Indological Studies

Author(s): H C Bhayani
Publisher: Parshva Prakashan
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/022756/1

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INDOLOGICAL
STUDIES
Literary and Performing Arts Prakrit and Apabhraíša Studies
H.C. BHAYANI

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Present work, a collection of 33 papers and articles on various aspects of Indology by Shri H.C. Bhayani, a great Indologist, covers a wide range of subjects. Right from the problems of Poetics, Dramaturgy, Drama. Jaina literature to the Prakrit and Apabhramśa studies; the author has very ably presented some glaring and hitherto unknown aspects in their respective areas. In support to his viewpoint, Mr. Bhayani has quoted lines from Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhramsa and the old Gujarati. Present work decidedly exhibits the writer's critical acumen of evaluating the literary works and as such this work is equally useful to the researchers and readers of Indology in general.
Rs. 250

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Indological Studies

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INDOLOGICAL STUDIES
LITERARY AND PERFORMING ARTS PRAKRIT AND APABHRAŇŚA STUDIES
H.C. BHAYANI
PARSHVA PRAKASHAN
AHMEDABAD

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INDOLOGICAL STUDIES
Collection of Research Papers on Indological Subjects
by
HARIVALLABH BHAYANI
H. C. Bhayani First Edition : 1993 Price: Rs. 250-00
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
vii
Preface PARTI: LITERARY AND PERFORMING ARTS
(1) 1. Paryāyabandha and Samghāta 2. The Șatprajñaka - gāthā and Hrdayavati 3. Dombikā and șidgaka 4. Some Specimens of the Carcari Song 5. On Chatra and Calli
(2) 6. The Characterizing Function of Verse in Sanskrit Drama 61 7. The Dhruvās ia Kālidāsa's Vikramorvastya
68 8. Bhayāl and the Folk Elements in the Classical Drama 75
80
85
(3) 9. The Character of Ākşiptikā 10. The Dhavala Songs 11. The Tarāņā Mode of Singing : Its Origin 12. Some Earliest Literary References to the Sārangi 13. Some Early Literary References to the Rāvaņahasta
95
100 103
(4) 14. Jain Literature and Performing Arts
111
PART II : PRAKRIT AND APABHRÁŠA STUDIES 1. Some Prakrit Verses of Pādalipta and the Authenticity of the Taramgalolā
129 2. Gāthā-muktāvali : A Newly Discovered Recension of Hāla's Sapta-sata ka
139 3. The Prakrit Poets Harivrddha, Sātavāhana and Adhyarāja
162

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vi
195
235
257
4. Bhairavānanda
179 5. The Prakrit and Apabhramśa Rāmāyaṇas
182 6. The Apabhramsa Poet Caturmukha 7. The Childhood Exploits of Kļşņa According to Some
Pre-eleventh Century Prakrit and Apabhramśa Texts 209 8. Pāli, Dhanyā and Cārukesi : Three of the Earliest Mentioned Krşņa's Sweethearts
223 9. The Evolution of Sanatkumāra-Carita
230 10. The Sudravatsa-kathā 11. The Byhatkathā, the Vasudevahimời and the Sources of
two Purāṇic Kạşņa-carita Episodes 12. Apabhraíśa Verses Composed by the Paramāra
King Muñja 13. Vardhamāna-sūri's Apabhraṁsa Metres 14. The Apabhraíša Passages from Abhinavagupta's Tantrasāra and Parātrimśūrā-vștti
276 15. The Prakrit and Deśabhāsā Passages in Someśvara's
Mānasollāsa 16. On the Prakrit Sources of Certain Indian Tale-types and Tale-motifs
310 17. The Magic Bird-heart 18. The Tale of the Royal Monk Yava
342 19. Some Versions of the Tale of Vyāghramārī
354 Information about the Previous Publication of the Papers
Errata
263
297
321
357

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PREFACE
I have collected here my Indological papers and articles relating to the areas of (1) Literary and Performing Arts and (2) Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies which were previously published in various journals, Felicitation Volumes etc. during the last four decades or so, and many of which were not within easy
reach of the scholars.
I am very grateful to Babubhai Shah of the Parshva Prakashan who has readily ventured to undertake the burden of this publication. I hope to publish a second collection also indue course.
Vijaya Daśami V. S. 2047
17 October 1991
H. C. Bhayani

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1. PARYAYABANDHA AND SAMGHĀTA
1. The Vrajyā, Paryā and Paryāyabandha
While describing the various types of literary compositions or genres Viśvanātha has defined Kośa as a collection of verses that are contextually independent from each other, and that Kośa which is arranged in Vrajyās is, according to him, specially attractive.! Vrajyā here designates any collection of homogeneous verses, the homogeneity consisting in the sameness of topic. We have several well-known instances of Sanskrit and Prakrit anthologies of stray verses arranged topic-wise into sections called Vrajyā. Vidyākara's Subhāṣitaratnakośa? (c. 1100 A. D.) consists of fifty Vrajyās which include Vasanta-vrajyā, Mānini-vrajyā, Asati-vrajyā, Kavistutivraiyā, etc. Similarly the Prakrit anthology Vajjālagga3 (after eighth century A. D.) and Sādhāraṇadeva's recension of Hāla's Saptaśataka (about fourteenth century A. D.) have Sk. vrajyā or Pk. vajjā as the section name. Now Vrajyā is indeed "a rare word for ‘section."4 It is otherwise known only in the meaning of 'the act of going or moving. The connection between the two meanings of vrajyā is anything but obvious. The fact is, vrajya in the sense of a topical section of a verse anthology' is not a genuine Sanskrit word. As defined by Viśvanātha and as known from Sanskrit verse anthologies, it is nothing but a Sanskritization of the Prakrit term vajjā. Prakrit vajjā with the meaning adhikāra “topic, section is recorded by Hemacandra, significantly as a Deść word in his Dešināmamālā (7, 32). Again the Vajjālagga equates vajjā with paddhai, Sk. paddhati, and defines it as a group of Gāthās pertaining to the same subject-matter or topic. Thus according to the Vajjālagga, the meaning and function of the term vajjà are the same as those of the term paddhati used in Sanskrit anthologies like Bhartphari's Nitišataka, Jalhaņa's Sūktimuktāvali, Vallabhadeva's Subhāşitāvali, etc. The meaning adhikära for vaijā given by Hemacandra is obviously based on such usage as he

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Literary and Performing Arts
found in Prakrit (and Sanskrit) anthologies. But still the question remains what is the etymological origin of this vajjā and how did it come to have the meaning adhikāra or paddhati? Outside of the usage of the anthologies, these meanings remain unattested from the rest of Prakrit and Sanskrit literatures. Luckily a remark of Hemacandra helps to solve the problem.
In his commentary on Desinäma-mālā 6,1 Hemacandra has observed that of the three Prakrit words having the same phonological shape pajja, only the one meaning 'ladder' is Deśya. The other two with the meanings 'adhikara' and 'mārga' derive respectively from Sanskrit paryaya 'a type of composition' and padyā 'track'. Now Prakrit pajjā and vajjā both meaning adhikara cannot be different words. Sanskrit p, when medial and intervocal, corresponds to Prakrit v. When pajjā formed the latter member of a compound as in vasamta-pajjā, asai-pajjā etc., its p could be treated as medial and so be changed to v. Thus pajjā and vajjā both meaning adhikāra 'topic, section' derive from Sanskrit paryāya through the inermediate form pajjāa paryāya->pajjāa>vajjā. Vrajya is nothing but false Sanskritization or a sort of back formation devised by Sanskritists who lost sight of the connection between Sanskrit paryāya and Prakrit vajjā. Feeling some insecurity about the coinage vrajyā, Ratnadeva has offered padyā ( = paddhati, sarani) as an alternative explanation of Pk. vajjā and sought some justification for it from the Amarakosa. Hemacandra clearly states that paryaya, the source of Prakrit pajjā, had the meaning of prabandhabheda 'a type of literary composition'. Anandavardhana is the earliest authority to refer to the paryaya type as paryāyabandha. The Locana defines it as a verse composition consisting of independent units given to describing a single subject like the spring season. This definition is borrowed by Hemacandra and the Agnipurāna, but they have paryā and paryābandha in the place of paryaya and paryayabandha. Parya is just a syllable-to-syllable Sanskritization of the later Prakrit form pajjā. The various Sanskrit and Prakrit forms of the name of the genre Paryayabandha are to be correlated as under:

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Paryāyabandha and Samghāta
Sk. paryāya > Pk. pajjāa; pajjā> Pk. vajja Pk. pajjā > Sk. paryā, padyā Pk. vajjā > Sk. vrajyā
We may note in passing that the strange developments undergone by the term paryāya tind a striking parallel in what happened to the term designating the divisons of the Paiśāci Bịhat katha.? From original lambha (meaning ‘aquisition, attainment'), it became lambhaka through pleonastic extension. Due to ignorance or phonological change these were turned into lamba and lambaka, were adopted in Sanskrit and were reinterpreted or else they were replaced by the acceptable Sanskrit synonym läbha. Thus misunderstanding of a Prakrit term, Sanskritization and reinterpretation arø the common features in the history of the terms lambha and paryāya.
The appropriateness of the designation Paryāyabandha is quite obvious. It is a composition in which the same topic is described in its various aspects (paryāya); or variations (paryāya) are worked out on the same theme. The aptness of the term paryāya is in glaring contrast with the forced and artificial interpretation of the manufactured term wajyā.
The identification of the Paryāyabandha with the Vrajyā readily solves a mystery : How was it that even though authorities like Anandavardhana and Abhinavagupta thought it worth while to take note of the type Paryāyabandha, so far we had not been able to identify even a single actual work of that type ? It now becomes clear that in the Vrajyās or Vajjās of the Subhāşita anthologies we have as many examples of the Paryāyabandha as we would wish to have. Hemacandra has stated this clearly : Paryās are seen in abundance in the Kośas. This is echoed by Viśvanātha in the definition we cited previously. The same characteristic of the Paryāyabandha which is specified by Abhinavagupta with the expression ekavarnaniyoddeśya is expressed by others with different wordings, e. g. eka-praghattakopanibandha (Hemacandra, Alankāracūļāmaņi on Kāvyānuśāsana, VIII 12),8 sajātiyānāmekatra sanniveśah (Visvanātha).

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Now prior to Anandavardhana we do not get any treatment of the Paryāyabandha as a literary genre9. Instead we find a very similar type called Samghāta. But this point requires to be discussed separately.
2. The Paryāyabandha and the Sanghāta
Under the Anibaddha class of literary compositions, the authorities on Sanskrit poetics generally mention Muktaka, Saṁdānitaka (=Yugalaka), Višeşaka, Kalāpaka, Kulaka, Koša, Samghāta and/or Paryāyabandha, besides a few others. 10 Daņdin and Bhoja do not mention the Paryāyabandha. Similarly Anandavardhana is silent about the Samghāta. Hemacandra and Viśvanātha have both, the Paryāyabandha and the Samghāta. Some difficulty seems to have been felt about formulating the principles of distinction for a few of these literary types and there was probably some confusion and uncertainty about classifying the middle-length compositions as can be seen from their conflicting treatments. Abhinavagupta defines the Paryāyabandha as follows:
avāntara-kriya-samāptāv api vasanta-varṇanādy-ekavarṇaniyoddeśyena pravsttah paryāyabandhaḥ.
(Locana on Dhvanyāloka, III 7)
This means that the verse composition called Paryāyabandha consisted not of one but several self-contained syntactic-semantic units and it aimed at describing one single subject like the spring season. Compare with this what Bhoja has to say about the Samghāta :
eka-praghattopanibaddhānām subhāṣitānām samūha! Sanghätaḥ. Aneka-praghattakopanibaddhānām tu kośaḥ.
(Raghavan, Bhoja's Srngäraprakāśa, p. 630) This means that the Samghāta is a collection of independent verses on one single theme, while the Kośa is a collection of verses on various themes.

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Paryāyabandha and Sanghata
This would make the Paryāyabandha and the Samghāta as one and the same type. And the same conclusion would follow from Ratnaśrijñāna's definition of the Samghāta, which is as follows :
nänā-bhittayo bhinna-kriyāḥ svatantrāh ślokāh kośavat sthäpitäh kośaḥ. Ekåp bhittis prāvrdādikai varnayitu samudāyena pravriļā bhinnakriyāh ślokāh Sanghātah.
(Kāvgalakşaña, 1 13, commentary)
This means that the Kośa is a treasury of self-contained verses syntactically independent and pertaining to various themes, while the Samghāta is a group of verses syntactically independent but purporting to describe one single theme like the rainy season.
Accordingly one would suspect that what was called Saṁghāta earlier came to be called Paryāyabandha later. But in the definition of the Samghāta given by Bhoja at another place one additional detail occurs :
eka-praghattake yas tv eka-ksto bhavati sūkti-samudāyah samghātaḥ sa nigaditah Vịndāvana-Meghadūtādi.
(Raghavan, op. cit., p. 808)
This means that Samghāta is a group of self-contained verses pertaining to a single theme and of single authorship, like the Vīndāvana and the Meghadüta.
Hemacandra seems to have made a clever use of this for providing separate niches for the Samghāta and the Paryāyabandha types. According to him Paryā is a group of Muktakas pertaining to the same theme, and this definition he takes to be substantially the same as given by Abhinavagupta, which also he reproduces. Further be defines Kośa as consisting of a number of Paryās. And as for the Samghāta, he reproduces Bhoja's definition.11 Thus the distinction between the Samghāta and the Paryāyabandha world rest solely on the fact of authorship : if the work is an

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anthology of stray verses of different authors on the same theme it would be called Paryāyabandha; but the same type of work of one author would be called Samghāta. In actual practice we find the term vrajyā, a fourth reincarnation of the term Paryāya, frequently used in the anthologies. But the term sanghāta seems to have gone out of vogue quite early, and so when Bhoja mentions the Meghadūta as an example of the Samghāta type, one justifiably feels skeptical about there being a sound earlier tradition in this regard. 12
Notes
1. kośaḥ śloka-samūhas tu syādanyonyānapekşakaḥ/
vrajyā-krameņa racitaḥ sa evātimanoramah// sajātiyānāmekatra sanniveśo vrajyā, yathā Muktāvalyādi.
(Sāhityadarpana, 6, 329). 2. Subhāşitaratnakośa, ed. D. D. Kosambi and V. V. Gokhale
(1957), Introduction p. XXX. 3. Vajjālaggaṁ, ed. M. V. Patwardhan (1969), Introduction p. X. 4. Kosambi, Introduction to the Subhāşitaratnakośa, p. XXX. 5. ekkatthe patthāve jattha padhijjamti paura-gāhāol
tam khalu vajjālaggam vajja tti paddhai bhaniyā||
(Vajjālagga, 4) 6. “avāntarakriyāsamāptāv api vasantavarṇanādyekavarşani
yoddeśyena pravșttah paryāyabandhah.'(Locana on Dhvanyāloka,
III. 7) 7. For a discussion, see Raghavan, Bhoja's šķřgāra Prakāša
(1963), pp. 844-6. 8. Besides Hemacandra has also reproduced Abhinavagupta's
definition. 9. See Raghavan, op. cit., pp. 611, 631.

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10. See for example Hemacandra's Kävyänuśāsana VIII 10, commentary. For a general and comparative survey, Raghavan, op. cit., ch. XXI.
see
11. 'muktakānām eka-praghaṭṭakopanibandhaḥ Paryā. avāntaravākyasamāptāv api vasantādyekavarnaniyoddesena muktakānām' upanibandhaḥ Parya. sā kośeşu pracuram drsyate yatha Saptasatakādiḥ. Ekapraghaṭṭake ekakavikṛtaḥ sūktisamudāyo Vṛndāvana-Meghadūtādiḥ samghātaḥ. (Alankaracūḍāmaṇi on Kayyānuśāsana, VIII 12-13)
12. Compare Raghavan's reaction, op. cit., p. 629.

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2. THE SATPRAJNAKA-GĀTHA AND HRDAYAVATÌ
In a passage pointing out the presence, in some form or other, of Dhvani iņ all poetic compositions, Ānandavardhana has illustratively mentioned 'Hrdayavati' as a special class within the type of Gāthā compositions like the Saţprajña Gāthal. The Locana offers some clarification of the terms ‘HỊdayavati' and "Satprajña' and cites two stanzas of Bhațţendurāja as instances of the HỊdayavati Gāthā. According to Abhinavagupta the Hşdayavati is well-known in the Goșthis of Prakrit poets. He also gives its Prakrit name which the manuscripts have preserved as hiaalalia or aalia. And the Satprajñas, according to him, are those who have a special knowledge of means and ends relating to Dharma, Artha and Kāma.
Further clarifications of the two terms under discussion offered in various modern editions of the Dhvanyāloka are more or less speculative or fanciful. But Raghavan has thrown some light on the term Satprajña? and Upadhye, with the help of fresh materials has tackled several aspects of the problem of clarifying the character, form and function of the Sagprajñaka-Gāthās.3 The present discussion uses some new materials and seeks to obtain a clearer understanding of the terms şatprajñaka-gāthā and hrdayavati.
The known occurrences of the word șatprajña are all later than Anandavardhana. It is used by some Jain Sanskrit writers like Somadeva' and Dhanapāla5 and has been recorded by a few late lexicons like the Trikāndaśeşa and the Kalpadrukosa. The Trikāndaśeșa defines it as follows :
धर्मार्थकाममोक्षेषु लोकतत्त्वार्थयारपि । षटसु प्रज्ञास्ति यस्योच्चैः षट्प्रज्ञ इति संस्मृत: ॥
Abhinavagupta's explanation of şatprajña noted above is akin to this. Similarly in the marginal Sanskrit gloss in the Jesalmer

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MS. (dated 1168-69 A.D.) of Śāntisūri's Puhavicaṁda-cariya the Prakrit word chappannaya is explained as.
fazia:
qzeg 951 ¤gezfaşııa' doi à q29a1 fazza: 1
11
and the following definition has been cited in support : धम्मे अत्थे कामे माक्खे लोए य लोयजत्तासु ।
sig gàg' àfà qeat à g'fa 30qeal 1)
Obviously this is a Prakrit version of the definition given in the Trikāṇdaśeṣa.
Pk. chappannaya seems to be earlier than Sk. şaṭprajna (ka). The latter appears to be a late Sanskritization of the former, and is explained according to this derivation. The is also indicated by the other attempts at Sanskritization of chappannaya: şaṭparṇaka, şaṭkarnaka, saṭpañcāśat.7
Significantly Hemacandra has not recorded şaṭprajñaka in his Abhidhanacintamani despite its uses by Somadeva and Dhanapāla. On the contrary he has given chappannaya as a Deśya word along with chailla and chaliya in the sense of vidagdha (Desināmamālā, 3, 24 and the commentary thereon). This meaning is confirmed by (1) Uddyotana's Kuvalayamālā (composed in 779 A.D.), which paraphrases विय बुद्धिपरिकप्पिय (p. 174 ) with छप्पण्णयबुद्धिवियप्पिय (p. 177), and (2) the Vajjalagga, which has a separate section of Gāthās on the Vidagdha, who is referred to as cheya (Sk. cheka), chailla and chappannaya. Sanskrit vidagdha, cheka and and şaṭprajña and Pk. viyaḍdha (or viaddha), cheya, chappannaya and chailla appear to have gained currency chronologically in that order.
G
Vidagdhas were persons of cultivated taste and refinement, characteristically adept in the art of love and polished conversation, and their talent in composing and appreciating subtle, clever verse, mostly erotic, was highly admired. The Vajjalagga passage (vv. 270-284) brings this out clearly. Numerous references are found in the Classical Sanskrit and Prakrit literature-especially in the literature pertaining to Kavya and Alaṁkāra, to vidagdha-bhaniti and chekokti which were equated with vakrokti.

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gatherings poets presented their new poems before connoiseurs of literature and there were contests in the art of extempore composition. These literary clubs were variously called Kavigoshi,
Onwards from at least the beginning centuries of the Christian era there used to be gatherings of poets and critics, usually under the patronage of kings, ministers or rich merchants. In these Vidagdhagosthig or simply Goșthi. In these Vidagdhagosthis Prakrit poetry was equally favoured as Sanskrit poetry. Many of the short Prakrit poems consisting of a single self-standing verse i.e. the poems of the Muktaka type such as we find e.g. in the anthologies like the Saptaśataka of Hāla (who, significantly, was famous as “kavi-vatsala') and the Vaj jālagga, were probably composed or first published in a Vidagdha-gosthi.
The type and style of Prakrit poetry represented by the Gāthās of the Saptaśataka indicate a marked preference for the theme of love-clandestine love, to be more specific. It provided ample scope for conveying hidden meanings and subtle undertones. This was also necessitated by the one-verse range of the Muktaka and the increasing sophistication, formality and technique-dependence of Sanskrit and Prakrit literatures in general. As a result of these factors, we get two difierent kinds of Prakrit poems characteristically associated with the Vidagdhas : highly suggestive erotic verses, and entertaining verses, displaying verbal skill and used for diversion or playing literary games. The first kind is typically illustrated by the two verses of Bhattendurāja cited by Abhinavagupta as instances of the HỊdayavati Gāthā of the Satprajñas. Their theme is clandestine love and their charm depends upon the Vācya characterized by subordinated Vyañgya. The verses of the second kind fall under the category of Citra-kāvya. They are based on such Sabdālamkāras as are usually treated under the names of Prahelikā, Gūdha, Cyuta, Praśnottara, Vākovākya etc. Many of them are known to the Alamkārikas beginning with the predecessors of Bhāmaha, and several rhetoricians like Rudrața, Bhoja10 and Hemacandra who have treated them at varying length. Daņdin (and Bhoja, Hemacandra etc. after him) states that this type of verses

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were useful for playing games, fos diversion in the Gosthi, for exchanging secret messages and for confounding others (Kāvyalakşana, 3, 97).
Uddyotana's Kuvalayamālā offers us a fair specimen of this kind of Vidagdha-gāthās (see pp. 174-177). As an enlightened pastime, the newly-wed hero and heroine have been depicted in that work as engaging themselves in the literary game of composing and solving verse riddles.11 These are said to be like those usually devised by the chappannayas or vidagdhas for diversion. Uddyotana presents us with the following list of the chief varieties : Prahelikā, Gūdha?, Antimākşara, Bindumati, Astapiţaka, Praśnottara, Prsțārtha, Akşaracyutaka, Mātrācyutaka, Binducyutaka, Gūụhacaturtha-pāda, Bhaạitavya, Hşdaya, Paksman (? PK. Pomha), Samvidhānaka, Gāthārdha, Gāthā-rākşasaka, Prathamāksaraviracita. Most of these13 he has defined and illustrated.
In Jayasimhasūri's Dharmopadeśamālā-vivarana in Prakrit (composed in 858-59 A.D.), in two different tales the hero and heroine are similarly described as engaged in the pleasant pastime of composing varieties of Praśnottara (pp. 42 and 90). These illustrations given by Uddyotana and Jayasimha can be taken as typical of the playful kind of the Vidagdha-gāthās. In the earlier tradition the Kāmasūtra mentions Prahelikā, Bāna knows the use of Akşaracyutaka, Mātrācyutaka, Bindumati, Gūdha-caturthapāda and Prahelikā for diversion and Gūdhacaturtha-goșthi is referred to by Haribhadra.14
The broad characterization of the Vidagdha-gāthās touched upon above finds strong corroboration from the following vivid picture of the Kāvyagoșthi given in Dhanapāla's Tilakamañjari (p. 108, lines-3-11)15 :
यथास्थानमुपविष्ठश्च तैः सह प्रस्तुतविचित्रकथालापस्य चित्रपदभङ्गसूचितानेकसुन्दरोदारार्थी प्रवृत्ता कथञ्चित् तस्य चित्रालङ्कारभूयिष्ठा काव्यगोष्ठी। तत्र च पठ्यमानासु विद्वत्सभालब्धख्यातिषु प्रहेलिकाजातिषु, चिन्त्यमानेषु मन्दमतिजनितनिवेदेषु प्रश्नोत्तरप्रभेदेषु, भाव्यमानासु प्रस-नगम्भीरभावार्थासु षट्रप्रज्ञकगाथास, विमृश्यमानेषु बोधानुपह

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संपादितोत्सेकेषु बिन्दुमात्राक्षरच्युतक लोकेषु, हस्यमानेषु दीर्घ कालानुभूतनिष्फलचिन्तामौनेषु प्राश मन्येषु, प्रकाश्यमानेषु साधुवादविधिना बुधानां बाधरभसे विजम्भमाणे fazez farsani #gatht......I
Herein the Kāvyagoșthi is said to be abounding in Citrālaṁkāras. Elaborating this, Dhanapāla refers to Prahelikās, Praśnottaras, Satprajñagāthās and Cyutakas (the last of the Bindu, Mātrā and Aksara type). It is also indicated that high intellectual calibre and literary sophistication were pre-requisites for actively participating in the Goșthi, which afforded cultural entertainment and aesthetic pleasure. It should be marked that the Satprajāñka Gāthās are here characterized as having a deep and lucid purport.
There are two other important references to Chappannaya in the Kuvalayamālā. Once it is said that Chappannayas, the eminent poets, cannot be adequately praised as they were the measuring rod for all who write verses rich with nuances (p. 3, 1.25). In another reference Pādalipta, Sātavāhana and Chappannayas are mentioned as most eminent among the poets (p. 3, 1.18). From these two references it is quite clear that Uddyotana has here some specific poets in view. Combined with Anandavardhana's mention of Sagprajña-Gāthās this can be taken to imply existence of some collection containing the Gāthās written by Chappannayas, as is suggested by Upadhye. 16 That it is a fact and not merely a possibility is shown by one actual reference to such a work. In the tale of Silasundari in Sāntisūri's Puhavicamdacariya (composed in 1104-5 A.D.), four young boys are described (p. 117, line 30) as trying to catch the attention of a beautiful girl in various ways; one of these ways was to recite Chappannaya-gāhās with sweet, charming voice. Here Ratnaprabha's Sanketa (to be dated possibly in the fourteenth century) explains Chappannayagāhāo as TIT177771 talasta:. This reference certifies that there was a Gathākoša, an anthology of Gāthās, of erotic character and known as Chappannaya-gāhāo. It seems very likely that in Anandavardhana's expression Satprajñādigäthäsu there is a reference to this specific

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The Satprajñaka-gāthā and Hrdayavati
15
anthology entitled Chappanaya-gāhāo in Prakrit and Satprajñakagäthäḥ in Sanskrit. Dhanapāla too may have this in view.
Of couse other Gāthās too similar in form and content to the verses of the Chappannaya-gähão were also referred to as Vidagdha-gāthās.
Among the different varieties of the Vidagdha-vinoda verses described in the Kuvalayamālā, one is called Hiyaya. The designation Hiyaya-gāhā (Sk. Hşdayagātha) is quite close to SahrdayaGāthā (Abhinavagupta) or Hşdayavati Gāthā (Ānandavardhana). And what is more the illustration given in the Kuvalayamālā (p. 176, 1.16) has a family-likeness to the Gāthās of Bhațţendurăja cited by Abhinavagupta. We may therefore suggest that the corrupt hiaalali or aali of the manuscripts stands for hiaāliā (made up of hiaa-+possessive suffix -äla-+feminine suffix -iā) which is translated in Sanskrit as hțdayavati. Such Gāthās formed, it seems, a substantial part of the Chappannaya-gāhā-koso known to Uddyotana, Anandavardhana and Ratnaprabha.
Now Upadhye has discovered and published a few years back a work called Chappannaya-gähāo. But this cannot be the original work known to Uddyotana and others. The latter was a collection of erotic Gāthă verses, as is clear from direct (Ratnaprabha's characterization) and indirect (the tone of the illustrative Gāthās given by Uddyotana and Abhinavagupta, and the characteristic context in the Puhavicaņdacariya) evidences, while the former is exclusively didactic and has an admixture of numerous Apabhramsa verses in a variety of metres. Upadhye too considers the work to be a highly inflated Jain recension of the original.18 More probably it is a different work altogether.
Lastly, while defining the metres of certain popular song-types in Apabhramśa like the Utsāha. the Dhavala, the Mangala etc., Svayain bhū in his Svayambhūcchandas treats also of two types of verse compositions called Paheli and Hiāliā. Paheli is the same as Prahelikā. Hiāliā19 eventhough it is homonymous with the word given by Abhinavagupta for Hşdayavati, refers to a different

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thing. Svayambhū’s Hiāliā is the same as the Bindumati of the Kuvalayamālā,20 while the Hiāliā mentioned by Abhinavagupta is, as already pointed out, the Hiyaya (= Hşdaya) variety of the Kuvalayamāla.21
Postscript : In the story of Guņavarman and Kanakavatı occurring in the biography of Svayambhū Vāsudeva and Bhadra Baladeva (See Silānka's Caupannamahāpurisacariya ed. by A. M. Bhojak, PTS, 3. 1961, pp. 117–127), the hero and heroine are described as diverting themselves with verse riddles. Praśnottara, Bindumati, Prahelikā, Hrdayavati (Hiyāliyā), and Gūdhacaturthaka figure there in this connection. The two illustrations of Hiyāliyā are as under:
जइ सिक्खविओ सीसो 'जईण रयणीए जुज्जइ ण गंतु" । ता कीस भणइ अज्जो ‘मा कुप्पसु दो वि सरिसाई' ।
(The solution : fequiuit g at जइ सा सहीहिं भणिया दइओ ते दोसमग्गणसयोहो । ता कीस मुद्धामुही अहिययर गव्वमुव्वहइ ॥
(The solution : For az f) It will be easily seen that these Hiyāliyās differ from those of the Kuvalayamālā and of Bhattendurāja cited in note 17. Both of them (and especially the second one) bear a family-likeness with the Abhiprāyagūdha illustration of the Sarasvatikanthābharana cited here in note 21. The date of the Caupannamahāpurisacariya is 869 A.D. It seems that regarding the Hrdayavati type Uddyotana and Abhinavagupta had the same tradition and source before them and they were different from those tat were commonly shared by Silāňka and Bhoja, the last one of these being responsible for once more changing its classification and nomenclature.
Notes
1. यदा तु...हृदयवतीषु च षटप्रज्ञा दिगाथासु कासुचिद् व्यङ्ग्यविशिष्टवाच्ये प्राधान्य
aafa yutuqa4H7T safafasa-cuaca i Dhvanyāloka, N. S. edition, p. 222; Chowkhamba Series edition, pp. 553–54. Some editions have सप्रज्ञक or सप्रज्ञक for षटप्रज्ञ..

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The Sajprajñaka-gāthā and Hțdayavati
17
2. Raghavan, V. : 'Gleanings from Somadevasūri's Yaśastilaka
campū’, Ganganatha Jha Research Institute Journal, 1, 3, 1944,
pp. 370-372. 3. Upadhye, A. N. : "Chappannaya-gāhāo or the Gāthākośa',
Journal of the Oriental Instiíute, 9, 4, 1962, pp. 385-402. 4. Yaśastilakacampū (composed in 959 A.D.), ch. 3, p. 441.
Noted by Raghavan, op. cit., and by Hindiqui, K. K., Yaśastilaka and Indian Culture, 1949, p. 62, footnote 1.
5. Tilakamanjari, N. S. Press, Second edition, 1938, p. 108.
The date of the Tilakama njari is 972-73 A.D. 6. See Ramnikvijay's edition, 1972, p. 89, footnote 3. 7. Upadhye, op. cit, p. 386.
The rendering satpañcāśat found in the Avantisundarikatha has misled V. V. Mirashi into believing existence of fiftysix Prakrit poets writing in unison. See 'Some Ancient Prakrit Poets', Bharatiya Vidya, 10, 1949, pp. 42-48 (=Studies in Indology. I, 1960, pp. 89-95). Besides these the renderings saprajñaka and samprajñaka are found in some editions of the Dhvanyaloka. It is not clear how far any one of these had got established. We may also note that sakarņa meaning "a learned person is attested from literature at least twice: Once from Muniratnasūri's Amamacaritra (Composed in 1168-69 A.D.), in a passage cited at M. D. Desai, Jain Sahitya-no Samkšipta Itinās (1933), p. 200; second time, in the Prakrit form sakanna, as noted in the Pāiasaddamdhannavo on the basis of two
passages from the Surasundarikahā (composed in 1038-39 A.D.). 8. For quite interesting later semantic development of the word
şatprajñaka see Upadhye, op. cit., p. 388. 9. For example :
यस्तु पर्यनुयोगस्य निभेदः क्रियते पदैः । विदग्धगोष्ठयां वाक्यैर्वा त हि प्रश्नोत्तर विदुः ॥
Sarasvatikanthābharaṇa, 2, 136.

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Svayambhū says at Svayambhūcchandas, 8, 26 that Rāsābandha
is like an elixir in the Goșthis. 10. Sarasvatikanthābharana, 2, 133-137. See also, Raghavan, Bhoja's
Srigāraprakāsa, 1963, pp. 354, 368-9. 11. Upadhye, Kuvalayamālā, Part 2, Introduction, p. 48-49;
Notes, p. 147. 12. So to be read for the textual vudha. Upadhye has suggested
this doubtfully, but it is clear from Rudrața, Bhoja and
Hemacandra. 13. Some are quite new, not mentioned in any standard Alam
kāra work. 14. Upadhye, Kuvalayamālā, Part 2, Notes, p. 147. 15. I am grateful to my friend Dr. N. M. Kansara for drawing
my attention to this important passage. 16. Upadhye, Kuvalayamala, part 2, Introduction, p. 76; also
'Chappannayagahao', p. 388. 17. गोसे च्चिय हलियवहू पढम चिय णिग्गया घरद्दार ।
दहु कलबकुसुम दुहिया रोत्तु समाढत्ता ॥ Sk. chaya : प्रभात एव हालिकवधूः प्रथममेव निर्गता गृहद्वारम् ।
दृष्ट्वा कदम्बकुसुम दुःखिता रोदितु समारब्धा ॥ The two Gāthās of Bhaťțendurāja are as follows :
लघिअगअणा फलहीलआओ होंतु त्ति वतीअ । हलिअस्स आसिस पाडिवेसवहुआ वि णिविआ ॥ गोलाकच्छकुडगे भरेण जौंबूसु पच्चमाणासु । हलिअवहुआ णिय सइ जबूरसरत्त सिअ॥
(Locana on Dhvanyāloka, 3, 42) 18. 'Chappannaya-gāhāo', p. 389. 19. सुरुणाई अक्खराई णाणाछ देषु जत्थ बज्झति । हिअए वि वसइ अत्थो हिआलिआ भण्णए एसा ॥
(Svayambhūcchandas, 4, 15)

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The Satprajñaka-gāthā and HỊdayavatı
19
20. This Bindumati, however, is different from that of Bhoja. 21. Bhoja's Abhiprāyagūdha variety of Gūụha would in a way
correspond to it if the statement-form is substituted for the question-form. The relevant illustrative Gāthā is as follows: जइ देअरेण भणिआ खग्ग घेत्तण राउल वच्च । ता कि सेवअवहुए हसिऊण' पलोइ सअण ॥
. (Sarasvatikanthābharaṇa, 2, 370). Numerous Gāthās from the Saptaśataka can easily qualify as Hrdayavati alias Hiāliā.

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3. DOMBIKĀ AND SIDGAKA*
I. The Language and Metre of the Dombikā.
1. Our knowledge about the class of works known as Uparūpakas (also called Geya Rūpakas or Padārthābhinayas) in classical Sanskrit Literature is very meagre, because no actual specimens of this category of works are preserved to us. Besides the information also about them found in various works of Sanskrit poetics is mostly vague and sketchy. Making use of the latter V. Raghavan has given us a critical account of the Uparūpakas' and among the modern treatment of the subject his is the most informative. The aim of the present paper is to supplement Raghavan's account of two of the Uparūpakas, viz. the Dombikā and the Sidgaka2 with some new facts derived from the available data on the subject.
2. In the case of the Dombikā? we are fortunate to have the titles of two actual works along with a few citations from them. The Abhinavabhāratio (= ABH.) white discussing the basis of distinction between the Nștta and the Nāțya mentions occasionally several characteristics of the Dombikā (pp. 170-182), and cites a few passages from two Dombikās named Cūdāmaņi5 and Gunamālā, both of which are lost to us. Hemacandra's Kāyyānuśāsana6 ( = KA.) reproduces a substantial portion of the ABH. passages referring to the Dombikā (pp. 446-449).
The citations from the Dombikäs as found in the ABH. are in a highly garbled and mutilated condition, and consequently
* Paper presented at the Classical Sanskrit section of the XXIV session of the All India Oriental Conference held at Banaras on the 12th, 13th and 14th October, 1968. Published with courtesy to the All India Oriental Conference

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Dombikā and Siqgaka
21
hardly anything can be made out of them. But here, as elsewhere, the great Hemacandra comes to our rescue. In his reproduction we find most of these citations in a considerably less corrupt form, and from them we can know something definite about their contents, language and metre, Further, and this is more important, we can draw some tentative conclusions in general about the language and metrical form of the Dombikā.
Among the Dombikā citations given in the ABH. (and mostly also in the KA.) some three citations are from the Cūdāmaņi and one from the Gunamālā. I reproduce below the text of the citations in the forms in which they are found in the ABH. and the KA. The text according to the KA. is given first as it is better preserved and hence somewhat intelligible. Below it is given the text according to the ABH. (with recorded variants, if any). As already said the latter is hopelessly corrupt. In order to facilitate comparison and profit by the variants, the ABH. text is so arranged as to match syllable for syllable with the corresponding KA. text.
of the four citation given below. No. 2 is found only in ABH. For No, 4, the editors of the KA. have given one version in the body of the text and an improved version of the same in the appendix. I reproduce here both of them.
Citations from the Cūdāmani Dombikā 1. (i) de la straft MaafAPES TIH TA'T
E-- fã gi mahare aife 2 -] चोरियमिहुणहौं वम्महसारु कहेमि तउ ॥ [चा-अमिदुण-धमहसार कागे तेउ]
(KA., 447, 513; ABH.. 171) (ii) erfà Etraft!
(KA., 448, 513) [fafia èitafit]
(ABH., 175) 2. 99(A)#751#f47211
(ABH., 171) 3. पाआलअले सेसाहिणि हु जय लच्छिवत्थलमलिआ (KA., 447)

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[पाआलअलो ससाहिणि हु जय जय लच्छिमच्चमलिआ v. 1. वाआगआल सेसहिणि च जप्र जअ लच्छिमङ्गदलमलिआ]
(ABH., 175), Citation from the Gunamālā Dombikā 4. जामि ता राअ तुडिअ अणुणव्वीससि ।
(HA., 508) जामि तारा अनुडिअ पुणु णव्वीसमि ।
(KA., 448). [जामि हरा धातु गिअ पु-एण चिसमि]
(ABH., 175) Taking the KA. text as basis, a few obvious textual emendations can be suggested as below: 1. Read णच्चमि for णव्वमि.
(No. 1, line 2) 2. Separate सहिइ (No. 1, line 2) from what precedes. 3. Read ofsaafh for maatalh.
(No. 4) (cf. णचिसमि of the ABH.). 4. Read मिहुण for मिहुणह.
(No, 1, line 2) 5. Read चूडामणिअ for 0चूडामणिआ.
___(No. 2) 6. Metrically, as will be shown below, the second line in
No. 1 is short by one Mātrā, and so one syllable is
missing probably after सहिइ. Now the forms ह (1), मिहुणह (or मिहुण) (1), °सारु (1), तर (1), पुणु (4) and णच्चिसमि (4) are specifically Apabhramsa forms. Direct singular of a-bases ending in -u (सारु), genitive in -ham (or extended neuter direct singular in-aum) (मिहुणह or मिहुणउ), pronominal forms हउ and तउ, future stemformative -is- (पच्चिसमि), (4) and the adverb qu (as against the Prakrit form gori) are typically Apabhramsa forms. And the remaining forms in citations No. 1, 2 and 4, so far as they are intelligible and identifiable, are common to Prakrit and Apabhramśa. Accordingly the language of the citations No. 1 and 4 is definitely Apabhramsa and the same seems to be the case for citation No. 2, which is textually quite meagre.

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Dombikā and șidgaka
23
3. This conclusion finds a strong support from the characteristic metre of citations No. 1, 2 and 4. The second line of citation No. 1 is the most intelligible. It can be translated as: 'I narrate to you clandestine intercourse, that is the essence of love'. It scans as under :
चोरिअभिहुणहँ (or 3) वम्महसारु कहेमि तउा
Thus the line has 21 Mātrās. The last five Mātrās have the form- u. There is a caesura after the 12th Mātrā. The 21 Mātrās are divisible in five Gaņas as 6+4+4+4+vvv. These characteristics identify the metre as Rāsaka. Rāsaka is a well-known and quite popular Apabhramśa metre. All the Apabbramśa metrical authorities like Svayambhū, Hemacandra, the Kavidar pana and Ratnasekhara have defined it. It was a Mātrā-metre of the Sarvasamā Catușpadi type-i.e., every stanza having four lines of equal length, the first line rhyming with the second, and the third with the fourth. Every line contained 21 Mātrās divided as 6+4+4+4+ v; the form u- was forbidden for the second and the fourth Gana. There was a caesura after the 14th Mātrā, but later a new variety of the Rāsaka developed with the caesura after the 11th or 12th Mātrā. In one tradition, this new variety was called Rāsāvalaya, while others called it by the same old name Rāsaka or by altogether a new name, Abhāņaka. The variety with the caesura after the 14th Mātrā became obsolete and in the available Apabhramsa literature we find mostly the Rāsaka with the caesura after the 11th or 12th Mātrā. Rāsaka was the typical metre of the Apabhramśa literary genre called Rāsābandha. It was used to build up its main body. See for instance the Samdeśarāsaka of Abdala Rahamāna (13th century A.D.). For some seven hundred years the metre was in much vogue for composing Apabhramśa lyrics and songs of moderate length. Though in the long metrical tradition of Apabhraśma literature several metres of different structures came to be called Rāsaka, the one characterized above was the typical and standard Rāsaka.

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Like the second line of citation No. 1, the first line also is a regular Rāsaka-line except that, as indicated earlier, a syllable is missing, possibly before or after pres. The line scans as under :
हेतु वि डाम्बी णच्चभि सहिइ - होमि हउँ
The two lines in citation No. 1 are rhyming (-mi haül-mi tau), which again is a distinguishing characteristic of Apabhramsa metres.
Similarly, if we take the fragment we have in citation No. 2 (also from the Cūdāmaņi Dombikā) to be the end portion of a metrical line, then it regularly scans as the post-caesura segment of a Rāsaka line, consisting of ten Mātrās :
(or #) T1410134
Thus it appears that not only the first but the other two citations also from the Cūdamaņi Dombika are in the Rāsaka Metre.
If we now scan the fragment cited from the Gunamālā Dombikā (i.e., citation No. 4), we find that it also has the structure of the Rāsaka metre. But it is not a full Rāsaka line; the portion to the extent of four Mātrās is wanting initially. In other words, the cited line is that part of a Rāsaka line which comes after the first four Mātrās, as can be seen from below (For the text, of the ABH. is preferred over at of the KA., as indicative of the presence of a one-Mātrā syllable in that place.) :
(4 Matras+) जामिह राअ तुडिअ पुणु णच्चिसमि
The caesura falls here after the 11th Mātrā. Any one with the ear for metrical rhythm cannot miss the typical Rāsaka rhythm of the above;given citation.
Thus our analysis and examination of the metrical structure of citations No. 1, 2 and 4 have definitely shown us that the they were composed in the Rāsaka metre.9

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Dombika and Sidgaka
Of the three citations discussed so far, the first seems to be from the opening portion of the Cuḍāmāni Dombika,10 while the fourth comes from the concluding portion of the musical section of the Gunamālā Dombika.10 From these texts we can infer that the song-part of the Dombika was composed typically in Apabhramsa language and in the Rasaka metre. But it seems that it contained some Prakrit verses also, as we have to understand from citation No. 3. It seems to be in Prakrit language and Gāthā metre. With a proper selection of the readings, the text can be scanned as under :
पाआलअले सेसहि, णिहु जअ जअलच्छिवच्छथलमलिआ
Vw
25
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This is a regular pūrva-dala of the Gatha. And from the context in which this line is cited in the ABH., it appears that the line occurred in some Dombika in its later part at the time of some further dance sequence (after an apasara ?). But in the absence of a detailed and clear picture of the structure of the Dombika, it would be fruitless to speculate about this.
From the present discussion of the citations from the Dombikas called Cuḍāmāni and Gunamālā we have tried to establish that
(i) The song-part of the Dombikas was composed typically in the Rāsaka metre, which was quite characteristically an Apabhramsa metre.
(ii) the language of the musical texts of the Dombikas was typically Apabhramśa.
In this connection it is very significant to note a few points about two other Uparūpakas, viz., Rāsaka and Natya-rāsaka (the latter also known as Carcari). 12 These Uparupakas probably contained much of pure rhythmic dance, besides a few songs.13 Now there were also Apabhramśa literary compositions bearing the same names, Rasaka and Carcari. And eventhough the operatic and ballet-like Rasaka and Carcari have to be distin

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guished from the literary and lyrical Apabhramsa works with the same class-designation, the identity of designation may not be quite without significance. And in the case of the literary Rāsaka and Carcari we find Apablıramsa to have been their typical language and the Rāsaka their typical metre.14 From this it may not be unsafe to infer that the Uparūpakas Rāsaka and Nāțyarāsaka (=Carcari) too, like the Dombikā, had songs in Apabhramsa language and Rāsaka metre.
This evidence for the use of Apabhramśa for some of the Uparūpakas significantly extends the hitherto known range of Apabhramša literature.
II. Dombikā and Durmilikā.
4. The carliest definition of the Dombikā cited from some ancient source in the ABH. (p 181) is as follows :
छन्नानुरागगर्भाभिरुक्तिभित्र भूपते: । आवज्यते मनः सा तु ममृणा डाम्बिका मता ॥
The two main characteristics of the Dombikā mentioned here, viz, dealing with clandestine love and seeking royal gifts by singing eulogies, etc. are referred to several times in the ABH.15
Now in Bhoja's S'qigāraraprakāśa the Dombikā, inspite of the fact that it is actually mentioned in it as 'Dombalikā' in some other context, 16 does not seem to figure in its list of the twelve Uparūpakas, which is as under17 :
Śrigadita, Durmilikā, Prasthāna, Kāvya, Bhāņaka, Bhāņikā, Goșthi, Hallisaka, Nartanaka, Preksanaka, Rāsaka and NāțyaRāsaka.
And if such were the case, there was no other way to explain it except as a plain lapse on Bhoja's part, and so it is assumed by Raghavan.18 Of course it would be just another way of saying that such an omission was very strange and quite anaccountable.

