha sattamala hiMpuvisi vibheta vihaMsaH tamAli nimAi aaha sutatasmaha bhoamamaNa ailaM maru ni U apArahamarala padudyo prantIpa sAraimAta dvaya bhAsi valiainu sozria asi tamartha ahiMsA aipavimantI alasairasA maccheari paridevitaraMgaNi praphaUasuha sAraMNiNi ritattasma kIlAlasA tuhi mattidiviraha eNi hAnuNa pijjati jatasmAi lAlaNamaho saMma. alAlasA / (p. 216-217) The word divisions in the above passage, faithfully reproduced from the printed edition are absolutely arbitrary and meaningless. Some of the gross errors that have resulted from misreading of letters are obvious. But it has not been possible to make out the verbal structure of most of the passage, and hence I have reproduced it herc mechanically without suggesting any corrections. Even so on the basis of a few clues we may hazard some guess about its metrical structure. The text up to 38 373 in the third line may be rearranged with slight corrections as under:

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The Apabhramsa Passages of Abhinavagupta 291 para-saMveaNa-bhAsa-sarUiNa / Uraaramaiso (?) Ai-sarUiNa / / sai bhAsaI saalA / Such an arrangement allows us to identify the metre as a Tripadi having 16, 16 and 10 Matras respectively in the three Padas in which a rhymes with b. Distribution of some suspected rhymes (e.g. HIGH in the last iwo lines) suggests that the passage has possibly five pairs of such Tripadis. The third lines of each pair of Tripadis are mutually connected by rhyme. VII 'phu.i phuraNama alaha kAabaha para deu sohi ausa magAha satya kAla nIsaMkasa u sahajA jANu pUjasa pajja i i u u ha / / (p. 272) phurai phuraNu saalaha kAavaha para[ma]-deu so hiau samagaha / savva-kAla-nIsaMka-sarUaha jA jaNu pujja-sapajjaI iu uha (?) / / / [sphurati sphuraNaM sakalasya kartavyasya parama-devaH sa hRdayaM samagrasya / sarva-kAla-niHzaMka-svarUpasya yAvat janaH pUjA-saparyAbhyAm xxx] The metres of the above passages can be identified as follows: NAme of the of metre Occurrence Type of the Metrical Scheme (Number metre matras per line and the Ganastructure) Vadanaka p. 272 (VII) Sarvasama Catuspadi Paddhadi , p. 93 (IV, 3) (Two lines) p.93 (No. IV 1-2(two stanzas) ___16(=6+4+uu - +m) (rhyme : a, b, c, d) 16(4+4+4+u-u) (rhyme : a, b. c, d) 21(=6+4+4+4+um) (rhyme : a, b, c, d) Rasaka . , . -

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292 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies Doha p. 93; (No. IV-4) Antarasama Catuspadi Sasibimbita p. 112 (No. V) 13(=6+4+yyy)+ 116=4+n) (rhyme : b, d) 16(=4+4+4+4)+ 11(=6+4+4+u) (rhyme : b, d) p. 18 (No. II) Tripadi (i) p. 65 (No. III (two stanzas); (ii) p. 216-217 (No. VI) (ten stanzas) p. 16 (1) Dvibhangi of Matra and Doha 16(=6+4+uu+uu) twice +12 (rhyme : a, b, c of 1 with c of 2) 16 twice+10 (rhyme scheme as adove) Matra (15+11+15+ 11+15)+Doha (13+11) Radda Except in the case of two or three stanzas (and of the last passage of the Paratrimsika-Vrtti), our identifications of metres are fairly certain. Now let us see what general conclusions, if any, can be drawn from the use of Apabhramsa metres as attested in the two works of Abhinavagupta examined here. Firstly we may observe that Abhinavagupta's use of Prakrit Gatha for the Samgraha verse is in conformity with long-established tradition, as evidenced so amply by the Jain religious literature (Prakaranas and Commentaries). Secondly, among the Apabhramsa metres used, Vadanaka, Paddha di, Rasaka, Doha, Upadopaka and Radda on the one hand and most of the remaining Antarasama and Sarvasama Catuspadis on the other, are the most frequent and familiar metres and in this matter Abhinavagupta faithfully continues the earlier Apabhramsa metrical practice. But there are two or three points here which possess a special significance. Firstly the Antarasama and Sarvasama Catusp?dis of the 16 -16, 16 +15, 16+11; 16+9 and 16--12--

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"The Apabhramsa Passages of Abhinavagupta 293 all varieties, which have been known to us mostly from their function as Dhruva or Ghatta, the concluding piece of the Kadavaka in a Samdhibandha, are seen here employed for summing up a serious philosophic, religious or ritualistic discussion or exposition, while concluding a chapter. In this matter too, Abhinavagupta carried on the earlier practice. For, both the eminent authorities on Apabhramsa metres, viz. Svayambhu and Hemacandra, have stated specifically that one of the functions of the Dhruva or Dhruvaka is simhavalokana (i.e. taking a restrospect) Thirdly we find some new metrical forms, representing new developments in the metrical practice. These innovations we find gaining wide currency subsequently. The Tripadis with the measures 16+16+12 and 16+16+10 employed for the two stanzas on p. 65 and possibly for the ten stanzas on pp. 216-217 of the Paratrims ka-rytti are not treated in any of the works on Apabhramsa metres. We do not find them in Viraharka, Svayambahu, Hemacandra or any other carly authority. But quite similar Tripadis are used in two earliest Old Gujarati poems viz. Bharatesvora-Bahubali-Ghora composed in C. 1170), and Bharatesvara-Bahubali-rasa (composed in 1185 A.D.), and the practice continued in several later Old Gujarati poems. Metres closely allied ro this Tripadi in structur are to be found used first by Ksemendra? in one of his Sanskrit compositions. Their base was of course in the Apabhramsa literary tradition. In this connection some further evidence indicative of emergent trends in the metrical practice is provided by the fact that some of the types like 16+11 have become standard and typical narrative verse forms in the subsequent vernacular poetry. One important outcome of the readjustment and restoration of the Apabhramsa passages attempted here is the fact that because we can now make out and interpret numerous forms and sentences, we are in a position to form a definite and positive impression about the grammatical character of the Apabhramsa found in these passages. And one significant thing we can confidently state in this connection is that there is nothing specifically dialectal or regional or Kashmirian' about Abhinavagupta's Apabhramsa. It is the same

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294 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies good standard Apabhramsa treated in the grammatical tradition represented by Hemacandra. The minor grammatical variations in literary Apabhramsa found regionally and chronologically had very little significance for the early grammarians whose sole concern was to sanction rules for 'generating literary Apabhramsa from Sanskrit.And Apabhramsa literature knows only one highly standardized literary Apabhranga. Apabhramsa passages of Abhinavagupta also can be seen to bear this out completely. All its forms are typical forms of standard Apabhramsa. We find, for example, in the language of these passages, u of the Nominative singular of a-stems, - and -ina of the instrumental singalar, -ha and hu of the genitive singular, -mi of the present first person singular, -hu of the second person plural, -ia, -ivi, and -evinu of the absolutive, the pleonastic -da- (one instance) and similar other traits of the standard Apabhramsa. Thus the fact that the Apabhramsa used by Abhinavaguta in the eleventh century in Brahmanical religious works composed in Kashmir is the same as the standard Apabhramsa? current as a literary medium elsewhere all over India, demonstrates that Apabhramsa like Sanskrit and Prakrit was a standardized allIndia literary medium, and the emergence of regional literary media. wus definitely a post-Apabhramsa development. Notes 1. Tantrasara of Abhinavagupta, edited by Mukund Ram Shastri, Kasmir Series of Texts and Studies (=KSTS) No. 17, 1918. Paratrimsika with Abhinavagupta's commentary, edited by Mukund Ram Shastri, Kashmir Series of Texts and Studies. No. 18, 1918. 2. My friend, late Dr. U. P. Shah of the M. S. University of Baroda also was interested in working on the interpreiation of these and similar other passages of Kashmir Saivism texts. I am indebted to him for drawing my attention to these passages. The present paper owes its origin to my initial discussion with Dr. Shah.

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The Apabhramsa Passages of Abhinavagupta 295 3. This stanza is found cited in the Janmamaranavicara of Bhatta Vamadeva (KSTS Ho. 19, 1918, p. 5.). It is given in the printed text in much more corrupt form, as reproduced below : saala utta puripuNNa u saallautta uttiNNa / pari ANaha attANa u pari masiveNa samANa u // 4. Compare the metre of the following 'song' said to be sung by the Gopis in praise of Krsna : lalitavilAsikalAsukhakhelana-,lalanAlobhanazobhanazobhanayauvana-, mAnitanavamadane // alikulakokilakuvalayakajjala, kAlakalindasutAvivalajjala-,kAliyakuladamane / kezikizoramahAsuramAraNa-, dAruNagokuladuritavidAraNa-, govardhanadharaNe // kasya na nayanayugaM ratisajje, majjati manasijataralataraGge, vararamaNIramaNe // Ksemendra's Dasavataracarita, st. 173). Here the form of the metre is 16+16+10 and the stanzas are paired. 5. viNavaNa saMvihANaa-maMgala-sIhAvaloiatthammi / tattha Nibajjhai dhuva tassovari savva duvaIo / / Svayambhucchandas, 7-1; siMhAvalokitArtheSu vijJaptau saMvidhAnake / saGgale ca dhruvA proktA dvipadyanyatra kIrtyate // Chandonusasana, 7, 57.2 6. See for example the following pahilau~ risaha-jiNiMdu namevi, bhaviyahu nisuNahu rolu dharevi, bAhubali-kerau vijau // ___(bharatezvara-bAhubali-ghora, 1) risaha-jiNesara-paya paNamevI, sarasati-sAmiNi maNi samarevI, namavi niraMtara guru-calaNa // (bharatezvara-bAhubali rAsa, 1) The form of the Tripadi here is 16+16+13.

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296 Prakrit and Apabaramsa Studies 7. See Ksemendra's Dasavataracarita (Kavyamala, No. 20,1930), St. 173 (cited here in footnote 4). It eonsists of units of three Padas measuring 16+16+10 matras. The units are in pairs, as the rhyming show. This feature also seems to be matched by passage no. VI (p.216-217) of the Paratrimsika-vitti. 8. We may note, however, a slight but rather striking departure from normal Apabhramga usage : Abhinavagupta seems to prefer mostly attanau for the standard appanau; but Apabhramsa knows of several other doublets also in which -tta- and -ppa- alternate.

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15. THE PRAKRIT AND DESA-BHASA PASSAGES IN SOMESVARA'S MANASOLLASA The Sixteenth Chapter of the fourth Vimsati (i.e., seventy-sixth chapter according to continuous numbering) of Somesvara's Manasollasa or Abhilasitarthacintamani (Vol. III, GOS, no. 138. 1961) composed in 1163 A. D., is devoted to the description of the pastime of music (gitavinoda). After treating the Ragas, it describes a number of metres (including the Matra-metres). because the texts of the songs or musical Prabandhas, in Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhra msa, Karnata language and other regional languages, were usually composed in these metres. Unfortunately ihe illustrations of the metres and compositions for those cases where the languagee was to be other than Sanskrit are very badly preserved in the MSS. Their text is highly corrupt, and consequently the editor of the Manasollasa has for the most part given it simply as groups or series of letters, without any line or word divisions. An attempt, therefore, is being made here to restore and interprete some of the passages, which are very valuable linguistically, metrically and also as specimens of the twelth century non-Sanskrit poetry. In the preface to the third volume of the Manasollasa G. K. Shrigondekar, its editor, has described the three MSS. (A. C. and O) on the basis of which he has constituted the text. Of these he has not found G much helpful, as it agrees with A. Here in the case of all the passages I have given first the reading according to each of the two MSS. A and D, and thereafter the restored text with English translation. I have also consulted the MS. G. (which is now in the MSS. collection of L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad, bearing the accession no. 4188). In all there are thirteen passages which are wholly or partly in Prakrit, Apabharamsa or Desa-bhasas. Their list is as follow :

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298 Prakrit and Apabaramsa Studies No. place language metre or the type of composition Gatha 1. IV 2. 3." 257 269 271 296-297 302 330 340 Adilla Madilla Vastu Carcari Sukasarika 6. >> Vicitra Maharastri Prakrit Maharastri Prakrit Maharastri Prakrit Apabhramsa Apabhramsa Karnati and Lati Karnati, Lati, Gaudi, Avadhi, Sanskrit. Sanskrit, Maharastri, Lati, Magadhi Madhyadesiya Apabhramsa Lati (Old Marathi) Audri (Old Odisi) Apabhramsa 8. $ 354 Caturangaka >> p. 42, v. 7 Muktavali 10. " p. 43, v. 15 Dhavala 11. " p. 43, v. 20 Ovi 12. IV 380 (=p. 47, v.58) Carya 13. IV 421 (=p. 49, v. 77) Dohada" 1. The illustration of Gatha in Prakrit given at IV 6 257. The printed text (according toMS. A.): yo sRsorArudva(ddha)ja alaMlacchINAhassaNamahabhannIye / jaM sumariu~Na yAcai(padra)bhonkhabaziraiH saMnimatsvovirayo / / The text according to MS. D. (given in f.n. 12) : , posUse rAruddha jualaM choNA hassaNa mahazrIye / jauM sumirajaNa pAvahamokhasirisatimunkhopi / The restored text : 77 HUAT(?) 934-5376, Zagret! JAE Heig. I galigo qras, Alze-faft Fis(?).Fat fe

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The Prakrit and Desa-Bhasa Passages of Somesvara 299 'O Men, bow with devotion to the pair of feet of Laksmi's Lord, calling which to the mind, even a born idiot attains the glory of liberation'. 2. The illustration of Adilla at IV 16 269 : The printed text (according to MS. D) : somaNivaM para puMDarIkaM sevadaM Nissamekka puDarIaM / avisaMraNijjibha puMDarIa // The text according to MS. A. (given in f.n. 20, 21, 22) : somaNivaM parama-puMDarIke sevaharisvamevaha Nisvameka puMDarIa / visaMgirastijia puMDarIaM // The restored text : soma-NivaM parama-puMDarIa, sevaha nnicc(?)mekk-puddriia| [.........puMDarIa, vi(?) saMgara-Nijjia-puDarI / / *You should always serve the most excellent king Soma, whose white royal umbrella is unrivalled.........and who has conquared Pundarika in battle'. 3. The illustration of Madilla at IV 16 271. The printed text : rehai phullasaroruha vayaNo NammakahAsu visacca kavayaNo / lIlAvibhrabharaMjiarAmo saumamahIvai(vai) saMgaragamo / / The restored text : rehai phulla-saroruha-vayaNo, Namma-kahAsu vi saccaya-vayaNo / lIlA-vinbhama-raMjiya-rAmo, soma-mahIvai saMgara-rAmo / 'King Soma, who speaks truth even in light conversations, who equals Rama in battle and who wins over beautiful damsels by his playful, amorous gestures, shines with his face like a fullblown lotus'. 4. The illustration of Vastu at IV 16 296-297. The printed text (according to MS. A) :

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300 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies jecchatihaNusayalunichise hugammIriM vajasmA parasapalakAla sazcahina vidadraha / / nAmAvihasatvari / / padhucI jocciyA gaNijU isodANacakkula nidalaSuhayaNa kiya Anandu / vRcudvoukSiua vahara usadviAra goviMdu / The text according to MS. D. (given in f.n. 7): jecchati haNusayalunilisehu gaMbhIrivajaH saparasayalasaccahinaviddhai / nAnAvihasatparisaripakkaMcItujozciyagaNihayi : so dANavakulaniha luNuduhayaNakiyaANaMdu / buddhodukkiu avahara usalabdhipaigovindu / The restored text : jetthu tihuyaNu sayalu vi niviThTha(1) gaMbhIrikhaM jassa para, sayala-kAlu savvahiM navijjai / nANAviha-sappa(1)risari, ekku deu jo cciya gaNijjai / / jo dANava-kula-niddalaNu, duhiyaNa kiya-ANaMdu / tuTau dukkiu avaharau, su lacchivai goviMdu / / 'May Govinda, the lord of Laksmi, favour you and remove your sins--he in whom all the three worlds are situated, whose profoundness is such that all bow down to it all the time, who is one and alone counted as the deity in various ........., who is the destroyer of the whole dynasties of demons and who gives joy to the unhappy'. 5. The illustration of Carcari at IV 16 302 : The printed text according to MS. A. : madhuripunAyaku pahutarasAhArakisalayalakivauH / vicakilaparibhAlAgroSumyauM / alikulajhaGkArabahukusumaiH koila kaurau karai / muhAvau taraNIMha kusumasararakrAkhArau hAlakai / naravaikacupavinasitAlihichaM degAri puDijjai / kukuDUmasalile naNuraMjai taruNiyaNimmaTuruNajijayi / paThahido lauvaDi khelijjai / juvati hauM caraNa ha diudupellajjaI / caMdaNe acca ile veNu kijja imalli ya