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Dombikā and Sidgaka
27 However the fact is, I think, that Bhoja has included the Dombikā in his list and treatment of the Uparūpakas, but under a different name. The name of the second Uparūpaka in Bhoja's list is ‘Durmilikā', and this ‘Durmilikā' is nothing but ‘Dombikā' in a Sanskritized garb. The Sțigāraprakāśa defines the Durmilikā as under 18 :
चौर्यरतप्रतिभेद युनारनुरागवणन वापि । यत्र ग्राम्यकथामिः कुरुते किल दूतिका रहसि ॥ मन्त्रयति च तद्विषय न्यग्जातित्वेन याचते च वसु ।
लब्ध्वापि लब्धुमिच्छति दुर्भिलिता नाम तद्भवति ॥ This is nothing but an expanded version of the definition of the Dombikā as found in the ABH., and all the additional details can be accounted for by what is said about the character of the Dombikā in the above-mentioned discussion in the ABH. In fact the S'țngāraprakāśa definition incorporates the wording and substance of the following passage of the ABH., which is textually better preserved in the KA. (See ABH., p. 175; KA., p. 448) :
सैव डोम्बिका नरपतिपरितोषकार्थाभिधायिवचननिष्टेन गीतेन वायेन नृत्येन च राजानमनुरजयितु गृहीताद्यमा वक्रीत्वेन (? ABH. मन्त्रित्वेन; cf. मन्त्रयति in the Srigāraprakāsa definition) पूर्वस्थिता मध्ये काचिदीदृशी चौय कामुककेलिलालसमानसा काचित् पुनरेव विधां कश्चिदेव भूतश्चौय कामुकः, काप्येव भूतस्तत्र काचिदेव प्रौढदूतीत्येवमादे राजपुत्रहदयानुप्रवेशयोग्य तत्प्रसादेन धना यज नापायमभिदधती तमेव राजपुत्र परत्वेन तथैव वा समुद्दिश्य अन्यदपिचेष्टितममिधायान्ते होभ्विकाकुत्यमेवोपसंहरति ।
There can be hardly any doubt about the identity of the types thus characterized in the ABH. and the S’ğügāraprakāśa.
Bhoja's Durmilikā or Durmilitā (later, also Durmallika) clearly stands for the earlier Dombilikā.
Possibly Bhoja himself was responsible for the form Durmnilikā (or Otā)20. The later writers have it from him. It is found neither in the ABH. nor in the KA. The same tendency to Sanskritize

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names of Prakritic or popular origin is evidenced, as we shall see, in the case of the name of another Uparūpaka also, which is found as Srigadita in Bhoja, but as Sidgaka (or Singaka) in earlier sources.
5. In Prakrit we find domba or dumba as the name of a low caste. There seems to have been a measure of free variation in Prakrit in the case of pre-cluster e and 0, which we find spelt varyingly as e, i and o, u respectively.
We also find dombilaga (Paṇhāvāgaraña, 1-4) and dombilaya (Samarāiccakahā, Jacobi’s edition, p. 286), which are diminutives of domba formed with the suffix -la-ga- (-la-ya). We find another diminutive also, dumbadaa (Ākhyānakamaņikośa, 15, 20. Prakrit Text Series, No. 5, 1962). The feminine bases corresponding to the masculine bases domba, extended dombaya and the diminutives dombila, dombilaya are dombi, dombiyā, dombili and dombiliyā (variant forms dumbiliyā, etc.). Hence the name of the Uparūpaka in which the Dombi (or Dombiliyā, etc.) i.e., a Domba girl was the central figure.
In Harişeņa's Bịhatkathākośa (931-932 A.D.) we find the form dumbili for the dombilikā of other sources. This (or dumbiliā) might have been the immediate basis of the Sanskritized form durmilitā (or durmilikā). Dumbili or Dombili was perhaps felt to be unrefined or low-brow. So pedantically durmilikā (or durmilitā) was substituted for it, and now the designation became etymologically transparent and directly meaningful : The theme being some clandestine love affair, it involved difficulties of rendezvousing for the lovers (durmilana). So durmilika or durmilita was felt to be quite appropriate. The pedantic urge to establish somehow inherent significance of the name has been responsible for creating the Sanskritized form durmilikā (or durmilitā,), as also S'rigadita, for which, see further below. IIJ. Sidgaka and S'rīgadita.
6. Among the eight Uparüpakas defined in the verses cited

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Dombikā and Sidgaka
29
in the ABH. (p. 181), the fourth is Sidgaka. These detinitions were borrowed by Hemacandra also, and he seems to have before him the reading singaka in the place of șidgaka (KA., p. 446, verse 62). In the Viveka on the KA., however, Hemacandra uses the form śingataka (p. 446).
Now there is no mention of Sidgaka (or S'ingaka) among the Uparūpakas treated in the Spřgāraprakāśa. But there occurs one S’rigadita and Raghavan has rightly suggested that Bhoja's S'rigadita may be the same as the Sidgaka of the earlier authorities.21. Bhoja's definition is nothing but a slight elaboration of the definition cited in the ABH.22 Srigadita was just a Sanskritic and respectable-looking substitute for the un-Sanskritic and pedestrian Sidgaka which is found in various strange forms such as Siigaka, Silpaka (possibly originating in a corrupt reading), Singataka and Signataka. And part of the first stanza in Bhoja's definition :
तत्र श्रीरिव दानवशत्रोयस्मिन् कुलाङ्गना पत्त्युः ।
quefa thagafim........ which adds something new to the earlier definition, clearly betrays the effort to validate etymologically the new name S'rigadita (=ériyā gaditam). This Sanskritization of Sidgaka as S'rigadita stands on par with the Sanskritization of Dombilikā as Durmiliki as it has been already suggested.23
But strangely enough Hemacandra seems to have been a victim of this change of name and he defines S'ingaka and S'rigadita separately as two different types of Uparūpakas! For the former he reproduces the definition cited in the ABH. and for the latter he uses Bhoja, compressing his definition into a single stanza.24 The fact that in later times we find a tendency to set up new types of Uparūpakas merely on the basis of corrupt readings or alternative names is suggestive of obsolescence of some of the types, as also of the break in the tradition.
7. The designations Sidgaka and Singaka remiod us of the word șidga which is found in various forms such as şidga khidza,

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sitga, singa and khinga. The form khinga is found in Subandhu's Vasavadatta (307) and in the Prabandhacintamani (p. 97., I. 12), şinga occurs in Bhoja's Singaramañjari-kathā (pp. 17-18) and Hemacandra's Abhidhanacintamani (331). Siḍga is found in the Sisupālavadha (5,34), Hemacandra's Anekarthasaṁgraha (2,40) and Dvyasraya (i,110), etc. Commentators and lexicographers give it as a synonym of vita, pallavaka, kāmuka, vidagdha etc., and this meaning of a voluptuary', 'a gallant', 'a person fond of women' is supported by the actual usage in literature.
30
I
Consequently a semi-dramatic composition revolving round some affair of such a voluptuary, i.e., a Siḍga (Singa) and performed with music and dance can be well designated as şiḍgaka (şidgaka) or singaka (singaka). And the characterization of the Siḍgaka and S'rigadita given in the works on dramaturgy bears this out. Its theme involves reproach or censure expressed by a lady in respect of her husband who, eventhough accomplished, has proved unfaithful to her. It is significant that among the regional words mentioned by Hemacandra in the Desināmamālā (1, 4, commentary) there is a word himga in the sense of jāra and this himga is the same as our singa.
References
1. V. Raghavan, Bhoja's S'ṛgnāraprakāśa, 1963 (545-574).
2. Bhoja's Sṛngaraprakāśa, pp. 567–568.
3. The name has several forms: dombi, dombika and dombalikā. dombalika of the S'ṛngaraprakāśa is a corruption of ḍombilikā. In the portion reproduced from the Abhinavabharati in the Kāvyānusāsana (see further in the paper), we find at one place (p. 447, 1. 14) dombilika for the dombika of the former. In Hariṣena's Bṛhatkathākośa (931–932 A.D.) (ed. A. N. Upadhye, 1943), we find at 57,105 one more variation, dumbili. It is mentioned along with Signaṭaka, Bhānī, Chatra and Rasa as the five wellknown Naṭaka types danced by artistes and treated

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Dombikā and Siègaka
by Bharata. As shown by the form bhāni for the usual bhāņi, the names in the Bțhatkat hākośa have more or less a corrupt
form. 4. Nāțyaśāstra of Bharata (with Abhinavabhārati), Vol. I, GOS.
No. 36, 1956 edition. 5. ABH., pp. 171, 175. 6. Hemacandra's Kāvyānuśāsana, ed. by Parikh and Kulkarni,
1964 edition. 7. Cf. the definition of the Dombikā cited in the ABH. (pp. 181) from some old source :
छन्नानुरागगभांभिरुक्तिभिर्यत्र भूपते : ।
आवयं ते मन: सा तु मसणा डोम्बिका मता ॥ 8. For a critical account of the structure of the Rāsaka metre
see Saṁdeśarāsaka (ed. Jinavijaya Muni and H. C. Bhayani, Singhi Jain Series, No. 22, 1945), Introduction, pp. 53-56 and
the various sources referred to there. 9. There are a few more non-Sanskritic citations in the ABH.
in the same context in which we find the citations discussed in this paper, e.g. EITT 20197 HH1596 I (ABH., 177) is cited from some Nrttakāvya, but it seems to be hopelessly corrupt. Another citation, forfeyes #15A1 I (ABH., 195) seems to be in Apabhramśa, but in the absence of any definite indication of its source or context it is of little use.
(ABH., p., 175) 10. Cf. 31a a 914fEtfarsi afagiani (ABH., p. 171). 11. Cf. डोम्बिकाकृत्यमेवोपसहरति गुणमालायां 'जामि हरार्धातु गिअपुणुण चिसमि' इत्यादौ ।
(ABH., p. 175) 12. Raghavan, Bhoja's Srågāraprakāśa, p. 563. 13. Raghavan, op. cit., p. 569. 14. The language of the Carcari (by Jinadatta sūri, 12th cent.
A.D.) published in the Apabhraíśakāvyatrayi (ed. L. B. Gandhi, 1927) is Apabhramśa. It is in the Rāsaka metre.
ABH., p. 175);

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15. प्रच्छन्नराग रहस्योपदेश...... (ABH., p 172); चौर्य कामुककेलीलालसमानसा (KA., p. 448, for the corrupt text at
ABH, p. 175); नरपतिपरितोषार्थाभिधायिवचननिष्ठेन गीतेन नृत्तेन वाद्येन च राजानमनुरजयितु'... एवमादिराजपुत्रहृदयानुप्रवेशयोग्य तत्प्रसादेन धनार्जनोपायमभिदधती
(ABH., p. 175); डोम्बिकासु नरपतिचाटुकारप्राधान्येन प्रवृत्तासु सुकुमारमेव शुद्धरूपम् ।
(ABH., p. 177). डोम्विका देर्दष्टा द्देशेन राजपुत्रादिप्रीतये यद्यपि प्रवृत्तिः (ABH., p. 177); These passages are reproduced in the KA. (p. 445-448).
See also Raghavan, op. cit., p. 568. 16. प्रेक्षानिमित्त वाचिका द्यभिनयरहितमाजिकैकनिर्वयं प्रस्थानडोम्बिलिकादिवाक्य
प्रेक्ष्यम् ।
Raghavan, op cit., p. 567. 17. Raghavan, op. cit., pp. 534, 546, 563. 18. Op. cit., p. 567. 19. Raghavan, op. cit., p. 547. 20. The form found in the definition which is reproduced in the
Nātyadarpana is durmiilitā. The Bhāvaprakāśa gives it as durmallikā.
See Raghavan, op. cit., p. 5+7. 21. Raghavan, op. cit., pp. 547, 569. 22. सख्याः समक्ष भतु यदुदत वृत्तमुच्यते ।
मसूण च क्वचिद्भुत चरित षिद्गकस्तु सः ॥ (ABH., p. 181), तत्र श्रीरिव दानवशत्रोयस्मिन् कुलाहाना पत्युः । वर्ण यति शोर्य धैर्य प्रभृतिगुणानग्रतस्सव्याः ॥ पत्या च विप्रलब्धा गातव्ये त क्रमादुपालभते । श्रीगदितभिति मनीषिभिरुदाहृतोऽसौ पदाभिनय: ॥ ( Bhoja's Srigāraprakāsa,
p. 546). We can compare in the two definitions the following expressions :

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Dombikā and Sidgaka
33
4031: 942 and 37068541:, HT": and 969:, 397 qng and शौर्यधैर्य प्रमृतिगुणान् , उच्यते and वर्णयति, मसूण भतु धूत चरित' and पल्या
विप्रलब्धा तमुपालमते. 22. Gondali, the Hunter's Dance (cf. Apabhramśa gondala
"confused uproar' and the Marathi folk performance called gumdhal) was Sanskritized as Kundali and associated with Kundalini. See Nịttaratnāvali of Jāya-Senāpati, edited by V. Raghavan (1965), Introduction, pp. 134-136. I am thankful to Dr. Raghavan for drawing my attention to this reference. He also kindly informed me that such Sanskritizations of the names of various popular types and the later error of taking the alternatives as two distinct types are quite common. This finds support in Jāya's treatment of Carcarl and Nāțya-Rāsaka
as two distinct forms. 23. ATEISAL 99: 9540T quata Tota
3413FT 7 Fra sta sitafaa a aa ! (KA., p. 449). 24. These șinga, śinga, himga etc. are probably connected etymol
ogically with Sk. ésügāra.
P.S. In the Old Gujarati Sripāla-rāsa of Vinayavijaya (1682 A. D.), there is a short description of a troupe of Dumbas, singing and dancing before a king in the royal assembly and being rewarded for their performance (Khanda 3, Dhāl 4, Stanza 4; p. 149 of the edition published by B.R. Vora, 1937). There a beautiful miniature depicting this episode in a Ms. of the poem dated 1829. See U. P. Shah, Treasures of Jain Bhandāras, 1978, colour plate J.

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4. SOME SPECIMENS OF THE CARCARI SONG
A type of verse composition in Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhramsa and Old Gujarati
1. Onwards from about the seventh century, we find in Sanskrit and Prakrit works numerous references to Carcari or Carcarikā (Prakrit forms caccari, caccaria; Early New Indo-Aryan forms camcari, căcari etc.) as a type of dance associated with the Spring Festival. The dancing parties which, on these occasions, were taken out in procession, or which performed in the public park, were also called Carcari. The dance was accompanied by music and song. We find numerous references to Carcari in abovenoted senses in classical works e.g. Kalidasa's Vikramorvasiya, Harṣa's Ratnavali, Haribhadra's Samaräiccakahā, Uddyotana's Kuvalayamālā, Rajasekhara's Karpūramañjari and other works including several Apabhramsa and Early New Indo-Aryan poems.
2. Further, we find the terms Carcari. Carcarikā, Cācari etc. used also in one of the following meanings:
(1) A type of musical composition (used in the Carcari
dance).
(2) Different types of metres (mostly Apabhramśa). (3) A type of Laya or Tala
(4) Different types of literary compositions
Obviously these meanings are interconnected. In fact the history of the character, form and structure of Carcari over the long period stretching from about the sixth to the sixteenth century has multifarious aspects, and it requires to be worked out from very widely scattered bits of information that are mostly to be gleaned from vague descriptions and casual references.
3. The present paper, however, has quite a limited aim. It seeks to give some idea of the form and character of Carcari songs on the basis of a few actual specimens traced in Prakrit,

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The Carcari Song
Apabhraṁśa and Sanskrit works. One considerably complicating factor in this matter is the fact that Carcari seems to be closely allied to some other Uparupaka types like Rāsaka, Hallisaka and Nāṭyarāsaka. All these had quite obviously several features in common, so much so that at times one of the types is said by some of the Alamkara authorities to be the same as some other one: Rāsaka is identified with Hallisaka or Carcari, Carcari is identified with Natyarāsaka, etc. In fact there has been considerable confusion and uncertainty about the shared and exclusive features of these types-especially in later writings, which had no direct contact with a living tradition. This state of affairs appears more or less irremediable. because there is very little that is available by way of actual specimens of these literary types.
35
4. Now we shall examine the following passages from Some Prakrit and Sanskrit works for the light they can throw on the form and features of Carcari:
(1) The Carcari song at1 §9, p. 4, 1.27 to p. 5, 1.7.
(2) The Carcari song at Kuvalayamālā, $235, p. 145, 1. 7-8. (3) The Carcari song at Caupannamahāpurisacariya.2 p. I. 91. (4) The Rasa song at Upamitibhavaprapañcākatha,3 pp. 272-273. (5) The Rasa song at Prabhavakacarita, p. 60, 11. 11-15 and Prabandhakosa,5 p. 16.
(6) The Carcari description at Karpūramañjari,6 iv. vv. 16-19.
(1) The Carcari song at Kuvalayamālā, p. 4-5.
5. At Kuvalayamālā §9 (pp. 4-5) Uddyotana narrates how Sudharmasvamin enlightened five hundred robbers by performing before them a Rasa dance during which he sang an instructive Carcari song. Fortunately for us, Uddyotana has also given this song. It consists of four stanzas (Vastuka) and a refrain (Dhruvaka). It begins with the Dhruvaka which is repeated after each of the Vastukas. If we symbolize the Dhruvaka by D and the Vastuka by V, the arrangement is like this: D V1 D V2 D V3 D V4 D..
6. The metre of the Dhruvaka is to be identified as Mägadhi or Magadhikā, in spite of slight difficulty in the third and the

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fourth Päda. It is a Mātrā metre with the scheme 4 + 4 + -O(14 Mātrās) for the odd Pādas, and 6 + 4+ - - (16 Mātrās). for the even Pädas. The rhyme scheme is a, b; c, d. The text of the third and the fourth Päda seems to be defective, as it is short by one Mātrā in the later part. The metre of the Vastukas is Mañjari.10 It is a Prakrit metre of the Khañjaka class with the scheme 3+3 +4 + 4 + 4 + (21 Mātrās) for each of its four Pādas.
7. From the typical pattern of arrangement of the Dhruvaka and the Vastukas in this Carcari of the Kuvalayamālā, we can easily identify its structure as Dvipadi. A Dvipadi according to Virahārka. consists of four Vastukas each of which is followed by a Gitikā. Between a Vastuka and a Gitikā we can interpolate, if we choose, any one of the following four : a Vidāri, a Dvipathaka an Ekaka, a Vistäritaka. But when the intervening Vidāri is a Dhruvaka, i.e. it is used as a refrain to be repeated after each Vastuka, the following Gitkā was to be omitted. This means that in the latter case the Dvipadi consisted of fon Vastukas each of which was followed by the Dhruvaka. This structure of Dvipadi is given by Virahānka on the authority of reputed prosodists Kambala and Asvatara, Sātavāhana and Hariyrddha.11
The Jānāśrayilo, composed towards the end of the sixth century A.D., defines Dvipadi as a complex of a Bhanga-dvipadi and a Gitikā in that order. At times a Vidāri was interpolated between the two. Each one of the four lines of a Bhanga-dvipadi stanza consisted of three to seven Gaņas of either the Caturmātra or the Pañcamātra type. Each one of the four lines of a Vidāri stan za contained fourteen Mātrās. The commentary on Jānāśrayi 5-44 says that Dvipadi was among that class of metres which was in vogue with the common people.
8. Moreover there is also some other significant information, that we gather from Virahānka. According to VJS. IV 50 one class of the Rāsaka type of Prakrit compositions was characteristically made up of Dvipadis that had V. followed by Viståritakas:

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The Carcari Song
37
or Vidārts. The Carcari songs at Kuvalayamālā 89 closely resembles this class of Rāsakas composed in Dripadis. The difference between them was possibly that as against the longer Rāsaka, the Carcari song was made up of only one Dripadi that contained four complex units. The Jānāšrayi too has treated the Rāsaka13 along with the Dvipadi.
9. The form of the Carcari at Kuvalayamālā $9 perfectly fits in the scheme of Virahārka's Dvipadi. In the absence of definite illustrations the precise character of the latter has remained considerably obscure. The metrical form of this Kuvalayamāla Carcari provides us with a ciear instance of the Dvipadi and this fact enhances its importance.
10. We may digress here a bit and note that at Caupannamahāpuri sucariya p. 186, st. 90.97, for the description of the leavetaking of warriors prior to a march, Silārka has employed a Dvipadi. The eight verses in the passage are made up of four metrically identical units, each of which has two constituents, viz. a stanza in Manjari (or Khañ jaka) followed by a stanza in Gitikā. Similarly we have on pp. 190-191 (st. 137, 139) of the same work two instances of the Mañjari-Gitika combination and it is significant that here the subject of description is Spring Season. As already noted, the Jānāśrayi defines Dvipadi as made up of a BlangaDvipadi followed by a Gitikā.
11. Thus our examination of the Carcari song at Kuvalayamālā $ 9 has yielded the following facts about the form and function of Carcari :1. Carcari was a song in Prakrit sung while performing the
Rāsa dance. 2. It could be in the form of a Dvipadi which consisted of
four Vastukas accompanied by Dhruvaka; this type of Dvipadi has been described by Virahārka on the basis of
an earlier prosodic tradition. 3. One class of the Rāsaka type of Prakrit poems closely
resembled the Carcari in form.

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4. The four-partite Dvipadi is not treated by some wellknown prosodic authorities like Svayambhu and Hemacandra But they do treat its basic units under the Dvibhangikā and Tribhangikā in the Sirsaka class of metres. Actually their scheme of metrical classification has a different basis, while the VJS prosodic tradition appears to be based on a type of Prakrit poems that went out of vogue during the later times. The Caupannamahāpurisacariya has specimens. of both the uses of Dvipad.
(2) The Carcari song at Kuvalayamālā, p. 145
12. At Kuvalayamālā § 235, p. 145, 1. 7-8 we have another specimen of a Carcari song14. Prince Dappaphaliha, who was drugged and was out of his mind, is described there as dancing a Carcarikā, the verbal text of which did not have any connected meaning or acceptable grammar. This nonsensical Carcarikā song is in slightly Prakritized Sanskrit and it is made up of a rhymed stanza in the Chittaka or Toṭaka metre15. (Each line has four Sa-ganas i.e. ~~ × 4). Unlike the Carcari at Kuvalayamālā §9, this instance has no connection with the Spring Festival. The language of the song is modified Sanskrit and not Prakrit. The song has only one stanza and its metre is such as is common to. Sanskrit and Prakrit.
(5) The song at Upamitibhavaprapañcākathā, pp. 272-273.
13. King Ripudaraṇa is described at Upamitibhavaprapañcākathā, pp. 272-273 as forced to dance a tri-talaka Rasa and the accompanying song16 is given in st. 438-442. From the two Carcaris of the Kuvalayamālā discussed above we know that the song accompanying the Rasa dance was called Carcari. So eventhough the song in the above-given context of the Upamitibhavaprapāñcākatha is not actually called Carcari, we may take it as the same functionally. And a formal analysis of this song justifies our assumption. The song consists of four Vastukas, each of which is followed by Dhruvaka. But here the Vastukas and the Dhruvaka are in the same metre, while the prosodists seem to prescribe different metres.

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The Carcari Song
39
for them. This deviation apart, the metre of the song is significantly the same as employed in the Vastukas of the first Carcari of the Kuvalayamālā, viz., Mañjari. Eventhough it has been given the appearance of a Sanskrit Vịtta, and as such it has the form Ra + Na + Bha + Bha + Ra (i.e. -- -
- -- - ---), which would define it as the metre called Sundara, Ramaniya or Manibhūşaņa, 17 really speaking its structure is intended to reflect the moraic form 3 + 3 + 4 + 4 + 4 + - Employment of rhyme (clear rhymes in 438 a, b, 439 a, b; 441 a, b; c, d; 442 a, b) too gives out the Prakritic source of the metre. We can therefore take this song as a Carcari with a Dvipadi structure.
(4) The Song at Prabhāvakacarita, p. 60, and Prabandhakośa, p. 16.
14. In the Viddhavādi-prabandha of the Prabhāvakacarita, Vrddhavadin is described as composing extempore a Rāsaka song in 'Prakrit' and giving a dance performance on the basis of that song, before a group of cowherds. The actual song is also given 18 (p. 60, 11. 11-15). Its language is post-Apabhramśa or Old Gujarati. This incident is narrated also in the Prabandhakośa (p. 16) with some variation. Therein Vțddhavadin dances singing two songs. The first song is the same as that given in the Prabhāvakacarita. The song is said to be in Ghindiņi (v.1. Ghindana) metre. No metre of this name can be traced in the available manuals of Prakrit metres. 19 Actually the metre of the stanza can be identified as Chittaka (with some irregularity in the third line). And we know that the second Carcari of the Kuvalayamālā is in this very metre, which is also found in one of the Apabhraíśa songs in the fourth act of the Vikramorvasiya and is treated by Virahānka.20 So we see that for using the metre Chittaka for Carcari songs there was a well-established tradition.
The second song is also in Old Gujarati. It is in a different metre : Each of its four Pādas have 15 Mātrās (4 + 4 + 4 +- ) with rhymes a, b, c, d. It is commonly used in Medieval Gujarati Narrative poetry and is called Copāı.

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(5) The Carcari description at Caupannamahāpurisacariya, p. 191.
15. So far we have considered some passages which either contain a Carcari song so specified or a song that was used in the Rāsaka dance. Besides these, we have to note a few passages which indirectly throw some light on the character of the Carcari songs. These passages purport to describe the performance of a Carcari dance or simply a Carcari at a spring festival, but the mode of description seems to have implications that are useful for our present purpose.
16. First we take up the description of Carcari occurring at Caupannamahāpurisacariya, p. 191 (st. 143 and 144). This forms a part of the description of the Spring Festival for which purpose the author has commonly used the Gāthā metre, but as a significant variation, twice (in st. 137 and 139) he has used Dvipadi21 and in the two stanzas under discussion, he has used a special SamaCatuspadi metre of twenty-four Mātrās per line. The language of these stanzas is mixed with Apabbraṁsa. From the available works on Apabhramsa metre I have not been able to identify this metre. But it seems to be a variation of the Rāsaka with two Mātrās added in the beginning and with the final syllable lengthened. The general structure and rhythm is very close to those of the Räsävalaya (21 Mātrās per line divided as 6 + 4 + 6 +-
) with some variations, which was the standard metre of the Apabhramsa Rāsābandha and which is also used by Jinadattasūri for his Jinavallabhasūri-Carcari in Old Gujarati, composed in the beginning of the twelfth century.
(6) The Carcari description at Karpūramañjari, IV, 16-19
17. Similarly in the vivid and detailed description of Carcari given by the Vidūşaka in the fourth act of the Karpīramañjari (vv. 10-19), we find that the metre for the first six stanzas is Upajāti of Indravajrā and Upendravajrā while that for the remaining four stanzas is Svāgatā. The latter is defined as Ra + Na + Bha + Ga + Ga i.e. -- -
- - ---. As a VarnavȚtta it resembles

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The Carcari Song
the metre employed in the Rasa song of the Upamitibhavaprapan cākatha in that if we cut down the last four syllables of the later and treat the eleventh syllable (now final) as long we get Svāgatā. Looked upon as a Mátra metre its structure and rhythm are those of the very widely used Apabharamsa metre Vadanaka (scheme 6+4+4+2, the last four Mātrās having the form or—).
18. Thus our examination of the Sanskrit and Prakrit passages from various texts having some direct or indirect bearing on determining the formal character of Carcari songs has shown that in the earlier period Dvipadi was used for composing these songs, but other metres also like Chittaka and perhaps Rāsāvalaya and Vadanaka were employed for this purpose.
Later Developments in the Form of Carcari
19. Carcari became established in later Apabhramśa and Early Vernacular literatures as a literary type or genre. And here also we can see how the Prakrit studies are quite indispensable for a thorough understanding and assessment of Early New Indo-Aryan literatures. In many a matter of language and literature there has been a continuous tradition without break from Prakrit through Apabhramsa to Early New Indo-Aryan, and much of the last cannot be even properly understood without help from the other two.
Carcari in Apabhramsa and Old Gujarati
20. We know about two Carcari poems from the Apabhramśa literature. One is the Caccari composed in the twelfth century by Jinadattasuri to eulogize Jinavallabhasuri22. It consists of fortyseven stanzas in the Rasavalaya metre. It is the same metre in which the Apabhramśa poem Samdeśarāsaka is principally composed23.
The other Caccari is known to us only by its name. While giving his personal account Vira, the author of the Apabhramsa poem Jambusāmicariya (11 th cent.) informs us that one of the four poems composed by his father was Samtinahacaccari24 i.e. a Carcari about the Jain Tirthankara Śantinātha. Nothing more is known about it.

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21. Some six Caccaris or Cācaris are known to us from Early Gujarāti literature. They were composed in the 14th Century. Some details about them are given below25 :
Title
Author Form and extent
Subject Carcarikā
Solana 38 Dohās Pilgrimage to
Mount Girnar. Caccari
Anonymous 30 ., Dharma-Caccari
20., Jain religious
practices and
Vows. Besides, Jinacandrasūri-carcari by Hemabhūşaņa (25 Dohās about the greatness of Guru), Jinaprabodhasūri-carcari by Somamūrti (a eulogy in 16 Dohās) and a Caccari by Jinaprabhasūri are still in the manuscript form.
22. These Carcaris in Apabhramsa and Early Gujarāti were didactic works composed by Jain authors on the model of contemporary popular and purely literary compositions. They indicate that during its long course of evolution Carcari got transformed from a short festive lyrical song to a substantial poem with some narrative and deseriptive content. The connection with the festival and dance also altered substantially and the original metrical form and structure too changed beyond recognition.
23. These general observations about Carcari with some inevitable elements of surmise can be verified only when huge gaps in our information are filled up, and that depends upon finding out actual specimens of Carcari from classical texts belonging to the period between the sixth to the thirteenth century. It was also a part of the purpose of the present paper to show that a close scrutiny of published Prakrit and Apabhraíśa works is likely to be rewarding in such matters.
Postscript 1. In the marrative of Nāgadatta in the Katha-kośa-prakarana, a snake-charmer is described as employing a snake-charm to cure

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43
Prince Megharatha bitten by a cobra. The ritual involves among other things a rhythmic performance of Carcari dance by sixteen dancers with the singing of the following snake-charm :
जइ पइहरियउ ओदियउ, पीयलउ जि पइद्धउ ।
उठिय नच्चहि पुत्रडा, कि अच्छहि मुद्धउ ॥ (There are same variant reading) (p. 13, 11. 6-7)
The language is Apabhraíśa and the metre is probably Dohā, although the text is corrupt in several places. The meaning of the first half is partially obscure, but the general sense is clear : ‘Enenthough the yellow dragon has struck you in its pride, oh son, rise up and dance; why are you lying unconscious ?'
2. The sixteenth chapter of the fourth Vimsati (i.e. seventysixth chapter according to the continuous numbering) of Mānasollāsa (1113 A.D.), devoted to the description of the pastime of music (Gita-vinoda), describes among other things, the metres which were usnally used for the songtexts that serves the musical Prabandhas. At Mānasollāsa IV 16, 302 the metre of the Carcari Prabandha is treated and illustrated with a verse Passage in Apabhramśa. The text is badly preserved. The reconstructed version is as under26 :
मधु-रितु मन्मथ-नायकु पहुतउ, सहार-किसलय-लखिउ निरुतः । विचकिल परिमल-लग्गउ, घुम्मइ अलिकुलु झकारइ बहु-कुसुमइ । कोइल कलरउ करइ सुहावउ, णावइ (?) कुसुमसरह हक्कारउ । हालिहिं नरवइ-कव्वु पढिज्जइ, तालिहिं छदेहि गाइज्जइ । कुकुम-सलिले तणु र जिज्जइ, तरुणियणिहिं महुरउ नच्चिज्जइ । वरु हिंदोलउ वडि खेलिजइ, जुवतिहिं चरणहिं दइदु पेलिञ्जड़ । चंदणि अच्चण लेवणु किञ्जइ, मल्लिय-म जरि सिरि बधिञ्जइ । सिह धूविज्जइ अयरु डहिज्जइ, मोत्ताहल-नव-सम पहिरिज्जइ । कपूर-सनिहु ससि सेविज्जइ, रागि वसति पियउ गाइज्जइ । हंस तुलाइसु दो (?) सोविज्जइ, पिउ घुल्लतउ वणि माणिज्जइ ।।

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The metre can be identified as Vadanaka. Each of its verseline has 16 Mātrās (6 + 4 + 4 + ).
At Chandonušāsana, VII 47 (following Svayambhūcchands VI 165) is defined an Apabhraíśa metre of the Dvipadi type, called Caccari. It has 37 Mātrās (6, 4x 7, 3; Caesuras after 14, 8) Its illustration is as follows: चच्चरि चारु चवहिं अच्छर कि-वि, रासउ खेल्लहिं, कि-वि कि-वि गायहिं वर धवल । रयहिं रयण-सत्थिअ कि-वि दहि.. अक्खय गिव्हहिं, कि-वि जम्मूसवि तुह जिण-धवल ॥
Hemacandra's illustration indicates that Caccari could be recited also, that it need not be necessarily acconpamied by a dance performance and that it can be used as a hymn at a religious festival.27
Now in the first act of the Ratnāvali there is a reference to the sounds and notes of the Carcari, that was being performed by the city folk in the main street. It was accompanied by sweet vocal and instrumental music. When Vidūşaka refers to it as Caccari, the maid Madanikā rebukes him with the remark, 'Oh fool, it is not Caccari, It is Duvadi-khamda'. Thereby Madanikā points out that the song accompanying the dance is in the metre called Duvadi-khamda (i.e. Dvipadi-khanda) and not in Carcari metro.
At Kuvalayamālā p. 52, 11. 11-14 and p. 116, 11. 18-19 we come across two occurrences of song in this metre, designated by Uddyotana-sūri as Duvai-khamdalaya. Of these the first song is sung by Māna-bhata while swinging on a swing as a part of the celebration of the Spring Festival. The second song is sung by a Yaksa maiden as a hymn to the Jina idol. The two songs differ in language and metrical structure. The first is in Prakrit and is a strophic metre of the Dvibhangi type. It is made up of two syntactically connected units. The first unit is a Dvipadi (four lines of 28 Mātrās each) and the second a Giti two lines of 30 Mātrās each). On the other hand, the second song is in Sanskrit and is made up of only a Dvipadi.

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45
In this connection it is also relevant to point out that Uddyotana has specifically stated in his introduction to the Kuvalayamālā (p. 4, 1. 8) that some of the passages in his work he has composed in Dvipadi joined with Gitikā, some in Dvibhangi and Tribhangi and some in the Bhinnaka metre. Besides the above two songs Dvipadi is used several times in the Kuvalayamālā.28
3. From the quite limited data presented here and from numerous references to Carcari in Prakrit and Sanskrit literature, it is clear that the Carcari dance was not confined to the spring festival or the Holi festival). It was the general name of a type of festive, common people's dance performed publicly in the village streets and city squares (Sk. catvara, Pk. caccara) by troupes consisting of dancers, singers and instrument-players. Of course by association the term Caccari, Carcari came to be used for the accompanying song, its characteristically used metre (or metres), the tāla etc.
4. In the fourth act of Kālidása's Vikramorvasiya Carcari or Carcarikā occurs frequently as a stage direction. Velankar has discussed in detail the occurrences of these terms in that drama and his critical observations and conclusions are greatly enlightening in this regard. I will quote him rather at length :
“As regards the exact meaning of the word carcari, we saw above that the stanzas associated with carcari are not composed in one particular metre and this shows that the word does not sigpisy a metre at least in our drama. It is true that sometimes carcari involved the recitation of some composition, as is seen from the solitary, but definite reference to the pātha in I 3. I. Its usual association with a Prākrit, or in a few cases, a Sanskrit stanza, shows that it mostly accompanied the singing of the Prākrit or the recitation of the Sanskrit stanza, if such a one is provided by the author; but otherwise it may accompany the singing or the recitation of any common song, or may even be without any one. This is also borne out by the description of a carcari in the Karpūramanjari, IV. 10-18, where reference is mostly made to dance to instrumental music, and to vocal music only in one case.

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A reference to carcari dhvani is found also in Ratnāvali of Sriharsa. All this would show that (I) carcari is not the name of any one particular metre; (2) that it could be presented to the accompaniment of either a Sanskrit (though this was very rare) or (more generally) a Prākrit stanza, or sometimes even in the absence of any particular stanza; (3) that the recitation of a common song or any particular stanza did not form any essential part of a carcari: and (4) that its main attraction lay in its dance and instrumental music which accompanied it. References to carcari in older literature confirm these conclusions'.
APPENDIX 1. Kuvalayamālā $ p. 4, 25-5, 4.
जहा तेण केवलिणा अरण्ण पविसिऊण पंच चोर-सयाइ रास-णच्चण-च्छलेण महामोह-गह-गहियाई अक्खिविऊण इमाए चच्चरीए संबोहियाइ । अवि य -
सबुज्ज्ञह किं ण बुज्झह, एत्तिए वि मा किंचि मुज्झह ।
कीरउ जं करियव्वयं, पुण ढुक्कइ त मरियव्वयं ॥ इति धुवय । कसिण-कमल-दल-लोयण-चल-रेहतओ पीण-पिहुल-थण-कडियल-भार-किलतओ। ताल-चलिर-वलयावलि-कलयल-सद्दओ रासयम्मि जइ लभइ जुवई-सत्थओ ।। सबुज्झह ० असुइ-मुत्त-मल-रुहिर पवाह-विरूवय । वत-पित्त-दुग्ग धि-सहाव-विलीणय 29 । मेय-मज्ज-वस-फोप्फस-हड्ड-कर कयं चम्म-मेत्त-पच्छायण-जुवई-सस्थय ।। सबुज्ज्ञह. कमल-चंद-णीलुप्पल-कति-समाणय मूढएहि उवमिज्जइ जुवई-अंगय' । थोवय पि भण कत्थइ जइ रमणिज्जय असुइय तु सव्व चिय इय पच्चक्खयं ।। सबुज्झह. जाणिऊण एय चिय एत्थ असारए असुइ-मेत्त-रमणूसव-कय-वावारए ।

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कामयम्मि मा लग्गह भव-सय-कारए विरम विरम मा हिंडह भव-ससारए ।। सौंबुज्झह.
2. Caupannamahāpurisacariya, p. 186, 11. 15-27.
तओ ढक्कारबमायण्णिऊण पडिबुद्धो सयलो वि सामत-तलवग्ग-सौंदोहो त्ति । तओ य किं का पयत्ता ? अवि यसिढिलिऊण दइयं पिय गुदलसालय, कोइ सिहिणधणफलहरवच्छविसालय। ण दणं व विरहुग्गयतावपणासय, सामिकज्जि बहु मण्णइ णवर पवासय ॥ ९०
अण्णाए कठवलइय, मोइज्जइ कह वि ओसुहेल्लयपि ।
सुहडेण सामिकज्जए, दइयालइयसिणेहपासय व ॥ ९२ विलुलियसिढिल केसचटुलीकयच चलवालय, सौंठवेसु देवरतणुतरलयवालय । भणइ कोइ मह सुन्दरि ! मुय माणल्लय, वयणय च मा वुब्भउ बाहजलोल्लयं ॥९१
उपतीए कवयं, कीए वि रक्खासह ति दइयस्स ।
आलिंगिज्जइ बहुसो, गुणाण रज्जइ जणो ण रूवस्स ॥९३ जंतदइयमवयच्छिय कीए विसालय, उण्णवेवि मुहमुब्भडजणियविओलय । दुणिमित्तसकाए विसायबसुब्भए, वाहओ पहोलिज्जइ लोयणमज्झए ॥९४
सुपडित्थिरपरिसप्पयं, को वि समारुहइ ससए वि मिलियाण ।
ववसाय पिव तुरयय', सहायय आवईए ससियाण ।।९५ को वि गलियकरडयडपलोट्टियदाणय, गुरुविपक्खभेयक्खमदीहविसाणयौं । णिययपुरिसयार पिव परभडभजय, आरुहेइ गुरुमयगलमइदप्पुज्जय ॥९६
कीए वि गओ त्ति दइयओ, विरहभयाहित्थवेविर गयाई ।
अविल बियाइ तुरियय, वयंसियाए व्व णवर मुच्छयाए ॥९७ 3. Ibid, p. 190, 11. 25-28. अवि य
सुरहिपरिमलुद्दामपलोट्टियदाणओ, चूयम जरीजालविणितविसाणओ । गयवतीण वित्थारियविरहदुहासओ, वारणो व्व पवियम्भइ माहवमासओ ॥१३७
कयगुरुविरहुव्वेयय, भमतभसला लियासमीवयम्मि । .. पहिएहिं सभमाउल, पलोइया कुवियकालस'कलो व्व ॥ १३८

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Ibid, p. 194 last line, p. 191, 11. 1-3. एत्थ तरम्मिय पढियां ब ंदिणा --
उच्छल तकलचच्च रिरुं जियरसणओ, धवलमल्लिउम्मिल्लियदीहर दसणओ । चडुलपल्लवु वेल्लिरतर लियजीहओ महुणिहाइ, पवियम्भइ माहासीहओ ॥ १३९ जह जह दाहिणपवणओ णराण परिमुसइ मासल गयाई । मयणग्गणा समहिय तह तह संतावियाई हिययाइ ॥ १४०
Literary and Performing Arts
4. Kuvalayamālā, $ 235, p. 145, 11. 5-8.
कइया विकहिं पि परिमममाणो इम अस बद्धक्खरालावरइयं चचरिचय* च्चमाणो । अवि य
यदि कश्चि विपश्चि न जातु सखे, यदि सर्कर सर्करला न भवेत् । यदि चन्द्र - मुनीन्द्रमनङ्ग चितः, यदि सोऽस्ति नमोऽस्तु नमोऽस्तु ततः ॥
5. Upamitibhavaprapañcākathā, p. 272-273, vv. 439-442.
प्रवृत्तास्ते तालाव ं कर्तुम् । समवतारिताऽह ं रासमध्ये । ततो मां नाटयन्त:. प्रख्वास्ते मनुष्यास्त्रितालक रास दातुम्, कथम् ? ।
या हि गर्वमविवेकभरेण करिष्यते, बाधकः च जगतामनृतं च वदिष्यते । नूनमत्र भव एव स तीव्र विडंबनां प्राप्नुवीत निजपापभरेण भृश ं जनः ॥ ध्रुवकः ॥
*
*
*
*
पश्यतेह भव एव जनः कुतूहल, शैलराजवरभित्रविलासकृत ं फलम् । यः पुरैष गुरुदेवगणानपि ने। नतः, सेोऽय दासचरणेषु नता रिपुदारण: || ये हि गर्व ०
*
शैलराजवशवर्तितया निखिले जने, हिण्डितेोऽहमनृतेन वृथा किल पण्डितः । मारिता च जननी हि तथा नरसुन्दरी, तेन पापचरितस्य ममात्र विडम्बनम् ॥ येो हि गर्व ० योऽत्र जन्ममतिदायिगुरूनवमन्यते, सोऽत्र दासचरणाघतलैरपि हन्यते । यस्त्वलीकवचनेन जनानपतापयेत्, तस्य तपननृप इत्युचितानि विधापयेत् ॥ यो हि गर्व ० नो नृतोऽसि पितृदेवगण ं न च मातर, किं हतोऽसि रिपुदारण पश्यसि कातरम् । नृत्य नृत्य विहिताहति देवपुरोऽधुना, निफ्त निपत चरणेषु च सर्वमहीभुजाम्॥ये हि गर्व

Page #59

The Carcari Song 6. Prabhāvakacarita p. 60, Il. 11-15.
सूरयस्तत्सदभ्यस्तगीतहुबडकैस्तदा । भ्रान्त्वा भ्रान्त्वा ददानाश्च तालमेलेन तालिकाः ॥ प्राकृतोपनिवन्धेन सद्य: सम्पाद्य रासकम् । ऊचुस्तत्प्रतिबोधार्थ तादृशामीगौचिती ॥
तथा हिनदि मारिअइ नवि चोरिअइ पर-दारह अत्थु (V. L. गमणु) निवारिअइ ।
थोवाह वि थोवर दाइअइ तउ सग्गि[हिं] टुगुदटुगु जाइअइ ॥ The texts of the song as given in the Prabhāvakacarita and the Prabandhakosa (p. 16, I. 8) slightly differ from each other. The context of the event is differently given in the latter. There the line preceding the song is as follows:
ततो वृद्धवादी कालज्ञ: कच्छां दृढ बध्ध्वा । घीन्दिणिच्छन्दसा क्रीडति । Prabandhakosa, p. 16, il. 11-13
पुनः पठति नृत्यति चकाल कबल अनु नीचाटु (१), छासिहिं खालड्डु भरिउ नि वाटु ।
(v. 1. छासिहि भरिउ दइअडु पाटु) अब्बड पडियउ नीलइ झाडि, अवर किं सग्गह सिंगु निलाडि ॥ 7. Caupannamahāpurisacariya, p. 191, 11. 15-19.
वासुदेवा वि पासपरिट्टयरिटणेमी णिग्गओ पेच्छइ य चच्चरिं। सा य केरिसा -
अलिउलचलपम्हउडवियासियसुमणदले। उन्भडमहुमासेा वि वियम्भइ भूसियभुवणयलो । उब्भिण्णचूयणवपल्लवकिसलयसद्दलए 'को पिउ बज्जेवि वच्चइ ?' कूविउ कोइलए ॥१४३ । जइ दइयविओए विवज्जइ ता कहे दुच्चरिउ इय चिंतए तो कलय ठिए 'तुह तुह' उच्चरिओ । इय एव विय भियमणहरबहुविहचच्चरिओ
णिसुणतु जणद्दा लीलाए वियरइ सच्चरिओ ||१४४॥ 8. Karpūramañjari, iv, vv. 16-18.
का-वि वाइअकरालहुडुक्का, रम्ममद्दलरवेण मअच्छी । दोल्लआहि परिवाडिचलाहिं, चल्लिकामकरणम्मि पअट्टा । १६॥

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50
Literary and Performing Arts
किंकिणीकअझणझणमण्णा कण्ठगीइलअज तिअतालं । जोइणी व लअणच्चणलील, तारणेउरव विरअंति. ॥१७॥ कोउहल्लवसजगमवेसा, वेणुवाअणपरा अवराओ । कालवेसवसहासिअलोआ, ओसर ति पणमति हसति ॥१८॥
Notes 1. Date of composition, 878 A.D. 2. Date of composition, 869 A.D. 3. Date of composition, 906 A.D. 4. Date of composition, 1278 A.D. 5. Date of composition, 1349 A.D. 6. Date of composition, first quarter of the 11 th Cent. 7. A. N. Upadhye has suggested that the source of this episode
is an almost identical incident given by Nemicandra in his commentary on the eighth chapter of the Uttarajjhāyā which is attributed to Kapila. The later is said to have converted five hundred robbers by dancing before them and singing a
song which was the same as Uttarajjhāyā VIII. 8. For the text of the song see the Appendix. 9. Ch. 3, 62; KD. 2, 18. 10. See Ch. 4, 61; KD. 2. 22 Commentary. A. N. Upadhye, the
learned editor of the Kuvalayamālā, identifies the metre of the Vastukas as Galitaka (with the Gaņa scheme 5+5+4+3=21 Mātrās). But Yamaka, one of the defining characteristics of the Galitaka, is absent from the Vastukas under discussion.
In this connection it may be noted that the metre of the verse expressly associated with Carcari dance at Vikramorvasiya IV. 11 (Sahitya Akademi edition) is Mañjari, though the initial 6 Mātrās of the fourth Pāda are not divisible as 3 + 3.
Further we may also note that the Tribhangi illustration at Ch. 4, 89.1 has Mañjari as its first unit.
.

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* The Carcari Song
51
11. See VJS. 2, 4-8. 12. Jānāśrayi, 5. 60-58. 13. Jānāśrayi, 5, 69-72. 14. For the text see Appendix. 15. For the text of the Carcari sce Appendix. 116. In this connection we may note that the metre of Vikramorvasiya
IV, 14 is also Chittaka. In the stage direction that precedes it, the associated Laya or the specific Tāla characterizing the rhythmic dance movement is termed Bhinnaka. VJS IV, 54 treats the Chittaka, and the metre treated next, with the form
- ux3+ --, is called Bhittaka, which may well stand
for bhinnaka. *17. For the text of the songs see Appendix. 18. Ch. 2, 256; Jayakirti's Chandonu śāsana, 2, 191. 19. The word Ghimdiņi (v. I. Ghinnaņa) occurs as the name of the
song that accompanies the Rāsa dance in the Old Gujarati poem śāntināthabolikā of Jineśvara-sūri (13th cent), written in Śrīmāla (Rajasthan): ता धिंदिणि देविणु, रानु रमेविणु, दीवी लिउ नच्चति ।
Prācina Gūrjara Kāyya Sañcaya, p. 115, stanza 3 a. 20. For the text of the song see Appendix. 21. See Ch. 5, 26; Samdeśarāsaka, Introduction pp. 53-55 and the
sources indicated there. 22. See Apabhramśakāyyatrayi, ed. by L. B. Gandhi, pp. 1--27. 23. The commentator of the Caccari has wrongly identified the
metre as Kunda. (Apabhramśakāvyatrayi, p. 2). According to Ch. 5, 6 the Gaņa-scheme of Kunda is 4 + 5 + 5+ - +--- and this is different from the Gaņa-scheme of the Rāsāvalaya (Ch. 5, 26), viz. 6+ 4+ 6 + 5 (the last three Mātrās to be
all short). 24 Caccariabamdhi viraiu sarasu, gāijjai Saintiu tārajasu,' Jambūsā
micariya. I, 4, 5.

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Literary and Performing Arts
25. Of these the first two are published in the Prūcin Gürjar
Kāvya Sangrah. The third is published in the Prācina Gūrjara
Kāyya Samcaya. 26. See, H. C. Bhayani, “The Prakrit and Deśa-bhāṣā passages
in Somešvara’s Mānasollāsa', K. K. Handiqui Felicitation
Volume, p. 167 ff. 27. A Sanskrit metre variously called Pañcacāmara, Vasanta
câmara, Vasantacatvara etc. is defined in metrical manuals (Velankar, Chandonuśāsana, p. 293, no. 12.5). One of the last
two names of the metre seems to be originating from scribal error. 28. Incidentally, we may note that there is considerable variation
in nomenclatures we find in different metrical traditions and practices as reflected in metrical manuals, and this tends to create some confusion. Hemacandra's Dvipadi-khanda is quite different (Chandonuśāsana IV 85). He has cited as illustration Ratnāvali. The combination of Dvipadi + Gīti, which is called Duvai-khamdalaya at Kuvalayamālā p. 52. 11. 12-15, is termed Dvibhangi by Svayambhū ( Svayambhūcchandas. p. 2-1). But according to the Chandonuśāsana IV 86, Dvibhangi is Dvipadi + Giti. However in his illustration of Dvibhangi we find Dvipadi + Lalitā (Chandonušāsana. IV 10). This Lalitā is called Gitikā in the Janaśrayi and it is different from Gīti (Chandonuśāsana IV 6). Further eventhongh Uddyotana has called the song at Kuvalayamālā, p. 116. 11. 18-19 Duvaikhardalaya, it is just a Dvipadi without the following Giti. One more occurrence of the combination of Dvipadi + Giti we find at Kuvalayamālā, p. 94, II. 8-10. References at Kuvala
yamālī, Part II, p. 85. 29. The word is recorded in the form चिलीणय as well as विलीणय..
The former seems to be the correct form. See H. C. Bhayani, ‘Studies in Hemacandra's Desinaramälä 1966, p. 13, s. v. farload (= Studies in Deśya Prakrit, 1988, p. 11-12); R. N. Shriyan, A Critical Study of Yakāpurāne of Puspa-danta, 1969, no. 955.

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"The Carcari Song
53
REFERENCES
Apabhramśakāvyatrayi, ed. by L. B. Gandhi, 1927. Upamitibhavaprapañcākathā of Siddharşi, ed. by Chandrashekharvijay
Part 1, 1968; ed. by Peter Peterson, 1899 (pp. 721-722). Kathākoșa-prakaraṇa of Jineśvara-sūri, cd. Jinavijaya Muni, 1949. Karpūramañjarī of Räjašakhara, ed. by S. Konow, 1963 reprint. Kavidarpaņa (=KD.), H. D. Velankar, 1962. Kuvalayamālā of Uddyotada, ed. by A. N. Upadhye, Part I,
1959, Part II, 1970. Caupannamahāpurisacariya of Silārka, ed. by A. M. Bhojak, 1961. Chandonuśāsana of Hemacandra (=Ch.), ed. H. D. Velankar, 1962. Chandonuśāsana of Jayakirti, ed. H. D. Velankar, in Jayadāman, 1949. Jam būsāmicariya of Vira, ed. by V. P. Jaina, 1968. Jānāśrayi (=Appendix to Chandonuśāsana of Hemacandra), ed. by
H. D. Velankar, 1951. Prabandhakośa of Rājasekhara, ed. by Jinavijaya Muni, 1935. Prabhāvakacarita of Prabhācandra, ed. by Jinavijaya Muni, 1940 Prācīna Gūrjara Kāvya Sañcaya, ed. by H. C. Bhayani, Agarchand
Nahta, 1975. Prācīn Gūrjara Kāvya Samgrah, ed. by C. D. Dalal, 1920. Manasollāsa or Abhilasitārtha-cintāmaņi of Someśvara, ed. bp G. K.
Shrigondekar, 1961. Vikramorvasiya of Kālidāsa, ed. by H. D. Velankar, 1961. Vịttajātisamuccaya of Virahārka (=VJS), ed. H. D. Velankar, 1962. Samdeśarāsaka of Abdala Rahamāna, cd. by Jinavijaya Muni,
Introduction by H. C. Bhayani, 1945. Svayambhūcchandas of Svayambhū, ed. by H. D. Velankar, 1962.

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5. ON CHATRA AND CALL!
1. Chatra ; a Type of Uparūpaka ?
In the fifty seventh Kathānaka in Harişeņa's Bịhatkathā-kośa (written in 931-932 A.D. in Vardhamāna (i.e. modern Vadhyān in Saurāșțra), called Aśoka-Rohini, the queen Rohiņi while sitting in the palace-balcony in company of her husband, child and a nurse, happens to see on the road below a group of women giving customary public expressionto the grief of somebody's death in their family. They had fomed a circle and moving round, they were rhythmically beating their breasts and nttering wailing notes. Rohiņi, who was quite lacking in any personal experience of sorrow, fails to really understand what the women were doing. She takes it to be some sort of dance or musical performance. She was well-versed in the Nāțyaśāstra of Bharata : Hence she. observes : 'which type of dance performance is this? It does not confirm to any of the five types, viz. Signațaka, Bhānī, Chatra, Rāsa and Dumbili described by Bharata and usually performed by the expert dancers'.1 The learned editor of the Bīhatkathā-kośa the late, Dr. A. N. Upadhye has observed in his Notes (p. 383) that the readings giving the names of the five types are corrupt and he takes them to stand respectively for Sidgaka, Bhaņikā, Citra, Rāsaka and Dombikā, on the basis of a text passage cited on p. 544 of M. Krisnamachariar's History of Classical Sanskrit Literature. Here the identifications do not pose any problem, excepting that of Chatra with Citra. In various treatments of the Uparūpakas known to us from works on Dramaturgy and Poetics we have no mention of a type called Chatra and hence Upadhye's understandable assumption that it was possibly the some as Citra. Unexpectedly, however, I came across a reference to Chatra in a Prakrit narrative work of about the seventh century AD., which fact vouches for the authenticity of the name Chatra.

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On Chatra and Calli
In Dharmasena-gaại's Vasudevahindi-Madhyama Khanda, in the fifteenth Lambha, called Kanakavati-lambha, we have an elaborate description of the residential palace of Princess Kanakavati. Therein it is said that in the fifth hall of the palace a group of delicate maid-servants, all of the same age and beauty of form, putting on the same type of the dress, ornaments etc. were busy making the rehearsal of the Chatraka performance : सरिसालकार-वय-वत्थ-लायण्णाण छत्तय-प्पयोग-वावडाण सुकुमालाण' चेढीण बंद ।
(p. 224). Regarding the form and character of the Chatra or Chatraka we have no information except the implication of the above-noted allusion that it was obviously a group dance. But its mention in the Brhat-kathā-kośa along with Dombikā etc., all of which are known to be Uparūpakas makes it likely that Chatra too was an Uparūpaka.
2. Calli : a Mode of Popular Dance
In the section on the Uparūpakas, while discussing Rāsaka and Nātyarāsaka, Raghavan deals at length with the passage in Rājasekhara's Karpūramañjari (IV, vv. 11-18) wherein the Vidūşaka describes in detail the troupes of danseuses and revellers performing on the occasion of Spring Festival. Besides the Daņdarāsaka, Rajasekhara has referred there to the performance of a dance called Calli. Raghavan's passage5 on Calli I reproduce below :
Next, Rājasekhara describes a dance called Calli which seems to be a division of the Nartakis in two rows facing each other.
समंस-सीसा सम-बाहु-हत्था, रेहा-विमुद्ध अवराउ देति
gire alle 334-213.7787', qocaz' Afegats afe (93) Again,
For-fa 91537-78175-ECEI, FH-HE-poe 43908gt दोल्लाहिं परिवाडि-चलाहिं, चल्लि-कम्म-करणग्मि पअट्टा (१६)

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Literary and Performing Arts
We have in the Abhinavabhārati the Dombikā, along Calli or Calli as occurring in the Dombikā, along with the playing on Hudukkā. The Huļukkā-vādana is associated with Calli by Rājasekhara also.
'क्वचिन् नृत्त-प्राधान्य यथा डोम्बिका-प्रयोगानन्तर हुडुक्कावाद्यावसरः अत एव तत्र लोक-भाषया चिल्लि(चल्लि)-मार्ग इति प्रसिद्धिः ।'
(21f9qhizat, p. 168–169) Cilli or Calli is thus a dance, Nýtta, with the Nartaki playing on the Hudukkā-vādya, a drum.'
Raghavan has also noted from the dance chapter of the Sangitaratnākarar Cāli and Cālivada as two of the ten Deśí Angas of the Lāsya dance-type.7 He has further remarked that in his Sangitasamayasāra Pārsvadeva has observed that the use of regional terminology with authorities like Bhoja and Someśvara, was based on the Bhāņņika (or Bhāņạira) Bhāṣā. The Sangitaratnākara characterizes Cāli and Cālivada as types of folk dances in which there were simultaneous movements of hands, legs, thighs and waist in the medium tempo.
In the Apabhramśa poem Saideśa-rāsaka of Abdala Rahamāna', written in about 1200 A.D. while describing, the affluence, cultural richness and beauty of Mūlasthāna (i.e. modern Multan), the poet says : Somewhere were played flutes. Viņā, tabours and drums; somewhere were heard the notes of songs in harmony with words and sounds. Elsewhere attractive and trained dancers, with plump and high breasts, moved performing Calli' (v. 45). The actual reading there is calla, which, in the light of the abovenoted occurrences should be calli. The Sanskrit Commentaries, ignorant of the meaning of calli, wrongly paraphrase the phrase calla (callt) karamtiya as cala-cala sabdam kurvantyah.
Thus Calli was a popular dance-type, performed by women with rhythmic movements in accompaniment with the playing of the Huļukkā drum, and in vogue in several regions from, say, 11th to 13th century A. D.

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On Chatra and Calli
Notes
1. अम्ब सिग्नटक भानी छत्र रासोऽपि दुम्बिली ।
एतान् पञ्चापि नृत्यन्ति नाटकान् नृत्यकोविदा: ॥ एतान् पञ्चापि सतज्य नाटकान् भरतोदितान् । नाटको भीरुभिः कोऽयौं नत्यते सादिकुट्टन: ॥
(५७, १०५-१०३) In 57, 103 the ritually wailing women are said to perform a Rasaka (rāsakam kurvatih), probably in view of their circular, rhythmic movement. 2. V. Raghavan, Bhoja's Singāraprakāsa, pp. 545 ff. 3. Part I, ed. by H. C. Bhayani and R. M. Shah, 1987. 4. At the time of editing the text, the Brhatkathākosa
reference to Chatra had not come to our notice. Hence we gave chattaya in the passage with a question-mark indicating
our doubt about the correctness of the reading. 5. op. cit., p. 566. 6. I have given the original Prakrit verses in the place of the
Sanskrit chāyā given by Raghavan. 7. op. cit., p. 590. 8. Edited by Jinavijaya Muni, 1945.

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Page #69


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Page #71

6. THE CHARACTERIZING FUNCTION OF VERSE IN
SANSKRIT DRAMA
The use of prose and verse in the Sanskrit drama has received less discriminating attention as compared to its other aspects. The earlier category mistake of assessing Sanskrit drama by Western dramatic models has been corrected since long, and it has been recognized that the aims and objectives, and the consequent structure of the Sanskrit drama were basically different from those of the Western drama. The former was primarily and essentially poetic and this fact governed its use of prose and verse generally and with respect to each other.
Simple, conversational prose was used for the ordinary dialoguel but at times we also find descriptive passages in the highly ornate style of a prose Kāvya, though this is more frequent in the case of monologues. Verses are interspersed in the prose dialogue to such an extent that the medium of Sanskrit drama can be properly described as prose-cum-verse. The verse in Sanskrit drama is a basic constituent of the structure. Far from being decorative or adventitious (or even a harmful legacy of the epic source-as some would have it), it has got its definite and exclusive functions, for which ordinary prose just could not do.
We can broadly distinguish three functions of the verse in Sanskrit drama-besides of course, the conventional use of verse for the introductory Nändi and the concluding Bharatavākya. (1) Verse is used to describe time, place and certain types of situations. (2) It is used to describe the mood, emotional impact or reaction of a character with regard to some happenings or the actions of other characters in the play. (3) It is used to describe from the viewpoint of some character present on the stage another character as it enters or is seen involved in some action or situation etc. Or else it may contain the self-introduction of a newly
But dialogue in verse was not unknown.

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Literary and Performing Arts
entering character. It should be stressed at once that these verse descriptions are never naturalistic, matter-of-fact descriptions. They are always poetic. It is true that the verses of the first category impart necessary information to the audience and serve as verbal substitutes for some of the present-day stage-properties and accesories. But the verses of this type as also of the other two types essentially build up the emotional tone and atmosphere of the dramatic action, and contribute substantially to the sentiments of the drama. Only a systematic and detailed examination of Sanskrit dramatic works from this point of view can reveal the full range of the functions of the dramatic verse and the high significance of its multiple roles. Here we have only a very modest aim of presenting a few observations mainly on the third and occasionally on the second type of the verse functions mentioned above, on the basis of a few Sanskrit plays.
-
(2)
For this purpose I have collected data from some of the plays attributed to Bhāsa, and from the Mahāviracarita, the Mịcchakațika and the Mudrārākşasa. In the following list I give drama-wise details of the characterizing verses.
Pratimā :
IV V
8 16,17
Lakşmaņa's description of Bharata. Rāvana's description of his own power and exploits. Kāñcukiya's description of Bharata.
VI
6
Abhiseka : I 11
Vāli's description of his own powers. Rāma's description of the fighting Vāli. Lakşmaņa's „ Sugrīva.
; ,, the fallen Vāli. Hanumat's description of Sitā.
„ „ Rāvaņa. The gardner's description of Rāvaņa.
II
7,8

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Verse in Sanskrit Drama
63
IV
6
Sugrīva's description of Vibhișaņa descending from the sky. Lakşmaņa's descriptiou of Varuņa. Vidyādhara's description of the fighting Rāvaņa. ,
„ „
Rāma.
15 6 7,10,11
VI
Pañcarātra : I 20 II 32
33
Bhişma's description of Duryodhana. Bịhannalā's „Yudhisthira. Abhimanyu's , Bhisma (in disguise) Abhimanyu's „ „ Arjuna (in disguise)
Madhyama :
The Brāhmaṇa's description of Ghatotkaca. The first son's The second son's ,, The third son's Bhima's description of Ghatotkacha (unknowingly) Ghatotkaca's , „ Bhima (unknowingly) The Brāhmaṇa's description of Ghatotakaca before Bhima.
Dūtavākya : I 3 Kāñcukiya's description of Duryodhana. 7,10,12 Descriptions of Draupadi, Yudhisthira, Arjuna,
Nakula, Sahadeva and Sakuni as seen in the painting of Draupadi-vastra-harana, Sudarśana's self-introduction
description of Sārnga.
„ „Kaum odaki
,, „Pāñcajanya. 50
the Nandaka sword. 51,52 ., descriptian of the weapons collectively. Dūta-Ghatotkaca : I 35 Ghatokaca's description of Dhịtarāşțra.
Ghatotkaca's description of Krşņa's heroism.
41

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64
Karṇabhāra :
4
I
Urubhanga :
16-24
I
II
9
23
III
IV
220
26
29
Balacarita :
I 3-4
5
6
21
22-26
36
40
56
59
4
5
20
22-24
2
3
4
5-6
15
13
The warrior's description of the armed Karna. Karna's description of Parasurama (reminiscence).. Karna's description of Śakra.
Description of the combat between Bhima and
Duryodhana.
The warrior's description of Balarama. Balarama's description of Duryodhana, lying mortally wounded.
Balarama's description of Dhṛtarāṣṭra.
Ganhari.
Asvatthaman's voice
29
Literary and Performing Arts.
29
""
behind the curtain.
Asvatthaman's description of the wounded Duryodhana.
Narada's self-introduction.
29
33
23
description of Devaki.
Kṛṣṇa.
وو
59
Garuda's self-introduction.
Cakra's, Śarnga's, Kaumodaki's, Pāñcajanya's Nandaka's self-introductions.
Kamsa's description of Curse (personified).
Curse's self-introduction.
Kartyayani's self-introduction.
Self-introductions by Kārtyāyani's Kundodara, Śūla, Nila and Manojava. Damodara's description of the cowherd-maiden. Samkarṣaṇa's description of the cowherd-boy. Damodara's bull Ariṣṭa.
33
33
servants.
Arista's self-introduction.
Damodara's description of Ariṣṭa killed in the fight. Damodara's self-introduction.

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Samkarşaņa's description of the subdued Kallya.
, , Kșşņa on Kāliya's head. Kamsa's messenger's description of Kșşņa. Cānūra's and Mustika's self-introduction. Kamsa's description of Dāmodara.
,, Samkarşaņa. Krsna's
, the fallen Kamsa.
4-5 8
19
Mahāviracarita :
16, 17, 18 Kušadhvaja's description of Rāma and Lakşmaņa. 35 Lakşmaņa's description of Tāțakā. 39
„ „ (wounded) 43
„ „ the divine missiles. 16,17
Jāmadagnya's self-introduction.
Rāma's description. 20 Description of Paraśurāma (offstage). 23-26 Rāma's description of Paraśurāma.
Paraśurāma's description of Rāma.
Rāma's compliments to Paraśurāma. 39-41 Paraśurāma's compliments to Rāma.
Sampāti's description of Jațāyu. Jațāyu's self-introduction.
Jațāyu's description of Sampāti. 20-21 Lakşmaņa's description of Rāma. 33 Lakşmaņa's description of Danu.
Sramaņā's description of Vāli. Vāli's self-introduction.
32 36
1-2 3-4
Mșcchakatika: IV 4 Sarvilaka's description of Madanikā. VII 4 Cārudatta's description of Aryaka. IX 4 Adhikaraṇika's description of Cārudatta.
Mudrārāksasa : II 12
The Snake-charmer's description of Raksasa.

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66
III
V
3535
17
30
The Kañcukin's description of Candragupta.
23
Cāṇakya. Candragupta's description of the indignant
99
Literary and Performing Arts
دو
Canakya.
13
Rakṣasa's description of Malayaketu.
Data can be collected on these lines from other dramas also.
(3)
An examination of these verses reveals their different types and characteristics. We can broadly distinguish the following categories. By means of such a verse (or verses)
(1) a character already present on the stage describes another character which is just making an entry;
(2) a character which has just made its entry describes some character already present on the stage;
(3) a character making entry gives self-introduction;
(4) a character on the stage describes either another character under particular circumstances or in a particular situation, on the stage or off the stage.
These diffrent categories serve a number of dramatic functions: (1) The first and the third categories serve to identify the new character for the spectators.
(2) The first and the second categories serve to indicate one character's impression and reaction with regard to another character, thereby preparing the spectators for the subsequent course of action as also for the attitudes taken by the characters, with regard to each other. They may also serve to indicate in what light the character is intended by the dramatist to be taken.
(3) In a number of cases the situation is such that the character already present on the stage is a stranger to the entering character, and it describes the powerful impression the latter makes on itself. This serves to intensify dramatic surprise created by the subsequent recognition or identifi cation.

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Verse in Sanskrit Drama
(4) The self-introductory verse indicates to the spectator what
the charactar thinks of itself, what is its importance and how
it may behave in the subsequent action. (5) The verse reporting the impression about another character
or the account of some situation involving in the current happening on the stage (or off the stage) help the spectators to grasp the implications and to visualize the character or situation fully and vividly. That is why the descriptions in the characterizing verses are generally picturesque and poetic. Many of these verses possess a great literary charm, and even independently of their context, they present instances of beautiful poetry.
(4)
One more significant fact emerges from the limited data presented above. It is evident that the dramas ascribed to Bhāsa betray a strong tendency to use characterizing verses. We find a similar tendency in the Mahāviracarita also. This suggests that dramas with heroic characters and heroic sentiment are more congenial to characterizing verses.

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7. THE DHRUVĀS IN KĀLIDĀSA'S VIKRAMORVASIYA
The thirtysecond chapter of Bharata's Natyaśāstra (NS.) deals with Dhruvās. It defines and describes various types of Dhruvās, their characteristics as songs in the drama, their metres, contents. and functions. It defines a very large number of metres in which Dhruvas were composed and gives illustrations for all of them. There are in NS. about one hundred and fifteen illustrations of Dhruvas. Their language is Sauraseni Prakrit. The text of these illustrations is badly preserved. It contains numerous errors, and requires to be reconstructed.
The general function of Dhruvās in the drama is to contribute at certain key-points to the emotional effect rather than the dramatic action. A highly striking feature linked with this fact is that the Dhruva always refers to the state or action of a character on the stage. This reference is in the third person and the mode of expression is not direct but symbolic i. e. it is Anyokti or Anyapadeśa in the parlance of Sanskrit rhetorics. The Dhruva conveys to the audience, the observation or report of somebody off the stage, about the condition of some character that is present on the stage and that is in a critical or interesting situation. As such the Dhruva is outside the dramatic representation (prayogaanangatva as observed by Abhinavagupta). As Raghavan says, the Dhruvās were inserted 'wherever the emotion or idea reached a degree of pointedness and needed effective expression.' He also says that 'Dhruvās were sung by musicians from behind the curtain'.
Bharata has given very detailed rules and elaborate conventions as to when, for whom and how Dhruvās are to be introduced and sung. He lays down (i) status, type, class, age and condition of the character, (ii) time, place and season relating to the situation, and (iii) the prevalent sentiment and emotion as the groups of criteria for selecting a particular type of Dhruva for a dramatic situation.

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The Dhruvas in the Vikramorvasiya
NS. (GOS. edition) XXXII 352-373 describe the symbolic objects i. e. Aśrayas that were to be used for the Anyoktis expressed in the Dhruvas. This indicates their appropriateness according to the type and mood of the character concerned. The information is tabulated below:
Character Class
(Superior: Male)
gods, kings
demons, goblins
violent beings
sun, moon, wind. cloud, mountain, ocean. buffalo, lion, carnivora.
Siddhas, Gandharvas, Yakṣas planets, constellations, bull.
ascetics
fire.
(Female)
(Middling Male)
(Female)
(Inferior Male)
(Female)
Symbol
69
lightning, meteor, ray. night, nectar, moon-light, lotusplant, cow-elephant, river. swan, peacock, crane, stork,
lotus-pond etc.
step-well, creeper, female crane, peahen, doe.
(2)
owl,
cuckoo, black bee, crow,
pigeon etc. female bee, female crow, female
cuckoo etc.
Among the actual illustrations of Dhruvas given in NS. we find Anyoktis with the symbols like elephant, wind, male and female swan, peacock, cloud, moon, monntain, creeper, river. female crane, male and female bee, fire, sky, lotus-pond, night. sun, owl etc.
The fourth act of Kalidasa's Vikramorvasiya (Vik.), according to one of its two recensions, is remarkable for having numerous Dhruvas in the NS. tradition. In the whole range of Sanskrit dramatic literature available to us there is no other work com

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parable to Vik. in this point. Velankar has shown2 that there are twenty verses in Vik. IV, which are to be recognized as Dhruvās. Nineteen of them are in Prakrit (or Apabhramśa), and only one (Vik. IV 56) is in Sanskrit. All these verses are Anyoktis. As Dhruvas they can be analysed as follows:
occurrence language type of Dhruvā character (verse
number)
1.
2.
3.
4
5.
6.
12,
14.
19.
23.
28.
29.
35.
41.
43.
48.
54.
1533535
56.
63. 75.
Prakrit Praveśiki
99
Prakrit mixed
Prakrit
""
with Apabhramśa
55
39
Prakrit mixed
Prakrit
Apabhramsa
Parkrit mixed
Antara
with Apabhramśa
""
Sanskrit
Prakrit
Naiṣkrāmiki Prāvesiki
22
with Apabhramśa
Antara3
""
99
22
99
ウラ
シリ
A
ラリ
ور
Sahajanya & Citralekha
""
Naiṣkramiki
""
99
Pururavas
29
53
23
""
A
35
29
..
:
99
symbol
pair of female swans.
29
""
female swan elephant
young swan Kalpataru
elephant
""
99
33
young swan elephant.
hog
ocean
Airavata
elephant
young swan

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The Dhruvās in Vikramorvasiya
Now NS. XXII 383-384 give the conventions about the languages to be used in the Dhruva songs. As a rule Sauraseni is to be used. But if the metre is Narkuta, the language should be Magadhi. In the case of divine characters, which include gods and kings, Sanskrit could be used. In the case of human characters the language could be Ardha-Sanskrit, which meant mixed Sanskrit, according to one view, but general Prakrit, according to another. The actual illustrations given by NS. are all in Sauraseni. On the other hand the Prakrit of most of the Dhruvās of Vik. is Maharaṣrṭri. This fact combined with the fact that the Dhruvās in Vik. have most of the other characteristics required by NS. indicates that here we have essentially a continuation of the dramatic tradition that served as basis for Bharata's rules, although the use of Mahārāṣṭrī (and even of Apabhramśa in a few cases), instead of Saurasenī, and of Mātrā-vṛttas instead of Varnavṛttas can be looked upon as a change in the earlier conventions about the language and metres of the Dhruvă.
71
As noted previously, the language of Vik. IV 48 is Apabhramsa, and that of Vik. IV 12, 29 and 54 is Prakrit, mixed with Apabhramsa. Hence it seems relevant to inquire about the use of Apabhramśa in songs (or otherwise) in the dramatic and musical traditions.
In the fourth act of Vik. there are twelve Apabhramśa verses which form a part of Pururavas's speech. The fact that Apabhramśa also was used in drama in the subsequent tradition-especially in the Uparūpakas, which are chiefly based on song and dance, is borne out by a few Apabhramśa citations in the Abhinavabhārati from some Uparūpakas of the Dombika and Siḍgaka types.5
The fact is that for songs accompanying dance, whether in drama or elsewhere, popular dialects were usually preferred from the earliest period. Earlier, the languages of such songs were Sauraseni and occasionally Maghadhi. Later on Mahārāṣṭri, Apabhramsa, post-Apabhramsa regional dialects, and the Dravidian languages like Kannada came to be used. In musicological texts

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like the Brahaddesi and the music chapter of the Mānasollāsa of Someśvara, we find prescriptions (and in some cases illustrations also) for songs in numerous non-Sanskrit languages.
In this connection we may further note that in Bhoja's Sarasvatikanthābharaṇa (SK.), the illustrations of Akşiptikā and Dhruvā,6 two of the basic types of Sravya Kāvya, are in Apabhraíša (SK. under II 157.) Moreover the illustrations for the four out of the six varieties of Prekşya, viz. Lāsya, Tāņdava, Šampā (of samyā) and Chalika are in Apabbramśa, and those for the remaining two varieties, viz, Hallisaka and Rāsa are in Prakrit (SK. under II 159). All these were songs accompanying dramatic or dance performances.
There is some indication in a ninth century text on Prakrit prosody that Dhruvās in Apabhramśa were in vogue round about that period also. In the Svayambhūcchandas8 of Svayambhū (c, 88C A. D.), the illustration of Antarasamā Catuşpadi Dhruvā9 called Rāvaṇahastaka is a Gajānyokti. It is as follows :
pia-virabio, kaņņatāla-haa-mabuarao | dubbhamtao, bhamai vaņe vaņa-kumjaro //
(VI 13 1) (Sk. Chāyā :
Priya-virahitaḥ, karņa-tāla-hata-madhukaraḥ /
durbhrāptaḥ, bharmati vane vana-kuñjarah. // With this we can compare Vik. IV 43. So also, the illustration of Makarandikā is a Cakravākānyokti. It is as follows :
nisi-āgame, ņia-sahaari-viraha-vasamgao / dhuva-pakkhao, kamalāare bhamai rahamgao //
(VI 17 1) Sk. Chāyā :
niśagame, nija-sahacari-viraha-vasamgatah. dhuta-pakṣaḥ, kamalākare bhramati rathāngah. With this we can compare Vik. IV 4.

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The Dhruvās in the Vikramorvasiya
73
Moreover the illustatrion of Māgadha-narkuți metre, a type of Khañjaka, is a Varāhânyotki (Sc p.) I 5 (1). That of Viślokā is a Bhramarānpokti (SC. (P), IV 4(1). Svayambhūcchandas VI 37 is possibly a Varahānyokti and IV 5, 1 a Karabhānyokti, Music and dance were integral parts of the Classical Sanskrit drama. Dhruvās contributed significantly to the emotronal and aesthetic effect of the drama.10 They played a central role in producing the emotional and lyrical intensity in the fourth act of the Vikramorvasiya.
Notes
1. The recension with Prakrit verses is accepted as original by
Ranganātha, Koṇeśvara, Bollensen, Pischel and Velankar. 2. H. D. Velankar, Vikramorvasiya, 1961, editor's Introduction,
pp. LXIV-LXVII. Velankar has discussed in detail various problems connected with the Dhruvās of Vik. The references to Vik. here are to his edition. For the general character, nature and functions of the Dhruvā see V. Raghavan's article. *Music in ancient Indian drama', The Journal of the Musical
Academy, Madras, Vol. 23, pp. 84-89. 3. Velankar thinks this and the following are Aksepiki Dhruvās,
but in view of Bharata's definition that the Antarā Dhruvā is sung when one is in deep grief, or in swoon or out of his mind we can call them Antarā. 'Āksepiki is the Dhruvā for
the switch-over to a changed mood or situation'. 4. Except the first three : which are in the shortest metres (every
line of two or three syllables) and are in Sanskrit. They are more for the completeness of the treatment, and could have
been hardly functional. 5. See ‘Dombikā and Sidgaka’, in the present collection, pp. 20–33. 6. It is interesting to note that this SK. Dhruvā is an Anyokti
using Vyādha (hunter) as its symbol. The purport of the verse is that when the lion had left his den in search of some prey

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like deer, the hunter got an opportunity and took away the pearls from the den. The veiled reference is to Rāvana's. abduction of Sitā, when Rāma had gone in search of the
golden deer. 7. The references are to Anundoram Barooah's edition (1969
reprint). 8. H. D. Velankar, Svayambhūcchandas, 1962. 9. This term Dhruvā is somewhat different from the Dhruvā
of the drama. In the Apabhramsa epic the verse which occurred in the very beginning of a Canto (Saṁdhi), and which also occurred usually in the same metre at the end of every section (Kadavaka) of that Canto was called Dhruvā, Dhruvaka
or Ghattā. 10. The form and function of the Dhruvā in later dramatic
practice (e.g. in Anargharāghava, Devicandragupta, the dramas of Rājasekhara, the account in Kuttanimata) require a separate treatment.

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8. BHAVĀI AND THE FOLK ELEMENTS IN THE
CLASSICAL DRAMA
(1)
If we rely upon the legendary account of the origin of Bhavāi, the traditional folk drama of Gujarat, it cannot be dated earlier than the fourteenth century. The evidence of language, metre and the themes of the various 'Roles' (veśa) of the Bhavāí also support a date thereabout. But the term bhavāi itself was in vogue mueh, earlier, though its meaning then was 'show' or 'spectacle in general.
The earliest use of the word bhavāi is known from Lakşmi-. candra's Sāvaya-dhamma-dohā, an Apabhramśa verse composition descrbing religions condnct for the Jain lay follower. It is datable about the thirteenth century. Verse 77 of that work contains the following line (obviously it is a proverb) :
‘nirukkhai eramda-vaại kim na bhavāi hoi'*
'In a treeless tract, would not even a bunch of Erandas make a glamorous show ?
Thus it is obvious that restriction of the meaning of bhavās to a kind of dramatic performance was a later development. In an old Gujarati verse tale written in 1528 A. D., we find a mention of bhayājā i. e. the professional performers of Bhavāi. And in a sixteenth century work on Sanskrit lexicography bhavājā is given as the meaning of the Sanskrit word bhrūkusa (also spelt bhrukumsa etc.), which is further explained as 'male actor doing a female role'. We also find in works written round about the fifteenth century several occurrences of the verb bhavād in the sense of 'to put up a good show', 'to show with pomp and eclat.'
* In modern Gujarati the corresponding proverb is ‘ujjad gūm
māṁ erando pradhān'. 'In a deserted village, the Eramựa tree rules as the headman'.

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Origins of the Bhavai as such are shrouded in complete obscurity, but we can plausibly discern some significant resemblances and affinities to a few of its characteristic features and elements in the popular traits embedded in certain Classical and post-Classical Sanskrit dramatic and balletic forms. The elements of burlesque, farce and social satire found in some of the 'roles (reśa) of the Bhavāi were also characteristic of the Sanskrit dramatic types Prahasana and Bhāņa. But for our purpose the Uparūpaka types of the Classical Sanskrit drama are more relevant than the Rūpakas. The Uparūpakas were predominently balletic or operatic, and many of them had usually only one actor. In their form, subject-matter, characterization and language many of these types bear quite clear marks of earlier popular origin. Unfortunately the information available in old works of drama, the names, number, structure and characteristics of the Uparūpaka types is scanty, vague and contradictony, and all the early examples are lost. Moreover there seems to have been periodic changes in their forms and vogue. There are indications that some of the Uparūpakas made use of speech besides dance, singing and acting. Some new forms that developed in the post-Classical period were treated in medieval musicological works.
For the dance-based Uparūpakas like the Hellisaka, Gorghi, Nartanaka and Rāsaka, song too was indispensable, and similarly for the song-based types like the Rāga-kāvya, Bhāṇa and Carcari (also known in some sources as Rāsakānaka or Nāțya-rāsaka), dance also was absolutely necessary. The theme of the songs used in these types related the episodes from the early life of Krşņa or else it described the joys of the Spring season. In the type called Dombikā, a woman of the Domba caste accompanied by a party of singers performed before a king to win rewards by singing his eulogies. Its characteristic song had as its contents a request made to a prince by a Dūti on behalf of her mistress, who was longing for a clandestine love-affair with him.
The type called Sidgaka had as its theme the heroine's reproach to the hero for once playing false to her.

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Bhavāi and the Folk Elements in the Classical Drama
77
The subject of Prasthāna was Pravāsa-vipralambha, and hence its characteristic song related to Prathamānurāga, departure of the hero and the descriptions of the Spring and the Rains by the Virahotkaņķhitā heroine.
Bhāṇa, Bhāņikā and Preraņa made symbolic use of the nature, traits and behaviour of animals to serve as instructive examples.
Preksanaka presented spectacles like Siva's burning of Kāma, which was performed by a troupe of actors at some street-corner, public square or temple premises.
In several Uparūpakas, the language of the song that served as the text for the dance was not Sanskrit or Prakrit but Apabhramśa-a strong evidence of the popular or folk origin of these dramatic types.
(3)
The song constituent of the Uparūpakas is treated in musical works like the Samgitaratnákara and the Sangita samaya sāra, while the dance constituent is handled by the works like the Nittaratnāvali.
Under the section on the country dances (deši-nrtta), Jāya Senapati's NȚttaratnāavali (1253–54 A. D.) describes, over and above the dances Rāsaka, Carcari, Nāțyarāsaka and Preksaņa, a few other's named Peraņi, Gomdali, Bhāņdika and Bahurūpa. These latter types have arisen later than the former ones and they have survived in some form or other, in the folk traditions upto the present day. For example the Bahurūpa of the Nịttaratnāvali continues to live today in the performances of the folk artist known as bahurūpi or bahurūpiyā. The Bhāņờika is still kept alive by the Bhāņda community. The Gondali is found today in Mahārāștra in the form of gomdhal, which consists of singing Povādās. Lāynīs etc. on festive occasions like marriage. It is also celebrated as a religious festival in honor of a goddess.
This Gondali has very interesting history. According to the Minasollasa (composed in 1131 A. D.). King Someśvara witnessed

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the dance and musical performance of some dancer in the role of a Bhilla damsel at a Bhūta-mātřkā festival in Kalyāṇa, and he formalized it as a new dance type. He named it as Gondali because (so it is reported) the Bhili was called Gondali in Manārāsgra.
Here ignorance and confusion seem to have played a part. The fact is that the word gomdala was current in Prakrit and Apabhramsa since at leart the nineth century in the senses of ‘uproar', 'tumult', 'noisy and confused crowd' etc., usually in the context of singing and music in festivals. Thereafter it came to denote such a festival, and shortly, mythical origins were invented for it. Jāya Senāpati informs us that originally the Goņdali dance along with the music was taught by Pārvati to an Apsaras named kundali and hence that type of dance came to be known as the Kuņdalı dance. The Sangita-muktāvali goes one better. According to it the dance is called Kundali after that designation of the dancer, who derives it from her affinity with the Kundalini Sakti. These accounts give us some idea of how devine origins were invented for popular forms of dance and drama when they received acceptance of the elite and the consequent Šāstric codification.
Lastly we consider the account of the type called Peraņa or Peraņai. Perana finds casual mentions in the Abhinavabharati, but it is only in later works like the Sangita-ratnākara, Nýttaratnāyali etc. that we find it described in detail. In the Peraņa at the very beginning enters on the stage an actor with its gratesque cost and make-up, making ludicrous gestures. Being shaven headed, he was called atļa-bodaka. Next enters the chief actor called Peraņi. His head also is shaven, excepting the Sikhā. He was besmeared all over with white ashes and small bells were tied round his ealves. In the fourth section or act of the Peraņi dance, called Vikata, this main actor performs a grotesque dance assuming the roles of a monkey, goblin etc., making wild and distorted gestures with his face, hands, belly and legs. Here it is obvious that the character of Peraņi is madelled on a Saiva devotee and his gratesque makeup and facial distortions remind us of the Gaņas of god Siva. But

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Bhavāi and the Folk Elements in the Classical Drama
79
the element of lampooning in the Peraại can be perhaps compared with the same in the Veśa (role) of Adavā in the Bhavāi. In this connection we may also note that the Telugu work Basavapurāna written by Somanātha tells as that the Peraņi dance originally came from Saurāṣtra. . Even this casual examination of certain Uparūpakas and allied forms with regard to the popular traits goes to suggest that our regional folk dramas with their varied forms and contents are made up of elements that in many cases reach back to the medieval and classical periods.
REFERENCES : V. Raghavan, Bhoja's Srngāraprakāśa, 1963, pp. 533-576. V. Raghavan, Nșttaratnāvali of Jāya Senāpati, 1965, Introduction,
pp. 134-153. H. C. Bhayani, Vågvyāpar (in Gujarati) 1954 (the note on 'Goṁdhaľ,
p. 272–274) H. C. Bhayani, ‘Dombikā and Sidgaka'. See the present collection,
pp. 20 ff. H. C. Bhayani, “Bhavāl-nā aļavā-no vadavo' (in Gujarati), Sanskști,
1969, pp. 473-474. H. C. Bhayani, Sabda-Pariśılan (in Gujarati), 1973 (the note on
bhavādvū, bhavāi, bhavāiyo, pp. 69-76).