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The Prakrit and Desa-Bhasa Passages of Somesvara 301 maMjari zire turu vijjaisi adhu vizva / avaruDa viz2jainobhAhalanavasarUpa harijjaikazruramannipumasise vijjai / rAge vasante / pIDa gAijjai haMse tulAyimuM / / deso vijjai / virulaM tauvANi nANijai // The text according to MS. D. (given in f.n. 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8) : madhuritumanmathanAyaku / yaGgatau 2 / sAhArakesalayalakhIu / nirUtau / vicakilaparimAlAlagauyumyai / alikulajhaGkArabahusumai koilakalarau karai / suhAvau taraNIMha kusubhasaraha // hakkArau / holaha naravaikacuravitai / tAlihiMchaMdegArijjahAjayatihiM caraNahiMdeduphalijai / vaMdaNaavaNavivaNukijjai / mallimaMjari zireturu vijjai siMhadhUvijjai motrAhalanavasaru pahirijjai / kasUrasannisuzazi sevijjai / kapUrasannisu zazi sevijjai / pirulaMtauvaNimANijjai / The restored text : madhu-ritu manmatha-nAyaku pahutau, sahAra-kisalaya-lakkhiu nirutau / vicakila-parimala-laggau ghummai, alikulu jhaMkArai bahu-kusamai / koila kalarau karai suhAvau, NAvai(?) kusumasaraha hakkArau / hAlihiM naravai-kavvu paDhijjai, tAlihiM chaMdehiM gAijjai / kuMkuma-sarile taNu raMjijjai, taruNiyaNihiM mahurau naccijjai / varu hiMdolau baDi khelijjai, juvatihiM caraNa hiM daidu pelijjai // caMdaNi accaNa levaNu kijjai, malliya-maMjari siri baMdhijjai / siha dhUvijjai ayaru Dahijjai, mottAhala-nava-saru pahirijjai / kapUra-saMnihu sasi sevijjai, rAgi vasaMti piyau gAijjai / haMsa tulAisu de(?) sovijjai, piu ghullaMtau vaNi mANijjai // "The spring season lorded over by the God of Love has arrived, with its characteristic mark of mango shoots. The hoard of black bees bearing the perfume of the Vicakila flowers are humming and wandering from flower to flower. The cuckoo pours out sweet notes, which are like the inviting messengers of the Love-God. The peasants sing the lyrics composed by the King with their appropriate metrical rhythms and timebeats. Bodies are coloured with saffron water sprinkled and damsels are dancing sweetly. Swinging sport is enjoyed on excellent swings tied on the banyan trees, when the young ladies are pushing their beloved with their feet. The sandle

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302 Prakrit and Apabhrams'a Studies wood paste is applied to the forehead and is smeared on the body. The Mallika blossom is tied on the hair. Fumigation is done and Aguru is burnt for incense. The sine-stringed pearl necklace is worn. The camphor-like moonlight is enjoyed. Songs of the sweetheart are sung in the Vasanta melody. People are sleeping on soft feather mattresses. Strolling in parks, ladies enjoy the love of their lovers'. 6. The illustration of sukasarika at IV 16 330. According to IV 16 328 and 329 Sukasarika is composed in a mixture of two languages, viz., the Karnata language and the Lata language. It can be in prose or verse. It is in the form of questions and replies. It makes use of two Talas. This is illustrated by 330. The text of the illustration given according to MS. A. is as follows. pale lAlInIte Tutaholli vRtta hi dahe nidenAgehe lAnillu hara potuM na jANai mAetodInAsA / chAMDu chAMDu mathijA itva vA gopidasRkukhelaNa ene deham nInItedAtarie goviMde he eta gAtata torAMtohamhiNi / kAhAMhyaNasi vAulipanAyaNu jagahakeru gosAvi / The text given according to MS. D. is as follows : pale lAlInIte Tutahollivuta hodehe nidena gelAnilu haM] na jANau mAetorInA sa / chAMDu chAMDu mai rjAi vo goviMda sahakhelaNa / enedeho / / ninedAttarie govindane dehe etagAtanaMtozotomaNi kahAmaNi kahAmhasi vAulipi nArAyaNu jagahakerA gosAvI / / Only a few phrases and lines of "Lati' in this passage can be tentatively restored. The passage seems to be in the form of a dialogue in prose between the young cowherd girl (Gopi) and her mother. The girl insists on going to play with Krsna. but the mother tries to dissuade her saying that Ktsna is not an ordinary

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The Prakrit and Desa-Bhasa Passages of Somesvara . 303 human being : he is the Lord of the Universe. I cannot make out where the speech of one character ends and that of the other begins. Nor it is possible to assign individually the statements in all the cases. The first line and the first part of the line 2 are in Old Kannada. The second part of line 2 and the first part of line 3 are to be restored as follows : 73' 7 51073Ale ak aral(?) zis sig i "(Mother) : I do not know, O my darling, do give up your senseless insistence'. The second part of line 3 and the first part of line 4 are to be restored as follows mai jAevau goviMda-sahu khelaNaha '(Girl) : I want to go to play with Govinda'. The second part of line 4 and the first part line 5 are in Old Kannada The second part of line 5 and the whole of line 6 are 10 be restored as follows : to AmhaNi kahAM mhaNasi vAuliA / nArAyaNu jagaha kerA gosAMvI // "(Mother) : What do you tell me, O madcap, Kesna is the Lord of the Universe.' 7. The illustration of Vicitra in a mixture of various languages given at IV 16 340. The passage describes the ten Avataras of Visnu viz. Matsya, Varaha, Nrsimha, Vamana, Parasurama, (Rama), Krsna, Buddha and Kalki. The portion relating to Rama seems to be missing. The language of the portions that describe Kurma, Nssimha and Vamana seems to be Old Kannada (and possibly some other Dravidian language or languages). The lines describing Matsya and Buddha are in Old Marathi. Those describing Varaha and Krsna are probably in Madhyadesiya. Those describing Parasurama are in Gaudi. Finally those describing Kalki are in Sanskrit.

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304 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies Lines 1-2: MS. A. jeNe rasAtalauNu matsyarUpe veda ANiyale manuzivakavANiyale MS. D. jeNe mamUsivabhyANiyale MS. A. to saMsArasAyaratAraNamoha to rASonArAyaNu // MS. D. taNu maha te rAkho The restored text : jeNe rasAtala-uNu maccha-rUve veda ANiyale, manuzi vakkhANiyale, to saMsAra-sAyara-tAraNu moha to rAkho nArAyaNu // 'He, who (assuming) the form of fish brought the Vedas from the nether world (Rasatala) and expounded them among men, may that Narayana, that saviour from the ocean of transmigrations, protect me'. Lines 4-6: MS. A. jo suvararUpe pAthAlupai zidANa tuhariNakacha puca___MS. D. sukharuthepAyalupai sidANa u hrinnksu| MS. A. mAcaSidADha govinda gharaNi uddhariyam saudeu MS. D. mAcaviM // goMvidaM MS. A. mandaraduhoccha u / (G. hojjau) MS. D. mahavaraduhou / The restored text ! je sUvara-rUve pAyAlu paisi dANau hariNakkasu mAravi dADhe govi de dharaNi uddhariyA, so deu maha varadu hojjau // "May that God Govinda, who in the form of a boar, having entered the nether world and having killed the demon Hiranyaksa, raised and rescued the earth with his fang, grant me boons'. Lines 10-11 :

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The Prakrit and Desa-Bhasa Passages of Somesvara MS. A. je brahmaNera kuleupajIyyA kAttavIyA jiyA MS. D. brAhma vIryA MS. A. jeNe (yyAjuNera) bAhuphara me khAMDiyA MS. D. jjarA rasai MS. A. parasarA mude uto yahAmaGgala karau zemaharama mala MS. D. parazu The restored text: je brahmaNera kule upajjiyA, kAtavIyajjuNera bAhu pharase khAMDiyA, parasurAmu deu se mAhAra maMgala karau / Lines 12-14 'May that God Parasurama, who having been born in a Brahmin's family, cut off with his battle-axe the arms of Kartavirya Arjuna, be auspicious to me'. MS. D. MS. A. nandagokulam / jAyau kanhujo govIjaNe pasihe jAyo NeM paDi MS. A. lITe nayaNe joviyA mahaNAvara AvinANi MS. D. loTeM MS. A. hakkAriyA kanhaubharaDAsau ahonnaaN ciMtiyA deu / The restored text: naMdagoule jAyo kanhu | jo govIjaNe paDihe (1) nayaNe joviyA, 305 mahAghara vinA mhaNi hakkAriyA, kanhau bhaDArA sau amhANA ciMtiyA deu | 'Krsna was born in Nanda's Gokula. May that Lord Krsna, who was looked at by the cowherdesses with loving eyes and who was called by them saying "do come here, O holder of the churning rod (?) ", grant our wishes'. Lines 14 - 16 : 20

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306 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies MS. A. buddharUpe jo doNavasurAMva(vaMca)DaNi(D. paMcauNi) MS. A. vedadUSaNa bollaDa(G. u)Ni mAyA mohiyA, MS. A. to(D. nA) de umAjhi pAsATha karu / / The restored text : buddha-rUpe jo dANava-surA vaMcauNi, veda-dUSaNa bolla uNi, mAyA-mohiyA; to deu mAjhi pasAu karu // 'May that God, who in the form of Buddha deceived and confused, by his delusive power, all the gods and demons (?), propounding the flaws of Vedic teaching, show favours to us.' 8. The illustration of Caturangaka in a mixture of various languages given at IV 16 354 : MS. A. yaH sraSTA caturAnanasya vibudhastrANaikabaddhasthitiH MS. A. padAravidarasalokaM dodanIlapyahe // (MS. D. jolavI vayaNAraviMdabhasalalokaMdoMdanIrupyaho / ) MS. A. jogocI(pI)jaNe gAha(i)je bahu pari rUpe nihIM / (MS. D. jo govIjaNe gAije bahuparI rUpI tinho) MS. A. gomayasaikaH zezanalesu laghuzazajaNa bhAsavaMkase // (MS. D. gAmaya / zekazrezamaleSukarapurAjaNe pAledizabaMkaze // ) The restored text : yaH sraSTA caturAnanasya vibudha-trANaika-baddha-sthitiH / jo lacchI-vayaNAraviMda-bhasalo kaMdoTTa-nIla-ppaho / jo gopIjaNi gAije bahu-parI rUpi tinhI gomaTo(?) / ze kaze zamaleza lakzaza-jaNe mAledi zavvaMkaze // "He, who is the creator of the four-faced god (Brahman), who is committed to the task of saving gods from distress, who is like a bee towards the lotus-face of Laksmi, who has dark lustre, who is being praised variously in songs by the cowherdesses, who has a lovely form (?). has killed Kamsa and all the other demons in battles'.

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The Prakrit and Desa-Bhasa Passages of Somesvara 307 9. The illustration of Muktavali on p. 42, verse 6 (MS. D,; also found in G.) : MS. D. avaDoMgarakaDaNiye vAjevAnAdusummadadIsai. MS. G. avo vAjiyA summaI MS. D. kaalaahrinnubedh| ghUsaTasIMganAdujatulaM devahu parivAjai / MS. G. vedhe dhUmapi jatuchaMdobahu MS. D. govardhanagirikavaru gahiruNajai / MS. G. gAjai / / MS. D. sureMdrahapaNavAzikhiyAdedayinaMdaNakahnadohovukazriyarUpe MS. G. sure ihaiM devapi khiyanurupe MS. D. salakeNAM sAvaliyA gouliM vAliyAM paDihenayaNAM ranhikadeu uuvaaliyaa| MS. G. kavaNAM paDihenayaNA rannihinha // The partially and tentatively restored text : abo DoMgara-kaDaNie vojiyA nAdu summai / dIsai kAlA hariNu // vedhe ghUmavi(?) sIMga-nAdu ......chaMde bahu-pari vAjai / govardhana-giri-kaMdaru gAjai // devaInaMdaNa kanhaDo...... rUpe saloNA sAMvaliyA gouliM bAliyAM paDiheM nayaNAM rannihiM karei vAuliyAM // 'Oh wonder ! Tunes being played on the hill slope are heard. A black buck is seen. The notes of the horn being played with abandon and in various modes, resounds and pierces the heart. The valleys of mount Govardhana reverberate. Devaki's darling, sweet Kanha, lovely with dark beauty, when he. happens io be sighted by the cowherd girls of Gokula in the woodlands, makes them restless with longing'. 10. The illustration of Dhavala on p. 43, vese. 15 (MS. D.; also found in G.):- . .. ..

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308 The printed text: bhavalu erAvaNu dhavalu / dhavalu himAla dhavalagayAM (gaMgA) candra dhavalu mahesaru / dhavalu chatru a ( ba ) mhadechapasane dhavalu jasu // The restored text: Prakrit and Apabhamsa Studies dhavalu himAla dhavala gaMgA, dhavalu erAvaNu dhavala caMdra / 9 dhavala mahesaru ghalu chatru, amha deu pasannu dhavalu jasu // * May white Himalaya, white Ganga, the white moon and white Mahesvara, being pleased with us, grant us a white (royal) umbrella and bright glory. 11. The illustration of Ovi on p. 43, verse 20 (MS. D.; found also in G.) : MS. D. gotrale golinihyavi acaluvaluto majha pi MS. G. godhUlitihAM avala MS. D. kannosAcallAdi ( u ) bie // MS. G. sAMvalU di The restored text: goule golini mhaNia / valu valu to majha paDihe / kanhau sAMvalU, ovie // 'The cowherd g ( rl in Gokula said - " Turn back, turn back, otherwise that dark Kanha will be pursuing (?) me. ' MS. A. MS. D. 12. The illustration of Carya at IV 16380 (=verse 58 on p. 47 ) . MS. A. saMsArasopUhadaraiH kAyahInaM caMDiyA / MS. D. sArudattare kAyarahiteM MS. A. kohalohamAha bahukeNa tariyA / MS. D. moha NA bhariyA (G) | iMdiyapayaNakhara vegeva haMsi / idridipavaNa Navaha pi ( G. hathi ) / MS. A. dukti halAhaNima naDina pAcadhi || MS. D. dukkiyalAharihati yatadri tathAvadhiH // (G. pAvathi)

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The Prakrit and Desa-Bhasa Passages Somesvara The restored text: saMsAra- sAyara-duttare paDiyA koha - loha - moha - bahueNa bhariyA / i diya-pavaNa - vara vegeNa vaha thi dukkiya-lahari-haNiya taDi na pAvaMthi / / Those who have fallen in the unfordable ocean of transmigratory world, who are loaded with anger. greed and delusion, who are carried away by the force of strong winds of senses, and who are struck by the waves of evil deeds, do not reach the shore 13. The illustration of Dohada at IV 16 421 (=verse 77 on p. 49): MS. A. gorInayaNaha jorasvaijo kaMsahakhayakAtu / govinayanaha kaMsakhayakAlu / MS. D. MS. A. so amhaNa duriara yavaharatakamhutarA DAvA / kanhabharADovAlu || so amha vaharau The restored text: sins'. 309 govo - nayanahiM jo khaMDa ( ? ), jo kaMsaha khaya - kAlu | so amha- duriyai avaharau, kanhu bhaDArA bAlu // May that Boy Krsna, the Lord, who plays(?) in the eyes of cowherdesses and who was the destruction os Kamsa, remove our NOTES 1. Passages 9, 10 and 11 are found only in MS. D. 2. The Dvipathaka defined at IV 258-259 and illustrated at 260 is metrically the same as Dohada or Doha, wellknown in Apabhramsa prosody. Further Rahadi, Jhambada, Dollari, Lolli, Danti etc.. defined but not illustrated at Manasollasa IV 419-429 were composed in Desa-bhasas. In the case of some of thesc, the language to be used is specified, and all of them are called Laukika Prabandhas (550 and ff.). 3. The third Pada (except the last syllable 3, preserved in MS. A.) is missing in the Mss.