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9. THE CHARACTER OF AKSIPTIKĀ
1. In the beginning of the Praveśaka of the fourth Act of Kalidasa's Vikramorvasiya before the actual entrance of Sahajanya and Citralekhā on the stage, there is a verse (1937-Af&-fa377an etc.) which heralds the entrance of the characters and which is to be sung backstage. Technically this verse is Prāvesiki Dhruvā.1 The stage directions following this verse are as follows :
सहजन्या-चित्रलेखयो: प्रावेशिकी आक्षिप्तिका । ततः प्रविशति सहजन्या चित्रलेखा च ।
Similarly after the Praveśaka and before the entrance of Purūravas, we have the Prāvesiki Dhruvā of Purūravas (TIE etc.) followed by the following stage directions ;
पुरूरवसः प्रावेशिकी आक्षिप्तिका । ततः प्रविशत्याकाश बद्ध-लक्ष्यसोन्मादो राजा ।
The problem is why these Prāvesiki Dhruvās are called Aksiptikā ? What is the meaning of that term ?
2. Koņeśvara in his commentary on the Vikramorvasiya explains Aksiptikā as follows :
सहजन्या चित्रलेखयोः प्रावेशिकीमाक्षिपतीत्यर्थः । तथा च एवमाकारेण ते प्रवेश करिष्यत इति सूचितम् ।
Similarly later : gelaa: gastatai Efe*uferhiferadicet: i gat Hal grafateht I (p. 284).
From these explanations we gather that the entrance Dhruvās in the above two cases are called Akşiptikā because they indicate (ākṣip) the appearance, manner etc. of the character just to enter.
3. Ranganātha, in his commentary on the Vikramoryasiva characterizes Aksiptikā as a kind of song (giti) and cites its definition from Bharata as follows? :

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चञ्चत् पुटादितालेन मार्ग-त्रय-विभूषिता । आक्षिप्तिका स्वर-पद-ग्रथिता कथिता बुधैः ॥
81
From these two accounts we understand that a Dhruva is called Akṣiptika if it describes the appearance of a character and is sung in a particular manner with a particular Tala.
Bhoja gives Akṣiptika as one of the six varieties of the Sabdalamkara called Sravya. He defines it as follows :
अभिधित्सित - रागविशेष-प्रयोग मात्र फलं वचनमाक्षिप्तिका ।
(Sarasvatikaṇṭhābharaṇa under II. 140-141)
This means that in an Akṣptika song the words have no more function than to serve as a base for the particular Raga that is to be sung. What is aimed at is a musical composition and not a poetic composition. Bhoja has given a illustration of Akṣiptikā. It is an Apabhraṁśa verse which prays to the goddess Mahalakṣmi, describing the beauty of her features. her power and her blessedness'.
verse as an
Now several facts are noteworthy in Bhoja's treatment of Akṣiptikā. He does not connect or confine it to the drama. The illustration given by him is a Stuti of Mahalakṣmi. Moreover, he' mentions and defines Ākṣiptikā and Dhruvā separately as two of the six varieties of Śravya.
On the basis of the above given data Raghavan has attempted to ascertain the precise nature, and character of Ākṣiptikā. Bhoja's six varieties of Sravya are Asiṣ, Namaskriyā, Vastunirdeśa, Nandi, Akṣiptikā and Dhruvā. Raghavan thinks that these kinds of Śravya Sabdalaṁkāra pertain to drama only and have little to do with poetry. Nandi and Dhruva are clearly associated with drama and the same may apply to the other varieties. Moreover. Akṣiptika, from its only two known occurrences in the Vikramorvasiya, is actually seen to be connected with the Praveśiki Dhruvā in the drama.
But this view of Raghavan has to face several difficulties. Raghavan finds it rather difficult to account for the illustration

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of Akşiptikā given by Bhoja. Moreover Bhoja clearly says that these varieties of Sravya are Sabdālaňkāras because in their case the verbal text is primarily neither for visually presenting and seeing, nor for reciting and listening; but it is basically for singing and musically responding. Neither Koṇeśvara, nor Ranganātha, nor Bhoja confine the Śravya to the drama. Consequently Raghavan is constrained to think that Bhoja's Ākşiptikā was different from Ranganātha's.
It seems that Akşiptikā was a musical piece. Its verbal text indicated some features of the person which was its subject (hence the name Ākşiptikā) and it was sung in a particular musical mode with a paiticular Tāla. It could be used in drama or poetry. In Vikramorvasiya Act IV two Prāvesiki Dhruvās are called Akşiptikā because the verse contains description of the entering character.
In Uddyotanasūri's Prakrit Kathā-work Kuvalayamālā (779 A. D.) there is a passage giving vivid poetic description of the characteristic atmosphere and acrivities of the evening in a city:3 At one place therein are described diverse modes of the offering of prayer and worship in the temples, shrines and sanctums of different deities and in the quarters of pious men : Cracking sounds of offerings and sacrificial wood being burnt in sacrificial pandals; of sombre Vedic chants in the Brāhmaṇaśālās; of charming Aksiptika
manahara-akkhittiyāgeyāim) in the temples of Rudra; of bells and Damarus from the residences of Kāpālikas; of beating of puffed up cheeks in the ascetic cloisters; of tabours and hootings in the street sactums of Siva; of the recitation of the Bhagavadgita in the Avasathas; of hymns and prayers in the Jain temples; of the recitation of sayings suffused with compassion in the Buddhist Vihāras; the ding-dong of huge bells rung in the Durgā temples; the cries and cackles of peacocks, cocks and sparrows in the Kārttikeya temples; and the notes of women's songs and beating of drums in (other) lofty temples."
Here Ākşiptikā is referred to as beautiful musical compositions (geya) sung during the evening prayer offered in the Siva temples.

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We have also a second reference to Ākşiptikā in the Kuvalayamālā. A Yakşa girl is described as singing Akşiptikā during her worhsip of the image of Arhat Rşabha (i. e. the first Jaina Tirthamkara) (Kuvalayamālā, p. 116, 1. 11)5. It also gives the actual verse that was sung. The verse describes the holy feet of the Jina. (11. 18-19).
These eighth century references are important for showing that Akşiptikā was used for prayers (Stutis and Stotras) by Saivas and Jainas. We saw that Bhoja's illustration of Akşiptikā is a prayer to Mahālakṣmi.
If we can find some more literary references to Akașiptikā, they may shed further light on its character.
Notes
1. See Raghavan, 1963, pp. 370-371; 604-606. 2. Raghavan, 1963, p. 606. Raghavan says that the definition is
not from the text of Bharata's Nātyaśāstra as it is known to
us to-day. 3. Kuvalayamālā, pp. 82. 31 to 83. 2) 4. डज्झिर-तिल-पय-समिहा-तडत्तडा-सद्दई जन्न-मडवेसु, गभीर-वेय-पढण-रवई बंभण
सालासु, मणहर-अस्खित्तिया-गेयई रुद्द-भवणेसु, गल्ल-फोडण-रवई धम्मिय-मढेसु, घटा-डमरुय-सद्दई कावालिय-घरेसु, तोडहिया-पुक्करियइ चच्चर-सिवेसु, भगवगीयागुणन-धणीओ आवसहा(?हे)सु, सब्भूय-गुण-रइयई थुइ-थोत्तइ जिणहरेसु, एय'तकरुणा-णिबद्धत्थई वयणई बुद्ध-विहारेसु, चालिर-महल्ल-घटा-खडहडओ कोहज्जाघरेसु, सिहि-कुक्कुड-चडय-रवई छम्मुहालएसु, मणहर-कामिणी-गीय-मुरव-रवई तुग-देव-घरेसु त्ति। 4. The edited text calls the verse Duvai-khamdalaya. (Dvipadi
khandaka), but the Ms. P, reads akkhittiya i. e. Aksiptika) in its place. Duval (Dvipadi) characterizes the metre of the verse, while Akşiptikā indicates its specific musical mode of singing.

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Reference Works
Kālidāsa, Vikramor vasiya, ed. H. D. Velankar, 1961.
Koṇeśvara, Koneśvari ed. H. D. Velankar, Annals of B.O.R.I; XPXVIII, iii-iv, 1957 (1958), 225-29.
Raghava:), V; Bhoja's Srìgāraprakāša, 1963. Uddyotana-sūri, Kuvalayamālo, Part-I. ed. A. N. Upadhye, 1959.
Postscript :
Sārngadhara's Sangitaratnākara, chapter 2, has treated numerous Akşiptikās, giving their illustrations and D. R. Widdess has discussed these in his Ph. D. Theses 'Early Indian Musical Forms, A Study of Examples in Notation from Sources c. 600-1350 (Cambridge, 1980), chapter V, entitled 'Akşiptikā songs from the Sangitaratnākara’. I tam hankful to Dr. Widdess for making avail-- able to me that chapter.

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9. THE DHAYALA SONGS
In Prakrit Apabhramsa and Post-apabhramsa Traditions
1. The Earlier Prakrit Dhavalas.
There is some evidence to trace back the beginning of the Prakrit Dhavala songs to the first century of the Christian era on account of some references found in manuals of prosody. According to Sch. VIII 18 (end of the 9 th cent.), Salahaṇa i.e. Satavahana had composed in quantity many types of Dhavalas. Under Ch. It 32 Hemacandra also remarks that one can get examples of various types of Dhavalas from the epigrammatic compositions (ukti) of Satavahana. He further states that he himself has aimed at giving just some idea of the Dhavala, not an exhaustive treatment. If we take this Satavahana to be the same as the author of the famous Prakrit poetic anthology Gāhākosa or Saptasataka, who is assigned to the first or second century A. D., his Dhavalas could be only in the Mahārāṣṭri Prakrit. It is true that Svayambhu and Hemacandra have treated the Dhavala under the section on Apabhramsa metres and their remarks about Satavahana's Dhavalas appear as a concluding observation of their definition and illustration of the Dhavala. But Apabhramsa arose a few centuries after Sātavāhana. We can possibly reconcile this situation by assuming that the Apabhramiśa Dhavala in its metrical form was a continuation of the earlier Prakrit Dhavala. It is significant to note here that in VJS. II 8-9 Virahānka (c. 8th cent.) mentions Salāhaṇa as a recognised authority on the treatment of the Dvipadi and the Dhavala.
Like Hela, Avali, Manjari, Vilasini, Dvipadi and a few other metres, Dhavala was used in Prakrit as well as in Apabhramsa poetry. We have, however, no actual specimen of the early Prakrit Dhavala. If it served as a model for the Apabhramsa Dhavala. we can assume that it also was a type of short popular lyric-a festive song or a panegyric.

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2. Dhavalas in the Apabhramsa prosodic tradition.
Several manuals of Prakrit prosody have defined, described and illustrated Dhavala.1 The information they give obviously derives from a common source, granting that there is some difference in details. All the manuals treat Dhavala under the Apabhramsa section and all the illustrations of the Dhavala are in Apabhramsa. This indicates that these Prakrit prosodists knew Dhavala as a characteristically Apabhraíśa composition-type. The following account is based on Sch., Chs., Ch., Chk. and KD.
The Dhavala composition is so called because it characteristically describes some eminent person under the guise of or in. terms of dhavala, i.e. "a white bull of excellent breed". This means that Dhavalas are Anyoktis (symbols of the person who is described, metaphorical poems) in respect of their thematic structure.
Secondly a Dhavala can be eight-lined, six-lined or four-lined.. The structure and names of the varieties are as follows:
The eight-lined Dhavala
Structure (1) a,c : 4+4+4 + 2 Mātrās
Name:
Source Sch. IV 17 Ch. V 34
b, d, f, h : 4 + 4 + 4 e, g, : 4 + 4 + 3 (or f, h : 4+4 + 2)
Ché. 22 Ch. V 34 Ch. V 33 (borrowed at Chk. !I 34)
Yasodhavala Śridhavala
(2) a, c, e, g, : 4 + 4 + 4 + 2
b, d, f, h : 4+4+4 (odd lines rhyming with even lines)
Name
The six-lined Dhavala
Structure (1) a, d : 6 + 6 + 6
b, e: 6 + 6 c, f: 6 + 6 + 4 or 5
Source Sch. IV 18

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Kirtidhavala
a, d : 6+6+ 2 b, e: 4 + 4 c, f : 6 + 6 + 4 or 5 (a rhymes with c and d rhymes with f)
Ch. V 35 Chś 23 Chk II 32
Name
The four-lined Dhavala
Structure (1) a, c : 6 + 4 + 3
b, d: 6+4 a, c: 6 + 4 + 4 b, d : 6 + 4 + 4 + 2 or 3
Bhramaradhavala
Source Sch. IV 19 Chs. 25 Ch. V 37 Chś. 24 Ch. V 36 Ch. V 38
Gunadhavala
Amaradhavala
(3) a, c: 6+ 4 + 3
b, d: 6 + 4 + 4
It appears from the above that the distribution of varieties for each of the three types in our three sources is as follows :
Svayambhū : 1, 1, 1 Rājasekhara : 1, 1, 2 Hemacandra : 2, 1, 3
Svayambhū does not name the varieties. Rājasekhara names one variety as Bhramaradhavala. Hemacandra gives a name for each of the six varieties he treats. In this matter KD follows Hemacandra. Hem acandra has illustrated all the varieties with his own compositions. Of the two illustrations given by KD., one is borrowed from Ch, and the other is patterned after the corresponding illustration in Ch.
All the metrical authorities tell us that besides the specific metres of eight, six and four lines (as described above), other metres were also used to compose Dhavala. Sch. IV 21 says that Dhavala and Mangala compositions were named after whatever metre in which they were composed. The anonymous Sanskrit quotations given by Chś. Ch. and KD. tell us that Dhavalas

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composed in metres like Utsāha, Helā, Vadanaka, Aạilā etc. are known as Utsāha-dhavala, Helā-dhavala etc. KD. following Chk. adds Rāsāyalaya-dhavala and Dohaka-dhavala to the list.
Of the six Dhavalas composed by Hemacandra as illustrations, only two, viz. V 35. 1 and V 36. 1 are Dhavalānyoktis--i.e. their mode of description is to praise a servant of unflinching devotion to his master and of indomitable spirit, under the guise of a strong white bull, who successfully pulls a huge load over a difficult track. The rest of the illustrations describe the great fame, glory and favour of a king. The Dhavala illustration at KD. II. 32.1 describes the fame of Yaśoghosa-sūri. This suggests that besides being in the form of a Dhavalānyokti, a Dhavala can be straightaway a panegyric for some eminent person.
To sum up the information we get from the Prakrit prosodists ; Dhavala was a short one-stanza poem. Its language was usu Apabhraíśa, but earlier Prakrit Dhavalas were also known. It was eight-lined, six-lined or four-lined. These typical (and probably earlier) Dhavalas had specific, exactly defined Mātrā structures prescribed for each of the three types. But there were other kinds of Dhavalas for which various popular Mātrā metres were used. This rules out the use of some specific metre or metres as a defining characteristic of Dhavala. The name and the definitions based thereon point to a thematic criterion : Dhavalas praise some great person under the guise of a white bull of good breed. This means that characteristically, Dhavalas are Anyoktis. But the prosodists have given such illustrations of Dhavalas also which praise a person without using the symbol of a white bull. The numerous and varied Dhavalas written by Sātavāhana were famous as models.
3. Dhavalas in the Prakrit-Apabhramśa poetic tradition.
In several Prakrit and Apabhramśa texts we come across a few actual examples of the Dhavala.
In the tale of Sthāņu and Māyāditya illustrating the evil consequences of practising deceit (māyā), inserted in Uddyotana's

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Kuvalayamālā (779 A. D.), a Campū in Prakrit, Sthāņu is described as hearing a Dhavala-Duvahaya sung by a Gūrjara wayfarer while he was spending the night in a temple.
The verse runs as follows: jo ņavi vihure vibhajjaņau, dhavalau kad dhai bhāru, so gotthangana--mandanau, sesau vya jam sāru (p. 59. 1.5).2
"That white bull who does not break down in a catastrophic situation, but pulis the burden through, is the ornament of the herd-station. The rest of the bulls are worthless".
This verse consoled Sthāņu who was down with the grief of his friend's disappearance. It is in Apabhramsa in the form of a Dhavalānyokti. The metre is Dolā. Uddyotana designates it as Dhavala-Duvahaya (p. 59, 1.4), which is almost identical with the designation Dohā-Dhavala as laid down by the Prakrit prosodists. It is also significant that the Dhavala. Duva haya was sung by 2 Gurjara wayfarer i.e a native of the then Gürjara-desa in Western Rājasthāna.
In the Prakrit anthology Vajjālagga3 to be dated possibly in c. 10th century A. D., a whole section (no. 18) relates to Dhavala. It is called Dhavala-vajja. It contains seven Gāthās (no. 179 to 185). All of them are Dhavalānyoktis. They praise the native dependability of the white bull to successfully pull the burden against all odds and even at the cost of his life. This shows that there was a tradition of composing Dhavalas in Prakrit in the Gāthā metre.
Vira's Jambūsāmicariu, an Apabhramśa Sandhibandha on the life of Jambū written in 1020 A.D., has seven Dhavalas. All of them are Prakrit Gāthās (Jambūsāmicariu VII 6 1-7). Of these the first is similar to Vajjālagga 182. So it is quite likely that some of the rest may have been borrowed from earlier sources. Most of these verses contrast the great merits of the white bull with the worthlessness of a lazy bull. The sixth verse is the source of one of the two Apabhramsa Dhavalas cited by Hemacandra in his Grammar (see below).

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In Heinacandra's Grammar5 we find that two Dohās cited as illustrations are Dhavalānyoktis. Hemacandra IV 340 (2) is an Apabhramsa rendering of Jambūsāmicariu VII 6 6. IV 421 contrasts the strength of the white bull with the laziness of bad bulls.
These examples show that from the eighth to the twelfth century there was a continuous tradition of composing Dhavalanyoktis in Prakrit and Apabhramsa, and for these Dhavalas the metres that were used were the Gathā (in Prakrit) and Dohā (in Apabhramśa).
4. Dhavalas in the post-Apabhramsa literatures.
There is hardly any Apabhramśa poem which does not refer to the singing of Dhavala and Mangala songs in its description of festive Occasions like marriage, birth of a son, triumphal return of a prince, the Dikṣā ceremony of a Jain monk or the ceremonial welcome accorded to him etc.
This literary convention continues throughout the period of the Old Gujarati literature, in which the stock descriptions of such occasions invariably mention the singing of Dhavalas and Mangalas.
Some Sanskrit narratives written in Gujarat and other regions of Western India during the centuries around 1000 A.D., also refer to the singing of Dhavala and Mangala on festive occasions like marriage Hemacandra's Trişașți śalākāpuruşacaritra, while describing Rşabhadeva's wedding, mentions singing of Dhavalas and Mangalas along with other ceremonies and customs which evidently reflected the then prevalent popular traditions of Gujarat. Hemacandra has given there two actual Dhavala songs. One was sung at the time of the reception of the groom at the gate of the marriage pandal (I 2, 835-840). More interestingly another one, a special variety of Vivāha-dhavalacalled Kautuka-dhavala (I. 2, 854-862) was sung for lampooning the best man, and mocking at his greediness for sweets etc.

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Quite obviously these songs were Sanskrit versions of some actual marriage songs current in the contemporary popular dialect. The refrain of this Kautuka-dhavala is a tell-tale evidence for this. This kautuka-dhavala is the earliest precursor of the phaṭāṇa songs sung currently during traditional wedding in Gujarat. Women on the side of the bride's and the bridegroom's party compete in humorous lampooning of the opposite side by means of traditional and improvised songs, which sometimes do not shun even coarse or bawdy expressions.
91
The account of the Dhavala in the literatures of the Indian regional languages is a vast subject and I can do here little more than touching a few broad points and features. Further, my observations are confined to the Gujarati and Rajasthani literatures. The rich tradition of the Marathi Dhavalas deserves a separate treatment.
The Dhavala in the traditional Gujarati and Rajasthani literatures is a song, a panegyric, in praise of a person for whom some ceremonial occasion is being celebrated. Wedding songs constitute a special class of Dhavalas, and the Dhols sung in the Vallabhaite Vaiṣṇava sect make up another class. Frequently the Dhavalas occur as wedding songs within a narrative poem, but there are independent compositions also called Dhavala. The type of poems known as Vivahalo in Old Gujarati describes the wedding of the hero, and either these poems contain a Dhavala song or they are synonymous with the latter. At times the marriage described is not real but allegorical: a hero going to the battle front or someone to be initiated as a monk in the Jain order is praised in terms of a bridegroom in the Dhavala song10. The Vaisnava Dhos are in praise of Kṛṣṇa, or of some Vallabhaite Acarya, or even of a sacred place personified e.g. the Yamuna river. In the later tradition, which continues till today, the term Dhol came to be loosely used even for poems about some episode in the life-account of a Puranic character or for those preaching worldly renunciation.
In his paper referred to earlier (see n. 6), Agarchand Nahta has given information about the general characteristics and function

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of the Jain Dhavalas in Gujarati and Rajasthani literatures. Besides reproducing Hemacandra's definitions and illustrations of various types of Dhavalas, he has noted several Old Gujarati-Rajasthani Dhavalas composed from the thirteenth to the seventeenth century, e.g. Jinapati-sūri-dhavala, Antaranga-vivāha-dhao, Kayavannā-dhao, Neminātha-dha', Ardra-kumāra-dhao, Rşabhadeva-dhavala-bandharivāhalo, Sāntinātha-vivāhalo. He has also noted Dhauls like those relating to Uņā and Sāvitri currently sung on ceremonial occasions among the the Srimāli Brahmin community of Rajasthan. We may add that there are numerous other Early Gujarati Dhavala poems not noted by Nahta.
In several of his writings, K. Paramar has given an account of the various aspects of the Dho! as it is current today in the general culture and folk-traditions of Gujarat, and he has published several collections of Dhols especially from the Saurashtra region!2. The scope of the application of the term Dho! (as compared with the carlier Dhavala) has become considerably extended so as to include Purāņic and even social themes, and the lines of distinction between Pad, Bhajan, Garbi and Dhol have become blurred*.
Abbreviations
Ch. =
CHk. = Chś. -
Hemacandra, Chandoʻnuśāsana, ed. H. D. Velankar. Bombay, 1961 (SJS 49). Chandaḥkandali (known only from references in KD., q.v.). Rājasekhara, Chandaḥśekhara, in Svayambhūcchandas, ed. H. D. Velankar, Bombay, 1962, pp. 129-139. Kavidarpaņa, ed. H. D. Velankar, Jodhpur, 1962 Svayambhū, Srarambhūcchandas, ed. H. D. Velankar, Jodhpur, 1962. Virahārka, Vịttajatisamuccaya, ed. H. D. Velankar, Jodhpur, 1962
KD. = Sch. =
VJS =
* Paper read in the “Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes IVeme Section at the invitation of Prof. Ch. Vaudeville (10. 05. 88).

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93
Notes 1. See Sch. IV 16, 21; VIII 18; Chk. as cited under KD, IJ
32-1; Ch. V 32-40; KD. II 32, 34: Chś. 22-24 present Sanskrit translation of Sch. IV 16-19. Ch. V 32 ], and y. 81 under KD. II 32 reproduce Sch. IV 16. The two Sanskrit verses giving the thematic characterization and the mode of naming of Dhavala, which are given. anonymously at Chś. 27-28 are also found cited at Ch. V 40 1-2 and at KD. 82-83 (under
II 32-1). 2. Uddyotana Sūri's Kuvalayamālā, ed. A. N. Upadhye. Part 1.
Bombay 1959. (SJS 45). 3. Jayavallabha, Vajjālaggam, ed. M. V. Patwardhan, Ahmedabad,
1969 (Prakrit Text Society Series, 14). 4. Vira. Jambūsāmicariu, ed. V. P. Jain, Delhi : Bhāratiya Jñāna
pitha, 1968. 5. Hemacandra's Grammatik der Prākrit-Sprachen (Siddhahemac
andram Adhyāya VIII).. herausgegeben von R. Pischel. Leipzig,
1877-1880. Reprint Osnabrück, 1969. 6. See A. Nahta, “Dhavala-samjñak Jain Racanāeni”. Bihar
Thietar (referred to in his paper mentioned next). Nahta has discussed Dhavala in some of his other writings also. See for example “Präcin Bhāṣā kāvyo ki Vividh Samjñāem”. Nāgaripracāriņi-pratrikā, 58, 4 (V. S. 2011 = 1955 A. D.), p. 426. Sk. Pk. dhavala changes to dhaula, dhula and then to dhol in
Gujarati and to dhaul in Rajasthani. 7. For example, four Dhulas in Karmaņa's Sitāharana, published
in F. H. Dhruva, Pamdar-mā Satak-nām Prūçin Gurjar kavya,
Ahmedabad, 1927. 8. Nahta, Kapadia and others have discussed Vivāhalo. See A.
Nahta's works cited in note 6; also A. Nahta's and H. Kapadia's articles in Jain Satyaprakāša, Vol. 11, 12, 13, 14; A. Nahta in Proceedings of the All India Oriental Conference, Ahmedabad, 1953; M. R. Majmudar, Gujarāti Sāhityceny Sarūpo: Padya-Vibhāg. Vadodara. 1954. pp. 364-374.

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9. For example the Sarasvati-dhaula in Bharatesvara-Bahubalirāsa, st. 142, 144, 146, 148, 150, 152.
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10. For example the Antaranga-dhavala referred to by Nahta in his paper on Dhavala (note 6).
11. See F, Mallison, "Les chants Dhola au Gujarat et leur usage pour la devotion Vallabhaite", Bulletin de 1 'Ecole Francaised 'Extreme-Orient, 75. 1986. 79-103.
12. See especially K. Paramar (ed.), Dholmangal, Ahmedabad, 1974.

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10. THE TARĀNĀ MODE OF SINGING : ITS ORIGIN
1. The mode or style of singing known as Tarānā in the tradition of the North Indian Classical music is generally supposed to be of late origin. This view is based on such accounts as we find in the Āini-Akabari, which gives credit to Amir Khusarau for introducing the Tarānā type of deši songs. It seems, however, that the students of the history of Indian Classical music have paid little attention to this problem. There is more than enough evidence to show that the Tarānā is quite indigenous, and its roots, like those of many other aspects and elements of our current Classical music, go probably as far back as the early centuries of the Christian era.
2. We begin with a cursory account of what is said in the old texts about Tenaka, Tenna or Tennā. A number of musicological texts in Sanskrit refer several times to a Giti or Prabandhānga variously called Tenna, Tennā, Tenā, Tenaka etc. Thus (i) Matanga's Bịhaddesi refers to tenna (VI 407) and tenaka (VI
417, 506). In VI 406, 43, 507, 509 and probably in VI 414 also we have to emend tentaka or tenata of the text as
tennaka.1 (ii) There are numerous references to Tennaka (Tenna, Tena) in
Someśvara's Mānasollāsa, written in 113 A. D. See for example,
IV, XVii 339, 369, 390, 395, 398, 400, 402, 404, 556. (iii) Sangitaratnākara has defined Tena or Tenaka at IV 12-13,
17-18 as one of the six structural constituents or limbs (anga) of a musical Prabandha. Tena is also referred to at IV 182, 246, 266, 272, 277, 278 and 285 as an anga occuring in the recital of particur Prabandhas.
1. The Trivandrum text of the BȚhaddesi is corrupt at numerous
places. It requires to be carefully reedited.

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(iv) In his Bharatakosa, M. Ramakrishna Kavi has cited definitions and explanation of Tenna from the musicological manuals of Haripala, Raghunatha and Someśvara.
(v) Subhankara has enumerated in his Sangitadamodara twenty varieties of Pure Song, each of which is said to have six Angas. One of the Angas is called tendaka, for which a variant reading tenna is recorded.
(vi) Koneśvara in his commentary on Kalidasa's Vikramorvāsiya explains Tena giti with the help of some earlier authorities.
3. The Bharatakośa explains Tenna as a Prabandhanga. From the definitions given from Haripala and others we gather that (i) It was a mode of singing Sanskrit and Prakrit songs.
(ii) In that mode a Raga was sung using only its characteristic Svaras and the word tenna or tena.
(iii) The use of the syllables tena was auspicious and conducive to welfare, because tat (as in the famous Mahāvākya tattvamasi) was equivalent to Brahman or alternatively, to Hara, Hari and Brahma. Consequently using the syllables tenna (tennakära) in singing and tatta (tattakāra) in the performance. of a Tāla were bestower of prosperity.
The Sangitaratnākara and its commentaries too connect tena with the tat of the Mahāvākyas like Om tat sat and tat tvam asi, and emphasize its auspicious character.
4. According to the Sahitya Akademi edition of Kalidasa's Vikramorvasiya (edited dy H. D. Velankar), the 12th verse (i. e. gaidhummaia etc.) of the fourth act is, as per the stage-direction, a Carcari song. At the end of the verse the stage direction reads: tena nartitva. The obvious meaning is that Pururavas performs here a dance expressive of the meaning and sentiment of the preceding Carcari song. But there is slight difficulty. Grammatically we expect here the form taya referring to Carcari (feminine) instead of tena (masculine/neuter). The commentator Konesvara has offered quite a novel interpretation of this stage-direction. He seems to rend tenona instead of tena, because he explains the stage-direction

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thus: “Having performed a dance based on the Tena mode of singing (tena-gitil-nartanam vidhāya). He then explains and defines the Tena as follows, citing several authorities in dramaturgy: (i) Tena is a particular niode of singing using just
syllables te and na. (ii) Matrgupta says that by employing the Tena mode of singing
on the dramatic stage, one reaches the abode of Vişņu. The Gods Vāyu, Brahmā, Hara and Ananta are also propitiated, because in the syllables tena the sound t represents Vāyu, e
Brahmā, n Siva and a Vişnu. (iv) The commentary of Sāhasānga (? Sāhasāňka) says that the
Tena is to be used along with the Dhruvā. (v) Because it has an auspicious character, the Tena is to be
usually performed in the beginning of the Nāndi, but it is seen to have been also used along with the Dhruvā in many other places in the drama.
5. The 48th Canto (Saṁdhi) of the Paumacariya, an Apabhramśa. epic on the Jain version of the Rāmāyaṇa narrative that was written by Svayam bhū in the ninth century A. D., describes how Hanumat defeated successively Aśāli, Vajrāyudha and Lankāsundari, who guarded the fort of Larkā. Each of the fifteen sections (Kadavaka) of that Canto opens with a fourlined Dhruvaka in the Jambhețțiyā metre, and at the end of every second and fourth line of the Dhruvaka (each of which is again divided into two equal parts), there is given tena tena tena cittem as the refrain. This obvioudy indicates that the opening stanza of all the fifteen. Kadavakas was to be sung also in the Tena mode.
6. From all this it is quite clear that in the Tena-giti, the particular Rāga was to be sung without using any other verbal text except the repeated syllables tena, tenā or tennā. Now we know that in the Tarānā style tana, tenā, terenā, derenā etc. are among the most customary syllables used. The above-given description and characteristics of the Tenā force us to conclude that basic it had the same form and function as the Tarānā. As

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the Bṛhaddesi shows, the Tenā mode was in vogue for various musical Prabandhas and this finds support also from Subhankara's manual referred to earlier. In the later dramatic practice, a convention developed according to which the Tena mode was to be used for singing the Dhruva in the opening Nandi of the drama, but from oneśvara's remark it is clear that the Tena was used at other places also in the drama. It is but natural that over the centuries some minor changes and variations might have been developed in the Tena style (e. g. use of various other syllables besides te and na).
98
7. The form tennā, with interpolation of r in the first syllable would give the form trenna. In Prakrit and Apabhramśa some words came to be pronounced with an r interpolated in the initial syllable. Hemacandra has noted it for Apabhramśa (Siddhahema, VIII iv 399; abhūto'pi kvacit). Hindi, Gujarati and other New Indo-Aryan languages also have some words with an interpolated r in the first syllable. Note for example Sanskrit koti, Prakrit kodi, Hindi, Gujarati karoḍ 'crore'; Sk. sāpa, Hindi sarap, Guj. frap; Sk. sāna, Pk. sāna, Guj. saran, etc. trennā, thus derived from tennă, later changed to tarena, or tarāna. South Indian thillana also derives from the same source.
8. Lastly I may draw attention to an occurrence of Tenna in a very interesting context. In the third Kaḍavaka of the 34th Samdhi of Svayambhu's Paumacariya (referred to above), in the description of Indra's extraordinary pomp and glory, it is said that Haha, Huhu, Tumburu, Narada, Tejja and Tenna served Indra as his court musicians. Thus it seems that by the ninth century, Tenna was believed to have been a divine female singer in a troupe which performed at the celestial court of Indra and which included such esteemed mythical figures as Haha, Huhu, Tumburu and Narada. Regarding the remaining member Tejjā, we are completely in the dark. But the pair of Tejja and Tenna reminds us of the legendary singers Tana and Riri, the two sisters supposed to have flourished at Vadnagar in Gujarat and helped Tanasena in a critical situation.

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*The Tarānā Mode of Singing
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To conclude, the evidence presented here shows that the Tarānā is unquestionably of indigenous origin and throughout the long history of our Classical music, it has been a current and well-known mode of singing.
References
Matanga, Běhaddesi, ed. by K. Sambasiva Sastri, Trivandrum
Sanskrit Series No. 94. Someśvara, Manasollāsa, ed. by G. R. Shrigondekar, GOS. No.
138, 1961. Śārngadeva, Samgitaratnākara, II, ed. Subrabmanya Sastri and V.
Krishnamācārya, Adyar Library Series No. 43, 1959. M. Ramakrishna. Kavi, Bharatakośa, Venkateśvara Oriental Series
No. 30, 1951. Subhankara, Sangitadāmodara, ed. by G. N. Sastri and G. G.
Mukhopadhyaya, Calcutta Sanskrit College Research Series
No. 11, 1960. Koneśvara, Vikramorvasi-toțaka-Viveka, ed. by H. D. Velanker
(under the title 'Vikramorvasiya-Koneśvari'), Annals (B. O. R.
Institute), 38, 3-4, 256-298, 1958. Kālidāsa, Vikramorvasiya, ed. by H. D. Velankar, 1961. Svayam bhūdeva, Paumacariya, ed. by H. C. Bhayani, Singhi Jain
Series No. 34, 36, 1953, 1960.

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12. SOME EARLIEST LITERARY REFERENCES
TO THE SARANGT
It appears that the Sargitaratnākara of Sarrigadeva, composed in the first half of the thirteenth century A.D., is the earliest musicological work to mention the Sārangi as a type of stringed instrument. The Sārangi figures here in a list of some lwenty-one stringed instruments beginning with the Viņā.! The relevant line is as follows: N771712 Criat777191-17 91971: 1
Sangitaratnākara, Ilf. 215)
Two Prakrit works of Jain Kathā (religious narrative) literature contain incidental references to the Sārangi, and these are important in that those works are earlier than the Sangitaratnākara. One of these works is Lakşmaņagani's Supāsaņāhancariya, composed in 1145 A. D. (1199 V. S.). It contains three references to the Sārangi. In the tale of Maņisimha, two Vidyādharis are described as singing in a Jain temple, with Sārangi accompaniment. The relevant verse is as follows:
पूइय जिणपडिमाओ भत्तीए वदिऊण विहिसार । सारं गीगयगेयज्झुणीए गायति गीयाई ॥५॥
(p. 132, v. 57) ['Having worshipped the Jina images with devotion and performing vandana with proper ceremony, they were singing songs accompanied by the musical notes of the Sarangi'. ]
Further in the same narrative, the musical notes of the Sārangi are said to be drowned in the bustle created by the crowd of Vidyadhara-s rushing in for worship :
तो तेण कलयलेण सारं गिरवम्मि अवलविज ते । 43A12 40 729 as 72' ll soll
v. 60.),

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Literary References to the Sarangi
[As that bustle was drowning the notes of the Sārangi, they moved to the shrine of Padmāvati and continued to sing there'.]
In the third reference, it is said that when the two Vidyādhari-s saw the extremely handsome Vidyadhara princess, Sena and Vişeņa, they were so wonderstruck that the Sārangi-s dropped from their hands.3
ताओ-वि ताण स्वं पिच्छतीओ तहाहया तण । सार गीओ कराओ पडियाउ-वि जह न चेयति ॥६४॥ (1,64)
[‘They, too, gazing at their handsome form were so struck by it that they were not even conscious of the Sārangi-s dropping from their hands.')
Another similar work of Jain religious tales takes the Sārangi still a century earlier. There are two references to the Sārangi in Jineśvarasūri's Kathākoșaprakarang. composed in 1052 A. D. (1108 V. S.).
The first reference occurs in a passage describing a dance performance in the tale of Sūrasena, illustrating the religious merits of Jina worship. The relevant verse is as follows:
वीणा-तिसरिय-सार गियाइस मीसकागलीगीय । गिज्जइ वेणुरवा-वि हु उच्छलइ तदतरालेमु ॥
(Kathākoșaprakaraņu, p. 30, 1-30) ["Kākali song, blended with the notes of the Viņā, Trisarikā, Sārangi etc., was sung. The notes of flute, too, shot up intermittently through these notes'.]
The second reference occurs in the tale of Simhakumāra, illustrating the religious merits of singing a hymn to the Jina. The concerned passage4 is otherwise also quite important in the context of the history of the science of music.
While classifying various types of music, the Sārangi is mentioned among the stringed instruments as follows:
faayazıt'azz' I ' l-a'fa-Agit, au-Ach, 94–ATY' 71 तत्थ तति-समुत्थ वीण-तिसरी-सार गियाइ अणेमविहं ।

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[Gāndharva (melodic music) originates from three sources as follows: from a string, from a bamboo, from a human being.
Of these, that which originates from a string is of several types, for instance produced by the Viņā, Trisari, Sārangi, etc.)
Foot-notes :
1. The Sangitaratnākara gives a detailed description of various
musical instruments in Chapter Six, but the Sārangi finds no mention there. The afore-mentioned reference to the Sārangi
is duly given in the Index to Vol. II. 2. Attention to this was drawn by me in the 'Quartely Journal
of the National Centre for the Performing Arts, X. I. 1981, pp.
49-50. 3. The Pāia-saddamahannavo has noted the word under this
reference. 4. This passage is historically important as it touches upon some
well-known topics in the theory of music. It is reproduced in Sanskrit verse by Munisundarasūri in his Jayānanda-kevalicarita (composed in c. 1430 A. D.). Its prose recast was made by Padmavijaya in 1802 A.D.
Reference Works
Sangitaratnākaru of Sārngadeva, Vol. II, edited by S. Subrahmanya
Sastri and V. Krishnanacharya, Adyar Literary Series, 43, 1959. Supāsaņāhacariya of Lakṣmaṇagani, edited by H, T. Sheth, 1919. Kathakoşaprakaraṇa of Jineśrvarasūri, edited by Muni Jinavijaya.
Singhi Jain Series, 11, 1949. Jayānanda-kevalicarita of Munisundarasūri, 1938 (1933 V. S.)

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13. SOME EARLY LITERARY REFERENCES TO
THE RĀVANAHASTA
The following few notes are meant to supplement the historical information about the stringed musical instrument called Rāvanahasta given by Joep Bor.' Incidentally they also will suggest some modification of Bor's observations on the subject.
In the Jain version of the Rāmāyaṇa, Vāli, a Vidyādhara ascetic, substitutes Lord Siva in the episode of the lifting of Mount Kailāsa by Rāvaņa. According to Vimalasūri's Paumacariya, the earliest available Jain Rāmāyaṇa, the chastened Rāvaņa apologized to Vāli and went to the near-by temples to offer worship to the Jinas. He cut open his arm, drew out the sinews which he used as strings for the Vīņā he fashioned and played upon to accompany the hymn he started to sing in praise of the Jinas (Paumacariya, IX, 87-89). The date of the Paumacariya is a matter of controversy, but it cannot be later than the sixth century. Accordingly it presents a version which is earlier than that we find in the poems of the Southern Saivaite saints.2 Ravişeņa's Padmapurāņa, a Sanskrit recast of Vimalasūri's poem dated 677 A.D., and Hemacandra's Trişastišalākāpuruşacarita, dated 12th cent. A. D., refer to the Viņā fashioned by Rāvana on this occasion as bhuja-viņā.3
Svayambhū’s Paumacariya is an Apabhraíša epic having Ravişena's poem as one of its sources. It is assigned to the fourth quarter of the ninth century. In its version of the episode of Rāvana's chastisement by Vāli, it describes the worship of the Jinas performed by Rāvaņa with the following details of Rāvaņa's. musical performance on the occasion :
After offering the worship Rāvana began to sing sweet, enchariting music which had the seven notes, Sadja, Rşabha, Gandhāra,

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Madhyama, Pañcama, Dhaivata and Niṣada; which was marked by Murchanā, Krama, Kampa and the three Gramas; which had the accompaniment of the Ravaṇahastaka; which had Alamkāras, sweetness of notes, aesthetic charm and sophistication; which had the ascending scale, the descending scale, Sthayin and Sañcarin; which was characterized by Tilaka (melody), lower and upper octaves, Tānas and smooth melodiousness; which was like a bow in that it was endowed with jiva (i.e. 1. bowstring. 2. the dominant note).4
104
Two things are noteworthy in this account. Firstly, the instrument providing accompaniment to Ravana's vocal recital, which was called Viņa in the earlier sources (which have been also followed in this matter by some later accounts), is called Rāvaṇahastaka. The name obviously derives from the myth of the instrument's creation. Secondly the music offered is not some sort of folk music. It is rather highly cultured and sophisticated music, the same type that has been codified in musicological texts. This means that this Ravaṇahastaka of the ninth century had already secured a place in the elitist music.5
In another passage of the same text, describing similarly Ravana worshipping the Jina, the former is described as singing a Mangala song6 while playing on the Ravaṇahastaka (LXXI, vi. 18). In this description of the festival of Jina-worship, the following traditional list of musical instruments is given: Mukunda. Nandi, Mardala, Huḍukkā, Dhakka, Kāhalā, Ruñja, Bheri, Jhallari, Daḍikkā, Pāņi-kartarī, Dardura, Tāla, Śankha, Daunḍa, Dakka, Taṭṭari, Jhuṇakka, Bhambha, Jhimkiri, Vavvisa, Vaṁśa, Kāmsyikā, Trisari, Viņa and Pāvikā.
Svayambhu (and following him, Rajasekhara and Hemacandra) have defined in their manuals of prosody an Apabhramsa metre called Ravaṇahastaka. It is of the Antarasama Catuṣpadi type, with each of its half containing 7+ 13 Mātrās. The metre was generally used for the Ghatta (i.e. the concluding piece) of a Kadavaka (i.e. a verse paragraph) of an Apabhramśa Sandhibandha

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(i.e. an epic poem).? From the illustration of the Rāvanahastaka metre given by Svayambhū, it however appears that the metre was also used for the Dhruvās in the drama. The fact that a particular Apabhramśa metre is called Rāvanahatthaya presupposes possibly two things : (1) The legend of Rāvana's lifting up of Mount Kailāsa (or Aștāpada for the Jainas) and his fashioning of the peculiar chordophone. (2) AD Apabhramśa poetic composition that used for the first time to describe that episode in a metre that had 7 + 13 Mātrās in each half.
The verse-example given in the Chandonuśāsana to illustrate the Rāvanahastaka metre can be translated as follows :- ‘Taking Viņā and holding Rāvanahastaka in their hands, the gods performed the Samahasta (hand-pose in dancing) on the occasion of the ceremonial bathing of the Jina. Apparently the theme of the verse derives from the description of Rāvana'a Jina-worship referred to above.
In the Paryāya Commentary on this verse of the Chamlonusasana, the word Rāvanahatthaya is explained as follows :
रावणहस्तक: आतोद्य, यत् पुरा दशास्येनाष्टापदे जिनेन्द्राणामग्रो स्वहस्त79192929 aifea faraleg 391# () 2104 1
This means, 'Rāvnahastaka is a musical instrument, which after first plucking out sinews from his own arm, was played by Rāvana, on the Aștāpada in front of the Lords of the Jinas. It has three chords and is........(?).'
The second characterizing adjective in the original text, viz. 729* is obscure. Most probably the text here is corrupt. We are not sure if we can emend it as waa'a' ('provided with a gourd') or something similar. The date of the Paryāya commentary is unknown. The manuscript is dated 1659 V. S. i.e. 1603 A.D.
Regarding the early references to Sārangi in the Prakrit literature of the Jainas, Bor observes :8 'Apparently the Sārangi played an important role in Jain religious music during the 11th and 12th centuries, and like its modern counterpart, it was used to accompany singing. The fact that it is first mentioned in popular narra

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tives which were written in Prakrit, the language of the masses, seems to indicate that the Sārangi was primarily an instrument of folk and religious music.
Here we should point out that the Prakrit works of Jineśvara - sūri and Laksamanagani wherein the earliest reference to Sārangi occur, as also the Apabhraíśa epic of Svayambhū which is the earliest work mentioning the Rāvanahasta, are written in a language which is considerably ornate and stylized. In the matter of sophistication these works cannot be distinguished from the Sanskrit works of their age. The literary Prakrit and Apabhramsa used in these works had long ceased to be the language of the masses'. The occurrence of Sārangi and Rāvanahasta in these text cannot be taken as indicating primarily the folk character of those instruments, and we have already pointed out the elitist character of the Jain religious music in which they have been mentioned as figuring. It seems that, although originally they were folk instruments, they later on secured a place in elitist musical performance.
Notes
1. The Voice of the Sarangi, pp. 40-47. 2. The Voice of the Sarangi, p. 43. 3. Padmapurāņa, IX, 176: Trişaști VII, ii. 267. See also Bulcke,
pp. 643-644. 4. Svayambhū, Paumacariya, Xill, ix. 8-10; X, 1-3. 5. In the account given, however, in the Trişaşți Rāvana's sin
ging on the occasion is said to be grāmarāgaramya charming due to the use of the folk melodies', to which he provided accompaniment with the bhuja-viņā. (VII, ii, 268). For the Mangala songs see Svayambhūcchandas, IV, 20-21:
VIII, 30; Chandonušāsana, V, 40. 7. See Svayamcūcchandas, VI, 13; Chandah sekhara, V. 47; Chan
donuśāsano, Vi, 19.6. 8. The Voice of the Sarangi, p. 51.