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16. ON THE PRAKRIT SOURCES OF CERTAIN INDIAN POPULAR TALE-TYPES AND TALE-MOTIFS That Classical Indian literature is the richest and most fundamental source for the historical-comparative study of folk-tales is now a matter of common knowledge. Quite valuable work has been done so far in exploring Indian Classical works from this point of view. But scholars have little realized that there is a serious gap in their efforts in this area. As compared to the Sanskrit and Pali sources on the one hand and the Modern Indian sources on the other, sufficient attention has not been paid to the Prakrit sources, in spite of the fact that the latter are probably the richest, and of immediate relevance to the Indian as well as the comparative folklorist. For many well-known taletypes and tale-motifs current in India and abroad, we find corresponding Prakrit versions that possess some unique historical singificance : either they are the earliest known versions (any Sanskrit version being unknown or clearly secondary), or they are closer and more akin in form and content to the Late Medieval and Modern versions as against the earlier Sanskrit versions. Here it is proposed to illustrate this point by discussing just a few of hundreds of interesting instances. The tales discussed here are as follows: 1. The Magic Bird Heart (Type 567). 2. The Danced-out Shoes (Type 306). 3. What Should I Have Done (Type 1696, Motif J 2461). 4. Cinderella (Type 510). 5. Clever Retribution (Motif J 1160). 6. Candana. Malayagiri. 7. The Patridge in the Cart (Motif of Clever Retorts : J 1511-17).1 1. The Magic Bird-Heart (Type 567) The wide-spread tale of the wanderings and vicissitudes of fortune of two brothers called 'The Magic Bird-Heart' by the

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On the Prakrit Sources of Tale-types and Tale-motifs 311 Western folklorists2 (=Aarne and Thompson's Tale Type No. 567) is preserved in several closely allied versions in the oral tradition as well as the Medieval literary tradition of Gujarat. Looking to its continuous popularity for some fifteen hundred years, it is bound to be one of the tales of common Indian inheritance, In its basic outline the tale is about two brothers, whom circumstances force to leave their native place. They travel abroad. Due to some lucky accident or divine favour they happen to eat respectively the head (or heart) and some other part of a magic bird, in consequence of which the elder gets a kingdom and the younger a daily supply of gold coins. The two brothers become separated. The younger passes through several ups and downs, and during his encounter with a cheating bawd he is deprived of his magic possession. He, however, takes revenge on her by turning her into a she-ass by virtue of his newly acquired magic power. Ultimately the two brothers are happily united. 3 The earliest known version comes from the Pali Jatakas. But we have also quite an early version of this tale in the story of the merchant Kastha given in the Avasyaka commentaries. It is also known from numerous works on the lifestory of Manipati and from several other independent narratives in Sanskrit, Prakrit and Old Gujarati. The tale is widespread also in the West. The Prakrit version found in Ratnaprabha's Doghatti commentary (composed in 1182 A.D.) on the Upadesamala is nearest to the core of modern versions as also of those current abroad, and as such its importance for tracing the ultimate source of the latter is quite obvious. 2. The Danced-out Shoes (Type 306) Thompson has the following note on this tale-type : "It is discovered that a princess absents herself at night and always returns with her shoes danced to pieces. She is offered in marriage to the man who can solve the mystery of her conduct. She has succeeded in giving a narcotic to all those who have tried

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312 Prakrit and Apabhraisa Studies to follow her, but the hero refuses to drink and accompanies her on a magic underground journey. He possesses the power of making himself invisible and is able to observe her when she dances with the supernatural being whom she visits every night. By means of tokens which he has brought from his subterranean realm, he is able to prove his story and to claim his reward. This tale . . . seems to be Central European with most frequent appearance in the area from Serbia north of Finland. It does not, so for as is now known, go east of Russia and is represented but once in France and Portugal. A single version is found in Central Africa, and it has not thus far been reported in any other continents. Within its rather narrow geographical range it seems to be fairly popular, since somewhat more than a hundred variants are known. The heroine in 'The Danced-out Shoes', does not seem to be anxious to be rescued from her otherworld lover.4 These observations of Thompson's about the original source, form and area of currency of the Danced-out shoes shall have to be now basically revised in the light of the Prakrit and early vernacular literary versions of the story known from India. In Silarka's Caupannamahapurisa-cariya (879 A.D.)) we find under the account of Svayambhu Vasudeva and Bhadra Baladeva, the story of Gunavarman and Kanakavati. Its outline is as follows: Princess Kanakavati while choosing prince Gunavarman as her husband had made it known to him beforehand that because she was bound by a certain pledge, she would live separately till she becomes free from the binding. After many days of separate life, the prince acquired the power to become invisible in lieu of the services he rendered to a Kapalika, and in virtue of that power he managed to smuggle himself into the magic aerial car that one night he found carrying the princess and her two maids secretly to the divine Nandana garden. She was to give a dance performance there in the temple of Rsabhadeva along with three

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On the Prakrit Sources of Tale-types and Tale-motifs 313 princesses who too arrived there from three other quarters. The four princesses were regularly subjected to perform this forced service by a wicked Vidyadhara who had bound them by a pledge. The prince managed to steal a small bell that got loosened from an anklet of his wife during her dance performance. He returned home in the magic car along with the princess. The next day the prince produced the token of the small bell before the princess. He repeated his performance on the second night, but this time he secured an anklet of the princess that slipped from her foot during the dance. This again was shown to the princess next day. She then guessed that the prince had somehow come to know about her clandestine nightly visits. On the third night the princess excused herself on the ground of indisposition, and sent her maids to the Vidyadhara. As the latter indignantly threatened them to kill, the pricce became visible and killed the Vidyadhara in a fight. The princess, thus freed from the slavish bondage, now accepted the prince with unbounded love. The story continues further and turns into that of the faithless wife, but that seems to be quite obviously a secondary development, being on the same footing as the frame story in which the whole is placed. A second version of this story is found as the prologue to the Tale of Pancadanda-chatra that formed a part of the Vikamaditya cycle.6 We have several Medieval Gujarati versions beginning from the 16th century and one Sanskrit version (obviously based on an Old Gujarati version). Vikramaditya was promised Devadamani, the beautiful daughter of the courtesan on condition that he defeated her at the game of dice. She was invincible at that game because of a divine boon. Vikramaditya also obtains divine favour and invis'bly accompanying her finds out about her secret nightly visits for dancing at the court of Indra. Thus he succeeds in confusing and defeating her at the dice game by producing tokens of her clandestine visits and thereby winning her in marriage.

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Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies Of the two versions of "The Danced-out Shoes', the Pancadanda version is nearer to the basic Western version. The marriage with Devadamant forms a part of the frame-story of the Pancadanda and it remains to be investigated whether it was in the original Pancadanda (that served as a source to the Gujarati adaptations) or was a later growth. Eventhough Indian versions do not have the danced-out shoes as the basic clue, the Indian origin of this tale is beyond any doubt. 314 3. What Should I Have Done (Type 1696, Motif J. 2461) The stories about the literal-minded fool misapplying his instructions and thus landing himself into troubles and absurdities are widely current in all parts of India. Thompson observes that the best-known tale of this kind has to do with the mother who tells her son what he should do in various circumstances. The stories usually have a ingenuous chain of foolishly applied instructions. According to Thompson the story is traceable to a Chinese Buddhist source and appears in several Renaissance Jestbooks. An early Indian version of this type is found in Prakrit in the story of the Village Dolt given in the Dharmopadesamala-vivarana of Jayasimha-suri4 (Story No. 89, p. 159), composed in 859 A. D. at Nagor in Marwar. The substance of the story is as follows: When a certain person in the king's service died, his helpless widow left the city and settled in a village, taking her small boy along with her. When the boy came of age he started to join the king's service. His mother tried to dissuade him as he did not know the appropriate ways and manners, but the boy expressed readiness to learn. So the mother gave him the first lesson: When you see a respectable person even from a distance, greet him immediately, saying very loudly the word of salutation. Thus instructed the boy went out and on his way saw a group of hunters hiding and lying in wait for deer. He greeted them from a distance with a wild shout. The deer were scared away. The

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On the Prakrit Sources of Tale-types and Tale-motifs 315. hunters scolded the boy and when the latter explained his behaviour, they advised him : When you see persons hiding in this manner, you should approach them quite slowly and noiselessly. Proceeding further the boy saw a group of policemen who were on the trail of a thief and were waiting in a hide-out. The boy began to move very cautiously. They took him for the thief and bound him with a rope. When he explained they advised him to. say in like situation, 'May the blight descend'. Further on his way the boy saw a group of farmers starting ploughing operations and he blurted out 'May the blight descend here'. They belaboured him, and when he explained his behaviour, they advised him that in such situations he should say 'May all your carts be filled up. As the boy moved further, he saw a dead body being carried and he cried, 'May all your carts be filled with dead bodies'. He received a good beating and also the instruction that in a situation like that he should say "May such an event never take place'. Shortly the boy got an occasion to say these words at a marriage ceremony in progress. Being instructed there to say in a similar situation, 'May this be a permanent feature', he pronounced these words when he saw a chieftain in fetters. There again he was taught to say 'May you be soon freed from these'. At last with many similar misadventures, the boy came to the king and was appointed his personal attendant. Here too he went on bungling. He was instructed by the king that while he was in assembly, whatever the boy had to convey to him was to be done at a proper moment and only in an undertone. The boy followed these instructions quite precisely when he came to the king to convey the news that the house was on fire. And finally, instructed to throw ashes, dust and water whenever he saw smoke issuing from something, he carried this out when once the king's body was being fumigated. 4. Cinderella (Type 510) As already pointed out by Hiralal Jain the stories of Sugandhadasami and Aramasobha known from several Jain works in

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316 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhramsa and Old Gujarati give us the two earlier versions of the tale that is well-known in the West in hundreds of versions as the story of Cinderella. As I have on hand a detailed study of these classical Indian versions, I shall not discussed them here. But I may draw attention to one point: As Devendrasuri's Mulasuddhi commentary, composed in 1090 A. D., contains the story of Aramasobha, it is to be accepted as a version earlier than that in the Sugandhadasami Tale.10 There is now no reason to assume it as a derivative of the latter, and this accords with the fact of the greater resemblance of Cinderella to Aramasobha than to Sugandhadasami. 5. Clever Retribution In Bengali Household Tales (1912), Maculloch has recorded two tales of a clever labourer (or Brahmin Youth). He does a number of mischiefs openly and pleads cleverly in the court about his innocence as in every case he had acted in accordance with the very words of the complainants, which, of course, he had taken quite literally. He smashed the oil-pots of an oil-woman because she herself had quoted a proverb: 'Spilling oil extends the life-span'. He wrapped oilsoaked rags around a monkey's tail and set it on fire because a pious old lady wished not to listen to but actually witness the Ramayana episode of the burning of Lanka by Hanumant. He passionately kissed a betel-seller's wife because that fellow remarked to him, 'For your two cowries you can certainly lick the spittle of a betelchewer' ! # In another such story from the same collection, the clever youth, while being led to the court for similar mischiefs slaps on the way a passer-by who had remarked that a long journey is shortened by quarrelling. These stories contain several familier motifs including one of Literal Pleading (J 1160). A tale very clossely akin to these appears in Amradeva-suri's commentary (written in 1134 A.D.) on Nemicandra-ganin's Akhyan

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On the Prakrit Sources of Tale-types and Tale-motifs akamanikosa11 (1073-1083 A.D.). It occurs as an emboxed story in the Tale of Bandhudatta (verses 14-48; pp. 283-286). Its outline follows. 317 Tired of his ill-tempered wife, a man of noble faimly left for the nearby city. Some youthful and boisterous milk-maids too were going to the city and they joined him on the way. Not caring for his depressed mood, they tried to engage him in some frivolous chitchat, so much so that it got upon his nerves. The girls pressed him either to tell a story or even pick up a quarrel with them so that the long journey may be shortened. He immediately grabbed at the chance and put his foot across the legs of one of them.. She stumbled and fell over one that was walking in front of her, and all of them thus fell down breaking to pieces their pots full of curds. They cursed the noble man and started quarrelling with him. Soon all of them reached the city, and the nobleman somehow managed to leave the sore milkmaids' company. He went to the courtesans' quarters and got a night's shelter at a Dharmasala. A bawd approached him and pressed him to narrate to her some episode from the Ramayana or the Mahabharata.. He requested her to leave him in peace as he was deadly tired, but she kept on pestering. Enraged, he knocked out her teeth with a blow and set the house on fire by means of the lampflame. He was immediately arrested for these acts and produced before the king. The milkmaids had been already there with their complaint. The nobleman pleaded that being harassed beyond tolerance by the two parties he took them at their words. In one case he picked up quarrel as he was advised to do and in the other case he gave the actual demonstration of the two incidents from the Ramayana: Hanumat's blow had scattered the pearls from Ravana's diadem: this was matched by knocking out the bawd's teeth; and the burning of Lanka was matched by setting the house on fire. The king gave his verdict: 'Not guilty'. The close kinship of this tale with the tales from Bengal referred to above is quite obvious.

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318 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies 6. Candana-Malayagriri Some ten versions of this tale are known from the Medieval Gujarati literature.12 It relates the adverse turns of fortune of a king beginning with the loss of kingdom. In the exile the king Candana, his queen Malayagiri and their two sons Sayara and Nira are separated from one another. They undergo many sufferings and are ultimately reunited happily. In the Hindi speaking region this story is also known from the oral tradition, the names of the four chief characters being Amba, Amili, Sarvar and Nir. The earliest version of the tale is known so far from a Prakrit work dated 1083 A.D. In the fourth chapter of the Mahayiracariya of Gunacandra13 what is given as the story of King Naravikrama is the same as the later tale of Candana-Malayagiri. There is sufficient evidence to believe that Gunacandra derived this story from a popular source. 7. The Patridge in the Cart (Motif J 1511.17) Thompson and Balys have recorded from Thornburn's Bannu, or our Afghan Frontier a tale outlined as follows :14 Ox bought; buyer also claims load of wood attached. Later deceived man disguises and sells sharper another ox for 'hand of coppers'. He is allowed by court to claim the hand as well. In Sanghadasa's Vasudevahimdi15 (c. fifth century A.D.), we find an anecdote of the Patridge in the Cart which seems to be the earliest source for the above noted tale. A farmer goes to city with a cart-load of grains for sale. There is also a caged patridge on the cart. Some clever merchants ask the farmer : 'Is this patridge in the cart for sale ?' Being told that it can be bought for a Karsapana, the merchants pay the price and carry away the patridge along with the cart. The court accepts the merchant's interpretation of the phrase 'patridge-inthe-cart' and decides the case in their favour. Then tutored by a clever person, the farmer approaches one of the same group of merchants with the offer of his ox for just two measures of barley

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On the Prakrit Sources of Tale-types and Tale-motifs meal, provided they are given 'with her own hand' by the merchan'ts wife putting on her best dress and all the jewels. The merchant agrees, and the farmer takes possession of the wife along with the barley-meal. The case is decided this time in the farmer's favour. 319 These are only a few instances out of a great many wherein we can point out quite an early Prakrit original for widely popular tales current in India and outside. A systematic and comprehensive study of the Prakrit stories from this point of view is an urgent necessity. If an encyclopaedia of Middle Indo-Aryan tale-types and tale-motifs can be prepared, it would be certainly an invaluable and lasting contribution to the comparative and historical study of the tales of the world in general and of India in particular. The few tales discussed here have also another quite important implication. Many of the conclusions of the Western folktale students regarding the sources, original form, nomenclature, classification and diffusion of numerous tale-types and tale-motifs stand in need of drastic revision in the light of a huge amount of fresh information, that is available from Prakrit literature. So far the scholars have been able to make very little use of this evidence because of various reasons. A considerable part of Prakrit story literature still lies burried in manuscripts. Many of the works have been published only during the last few decades. Moreover, for most of the stories only the bare text is known. No translation is available in any European or Indian language. It is obvious that until these handicaps are removed there are slender chances for a wider and more fruitful utilisation of Prakrit sources. Notes 1. For the Type and Motif numbers, see Stith Thompson, The Folktale, 1946. 2. The Folktale, p. 75.

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Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies. 3. For a detailed study, see the following paper. It was published in Bharatiya Vidya Vol. XXIII, 1-4. 1963 pp. 99-104. Earlier Version published as 'Four Old and Medieval Versions of The Magic Bird-Heart', Proceedings of the Twenty-Sixth International Congress of Orientalists, Vol. III, Pt. I edited by R. V. Dandekar, 1970. See also 'Kastha Seth ni DrstantaKatha' (in Gujarati), Bhayani H. C., Anusamdhan, 1972, pp. 34-38. For recent studies, see the postscript in the following paper. 320 4. The Folktale, pp. 34-35. 5. Ed. Bhojak A. M., 1961; see pp. 117-127; also Bhayani H. C., Anusamdhan, 26-33. 6. For the tale of Pancadanda, onwards from the fifteenth century we get nine versions in Sanskrit and nine in Gujarati. 7. The Folktale, p. 195. 8. Ed. Gandhi L. B., 1949. 9. Jain Hiralal (Ed), Sugandhadasami Katha, 1966, Introduction, pp. 16-18. 10. See General Editor's preface to Mulasuddhi Prakarana, ed. Bhojak A. M., 1971, p. 8. A few oral versions of the tale also has been recently recorded from Gujarat by Prof. Shantilal Acharya. Jayant Kothari, in his Aramsobha Rasmala (in Gujarati, 1989, Ahmedabad), has edited six Old Gujarati versions of the story of Aramasobha, has presented a comparative study of these versions along with three Prakrit and three Sanskrit versions and has given notes on the motifs. 11. Ed. Muni Punyavijay, 1962. For the discussion see Bhayani 'H. C., Anusamdhan. pp. 4249. 12. See R. N. Jani, 'The Jain and Non-Jain versions of the popular Tale of Candana-Malayagiri from Prakrit and other Early Literary Sources', Mahavir Jaina Vidyalaya Golden Jubilee Volume, I, 1968, pp. 225-232. 13. Ed. Sagaranand-suri, 1929. 14. Thompson S. and Balys J., The Oral Tales of India, 1958, p. 266. 15. Ed. Caturvijay and Punyavijay, 1930, see pp. 57-58.

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17. THE MAGIC BIRD-HEART 1. The tale called 'The Magic Bird-Heart' (=Aarne-Thompsons' Tale Type 3031) has been exhaustively studied by Aarne.2 He favours Western Asia 'perhaps Persia'), rather than India, as its most plausible home. Summarizing his findings in this matter Thompson observes :3 "The story of the magic bird-heart has been cited in the older literature as an illustration of a tale which has travelled from India into Europe. Aarne's exhaustive study, however, while indicating an Asiatic origin, concludes that the most plausible home for the story is Western Asia, perhaps Persia. It is well known in Eastern Europe, especially in Russia and around the Baltic, but it is to be found in Western and Southern Europe as well. It is frequently found in North Africa and is reported once from much farther south in that continent. The French have taken it to Canada, where they still tell it, and from them it has doubtless been learned by the Ojibwas of southern Ontario. Though it is found in the Persian Tuti-Nameh of around 1300 A. D., Aarne demonstrates clearly that its life has been primarily oral and practically uninfluenced by litcrary retellings.' 2. The probable form of the original tale as reconstructed by Aarne after a careful analysis is reproduced below from The Folktale4. 'Fate has brought into the possession of a poor man a magic * bird which lays golden eggs. The man sells the precious eggs and becomes rich. Once he goes on a trip and leaves the bird with his wife to take care of. In his absence the man who has bought the eggs (sometimes another) comes to the wife and engages in a love affair with her and persuades her to prepare and serve the marvellous bird for his meal. The bird possesses a wonderful trait, that whoever shall eat its head will become ruler and whoever

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322 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies swallows its heart will find gold under his pillow when he has been sleeping. The bird is killed and prepared, but by chance falls into the hands of the two sons of the man who is absent on his journey. Knowing nothing of the wonderful characteristics of the bird, they eat the head and the heart. The lover does not give up his plan, for he knows that a roast which is prepared from the eaters of the bird will have the same effect as the bird itself, and he demands that the boys should be killed, and finally persuades the mother to agree. The boys suspect the plot and flee. The one who has eaten the head arrives in a kingdom where the old ruler has just died and the new one must be chosen. Through some type of marvelous manifestation the young man is chosen ruler. The other boy receives all the gold he wished. In the course of his adventures he is betrayed by a girl and an old woman. He punishes the girl by using his magic power to turn into an ass so that she will be severely beaten. But at last he restores her to her human form. In most versions the boys eventually punish their mother'. 3. Aarne's conclusions about the original source and form of this tale are naturally conditioned by the range of the data then known or available to him. But now we are in a position to significantly enlarge that range on the Indian side, for besides the one version that is known in English since 1897, there are some three more versions (with a few variants) in Early Indian literature that have come to light during recent years. The aims of this paper are to report these versions, and to discuss their relationship mutually and with Aarne's reconstructed version. 4. The four Indian versions of the Magic Bird-Heart we are to discuss here are as under : S. No. Title of Title of the work & Author Date Language the Story place of occurrence (or editor) I. Master , Jataka, No. 445 - c. 5th Pali , Banyan Cent. (Nigrodha)

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The Magic Bird-Heart 323 JA. Pali. Sanskrit Prakrit Good-luck Jataka, No. 284 - c. 5th (Siri) cent. Cheating Sangaramanjari Bhoja 10th the Bawd katha (seventh Cent. (Kuttani- story) vancana) Lohargala The Doghtti Ratnapr- 1182 commentary abhasuri on the Upadesamala of Dharmadasagani (The story narrated by Nagasena, the fifth wife of Jambusvamin in the life-story of Jambu) Hamsauli Independent Asaita mid work 14th IV. Old Gujarati Cent. IVA. 1745 IVB. 1874 Candana- Vetalapacisi s amala Malayagiri (8th story) Bhatta Mansih and Gujarat Tatha F.B. Abhesih Kathiavad Des. ni Varta (Part II) (The Folklore of Gujarat) Modern Gujarati (oral tradition) 5. The substance of the Nigrodha-Jataka5 (No. 445) is as follows : A great merchant of Rajagaha got some country merchant's daughter for his son's wife. In order to save herself from the :slight and ill-treatment of being barren, she pretended to be pregnant

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Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies by means of various clever tricks. After nine months she left for her father's house for delivery. On her way she halted at a place near a banyan tree, where she found a new-born boy abandoned by some poor woman travelling with a foregoing caravan. She at once informed her nurse and attendants that she had brought forth a son. The message was sent to Rajagrha and her husband's parents asked her to return. As the boy was born under a banyan tree, he was named Nigrodha-kumara, or Master Banyan. That same day, the daughter-in-law of another merchant, on her way home to her father for the birth, brought forth a son beneath the branches of a tree; and him they named Sakha-kumara, Master Branch. And on the same day, the wife of a tailor in the employ of this merchant bore a son amidst his bits of cloth; and him they called Pottika, or Dollie. The great merchant sent for these two children and brought them up with Master Banyan. 324 They all grew up together, and by and by went to Takkasila to complete their education. Both the merchant's sons had two thousand pieces to give to their teacher for a fee; Master Banyan provided Pottika with an education under his own wing. When their education was finished, they took leave of their teacher and left him, with intent to learn customs of the country folk, and travelling on and on in time they came to Benares, and lay down to rest in a temple. They slept under a tree. At dawn Pottika awoke, and sitting up began to chafe Banyan's feet. Then a quarrel started among the two cocks roosting upon that tree because the cock on the upper branch let a dropping fall upon the cock on the lower branch. They boasted of their importance. The lower cock declared that whoever ate his flesh would receive a thousand pieces of money that very morning. The upper cock declared that whoever ate his fat would become a king that very morning; he that ate his middle flesh, would become Commanderin-Chief; who ate the flesh about the bones, he would be Treasurer. Pottika heard them.He caught the upper cock, killed it and cooked it. The fat be gave to Banyan. the middle flesh to Branch

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325 The Magic Bird-Heart and himself ate the flesh that was about the bones. Thereafter he told them about the outcome. After meal in the city, they rested in the royal park. Now it was then the eighth day since the king of Benares had died childless, and the ceremonial chatriot that was to be sent forth at the moment itself rolled in where Banyan and his comrades were resting. The chaplain made sure of the royal marks upon the feet of Banyan and at once he consecrated him as the king. Banyan appointed Branch as his Commander-inchief. Once Banyan asked Branch to go to Rajagrha and bring their parents. Branch refused to go saying it was not his business. Thereupon Banyan told Pottika to do it. Pottika agreed. He approached the parents, but all of them refused to go with him, as they were quite happy where they were. Pottika returned to Benares ahd being fatigued went to rest to Branch's house. As the latter bore a grudge against Pottika, for giving Banyan the kingdom instead of him, he kicked and belaboured him and threw him out. Sore due to such ungrateful treatment, Pottika went to Banyan. He received and treated him very cordially. In the meanwhile Branch too, afraid of being slandered before the king, came up. But in his very presence Pottika reported to the king about his ill-treatment at the hands of Branch. The king ordered to spear him, but Pottika got him pardoned. The king offered the post of Commander-in-Chief to Pottika, but as the latter declined it he was made Royal Treasurer and the Judge of all the merchant guilds. 5.1. The story is given with the purpose of illustrating ingratitude and treachery to friends. 5.2. The same incident of two quarrelling cocks with the same magic properties is found in Siri-Jataka (No. 284). The slight variations in the properties possessed by the upper cock are: for a woman queenship is the alternative to becoming Commanderin-Chief, and for a holy man, king's favour is an alternative for becoming royal treasurer. The three parts are the fleshy parts, the

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326 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies outside and the flesh about the bones. A wood-cutter who happens to hear the words of the cocks, gets the meat of the upper cock ready, but while he is bathing, the meat is washed away by the river and comes in possession of an elephant trainer who was then giving his elephants a bath. On the third day after eating the fleshy parts under the advice of a friendly ascetic the elephant trainer becomes king under the following circumstances: Invaded by a neighbouring king, the king of Benares sends the elephant trainer disguised as king to fight the invader. He himself too puts on a disguise, mingles with the ranks and gets killed in the battle. The elephant trainer manages to defeat and slay the invader, and gets kingship as his reward. 5.3. The tale is given to illustrate how luck at times changes hands. 5.4. The Jataka tale summarized in 5. is obviously made up of two originally independent parts. The first part based on the simulated pregnancy motif hangs together quite tenuously with the second part. In the second part too the story up to the point where the three companions finish their studies and start to see the world at large is sort of an introduction that need not be an integral part of the original story. Similarly the sequel seems to some degree a later modification that turns the story into one of ungrateful friend. Leaving aside these obviously later accretions and analysing the story that is left, we can distinguish the following roints : (1) The hero (the son of a great merchant) and his two com panions go out to foreign lands. (2) On their way, once they spend a night under a tree on which two birds (cocks) with magical properties rested. (3) One bird has such properties that whoever eats its fat, becomes a king next day; whoever eats his middle flesh becomes Commander-in-Chief; and whoever eats his flesh about bones becomes the Royal Treasurer. The other bird has such property that whoever eats his flesh gets One thousand gold pieces next morning. This second bird does. not play any further part in the story.

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The Magic Bird-Heart 327 (4) One of the hero's companions happens to learn about these properties as the birds give them out in a mutual quarrel. (5) He kills the kingship-bird, gives its fat to the hero, the middle flesh to the other companion, and himself eats the flesh about the bones. (6) The next day, the hero is chosen king in place of one that had just died without an heir. To the first companion he gives the post of Commander-in-Chief. (7) The remaining companion gets the post of Royal Treasurer after some unpleasant experiences. 5.5. The version 1 A is clearly secondary as compared to I. The incident of the disputing cocks is practically the same as in I, but the alternatives added to the magic properties of the less important parts of the kingship-cock are later elaborations and are felt as special provisions made for the wood-cutter's wife and the friendly monk. Also the manner of the wood-cutter's becoming a king seems to be an innovation. The sequel is newly added, consistently with the purpose of making the story one of good luck changing hands. 6. The substance of the tale of cheating the Bawd (Kuttanivancana) from Bhoja's Srngaramanjarikatha? is as follows : A Brahmin got two sons at an advanced age. They were named Visnudatta and Somadatta. When they came of age, they started to go abroad. For seven days they journeyed in midsummer through the terrific Vindhya forest on their stock of provisions and water was exhausted. Famished and exhausted, they rested under a banyan tree on a lake and at night kept watch in turn to guard against wild animals. At the third watch Somadatta heard a pair of doves (male and female) conversing to the effect that it was their duty to save the Brahmin boys, who happened to be their guests, from dying through hunger. They also made known the magic trait Sage Uttarka had said they possessed : whoever shall eat the male bird will become a ruler and whoever shall eat the female bird will find five hundred gold coins near his bed

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328 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies every day when he wakes up in the morning. Having said this, the doves immediately threw themselves in the burning fire set up by the Brahmin boys below the tree to scare away animals. Somadatta awakened Visnudatta and narrated what happened. He gave him the male bird to eat and himself ate the female. When Somadatta awoke in the morning. he found five hundred gold coins near him. Convinced of the truth of what the doves said, they resumed their journey. During the course of their travel. one of them became thirsty. He went in search of water and returning lost his way. The two brothers were separated. In course of their separate wanderings, the elder. Visnudatta, became king of Magadha. The younger, Somadatta arrived in Kanci and enjoyed in the company of the most beautiful courtesan Karpurika, the daughter to the bawd Makaradamstra. Under the latter's instruction, Karpurika made Somadatta divulge to her the secret of the magic female dove, the source of his inexhaustible wealth. The next day an emetic was mixed up with Somadatta's food. The female dove he vomitted out was grabbed and swallowed up by Makaradamstra. Somadatta, now rendered penniless, was turned out. Repentant Somadatta goi the news of Visnudatta's kingship. He went to Magadha, met his brother, conceived a plan of avenging himself and returned to Kanci with rich pomp and paraphernalia. He took up residence with a courtesan in Makaradamstra's neighbourhood and started spending lavishly. Here there is a gap in the narrative due to a lacuna in the text. It covered the incidents of Somadatta inducing Karpurika to witness the secretly contrived spectacle of producing right royal service and entertainment just by crowing like a cock. This was pre-arranged by him under a Pipal tree outside the city. When pressed by Karpurika, he explained that was due to a magic power he had acquired at Sriparvata by performing life-risking austerities. She easily fell into the trap and arranged a barter. In exchange for Somadatta's magic power she agreed to give him the deceitfully expropriated magic dove with the whole of her accumulated wealth thrown in. Accordingly Makaradamstra vomitted the female

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The Magic Bird-Heart 329 dove. Somadatta washed it and swallowed. All her wealth also was made over to him. For his part he ceremoniously transferred to Karpurika the magic charm he was believed to possess. Then he secretly instructed his servants to continue for further five days the got-up show they used to put forth under the Pipal tree consequent upon the so-called magic cock-crow, and himself left for Magadha. For five days Karpurika enjoyed the royal service that on crowing appeared as if from nowhere. On the sixth day she wandered under the Pipal crowing and crowing till her throat ached but not a soul turned up. With downcast face she returned to her residence alog with her mother and the maids. 6.1. The tale is narrated by a bawd as a part of instructions to her inexperienced daughter, a top ranking courtesan. Its purpose is to illustrate the cleverness of rogues. The moral is drawn : A discerning courtesan should not fleece the rogues too much, otherwise they would manage to relieve her of all her accumulated earnings. Like many other illustrative tales in the Srgaramanjare, this one also is obviously borrowed from the storehouse of the then current popular stories. 6.2. We may note the following points from this verston : (1) Two brother start on a travel to foreign lands to try their luck. (2) Once hungry and exhausted on their way, they spend a night under a tree in the thick of a forest. There rested on that tree two doves, a male and a female, possessing magical properties. (3) The male dove has such a properly that whoever eats it be comes a king. The female dovc's property is that whoever eats it finds five hundred gold coins near his bed every morning. (4) The merciful doves declare their wonderful properties with in the hearing of the younger brother and then throw them selves in fire in self-immolation. (5) The younger brother gives the male bird to the elder brother to eat and himself eats the female one. He starts finding five hundred gold coins every marning.