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Reference Works Camil Bulcke, Rām-kathā (in Hindi)?, 1962. Joep Bor, “The Voice of the Sarangi,' Quarterly Journal of the
National Centre for the Performing Arts, 15, 3-4; 16, 1, 1986–87. Hemacandra, Chandoušāsana, Singhi Jain Series, No, 49, 1961. Hemacandra, Trişaşțišalākāpuruşacarita, The Jain Dharmaprasārak
sabhā edition. Rajasekhara, Chandahkoša (given at the end of the Svayambhūcch
andas). Svayam bhū, Paumcariya, Singhi Jain Series, No. 36, 1960. Svayambhū, Svayambhūcchandas, Rajasthān Purātan Granthamālā,
No. 37, 1962 Vimalasūri, Paumacariya, Prakrit Text Series, No. 6, 1962, No. 12,
1968.

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IV

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14. JAIN LITERATURE AND PERFORMING ARTS
Preliminary Observations
Jain literature is a matter of continuous literary activity of some twenty-five hundred years, embracing eight or nine different languages. Apart from its staggering voluminousness, its variety and richness are quite imposing. Other significant facts about it are that much of it (especially the innumerable tales and narratives) relates to the middle and lower strata of society, the subjectmatter has usually been drawn from the ordinary life of people and frequently the treatment is considerably realistic. Quite obviously, therefore, Jain literature can serve as a highly fruitful source of information for all the periods and aspects of Traditional Indian Culturel
Even for our present limited purpose, it is a very vast field, demanding a book of several volumes for a systematic account and as such, far beyond the scope of a seminar paper. I will, therefore, delimit the enquiry by excluding technical literature (eg. works on dramaturgy or musicology) or dramatic works in the main tradition by Jain authors, and will confine my observations to three areas, viz., (1) audio-visual presentation of narratives, (2) dramatic types, and (3) songs and music. And there, too, no attempt would be made at any sort of survey2. My endeavour aims only at drawing attention to certain pieces of information gleaned from a few Classical texts, mostly in Prakrit, and showing their importance for the history of performing arts in the Indian Tradition. It will be seen from what follows that the value of the Jain data lies for the most part in supplementing or filling up information gaps in non-Jain sources.
1. Audio-visual Presentation of Narratives
We have had a very long tradition, extending over some twenty-five hundred years, of presenting religious narratives in accompaniment with showing of corresponding pictures. 3

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The earliest evidence for this is provided by the Jain canonical literature. Several texts like the Viyāhapannatti, Nāyādhammakahā and Ovavāiya refer to maikha, a class of wandering beggars, who earned their daily food by showing picture-boards (mamkhaphalaya) to the people4. From later texts like Viśākhadatta's Mudrārākṣasa and Bäņa's Harşacarita we know that such picture-boards or picture-scrolls (yamapata) depicted punishments in hells suffered by various sinners. The showman also sang verses that narrated the pictorial scenes. If we are to trust the canonical account, the father of Gośāla, who was an ascetic associate of Vardhamāna Mahāyīra, was a Maskha. This would suggest that the practice was as old as the sixth century B.C.
In a Jain religious tale written in Prakrit in 779 A.D., we find an elaborate poetic description of two such picture scrolls. Uddyotanasūri's Kuyalayamālā narrates an episode figuring a teacher who exhibits and describes to a prince two scrolls which he himself had painted. The first scroll depicted the cycle of births and deaths (saṁsāra-cakra), which consisted of countless scenes relating to living beings with their struggles, momentary joys and endless sufferings in the three divisions of the universe, viz., the earth, heavens and hells. The description extends over more than one hundred and fifty verses. What we find here is a poetic elaboration of the prevalent practice of showing the yamapatas.
The other picture scrollo, described in the Kuvalaymālā, relates to a different theme. It is a religious tale having the identical 'purpose of edifying and inculcating the spirit of renunciation In a passage of more than a hundred verses are described the scenes of struggles and travails of two brothers, extending over their three successive births7.
From another Jain work we know that the picture-scrolls were also used to make more spectacular the narration of popular tales. In a Jain religious work Vaddārādhane, written in Kannada in circa tenth century A.D., there is a tale about a picture-showman,

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who used to show to rice-dealers scrolls depicting scenes from three popular tales. The showman thus kept the dealers absorbed in the show and this gave a free hand to his two abetters to steal rice from the shops!
The Jain texts throw light also on the mode of presentation and the actual method of showing the pictures. According to Samghadāsa's commentary on the Bịhatkalpa-sūtra, the picture showman, while pointing at the various scenes on the picture board or scroll, sang story-verses and explained the purport in plain prose.
From the Buddhist text Asokāvadāna, we know that the showman held in his left hand the scroll which was fixed between two bamboo sticks, and pointed at pictures with a pointer held in his right hand. The Jain texts Kuvalayamālā and Lilāyatisāra also record the same method of making audio-visual presentation".
2. Dramatic Types
The Classical Indian dramaturgy recognised and described many dramatic types : Ten major types variously designated as Pāthya-Preksya, Vākyārthābhinaya or Rūpaka, and numerous minor types known as Geya-Preksya, Padārthābhinaya or Uparūpaka.
In one Jain text we find the earliest specimen of the Rūpaka called Utsrşţikānka and in another. there is a reference to the types Dima and Vithi.
(a) Utsrstikānka or Arka
In his Prakrit work Caupannamahäpurisacariya, giving the lifeaccount of the fiftyfour Great Men in the Universal History according to Jainism, Silānkācārya has given a dramatic composition which forms a part of the biography of Rşabhasvāmin, the first Tirthankara10. In the account of the fourth previous birth of Rşabha as king Mahābala, the minister Vimala mati is described als staging a drama before the king with a view to induce him to renovace the world. The drama is called Vibudhānanda. It consists

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of one act only. It has a tragic end. Silānka calls this drama ‘Anka’. Nilanjana Shah has shown that the dramatic characteristics of the Vibudhānanda clearly establishes it as an instance of the type called Utsrstikānka or Arka, which was counted among the ten major types and was defined by Bharata and others.
The importance of the Vibudhānanda lies in the fact that it is the one and only specimen of Utsșstikānka preserved in the whole range of classical literature and it is fairly early. The Vibudhānanda also shares with Bhāsa's Karnabhāra and Urūbhanga the credit of being one of the few dramas having a tragic end.
(b) Dima and Vithi
Bharata has divided the dramatic types into two classes : robust or forceful (āviddha) and delicate or graceful (sukumāra). Dima belonged to the former class and Vīthi to the latter12. In a passage in Dhanapāla's Tilakamanjari, a Kathā in Sanskrit prose written in the first half of the eleventh century, it is said that performers ignorant of the tradition of Daśarūpaka (the ten major dramatic types) destroyed the basic quality of a Vithi by staging it in a violent and forceful style (appropriate for the presentation of Vira and Raudra sentiments) as in a Dima, instead of the tender and graceful style (appropriate to the presentation of Sțngāra)13. Dhanapāla's remark can be appreciated if we keep in view the real character of the Vithi: “Vithi was a love-comedy, a mixture of Nātikā with features of Prahasana grafted on it."14
(c) Some other types
The Uparūpakas were an ill-defined, open class, with no specimens preserved for us. Dramaturgical literature has handed down a collection of descriptive statements about them, which give the impression of a tradition that was no longer living. The reason for this probably lies in the fact that these dramatic types were mostly dominated by song and dance. The use of verbal text was marginal. Most of them were in Prakrit or its later regional modifications 15.

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From Jain narrative works we get a few references to some of these types, suggesting that they were still in vogue at a particular period. Besides, some tests have preserved a few specimens of songs that were used in these dramatic types 16.
In Uddyotanasūri's Kuraiayainālā, a Kathā-work in Prakrit completed in 779 A.D., the hero Kuvalayacandra is described as visiting a residential school (matha) in the Southern city of Vijayāpurī, where students from the regions of Lāța, Karņāța. Mālava, Kānyakubja, Golla, Mahārāsţra, Saurāstra, Srikaatha and Saimdhava were learning various Sāstras, Vijñānas and Kalās. The long list of subjects taught there included Bhāṇaya, Dombiliyā and Siggada among others17. These three are grouped with painting and music. Now from Abhinavagupta and other dramaturgists we know that Bhāņaka, Dombilikā and Sidgaka were three well-known types of Uparūpakas18. The Kuvalayamālā. reference to them is the earliest19 known so far. It precedes Abhinavagupta by more than two centuries. Similarly another Jain Sanskrit text, viz., Bțhatkathākośa of Harișeņa, completed in 93132 A.D., refers in one of its illustrative tales20 to five types of dance-dramas called Signațaka, Bhāni, Chatra, Rāsaka and Dumbili, expounded by Bharata. All of these except Chatra are wellknown as Uparūpakas. Chatra has been quite unknown so far. But recently I spotted an early reference to it in a Jain Prakrit text, viz., Vasudevahimdi (Madhyama-khanda), written by Dharmasena-gaņi in the seventh or eighth century A.D.21
We get a third reference to some of the Uparūpakas in Jineśvarasūri's Kathākośaprakaraña. It is in Prakrit. The work was completed in 1052 A.D. In the tale of Simhakumāra, in an interesting passage on musicology, it is said that the Agama type of songs (as against the Deśya type) consists of seven types of Siggaļās, seven Bhāņikās, Bhāņakas and Dumbiliyās22. Such varieties of these Uparūpakas are not known from any other source. This reference is of the same period as that of Abhinavagupta. It should be noted that Bhāņaka, Dombika and Sidgaka are common to all the above given references.

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Lastly, we may note from Jain works a few references to Visakhila and Dattila who were reputed ancient authorities on music, dance and minor 'dramatic' types23. In the Kuvalayamālākatha, already referred to above, a king's royal assembly is dcscribed as attended, among others, by experts in Bharata's Natyaśāstra and as also in the tradition of Visakhila24. Elsewhere in the same work there is an episode of a royal parrot, who in the course of narrating his autobiography, says that he quickly learnt the theory of Natya and mastered Visakhila (i.e. the musicological work of Viśākhila)25. Similarly, in the introductory portion of his great Apabhramśa epic poem Mahapurāṇa, completed in 965 A.D, Puspadanta, foliowing the poetic convention of expressing humility, gives a list of subjects and works about which he says he was quite ignorant. The list includes the works of Dattila. and Visakhila26. These references, too, are notable as pre-Abhinavagupta references.
3. Song Used in the Musical Prabandhas
In many of the Classical works on musicology, the section on the musical Prabandhas define and describe a number of Prabandhas. The names of many of the Prabandhas are the same as the names of many well-known Prakrit and Apabhramśa metres. As. has been already pointed out, the same term was used to designate the song, dance, poem and metre in the complex of a performance. Accordingly, the description of metres bearing the same designation as borne by the Prabandhas, throws light on the several aspects of the latter. Works like Bṛhaddesi, Mānasollāsa, Samgitaratnākara, Samgitacūḍāmaṇi etc. treat Prabandhas like Arya or Gatha, Kanda, Catuspadi, Carcari, Jhambada, Tribhangi, Dvipathaka, Dvipadi, Dhavala, Mangala, Mātṛkā, Rāsaka, Vadana, Vastu, Satpadi and others, and we find these either treated as metres in the prosodical treatises of Svayambhu and Hemacandra or as types of poetical compositions current in Prakrit, Apabhramsa and early regional literatures. It may be significant in this connection to note that I derived the greatest help from metrical manuals for restoring the corrupt passages that are given

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as illustrations of the song-texts for the Prabandhas in Someśvara's Mānasollāsa.27
(a) The Dhruvā Song
Various types of Dhruvā songs were used in Sanskrit drama23. Conventions about the use of various languages (Prakrits like Sauraseni and Māgadhi, Sanskrit, etc.) in the Dhruvā are given in the thiry-second chapter of Bharata's Nātyaśāstra. But all the illustrations of the Dhruvā given there are in Sauraseni only. The Dhruvās in the Vikramorvasäva are either in Mahārāstri Prakrit or Apabhraíśa. This shows that language conventions for the Dhruvā changed in course of time.
From Bharata's description and illustrations, as also from the later tradition it is quite clear that thematically the Dhruvās were symbolic i.e. they were generally Anyoktis. They referred to a dramatic character under the guise of some animal, natural object etc.
There are some indications in a ninth century Jain work on Prakrit prosody that Dhruvās in Apabhramśa were in vogue around that period. In the Siapambhūcchandas of Svayambhū (c. 880 A.D.) the illustration of the Antarasamā Catuspadi Dhruvā29 called Rāvanahastaka (VI 13. 1) is a Gaja-Anyokti. It is comparable to Vikramorvasiya, IV 43. The illustration of Makarandikā (VI 17, 1) is a Cakravāka-Anyokti. This is comparable to Vikramorvasiya IV. 4. So also Svayambhūcchandas, VI 37, 1 is possibly a Varāha-Anyokti and IV 15, 1. a Karabha-Anyokti.
(b) The Akşiptikā Song
From the description given by Bhoja and Ranganātha, we know that Akşiptikā was a type of song. We have two references to the singing of Ākşiptikās from the Kuvalayamālā of Uddyotanasūri30. From these we come to know that this type of songs was popularly sung in the temples of Rudra, Rşabha etc. by Saivas and Jainas. An Akşiptikā song is actually given in that text.

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(c) The Carcari Song31
We know that in Sanskrit drama, music, dance and drama? in the Western sense were closely interlaced. The former twoelements were predominant in the minor dramatic types. From Harşa's Ratnāvali and other sources, Carcari is known to us as a type of dance connected with the spring festival. On the other hand Bhoja. says it was an alternative name of Nātyarāsaka which was a type of Uparūpaka. In fact from numerous references in Sanskrit and Prakrit literature it is clear that Carcari signified in different contexts (1) a kind of song, (2) a kind of dance, (3) a kind of Tāla, (4) a kind of metre, and (5) a troupe singing and dancing. These meanings are evidently interrelated.
Carcari as a type of musical or dance performance seems to be closely allied to some other Uparūpakas like Rāsaka, Halliśaka and Nātyarāsaka. All of them had, quite palpably, several features in common, so much so that the Alamkāra authorities at times have identified any one of them with any other. In fact there has been considerable confusion about the shared and exclusive features of these types-especially in later writings, which had no direct contact wiih a living tradition.
Reference to Carcari and Rāsaka as musical and dance performances connceted with the festive celebrations at the advent of the spring season are found in numerous Prakrit, Apabhramsa and Old Gujarati narrative and poetical works. Besides this, some actual Carcari or Rāsa32 songs are given in several Jain works in Prakrit or Sanskrit. Further, we know some short poems called Carcari from Apabhramśa and Old Gujarati literatures.
From an examination of the relevant passages we can conclude that during its long course of evolution Carcari got transformed from a short musical piece accompanying dance to a substantiat poem with some narrative and descriptive content. The connection with the festival and dance also altered substantially, and theoriginal metrical form and structure too changed beyond recognition. The Rāsaka types also had the same history.

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(d) The Dhavala Song35
Dhavala as a type of song has a continuous life of some two thousand years—from the beginning of the Christian era till today. Svayambhū, and following him, Hemacandra, the two leading authorities on Prakrit and Apabhramśa prosody, have noted a tradition according to which king Hāla Sātavāhana, the famous poet and compiler of the Prakrit verse anthology called Saptaśataka (or Gātha-kośa), had composed many Dhavala songs. In later Prakrit and Apabhramśa works like the Kuvalayamālā, Vajjālagga, Jambīsāmi-cariya, Siddhahema etc. we find many instances of the Dhavala. Medieval Gujarati, Rajasthani, Hindi and Marathi literatures were rich in the Dhavala (Dhaula) and Mangala types of musical poems written by Jain and non-Jain poets; and up to the present day Dhols are sung in Gujarat as marriage songs and as songs praising Kșşņa or other deities and sacred persons in the Vaişnavaite and Jain religious traditions.
4. Musicological Data
In several Jain texts we find scraps of information that throw light on such musicological subjects as the history of the Tarānā36, modes and classification of the Rāgas, musical instruments like Sārang 137 and Rāvanahastaka. etc. which I have noted elsewhere,
Notes
1. It may be observed in this connection that many important
Jain Classical texts still remain unedited and unpublished, lying buried in manuscript collections and even for many of those whieh have been published, no translation is available in any modern language. These facts prove to be great handicaps for
many who want to utilize them as sources. 2. Kapadia, 1973 gives detailed information about Music, Dance
and Drama from Jain Canonical literature, its commentaries and some other works. Kapadia, 1980 similarly presents data

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on musical instruments from similar sources. The latter was reviewed in Bhayani, 1981.
3. This is besides the tradition of presenting epic, Puranic or folktale narratives in sculpture and painting (Hindu, Buddhist, Jain). One of the earliest evidences is supplied by the Jaina Acarya Padalipta's Taramgavai, a romantic tale in Prakrit, written probably in the second century A. D. The original is lost, but we have its two faithful abridgements (not later than tenth century A.D.). In one of the episodes, we are told about a merchant's daughter(the heroine) who, during the Kaumudi Mahotsava, puts forth her canvasses for public display. The picture portrayed scenes from her past birth which were preserved in her revived memory. This motif is frequently found later in the Jain and non-Jain Kathas also e.g. in the story of Lalitanga, in the Nilayaśā Lambha of the Vasudevahimḍi and in Asāita's Haṁsāuli in Old Gujarati.
4. Päiasaddamahanṇavo, s. v. mamkha; Basham, p. 35. For a detailed discussion of this and other references given further, see Bhayani, 1983.
5. Kuvalayamālā, I pp. 185-190.
6. Kuvalayamālā, I pp. 190-194.
7. The Buddhist text Divyāvadāna records the practice of narrating Gautama Buddha's life with reference to corresponding pictures. The Kuvalayamālā presents here a poetic elaboration of the
same.
8. Khadabadi, pp. 25-28; Bhayani, 1980, p. 180.
9. Hemacandra's Kävyänusāsana defines a narrative genre, called Akhyāna. It was a composition deriving its theme from epics or Purāņas and it was presented by a narrator (granthika, Kathaka), through a combination of recitation, singing and acting. But this information Hemacandra has derived from Bhoja's Śṛngāraprakāśa, wherein it is called Akhyanaka and three such Akhyānaka works are named: Govindakhyāna, Sāmbākhyāna and Mārākhyāna. The tradition of the perform

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ance of narrative poems is preserved in several regions of India till today. See Raghavan, Bhoja's śưngāraprakāša, pp.
619-620, 812–813. 10. Caupannamah āpurisacariya, pp. 17-27. 11. Shah, 1982. 12. Raghavan, 1963, p. 585. 13. Kansara, 1970, pp. 552-553. 14. Raghavan, 1963, p. 889. 15. Raghavan, 1963, pp. 545 ff. 16. Raghavan has given information only from the Rājapraśniya,
which refers to dance types only. See Raghavan, 1963, pp.
572-74. 17. Kuvalayamālā, p. 150. 18. Raghavan, 1963, pp. 546. 547, ff. 566-572, Bhayani, 1969. 19. Kohala is of course known to have been the earliest authority
on the minor dramatic types, and quotations from his work occur in dramaturgical literature, but that work is lost. See
Raghavan, 1963, pp. 535-536. 20. Byhatkathākoša, 57, v. 105-106. 21. Bhayani, 1985; Bhayani and Shah, 1987, p. 224 (where the
female attendants of Princess Kanakavati are described as engaged in the rehearsal of the Chatraka performance : chat
taya-payoga-gaņaņa-vāvada). 22. Kathākośaprakarana, p. 41. 23. Krisnamachariar. pp. 820-822; Raghavan, 1963, p. 586. 24. Kuvalayamālā, p. 16. The editor has misunderstood this as a
reference to some authority on warfare. He has also noted
Višākhila as an author. 25, Kuvalayamálā, p. 123. 26. Mahāpurāņa, I i 9. 27. Bhayani, 1983 (B).

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28. See Raghavan, 1954, 19; 1963, pp. 370-371; 604-606; Bhayani,
1986. Here some relevant points from the last-mentioned paper
are briefly given. 29. This term Dhruvā is somewhat different from the Dhruvā of
the drama. In the Apabhramśa epic the verse which occurred in the beginning of a Canto (Samdhi) and that which occurred (usually in the same metre) at the end of all the sections (Kadavaka) of that canto was called Dhruvā, Dhruvaka or
Ghattā. 30. Bhayani, 1987; Raghavan, 1963, pp. 370-371, 604-606;
Kuvalayamālā, I, pp. 82-83, 116. 31. In Bhayani, 1972, I have discussed in detail the character,
function and evolution of the Carcarī song, and described specimens of these songs so far as I could trace them in Prakrit, Sanskrit, Apabhramśa and Old Gujarati works of the Jain writers. In the present paper, therefore, I have treated the topic briefly. For some other discussions of Carcari see Velankar, 1961, Introduction, pp. 81-85: Sandesara and Thakar, 1962, pp. 132, 133, 134; Jāya Senāpati and Raghavan, 1965, pp. 145-146 (text, pp. 218-219); Shah U.P.. pp. 28-48;
Tarlekar, 1983 1984), pp. 65-66, 73-74. 32. As a type of poetic composition Rāsaka was quite well-known
in Prakrit and Apabhramśa literatures, and there are hundreds of Rāsas in Old Gujarati. But this Rāsa was different from
the Uparūpaka type of the same name. 33. Similarly in Rājasekhara's Karpūramañjari, a Carcari dance is
described partly in Svāgatā metre, which in structure and rhythm closely resembles the well-known Mātrā metre called
Vadanaka. 34. The information about the metrical structure of Dvipadi given
in my paper on the Carcari will supplement observations and
discussion in Raghavan, 1963, pp. 560-561. 35. See Bhayani, 1975, pp. 69-71. 36. Bhayani, Forthcoming (1).

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37. See Bhayani, 1982. 38. See Bhayani, 1986(1987).
Reference Works
Basham, A.L.,
The Ājivakas, 1951 Bhayani H.C.,
‘On the Uparūpakas called Dombikā and Sięgaka', Vidya,
1969, pp. 1-14. Reprinted in the present collection, pp. 20–33. ‘On some Specimens of Carcari', Sambodhi, 2, 1972, pp.
12-35 (Also published in the Journal of the University of
Bombay, 1973). Reprinted in the present collection, pp. 34-53 ‘The Prakrit Poets Harivěddha, Sātavāhana and ĀŅhyarāja.',
Sanskrit and Indological Studies ( V. Raghyan Felicitation Volume), 1975, pp. 61-76. Reprinted in the present colle
ction, Part II. Review of Kapadia, 1980, Quarterly Journal of NCPA, 10,
Dec. 1981, 55--56. Review of Khadabadi, 1979, Sambodhi, 8, 1979-80, p. 180. Some Earliest Literary References to Sārangi', Quarterly
Journal of NCPA, 11, Mar. 1982, pp. 37–38. Citrapat par Ādhārit Kathā-Kathan' (in Gujarati), Gujarat
(Dipotsavi Number), 1983 (A) (V.S. 2039), pp. 6-9. “The Prakrit and Deśabhāṣā Passages in Someśvara's Māna
sollāsa', K. K. Handiqui Felicitation Volume, 1983 (B), pp.
167-77. Reprinted in the present collection, Part II. 'Uparūpak Chatra ane Nștta-prakās Calli' (in Gujarati),
Sāmipya, Oct.-Dec., 1985, pp. 166. 123. Translated in the present collection, pp. 54-57. ‘About the Dhruvās in Kālidāsa's Vikramorvasiya'. Bulletin
of the Chunilal Gandhi Vidyabhavan, 1986, pp. 1-5. Reprinted in the present collection, pp. 68-74.

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"The Character of Akṣiptika', Bulletin of the Chunilal Gandhi Vidyabhavan, 1987 (A); pp. 22-25. Reprinted in the present collection, pp. 80-84.
"Fresh Light on the Tarana Mode of Singing', Pandit Dalsukh Malvania Felicitation Volume (Forthcoming). Reprinted in the present collection, pp. 95-99.
Some Early Literary References to Ravanahasta', Journal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda. 36, 1-4, 1986 (1987 issue), 111-114. Reprinted in the present collection, pp. 103-107. Bhayani H. C. and Shah R. M. (Eds.),
Vasudevahindi (Modhyama Khanda), 1987.
Bhojak, A. M. (Ed.),
Caupannamahāpurisacariya, 1961.
Chaturvijaya Muni and Punyavijaya Muni (eds.), Bṛhatkalpasūtra-bhāṣya, 1936.
Dharmasena-gani, Vasudevahindi (Madhyama-khnḍa). See Bhayani and Shah, 1987.
Harisena. Bṛhatkathakosa. see Upadhye, 1943.
Jain. Jyotindra,
"The Painted scrolls of the Garoda Picture Showmen of Gujarat', Journal of NCPA, 9 Sep. 1980, pp. 2-23.
Jaya Senapati, Nṛttaratnavali, See Raghavan, 1965.
Jinavijaya, Muni (Ed.),
Kathakosa-prakaraṇa, 1949.
Jinesvarasuri,
Kathakośaprakarana. 1949, See Jinavijaya Muni.
Kansara, N. M.,
Tilakamañjaria Critical Study, Ph.D. thesis, Gujarat University), 1970.
Kapadia, H. R.,
Samgit, Nṛtya ane Natya Sambamdhi Jain Ullekho ane Gramtho (in Gujarati) (English Title: The Jain Records and Works about Music, Dance and Drama), 1973.

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'The Jain Data about Musical Instruments', Journal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda, pp. 263-276, 3, 1954, pp. 186-195, 4, 1955, pp. 372-392.
(Reprinted in 'Three Monographs on Music', Indian Musicological Society, 1980, pp. 25-58).
Khadabadi, B. K.,
Vadḍaradhane: a study, 1970.
Krishnamachariar, M.,
History of Classical Sanskrit Literature,3, 1974.
Puspadanta,
Mahāpurāna. See Vidya, 1937.
125
Raghavan V.,
'Music in Ancient Indian Drama', Arts and Letters, 28, 1, 1954 pp. 3 ff.; (also Journal of the Music Academy, Madras, 255, pp. 79-92).
Bhoja's Srigaraprakāśa, 1963.
(Ed.), Nṛttaratnavali, 1965.
'Music in Sanskrit Literature', Quarterly Journal of NCPA, 8, March, 1979, pp. 1-11.
Sanghadāsagani,
Bṛhatkalpasūtra-bhāṣya, See Chaturvijaya Muni.
Sandesara, B. J. and Thakar, J. P.,
Lexicographical Studies in Jain Sanskrit, 1962 (A book-form reprint of articles serially published in the Journal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda, Vol. 8-12, 1959-1963).
Shah, Nilanjana,
'Caupannamahāpurisacariyāntargata-Vibudhānanda-Nāṭak Par Ek Najar (in Gujarati), Pharbas Gujarati Sabha Traimasik, 1982,
65-72.
Shah, U. P.,
'Cacar, Carcari-Ek Adhyayan' (in Gujarati), Svadhyaya, II, 1963, pp. 28-48.
Sheth H. T..
Persaddamahaṇnavo2, 1963.

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Śilānkācārya
Caupannamahāpurisacariya, see Bhojaka, 1961.
Tarlekar, G. H.,
'Music and Dance in Vikramorvasiya Act. IV', Annals of the B. O. R. I., 1983 (1984), pp. 59-75.
Uddytonasūri,
Kuvalayamālā, see Upadhye, 1959.
Upadhye, A. N. (Ed.),
Literary and Performing Arts
Bṛhatkathakota, 1943.
Kuvalayamālā, Part-I, 1959; Part-II (Study), 1970.
Vaidya, P. L. (Ed.),
Mahāpurāṇa, Part-I, 1937.
Velankar, H. D. (ed.), Vikramorvasiya, 1961.

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PART II

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1. SOME PRAKRIT VERSES OF PADALIPTA
AND
THE AUTHENTICITY OF THE TARAMGALOLĀ
1. Gāthā 75 of the first Sataka of Hala's Saptasaaka1 (also called Gāthāsaptasati) is as follows:
ua pommarāa-maragaa-saṁvalia nahaalau oarai | naha-siri-kantha-bbhaṭṭha-vva kaṇṭhia kira-rimcholi ||
According to Weber, the name of the author of this Gāthā is missing in Pitambara's commentary, while Bhuvanapala's commentary gives it as Vasudeva. But in the Svayambhucchandas of Svayambhudeva, the above given Gatha is ascribed to Palitta2 (Sk. Padalipta). Svayambhu's ascription of authorship to the verses cited by him has been found reliable, and the text of the Purvabhaga of the Svayambhucchandas in which the Gathā occurs is based on an old palm-leaf MS. from Tibet. So we can safely accept Padalipta as the author of the Gāthā.
2. There is moreover one definitive piece of evidence which places Svayambhu's above-mentioned ascription beyond doubt. Svayambhu has cited two more Gāthās under the name of Palitta at Svayambhucchandas, Pūrvabhaga, 5. 3 and 5. 4. The latter of these is as follows:
•
āāsa-talãe nimalammi paphulla-camda-kamalammi / mia-mahuara-caraṇa-vihaḍiassa va jonha-rao phurai || Translation In the limpid sky-lake, the moon-light-pollen sparkles on the full-blown moon-lotus, ruffled by the feet of the Deer-bee'.
This Gatha colud be identified from the Samkhitta-taramgavaikahā (also known as (Taramgalola), the abridgement of Padalipta's lost romance Taramgavai. The abridgement3 was prepared by one Jasa (?), a disciple of Nemicandragani of the Haiyapuriya
9

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Gaccha. The author of the abridgement has made it clear that he has made selection from the Gathās composed by Pādalipta and that his tempering with the text of the original is confined to simplifying the obscure Deśya expressions. This clearly implies that an overwhelming majority of the original Gāthās have been preserved intact in the abridgement, so that we can take them as the genuine and authentic work of Pādalipta himself. The value of such a conclusion can be appreciated when it is recalled that the original Taraṁgavai is lost. It is no. 543. The text is as follows:
āyāsa-talāe nimmalammi papphulla-camda-paumassa /
maya-bhasala-calaņa-papphandiyassa jonhārao padai // The identity of TL. 543 with Svayambhūcchandas, Pūrvabhāga, 5. 4 is quite obvious, despite the variants pauma- for kamala-, bhasala- for mahuara-, papphamdia- for vihadia- and padai for phurai. Thus a Gathā ascribed by Svayambhū to Pādalipta is actually found in TL. which claims to be a faithful digest of Pādalipta's Taraṁgavai.
3. In the beginning of our discussion we saw that Gāthā 1.75 of the Saptaśataka (henceforth abbreviated as SS.) is according to the commentators either anonymous or by some Vāsudeva, but it is not ascribed by any of them to Pādalipta. Now if we look up for the author's name for the Gātha that just precedes, viz. 1.74, we find that it is either Pālittaka (according to Bhuvanpaāla) or Paulinya (according to Pitāmbara). paulinya can be readily explained as a scribal corruption of pālitta : pālitta misread as pālinna, which, with a preceding danda mis-interpreted as padimātrā, would yield polinna, which was Sanskritized as paulinya. It is not unlikely that due to some confusion, in some cases there crept in an error of one in the tradition of author-ascription as found in some MSS. of the commentaries of the SS. We find a similar discrepancy between Pitāmbara and Bhuvanapāla regarding the author-names for the first few Gāthās of the SS.
4. Here we may point out one more famous Gāthā which is quite reliably ascribed to Pādalipta. Under Siddhahema 1.187 and

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Prakrit Verses of Padalipta
3.142 we find gajjamte khe mehä cited among the illustrations. The complete Gāthā of which these words form the beginning is given in MS. B used by Vaidya for his edition of the Prakrit portion of the Siddhahema.5 It is as follows:
gajjamte khe mehā phullä nivā paṇatthi(sic.)rā morā / nattho camdujjoo väsäratto hala patto ||
This Gatha is also found cited anonymously at Bhoja's SaraSvatikaṇṭhābharana 3.153 (with the variant panaṭṭhirā).
Now the self-same Gāthā is cited in the anonymous commentary on Kavidarpana 2.8.7 as an example of the Brahmi type (which has maximum permissible number of heavy syllables), and what is relevant for us here, it is cited as a Gatha by Padaliptasūri.6
5. The bunch of five Gathas at TL. 1022-1026 constitute, according to TL. 1021, a song sung by some soldiers. The theme of the song is that one should not lose heart and initiative even in the face of severest calamities. The second Gatha in this group (i.e. TL. 1023) is the same as SS. 1.42. with slight difference in the case of a few readings. The TL. text is metrically and gramThe two texts of the Gāthā matically defective in some places. (with suggested emendations for the defective readings in the TL,) are as follows:
ārambhamāṇassa (bhamtassa) phuḍam lacchi maraṇaṁ vā(va) hoi purisassa | tamaṇārambha(bhe) vi hoi [maraṇam] niyayam na una lacchi || (TL. 1023)
ambhamtassa dhuam lacchi maraṇaṁ va hoi purisassa | tam maraṇamaṇārambhe vi hoi lacchi una na hoi || (SS. 1.42)
As the above-cited Gāthā from the TL. forms part of a group with thematic unity, it is less likely to have been an addition of the epitomizer, and we can accept it as belonging to the original poem.7
6. In this connection I feel the fourth Gatha of the SS. has a particular significance. The Gathā is as follows:

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Prakrit and Apabhramśa Studies
ua miccala-nipphamdā bhisiņivattammi rehai valāā / nimmala-maragaa-bhaana-parit!hia samkha-sutti-vya //
The Gathā is quite well-known in the Alamkāra literature. The name of the author is given as Vodisa (Kulanātha), Yodita (Pitāmbara), Potisa (Bhuvanapāla). The last mentioned is the correct form. In the Lilāvai-kahā of Koühala and elesewhere Pottisa is said to have been the chief minister of King Hāla Sātavāhana. Now the Jaina Prabandhas closely associate Pādaliptasūri also with the same king. Poțțisa and Padalipta were probably am the poets that formed the far-famed literary circle at the royal court of Pratișthāna during Hāla's period. It was quite natural for some of these poets to have commonly shared the style and modes of literary expression prevalent in their period. With the abovecited Gāthā we can compare Gāthā 63 from the TL, which is as follows:
sohàsti cakkavāyā pomiņi-pattesu samthiyā kei / karenu-kusuma-niyare vva hariya-mani-kuttimesu thiyā ||
This can be translated as, 'Some cakravakas, settled on lotus. leaves. appeared as beautiful as heaps of karņikära flowers lying on emerald pavements. The close affinity between the two Gathās is quite obvious.
7. Archaic Prakrit. In the language of TL. there are numerous words, forms and phrases which are characteristically associated with Early Prakrit, especially of the Jain variety. (the numbers refer to the TL. Gāthās.).
1. I Verbal Forms : (1) Present I sing. in -ami : 9E (261, 1400), 9 (1492). 973 (252, 264, (876, 1252), AT (277), 17 (501). score' (748), 34773 (736, 818, 1013, 1442), 354" (356, 763), şay (786, 1507), 1753' (1073), 1 (1002), 7 (1090), gn (1135), 949703 (1200), 972: (1491).
(2) I plur. in -mu: 75919
(1994), 25314 (1316), 21212 (1075).

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133
(3) Aorist forms in -सीय,-गच्छीय,-हीय or –ईय : कासीय 105, 221, 639, 1045), अईसीय (622), विष्णवेसीय (730), दच्छीय (949, 1608), रोच्छीय (1132), गहेच्छीय (1248). घच्छीय (1636); दाहीय (611), नाहीय (754), भाहीय (1042); आसीय (46, 305, 1377), भाणीय (169, 278, 643, 1178, 1381, 1596, 1600, 1604), साहीय (593, 1131), गच्छीय (800), वाहीय (867), नेईय (993), बधीय (994), चिंतीय (1:06), लज्जोय (1164), अच्छीय (1184); also कासि (1312). Forms in -इत्था : मा कासि (796, 935), मा भाहीय (1042).
With मा in an imperative (II sing.) sense : पडिजन्गित्था (1157); imper. मा भाइत्था (1067); Forms in -इंसु (III plur.) : परोइंसु (1235), विहरिंसु (1624).
(4) Forms of अस् : (with the past passive participle) : I sing. मि (119, 177, 185, 206, 283, 603, 680, 682, 755, 1012, 1135, 1148, 1255, 1269 etc); I plur. मा 1055, 1056, 1086, 1157, 1226 etc); II plur. त्थः (भे) त्थ परितुट्टा (1077). ___(5) Atmanepada-forms (I sing) : भवे (49), कहे (80), संभरे (84), वण्णे (84).
(6) absolutive as with जे : जाणिजे (75; and similarly in 150, 194, 408, 1081, 1290, 1473, 1479, 1509, 1534 etc.)
(7) Absolutives in -इत्ताण : करित्ताण' (130), निवेयइत्ताण (762), परियइत्ताण (1043).
(8) Infinitives in -3 (with सक्का) : 1026, 1030, 1075 etc.)
___2. Pronominal Forms ; Frequent use of णे (I plur. and भे (II plur.).
(9) Pleonastic suffix -आगं (-आय) : मुहुत्ताग (864, 1469), सचेइयाग (1492), उहराय (1384), पुव्वत्तराय (1464), वहुतराय (1481).
Noteworthy words : किणो (79), मणे (157, 950), बलिय (173), आरुजिय (535), उत्तुयमाणी (604), वोकसेमाणा (640), अइच्छमाण (841), आभट्ट (864), निहम्मिय (1173) साहट्ट (1182), इहइ (44), तत्तोच्चय (12), पासणिओ

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Prakrit and Apabhraṁsa Studies.
(95), चिंचेल्लिय (1196), विहेढग (1312), विहण्णू (100, 423, 1378), खिणिक्खिणिया (109), फडक्य (109), चगोड (142, 145), लच्छिघर (168), उप्फाल (188), कासियार (196), बोज्झक (212), मोहणाघर (235, 1116), कामपाल (238), रिभिय (242, 1488), वोमिस्स (243), चिलल्लिया (254), महाल (255), दोहलिणी (292), पगुत्ति (296), नड्डालिया (310), पढमेल्लुय (341), मालुय (343), बीहणय (362), दोद्दिय (300, 697), घोट्ट (327), अवगुय (464, 859, 1252), वरवरिया (470), किमिच्छग (471), लेण (474), पोराणिय (492), गोसग्गिय (519), पडिजग्गण (552), वंद्र (553), अडयण (556), कट्ठ (589), मगसय (683), चुप्पालय (689), परज्ज्ञ (966), अणाह (696), मिज (697), मुहमक्कडिया (707), सचक्कार (770). आवल्लय (861), मख (863), सिरिघर (934), दुयग्गा (942, 949 etc), मल्लहडि (945), पिरिलि (945), उक्कुट्ठी (965), मत्तलओ (1003), पहालि (1004, 1040), सोल्ल (1004, 1393), अवओडय (1012), पत्तली (1046), निफेडा (1049), निच्चट्ट (1057), वक्खेव (1091), वोद्रही (1095), पारग (1103), चेडरुव (1103), गोस (1158), जोगवखेम (1169), पाउहारी (1175), अंतिवासी (1188, 1189), कविलास (1189), वरिसधर (1201), चुडुली (1218), छायग्घ (1236, 1271), आचिकखणक (1246), गागर (1333), मगुल (1338), वल्लूर (1374), नेव्य (1375), पिल्लय (1383), यत्ति (1431), रिछोली (1468), गिध्धु (1482), अच्छेप्प (1548), दवदवस्स (1561), नीइ (201, 437), नीमो (1151), नीहति (176), परीति (1348), अईती (548, 1201), अतीभि (1621), परेत (322, 353), उईरति (450), उघूसइ (513), उप्फिडति (549, 700), बेइ (412, 533), बेति (62), अवयक्खतो (729), निवज्जामि (813), निघोहतो (1454) etc.
These traits of Archaie Prakirt are the same as those which Alsdorf has pointed out from the language of the Vasudevahindi.9 He has observed that this type of Prakrit belonged to that period when Jain Māhārāstrī was still connected with Ardhamagadhi and wherein colloquial forms were in vogue as against the stylized later forms. As he assigns the Vasudevahindi to the fourth century A.D. or places it even earlier, TL. also, in view of the shared traits of Archaic Prakrit, can be assigned to the beginning centuries of the Christian era. It should not also be forgotten that the number of archaic linguistic traits noted above from TL. must have been much larger in the original Taramgavai.

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Prakrit Verses of Padalipta
8. The stylistic traits of the TL. also are quite remarkable. They amply testify to imaginative power and literary skill characteristic of an accomplished poet. The theme of the tale is original and highly romantic. It has been handled perceptively. The descriptive modes and rhetorical devices are indicative of a vigorous Kavya tradition. 10 The author seems to have been fond of anuprāsa and yamaka,11 which are employed quite effectively in a number of cases. The exquisite rupakas and utprekṣas of the TL. deserve a special study.
9. A work of such poetic excellence is bound to have influenced some of the later works, especially the Prakrit romances. No doubt such a supposition would require to be substantiated through a regular inquiry. But some significant indication we do get from a few passages from two famous romances, viz., the Kuvalayam ālā of Uddyotana12 and the Lilävai of Kouhala.13
135
The following descriptions of the city of Kausambi in the TL. and the Kuvalaymālā have clear verbal resemblance :
sa majjha-desa-lacchi uvamāṇam anna-rāyanayarāṇam
(TL. 90) anna-nayariņa tam ciya nisamannaṁ havai savvam || (Kuvalaymälä, p. 31, 1.25)
The vyajastuti mode employed for describing the excellence of a city in the Kuvalayamālā and the Lilävai seems to have derived from the TL. Compare:
ekko ttha navari doso.. (TL. 1491)
aha ekko cciya doso aha navara tattha doso
(Kuvalayamālā, p. 8 1.16) (Lilāvai, 62-63)
The description of Mahanumati and Kuvalayavali in the Lilavai is matched by similar descriptions in some passages of the TL. Compare:
imdo acchi-sahasseņa pecchamāņo na tippejja (TL., 975) sakayattho nayana-sahassa-pecchiro etthā sura-naho |
(Lilāvai, 251)

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mahiya-simdhussutthiyaṁ va phenotthayam lacchiñ /
TL., 39) tākkāla-mamthanuttinna-simdhu-phenotthayā ņirāharanā / sa ekkacceya siri (Lilāvai, 254)14
All the above considerations leave no doubt about the authentic preservation of much of the original Taramgavai of Pādalipta in its available abridgement, the Taramgalolā.
Foot Notes
1. The following editions have been consulted here : A. Weber's
Saptaśatakam des Hāla (The 1966 reprint of the 1881 edition); the Nirņayasāgara Press edition of 1933; S. A. Joglekar's Gāthāsaptaśati (1956). For Bhuvanapāla's commentary I have consulted a MS. from the Lalbhai Dalpatbhai Bharatiya Samskriti Vidyamandir of Ahmedabad, for which I am thankful to
its Director. 2. Svayāmbhūcchandas, ed. by H. D. Valankar, 1962. Pūrvabhāga
1.4. The variants in the Svayambhūcchandas are : nahaalāhi and ovarai. The editor has rightly pointed out that makaalāhi
is an incorrect reading for nahaalāo. 3. Samkhitta-taramgavai-kahā (= Taramgaloāl), ed. by Kastürvijayo
gani, 1944. It was translated into German by E. Leumann (published under the title Die Nonne, 1921; this was translated into Gujarati by N. I. Patel and published in 1924). It has been reedited by me and published with Gujarati transtation and epilogue. See Samkhitta-Taramgavai-kahā, L. D. Series
No. 75, 1979. Further here it will be referred to as TL. 4. to ucceūņas gāhāo pälittaeņa raião /
desi-payāi mottum samkhittayari kayā esā |! (TL. 8) 5. Prakrit Grammar of Hemacandra, ed. by P. L. Vaidya. rev. ed.
1958. p. 456. n. 8.

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Prakrit Verses of Pādalipta
137
6. Kavidarpaņa, ed. by H. D. Velankar, 1962. For the paņatthirā
of the Siddhahema MS., and paņațțhirā of the Sarasvatikanthābharaṇa, the Kavidarpaña commentary reads paņacciyā, which points to a probable panaccirā. Also it has wrongly camdulloo.
for caídujjoo. 7. Pitāmbara and Bhuvanapāla both give Vallabha as the name
of the author of this Gāthā. Among the author names traditionally recorded by some commentators (see, for example, Appendix no. 3 in Joglekar's edition) we find Pālitta (variants : Pālittaka, Pālita etc.) in the case of several Gathās according to this or that source. See Gāthās no. 63, 74, 217, 254, 256. 257, 262, 393, 394, 417, 425, 432, 433, 434, 545, 578, 609, 623, 706, 720. Some of these Gāthās (e.g. no. 63, 217, 262, 394, 434, 578, 623) are noteworthy for their striking image or telling description, and their kinship with some of the descriptive Gāthās of the TL. cannot be easily dismissed as accidental. But for accepting any of them as Pādalipta's some independent
support is necessary. 8. Gāthas no. 89, 173, 293, 403 etc. also are attributed to Pottisa
by various commentaries. 9. L. Alsdorf, “The Vasudevahindi, a specimen of Archaic Jain
Māhärașțri', BSOS, 8, 1936, p. 319-333. 10. For a detailed appreciation, See TL., pp. 283–285. 11. See for example TL. Gāthās no. 10, 12, 17, 21, 31, 34, 36,
40, 89, 94, 175, 185, 189, 490, 542, 548, 586, 647, 711, 770, 863, 888, 892, 896, 942, 1064, 1067, 1072, 1095, 1155, 1300,
1358, 1386 etc. 12. Ed. by A. N. Upadhye, 1959. On pp. 86-87 of Kuvalayamālā
pt. 2 (1970), Upadhye has pointed out certain general resemblances in ideas and narrative points between the TL. and the Kuvalayamālā. He thinks that, 'as the original T[aramgavati] is no more available, verbal agreements here and there carry
no special significance.' 13. Ed. by A. N. Upadhye, 2nd ed., 1966.