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Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies (6) On their resumed journey, they get separated as they go out in search of water. (7) The elder in course of time gets kingship. (8) The younger during his wanderings reaches a distant city and stays with a courtesan, whose mother cheats him out of the magic female dove. (9) Learning about his elder brother's fortune, he goes to him. Equipping himself with necessary means and materials he returns to the courtesan and through a confidence trick recovers his female dove and relieves her of all her wealth, in exchange for a false magic power he leads her to believe he possesses. 330 7. The substance of the tale of the two brothers Amarasena and Pravarasena from Ratnaprabha's Doghatti commentary on the didactic poem Upadesamala ef Dharmadasa is as follows9: King Kancanasekhara of Kancanapura had two sons, the first called Amarasena, the second, Pravarasena. They used to ride the wonder-elephant Jayakunjara, a favour from the king, and had a pleasant time. Their envious step-mother, most favourite of the king, coastantly incited him to take back the elephant and present it to her own son. The king did not like to ask back what was presented and especially when the princes were quite loyal to him and well-behaved, But ultimately giving way under her relentless pressure, he asked the two princes to return Jayakunjara and accept in lieu ten ordinary elephants. The princes could at once see who was at the back of this development. The loss of honour was one thing they could never bear, and that very night they secretly left their home and their city to try their fate in the wide world. On their way they landed into a dense jungle. They camped below a huge banyan tree to spend the night. Amarasena, the elder one, was overpowered with sleep. Pravarasena kept the guard. The presiding Yaksa of that tree, favourably impressed by their noble and fortunate aspect, was moved to oblige them. He appeared before Pravarasena and presented him with two wonder-gems; one for Amarascna, bringing kingship; the other for Pravarasena, yield

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The Magic Bird-Heart 331 ing wealth and other amenities as desired. The Yaksa also taught him the rite that should accompany every act of wishing, and then he disappeared. Next day, the two brothers resumed their journey and after crossing the forest reached Patalipura. While they rested on the bank of a lake, Pravarasena handed over the kingship-gem to Amarasena and instructed him in the essential rite. Both of them duly performed the rite and then asked for boons from their gems. Pravarasena's wish for a sumptuous dinner, dress etc. was im mediately fulfilled by eight Apsarases, that appeared from nowhere. They served them with royal dinner, dress etc. and when the brothers finished their meals, those Apsarases and all disappeared. As they retired for rest under a shady tree five 'divine agents' sought out Amarasena and crowned him king of Patalipura, in place of the former one, who had just died childless. Pravarasena, thinking that Amarasena would be too busy with state-affairs to attend to him, moved away unnoticed, and stayed with the courtesan Magadhika. Amarasena's efforts could not trace him. Pravarasena spent lavishly. Once, pressed by her mother Lohargala, unwilling Magadhika extracted from Pravarasena the secret of his boundless liberality that never refused even exhorbitant demands. Lohargala, thenceforth always on look out for a chance, at last succeeded in stealing Pravarasena's wonder-gem, when once, while bathing he had left it unattended. First he thought he had lost it somewhere in the house, and Lohargala pretended to help him in the search, but finally he realized that Lohargala was the thief. He, therefore, secretly left the place in search of some means to take reprisal. Magadhika was sorry for losing Pravarasena. Lohargala too became quite disappointed when she found that the gem, unaccompanied by proper ceremonial rites, did not fulfil wishes. Pravarasena went to a cemetary. He proclaimed to the ghosts his readiness to give his flesh as an offering. An aerial voice directed him to the temple of Durga. There he attacked and killed a Kapalika, who was on the point of beheading an innocent human victim for an offering to the goddess. As a result he came into possession of the magic shoes of the Kapalika, that would take him wherever he wanted to go. Using them he used to fetch wealth

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33 2 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies from the Isle of Jewel and the Isle of Gold. He also planned to use them for removing Lohargala to some far away spot. So once sumptuously dressed, as he was passing near her place, she sighted him and welcomed him so that she can fleece him once again. As this time Magadhika refused her to get out of Pravarasena the secret of his never-exhausting wealth, she herself made him to reveal it through blandishment. Consequently she persuaded him to take her by means of the magic shoes to a mid-sea temple of the God of Love, which she pretended she had vowed to visit for his safe return. He took her to the desired temple; taking off the magic shoes he went inside the temple. Lohargala grabbed the opportunity and disappeared with the shoes. Pravarasena was repentant. But shortly he got a chance of escape. As he assisted a visiting Vidyadhara in his rites for acquiring magic powers, the latter rewarded him with two magic pills: The tilaka-mark with one of these turned a human being into an ass. The other reversed that effect. The Vidyadhara presented him with a quantity of jewels and gold and dropped him into Patalipura. Getting news of Pravarasena having returned hail and hearty, Lohargala cooked up a plot. Getting her body bandaged all over, she called for Pravarasena through her daughter. When the latter arrived, she narrated her fabricated story-how she had to run away with the magic shoes to save them from a grabbing Vidyadhara, who knocked her down and got away with the shoes. Pretending to believe her story, he offered to effect a miracle cure for her wounds and turn her into a youthful damsel. He asked for the removal of the bandages, against which she trumped up the ruse of unbearable pain. She asked to treat her with the bandages untouched. He put a tilaka-mark on her forehead with one of his magic pills. She was instantly changed into a she-ass. He mounted on her back and lashing heartily drove her on the royal highway. A complaint was made to the king. He guessed the mischief-maker to be none else than his long-lost brother. He went forth and received him. Pravarasena narrated his whole story. Lohargala's human form was restored to her by using the other pill, when repayment of all she got by cheating was guaranteed. She made over to

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The Magic Bird-Heart 333 Pravarasena the wonder gem, the magic shoes and Magadhika. Pravarasena was made heir-apparent. 7.1. The tale is narrated by Jambusvamin's queen Nagasena. to illustrate how great harm results from too much greed, be it in the matter of earning wealth or earning religious merit. With this she tries to support her point that even as a householder one has sufficient scope for practising religion, and so one need not be quite greedy about it and adopt monkhood. It will be seen that the actual plan and purpose of the tale has in reality hardly any connection with the objective it is pressed here to serve. Like so many illustrative tales in Jain narrative literature, this one also is. borrowed from the stream of the then current popular stories and made to fit in an alien frame. The introductory section of the tale here, with the quite familiar motif of the jealous favourite queen driving the step-sons to leave the kingdom is an obviously later. addition. 7.2. We may note the following points in this version : (1) Two princes, brothers, stung by insult and injustice, leave their house and kingdom and start to go abroad to try their luck. (2) On their way in a dense forest, while they are spending night under a banyan tree, the presiding deity of the tree presents the younger brother, who is keeping the watch, two wonder-gems: One, bringing kingship, is for the elder; the other, bringing desired wealth and amenities, is for the younger. The deity teaches him the proper rite that should 'accompany the act of wishing. (3) Afterwards, the brothers reach a city. The younger hands over to the elder the kingship-gem and teaches him the rite. (4) They ask boons from the respective gems. Through the power of the wealth-gem they are served with sumptuous meals, dresses etc. by eight heavenly damsels, who disappear after the service.

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.334 Prakrit and Apabhraisa Studies (5) Five 'devine agents' select the elder brother for a king in place of the former one, who has just then died childless. (6) The younger stays with a courtesan, whose mother once steals his wonder-gem, but she finds it to be useless without the proper rite. (7) He kills an ascetic-magician and comes in possession of his magic shoes. (8) The courtesan's mother cheats him of his magic shoes. (9) He acquires two magic pills through service rendered to a semi-divine being : One has the power to turn a human being into an ass, the other reverses this effect. (10) By means of the first pill he turns the bawd into a she ass, rides on her back and whips her. (11) The complaint reaches the king. The brothers are reunited. The bawd is restored to her human form. The magic gem, shoes and the courtesan are returned to the younger brother, who is appointed heir-apparent. 8. Version IV. represented by Asaita's Old Gujarati versenarrative Harnsauli, 10 is found as the second part of a composite story. The first part relates to the acquisition of a princess seen in a dream and has several other well-known tale motifs. This part is without any organic connection with the second part. The acquired dream princess (called Hamsaull) gives birth to twin boys. The king arranges for bringing up and educating them secretly at a place outside the capital. They return as strong young men. One of their step-mothers falls in love with the younger prince, who spurns her request. Like Potipher's wife she accuses him of rape and the princes are handed over to the minister for being secretly executed. The story from this point onwards is summarized below : 8.1. Taking pity on them the minister lets the princes escapeand successfully deceives the queen by producing deer's eyes for evidence. The fleeing brothers enter a dense forest. The elder goes in search of water for the sake of the thirsty younger brother. He returns to find him 'lifeless due to a deadly serpent-bite. Tying his *body to a branch overhanging a lake, he goes to a nearby city to get sandalwood for the funeral pyre. In the meanwhile Garuda,

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The Magic Bird-Heart 335 the divine bird-king, comes there to drink water. The blast from his wings cures the younger brother. He gets down from the tree and goes in search of the elder. The elder returning to the lake does not find the younger there. After vainly searching for him he returns to the city, where he is swindled of all his possessions by a vile merchant and accused of theft. He is saved by the childless wife of the police-chief, who adopts him. But the merchant prevails upon the king, and the elder brother is sent to assist the merchant's son on a commercial voyage, during which it can be planned to dispose him of. The younger brother, guided by an ascetic's prediction, goes to the same city and stays with a woodcutter's family. The elder along with the merchant's son reaches a distant port. The princess of the city falls in love with the elder and marries him against the king's wish. The king sends wrestlers and a wild horse to get rid of the commoner son-in-law, but he gets better of them. He reveals his story to the princess. Now convinced of his royalty, the king honours him and offers him the crown. But he first wants to find out the whereabouts of his younger brother. So taking the princess with him, he leaves the port along with the merchant's son. Here the younger is chosen king by the divine cow-elephant, in place of the earlier king who died without an heir. The merchant's son, with an eye on the princess and rich dowry, pushes the elder brother overboard in the mid-sea. Through the power of a religious charm, he is saved by a fish, who tooks him safely to the shore. He stays with a gardener's family. The princess is stopped from ending her life by the Voice of the Sea, which forecast her reunion with her husband. The merchant's son returns to his city and passes the princess off as his wife. The elder brother reveals his identity to the princess by way of messages hidden in the flower-basket that the gardner's wife usually carries to the merchant's inner apartments. The younger brother, now the king of the city, proclaims to give as reward half of his kingdom to whomever that gives him news of his elder brother.

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336 Prakrit and Apabhraisa Studies The princess avails herself of this opportunity and narrates the whole story before the royal assembly. The king welcomes his brother and at the latter's instance pardons the wrong-doers. Both march forth in great pomp and meet their parents. 8.2. Hamsauli is a regular work of narrative literature. Strands of several folk-tales are utilized in the composition of this earliest available Old Gujarati verse narrative of about four hundred fifty stanzas divided into four cantos. The story is composed by the author with the purpose of illustrating the strange and diverse ways in which the courses of lives are shaped under the influence of the deeds of past births. 8.3. The following points are to be noted : (1) The two princely brothers have to leave their home for strange lands because of their step-mother's machinations. (2) The vital element (characteristically figuring in all other versions) of acquiring two magic objects which shapes differently the course of destiny for the two brothers, seems to be missing. (3) It is the younger brother who becomes a king, while the elder wanders through the maize of ups and downs of fortune. (4) The part relating to the wandering brother is remodelled under the influence of some another tale type illustrating primarily the strange working of the law of Karman. 9. Version IV A. Samala Bhatta's Vetala-pacisill has the earlier well-known tale of Candana-Malayagiri as its eighth story. The original account of the two brothers is here changed and brought in line with the account of the two brother as it is known to the Magic Bird-Heart type. But as in the Hamsauli here too the magic birds are missing, For the rest it follows the Hamsauli. 10. Version IV B. Mansih ane Abhesih is a much expanded variant of version IV. It is preserved in the bardic oral tradition of Gujarat. It has got one emboxed tale and an admixture of 'several well-known tale-motifs including that of the Dragon-killer. One significant point is that the wandering brother is given here

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The Magle Bird-Heart a wonder gem: This detail is wanting in the Hamsauli, its basic model.12 337 11. Even from a casual comparison of these versions of the Magic Bird-Heart, several important points emerge. 11.1. Version I is the earliest available. But already it contains several non-original features. The gold giving bird has practically no function in the tale and so it becomes pointless. Instead of using two birds for two functions (one for each), to keep one quite useless and to assign three different functions to the other definitely smacks of secondary elaboration. This is further complicated and distorted in the variant of Version I (i.e. Version I A). There the magic effects of eating the middle flesh and the flesh about the bones are said to have two alternatives according as the eater is man or woman (in the first case) and a wordly man or a monk (in the second case). 11.2. In Version II the tale is given a highly ornate form with very elaborate descriptions in the greately sophisticated Kavva style. Here too we have an unmistakable clue for the story having been derived from some earlier source. After the narrative reaches the point where two brothers separate, the author tells us that 'as the story has it, the elder brother gets the kingship of Magadha.' This clearly means that Bhoja here deliberately skips over some portion of his source--tale, it being irrelevant to his purpose. As compared to Version I the wonder birds here are not cocks, but doves (or pigeons) and they are not killed by one of the brothers, but they sacrifice themselves out of compassion for the guest'-brothers. This seems to be a modification of the original feature, introduced because killing of bird by a Brahmin was perhaps by this time felt to be improper. The exact character of the faked marvellous power (siddhi) of the younger brother in the counter trick employed by him to avenge himself and regain what he lost is not quite clear, as the text is defective. Quite probably it is the same as the power said to be possessed by the second wonder bird in Version III. There its eater wishes for a dinner 22

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338 Prakrit and Apabhrasa Studies etc. and immediately there appears from nowhere eight heavenly damsels, bathe them, give divine clothes to wear, and serve them with royal dinner. This was supposed to be one of the much-coveted sildhis during the period between 9th and 13th cent. For, a third source also, dated 1083, gives a glowing account of the same siddhi. In Gunacandrasuri's Mahaviracariya (Chapter V, pp. 160-161) the ascetic Vidyasiddha produces through his Yogic powers sumpiu dinner. precious clothes, a bed and divine damsels. 11.3. It should be noted that Versions I and II do not have the flving shoes and the donkey-transformation pills. They appear for the first time in Version III, which is closest to the basic outline for the Western versions given by Thompson. But in that version, the substitution of magic gems for magic birds is the result of Jainistic reworking, as killing and eating of birds have been always one of the cardinal sins for the Jainas. Similarly fear of being neglected by the elder brother because of the newly got kingship is narratively weaker cause for the (wo brothers' separation, as compared to the accidental separation in a dense forest ili search of water. 11.4. Version IV removes the pivot of the magic objects (birds or gems) altogether, and turns the tale into one of diversity of destinies under the working of the law of Karma. Consequently it has to change the original account of the second brother's adventures and substitute for it a section (or sections) from another convenient tale-type (there was a whole cycle of such tales, with very numerous variants, some of them very much familiar from the epic and Puranic literature, e.g. the wanderings and sufferings of Rama, of the Pandavas, of Nala, of Hariscandra and such as one finds in the prototype of a tale-type known in the Early Gujarati literature as "Candana-Malayagiri', with which our tale gets actually mixed up in Version IV A). 11.5. Each of these Indian versions (as also the basic outline of the non-Indian versions) has a different introduction based on a different motif and the going abroad of the two brothers also is in each case differently motivated.

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The Magic Bird-Heart 339 11.6. Version I is important in so far as it presents the earliest occurrence of the Magic Bird-Heart12 motif. Version II is the earliest to bear a family-likness to the basic outline of the nonIndian versions. But Version III is the closest to the latter in the Over-all structure as well as in most of the significant features and details (excepting, of course, the introductory section). The one most striking difference between Version II and Version III is the donkey-transformation figuring only in the latter. This feature of the tale developed between the tenth cent. (the date of Version II) and the twelfth cent. (the date of Version III). It cannot be an innovation introduced by Ratnaprabha because there is every indication to believe that he was making use of a previously current popular tale. It remains to be investigated whether the tale with the donkey-transformation sequel was taken outside India after the twelfth cent. or a century or so earlier. Version I and II also clearly presuppose earlier popular sources, But in order to be anywhere nearer the solution of these and similar problems, we are first required to collect all the versi that are available from old Indian literatures and from oral traditions all over India, and work eut their complex interrelationships. The versions here reported would now provide very valuable evidence for the theory of the Indian origin of the Magic Bird Heart. Postscript 1: There are about a dozen Old Gujaratt Rasas based on Ratnaprabha's version (i.e. No. III): AmarasenaVayarasena Rasa by Kamalaharsa (1533), by Tejapala (1687). There are soma nine further Rasas based on Hamsauli (i.e. No. IV) : Vatsaraja-Hamsaraja Rasa by Manasimha (1618), HainsarajaVatsaraja-Rasa by Jinodaya (1623) and Virabhana-Udayabhana-Rasa by Kulasagara (or Kesava) (1688).13 Further investigation in the subject shows that the earliest Jain version is found in the story of Kastha-Muni in the Avasyaka Curni dated about the fifth cent. A. D. This tale of Kastha

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340 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies Sresthin is known also from its numerous Prakrit, Apabhramsa and Old Gujarati versions. Postseript 2 : In the 1984 issue (no. 39) of the French Journal 'Communications', titled 'Les avatars d'un Conte' were published fourteen papers dealing with the Magic Bird-Heart. They discuss Indian, Arabic-Iranian and Western versions in the diachronic and synchronic perspectives and some of them take into account the social context also. Nalini Balbir has discussed one Prakrit and three Sanskrit versions datable from the twelth to the fifteenth century. In the introductory survey Claude Bremond has compared various Eastern and Western versions of the Tale-types 567 and 938 (the latter represented in Gujarati by several versions of the tale of Candana-Malayagiri) and has shown their interrelationships. 14 Notes 1. Thompson, S. The Type of the Folk-tale; Antti Aarne's 'Verzei chnis der Marchentypen' translated and enlarged, Helsinki, 1928. 2. Aarne, A., Vergleichende Marchenforschungen, Helsingfors, 1908. (not accessible to me at the time of preparing this paper). 3. Thompson, S., The Folktale, New York, 1946, p. 75. 4. The Folktale, p. 75. 5. Text ed. V. Fausboil, Vol. IV. 37-43; translated by W. H. D. Rouse (1901, reprinted 1957), IV. 22-27. 6. ed. V. Fausboll. Vol. II, 410-413; translated by W. H. D. Rouse (1957 reprint), Vol. II, 280-282. 7. Edited by K. K. Munshi, Singhi Jain Series, No. 30, 1959; text, pp. 48-56; translation. pp. 53-61. 8. Edited by Hemasagarasuri, Anand-Hem-Jain-Granthmala, No. 6, 1958; the tale corers the pages 169 to 177. 9. A rather extensive summary is being given here as the ori vinal is in Prakrit and rOrarslation in any modern langua has appeared as yet.

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341 The Magic Bird-Heart 9a. Edited by K. K. Shastri, Gujarat Vernacular Society Samsodhan Granthmala, No. 5, 1945. 10. Ed. A.S. Patel, Bharatiya Vidya Research Series, No, 20, 1962, pp. 98-112. 11. The Folklore of Gujarat, (=Gujrat tatha Kathiavad Des-ni Varta), ed. F. B., Second Series, 1874: reprinted 1928; the story referred to here appears on pp. 41-104. In modern Gujarati children's story books a similar story is frequently published but quite likely it is influenced by Western versions. 12. The Hamsauli and Vetala-pacisi versions appear to be representative of Modern Indian regional versions of the Magic Bird-Heart as is shown by their very close likeness to the Bengali version, as reported in the story of Swet-Basanta, which too is blended with the Dragon-killer. See e.g. Folktales of Bengal by L. B. Day, 1912, pp. 89-103. It should be noted that none of the Indian versions has the bird-heart as the magic limb. It is either the whole bird or flesh from particular parts. 13. Vaidya, B. I., Ras Sahitya (in Gujarati), 1966; M. D. Deshai, Jain Gurjar Kavio, I, II, III, 1926-1944. 14. See H. C. Bhayani, Lok-kathanam Mul ane Kul (in Gujarati), 1990, pp. 58-61.

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18. THE TALE OF THE ROYAL MONK YAVA 1. It is intended to discuss here certain early Jaina versions of the tale of Yava and stress its basically folk-tale character by pointing out striking parallels with some folk-tales current today. The illustrative tale of the royal monk Yava belongs to the very early Jaina tradition and in view of the Jataka parallels, its origin is to be assigned to the common heritage of the Jaina Ardhamagadhi literature and the Buddhist Pali literature. It is alluded to in the Bhagavati Aradhana of the Digambara tradition, and the Bhatta-parinna (Panna) of the Svetambara canon. To stress for the monk the importance of studying the sacred texts the legendary tale of king Yava (or Yama) is referred to make the following point : Even some random verse, proverbial, anecdotal or just a sort of doggeral, accidentally learnt, may prove so useful as to save one's life; then what to talk of studying the sacred texts ? 2. The outlines of the tale of Yava are given cryptically by Sanghadasa in his Laghu-bhasya or the Brhatkalpa-sutra? (v. 1154). The verse tells us that the life of king Yava, the son of Anila, is instructive with regard to the merits of religious studies. Verses 1155-1156 and 1161 give the catch-words for the leading persons and events in the life-story of Yava. Verses 1157-1159 are the ones that played a key role in that story. Verse 1160 gives the moral, and should rather follow v. 1161 as the story's conclusion. This point combined with the facts that (a) v. 1157-1160 are closely similar to the five verses in the Musika Jataka (no. 373) and (b) the metrical structure of these verses is somewhat archaic, shows beyond any doubt that the verses formed the core of the old original taley, which was adopted later with requisite adaptations by the Jainas and Buddhist for their own purpose. The tale, given in full by Ksemakirti in his commentary on the Brhat-kalpa-sutrat (hereinafter BKS) is principally as follows :

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The Tale of the Royal Monk Yava Anila's son Yava was ruling over Ujjayini. His son named Gardabha (Pk. Gaddabha) was appointed heir-apparent. His daughter named Adoliya (Pk.) was extremely beautiful. Dirghaprstha (Pk. Dihapattha) was his minister. The Prince fell in love with his own sister. Secretary advised by the minister as to how to avoid public scandal he got her kidnapped and confined in an underground cellar. King Yava, disgusted with his son's behaviour, became a monk and left Ujjayini. Gardabha succeeded him on the throne. The monk Yava, out of love and anxiety for his son, could not commit to memory verses of the sacred texts. He periodically visited Ujjayini. Once on his way to Ujjayini, while he rested near a corn-field, he saw the watchman chase a donkey out of the field and heard him utter good-humouredly during this operation an extempore verses5 addressed to the donkey and meaning :'Oh donkey, (gaddabha) keeping an eye on me, you are running now this way, now that way; I have caught your design: you are intending to get at Yava ('the corn'). This verse stuck in the memory of the monk as he enjoyed the scene. Nearby some boys were playing the game of tip-cat. During the game, the tip-cat (adoliya), struck with the bat, fell into a deep hole (agada). The boys searched for it. One of them saw the hole and guessing that the tip-cat had fallen and disappeared there, he uttered an extempore verse6, meaning: 'It is possibly here, possibly there-the tip-cat (adoliya) being searched, is not traced anywhere. But I for one know that the tip-cat (adoliya) is thrown in the hole (agade)'. The monk who was watching this scene heard this doggerel and it too stuck in his memory. 343 Yava moved on and reaching Ujjayini he put up at the house of a potter. At night a mouse, now approaching now running away scared, was addressed by the potter with an extempore verse7, meaning: 'O you delicate fellow! you idiot! night-rambler! To you the danger is not from me, but from Dirghaprstha ('a snake')'. Yava witnessing this scene heard 'the doggerel, and that too he got by his heart. Now the minister Dirghaprstha, nursing an old grudge against Yava, secretly planted arms in the house of the potter with a view

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344 Prakrit and Apabhraisa Studies to frame the latter (i.e. Yava). Getting the king Gardabha suspect that Yava, fed up with the rigours of monkhood had returned with the intention of dislodging him, Dirghaprstha convinced the former about this by bringing to his notice those dumped arms. Consequently Gardabha and Dirghaprstha 'went at night to the potter's house, and with a view to kill Yava lay in a lurch. At that time Yava going over the day's incidents in his mind, remembered the doggerels he had heard uttered by different persons in various situations. He fondly recited in a loud voice each of the verses in order. As Gardabha from his nide-out heard the first verse he took it to mean : 'You are hustling now towards this side, now towards that side; you are keeping an eye on me : I have detected your design : 0 Gardabha, you are keen to get at 'Yava' (i.e. me)'. So he thought that his father with his clairvoyant and telepathic powers acquired during monkhood, had detected their presence and evil designs. In the mean while Yava uttered the second verse which Gardabha took to mean : 'People think the princess Adoliya may be here, may be there : but when searched for, she is not found. Only I know that Adoliya is thrown in a dungeon (agade).' Gardabha again thought that his father knew about that misdeed also on his part. Immediately he heard him utter a third verse which he understood to mean : 'O you delicate one ! You nightprowler ! To you the danger is not from me, but it is from Dirghaprstha (i.e. the minister)'. Thereupon Gardabha concluded that as Yava had given up his kingship and all the woridly pleasures, there was no qnestion of his desire to deprive him of kingship. All those were surely the minister's intrigues. It was he who wanted to kill him. So he cut off the minister's head, and revealing himself to Yava confessed everything and got pardoned. Yava pondered over these happenings : Even if some playful, and useless doggerel verses learnt just accidently, can save one's life, how much more fruitful would be the learning of the sacred texts ? Consequently, he returned to his preceptor and devoted himseif single-mindedly to the sacred studies.

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The Tale of the Royal Monk Yava 345 3. From the structure and motivation of this tale the following points are to be noted : (a) Someone comes to learn by hearing on different occasions verses composed and recited on the spur of the moment. Each of these verses is related to some key incident in a particular situation, the several separate situations being mutually quite unconnected, but appearing in a chronological sequence. The learner is generally an onlooker and not involved in these situations. (b) Subseqvently in a totally different situation, he happens to utter these remembered verses loudly to himself. By sheer chance, and without the utterer's knowledge, the verses happen to get ted and apply to the new situation--they are so interpreted and considered intentional by someone else present there. This results in warding off unsuspected danger to the utterer's life. (c) The double application or interpretation of the verses is made possible on the strength of some words having double meaning therein, and especially because a few of these are such that they function as common nouns in the previous situations, but as proper nouns-as personal names, to be more specific-in the subsequent new situation. 4. In his Akhyanaka-manikosa (circa last quarter of the 11th Cent. A.D.) Nemicandra has alluded to the example of the monk Yava to illustrate the secular and spiritual merits of performing sajjhaya8. Besides giving the usual interpretation of sajjhaya (svadhyayal as 'reading and learning the secred texts'. Amradeva has in his commentary on this verse of Nemicandra given also a narrow interpretation, viz., the regular and repeated recitation of the namaskara-mantra. And the version of Yava's tale he has given, has been provided an additional motivation accordingly. Amradeva's version very closely resembles that of Ksemakirti (which most probably represents the original version known to Sanghadasa). But there are a few significant differences, indicating a different direct source that had altered somewhat the details and motivations of its original. The motivation for kidnapping Adoliya is changed

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346 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies to the customary. In the place of Gardabha's kidnapping her to satisfy his incestuous love, she is here secretly kidnapped by the crafty and ambitious minister, because of the astrologer's prediction that whoever becomes her husband, will be a sovereign king. Moreover, there is an additional character, viz. king Yava's sister's son named Bhaddalaya.10 As a monk had predicted that Bhaddalaya would be Adolia's husband, Yava wanted to hand over kingship to him, but the monk told him that prior to Bhaddalaya, Gardabha was destined for kingship. Thereupon Yava crowned Gardabha as the king to succeed him, and entrusting the latter along with Aloliya to the care of his minister, he himself became a monk. In the BKS commentary version Yava gives up kingship because he becomes disgusted with his son's misbehaviour, but due to deep love, and painful anxiety for his children, he fails in his efforts to memorize the sacred texts. On the other hand, in Amradeva's version, this failure is attributed simply to his old age. So he has to do with reciting only the namaskara formula. Again according to the BKS commentary it is his worry about Gardabha that makes him visit his old seat of kingdom frequently. But in the AMK version, Yava's spiritual teacher sends him to his earstwhile capital, with the foreknowledge that it will be beneficial to Gardabha. Further, according to the latter version, incited by the minister who was greatly perturbed at Yava's visit, Gardabya, accompanied by Bhaddalaya, clandestinely approaches Yava in order to kill him, but reading his own sense in the verse recited by the latter, be returns to his palace, imprisons the minister and recovers his sister. He punishes the minister and marries his sister to Bhaddalaya, crowning the latter as the king to take his place. He then renounces the world. The tale is summed up with the observation that as the recitation of the namaskara formula benelited Yava and the others connected with him, so it can be beneficial to all. But this is followed by one more verse. It is given as a citation. It is in Anustubha metre as against the preceding gathas, indicating that it is borrowed from some earlier version of the tale. It means : Even something that seems at random and

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The Tale of the Royal Monk Yava 347 quite without relevance, should be learnt. Anything that is learnt. is never useless. Once such learning proved so beneficial as to save someone's life. In the BIhat-kathakosa version 14 of Yava's tale, representing the Digam bara tradition, we find some significant differences as compared to the BKS version of Ksemakirti. Here the king Yava himself confines his daughter in a dungeon, as he was afraid that, as predicted by a monk, the kingship will pass on to that man who will marry her. His loss of words and humbling of pride of a monk leads him to give up his kingdom and become monk. Feeling humiliation and frustration at his failure to memorize the sacred texts, he goes out to visit holy places. On his way, seeing the donkeys dragging a cart to and fro in their attempt to eat corn from the roadside field Yava utters a verse15 spontaneously osed (under divine inspiration of Valmiki !) to describe the situation. Similarly witnessing the boys looking for the lost tip-cat and the frog appearing and running away timidly, the inspired Yava produces two more verses. These verses he uses as texts for his daily religious observances. In the Bihathkathakosa tale, Yava composes one more verse in this fashion. Enlightened by the waterfetching ladies, he learns that due to recurrent friction with waterpots tiny pits developed even on the stony surface of the steps of a well. So he feels he should not despair of memorizing the sacred texts. He produces the fourth verse with this purport, and returns to his city where his guru was staying for the time being. The rest of the tale is similar to what we find in the BKS Commentary, except two details : As he hears the second verse recited by Yava, Gardabha thinks that thereby his father wants to inform him about his sister, and at the end, both Gardabha and Dirgha get pardoned (but Sricandra gets the minister banished). 6. Most of the differences of the Digam bara version from the Svetambara version (as we have it in the BKS commentary) can be quite reasonably interpreted as later features. Similarly, the Musika Jataka version, which stands far apart from the Jaina: versions is clearly a secondary reworking of the old material. The