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14. Verbal agreements or close parallelism in ideas with the TL.
can be pointed out from some other works also. At TL. 296 and 970 a damsel is described as a river by means of the figure rūpaka. The same idea is elaborated in the illustrative stanza at Svayambhūcchandas, 1. 26.1 (Note cakkavāya-thaņajuyalā of the TL. and paohara-rahamgiã of the other work). Vikramorvasiya 4.52 also is relevant in this context (The garment of foam and the girdle of aquatic birds find correspondence in the TL). The description of the moon as a goose (sasihamso) of the sky-lake (gayana-sara) finds correspondence in a late Gāthā known only through its defective Sanskrit chāyā : See Weber's edition of the Sś. Gāthā 719 (with the comparable expressions gagana-tațāka and mīgānko marālaiva). But it may not be plausible to see in these agreements more than a general sharing of a stylistie tradition.

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2. GĀTHĀ-MUKTĀVALI A NEWLY DISCOVERED RECENSION OF HALA'S S'APTA-SATAKA
A. Weber1 distinguished six different recensions of Hāla's Sapta-Sataka (popularly also called Gātha-Saptaśati) which he designated as : (1) the Vulgate, (2) X, (3) R, (4) S (=Sādhāraņadeva's Muktāvali), (5) T = The first Telinga recension), (6) W (= the second Telinga recension). Of these the recensions S and T basically depart from the other recensions in the arrangement of Gāthās. They arrange the Gāthās in subjectwise groups called Vrajyā (S) or Paddhati (T). We are indeed familiar with this type of grouping and designation from several anthologies of Saṁskṛta and Prākrta Subhāsitas.
In the MSS. collection of the L. D. Institute of Indology exists a manuscript of a work called Gäthä-muktāvali (GM.) (No. 7812), which turns out to be one more recension of the Sapdtaśataka, different indeed from the aforenoted six recensions set up by Weber. GM is similar to Sādhāraṇadeva's Muktāvali and the first Teling recension in that it also groups the Gāthās under different Paddhatis, Since its grouping is similar to that of the Muktavali, it differs from T, which first divides the Gāthās into Śatakas or Centuries, and then subdivides each one of the Centuries according to the subjects. Obviously, though influenced by S, GM shows considerable independence in the number and sequence of the group as well as the number and sequence of Gāthās within the groups.
The manuscript is incomplete. Only first 14 out of a total of 45 folios (reported in the list of contents for which see further) are preserved. The obverse of the first folio is blank. The manuscript folios measure 23 x 8 cm. Each side has ten lines and each line has forty letters on an average. The handwriting is bold and clear. The padimātrā (prsthamātrā) is used. The Ms. is carefully

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copied ; there are therefore very few copying mistakes. No continuous serial numbering for the verses is given, but the verses within each group (Paddhati) are serially numbered. The Ms. breaks off after the word लडहत्तण in the fourth verse of the स्त्रीरूपवर्णनपद्धति.
Over and above the fourteen folios of the text, we find two extra folios, one of which contains a complete list of contents of the whole manuscript. This folio, though unnumbered, seems to be in the same hand as the folios of the text proper. The list is reproduced below with the serial number added to the Paddhatis.
Accordingly, out of a total of 58 Paddhatis and 850 verses, we have in the preserved portion 14 Paddhatis (the 14th being incomplete) and 249 verses? (the last verse being incomplete).
The second extra folio has its portion at the right hand upper corner missing; hence the numbering on the back side is lost. On examination it turns out to be a folio belonging to another Ms. of GM. The obverse side begins with fefe aus' which exactly corresponds with the beginning of the 10th folio of our Ms., and the five letters are the final letters of verse no. 8 of the Varşapaddhati. But in the stray folio the verse is numbered as the 14th. The remaining verses of the group in this folio, from the 15th to the 17th, exactly correspond to the Varşāpaddati verses no. 16 to 28 in our Ms. This fact indicates that the different Mss. of the GM. recension varied in matter of the arrangement of verses within a group
Although the number of Paddhatis contained in S and GM (60 and 58 respectively) is roughfly the same, only 30 titles are common between the two recensions. Our guide in drawing this conclusion is the GM. list of contents. Also, the number of verses, their selection and ordering within the groups that are common, show so much variation between the two recensions (judging. of course, from the available portion of the GM.) that we must recognise them as two distinct recensions. Although GM. had S before it, it shows a high degree of independence in its classification as well as in its selection and ordering for each group. Of the 249 verses

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141
of the extant portion of GM., only 170 are common with S, and only the सुजन, दुर्जन, राजचाटु, दान and parts of the षड़ऋतुवर्णन and Paddhatis of GM. have substantial correspondence insofar as the selection (but not the number and sequence) of the verses is concerned. For the rest of the groups there are many omissions and several additions. Regarding the new verses we find GM. to be in substantial agreement with the R recension. Besides the numerous verses which are absent in the Vulgate but which GM. commonly shares with S and R, there are 15 verses in GM. which are absent in S but available in R. Moreover, there are 7 verses in GM. which are exclusively found in the T recension, 3 verses. which are not found in any recension, but which Weber has noted as citations in the Alamkara literature, 2 verses which, although found in the Vulgate, are absent in S, and 15 which are not found in any recension and indeed not noted by Weber.
A most remarkable oddity to be noted about GM. in this connection is that it has included several verses which are not in the Gatha metre. The prominently glaring case is that of 29 verses in Skandhaka metre, all borrowed from the tenth Aśvāsaka of the Setubandha. The Sūryāstamana, Sandhya, Timira and Candrodayapaddhatis are constituted exclusively with these verses (excepting the last verse in the Candrodaya-paddhati). Besides this, I 2, I 8, II 6, III 14 are Skandhakas. Of these III 14 is the same as Setubandha III 10. 14 and XII 12 are Gitis, the former being the same as the second Culika Paiśācī verse cited by Hemacandra under Siddhahema VIII iv 326 (the first verse, known to be the Mangala verse of the lost Bṛhatkatha and cited by Hemadandra under that Sūtra as also by Bhoja in the Śṛngaraprakāśa is also found in GM. as I 3), and the latter is identical with the fourth verse in the Prastāvanā of the Abhijñāna-śākuntala. Lastly, VI 16 in the Aparavaktra metre is also taken from the Sakuntala. It appears there as the opening verse of the fifth act.
One more fact to be noted about GM. is that some of the verses it exclusively shares with S and/or R are also found in

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Bhuvanapāla's text of the Gathākośa(the Chekokti-vicāra-lila), which also shares with GM. a very large number of variants that are different from G.'s readings.
These comparisons and facts show that, besides using S as its principal source, GM. derived some material from S and T (which, together with Bhuvanapāla, had before them a text-tradition for some individual verses that was different from G.'S), and for the rest it eclectically selected from a few other sources, not caring to restrict itself to the Gāthā verses.
Il CONCORDANCE OF GM. WITH S. AND G. GM S
Some other recension
or source 1. gefa
1. (1. a FF177571)
238 (12. Bat172°) 2 (27°)
60790
3 (979)
151
T. 11; W. 816
644 (coastaa") 642 245 (12.3702176°)
112 114
3. ga90
664 (56. g572°)
94
673
250

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Gāthā-muktavali
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
4. दुर्जनप
1
2
3
4
5
5. मनस्विप
123
O
6. राजचाटवः
1
2
3
4
7. नीतिप°
1
2345
O
674
672
679
677
680
670
669 (सुज)
678
666
671
25
""
33
22:2
684 (58. दुर्जनत्र )
685
686
687
689
""
".
""
588 (31. मनस्वित्र°)
3
225 11. चाटुव
228
213
227
22
,,
265
224
319
272
321
320
-
282
285
280
113
248
253
135
537
688
284
364
471
-
467
600 ( 24. साहसत्र ० )
42
128 (7. स्वरूपास्यानत्र ) 251
126 (
) 243
""
68
116 (6. जातिव्र°) 109 (5. दृष्टान्तत्र ं)
217
R. 452; W. 753
R. 450; W. 752
W. 978
143
R. 607; X. 613; W. 726

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255
127 (स्वरू) 599 (साह°) 601 (35. विदग्धव्र) 111 (दृष्टा) 132 (स्वरू)
245 286 310
191
दानप
136
602 (36. कृपणत) 662 (55 त्यागन) 660 ( , )
230 76
3 9. अन्यापदेशप (1) हस्ती
1 2
95 (4 अन्यापदेशव) 103 ( , ) 104 ( , )
383 45
। । । । । ।
R. 668; W. 787 R. 669; W. 788 R. 670: W. 789 R. 671; W. 790 R. 672; W. 791 R.673; T. 72; W. 792
(2) गोप
1
597 (33. सौभाग्यव्र)
460
639
। । ।
640
R. 587; W. 795
हरिणप०
287
285 (13. प्रेमत्र) 571 (28. हरिणव )
2
589 620
- 595
R. 597; W. 763.
571 (हरिणत्र)

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(4) शुनकप० 1 598 (33. सौभाग्यव्र०) 689
2 690 (59. देवरत्र) 690
3 507 (22. असतीव्र०) 664 (5) कपिपः
1 119 (6. जातिव्र) 532 2 117
533 3 113 ,
171 (6) भ्रमरप०
___569 (27. मधुकरव) 92
37 (2. वसंतत्र) 331 593 (32. गुणव) 139
96 (4. अन्यापदेशत्र) 387 561 (मधु०)
442 562 (,)
444
3
R. 484; W. 754 R. 501; W. 755
564 (मघु) 563 ( 565 ( , 566 ( .
R. 587; W. 161
) ) )
591
592
T. 53; W. 819
10
14 568 (मधु) 15 -
16 (7) नम दाप० 1 594 (32. गुणत्र०)
2 497 (22. असतीव्र0)
3 98 (4. अन्यापदेशत्र) (8) अशोकप०
1 40 (2. वसन्तत्र) 2 93 (4. अन्यापदेशव )
579 - 549
R. 574; W. 760
279

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146
3
4
(9) पाटलाप०
1
2
3
(10) प्रकीर्णक
1
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5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
10. ऋतुवर्णनप
(1) वसन्तप
1
2
3
4
5
172 (10. उच्चावचत्र ' )
51 (वस°)
6
7
8
9
102 (4. अन्यापदेशत्र १)
694 (59. देवरत्र °)
567 (27. मधुकर व्र0)
636 (46. मल्लिकात्र °)
121 (6. (जातित्रo)
105 (4. अन्यापदेशत्र')
12 (2. शरद )
626 (43 इक्षुत्र)
112 (जाति)
688 (58. दुर्ज' नत्र0)
99 (अन्या°)
658 (54. (सुभटव°)
627 (530)
12 (जाति)
42 (2. वसन्त)
43
""
406 (19. रोदनत्र )
39 (वस )
47 ( )
""
50 ( )
321 (14. मानिनी)
45 (वस )
44 (
99
Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studiés
""
>
404
405
468
469
621
88|2|3| |༄༆ | ཙྪུ
535
424
172
402
414
543 544
586
396
499
11
R. 624; W. 768
S. 626; W. 740
R. 594; W. 762
W. 982
R. 654; W. 776
R. 664; W. 783 R. 658; W. 778 R. 659; W. 779
R. 657; W. 777

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10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
(2) ग्रीष्मप०
1
2
3
4
9
10
11
12
(3) वर्षाqo
1 2
397 (रोद°)
2
-
41 (वस)
32
46
48
33
49
35
-
22
""
29
دو
-
""
5 56 (ग्रीष्म)
6
7
8
54 (2. ग्रीष्मव्र0)
4C2 (19. रोदनत्र0)
11
""
311
34
308
31
219
""
371 (16. विरहिणीत्र ) 412
39 (वस°)
322
29
82 (3. उत्प्रेक्षात्र °)
443
497
128
450 (21. सखीसमाश्वासनत्र ) 70
494
575
92
—
288
399
53 (ग्रीष्म)
299
195 (10. उच्चावचत्र०) 473 198 ( )
559
63 (वर्षा)
539
351 (16. विरहिणी) 336
3 612 (40. अप्रगल्भत्र) 170
4
66 (वर्षा)
315
5 70 (वर्षा)
584
R. 660; W. 780
R. 663; W. 782
R. 662; W. 781
R. 547; W. 758
T. 267; W. 845
147

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584
29
386
567 538
696
__75 (वर्षा०)
368 (विर०) 370 (,) 67 (वर्षा३)
64 ,, 400 (रोद०) 403 (,) 62 (वर्षाo). 72 (,,) 73 (,,) 76 ( ,,) 237 (12. अनुराग्रत्र) 380 (विर) 506 (22. असतीव्र) 65 (वर्षा) 61 (,,) 560 (27. मधुकरव)
566 436 541 623 324
R. 615; W. 766 R. 616; W. 767 Y. 420; W. 711
177
37
638
R. 684 R. 608
560 394
578
88 (3. उत्प्रेक्षात्र) 68 (वर्षा०) 87 (उत्प्रे०) 118 (6. जातिव्र)
27
564
28
102
शरत्प०
___11 (2. शरद्र)
434
13
"
624
186
563
9 , 92 (3. उत्प्रेक्षात्र) 79 (3. उत्प्रेक्षात्र) 86 ( , 17 (शर)
75

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___147 (वर्ण नाव)
500 (असतीव्र)
10
T. 90; W. 821
R. 640; W. 769
- 568 569
606
488 (अस)
22 (शर०) 23 (2. हेमन्तत्र०) 574 (29. हालिकवा) 575 ( , ) 645 (50. प्रत्यूषत्र०) _10 (शर०) ___14 (,,) ____15 (,)
16 (,,) (5) हेमनाप०
30 (2. हेमन्तत्र) 18 (,) 20 ,
19
562 625 681 684
20
2
77
109 329 330
21
,
691 (59. देवरत्र) 25 (हेम०)
S. 641; W. 770 R. 642; W. 771 R. 643; W. 772 R. 644; W. 773 R. 645; W. 730 R. 646; W. 745 R. 647; W. 774 T. 229; W. 834
11 12 13
29 ,,
- , 6 6 (22. असतीव्र)
66
(6) शिशिरप०
1
487 (22. असतीत्र0) 8 __19 (2. हेमन्तत्र) 238 193 (10. उच्चावचत्र) 458
-
3
4
T. 556; W. 925
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11. सूर्यास्तमनप०
Setubandha 10.6
10.8 10.97 10.10 10.11 10.14
12. सन्ध्याप०
10.16 10.20 10.23
10.24
13. तिमिरप०
10.27 10.28 10.29 10.30
चन्द्रोदयप०
। । । । । । । । । । । । । । ।
10.31 10.34 10.38 10.40 10.41 10.42 10.43 10.44 10.45 10.46 10.47 10.50 10.51 10.52 10.73
16
219 (11. चाटुन)
300

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15. स्त्रीरूपवर्णनप०
153 (8. वर्णनात्र0) 2 136 ,
- ,
234 271 303
W.969
III
GM. VERSES NOT FOUND IN WEBER'S EDITION OF
THE SAPTAŠATAKA
The verses are given according to the Paddhati and the serial number therein. We have supplied the Sanskrit chāyā also.
1. जा थेर व हसती कइ-वअण बुरुह-बद्ध-विणिवेसा । दावेइ भुवण-मडलभण्ण चिअ जअइ सा वाणी ॥
(The Mangala Gatha) [था स्थविरमिव हसती कवि-वदनाम्बुरूह-बद्ध-बिनिवेशा ।
दश यति भुवन-मण्डलमन्यमेव जयति सा वाणी ॥] 2. सझा-पणाम-घडिओ गिरि-तणआ-विहुअ-वाम-हत्थ-विहडिओ । हसिऊण मुक्क-सलिलो एक-करेण णिअमजली जेण कओ ॥
___(12) सिन्ध्या-प्रणाम-घटितो गिरि-तनया-विधुत-वाम-हस्त-विघटितो ।
हसित्वा मुक्त-सलिलो एक-करेण नियमाजलिये न कृतः ॥ ] 3. पनमत पनअ-प्पकुपित-काली-चलनग्ग-लग्ग-पटिबिंब । तससु नख-तप्पनेसु एकातस-तनु-थल लुद्द ॥
... [प्रणमत प्रणय-प्रकुपित-गौरी-वरणाग्र लग्न-प्रतिबिम्बम् । दशसु नख-दर्पणेषु एकादश-तनुधर रुद्रम् ॥]
(13)

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4. नवतस्स य लीला-पाउक्खेवेन के पिता वसुधा ।
उच्छल्लति समुद्दा सइला निपतति त हल नमत ॥ ]
___(14)
[नर्ततश्च लीला-पादोत्क्षेपेन कम्पिता वसुधा ।
उच्छलन्ति समुद्राः शैला निपतन्ति त हर नमत ॥] 5. ससिहंड-मडणाण समोहनासाण सुरअण-पिआण । गिरिस-गिरिद-सुआण संघाडो वो सुह देउ ॥]
(17) [शशि-खण्ड(प-शिखण्ड)-मण्डनयोः स-माह-नाश(स-मोहनाश)योः
___ सुरजन(सुरत्न)-प्रिययाः ।। गिरिश-गिरीन्द्रसुतया: सघाटी व: सुख (शुभ) ददतु ।।] 6, ओंकार-वक-धणुणो पढम-पुलिदस्स णमह पुण्णे चलणे । ण मुआंति चडुल-जीहा पासल्ल' जाण सारमेया देया (वा) ॥
(18) [ओंकार-वक्र-धनुपः प्रथम-पुलिन्दस्य नमत पुण्ये चरणे । न मुञ्चन्ति चटुल-जिह्वा: पार्श्व यया: सारमेया: देवाः(१) ॥1 दणुइंद-रुहिर-लित्तो सहइ उविदा णह-प्पहावलि-अरुणो । सझा,वहु-अवऊढा णव-वारिहरु ब्ब विज्जुला-पडिभिन्नो ॥
(II) दिनुजेन्द्र-रुधिर-लिप्तः शोभते उपेन्द्रो नख-प्रभावल्यरुणः ।
सन्ध्या-वध्ववगूढा नव-वारिधर इव विद्युत्प्रतिभिन्नः ॥] 8. ते विरला सप्पुरिसा जे अभणता घडति कज्जालावे । थोअ च्चिअ ते वि दुमा जे अभणिअ-कुसुम-णिग्गमा देति फल॥
(III 14) [ते विरलाः सत्पुरुषा ये अवदन्तो घटयन्ति कार्यालापान् । .
रुतोका एव तेऽपि द्रुमा ये अज्ञात-कुसुम-निर्गमा ददति फलम् ॥] 9. मडहुल्लआए कि तुह इमीअ किं वा दलेहि तलिणेहिं । मामोए महुअर मालईअ जाणिहिसि माहप्प ॥
(VI 15)

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153.
[लघुतया कि तव अस्याः किं वा दले: तलिनैः ।
आमोदे मधुकर मालत्या: ज्ञास्यसि माहात्म्यम् ॥] 10. अहिणव-महु-लव-भावि तह परिचुबिअ चूद-मजरि । कमल वसहि-मित्त-णिव्युदा महुअर विसुमरिदा सि ण कह॥
(VI 16) [अभिनव-मधु-लव-भावितां तथा परिचुम्ब्य चूत-मञ्जरीम् ।
कमल-वसति-मात्र निर्वृ तो मधुकर विस्मृतोऽसि तां कथम् ॥ 11. एक्कु च्चिअ दुव्विसहा विरही मारेइ गई भीमा । . कि पुण गहिअ-सिलीमुह-समाहवे फग्गुणे पत्ते ॥
(XI II) [एक एव दुर्विषदो विरहो (विरथा) मारयति गत-पतिका: (गज-पतीन् ) मीमः । कि पुनः हीत-शिलीमुख-समाधवे फाल्गुने प्राप्ते ॥ ]
12. डहिऊण णिरवसेस ससावा सुक्क-रुक्खभारूढा ।
कि सेस ति दवग्गी पुणो वि रण पुलोवेइ ॥
(XII 7)
[दग्ध्वा निरवशेष स-वापद शुष्क-वृक्षमारुढ: ।
कि शेषमिति दवाग्नि: पुनरपि अरण्य प्रलेोकयति ॥ ] 13. इसि (ईसीसि) चुबिआई भसलेहि सुकुमार-केसर-सिहाई।
आदसति दसमाणा पमदाओ सिरोस-कुसुभाई ॥
(XII 12)
[ईषदीषच्चुम्बितानि भ्रमरैः सुकुमार-केशर-शिखानि ।
अवत'सयन्ति दयमानाः प्रमदाः शिरीष-कुसुमानि ॥] 14. चंद-णिमिएक्क-चलणा णह-भमिर-मराल-णिमिअ-बीअ-पआ ।
कमल-वण-दिण्ण-हत्था सरअ-सिरी भुवणमोअरइ ।।
(XIV )
[चन्द्र-न्यस्तक-चरणा कमल-वन-दत्त-हस्ता
नभोभ्रमन्मराल-न्यस्त-द्वितीय-पदा ।
शरच्छ वनमवतरति ॥]

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15.
265
सा माह-मास - गोसग्ग-मज्जिरी त मिलिआ गोला- तूहे दुवे वि
Besides these there are twentynine verses taken from Setubandha X. The GM. variants are noted under V below.
W.
7 IX
37
X
42
VII
X
67 X
66
[सा मांघ मास - प्रातर्म 'ज्जनशीला त्वमपि दत्त - पुण्याग्निः । मिलितौ गोदा-तटे द्वावपि युवां खलु धर्मिष्ठौ ॥]
OPEL 8
GM. VARIANTS FOR THE GATHAS GIVEN IN W.
(B. stands for Bhuvanapāla's text of the Saptasataka)
VI
VII
X
92 IX
102 X
GM.
viii 1
iii 22
V
iii
Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies
पि दिन्न - पुण्णग्गी ।
तुम्हे
धम्मिट्ठा ॥
4
3
1
1
iii 28
V
vi
1
13
17
S.
IV
(XVI 5)
Variants
पाअप्पहर
भाइ
(B);
वुड्डु वुडणिवुड (B).
धुवं जं सि ण विणिद्दा (B). चिरगइअ० (B).
मलस पर तुह विइण्ण (B). कटइज्जतमम्हमंगं किणो हससि (B) - हाए अ (B), विरसेा अ (B). आसंधिअ० (B); पणइजणो.
०सणं व (B). वद्धफलगरुई मालइ त्ति (B). तहसं ठिकं तपेल० (B).

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112 II 113 III 114 II 135 IV 136 VIII 139 IX 151 II 170 x
vi
3 1 3
iii
171 IXv 3 172 IX x 9 177 x ii 21 186 X iv 4 191 VII 217 VII 219 xi 230 VIII 238 X vị 245 VII 248 IV 250 III 251 VII 253 IV 255 VII 263 X 265 III 3 279 IX_viii 2 281 IX x 1 284 V . 1 285 III 286 VII 8 - 287 IXili 1
णिउणं. अणुदिअह वडढतो. गोविआअ (B). सणेहदाणेण (B). दाणरहिअस्स (P): वच्छस्स (B). महइ पाणलोहिल्लो (B). सूरविंवे व्व. 0ओत्तिणिए (B); ०पलोट्ट० (B); दिअहे (B); मुद्धा (B). उल्ललइ; कोक्खए इ. मयसेरिहि (B); कुंडहि. दौति; ममं (B). महदहाणं; सीआई (B). विरिडिं; गारवग्धबिआ; सागणार0; खंघेण. जं मित्तं वसणदेसआलम्मि (B); वाउल्लभ व (B). असज्झ (B); मणम्मि असइत्तण पत्ता (B). खण्णुओ झडिअपत्तो (B); मा (B). पारिअ (B). वालुअपडल (B); ण एइ (B). भाअणो. मंगुल (B); लजिरो रूव (B). अकुलीणो (B) दा अकज्जाइ'; णिव्वविअ), जमणिव्ववि. पत्तप्फलसारिच्छे (B); "वंदम्मि (B). अपव्वसेा वि सुअणो (B); आहिजाईए. पुण भणामो, कंकेल्लिपल्लवा पल्लवाण हु हुति (B). मालिआए णोमालिआइ; फुट्टिहिइ (B); मासलो (B). अत्थमअम्मि. पोट्टे भरेति सउणी (B); विहलुद्धरणभरसहा (B). जाणओ. सव्व (B); मईण वि.

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4
299 x ii 310 VII 311 Xi 315 x iii 320 III 321. III 322 x 324 x 329 x 331 IX 336 x ____iii 364 VI
___vi
2
2
386 x iii 387 IX ___vi 392 IX ___x 396 x i 402_IX 404 IX viii 405 IX viii 412 Xi
IX x IX x
8 4 2 4 10 3
ठवेइ उरे पइणो (B); गलतउप्फ (B). गुणेहि (B); नेन्छति पुलिंदा मात्तिआई (B). 0मासम्मि (B); आवीय0 (B). रोत्तूण (B); जोएइ गअवईउ (B). ण वि तह दूमिज्जइ (B); परेहिं (B). वि ण विणिग्गयाइं (B). फिट्टो. मुढिए (B). दूमिज्जइ (B); पविरलअ0. णक्ख; पिव (B). 0णीसहि पिव. को तरइ समुत्थरि वित्थिण्णं णिम्मल' समुत्तुगं (B); च पओहरो. णेसा (B); गज्जिरुभंत0. विच्छट्टो कुसुमरसेा होइ (B). 0दरवेविआई (B); वादहीउ. सासइ ससंको (B) अंबाण वणं. मुंडी कज्जेण विणा वि. एएण चि. 0कमलाहएण ज. ण देह सुत्त सुवह. वातवहल0 (B). चाव जइ वि विसुद्धं (B); सरो (B); विहडता; व; केच्चिर. अविरअपडत-जलहर-धारा-रअरज्जु-घडिय-वधेहि । (B); अवअंतो च्चिअ हक्कइ महिअलं पाउसा उअह ॥ पक्खा0 (B); विअसाविज्जइ (B); कुदअकलिआ (B). विव; दूमिज्जइ (B); दक्खिण0. ईसि पि मालईमउलं (B); आरुहणपाण0 (B). परित्तो जूरइ (B); णिअलाइआ. मयणंमुलीइ मयणवडरोहणं0 (B); 0वड0. सअलगोठ (B).
. 12 6
436
x
iii
13
442 IX vi5 443 x i 10 444 Ix vi 6 454 IX i 2 458 x vi 3 460 IX : ii: 1

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467 VI 468 IXix 494 x ii 497 x i 499 x i 527 IX i
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532 IX v 1 535 IX x 4 537 IV 538 x iii 10 541 X 543 Xi 1 549 IX vii 3 560 x iii 24 563 x iv 5 564 X 566 x iii 12 567 x iii 9 568 x iv 15 569 x iv 16 575 x i 576 X iii 26 579 JX vii 1 584 x iii
xxxxxx
आवन्नाई. णिक्कंड°; पाडलं; कआ इह ग्गामे (B). चीरिविरुएहिं. वारेह गं धरा णेति (B); जा मआ सा म चि. इह ग्गामे (B); तस्सेअ (B). 'रइअ-अमण(?)-देहो; णवरि गइंदो च्चिअ (B); गम्भमाइ (B). फोफा; समल्लिअइ (B). जुण्ण अद्द (B). ठढेण. एंते पहिए घरं णिएऊण (B). णेन्वंतर° (B). एतं; उक्कंठओ. °मद्दणसआई. सहइ; परिग्गह आणं व. पूसआण (B). °वेढएसु (B). पंथकलंबाण (B); आसस (B); मा परिणिमुहं ण (B)
अवरिं (B); मा तं. छिरेक्क° (B); दिन्न-उन्नअपएण (B).
काले; तुसारेहिं (B). रणझणइ. पडि पेल्लिओ (B).
अण्णणईसु (B). - पवणगलत्यल्लण” (B) धुक्कुद्धकेइ (B); हिअअं
व विज्जुला. पेच्छह (B); उरम्मि. विओला पहिआ (B); उप्पंक (B); "भल्लि (B). °अविरल-पसरि. "मअरंद-परिमल सुहाए (B). कुंदकलिआए; अहिलिज्जइ (B).
585 x 586 Xi3 589 IX iii 2 591 IX vi 11 592 IX vi 12

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595 IX
iii
606 X iv
620 IX
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621 IX ix
623 X
iii
625 X iv
638 X iii
639 IX
640 IX
664 IX
681 X
684 X
688 IV
::- 22
ii
ii
iv
iv
iv
iv
689 IX iv
690 IX iv
691 X
692 X
695 X
iv
iv
iv
696 X iii
711 X iii
726 VI
730 X
740 IX
X
745 X V
753 III
V
755 IX vi 758 X ii
760 IX vii 761 IX vi
553 35 am
17
15
19
23
2332
20
21
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1
2
∞ 93183
8
11
20
9 5
Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies
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आऊष्णं आअड्रिअ - भल्ल - मम्माहआआ. पच्चह', परिमासं. दीविअमईए (B); तह लालिओ (B).
कमलेसु भइ परिमलइ सत्तलिं (B). मुइ (B). उच्छेवअं (B); ° जाभा (B).
अवरिं.
° घर° (B); वोज्झरकलभल ; मणोहरा इह गिरिगामा (B).
पि जह उल्लेह.
(B).
जह अहिणंदर; वुक्कइ.
सिअर्सेघव° (B); धूलिपुंज'; वसुआअति व मुक्को° (B).
वासम्मि; सरसचिक्खिलं (B); तस्स सीमं ० .
चाडुअल्स कुसलाण.
वाससअ ं (B).
तं तह (B)
● सास...
पउमालेहड10 (B); ° वलणेण; सोत्त.
वठाण (B); सरए सहस्स मग्गे (B).
संकीलिओ ष णज्जह; वासाअमम्मि पंथो; मणेण. सुअ (B); जीवेण.
(B); चंदमुह (B); ° डहणो.
अमअम चरिएण.
5 रसासाओ (B); सुविण्णछाणं पंडुउच्छूर्ण, भमासाणं (B).
10
9
8
6
2
पइणा.
सुअरो चंदो (B).
महुअरेहिं (B); संभरंतेहिं (B).
तिसिओ; समूसरइ. वेडिसलआधरंतेल्लि मइलिआ (B). जीमिव कलिअ .

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7
762 IX 763 IX
x iii
iii
19
767 x 768 IX 769 x 770 x
iv
14
771
x
v
6
772
x
v
7
%3D
i
9
774 x 777 x 778 X 780 x
i
14
किं भण्णइ. महअत्ति मओ मईवि तिसिओ मओं त्ति कलिऊणं, ण पिअइ. उत्थंधियाए; सेओ. कल्लं व फुट्टिहिसि (B). दंतुक्कत्त०. ओहार संघासालुआण वइमूलमल्लिअतोणं (B); किलिंचअ (B); वलइ, कुण परिहास दे दिअर; गहोरणो वराईअं; पुणो पिरं कुणसु तं छाअं. पावरेणं; वासभवणेण (B); लस्स उरम्मि णिसम्मइ (B). उअ अस. पवणो; पत्तं. धरिजिजहिइ (B); °पल्लवाणं जो. सज्जेह देह तूरं (B); कुणह विच्छित्तिं (B); पुहविवइस्स (B); जह हलहलो (B). वणअव०; वसंतमासे; पुणो वि. दूरं; परिमल°; विव.
जणस्स (B). °संठिआरक्ख (B); जीहमेत्तमहुरं कलमछेत्त. वणसालिणो (B); होही. विसमाह अपडहवेढणाविउलं (B); जाणइ णिम्बाहेउ.
ओमुग्गकवोलेण गयमएण पत्ते; दसावसाणम्मि (B); तए (B). °सुरपीढपेल्लणदलंतपत्थर° (B); धवलोआरिअपंथे.
रए लच्छी. गमेसु; वासअ०. अंवे; जाणंता विअ. वोलीमो. राईउ; वह इर.
781 X 782 X 783x 787 IXi 788 IX
i
6 4
790 IX 791 IX
i
4
vi
795 IX 816 II 819 IX 821 x 834 x 845 x
-13
11
12 . 11
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925 x 969 xv 978 V 982 IXx
4 . 4
दीहा वि समप्पइ; कह ण ते. लडहत्तअ.
वअंस०. बह गंमीरो जह; सो सरसवाणिओ ण कओ.
8
V Variant readings of the Setubandha verses found in GM. as compared with the texts according to the Setutattvacandrikā (R. G. Basak's edition) (S), Goldschmidt's edition (G) and the Kavyamāla edition (K).
Setu. GM. x 6 x 1 रइणो (GK). 8 , 2 रइ० (,)
, 3 दिसाभोआ; °वेदं (GK). , 4 दिवसे. 5 दिवस, विरमे (S); गमिआ°; किलिंताई
(GK). फुसिअ०. 14 , 6 6 दिअहेण, होमुद्ध° (S °होसुद्ध); रइणो. 16 XII 1 रोअग्गाई.
2. दीसइ; °सढ° (GK); कुमुअ° GK.
स्थइ'; °भा; णिव्वदंति (S).
राअ० (GK). 27 XIII तिमिरविलिभंतमइलमुद्ध*.
मउलाविअ°; वडण° (GK). ____ 29 , 3 उक्खड;° उत्तंभि०; लंविअ व्वसद्दो; घेत्तम्व. ___30 , 4 अ; उवरि० (GK). "
31 XIV 5 कसिण. ___34 , 2 विवं; °सुउमालं. In Basak's edition धुव्वन्ततिमिर is to be read for धुव्वन्त in XI 38.

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विस्थिणं (GK); तडुज्जुअ०: खाऊण; उक्खित्तं (S). वहलम्मि वि तम० (GK); णिवाविऊण; अणुवज्झति. . ०परिमासण; अवडिच्छि० (GK); पाडेंति दिणअर. फुसिओ; विरइओ.
अगई; थोअ° (GK); पअडति (GK). उवउत्त. णिराअपलंवो; °पडिओ. मइंद धवलससि. ओअत्ते.
वलिआ (S) भमंति. ०च्छंदण. विच्छूढव्व ससिअरं; अविभा° (GK).
,
10
,
15

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3. THE PRAKRIT POETS HARIVRDDHA, SĀTAVĀHANA
AND ADHYARĀJA
1. As a comparative and critical survey of the whole range of subjects and topics coming under. Alamkāra in its broadest sense, Raghavan's study of Bhoja's Sțngāraprakāśa has an incomparable value. But it is equally valuable as a rich storehouse of interesting literary-historical information and of exhumed references and citations relating to lost works and authors of past.
The purpose of the present paper is to supplement the information about a few of the forgotten Prakrit authors, out of a sizeable number discussed by Raghavan.
1. Harivrddha
2. On the basis of a quotation in Bhoja's Sarasvatikanthābharana, Raghavan has drawn our attention to a Prakrit poet named Harivěddha,' who, though possibly quite important, has been so far practically unknown to us.
To illustrate the Doșa-guņa called Gūļhārtha, Bhoja quotes anonymously a Prakrit vrese, 2 wherein a modest poet says : 'There are poets and poets. The same term Kavi applies to nobodies like us as also to big poetic geniuses like Harivěddha and Sāli, just as the term hari applies to mere frogs and monkeys as also to fierce serpents and lions'. Here the names of Harivěddha and Sāli stand for eminence in the field of Prakrit poetry. There is slight uncertainty about the text of the verse, but the commentator Ratneśvara takes Harivrddha as one name and not as two (i.e. Hari and Vĩddha), and Raghavan is rightly inclined to the same view. We many also note that the commentator characterizes Harivrddha and sāli as poets of uncommon genius-lokottara-pratibhāśālinah. Moreover, Raghavan has suggested that sāli here may be the same as the famous poet Sällvāhana or Hāla.3

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3. Further Raghavan draws our attention to a Prakrit verse of some Hari cited by Namisādhu on Rudrata's Kāvyālankāra II 19. It enumerates eight modes of literary expression“ (equivalent to Anuprāsa vịtti-s): Madhura, Paruşa, Komala, Ojasvin, Nişthura, Lalita, Gambhira and Sāmānya. But Raghavan leaves it at that, as there is nothing more to suggest the identification of this Hari with Harivrddha of the Sk. illustration.
4. Now there are at least two references to Harivrddha prior to the one noted from Bhoja. One is from Virahānika before eighth century (?) and another is from Rājasekhara (c. 880--920). Virahārka's manual of Prakrit prosody called Vsttajātisamuccaya5 (=VS) indirectly gives us some further valuable information about the poet Harivěddha. Virahārka characteristically treats the structure of the Dvipadi. In the second chapter of VS., he first defines the characters and functions of various constituents like Vastuka, Gītika, Vidārī, Ekaka, Dvipathaka, Vistāritaka and Dhruvaka which build up the structure of the Dvipadi. In the end he states, on the authority of several eminent Prakrit prosodists, a rule about the employment of Gitika in the Dvipadi, and concludes the chapter with the enumeration of fiftytwo types of Dvipadis after the same authorities. The two starzas of the VS. giving the names of these metrical authorities are as under :
Bhuaähiva-Sālāhaņa-Vuddhakai-nirūviam imaṁ daie / ņihaņa-ạirūvia-dhuvaammi ratthue giiä natthi // Bhuaāhiva-Sālāhana-vuddhakai-nirūviāna duvaiņa / nāmāim jāim sāhemi tujjha taimpia kamena //
-VS. II. 8. 9 These can be translated as :
O Dear, in the treatments of Bhujagādhipa, Sātavāhana and VỊddhakavi there is no scope for a Gītika after a Vastuka, if the latter ends in a Dhruvaka.
I will now tell you, according to their order, the names of the Dvipadis which have been treated by Bhujagādhipa, Sātavāhana and Vrddakavi.'

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The commentator Gopāla on VS. II. 8, identifies Bhujagādhipa as two persons called Kambala and Asvatara and Satavāhana as a king, Regarding VỊddhakavi, he says that according to some he was the same as Harivșddha. If we accept this last identification, then it follows that Harivěddha, also known as Vrddhakavi, was, along with the two Bhujagādhipas and Sātavāhana, a recognized authority on Prakrit metrics and especially on its section on the Dvipadi. In this connection we may attach some significance to the fact that as Harivrddha and Sāli figure together in the SK. I. 99 illustration, so also Sātavāhana and VỊddhakavi figure together in VS. II. 8 and 9.
5. We may also mention here in passing that the expression Tuddhakai-mirūviam from VS. II. 8 is anonymously quoted by Hemacandra, in the form Viddhakai-nirūviam under Siddhahema, 8-2-40 as a counter-instance of -ddh- changing into -ddh-. That the example is in fact drawn from the VS. is shown beyond doubt by the fact that the whole of the first part of Vs. I. 13 (iarāim jāna lahu-akkharā ir pāort imella-sahiāna) is reproduced under Siddhahema. Vill. iii. 134 (with the variant pāyaṁtimilla for pāyantimella) to illustrate the use of a genitive form for the ablative. Hemacandra's using of Virahānka's metrical manual to obtain illustrative matter for his grammar implies a good measure of respectability and traditional authority for the latter. And the same conclusion is to be drawn from Virahānka's acknowledgement that Vrddhakavi was one of his sources and authorities.
6. We come across one more reference to Harivěddha in Rajasekhara's Karpūramañjari. In the first Javanikā of the Karpūramañjari during the squabble with the maid Vicakşaņā, the Vidūsaka reacts angrily to the King's praise of the former and says, "Then why don't you say straightway : this our servant-girl is a poet surpassing even Harivụddha, Nandivệddha, Poțfisa, Hāla and such others ?7'--tā ujjuaril jeva kin na bhaniadi amhāņaṁ cediā Jlariuddha-Namdiuddha-Pottisa-Hälapaludiņam pi purado sukgi tti ? Here Hariyrddha figures is one of the famous and foremost

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Prakrit poets. As in the two references previously considered, here too he is found in Hala's company.
7. The other two, Nandivṛddha and Pottisa, also must have been renowned Prakrit poets. One Namdiyaḍdha (Sk. Nanditaḍhya) is known to us as the author of a small work on Prakrit metres called Gāthālaksana.8 The form in which the Gathālakṣaṇa is at present before us is the work of a Jain author. But Velankar has serious doubts about the genuineness of certain parts of the Gathalakṣaṇa. There are clear borrowings from works like Svayambhücchandas. Again we find the definition of an Apabhramsa metre cited elsewhere under the name of poet Namdaḍdha (kai Namdaddha)10, but it is not found in the Gathālakṣaṇa. The present Gāthālakṣaṇa seems to be a mutilated and interpolated version or recast of the metrical manual composed by a poet Namdiyaḍḍha which treated Prakrit and Apabhramśa metres. And that Namdiyaddha may be the same as the Namdiuḍdha of the Karpuramanjart. Some of the commentaries on Hala's Gāhā-sattasai ascribe the authorship of Gatha IV. 92 (N. S. Edition) to Namdiuḍdha. The Gāthā seems to be an old one. A portion of this Gatha is quoted under Siddhahema VIII. ii. 80 to illustrate the fact that Desya words like vodraha 'youngman' invariably preserve an r-cluster (instead of optionally assimilating it). As against the form voḍahio of the Gähä-sattasai mss., the Siddhahema offers us vodrahio which preserves the original phonology.
8. Now we consider Potţisa whom Rajasekhara has mentioned along with Hariuḍdha, Namdiuḍdha and Hala. Pottisa figures as the chief minister of Hala-Satavahana in the Lilävaikaha of Kouhala11 (c. 800 A.D.). There at times he is respectfully referred to as Poṭṭisa-miśra and Śri-poṭṭisa. Four Gāthās (viz., I. 89, II. 73, III. 93, V. 3) from Hala's Gāhāsattasai are attributed to Pottisa.12 One more, viz., I.4 also is to be added to these: In the N. S. edition of the Gahasattasai the name of its author is given as Vodisa, but Bhuvanapala's commentary gives the name as Pottisa and in one MS. of that commentary (that which is in the MSS. collection of the L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad) the

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Prakrit and Apabhraíśa Studies.
marginal gloss on the authorship-label ‘potţisassa reads : Hāla-- mantri tu potţisaḥ. This confirms the tradition we find in the Lilāvai.
9. As in the case of Namdiuddha and Poțțisa, so also in the case of Hariuddha we find in Hāla's Gähā-sattasai a Gāthā or two attributed to him. III. 88 is given under the name of Hariuddha, and the name Haritau under which II. 100 is given may be a corruption of Hariuddha misread as Hariuta. As Virahānka is plausibly assigned to a period prior to the eighth century A.D.13, Harivrddha is to be placed between Hāla and Virahārka.
10. Thus Harivrddha alias Viddhakavi was an acknowledged carly authority on Prakrit prosody. His eminent achievements as a Prakrit poet are indicated by his sobriquet Viddhakai or Vuddhakai (Vņddha-kavi) and by the Karpūraman jari and Sarasvatikanthcblxrana allusions. If he is the same as the Hari quoted by Namisādhu, he should be also credited with some notable contribution to poetics. In the literary tradition current during the period 800-1000 A.D., his name figured in association with the names of important Prakrit poets and authors like Hāja, Nandivụddha, Poțțisa and Bhujagādhipa-s.
2. Sātavāhana 11. The following facts about Sātavāhana are quite well-known. Onwards from the sixth century A.D., we have a powerful' literary and legendary tradition which considers Pk. Hāla, Sālāhana, Sālavāhana, Sk. Śātsvāhana, Sālivāhana, śālavāhana etc. as different forms of the same namel, which belonged to a famous king of Pratisthāna. This Hāla-Sātavāhana had become a great legendary figure credited with many glorious deeds and achievements. There are numerous references to his patronage of learning and partiality for Prakrit language and literature. He is famous as the compiler of the anthology of Prakrit verse variously called Gāhākoso, Kosa, Gāhā-satu-sai, Gāthū-saptaśuti etc. He is also credited with the authorship of (1) numerous.