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348 Prakrit and Apabhraisa Studies key verses also seem to have been altered to suit the new orientation given to the tale. So it has not been taken up here for .consideration. But in the Dhammapada-atthakatha, the tale of the world-renowned teacher, the young man, and the king of Benares'16, we have a new version of the basic motif of the tale of Yava which has persisted in varying forms down to the present day. A dull-witted man, repeating at night a stanza taught him as a charm by his teacher with great difficulty, scares away, later on, the thieves who took the uttered verse as addressed to them. The king of the city who happened to witness this scene on his secret nightly rounds, learns the charm from the man and as he repeats it loudly while he is being shaved, the barbar thinks that the king has detected his murderous design. The barbar confesses and thus the king's life is saved. An irrelevant, seemingly nonsense verse, memorized and uttered by a dullard, becomes meaningfuily applicable in an unsuspected situation so as to save the life of the utterer--this features is commonly shared by this tale and the tale of Yava. But the Dhammapada-atthakatha tale represents a basic transformation of the tale of Yava, and so the three key verses of the latter do not figure in it. From these various versions of the tale of Yava we ean see that here what we have is a folk-tale set in an alien frame for religious purposes. This impression is further confirmed by the fact that the characteristic motifs similar to this tale are found recurring in several later tales down to the present day. There is a tale-type known as Doctor Know-All (Aarne-Thompson, 'Types of the Folk-Tale', no. 1641), having more than four hundred variants current all over Europe and Asia17. In the version which we have in the Kathasaritsagara18, the Brahmana Harisarman, posing as an astrologer, first-finds a lost horse (which he had previously hidden). Thereafter, placed alone in a chamber in the royal palace to detect the theft of the king's treasure, as he was loudly blaming his tongue (jihva) for his present plight19, the maid named Jihva, who had stolen the treasure and who, alarmed by Harisarman's reputed knowledge, was outside the chamber, close

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The Tale of the Royal Monk Yava 349 to the door, trying to find out what was he about, hears the latter's words, and interpreting them to mean that her crime is. discovered, she goes to him and confesses. Lastly, he is asked by the king so guess what was there in the covered pitcher placed before him. Thereupon lamenting his fate loudly, he refers to himself by his childhood petname 'Frog' (manduka) and by this. lucky coincidence wins the test. Several variants of this tale are found at present in Gujarat and other regions. In the variant known as Tida Josi20 (The Fake Astrologer) prior to the test of finding out the lost treasure, the pretender finds out through clevernees the lost bullocks and the number of cakes prepared in the kitchen, and passes this off as due to his astrological knowledge. The theft is detected by his calling out to nimdardi 'sleep'), because through anxiety he was not getting sleep, and by coincidence Nimdaroi happened to be the name of the palace maid who had stolen the treasure. In the final test, the king asks Tida, to guess what he had caught in his list. Thereupon as the latter blamed himself loudly for the sorry plight, apostrophying himself by his name Tila, the king opens his fist to let go the imprisoned grasshopperstid) and richly rewards the 'astrologer'. In this version we find : (1) The use of double-meaning words, which function as common nouns in some situations but as proper nouns in other situations, (2) a casual utterance understood by some overhearer or listener in a meaning quite unintended by the speaker, and (3) these facts accidently resulting in averting danger to the life of the speaker. These features of Harisarman/Tida Josi are common with the tale of Yava. Similarly the tale known as 'Ghaso Lalia Ghaso' or 'Gurunantio 21 current in Gujarat, preserves many of the basic features of the Dhammapada-atthakatha tale noted earlier. There is another variant also of this tale current in Gujarat and other regions, offering an amalgam of the two different versions. It is known as "Khad-bad Khad-bad Khodat He"22. A dull-witted Brahmana is somehow taught by his wife a Sanskrit verse for reciting before

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350 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies the king to seek favour. He forgets the verse on his way, but seeing some fowls, picking in a refuge dump, is inspired to loudly utter an instantly composed verse-line. The fowls look up with stretched necks and another line comes out. The huddled up fowls inspire a third line and when the scared birds run away, the dullard completes the verse. This absurd doggerel he recites in the King's assembly. It baffles the pundits. The king trying to make out the recondite meaning of the verse recites at midnight in his bed the verse-lines one by one at short intervals. The thieves near his bed room, overhearing and construing these utterances as referring to them run away. The thieves were palace guards themselves. They own up next day. The Brahmana is rewarded. The feature of disconnected lines, spontaneously composed by a dullard, is common between this tale and the Brhatkathakosa version of the tale of Yava. Notes and References 1. jai da kramda-silogehi yamo maranadu phedio raya / patto ya su-samannam kim puna jina-vutta-suttena // (Bha. Ara., v. 772 = Bha. Pa, v. 87 with the variants : kamda-silogehim javo ta; rakkhio). Sricandra in his Kanakosu explains Khanda-sloka as a verse not connected with the scriptural text or alternatively, 'a verse composed on the spur of the moment. But it was probably equivalent to sloka-khanda. 2. Ed. by Chaturvijaya and Punyavijaya, Part 2, Bhavnagar, 1936. 3. See A. Metter, 'Eine Jinistische Parallel zum Musika-Jataka', K. Bruhn and A. Wezler (ed.), Studien zum Jainimsus und Buddhismus (Gedenkschrift fur L. Alsdorf), Wiesbaden, 1981, pp. 155-161. 4. BIhat-kalpa-stra, 2, p. 359-361. 5. adhavasi padhavasi, mamam va vi nirikkhasi / lakkhio te maya bhavo, javam pat!hesi gaddabha // (BKS, v. 1157). Variants : jasi esi puno ceva, pasesu tritillasi / (according to the Curri).

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The Tale of the Royal Monk Yava 351 osakkasi ya aisakkasi ya, bahusu ya jam paloesi ! (according to the Visesa-Curni). 6. io gaya io gaya maggijjamti na disati / ahmeyam viyanami, agade chudha adoliya // (BKS, v. 1158) Variants : bile padita (acc. to the Curnis). 7. sukumalaga bhaddalaya, rattim himdana-silaya / bhayam te natthi mammato, dihapaatthao te bliayan // (BKS. v. 1159) Variants dihapatthassa bibhehi, natthi te mamato bhayam (acc. to the Curnis). 8. Punyavijaya Muni (ed.), Akyanaka-mani-kosa, Varanasi, 1962, v. 19. 9. AMK, pp. 146-147. 10. This character has obviously originated from the term of address bhaddalaya 'simpleton', found in the doggerel uttered by the potter on sighting a timid mouse. In the text of Amradeva's version once the form is given as bhaddulava (v. 19). Similarly, for adoliya of BKS, we find there aroliya, which form occurs also at AMK, p. 201, vv. 274, 275. In later versions we have one more variant, anullija. Ksemakirti gives undoiya as its synonym. This again has a variant for unnaiya (AMK, p. 147, v. 14, 15; p. 209, v. 540). All these forms appear to be variants of one basic form. Modern Gujarati has adoli, 'a short stick-like wooden piecetied to the end of a rope used as tether, wound round a churning rod etc. 11. For the first verse (vide note 5) : Pada a : avaghasasi ghasasi ulutta; b. ceva; d : pecchesi. Second verse (vide note 6) : b: ioijjahti, c: vayan evam viyanamo d: padiya. Third verse : (vide note 7): c: mama, sayasao natthi te bhavan. 12. Ed. by H. B. Sheth, Varanasi, 1911; Yava's tale on p. 144. 13. For the first verse : a : uhavasi; pahavasi: b: ceva; c: te abhippao; d: pucchasi. Second verse : a : ao gaya tuo gava; b: amhe na dittha; d : anullia. Third verse : a : sukumalava

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352 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies komala bhaddalaya; b: tumhe rattim; c: amha pasao na te bhayam. 14. A. N. Upadhye (ed.) Bihatkathakosa. Bombay, 1943. Tale no. 61 : Yamanuni-kathanaka (pp. 132-134). Most of the tales of the Bihatkathakosa are Sanskrit versions of some lost Prakrit originals. There are some obvious errors, confusions, misunderstandings and gaps in these renderings. As some other (Araddhana) Kathakosas, like that of Sricandra, for example, seem to have also used the same Prakrit source, the Brahakathakosa tale requires to be checked and supplemented for some details with the help of the related Kathakosas. The word for the 'tipcat' (and so also the name of the princess) is given here as konika (oc kannika). In the Svetambara versions kaniya or kaaika mean the stick with which the 'tipcat is struck. 15. The Brhatkathakosa gives rough Sanskrit renderings of the Prakrit verses that played the key role in the tale. The original verses are given by Sricandra. See H. L. Jain, Kahakosu, Ahmedabad, 1969, Sandhi 23, Kadavaka, 3-4, 9-10, 1314, 19-20. We give here important differences from the text of the first three of these verses as found in the BKS. First verse: a : ayaddhadha pariyad dhadhi; b: puno vi samayaddhadha; d: patthcha. Second verse : adhavadha paridvavadha, puno vi samadhayadha tumhettha mamdabuddhi, chidde passaha koniyam// Third verse : uppalanalasidalamgo, ma himdasu viyale amhado natthi bhayam, dihado dissade bhayam. The text of these verses given partially in the Kathakosas of Prabhacandra and Nemicandra (see Bshatkathakosa, p. 384, notes on tale no. 61) and in the Punyasrava-kathahosa (ed. A. N. Upadhye and H. L. Jain, Sholapur, 1964; p. 105) has some more variants. First verse : a: kaddhasi punu nikkhevasi re gaduhaha; b: javam paithesi khudidum. Second verse : a : annattha kim paloraha, b: tunhe ettha nibuddhiya (v. 1 ettharauni nibuddiya); d : chidde acchai koniya. Third verse : de lisado bhaya tuma (v. 1. twiha).

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353 The Tale of the Royal Monk Yava 16. H. C. Norman, The Commentary on the Dhammapada, I, ii, London, 1909, pp. 250-253; E. W. Burlingame, Buddhist Legends, I, HOS, 28, 1921, pp. 306-309. The charm is: ghattesi, ghattesi, kimkarana ghattesi, ahampi tam janami. "You are rubbing, You are rubbing! Whom are you rubbing? I know too." 17. See S. Thompson, The Folktale, New York, 1946, pp. 144-145. 18. Kaihasaritsagara, VI, vv. 92-135; C. H. Tawny and N. M. Penzer, The Ocean of Story, 1968 reprint, III, 73-73; on pp. 75-76 is given a note on the "Doctor Know-All" motif. 19. Vv. 117 and 135 in the tale of Harisarman are the key verses of the tale with different meanings for the speaker and the hearer. 20. See G. Badheka, Bal-vartao, Part 6, Ahmedabad, 1979, 6-8. 21. S. Acharya of Gujarat Vidyapith (Ahmedabad) has recorded this tale from Central Gujarat. The charm exactly corresponds in meaning to the same in the Pali tale. It goes like "ghas ghas kya kare? Tari vat mem jani. 'Why are you rubbing and rubbing? I know what are you after'. I am thankful to Dr. Acharya for this reference. 22. See G. Badheka, Bal-vartao, Part 5, Ahmedabad, 1979, pp. 14-18. pp.

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19. SOME VERSIONS OF THE TALE OF VYAGHRAMARI The tale of Vyaghramari (No. 32 and 43 in the Sukasaptati, Textus Simplicior, ed. R. Schmidt, 1893; reprinted. 1959) can be outlined as follows: A quarrelsome woman once picked up a quarrel with her husband and left home taking her two young sons alongwith her. While passing through a thick forest she saw a tiger about to charge at her. Putting up a bold face she slapped her sons saying, "Why are you quarrelling to have each of you a whole tiger for the dinner? You share this one for the time. We may shortly chance to get another one.' Hearing these words the tiger thought her to be none else than the legendary Tiger-killer, and scared to death he fled. On the way a jackal tried to convince him that what he believed to be the Tiger-killer was a mere human being. The tiger, not quite trusting the jackal, agreed to go back with the jackal tethered on his neck. As the woman saw the strange pair approaching, she pointed an accusing finger at the jackal and shouted, "You crook! Previously you supplied me three tigers and hence I trusted you. How is that you have now brought just one ?' Hearing these words the tiger took to his heels. In the version presereved in a Kashmiri folk tale, it is a farmer's wife who posing as a tiger-killer tries this trick, because her husband was forced to promise a cow to the tiger (cheetah) in order to save himself. The scared tiger in his second approach ties up his tail with that of the jackal, who dragged and dashed on the ground by the fleeing tiger meets his death in the end.* In another version, expanded and mixed with another motif and current in Rajasthan and Gujarat, the animals are three instead of two viz., lion, hyena and monkey and each one is outwitted in turn. * A very short summary we find in the Pancasati-prodha-sambun tha of Subhasila (Story no. 454 p. 246), ed. Mrugendra Muni, Surat, 1968.

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The Tale of Vyaghramari 355 The earliest version of the tale is found in a Vinaya text of the Buddhists, viz., the Bhiksuni-vinaya of the Arya-MahasanghikaLokottaravadin. The Buddhist Sanskrit text of the tale and its outline in English are reproduced below from Roth's edition of the Bhiksuni-vinaya. iya strI rAtrau dArikAM skandhenAdAya gacchati / siMho ca purataH pratyupasthito / sA dAni dArikA dRSTvA ruditA / tAya striyAya dArikA capeTayA AhatA-'eko te siMho khAditA eta pi khAditukAmAsi' ] siMhaH pazyati-'yAdRzI eSA khI dhvAMkSA ca mukharA ca khAdatyeSA mamAyIti / bhIta: prapAlayati / puratI markaTaH AgatvA siMha pRcchati-'mRgarAja-putra kahiM gamiSyasi' / siMho jalpati-'bhaya' meM upapanna / vAnaraH pRcchati-'kIdRza bhayaM' / siMhA vistareNAcikSati / so jalpati naivaM vaktavyaM / siMhastva mRgarAja / kastvAM prahariSyati / AgacchAhi nivartAhi' / sa necchati / siMhI vAnareNa kezehi gRhItaH / 'AgacchAhIti' / sA dArikA dRSTvA praruditA / sA strI jalpati / 'mA rodAhi dArike eSo tava mAtu: kenAnIto kezehi gRhItvA idAnI yan na icchasi taM se khAdAhIti' / siMhaH pazyati-'mA haivaM saMketa-kRta' bhaviSyati / evamevAnIyAnIya deti eSApi khAdati / yat tAvadaha ekaM vAra prapalAna: kiM bhayo nivartita.' / so dAni tasya markarasya abadhunitvA prapalAnaH / **(The Lord) relates the story of a woman who walks at night carrying her child on her shoulder. All of a sudden a lion stands before them. The child starts crying. The woman gives a slap to the child saying: 'One lion has already been eaten by you, and now you want to eat this one also'. The lion notes how forwardly eloquent and bold the woman is in regard to him. He gets frightened and runs away. A monkey sees the lion fleeing. Astoni. shed, he asks, 'How it happened that the king of deers is running away'. The lion tells his story. The monkey says this is not the behaviour of a king and asks him to return. He refuses. After this the monkey jumps down and drags the lion by his mane to the place where mother and child are walking. Again the child cries. The woman says, 'Don't cry, the lion has been brought back by his mane to your mother; if you want to eat him, now eat him.' On hearing this, the lion turns the monkey from his neck, and runs away".

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356 Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies The Sanskrit text of the portion where the woman again, consoles the weeping child seems to be slightly corrupt. In the sentence gat ng hig: garsiat Fatie zacal the words alg: wanitat do not make any sense. In all probability the text is to be emended as Algoatian. On sighting the lion being led by the monkey, she brilliantly remarks : 'My child, don't cry. Here comes your uncle dragging the escaped lion by the mane'. Referring to the monkey as the child's maternal uncle absolutely convinces the suspicious lion that the monkey was in leage with the woman. In a current version too the jackal which takes the place of the monkey and which approaches the woman after having tied up its tail with that of the lion is similarly referred to. A search for other Prakrit and modern Indian folk versions and a systematic comparison of all the versions are obviously the two aspects that invite further efforts to study this tale.