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Some Prakrit Poets
Gathas in the same collection and of (2) the introductory section (katha-pitha) of the lost Bṛhatkatha which was composed by Guṇadhya in the Paiśāci Prakrit.16 But Hala-Satavahana's reputation as a great Prakrit poet and author would naturally suggest that his literary achievements might not have been confined to just this much. He might have written extensively. And in fact from a few references scattered here and there we do get some positive information about several other writings of Hala-Satavahana.
167
12. From Virahanka's references discussed earlier, we have already inferred that Hala-Satavahana had composed a manual of Prakrit prosody, which was considered authoritative. We have no information about its general scope or contents, but this much is definite that it treated at length the form and structure of the Prakrit Dvipadi.
13. Besides being a Prakrit metrician, Häla-Satavahana was also a Prakrit lexicographer. He had composed a lexicon of Deśya words from which five actual quotations are given in Hemacandra's Desināmamālā. At all the five places Hemacandra cites Satavahana to record a difference of opinion about the meaning of a particular Deśya word. This implies that Hala-Satavahana's authority as a Deśikära was such that Hemacandra deemed it necessary to give the former's view where it diverged from one which he himself had adopted.
The quotations given by Hemacandra are as under: 1. "jambulam madya-bhājanam' iti Sātavāhanaḥ-(Deśināmātā, under II. 41, p. 146) 2. tivvam atyratham' iti Sātavāhanaḥ (ibid, under V. II, p. 187) purohaḍam pacchokaḍam (?) iti tu Sātavāhanaḥ (ibid, under VI. 15, p. 215)
3.
padis amtam astamitam' iti tu Sātavāhanaḥ,' (ibid, under VI. 18, p. 217) padihatt ho vacanam' iti tu Sātavānhanaḥ (ibid, under VI. 19, p. 217)
4.
5.

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These quotations suggest the following points about the character and value of Hāla's Deśya lexicon :
(1) Hemacandra cites Sātavāhana only so far as the latter differs from the position acceptable to him. Nowhere has he cited him in his support on a controversial point, unlike most of the
her early authorities on Desya which Hemacandra cites (at times agreeing, at times disagreeing with his own position.)17. This suggests that Sātavāhana's work might have been of a limited scope. But the fact that Hemacandra quotes him several times is indicative of the traditional authority acquired by the work.
(2) Sātai āhana's lexicon gave Sanskrit meaning equivalents for Deśya items.
(3) Unlike most of ther known lexicons which have been composed in Gāthā, Sātavāhana's work seems to have been composed in Anustubh. Of course, one cannot be quite definite about this in view of the very meagre material available, but the rhythm of the fragments cited is felt more like that of the Anuştubh.
(4) The work may have been in the form of just a glossary i.e. a collection of selected words with only meaning equivalents and without illustrations.
14. If Hāla-Sātavāhana has composed a work on Prakrit metres, it is reasonable to believe that he might have written several Prakrit poems also besides those Muktakas in Gātha that are preserved in his Gāthā-kośa. And fortunately we can point out something actual to support such a belief. The Apabhramśa poet Svayambhū has quoted in his Svayambhū-cchandas two illustrative stanzas, one under the name of Sālāhaņa and another under the name of Hāla. He has illustrated the metre Udgīti with a verse of Sālāhana, 18 and for the Varņavștta Sārdūlavikridita le has quoted two examples, one of which is said to be from Hāla.19 This second quotation signifies that Hāla had used some VarnaVrttas also in his Prakrit compositions.

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15. Further, from two other references we come to know that Sālāhana had acquired lasting reputation as a composer of a particular type of Prakrit lyrics called Dhavala. In the Apabhramśa section of Hemacandra's metrical treatise, the Chandonuśāsana, we find at the end of the Utsāha subsection the description of a class of metres called Dhavala. Hemacandra defines and illustrates several varieties of the Dhavala. But at the very beginning of his treatment, and just after describing the general form and character of the Dhavala, he remarks that he would be illustrating only a few of the varieties, but for a fuller picture one should consult the utterences' (ukti) of Sātavāhana - dhavalāni Sātavāhanoktișu drstavyäni, digmātrāṁ tūdāharisyate 20
16. What is exactly the meaning of the words 'the ukti-s of Sātavāhana' in Hemacandra's allusion ? Were they some sadıkti-s or sūkti-s composed by Sātavāhana in different varieties of the Dhavala metre or were they possibly his descriptive statements about the same in his metrical treatise ? The required clarification, on this point can be found from a similar statement of the Apabhramśa poet Svayambhū. And it is quite likely that Svayambhū’s remarks, discussed below, was the source of Hemacandra's statement. In his famous manual of Prakrit and Apabhramsa metres, the Svayambhūcchandas, Svavam bhū has described in the last chapter the general metrical organization of some outstanding Apabhramśa literary genres like the Sandhjbandha, the Rāsābandha etc. First he defines different types of Chaddaņiā, Ghattā and Padhadiā which built up the Sandhi, and thereafter he seems to specify the kinds of metres used in the composition of Giti-s which were probably short Prakrit or Apabhramśa lyrics. He refers in this connection to various types of Ghattā, Chaddani and Vidārikā, different from those he had described earlier and adds that over and above these there were various types of Dhavalas such as those composed in quantity by Sātavāhana :-Sülāhaņeņa dhavalāiti jāim viraiaiṁ area is balu-rihāim.21 Here Sālāhaņa i.e. Sātavāhana is said to have composed (riraiais) a number of diverse types of Dhavala songs.

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17. Thus from these references it clearly follows that Sātavāhana's Dhavala songs were very famous and were considered quite typical.22 Though both Svayambhū and Hemacandra treat, and the latter also illustrates, separately Dhavala as an Apabhramsa metre, this need not necessarily imply that Sātavāhana's Dhavalas were in Apabhramśa. Many of the typically Apabbramsa metres were also used for composing in Prakrit, and at times even in Sanskrit. 23
Sātavāhana's Dhavalas must have been short lyrics having eight, six or four lines describing some eminent person under the guise of a dhavala (i.e. a white bull of the best breed). In other words they must have been Dhavalānyokti-s, a few examples of which we come across in some Apabhramsa works. For example, we, have seven Dhavalānyokti-s in the seven Gathās of the Jarnbüsümicariu of Víra (VII. 6) (composed in 1020 A.D.).24 Again among the illustrations cited by Hemacandra in the Apabhraíša section of the Siddhahema we find two Dhavalānyokti-s (VIII. iv. 340/2; 421), one of which (iy 340/2) is clearly based on Jainbūsāmicariu VII. 6, lines 26-27. Although these stanzas are either in Gāthā or Dohā metre, while the Dhavalas defined by Hemacandra and Svayambhū have altogether different metrical structures, still the former were also called Dhavalas, as both the above-named metrical authorities make it clear that besides the songs of specific metrical forms, other songs also in metres like Utsāha, Helā, Vedana etc. were also called Dhavalas, if they described the hero under the guise of a dhavalu. 25 This second category of Dhavalas was named after their metre, e.g. Utsāhadhavala. Helādhavala etc. We cannot say whether Sātavāhana had also written Dhavalas coming under this second category.
18. Hemacandra's Desināmamālā has recorded several names by which Hāla-Sātavāhana was known to the tradition :26 Kuntala (DN. II. 36), Pūsa (VI. 80) and Cauraciṁdha (III. 7). There has been a persistent tradition taking Sātavāhana as a king of the Kuntala country with his capital at Pratișthāna. But from the following reference in the Kāmasūtra of Vātsyāyana it appears that

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Kuntala was also an alternative name of king Sātavāhana himself : Kartaryā Kuntalab. Sätakarņih Sātavāhano mahādevin Malayavatim (jaghāna). Hemacandra might have followed this tradition27 in giving Kuntala as a Deśya word signifying Hāla-Sātavāhana.
Pūsa would correspond to Sk. püsya. As a Deśya item it also means "a parrot', Why Sātavāhana was called Pūsa and what was its significance--these things are totally in the dark.
The third alternative name of Hāla-Sātavāhana noted above is Cauracimdba, which corresponds to Sk. Caturacihna. One way of interpreting this is to take it as equivalent to Sk. Vidagdhasiromaņi. And it can very well fit the personality of Hāla-Sātavāhana as it is known from legends. But another interpretation is also plausible. Catura-cinha is the same as Caturāńka, i.e. one whose aika or pen-name was Catura. The Srigārakpraāśa has classified and illustrated various types of ankas.28 An aika was some special marking word used by a poet at the close of each section of his literary work, as a sort of signature. Instead of aika, its synonyms cilina and lūñchana were used occasionally. We have the pen names of ancient poets like Abhimānānka, Parākramänka, Sāhasānka, 29 Virahārka, 30 etc. Similarly we have Dakkhiņņaimdhay! [i.e. Dāksinyacihna], Abhimānacihna, 32 Avalevacinha33 [i.e. Avalepacilna,), Jasaindha34 (i.e. Yaśaścihna), etc. Thirdly we may note Sadbhāvalāñchana35, Virahalāñchana, 36 Dākṣiṇyalāñchana,37 etc. Accordingly Sk. Catura or Pk. Caura would be the aika i.e. identifying mark of Sātavāhana employed in the concluding verses of the sections of his narrative poems. Of course, this remains merely a speculation until we can verify it, and that would be possible only when luck favoured us with the recovery of some sustained composition of Sātavāhana.
Finally we should note that in the closing verse of each Sataka of the Gathā-Saptaśati, Hāla-Sātavāhana is called kaivacchala (Sk. kavi-vatsala) 'a loving patron of poets'. This seems to be rather a biruda than a pen-name.

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3. Adhyarāja
19. The tradition that identifies Sātavāhana with Hāla is old. persistent and vigorous. The same cannot be said of the tradition which idectifies Sātavāhana with Ādhyarāja. Rājasekhara and Bhoja have noted that tradition. As pointed out by Raghavan,38 Rājasekhara has recorded in his Kārpamimāṁsā (p. 50) a legend according to which Sātavāhana, the king of Kuntala, had ordered his harem to make exclusive use of Prakrit, and similarly Sāhasāňka, the king of Ujjayinī had prescribed exclusive use of Sanskrit. 39 Bhoja, in Sarasvatikanthābharana, II. 15 refers to the same traditional legend when he says that everybody used Prakrit under the regime of Adhyarāja, while under the regime of Sāhasāňka everybody used Sanskrit.40 Here we see that Bhoja's Adhyarāja corresponds to Rājasekhara's Sātavāhana of Kuntala. And Ratneśvara's commentary too on the Sarasvatikanthābharana identifies Adhyarāja with Sālivāhana, and Sāhasānka with Vikramāditya. So the fact that there was such a tradition cannot be denied.
20. In this connection Mirashi and Raghavan have drawn our attention to Bāņa's reference to Adhyarāja in his Harșacarita. In the introductory verses of the Harşacaritu Bāņa, in the course of eulogising eminent poets that preceded him, says that with the excellence of Ādhyarāja's Utsāha compositions before them, other poets found no heart to write poetry :
Ādhyarāja-kstot sāhaih hşdayasthaih smȚtair api / jihväntah kȚsyamāņeva na kavitve pravartate //41
Now it looks certain that according to Bāņa this Ādhyarāja on one hand and Sātavāhana, the compiler of Gäthā-kośa on the other, were different persons, because each of the eight introductory verses of the Har.şacarita, beginning from the 11th and ending with the 18th, pays tribute to someone famous poet or work in the following order : Vāsaradattā (11), Bhattāra Haricandra (12) Sātavāhana (13), Pravarasena (14), Bhāsa (15), Kālidāsa (16), BȚhatkathā "(17) and Ādhyarāja (18). So the tradition that identified Adhyarāja with Hāla-Sātavāhana was a later development.

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21. Adhyaraja's literary compositions which Bana has so highly admired have been referred to by him as 'Utsaha-s.' The term Utsaha' has intrigued the scholars and they have made various conjectures42 about its meaning. But Utsäha here is not a general designation for the chapter-divisions of an Akhyāyikā like Āśvāsa, etc. The commentator Sankara has recorded two earlier interpretations as he himself had no idea as to what was exactly meant by Utsäha. According to one view it was primarily the name of a particular type of Tala in dance, and secondarily it applied to poems which were used as song-text to accompany the dance.43 According to another view it was a prose-cum-verse composition with a definite pattern: The introductory stanza presented the theme in substance, which was further enlarged upon in prose interspersed with verse, and the whole formed a self-contained
unit.44
22. Prakrit prosody enlightens us on this point and it supports in substance the first of the above two interpretations. Utsäha was a well-known Prakrit metre. Both the leading Prakrit prosodists, Svayambhu and Hemacandra, have defined it.45 In their scheme of treatment the Utsaha metre headed the first sub-section of the Apabhramsa section and hence that sub-section was usually called Utsahādiprakaraṇa.46 Utsaha was a metre of 24 Mātrās, made up of 6 Caturmatras, the third and fifth Caturmatra having the form u-u or u, uuu. The fact that Utsäha is treated as an Apabhramsa metre does not mean that it could not be employed in Prakrit compositions. As pointed out earlier, the prosodists have explictly stated that the metres treated under the Apabhramśa section are generally but not exclusively47 used in Apabhramśa poems. Conversely several metres of the Khañjaka category, described under the Prakrit section are found in actual practice to have been used in Apabhramsa poems.
Further the Prakrit prosodists tell us that the Utsäha metre was also used to compose certain types of songs called Dhavala, Mangala and Phullataka which were mostly in Apabhramsa.48 gather about the Utsäha metre
Thus from the information
we

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from the manuals of prosody, it is clear that in early Prakrit and Apabhramśa literatures there must have been in vogue an important class of short lyrics in the Utsāha metre. In Bāņa's times ĀŅhyarāja's poems in Utsāha were judged to have been superb.
23. Raghavan has drawn our attention to one more fact about Ādhyarāja's writings which he gleans from the Sğngāraprakāśa.49 While illustrating the various conventional modes of marking the closing verse of each canto in the Sargabandha etc. the Sțngāraprakāśa says that in Adhyarāja's work the end of each section was specifically marked by his favourite word dhairya : abhiprāyānkatā yathā dhairyam Ādhyarājasya.50 This implies that Adhyarāja had also written some Prabandhakāyya-may be a Mahākāvya. Looking to his reported love of Prakrit, we can suppose that it was a Prakrit Kāvya, like Sarvasena's Harivijaya which was Utsāhānka or Pravarasena's Setubaddha which is anurāgāňka, but of course we cannot be definite about this point.
Notes
1. His ‘Bhoja's Sțngāraprakāśa' (1963), p. 835. 2. amhārisā vi kaiņo Harivuddha-Sāli-pamuhā vi / mamdukka-makkadā vi hu homti hari sappa-sihā vi //
- Sarasvatikanthābharaṇa (Sk.), Nirnaya Sagar edition, 1.99 (133). As in the case of so many other Prakrit passages of the SK. the text of this verse is also faulty. The printed text reads halibudhdha and harisappasimha. For the former it also records a variant harianda,
Srågāraprakāśa ed. by Yatiraja Swamy and G. R. Josyer (Vol : II, 1963) also has got this verse. At p. 348 it is in a very corrupt form (like most of the other Prakrit and Apabhramśa passages in that edition) : the end portion of the first line reads marimudhdhaelavamuhäi. At the end of the volume this verse is reproduced editorially and is provided with Sanskrit

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chaya. Here the corresponding portion reads haliandahālapamuhāvi.
3. Sali is otherwise not known as an abridgement of Salivahana. Moreover among the traditional names of the authors of various Gathas of Hala's Gāhāsattasai, we find the name Salia in the case of a few Gathas, e.g. II. 29. But in view of the fact that in other references too, discussed further in this paper, Harivrddha is found associated with Hala, identification of Śali of the SK. verse with Salivahana seems highly plausible. 4. Tatha hy aṣṭau Harinokta yathā :
mahuram pharusam komalam-ojassim niṭṭhuram ca laliyam ca gambhiram samannam ea aṭṭha bhanitiu nāyavvā ||
-Namisādhu on Rudrata's Kävyālaṁkāra, II. 19.
Again the printed text is faulty. It meaninglessly reads addha bhaniti unāyaсса.
5. Edited by H. D. Velankar, Rajasthan Puratana Granthamala,
No. 61, 1962.
6. Bhujagadhipau Kambalaśvatarau Sātavāhano rājā. Vṛddhakavir Harivṛdaha iti kecit. (Com. on VS. II. 8). Usually bhujagadhipa is taken to be synonymous with nagaraja and is identified with Pingalanaga or Pingala, the famous authority on prosody. For example in the opening verse of Sura's manual of prosody cited in the commentary on Kavidarpana (ed. by H. D. Velankar, 1962), I. 1, Pingala is characterized as nāganatha : Sambhum natvā giramanu tataḥ Pingalam naganāthaṁ. But Gopala seems to have followed Jayakirti, who in his Chandonuśāsana (ed. by H. D. Velankar, Jayadāman, 1949), I. 13 mentions Pingala and Kambala among those Muni-s who favoured the Yati (metrical pause), and Aśvatara among those who were against it. So according to Gopala, Bhujagādhipa at VS. II. 8 and 9, and Visahara (i.e, Viṣadhara- which he paraphrases as nāga) at VS. II. 7 signify two persons named Kambala and Aśvatara and these were according to him quite different from Pingala. In the Mangala at the beginning of his commentary, he salutes separately Pingala, Saitava, Katyāyana, Bharata and Kambala-cum-Aśvatara. On VS. I. 1 too he qualifies Pingala simply as a Chandaḥsāstrācārya.

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7. A. N. Upadhye (in his edition of the Lilāvai of Koūbala,
1949, Introduction p. 56, footnote 3) and N. G. Suru (in his edition of the Karpīramanjari, 1960, Introduction, p. civ) have drawn our attention to the passage of the Karpūramañjari discussed here. See also J. C. Jain, Prākst Sāhitya kā Itihāsa
(1961), p. 573, footnote 1. 8. Ed. by H. D. Velankar, in Appendix I to his edition of
Kavidar paņa, 1962. 9. Gāthālakṣaṇa, 26-29 considered by Velankar as quite out of
place and hence interpolations, are in fact reproduced from the Svayambhücchandas (Pūrvabhāga) I. 3.2, 3.3, 4.1 and 4.2. So also verse 77 is borrowed from Vịttajātisamuccaya I. 7 as pointed out by Velankar in his introduction to the latter, p. XXX. Verse 83 is again identical with Svayambhūcchandas IV.
5-1 and verse 16 is the same as Prākstaping ala I. 54. 10, See Samdeśarāsaka (ed. by Muni Jinavijaya and H. C. Bhayani,
1945), Introduction, p. 102. The commentary on verse 19 quotes a definition of the metre Raddā in which the words kai Namdaddha bhaņamti occur in the end. It also quotes at various other places verses which we find as verse no. 16, 74, 78 and 80 in Velankar's edition of the Gathālakṣana. It may be noted that for the form namdiuddha some MSS. of the
Karpūramanjari read namdiyaddha. 11. Ed. by A. N. Upadhye. See the references to Poțţisa in the
word-index. 12. See the references in note no. 7. 13. Vịttajātisamuccya, Introduction, p. XXV. 14. See especially Upadhye, op. cit., Introduction, pp. 46-58 and
the references in the footnotes on these pages. 15. Hāla originally a Prakrit form had later become current in
Sanskrit also as we can see from Hemacandra's Abhidhānacintämani (712), from the references of Abhinanda and Soddhala, etc. See Upadhye, op. cit., pp. 47, 54-55. Sālivāhana too is a Sanskritization. We may note here another instance also of the same process. Pālitta was the Prakrit form of Padalipta,

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the name of the author of the lost Tarangavati Kathā. It appears in a newly Sanskritized form as Sripālita in Abhinanda's Rāmaccrita, xxii, 100; see also Upadhye, op. cit., Inro
duction, p. 55. 15. See Upadhye, op. cit., pp. 47, 54-55. 16. Kathāsaritasāgara, VIII. 37. Sātavāhana is said to have com
posed the Kathāpitha with the help of Guņādhya's pupils,
Guņadeva and Nandideva. See also Raghavan, op. cit., p. 854. 17. Defināmamālā, edited by R. Pischel, second edition by P. V.
Ramanujaswami, Introduction I, p. 12–14. Ramanujaswami says that from Hemacandra's references to Sātavāhana in his Defināmanālā, he could not gather definite evidence for saying that Sātavāhana had composed a Deśi Kośa. But what Hemacandra has given under Sātavāhana's name are clearly quotations, and each one gives a Sanskrit meaning-equivalent for a Deśya word. These facts leave no doubt about the existence of a Deśya lexicon of Sātavāhana. Ramanujaswami observes that Hemacandra has quoted Satavāhana seven times.
I have been able to locate only five quotations. 18. Uggii Sālāhanassa :
thana-dohadie bharai va bālā lāanna-saliloham / ramanālavāla-niggaa-romāvali-vallari vya simcei //
-Svayambhūcchandas (Pūrvabhāga), I. 4.2 19. ahavā Hālassa : .
kāmai puppha-dhaņum sa-kosuma-saram tunnaṁ tiacchāhaam soum jam juvai-jano na kuvio tam atthi se käranam ! . helā-sajjha-jaar samattam-iņamo pāamtarälikaam kesäkesi-nibamdhanam cia jiam ettamha ko mallao 1).
:-Svayambhūcchandas, I. 47.2:

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4. BHAIRAVANANDA
In the introduction (pp. LXII-LXV) to his edition1 of Rajasekhara's Pk. play Karpūramañjari Ghosh has sought to re-interpret the character of Bhairavananda, the Kaula priest figuring in that play. Konow and Lanman take the words of Bhairavananda in Act I at their face value and accordingly consider him to be depicted as a low priest leading a licentious life and a charlatan. Ghosh criticizes this view of the character of Bhairavānanda and tries to show that the apparently vulgar and immoral words of Bhairavananda possess an inner meaning which sets his character in quite a good light. But if we strictly confine ourselves to the words of the text and their natural tone, it would be difficult for us to accept Ghosh's view. And there is some evidenee to show that as early as the beginning of the fourteenth century A. C. Bhairavananda's character was understood, as by Konow and Lanman, to be drawn in anything but flattering colours.
Certain passages in Puspadanta's Jasaharacariu are express interpolations made by one Gandharva in the year 1308 A.D. One of these interpolated passages (Jas. I. 5.3 to I. 8.17) concerns itself with Kaulacarya Bhairavānanda's visit to king Maridatta. The portrait of the Bhairavananda of this passage is obviously drawn with a view to present a typical Acarya of the Vamamargaboastful, licentious, given to magic lore. Now it appears probable that for this passage as for another passage (Jas. IV. 22. 17 b-IV. 30-15), the material was taken by Gandharva from the work of an earlier poet called Vatsaraja, regarding whom or whose work
1. Manomohan Ghosh, Karpuramañjiri, University ef Calcutta,
1939.
2. P. L. Vaidya, Jasaharacariu (K. J. S. I), 1931, Introduction pp. 17-18.

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Bhairavananda
we know no more. But Gandharva appears to have avaied of another work also. As pointed out below there is such a close resemblance in certain statements and characteristic traits of the Bhairavānanda of the interpolated passage of the Jasaharacariu and those of the Bhairavananda of the Karpuramañjari that we cannot but think that while composing the Jasaharacariu passage in question, Gandharva must have the Karpuramañjari before him. Of course there is some difference in the distribution of emphasis with regard to the depiction of the various traits of the character, Gandharva stressing its braggart side while Rajasekhara bringing its dissolute way of living into prominent relief. But otherwise the similarity between the two portraitures is strikingly far-reaching. The points of resemblance-verbal or otherwise-are:
(1) Bhairavananda is a Kaula priest.
कुलमग्ग- लग्गा Karpū. p. I3, 1. 5.
p. 13, 1. 10.
कोलो धम्मो कुलमग्ग चारि jasa I 6 25 कउलायरि
I
52
""
""
(2) Rumours about his miraculous powers reach the ears of
the king.
किं सो जौ जण - वअणादो अच्चन्भूद-सिद्धि सुणीअदि । Karpū. p. 12, 1. 13. '63 fame facgefta
बहु तन्त-मन्त अग्गइ सरन्ति' ।
इय जम्पन्तहो तो जाय वत्त
सा मारिदत्त - कण्णन्तु पत्त ॥ Jasa. I 615-16.
(3) He subsists on begging alms.
भिक्खा भेोज्ज Karpū. p. 13, 1. 9. भिक्खअरु
Jasa. I 6
2.
179
(4) He freely partakes of wine and meat.
मज्ज' मंस पिज्जए खज्जए-अ सव्व- गासि
Karpū. p. 13, 1. 8.
Jasa I 6
I.

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!
(5) He leads a life completely submerged in sensual pleasures.
Stanzas 21, 22, 23, Karpu. Act. I.
इन्द्रियसुहु महु पुज्जइ Jasa. I. 6 28 (6) He is self-praising.
तं णत्थि भूमिवलए मह ज न सिद्ध etc. Karpu. I. 24. अप्पिं अपहो भाहप्पु दप्पु
अणउन्छिउ जम्पइ थुणइ अप्पु Jasa. I 68 (7) He claims to have control over the sun and moon.
दंसेमि तपि ससिण वसुहावइण्ण थम्भेमि तस्स-वि रविस्स रह णहद्धे । Karpu. p. 14, 1. I-2. हउँ थम्भमि रविहि विमाणु जन्तु
चन्दस्स जोन्ह छायमि तुरन्तु । Jasa. I 6 15. Note the almost identical wordings of the second and
the third line. (8) In fact he claims to be all-powerful.
तणत्थि भूमि-वलए मह जन सज्झ । ता भण, किं कीरदु । Karpit. p. I4. 1. 5-6.. महु सयल सिद्धि विप्फुरइ; खणन्तरि विज्ज-सिद्धि । हउँ हरण-करण-कारण-समत्थु
ज' ज तुहँ मग्गहि किं-पि वत्थु
त त हउँ देमि महा-पसत्थु । Jasa. I 7 1-3. (9) He instantly complies with the king's request.
विदूषकः-तहिं मए एकक कण्णा-रअण दिट्ट।
त इह आणीअदु । ((This is supported by the king :
राजा-अवदारिज्जदु पुणिमाहरिणकों धरणीअलम्मि ।) भैरवानन्द:- शोधादि ।Keenrip. 14, 1.9-11'

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Bhairavananda
ता चवइ राउ
'महु खेचरतु करि
X X
' तुह खेचरत्त हउँ करमि बन्प' | Jasa. I 7 4-5
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Such a close resemblance between ideas and certain expressions. of the above-quoted passages cannot be accidental. Gandharva, in all likelihood, has modelled his Bhairavānanda directly or through Vatsaraja-after the Bhairavānanda of the Karpuramañjarī and both of these sketches are drawn in colours which are far from complimentary.

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5. THE PRAKRIT AND APABHRAMSA RĀMĀYAŅAS
(1) Introductory
We know that in all the centuries subsequent to Vyāsa's Mahābhärata and Vālmiki's Rāmāyaṇa numberless adaptations, reworkings and translations (of the whole or of particular parts) of those two epics have been produced in numerous Indian and non-Indian languages down to the present day. As literary media Prakrits were in use side by side with Sanskrit over more than fifteen cenruries. So it can be naturally presumed that there must have appeared several compositions on the narrative of Rāma in Prakrit paralleling those in Sanskrit, in both the traditions, Brahminical and Jainistic. In fact such a presumption is borne out so far as the Jainistic tradition is concerned : We have with us several full or abridged versions of Jaina Rāmāyaṇas in Prakrit. Nothing has been known, however, about the Rāmāyaṇa compositions in Prakrit in the Brahminical tradition. Nothing has been preserved and so pobody has noted so far any references to such works, if they were at all written. (2) The Brahminical tradition
This utterly hopeless situation is now slightly relieved through an unexpected source. From a few references available in a ninth century work on Prakrit prosody, we come to know for the first time something definite about Brahminical Rāmāyanas in Prakrit and Apabhraíśa. The Svayambhūcchandas of Svayambhūdeva gives numerous citations from earlier Prakrit and Apabhramśa works to illustrustrate various metres it defines. This gives us a glimpse into the extensive and rich literature of high excellence that is unfortunately all but lost. Among these citations there are a few in the Prakrit section and slightly more than that in the Apabharamsa Section, which pertain to the theme of Rāmāyaṇa. So far as these
1. This remark is with regard to works dealing with the complete
Rāmāyaṇa narrative. Prakrit poems - Mahākāvyas-in the VedicBrakmaņic tradition, based on particular episodes (e.g. the Setubandha, the lost Rāvanavijaya) are of course well known.

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Prakrit citations are concerned we are quite in the dark regarding the exact nature (whether a regular Rāmāyaṇa or otherwise) and character (whether Jain or non-Jain) of their source works. The citation from Kanhadatta (Sk. Krşņadatta), illustrating the mixture of Giti and Skandhaka metres, relates to the message delivered to Rāvaņa (either by Angada or by Hanumat) advising him to return Sitā before Rāma's arrows destory him (Svayambhūcchandas I, 103.3). The citation from Vadhamitta (Sk. Vțddhamitra), illustrating the Ugra variety of the Galitaka metre is considerably obscure, but there is no doubt about the fact that it contains an exhortation to Rāvaņa by somebody desiring him to negotiate peace with Rāma (Sva', I, 2-3-1). The third citation, from Nāgaha, illustrating the Toļaka metre (Svao, I, 16.1), describes Rāvana's army discharging velleys of arrows at the monkey hordes. We may speculate that of these, the name Krşņadatta possibly implies that he was a non-Jain. (3) Caturmukha's Rāmāyaṇa
Fortunately we are somewhat more informed regarding Svayambhūdeva's citations from an earlier Apabhraíśa Rāmāyaṇa by a poet named Caumuha (Sk. Caturmukha). From bits of information scattered in diverse sources, we can piece together the following account of Caturmukha and his works. He may have flourished in the eighth or seventh century. Acknowledged by the subsequent centuries as a major Apabharamsa poet, he had three extensive eipies to his credit. One of these was a Rāmāyaṇa, another a Bhārata and the third one was called Abdhimathana, which had obviously as its theme the Purāņic episode of the churning of the ocean by gods and demons. All the three epics were in the Sandhibandha form. The Sandhi bandha was the characteristic form of the Apabhraíśa epic. The poem was divided into Sandhis, each of which was subdivided into Kadavakas tylpically made up of eight rhyming couplets with a closing piece. These eipcs contained in the final verse of each section the nämānka or nāmamudră of the author. Bhoja informs us that in the case of Caturmukha's poems, the author's name was identical with the name of bis işta-devatā.

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This means that Caturmukha (i.e. Brahman) was the deity, our poet worshipped. Caturmukha was a pioneer in evolving the Sandhibandha and Svayambhudeva's Rāmāyaṇa epic (Panmacariya) was considerably influenced in its form, organization and treatment by the former's Rāma epic. From the citations found in the Svayambäūcchandas and in the Siddhahema, one can form, some idea of the great literary worth of Caturmukha's Rāmāyaṇa, although we have no idea of its extent, contents and organization. (4) The Jain Tradition
Works based on the Jainistic versions of the narrative of Rāma are numerous and extensive. They are spread over some seventeen centuries and encompass more than eight languages. Adequate study of this vast amount of material would demand extensive and intensive labours of several scholars. Even so, the work actually done so far in the subject is not inconsiderable. There have been several studies-some quite elaborate, others of a limited nature dealing with the comparative-historical problems.1
As to the Jain versions of the Rāmāyaṇa in Prakrit and Apabhramśa we have several works with us. They are listed below
Paumacariya of Vimala (Pk.). 4th or 5th Century. The Vasudevahindi version of Sarghadāsa (Pk.). 5th Century. The Caupannamahāpurisacariya version of Śilānka (Pk.). 868 A.D.
The Kahāvali version of Bhadreśvara (Pk.). 11th Century. Panmacariya of Svayambhūdeva (Ap.). 9th Century.
The version in Puspadanta's Mahāpurāņa (Ap.). 965-972 A.D. The present account is intended to be more informative than critical, and is confined to the general and comparative-historical aspects of the subject. There was therefore little for me to do than to paraphrase the findings and conclusions already arrived at in the previous studies.
(5) Alterations and Variations
As the works of Caturmukha and others of the Brahmanical

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tradition are lost, nothing can be said about their departures, if any, from Vālmiki's version. The Jain versions of the Rāmāyaṇa do not have an all-acceptable common narrative. They follow several traditions.
We have to distinguish no less than three considerably different versions, with a few sub-versions or minor variants. One of the three main versions is a direct descendent of the Standard or Vālmiki version (VR), while the other two, even through deriving from the same, have undergone some basic alterations- one can rather say, 'transformations'-, which make them characteristically distinct and peculiarly Jainistic.
Vimala has a special Jain version which is followed by Svayambhñdeva and Silānka. Sanghadāsa mainly follows the Digambara version found with Guņabhadra, it being a mixture of Vālmiki and Buddhist Dasaratba Jātaka version with some peculiar Jain features added. The detailed comparison and tabulation of depatures from Vālmiki are available in specialized studies and we need not go into them, we are concerned here primarily with the implications of the changes and variation in the narrative of Rāma.
It should be noted that the Rāmāyaṇas in Prakrit and Apabh. ramśa do not share a common tradition or character. The same applies to the Rāmāyaṇas in Sanskrit. Differences in the narrative of Rāma, follow the religious rather than the linguistic lines, and even in the former case there is anything but uniformity. Leaving aside minor differences, we shall consider the major changes in the Rāma narrative made by the pricipal and peculiar Jain tradition and make a few observations about the motivating factors. The remarks have relevance for most of the Jain versions (with some important reservations), irrespective of the works. (6) Vimalasūri's Paumacariya
The version we find in Vimalasūri's Paumacariya (VPc) is the earliest available Jain version, and most characteristic. It is in Prakrit and probably not later than fifth cent. A.D. Earlier than

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that there might have been current some Samgraha-gāthās-traditional mnemonic verses-possibly stringing together the names of chief characters and cryptic references to main incidents of the Rama-story. Vimala's work seems to be the first full-fledged literary composition on this theme. The Jain canonical literature, though conversant with several episodes of the Kṛṣṇa-carita, lacks any explicit reference to any character or incident of the Rāmācarita. The general outline and pattern of the narrative in VPc., with chief landmarks and their sequence, are basically the same as we find in VR. Rama's parentage, birth, marriage with Sita and exile to the forest along with Lakṣmaṇa and Sita; Sita's abduction by Ravana; Hanumat's messengership; Rama's alliance with Sugrīva; invasion of Lanka; Ravana's defeat and death; scandal about Sita and her rejection; birth of Lava and Kusa; Sita's ordeal these are basic also in VPc. But the divergences too between VPC and VR are far-reaching and quite numerous. One can compile a huge catalogue of them. But such a catalogue by itself would fail to convey the full significance of the divergences. The additions, omissions and alterations affected by Vimala (or any of his predecessor) in his source-narrative can be understood only if we relate them to the aims and objectives that motivated his effort. The concern of the Jain tradition was to prepare and provide for its followers a version of the quite popular and important Rāmanarrative, which would be acceptable as truly and authentically Jainistic. To achieve this end the overall frame, orientation and atmosphere of the Rama-story of the Vedic-Brahmanic tradition was to be altered and replaced.
186
In its earlier form the Rama-story may have been just a heroic legend, but in VR as preserved to us. it is already linked up with the Avatara doctrine. The Rama of the Bala and Uttara Kandas is an incarnation of Visņu. Moreover there is a substan
2. Only Samaväyänga, the fourth anga of the Jain Canon, mentions at Sūtra 54, in a general way 24 Tirthankaras, 12 Cakrarvartins, 9 Baladevanas and 9 Vasudevas.

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tial admixture of Purāņic myths and legends that are pervaded with Vedic-Brahmanic spirit and atmosphere. Rāmacarita, it is true, has not become integral with the Purāṇic tradition to the same extent as Krşņacarita. Even then its close kinship with the Pur-- āṇas and the Mahābhārata is quite patent.
Jain Rāmāyaṇa too shares this Purāņic character. Some of the works are actually designated as Purāņa (e.g. Padmapurāņa,
anapurāna.). It has also some dynastic lists and legends and numerous side-episodes. But naturally the spirit and atmosphere are Jainistic. All the characters in VPc including Dasaratha, Janaka, Rāvaņa, Sugriva, Hanūmat and their families are devout Jainas : Jain ascetics loom large on the whole course of the narrative, and throughout opportunities have been frequently provided for preaching principles of Jainism and inculcating Jain doctrines.
(7) Rāma as a Mahāpara sa
The Jain conception of the Supreme Divinity is basically different from the Vedic-Brahmanic conception. Jainism has no place for a divine creator and Lord of the creation. Jain theology has no Supreme God presiding over the destinies of the Universe. The highest state of being in Jainism is that of the Siddhas or Muktas. Siddhas have no dealings with the transmigratory world. Hence there is no scope in Jainism for the Avatāra doctrine, and the Jain Rāma can be no more than an illustrious human hero. Further the Jainas too have worked up the Rāma-narrative into an overal) mythology and the Jain legendary Universal History is much more systematized and thoroughgoing. The mythological and hagiological literature of the Jainas has as its core works called Mahāpurāņa and Purāņa. A Mahāpurāņa gives biographies of 63 Great Men, known as Mahāpuruşa, Uttama-puruṣa or Salākāpuruşa. They comprise 24 Tirthařkaras, 12 Cakravartins, 9 Baladevas, 9 Vāsudevas and 9 Prativāsudevas.3 Each aeon is characterized by the appearance of this fixed number of Mahāpuruşas. In the current
3. Sometime the Prativāsudevas are excluded, and the number
is given as fiftyfour.

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aeon appeared Tirthařkaras beginning with Rşabha and ending with Vardhamāna Mahāvira. The Tirthankaras are human beings who have attained spiritual perfection (absolute knowledge) and who preach and teach the Right Path to all the living beings. So far as their function of establishing, upholding and spreading of Dharma, and counteracting Adharma is concerned, they correspond to the Avatāras of Vedic Hinduism, though among themselves the Tirthankaras have no connection. They are not menifestations of the same essence. In addition to the Tirthnkaras, there have appeared in the current aeon twelve Cakravartins Universal Monarchs, beginning with Bharata and ending with Brahmadatta. The Cakravartins establish their sovereignty over all the six divisions of the Bhāratavarşa through the power of their fourteen Ratnas (objects and agencies endowed with marvellous magic powers) and nine Treasures. Their worldly power, pomp, pleasures and glory are the highest among the earthly beings.
Vāsudevas have half the status and power of the Cakravartins, so they are also called Ardhacakrins. In alliance with their elder brothers, Baladevas, they overpower and kill their opposites, the Prativāsudevas, and establish their sway over three divisions of Bhāratavarsa, through the power of their seven Ratnas. In the current aeon there appeared nine sets of Vāsudeva, Baladeva and Prativāsudeva. Rāma, Lakşmaņa and Rāvaņa made up the eighth set, while Baladeva, Krsna and Jarāsandha formed the ninth set. Baladevas are of gentle and sobre temperament, while Väsudevas are violent and impetuous. So the former immediately or mediately attain liberation, while the latter have to suffer in hell prior to their liberation. Here too some semblance to the Avatāra doctrine is created by the cyclic character of the emergenee of Baladevas, Vasudevas and Prativāsudevas, though again they too have no conection among themselves.
Consistent with this conception, Rāma and Lakşmaņa enjoy all the power and glory due to their status. Like any great monarch both of them are highly polygamous. Rāma, like all Baladevas, had eight thousand wives with Sitā, Prabhāvati, Ratinibhā

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and Śridāmā as the chief queens. Lakşmaņa, like all Vāsudevas, had sixteen thousand. (s) Rationalizations
The monkeys and monsters typyfied by Sugriva, Hanumat, Rāvana and their followers are basically mythical elements of the original legend which underlay VR. From the familiar human world of the first two Kāņdas of VR, we suddenly enter quite a strange world of humanized beasts and monsters of the latter Kāndas. These mythical elements did not fit in with the Jain view of the world which has a strong rationalistic strain. And from a commonsense point of view too, defeating of powerful man-eating nonsters by crude beasts and mere humans was quite absurd, unless one conceived it on a purely mythical or divine plane. So the Jain tradition introduced numerous changes in the source-version to make it acceptable to rationality and commonsense, even at the unrealized cost of losing some of its imaginative and weird appeal. The Vānaras and Rākşasas were turned by the Jainas into Vidyādharas These latter were human beings that had acquired. through austerities and mortification, superhuman or magical powers, which enabled them to fly in the sky, to assume various forms, to create and use magic missiles etc. The Vidyādhara dynasty which flourished in the Vānara-dvipa ('Moukey Island) and which adopted the monkey as a dynastic emblem was known as the Vānaras, while the Vidyādharas who established a kingdom in the Raksasa-dvipa came to be known as Rākşasas. Far from there being any beastiliness or cannibalism about them, they were rather highly intelligent and developed humans. And the Jain tradition has systematically used this device to rationalize the Rāma-story. Thus Sugriva, Hanūmat and Rāvaņa are all Vidvā - dhara kings. As the crossing of the ocean was no problem for the Vidyādhara's, the incident of layiog a bridge over the ocean finds no place in the Jain account. But instead we find there Samudra and Setu as two Vidyādhara Chiefs, loyal to Rāvana and hostile to Rāma, ruling at Velandhara city in the midst of the ocean. They attack the forces of Rāma and Laksmana which

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were on their way to invading Lankā. They are defeated by Nala and Nila. Similarly Jainas found it unacceptable that Rāvaņa, even with all his power could overpower Indra and other Lokapālas like Yama, Varuņa etc. Gods of Jain mythology are infinitely superior in power to any human, be he even a Vidyādhara. So Indra, Yama, Varuņa etc. whom Rāvana is credited to have vanquished were according to the Jain tradition no more than just names of different Vidyādhara chiefs. A powerful Vidyādhara King created all his paraphernalia in imitation of the celestial Indra, because he claimed the status of terrestrial Indra. So he adopted the name Indra, called his elephant Airāvata, designated his various feudatories as Yama, Varuņa etc. and so on. It was this Vidyādhara king parading as Indra, and not the celestial one that was defeated along with his subordinates by Rāvaņa.
Most of the other traits too of Rāvaņa are changed. The Rāvana of VPc is not a ten-headed monster of hideous appearance. As a powerful Vidyādhara king he is endowed with most attractive physical and mental qualities. His designations Dasamukha, Daśagriva etc. are in fact to be taken metaphorically and not literally, and according to the Jain tradition there hangs a story about it. As a child Rāvana was precociously strong and adventurous. Still just a newly-born babe, he once rolled out of his bed and caught hold of a wonder necklace. The necklace, handed down in the family line since generations, was guarded by one thousand Nāgas and it could not be worn so far by any Vidyādhara king. As the mother put the wonder necklace around the child's neck, there were produced nine reflections of his face in the nine gems of the necklace. And hence he came to be called Dasamukha, etc.
And it is on these very grounds that Vimala criticizes in VPc. the orthodox version of the Rāma story. He declares it to be falsified and full of absurdities on the following grounds : How could Raksasas, who were pious Jainas descended from noble Vidyadhara families and who possessed enormous power through their mastery of Vidyās, be killed by mere monkeys ? Again it

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is height of absurdity to represent Rāvaņa, whose prowess was comparable to Indra's, as a blood-drinking monster, or to describe Kumbhakarņa, who was learned in all the Šāstras, as sleeping continuously for six months unperturbed even if elephants pushed him and pots of oil were poured in his ears, and when awakened swallowing buffaloes, elephants, human beings, one and all that he could lay his hands on. How again could Rāvaņa be represented as conquering Indra, who is powerful enough to uproot the whole of Jambūdvipa and to reduce his opponent to ashes at the mere thought of him. It is also false to depict Rāma, who was highly pious, as killing a golden deer or as deceitfully killing Vālin for the sake of Sugriva and Tārā. Further it runs counter to reason to believe that monkeys could build a bridge over the ocean. The popular version of the Rāmacarita was thus according to Vimala full of absurdities, falsifications, misrepresentations and elements contrary to sense.
(9) Changes in Characterization
And this outlook has changed Rāvaņa from a sinful, wicked, tyrranical monster to a noble, pious and powerful Vidyādhara king, whose conduct had no other blemish except abducting Sitā.
Several other characters also have undergone a similar transformation. It is not any Mantharā-inspired intrigue which leads Kaikeyi to ask throne for Bharata and exile for Rāma. According to the VPc version, Bharata expressed a strong desire to renounce the world and become a monk in the footsteps of Dasaratha, and it was with a view to forestall this step of Bharata that Kaikeyi contrived to saddle him with the responsibility of kingship. As to Rāma's exile to the forest, it was Rāma's voluntary decision, out of his love for Bharata.
So too the Vālin of VPc is quite different from the Vālin of VR. According to the Jain tradition Vālin was an exceptionally powerful Vidyādhara king, who humbled the pride of Rāvana in an encounter, and thereafter renounced the world. Practising austerities he attained liberation. It was another Vidyadhara called

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Sāhasagati who, enamoured of Tārā, assumed, through magic power, the form of Sugriva, ousted 'the real 'Sugriva and usurped his queen and kingdom. Rāma killed this phoney Sugriva. This orientation absolves both Vālin and Rāma from all guilt. Rāma has also nothing to do with killing Sambūka. According to VPc. Sambūka was a son of Rāvaņa's sister Candraņakhā (same as the Sūrpanakhā of VR). He was practising austerities for acquiring the magic sword Sūryahāsa, when he was quite accidently killed by Lakşmaņa.
The few typical and basic alterations described above would suffice to give some idea of the general orientation of the Jain Rāmacarita. As to the spirit and atmosphere pervading the Jain versions, following points are easily noted: Omission of the typically Brahmanic episodes like the legends of Vaśiştha and Viśvāmitra, Agastya etc.; addition of anti-Brahmanical legends pertaining to the origin of sacrifice and Rāvana's destruction of Marutta's sacrifice; addition of episodes implying devotion to and veneration for Jain religion: interspersing the narrative with sermons of Jain monks; depicting numerous characters as devout Jainas, as renouncing the world and becoming Jain monks, as worshipping at Jain shrines and holy places; describing past and future births characters wherein functioning of the law of Karma is given Jainistic prominence; the emphasis throughout on the doctrine of Ahiṁsā-all these create a characteristically Jain atmosphere.
(10) Other Jain Version.
My observations so far have kept in view only Vimala's version of the Rāmacarita. It is the principal and most important Jain version and is followed generally and for the most part by the Padmapurāņa of Ravişeņa (678 AD.) and Trișașți-Salākāpuruşacarita of Hemacandra (1060-72 A.D.) in Sanskrit, Paumacariu of Svayam bhū in Apabhramśa (9th cent. A.D.), and Kahāvali of Bhadreśvara (11th or 12th cent, A.D.), in Prakrit.
Another Jain version of the Rāma story is contained in the Uiterapitāra of Guņábhadra (878 A.D.) in Sanskrit, which is fol

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lowed by Puspadanta in his Mahapurāņa (965 A.D.) in Apabrhamsa. The version found in the Vasudevahindi of Sanghadāsa (c. 6th cent.) is closest to Vālmiki's and one found in the Caupannamahāpurisacariya (868 A.D.) follows this with a few elements imported from the Vimala tradition. Obviously, the force of the popular tradition of Rāmāyaṇa proved irresistible and overwhelming. Gunabhadra's version is abbreviated, and in several points deviates from both Vālmiki and Vimala. According to it Rāma was a son of Dasaratha's queen Subalā and Laksmana of Kaikeyi. Bharata and Satrughna were born of some other' queens. There is no reference to the difference or dispute as to who should succeed Dasaratha, nor to Rāma's exile. Rāma and Lakşmaņa once went to the earlier State Capital Vārāṇasi, when Rāvana, assuming the form of Rāma abducted Sītā from the city park. It was Nārada who had incited him to this act by pointing out to him the fact that the most beautiful Sitā was given to Rāma and he (Rāvana) was totally ignored. We have here after Vālmiki the incident of Mārica assuming the form of golden deer. Like Vālmīki's version too, Răvaņa has here a wicked, violent, voluptuous and oppressive character. Vālin also is here moulded following Vālmiki rather than Vimala. The Jain versions are divided with respect to Rävaņa's character. Some depict him as virtuous, some as wicked. These conflicting conceptions lie also at the basis of the wavering Jain tradition about the inclusion of Prativāsudevas among the Salākāpuruşas and the resulting total of fifty-four or sixty-three. Regarding Sitā's birth and origin too there are basic differences. In the VPc she is born to Janaka in a natural manner. But according to the Vasudevahindi, Uttarapurāņı etc. Sitā was a daughter of Rāvana. and Mandodari. She was abandoned because her birth portended destruction to whole of her family including Rāvana. She was found and reared by Janaka.
There are numerous other differences of details which it is not necessary here to touch upon or describe.
In concluding, it may be observed that the differences found in the Jain versions have the same significance as those found in
13

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the Vedic-Brahmanic versions. If a legend or narrative has to preserve its living and inspiring appeal and influence over centuries, it has got to be dynamic and responsive to the changes in the ideals, tastes, norms of behaviour, mores and traditions of the people. Most of the numerous significant developments in the Rāma-narrative throughout the more than two thousand years of its existence would find adequate explanation in the sociological, religious, cultural and ethical changes extending over that period.
References
Harivamśapurâna-L. Alsdorf, 1936.
The Rāmāyana version of Sanghadāsa as Found in the Vasudevahindi (Jour. Or. Ins. Baroda, 2, 2, 1952, 128-138)-V. M. Kulkarni. : The Rāmāyaṇa of Bhadreśvara as found in his Kahävali (JOIB 2, 4, 1953, 332–338)—V. M. Kulkarni.
Caupannamahāparisacariya- Klaus Brühn, 1954.
The Rāmāyaṇa Version of Silācārya (ABORI, 36, 1-2, 1955, 46-53)—V. M, Kulkarni.
Rāmāyaṇa in Jain Literature -(unpublished Ph. D. thesis) – V. M. Kulkarni.
The Origin and Development of the Rāma Story in Jain Literature (JOIB, 9, 2, 1959, 189–204; 9, 3, 284-304)–V. M. Kulkarni.
Caupannamahāpurisacariyam (=Prakrit Text Society Series, No. 3)-ed. A. M. Bhojak, Introduction by Klaus Brühn, 1961.
A Critical Study of the Paumacariya of Vimalasuri -(unpublished Ph. D. thesis, University of Bombay, 1962)-P. M. Upadhye.
Paumacariyam-Part I (=Prakrit Text Society=Series, No. 6) -ed. Muni Punyavijaya, Introduction by V. M. Kulkarni, 1962.
Rama-kathā (in Hindi)-Camil Bulcke, 1962.