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INFORMATION ABOUT THE PREVIOUS PUBLICATION OF PAPERS I 1. Paryayabandha and Samghata. Journal of the Ganganatha Jha Kendriya Sanskrit Vidya peetha, Allahabad, 25, 3-4, July-Oct. 1971, pp. 71-75. 2. The Satprajnagatha and HIdayavati. Vidya, Ahmedabad, A-Humanities, 15, 2, August 1972, pp. 1-21. 3. Dombika and sidgaka. Vidya, Ahmedabad, A-Humanities, 12, 1, January 1969, pp. 1-14. 4. Some Specimens of the Carcari Song. Sambodhi, Ahmedabad, 1, 1, April 1972, pp. 15-27; Papers Contributed to the Seminar in Prakrit Studies, October, 1971, University of Bombay, Bombay, pp. 34-45. :5. On Chatra and Calli ; English version of the Gujarati article, 'Uparupaka Chatra ane Nsttaprakar Calli', Samipya, Ahmedabad, 1985, pp. 116-123. 6. The Characterizing Function of Verse in Sanskrit Drama. Bulletin of the Chunilal Gandhi Vidyabhavan, Surat, no. 25, August 1981, pp. 1-7. 7. The Dhruvas in Kalidasa's Vikramorvasiya. Bulletin of the Chunilal Gandhi Vidyabhavan, no. 29, 1985-1986, pp. 1-5. 8. Bhavai and the Folk Elements in the Classical Drama. Previously unpublished. 9. The Character of the Aksiptika. Bulletin of the Chunilal Gandhi Vidyabhavan, no. 30, March 1987, pp. 22-25.

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358 Indological Studies 10. The Dhavala Songs. Bulletin d'Etudes Indiennes, Paris, no. 6, 1988, pp. 93-103. 11. The Tarana Mode of Singing. Pt. Dalsukh Malvania Felicitation Volume (Forthcoming). 12. Some Earliest Literary References to the Sarangi. Quarterly Journal, National Centre for the Performing. Arts, 11, 1, 1982, 36-391. 13. Some Early References to the Ravasahasta. Journal of the Oriental Institute, 36, 1-4, 1986-1987, pp. 111-114. 14. Jain Literature and Performing Arts. Published in 'Papers of the 1986 Seminar of the National Centre for the Study of Performing Arts', 1990. JI Some Prakrit Verses of Padalipta. Vishveshvaranand Indological Journal, 12, 1-2, 1974, pp. 26-32. (Linguistic data added from H. C. Bhayani (ed.), Samkhitta-Tarangavai-kaha, L. D. Series, no. 75, 1979, pp. 281-283). 2. Gatha-muktavali. Aspects of Jainology (Pt. Bechardas Doshi Commemora-- tion volume), Vol. 2, Varanasi, 1987, pp. 16-37. 3. The Prakrit Poets Harivrddha, Satavahana and Adhyaraja. Sanskrit and Indological Studies (=V. Raghavan Felicitation: Volume), 1975, pp. 61-76. 4. Bhairavananda. Bharatiya Vidya 8, June 1947, pp. 121-123. 5. The Prakrit and Apabhraisa Ramayanas. Asian Variations in Ramayana (ed. K. R. Srinivasa Iyengar). 1983, pp. 77-82. Combined with 'The Narrative of Rama in the Jain Tradition,' Bharatiya Vidya, 25, 1965, p.p. 18-25; Ramayana Samiksa, 1967, pp. 1-12.

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Information about the Previous Publication of the Papers 359 6. The Apabhramsa Poet Caturmukha. Journal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda, 7, 3, March 1958, pp. 214-224. 7. The Childhood Exploits of Kisna. Sambodhi, Ahmedabad, 11, 1-4, 1982-1983, pp. 121-132. Also, Vaisnavism in Indian Arts and Culture (ed. Ratan Parimoo), 1986, pp. 58-64. 8. Pali, Dhanya and Carukesi. Aspects of Jainology (Pt. Bechardas Doshi Commemoration Volume), Vol. 2, 1987, pp. 81-85. 9. The Evolution of Sanatkumara-carita. Contribution of Jainism to Indian Culture (ed. R. C. Dvivedi), 1975, pp. 26-29. 10. The Sudravatsa-katha. Bulletin d'Etudes Indiennes, no. 6, 1988, pp. 69-91. (Earlier Version : Suddayacariya, a Lost Romantic Tale in Apabhramsa', Proceedings of the Seminar on Prakrit Studies, (1973), Ahmedabad, 1978, pp. 24-27). 11. The Behatkatha, the Vasudevahimdi and the Sources of Two Puranic Episodes : Paper read at the First National Prakrit Conference, Bangalore, December 1990. 12. Apabhramsa Verses Composed by the Paramara King Munja. Agarchada Nahta Abhinandan-grantha, Bikaner, 1977, pp. 90-93. 13. Vardhamana-Suri's Apabhramsa Metres. Sambodhi, Ahmedabad, 13, 1, 4, 1984-1985, pp. 101-109. 14. The Apabhramsa Passages from Abhinavagupta's Tantrasara and Paratrimsikavstti. Vidya, Ahmedabad, 14-2, August 1971, pp. 1-18. 15. The Prakrit and Desabhasa Passages in Somesvara's Manasollasa. K. K. Handiqui Felicitation Volume, 1983, pp. 1671-77.

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360 Indological Studies 16. On the Prakrit Sources of Certain Popular Tale-types and Tale-motifs. Journal of the Gangapatha Jha Kendriya Sanskrit Vidya peetha, Allababad, 29, 1-4, 1973, 145-158. 17. The Magic Bird-Heart. Proceedings of the 26th International Congress of Orientalists; Vol. III, Part 1, 1970, pp. 99-114; also published in Bharatiya Vidya, 23, 1963; pp. 99-114. 18. The Tale of the Royal Monk Yava. Amala Prajna : Aspects of Buddhist Studies (ed. N. A. Santani), 1989, pp. 537-546. 19. Some Versions of the Tale of Vyaghramari. Sambodhi, Ahmedabad, 2, 1, 1973, pp. 47-48.

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INDEX Aarne, Antti 320-321 Abdhimathana 195, 196 ' Abhijnana-Sakuntala 141 Abhilasitartha-cintamani 297 Abhinavabharati 20, 71, 215 Abhinavagupta 5, 6, 7, 224, 276 ff. Acharya, Shantibhai 353 Abhiseka 62 Adilla 299 Agravala R. C. 220 Akhyapaka 120 Akhyanaka-manikosa-vstti 231, 266, 316-317, 345 Aksiptika 72, 80 ff., 117 Alsdorf L. 134, 220, 233, 267 Anka 113 Arabian Nights 247 Aramasobha 315-316 Archaic Prakrit 132 ff. Arya 116 Asokavadana 113 Avasyaka-curni 339 Avasyaka-sutra 260 Badheka Gijubhai 353 Balacarita 64, 221 Bhagavata Purana 257 ff. Bhagavati Aradhana 342 Bhanaka 115 Bhani 115 Bharatesvara-Bahubali-ghora 293 Bharatesvara-Bahubali-rasa 293 Bhatta-parinna 342 Bhavai 75 ff. Bhejjala 215, 224, 247 Bhiksuni-vinaya 354-355 Bhoja 6, 30 ff., 81 Bhuvanapala 142 Book of Sindibad 247 Bremond Claude 340 Bshaddesi 95, 98, 116 Bihatkalpasutra 113, 342 Bthatkatha 247, 255 ff. Brhatkathakosa 54, 115, 230 ff., 347 Brhatkatha-sloka-samgraha 260 Bruhn Claus 233 Candana-Malayagiri 318 Calli 54 Camdaraveni 229 Candravali 229 Carcari 34 ff; 116, 118, 300 Carukesi 228 Caturangaka 306 Caturmukha 183, 195 ff. Catuspadi 116 Caupannamahapurisacariya 16, 40, 113, 193, 230 ff. 312 Chandonusasana 44, 169, 263, -269, 295 Chappannaya 11 ff. Chatra 54 ff. Cinderella (Type 510) 315

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362 Indological Studies Cudala-Doha 272 Cudamani 20 Danced out Shoes (Type 306) 311 ff. Dasakumaracarita 246 Dasavataracarita 295-296 Dattila 116 Desinamamala 3, 4, 167, 170 ff. Dhammapada-athakatha 348 Dhammaparikkha 205 Dhanai 229 Dhanika 226 ff. Dharmopadesamala-vivarana 13, 230 ff, 314 Dhavala 85 ff., 116, 119, 169, 307 Dhol 92 Dhruya 68 ff., 117 Dima 114 Doctor Know-All (Type 1641) 348 Dogharti-vrtti 311, 330 ff. Doha 271, 291 Dohada 309 Dombika 20 ff., 115 Dum biliya 115 Durmilika 26 Duta-ghatotkaca 63 Dutavakya 63 Dvibhangi 52 Dvipadi 116, 163, 271 Dvipathaka 116, 309 Emeneau M. B. 257 (The) Folktale 319 ff. Gaharayana-kosa 213 Gahasattasai 166 Gargasamhita 223 Gatha 116 Ghimdini 51 Gitagovinda 212 Gondali 77 ff. Gosthi 221 Govindakhyana 120. 221 Granthika 120 Gudha 19 Gunamala 20 Hala 166 ff. Hamsauli 334 ff. Hardy Friedhelm 219, 222, 257 Harivamsa 195, 201 ff. Harivamsapurana 205, 211 Harivijaya 174, 220 Harsacarita 112, 172 Hemacandra 4, 5, 7, 11, 29 ff., 85ff., 177 ff., 195 Hialia 15, 19 HIdayavati Gatha 10 ff. Jambusamicariu 89, 119, 205, 234 ff., 264-265 Janmamaranavicara 295. Jaya Senapati 122 Jayavallabha 224 Jhambada 116 Jinadattacariu 205 Joep Bor 103 Josyer. G.R. 229 Jugajjinindacariya 267 Kahakosa 231 Kahavali 192 Kalingasenalabha 247

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Index 363 Kamasastra 13 Kamasena-vipralambha 235 Kanda 116 Karnabhara 64 Karpuramanjari 40, 55, 166, 178 ff. Karpurikalabha 247 Kasliwal K. 233 Kastha-muni 339 Kathaka 120 Kathakosaprakarana 42, 101, 115 Kathasaritsagara 234, 256, 348 Katre S. L. 219 Kavyalaksana 7 Kavyanusasana 120 Kavyamimamsa 172 Konesvara 81 Krishnamachariay 121 Krsnacarita 221 Krsnakarnamita 226 Ksemendra 293 Kulkarni V. M. 220 Kumarapalapratibodha 267 Kuvalayamala 13, 14, 35, 38, 44, 82, 89, 112, 113, 115 116, 119 Laghu-catuspadika 270 Lambaka 5 Lambha 5 Lambhaka 5 Lilasuka Bilvamangala 212 Lilavat-kaha 132, 135, 210 Lilavatisara 113 Literal Pleading (Motif J. 1160) 316 MacClulloch 316 Madanavatara 270 Madhyama 63 Madilla 299 Magic Bird Heart (Type 567) 310, 321 ff. Mahapurana 116, 211, 230 Mahaviracarita 65 Mahaviracariya 338 Mahumahavijaya 220 Mallinahacariya 231, 266 Mankha 112 Manasollasa 43, 77, 95, 116 117, 214, 296 ff. Mangala 116, 119 Manorama-kaha 267 ff. Marakhyana 120 Matska 116 Mette A. 350 Mrcchakacika 65 Mudraraksasa 65, 112 Mulasuddhi-vstti 272 Munja 219, 262 ff. Musika-jataka 347 Nandisutra-vitti 260 Namdiuddha 166 Narasimha Maheto 222 Natyasastra 69 ff. Neminahacariya 231, 274 Nigrodha-jataka 323-325 Nrttaratnavali 77 ff. Ovi 308 Pada-kusala-manava-jataka 260 Paddhadi 270, 291 Paddhati 3 Padmapurana 103, 192, 229

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364 Indological Studies Pali 223 f. Palita 223 ff. Pancadanda-chatra 313 Pancaratra 63 Paratrimsika-vrtti 276 ff. Parya 3 ff. Paryaya 3 ff. Paryayabandha 3 ff. Patridge in the Cart (Motif J. 1511-17) 318 Paumacariya 97, 98, 103, 185, 192, 198 ff., 270 Perana 78 Pottisa 166 Prabandhacintamani 265 Prabandhakosa 39 Prabhavakacarita 39 Pratima 62 Punyasrava-kathakosa 352 Punyavanta-jataka 246 Radda 274, 292 Radha 223 ff. Radha-vipralambha 215, 224, 247 Raghavan 6 ff., 56, 81, 162 ff., 174, 221 Rajasekhara 87 Rasaka 23 ff., 24-25, 116, 291 Rasakarka 215, 224 Rasavalaya 23, 271 Ratpavali 118 Ratnesvara 225 Ravanahastaka(metre) 104-105 Rayanakaramau 205 Revantagiri-rasu 270 Ritthanemicariu 195, 211 Ruben Walter 257 Sadayavatsa-katha 244 ff. Saduktikarnamota 220 Sakalavidhividhana 205 Sakarna 17 Sambakhyana 120 Samdesarasaka 56, 236 Samghata 6 ff. Samgitacunamani 116 Samgitaratnakara 84, 95, 100, 116 Sanatkumara 230 ff. Sanatukumaracariu 234 Saptasataka 3 ff., 12, 19, 129, 213 Sarasvatikaothabharana 72, 81 ff., 131, 172, 207, 214, 225 Sasibimbita 292 Satavahana 166 ff. Satpadi 116 Satprajna-gatha 10 ff. Satprajnaka 11 ff., 17 Savayadhamma-doha 75 Sayalavihivihana-kavva 238 Setubandha 141, 210 Shastri K. K. 222 Sheth Noel 256 Siddhahema 119. 131, 200.ff.. 212, 263 sidga 29-30 Sidgaka 20 ff., 28 ff., 115 Siggada 115 Siri-jataka 325 Srigadita 28 Stagaramanjarikatha 327 ff.: Stngaraprakasa 26 ff., 141, 162, 174, 194, 214-215, 221. 229, 233, 259

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Index Sudamsanacariya 236 ff. Sudayavatsa-vira-prabandha 235 Suddayacariya 245 Sudravatsakatha 235 ff. Sukasarika 302 Sukasaptati 354 Suloyana-cariu 205 Supasanaha-cariya 100 Svayambhucchandas 15, 19, 72, 87, 117, 129, 182, 194 ff., 212 ff., 224, 295 Tantrasara 276 ff. Tarana 95 ff. Tejja 98 Tenna Giti 95 ff. Thompson Stith 311 ff. Tida Josi 349 Tilakamanjari 114 Tribhangi 116 Tripadi 292 Upadesamala-vivarana 230, 266 Upamitibhavaprapanca-katha 38 Uparupaka 20 ff., 54 ff., 71, 76 ff., 114 ff., 221 Urubhanga 64 Utsaha 173 Utsrtikanka 113 Uttaradhyayana-vrtti 231 Uttarapurana 192, 231 Vadanaka 116, 270, 291 Vaddakaha 258 Vaddaradhane 112 Vahuvali-cariu 205 * Vajja 3 ff. Vajjalagga 3, 89, 119, 213, 224 ff Vakovakya 225 Vardhamana-suri 266 ff. Vastu 116, 299 Vastuvadanaka 271 Vasudevahindi 134, 193, 231 ff., 257 ff. 365 Vasudevahindi-(Madhyama khanda) 55, 115 Velankar H. D. 73, 221, 224 Vetalapacisi 336 Vetalapancavimsati 246 Vibudhananda 113-114 Vicitra 303 Vidagdha-gatha 13 Vidagdhagosthi 12 Vikramorvasiya 45, 68 ff., 96, 80 ff., 117 Viraha-bhakti 257 Virahanka 85 Visakhila 116 Visnu Purana 259 Vithi 114 Vivahalo 91 Vrajya 3 ff. Vrddhakavi 166 Vrttajatisamuccaya 163 Vyaghramari 354 ff. What Should I Have Done (Type 1696, Motif J. 1160) 314-315 Yamamuni-kathanaka 352 Yava Rajarsi 342 ff.

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