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6. THE APABHRAMŠA POET CATURMUKHA
I. The few facts we gather about a poet called Caturmukha from Śrgāraprakāśa of Bhoja are as follows! : I. Caturmukha was an Apabhraíša poet. 2. His poetic work, Abdhimathana, was a Sandhibandha i.e. an Apabhramśa kāvya in mātrā meters and having divisions called sandhi. 3. Caturmukha, like Govinda and Candrasekhara, had introduced his name as his special mark (anka) in the concluding verse of each of the divisions or Sandhis of his poems. This name-mark conveyed punningly the name of his favo. urite deity also viz., Caturmukha (i.e. Brahmā). 4. Caturmukha's stanzas are found as citations in Svayambhū's work on Prakrit prosody. From these facts it follows that Caturmukha was a Brahmanical poet and his work Abhimathana had the well-known
urāṇic episode of ocean-churning as its theme. The Abdhimathana has been similarly mentioned by Hemacandra2 and Vāgbhațaas an example of Apabhramsa poem divided in Sandhis.
2. If we refer to the preserved portions of Svayambhū's Svayambhūcchandas4 we in fact find in its Apabhramśa section several illustrative verse passages cited under the name of a poet Caumuha i.e. Caturmukha. Caumuha quoted by Svayambhū and Caturmukba, the author of the Apabhramśa epic Abdhimathana seem to have been one and the same person.
3. Since Bhoja as well as Hemacandra give the Abdhimathana as a typical example of the Apabhramśa epic in the Sandhi form, Caturmukha must have been regarded in their times as a prominent poet. This surmise finds a strong confirmation from what Svayambhū states in the second introductory Kadavaka of his epic Ritthaņemicariu or Harivaṁsa.5 There while acknowledging obligations to his great predecessors in the fields of literature and learning, he expresses his indebtedness to Caturmukha for the “Paddhadiyā studded with Chaddaņi, Duvai and Dhuvaya'. Paddh

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adiyā etc. mentioned here are wellknown structural units that play a basic role in the construction of the Apabhraṁsa Sandhi bandha.6 The obvious conclusion is, Caturmukha was the pioneer in evolving the Sandhi form and his works served as models for Svayambhu's epics.
4. Additional support for this comes from another direction too. In the Apabhramśa section of the Svayambhūcchandas (further here abbreviated as Sc.) the chapter dealing with the metres of the Sandhibandha gives illustrative citations exclusively from Caturmukha, aside from the anonymous ones which include passages
m Svayambhu's own work. This could have not been the case if Caturmukha had been mediocre or one among several.
5. Such a pioneer and prominent poet could not but have several extensive compositions to his credit. As we have already Seen, the Abdhimathana was a well-known Apabhramsa epic from Caturmukha's pen. But regarding its form and contents we ha not one jot more information than what has been noted above.?
6. Regarding another epic of Caturmukha, which occupied itself with the narrative of Rāma, we are slightly more fortunare. Evidence for Caturmukha's Apabhramsa Rāmāyaṇa is quite conclusive. In the opening Kadavaka of the sixtyninth Sandhi of his Mahāpurāna with which begins the Rāma-story, Puspadanta pays his compliments to Caturmukha and Svayambhū. As Svayambhū has actually a Rāma-epic, the Paūmacariu, to his credit, Caturmnkha too is to be supposed to have composed one. Otherwise there would be no point in Puspadanta's remembering and eulogizing Caturmukha in that context. Similarly in the introductory portion of his Bahubalicarita or Vāhuvalicaria (1398) in Apabhramśa, Dhanapāla mentions Caturmukha, Drona, Svayambhū and Vira as authors of works narrating the life-history of Padma (i.e. Rama).9 From among the several citations given in the Sc. under the name of Caumuha only VI 54.1 has a positive reference to the Rāma-story. And even this looses most of its value because in this ascription of authorship, the Manuscript turns out to be quite wrong. Actu

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ally the stanza in question has been taken from Svayambhū's own epic. Sc. VI. 54.1 is identical with the opening Dhruvaka of the seventyseventh Sandhi of his Paumacariu. 10
7. Of the other citations from Caturmukha Sc. VI. 63.1 can plausibly be taken to relate to an incident in the narrative of Rāma.11
Its original text is
nam pavaru palāsu le coddaha lakkha
vaņasuncărima phullia / nimisaddler sara-sallia //
Now the published text of the Sc. is based on a sixteenth century manuscript which is palpably incorrect in numerous places from several points of view. The stanza under discussion is correct in so far as it is considered metrically. It is given as an example of Koilarimcholi and aecordingly it has (6 + - - =) 10 mātrās in the old pādas and (6 + 4+ - =) 13 mātrās in the even ones. But grammatically it is unsatisfactory in several points. pavaru palāsu of the first pāda, being in the sigular, cannot be a proper upamāna for an upameya in the third pāda, which consists of plural (fourteen) entities Obviously pavaru palāsu is corrupt for pavara palāsa. One familiar with Apabhramśa manuscripts can quote numberless examples of unjustified addition and ommission of -u in the wordfinals in late Apabhramśa manuscripts. Secondly vanasaṁcārima is! uasatisfactory as a compound and if vana is separated, it cannot construe. It appears to be corrupt for vaņe. Lastly from the fourth pāda it is clear that the stanza describes a situation in battle wherein warriors have been pierced with arrows and their number is given in the third pāda. As it stands the third pāda means 'those fourteen lakhs'. Now to say that in a particular encounter in a battle fourteen lakh warriors were pierced with arrows within a trice is rather a tall order even for the epics! lakkha in all likelihood is a corruption of rakkha12 'demons', and accordingly the emended text of Sc. VI 63.1 and its translation would be as follows:

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ņai pavara palāsa te coddaha rakkha
vane samcārima phullia / nimisaddhem sara-sallia //
‘Like excellent Palāšas in motion that had bloomed forth in the forest, those fourteen Rākşasas were within a trice pierced with arrows.'
It now becomes obvious that the situation described is one wherein Rāma destroya the fourteen attacking Rākşasas sent by Khara on Sūrpanakhā's incitement. In Vālmiki's parallel description13 the fourteen Rākşasas, pierced and blood drenched, fall like trees when their roots are cut off' (chinnamülā iva drumäh).
8. Several other illustrative citations, but all anonymous, in the Apabhramśa section of the Svayambhūcchandas, have clear, reference to some character or incident in the Rāma narrative. Since as many as ten of the anonymous illustrations of the Sc. could be identified from Svayambhū’s Paumacariul4 it was but natural to assume that the rest of such illustrations were from one or another work of Svayambhū himself.15 But there were several snags in such a solution. Sc. VI 50.1 (reference to Rāvana and Nila), 52.1 (ref. to Angada and Rāvana) and 68.1 (ref. to Vāli's son i.e. Angada) doubtles pertain to the theme of Rāmāyaṇa, they have been cited anonymously, and yet they are not identifiable from Svayambhū's Paumacariu. Similarly Sc. VI 35.1 (ref. to Bhārata, Karņa and Arjuna), 44.1 (ref. to Arjuna and Droņa), 75.1 (ref. to Hari i.e. Krsna and Mathurā), 78.1 (ref. to Dhananjava i.e. Arjuna), 122.1 (ref. to Kệpa, Karņa, Kalingarāja, Jayadratha and Krsna), 124.1 (ref. to Sātyaki, Hanumat-banner and the sakațavyūha); VIII 1.1 (ref. to Dhịtarāṣtra and Duhśāsana), 5.1 (ref. to Kurupati i.e. Duryodhana and the Vyāsa lake) and 10.1 (ref Karņa), even though anonymous and pertaining to the narrative of the Pāndavas and Krşņa, are not identifiable from Svayambhū's: Ritthaņemicariu.16 Moreover Sc. VIII 14.1, although given anony-- mously, cannot be from the pen of Svayambhū who was a devout Jain, whereas the stanza in question refers to the story of Vāmana. incarnation and the demon-king Bali17 so well-known in Brah

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manical mythology. These facts go to establish that only a part of the anonymous citations in the Sc. derive from Svayambhu's works. The other part was taken from an author or authors whose names are omitted by the manuscript of Sc. due to a defective transmission tradition. That in the matter of indicating sources of its citations Sc. does not always preserve the original state of affairs faithfully is proved beyond doubt in at least three cases. As already mentioned, though Sc. VI 54.I is reproduced from Svayambhu's Paumaccariu (77. 1. 1), the manuscript ascribes it to Caturmukha. Similarly though Sc. I 74.1 and 74.2 are respectively the same as Paumacariu 73. 3. 5-8 and 72. 15. 5-6, the manuscript gives them respectively under the names of Mauradeva and Rajjautta. The alternative of verbatim borrowing in the Paumacariu from others is highly implausible, if we attach any weight to the position of these passages in the Paumacariu (one is the opening stanza of the 77th Sandhi, while the other two figure in the midst of a Kaḍavaka), and to bigh calibre of Svaymbhū as an epic poet. In this connection it is also significant that in two cases the gloss in the manuscript of the Sc. disagrees with the ascriptions of the MS. For Sc. I 3.1 cited under the name of Vijjā, the gloss gives the name of Divaara and for Sc. I 38.1 ascribed to Suddhakal, the gloss gives Niuņa.
9. These considerations, coupled with the fact that Caturmukha has been acknowledged by Svayambhu as a pioneer in the field of Apabhramsa epic makes it very likely that Sc. VI. 50.1, 52.1 and 68.1 are derived from Caturmukha's Apabhramśa Rāmāyaṇa.
199
10. There is one more stanza quoted in another work which appears in all likelihood to be taken from Caturmukha's Rāmāyana. To illustrate a rule of Apabhramsa grammar, Hema candra cites under Siddhahema 8 4 331 the following stanza :
Dahamuhu bhuvaṇa-bhayankaru, tosiya-Sankaru, niggau raha-vari caḍiau |
Caumuhu Chammuhu jhäivi, ekkahi läivi,
nävai daivem ghaḍiau ||

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Translation : ‘Having propitiated Sankara, Rāvaņa mounted an excellent chariot and started -a terror to the world : It appeared that Fate had concentrated its mind on the conceptions of the four-faced Brahmā and the six-faced Kārttikeya, amalgamated them and created the ten-faced Rāvaņa ! From the reference in the stanza to Rāvaņa worshiping Sankara. it follows that it is taken from some Brahmanical epic on the life-history of Rāma. With what the Sțngāraprakāśa tells us about Caturmukha's practice of punningly marking his poems with his own name as well as the name of Brahmā, it is quite tempting to read the name of the poet Caturmukha in the beginning of the second half of this stanza. This would mean that the stanza formed the Ghattā or the concluding piece of the final Kadavaka of one of the Sandhis of Caturmukha's Rāmāyaṇa. This finds an indirect but definite corroboration, if we look up the same context in Svayam bhū's Paumacariu and compare the wording there with the wording of the stanza quoted in the Siddhahema. Paumacariu 73 6 describes Rāvana, who having mastered the magic power Bahurūpini, was preparing for a final showdown with Rāma and Lakşmaņa. He equipped his great elephant-chariot (gainda-mahārahu Pc. 73 6 2) and mounted it amidst shouts of 'Victory' ‘Victory' (jaya-jaya-saddes cadiu Dasāņaņu, Pc. 73 6 5a). With his ten faces Dasamukha appeared terrific (dahaliñ muhehiin bhayankaru Dahamuhu, Pc 73 6 6a). It appeared that Fate had concentrated its mind on the conceptions of the ten Guardians of the world and had brought out Rāvaņa. (dasaviha loya-pāla mane jhāevi daivem mukku ņāi uppāevi, Pc. 73 6 8). Who would not lookupon him as a terror to the world ? (bhuvaṇabhyankaru kaho vi na bhāvai, Pc. 73 6 9a)'. The common expressions Dahamuhu, bhuvana-bhayankaru raha-varu (mahā-rahu), jhāevi daivem etc. and the parallelism in the ideas are quite striking. It does not seem to much to assume that here the passage in the Paumacariu contains echoes from Caturmukha's description of a similar situation. Some more cases of such verbal influence of Caturmukha's poems on Svayambhū’s compositions have been pointed out below.

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11. Paumacariu 71 1 1-2 is as follows :
kațihai angāraya-samkāsau, rehai tamviru phulla-palāsau /
ņam dāvānalu āu gavesau, ko maim daddhu na daddhu paesau// ‘At one place a Palāśa in full bloom, as scarlet as live charcoals, appeared charming : It looked as if it were the forest fire (itself) trying to find out what region it succeeded in burning down and what escaped it!'
This appears to be modelled on the anonymous Ghattă given at Sc. VI 19.1 which runs as follows:
ṇava-phaggune, giri-siharovari phulla-palāsu /
ko daddhu me, ko na daddhu joai va-huāsu // Translation : 'In early Phālguņa the blooming Palāśa on the mountainpeak (appeared) as if it were (forest)fire trying to find out whom it succeeded in burning down and who escaped !
Paumacariu 80 11 Ghattā also mentions phaggune phullapalāsu.. .. .. .. girivare. “The blooming Palāśa in Phālguna on the beautiful mountain,' But as the passages contain no clue to any narrative theme, we cannot decide anything about the attribution of Sc. VI 24. And the possibility for such descriptive passages having been taken from some unknown work of Svayam bhū himself cannot be ruled out.
12. The third work with which Caturmukha is to be credited was an epic about the narrative of Krsna and the Pāndavas. We have several references to this work direct or indirect. Dhavala, who was a Jain poet, states in the second introductory Ghattā of his Harivamsa that he is composing the popular narrative of Hari and the sons of Pāņdu after the manner of Caturmukha and Vyāsa, so that the sacred tradition may not be lost. 18 The implication here perhaps is that to counteract the popularity of the false version of the Bhārata-story, Dhavala undertook to present the true version in accordance with the saered Jain tradition, which perhaps faced during his times some danger of being obscured by the rival version.

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13. Another reference to Caturmukha's Bhārata is contained in a laudatory stanza, probably composed by Svayambhū's son Tribhuvana, that is found in the opening of the Paumacariu in one of its manuscripts. 19 There Caturmukha's go-graha-kuthā, like Svayambhu's description of the water-sports, is praised as a performance unexcelled in the whoie range of Apabhramśa literature. This go-graha-kathā is obviously the cattle-lifting attempted by Duryodhana and party, when the disguised Pāndavas were completing their thirteenth year at Virāța. Like the jala-kridāvarṇana which figures in the fourteenth Sandhi of Svayambhū's Paumacariu, Caturmukha's go-grahu-katha too was possibly not an independent work, but formed a part of his Bhārata epic.
14. Moreover, Sc. IV 2.1, cited under the name of Caturmukha, contains a reference to Arjuna and Sc. VI 87.1 also with the meaningless doha na taken to be metathetically standing for the original donaha, refers to Drona's appointment as the commander-- in-chief in the Bhārata war. Accordingly Svayambhū's complimentary reference to Caturmukha in the introductory portion of his Harivamsa or Ritthanemicariu20 can be looked upon as respects paid to a distinguished predecessor that had tackled the same epic subject.
15. As indicated previously, of the numerous anonymous citations pertaining to the Bhārata-story that we find in the Apabhramśa section of the Svayambhūcchandas not a single one is traceable to Svayambhu's Ritthaneniicariu. Like the Rāmāyana quotations in the Sc. untraceable to Svayambhū’s Paūmacariu, these too were in all likelihood taken from a work of Caturmukha.-in this case treating the Bhārata-narrative.
16. Some additional support for this inference comes from the fact that even on the basis of the meagre material at our disposal several lines from Svayambhū's extent poems can be shown to contain clear echoes from Caturmukha's verses. One such case from Svayambhū’s Paumacariu has been already considered above. Sc. IV 2.1 is a parallel though more definite case. The text is
hauṁ Ajjunu, tumha, eu raņu

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This can be translated as
'Here am I, Arjuna; there are you; and this is the battle.' If tumha is counted as two mātrā (for this there is enough sanction of standard Prakrit and Apabhramsa prosodists),21 this would be a pāda of 13 mātrās. Now with this compare the Ghattā of Svayambhū's Harivañía 67 11.
Kuru paccāriu Ajjunena, te tumhaim so hau eu ranu /
rakkhaho sisu Jayaddahaho, lai dharahu savya maim ekku khanu // which can be translated as 'Arjuna challenged the Kuru king : There are you; here am I: this is the battle. Try to save Jayadratha's head, if you can; come on ! Lct you all try to hold me, even for one moment!' The resemblance between Sc. IV 3a and the second pāda of this Ghattā is unmistakable. It is not without some significance that metrically the Ghattā has 13 mātrās in the odd pādas and 15 in the even ones.
17. Again Sc. VI 44.1 relating to the Bhārata narrative and given anonymously is to be considered on the same lines. It reads :
ekkal? u) ji Ajjunu, saggammi kahim(? ep)piņu / Doņu su-dukkhena, dara ruai punuppunu //
Translation : ‘Arjuna was the only one (who could have accomplished this:) but he is now in heaven : uttering such words Droņa was gently weeping, again and again, in deep grief'. If we consult Svayambhū's Harivañía, we find that the situation described in Sc. VI 58 relates to the Svayan vara of Draupadi, when one after another the famous princes, failing to string the bow as stipulated, return crest-fallen to their seats and then disguised Arjuna steps forth, strings the bow and prepares to pierce the target. This spectacle immediately stirs up in Drona's heart sorrowful memories of Arjuna, who could have easily performed that feat of archery but who had reportedly perished in fire at Vāraṇāvata along with his brothers and mother. The wording at one place in Svayam bhū's passage closely resemble that of Sc. VI 44.1 Harivañía 21 8 8b reads :

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niya-sisu sarantau ruvai guru / Translation : Remembering his pupil22 (Droņa-) guru was weeping'.
18. One more passage of Svayambhū's Harivamsa bears very close resemblance to an anonymously quoted passage in the Svayambhücchandas. But as it describes shooting of arrows in general terms and contains no clue to any epic character or situation, no useful surmise can be made regarding the ascription of the Sc. passage. The two passages in question are as follows:
vāālā pharusi vindhaņā, gunehim vimukkā pāņa-harā / jiha dujjanul?a) sajjana-uvari, tiha pasaru na lahanti sarā //
Sc. VI 121.1 dummuha sa-loha vannujjalā, vindhanasilā pāņa-harā / guna-mukkā dhamma-vivajjiya, to vi mokkha(?u) pāvanti sarā ||
Ritthanemicariu, 64 11 Ghattā
A comparison of the wordings, basic ideas and metres of these stanzas makes inevitable the assumption of a close connection between the two.
19. From the remaining anonymous citations in the Apabhramśa section of Sc., the Dhruvaka illustrated at VI 37.1 is noteworthy for containing the word Cauvaana (i.e. Caturvadana = Caturmukha):
indindirao(?u), runarunai kusuma! parihavai / Cauvaana-ruhal ?u), Nārāaņa-ņāhi-kamalal ?u) bharai ||
Translation : 'The bee hums on and avoids flowers (because) he remembers the lotus from Nārāyana's navel from wh four-faced one (Brahmā) arose'. But in the absence of any epic reference in the stanza, we cannot decide whether the expression cauvaaņā-ruha overtly mentions Caturmukha and accordingly the stanza is from that poet, or whether it has only a plain meaning.
20. We do not know if over and above these three epic poems Caturmukha had composed any other works. Tribhuvana's statement that he composed his wonderful Parcamicariya without

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allowing himself to be influenced by the diction and meaningfulness of Caturmukha and Svayambhū,23 does not necessarily imply that Caturmukha and Svayambhū also had written each a Pañcamicarita. In view of what has been said in one of the opening laudatory stanzas in the manuscript of the Paumacariu, about the unsurpassaable excellence of Caturmukha's diction (sadda) and Svayambhū’s language (jihā), or alternatively, both word and sense, 24 this can also mean that Tribhuvana composed his work unifluenced by the poetic compositions in general of Caturmukha and Svayambhū.
21. No wonder the name of such a pioneer and eminent Apabhramsa poet continued to be respected and praised for many succeeding centuries. Svayambhū's and Tribhuvana's high appreciation of Caturmukha has been already referred to above.
It was a convention with Apabhramśa poets, onwards from Svayambhū, to include in the prologue to their compositions a list of eminent poets, scholars and authors that preceded them. The list, varying with the poet, usually contains such names as Vyāsa, Bharata, Bhāsa, Kālidāsa, Bāņa, Sri-harşa, Pingala, Dandin, Bhāmaha, Ravişeņa, Jinasena, Caturmukha, Svayambhū and Puspadanta with a few additions and omissions. Caturmukha (mostly in Company of Svayambhū and Puspadanta) has been remembered in this fashion25 in such Apabhramsa work as the Dhammaparikkha26 (987) of Harişeņa. Harivañsapurūna27 of Dhavala (c. 11th cent.), Sakalavidhinidhāna28 (18th cent.) of Nayanandin, Jambūsāmicariu29 (1020) of Vira, Rayanakarandu30 (1064) of Sricandra, Jiņadattacariul (1218) of Lākhū alias Lakkhaņa, Suloyaņācariu32 of Devasena (12th or 13th cent.), Vāhuvalicariu33 (1398) of Dhanapāla. We have seen that some of these speak about Caturmukha in superlatives. If luck favours us some day with the discovery of any manuscripts of Caturmukha's works, it will be indeed a great day in the history of Apabhramsa studies.
Notes 1. Raghavan, V., 'Prākṣta works known from Bhoja's Sțăgár
aprakāśa', Siddha-Bhārati, Part II, 1950, 206; Ramkrishna

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Kavi, M., Bharatakośa, 1951, s. v. Sandhibandaḥ. The text of
the relevant passages of the Sğřgäraprakāśa is as under ; (I) yo' pabhramśanibandho mātrāchandobhirabhimato’lpadhiyām /
vācyah saḥ sandhibandhaś Caturmukhoktābdhimathanādiḥ // (Kavi's remarks : Sandhiriti paricchedasya nāma. Caturmu
khakştapadyāni Svayambhūnā prākṣtachandasyudāhṛtāni.) (2) Svanāmānkatā yathā svaprabandheșu Govinda-Caturmukh
ādinām.... Caturmukha-Govinda-Candrasekhara-isţadevatā
nāmārkatā ca pūrvokteșu pūrvoktānām. 2. Kavyānušāsana, K. M. edition, 337. 3. Raghavan, V., op. cit., $12. 4. Velankar, H. D., Svayambhūcchandas, 1962. .5. Premi, N., Jain Sāhitya aur Itihās, 1942, 392; Bhayani H.,
Paümacnriu, Part I, 1953, 51 and 125 (passage 57); Kochhad, H., Apabhramśa-Sāhitya 1957, 68. The Ms. of the Ritthanemicariu, in the MSS. collection at the Ailak Pannālāl Diga
mbar Jain Sarasvati Bhavan, Bomhay has also been consulted. 6. Svayambhūcchandas V 1, VIII 7. 30-35; Chandonuśāsana of
Hemacandra 1912, 38a, 1.13-16; Paümacariu, I. 74, 75, 78, 93. 7. It may be noted that in the Vikramorvasiya, Kālidāsa refers
fictiously to a dramatization of the episode of 'Lakşmisvayamvara' and this means that the Purāņic myth of the churning of the ocean was considered by him quite worthy of literary
treatment. 8. Kaïrāu Sayambhu mahāyariu, so sayaņa-sahāsahim pariyariu/
Caumuhahu cayāri muhāim jahim, su-kaittaņu sīsau kāim tahim//
Mahāpurāņa II (ed. P.L. Vaidya, 1940), 69, 1, 6-8. 9. vara-Paumacariu kiu su-kai-sedhi /
iya avara jāya dhara-valaya-vidhi // Ghattā : Caumuhu Doņu Sayambhu-kai
Pupphayantu puņu Viru bhaņu / Vāhuvalicariu I, 8, 20–21 cited by Kaslival, K., Prasasti-Samgrah, 1950, 142; also in Apabhraíśa-Sāhitya, 236. Vahuvalicariu I 8 is apparently based on Dhavala's Harivamba-Purāņa (probably before 11th cent.) 1.3 : See Apabhramsa-Sāhitya, 103-104.

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10. Paumacariu I, 23. The Sc. references there are to Velankar's
earlier edition. 11. For my previous discussion of this point vide Paumacariu I
17, n. 5. There the editorial emendation of Sc. VI 83 (which
is reconsidered here) has been shown to be improbable. 12. The word is twice used in Svaymbhū’s Paumacariu. See Index
to Vol. I, s. v. 13. Rāmāyaṇa (N. S. Edition), 3. 20. 19-21. 14. Paumacariu I, 23. 15. Paumacariu I, 23 and the references to the view of M.C.
Modi and Nathuram Premi cited there. 16. Paumacariu I, 24. 17. Vāmaņa-rūa kareppiņu Māhau, Veu padhamta parāju sāhau /
tiņņi-paāim kareppiņu sāmau, dāņau bandhiu so Bali-nāmau// 18. Jain Sāhitya aur Itihās, 372; Paumacariu I, 18; Apabhramśa
Sāhitya, 107. 19. Paumacariu I, 121; Text I. 20. See footnote 5. 21. Svayambhūcchandas Pūrvabhāga, 1.6; Chando’nuśāsana, 1b,
Jl. 12 ff; Kavidarpaņa, I 6 and the commentary thereon;
Chandaḥkośa (=Appendix II to Kavidarpaņa), v. 3. 22. As an iliustration of the text suitable to performing the Tāņdava,
the Sarasvatikanțhābharana of Bhoja (K. M. edition, 2 379) quotes the following Apabhramśa stanza (Probable emendations for orthographic or memorial corruptions are suggested within brackets) :
sua-vaha-vaiara(?u) nisuņia(?u) dāruņu / rosa-visațţa(?u) pahara-rubirāruņu // jaliu jāņai (?ņāi) șaru riu-sastāvanu /
aņala-sariccha(?u) jai(?ji) hoi mahā-raņu // 'Hearing the terrible news of his son having been killed, Arjuna, bursting with anger and crimson with bloody wounds, (though himself) a cause of burning to the enemies, felt a burning sensation; (now) the war will rage like a fire'. The occasion is obviously that of Abhimanyu's treacherous

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death in the Bhārata battle. But in the absence of any definite
clue, we cannot say whether it is from Caturmukha's epic. 23. Paūmacariu I, 28, 121, text I. 24. Ibid. The view expressed at Paumacariu I, 28 has been revised
here. 25. Cf. Paumacariu 1, 30 26. Apabhramśa-Sāhitya, 344; Prasasti-Samgraha, 101. 27. See f. n. 18. 28. Apabhraíśa-Sāhitya, 175; Prasasti-Samgraha, 287. 29. Premi-Abhinandana-Grantha, 439. 30. Apabhramśa-Sāhitya, 351; Praśasti-Samgraha, 165. 31. Ibid, 229. 32. Jain, P., Sulocanācaritra aur Devasena, 'Anekānta, 7, 1945,
161; Apabhramśa-Sāhitya, 216–217. 33. Apabhramsa-Sāhitya, 236; Prasasti-Samgraha, 142.

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7. THE CHILDHOOD EXPLOITS OF KRŞNA ACCORDING TO SOME PRE-ELEVENTH CENTURY
PRAKRIT AND APABHRAMSA TEXTS
Originally this paper was planned to contain two sections : the first section to give information about a few little known Prakrit and Apabhraíśa texts relating to the early life of Krsna in Gokula, Vịndāvana and Mathurā and especially those dealing with the love-sports of Krşņa with Rādhā and the other cowherd girls. The second section was to touch upon the regional aspect of the Krsna-literature and Krşņa-bhakti prior to the eleventh century. As it was however felt that in that case the paper would be unreasonably lengthy, the present attempt is confined to the first of the two above-mentioned themes.
The tradition of presenting and representing Krşņa's childhood in literature and art extends over more than two thousand years. So it is bound to have numerous variations of episodes, individual details and motifs. These variations tie up with chronology, religious sect and region. The importance of the Krsna literature of different periods for interpreting some of the aspects of the art of those periods depicting Krşna's life is self-evident. So far mostly the Sanskrit and Hindu sources have been explored for this purpose. The Prakrit, Apabhramsa and Jaina sources remain neglected for the most part. No doubt some specialized work on the Jain Krsna-kathā has been done by a few scholars. But this, as. also some relevant Prakrit and Apabhramsa works remain more or less inaccessible to the students of the history of Indian Art.
The great impact of Jayadeva's Gitagavinda (12th Cent. A.D.) on the subsequent art and literature is well-known. Lilāśuka Bilvamangala' (possibly 11th Cent. in one view) preceded Jayadeva in the characteristic type of Krşņa-bhakti which had the Bhagavalapurära c. 850 A.D.)' as its fountain-head.

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There is a gap of some three centuries between the Bhāgavata and the two lyricists. Which predecessors, if any, did inspire or influence the latter ? Where does Rādhā, absent in the early Purāņic sources, come from ? These questions have not been satisfactorily answered.?
A glance at the few Prakrit and Apabhramsa works preserved from the extensive literature produced during the post-Gupta period shows that Kșşņa's childhood exploits and his love-sports with Rādhā and other Gopis were for the poets themes of perrenial interest. Onwards from the fifth century, there was a tradition with the Prakrit poets to include for homage Kțşņa also in the deity-list figuring in the opening section (mangalācaraña) of their poems.
Thus Pravarasena's Setubandha (5th Cent. A. D.) refers to the killing of Arişta, the Bull-demon (1 3), and to the robbing of Pārijāta from Indra's paradise3 (I 4).
The Mangalācaraṇa in Vākpatirāja's Gaudavaha (731-735 A.D.), while praising various incarnations of Vişņu refers to Krsna's garland of wild flowers (v. 20), his yellow garment and dark skin (v. 27), his lotus-face kissed by Yasodā (v. 21) and his chaste bearing the nail-marks of Rādhā4 (v. 22)
Koühala's Lilāvai-kahā (c. 800 A.D.), besides referring en bloc to Krsna's exploits like breaking the pair of the Arjuna trees, killing Arişța, Keśin and Kamsa and lifting the Govardhana (v. 6), describes separately Arista-vadha etc. as follows : (1) Krşna's powerful dark arm, like Yama's noose, encircled Arista's
throat (v. 4). (2) Krşņa's one arm clutched Keśin's neck, and the elbow of the
other arm blocked the demon's mouth (v. 7). (3) As the infant Kțşņa tried to cross the threshold but could
not, his leg hanged in the air and the scene was being witnessed by Balabhadra with suppressed laughter (v. 3).
There is no doubt that numerous poetic and dramatic works dealing wholly or partly with Krşņa's life continued to be written

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in Prakrit in the subsequent centuries, though most of them are now lost to us. The Jain tradition is largely dependent upon the Vedic-Brahmanic tradition for the Kṛṣṇa-carita and for the Mahabharata narrative, of which the former formed a part. But it treats Kṛṣṇa as a royal hero of extraordinary prowess, and not as a supreme divine being that had assumed the human form5. One of the sources of the Apabhramśa poet Svayambhu was Jinasena's Harivaṁŝapurāṇa (784 A. D.) in Sanskrit. Cantos 4 to 8 of Svayambhu's Riṭṭhaṇemicariya in Apabhramśa deal with Kṛṣṇa's early life (from his birth to the founding of Dvārāvati). In the fifth canto are narrated various childhood exploits of Kṛṣṇa (killing etc. of Putana, Sakata, Yamalarjuna, Keśin etc.). The first four sections (Kaḍavaka) of the sixth canto give a highly poetic description of Kaliya-mardana. Svayanbhū is assignable to the last quarter of the ninth century.5
Ratan Parimoo has shown that description and representation of Kṛṣṇa as leading the subdued Kaliya by a nose-cord that pierced the latter's nose was a North Indian tradition, as against the South Indian tradition preserved in Jain literature. Some four hundred years earlier Jinasena's Harivamsa-puraṇa refers to Kālindyaṁ nāganāthanam (I 91), and about a hundred years thereafter Svayambhu's Harivams apuraṇa gives the same version of Kaliyadamana : Harivamsapurāna VI 3 9 refers to Kṛṣṇa piercing Kaliya's nose with a cord and then whirling him by holding that cord.
Puspadanta's Mahāpurāna (completed in 972 A.D.) is an Apabhramśa epic dealing with the lives of 63 Great Men of the Jain tradition. Its 85th and 89th cantos narrate Kṛṣṇa's early life. Following the Jain tradition (as represented by Jinasena's Harivamsapurāṇa), Puspadanta has poetically described various well-known exploits of Kṛṣṇa as also his pranks and his sports with the Gopis. As Alsdorf has pointed out,7 Puspadanta too refers to Kṛṣṇa's piercing Kaliya's nose with a cord 'natthiya-bhuy imgu', 89 20 3).
Among the numerous Prakrit and Apabhramśa poets cited by Svayambhu (about most of whom come to know only from him), there were three poets whose works had partly or wholly
we

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Kṛṣṇacarita as their theme. The citations from the poet Govinda (c. 800 A D.) indicate that he must have writen a long poem in Apabhramsa about Kṛṣṇa's early life. Out of the six verses cited from Govinda one pertains to the Kaliya-damana episode, and two to the amorous sports of Kṛṣṇa and the Gopis. Svyambhucchandas (=SC.) IV 10(i) refers to Kamsa's order to Nanda to bring for him lotuses from the fatal pool of the Yamuna that was the abode of the Serpent Kaliya9. IV 10(2) refers to Kṛṣṇa's deep love for Radha above all the other Gopis. IV 11(1) describes. love-lorn condition of Pali, one of Kṛṣṇa's sweethearts.
+212
As Govinda's verse given at SC. IV 10(2) is also cited anonymously by Hemacandra in the Apabhramśa section of his Siddhahema grammar (VII 4 422/5), we may make a surmise that another Apabha citation also in the same work (VIII 4 420/2), describing how Kṛṣṇa was made to dance by Radha in her courtyard, derived from the same poem of Govinda.
Both the Prakrit citations in SC., which are relevant to our present purpose, are from the poet Suddhasvabhāva (Pk. Suddhasahāva). One of these is highly interesting for the light it can throw on the trend of Kṛṣṇabhakti that is typified by the poems of Lilaśuka Bilvamangala and Jayadeva. SC. I 75(1) describes in the Simhavikranta variety of the Dandaka metre Kṛṣṇa and Gopis playing the game of Blindman's Buff. In the autumn night, in the game played with the GopIs, Radha covered with her beautiful, delicate hands the eyes of Kṛṣṇa, who stood with the hollow of his joined hands filled with dust, and led him to the place of rendezvous as she removed her hands from his eyes, Kṛṣṇa saw before him the extremely beautiful girl, who kissed him, embraced him and passionately engaged him in love-sports.
This at once reminds us of the opening verse of the Gitagovinda. The theme of Krsna's clandestine love sports with Radha was, it seems, favourite with the poets since at least eighth century, if not earlieri.e. some three-hurdred years prior to Jayadeva. It is significant to remember here that the metres of the Gitagoy

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213
inda are not Sanskrit Varņavrttas. They are peculiarly by Apabhramśa metres.
The second Prakrit citation, relevant for our purpose is an illustration of the metre Jayā from the same poet Suddhasvabhāva (Sc. I 12/1). It refers to Rādhā who, seeing approaching Krşņa reflected in the bright necklace on her breasts, naively thought it was Baladeva's reflection and felt shy, and how thereupon Krşņa gave her a hearty embrace.10
It should be noted that the above three poets cited in the Svayambhūcchandas flourished just about fifty years or so before the Bhāgavata Purāņa, and quite possibly they hailed from the Western region.
Most of the rich Kșşņa poetry, however, produced during the last few centuries of the first millennium has disappeared. Besides the Svayambhūcchandas, we have some Prakrit anthologies in which a few stray verses on the themes of Krşnacarita are preserved.
One of the verses (I 89) of Hāla’s Saptaśataka or āhākosali (2nd to 5th cent) refers to Krsna's blowing away with his mouth the dust particle fallen in Rādhā's eye, the action making the other Gopis envious. Another Verse (I 12) describes the Gopis listening with suppressed laughter Yaśodā's naive ramark that Krşņa was still a mere boy.
Vajjālagga12 (c. 10th cent.) contains a whole section on Krşņa. of the sixteen verses in that section, eight verses are related to Krsna's love for Gopis, or a particular Gopi's attachment to and craving for Krşņa. Four verses have Krşņa's love for Rādbā as its theme. The remaining four verses deal with Krşņa's partiality for a Gopi called Viśākhā. This last group is indicative of fresh development in the theme of Kșşņa's love-sports. From later literature we are familiar with the names of other Gopis (like Viśākhā, Lalitā, Candrāvali etc.), besides Rādhā.
In Jineśvara-sūri's Gāhārayaņa-kosa13 there are nine verses, given under the section called Kệşna-kridā (Krsna's sports). Alth

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ough the anthology is dated 1195 A. D., many verses are demonstrably taken from earlier anthologies or independent works. Of the nine Krşņa verses, three relate to Vişnu. Two about Viśākhā are taken from the Vajjālagga. Two describe Kșşņa's love for Rādhā, and one for the Gopis. The remaining one is about Kāliya-mardana.
There are numerous citations in Prakrit and Sanskrit in Bhoja's Sarasvatikanthābharaṇa and Sțăgăraprakāśa (11th cent.), which have various episodes from Kșşņa-bālacatita as their theme. Many of them can be reasonably regarded as derived from earlier literature. But they deserve a separate treatment."
The sixteenth chapter of the fourth Vimsati (i.e. seventysixth chapter according to continuous numbering) of Mānasollāsa (or Abhilașitārthacintāmaņi), the encyclopaedic work written in 1143 A.D. by Someśvara, the Western Cālukya king of Kalyāņi, is devoted to the description of the pastime of music. Therein Someśvara has illustrated various metres and musical Prabandhas with his own verse-compositions. Most of these illustrations are in praise of Krsna or various incarnations of Vişnu. Verses 327, 330, 340, 370, 384, 451, 457, 462, 468, 482, 501 (and verses 6, 20, 28 in the Ms. D) wholly or partly refer to various exploits of Krsna. Of these, verse 330 (illustration of Sukasārikā), verse 6 in Ms. D (illustration of Muktāvali) and verse 20 in D. (illustration of Ovi), are specially noteworthy as they describe loves of Krsna and Gopis in post-Apabhraíba regional dialects. So also verse 340 describing the ten incarnarions of Vişņu (after Jayadeva) is in a mixture of a post-Apabhramśa dialect and Old Kannada. Someśvara must have modelled his compositions after the lyrical tradition known to him, which suggests existence of vernacular poems on Krşna-carita in the eleventh century A.D.
Lastly we have to draw attention to a dramatic work dealing with the loves of Krşņa and Rādhā. Among the Uparūpaka types of dramatic works, Rāsaka, Nāțyarāsaka and Rāsakānka are described by the works on dramaturgy. No specimens, however, of these types are preserved. Only in the case of Rāsakānka we

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The Childhood Exploits of Kțşņa
215
get a passage, quoted by Bhoja in his Srigāraprakasa (1lth century) and another by Abhinavagupta in his Abhinava-bhārati (12th century), from a work called Rādhā-vipralambha by Bhejjala16. From Bhoja's citation we know that that dramatic work must have at least four characters, viz, Krsna, Radha, the Pratinayika called Palitaka and Vidūşaka. Abhinavagupta observes that the work freely uses the Apabhramśa dialect. This is a very valuable evidence of a tradition of dramatic works composed on the themes derived from the early life of Krsna.17
Appendix
(Text of the verses reterred to) (1) पीणत्तण-दुग्गेज्झ जस्स भुआ-अत-णिदठुर-परिग्गहि । रिट्ठस्स विसम-वलि कठ दुक्खेण जीवि वालीण ॥
(सेतुबघ १-२) (2) ओआहिअ-महिवेढो जेण परूढ-गुण-मूल-लद्ध-त्थामो । उम्मूलतेण दुम पारोहो व्ब खुडिओ महेदस्य जसो ॥
(सेतुबंध, १-४) (3) सो जअइ जामइल्लाअमाण-मुहलालि-वलअ-परिआल । लच्छि-णिवेस तेउर-वई व जो वहइ वणमाल' ॥
(गउउवह, २०) (4) बालत्तणम्मि हरिणो जअइ जसाआए चुम्बिअं वअण । .. पडिसिद्ध-णाहि-मग्गुद्ध-णिग्ग पुण्डरी व ॥
(गउडवह, २१) (5) णह-रेहा कारणाओ करुण हरतु वो सरसा । क्च्छत्थलम्मि कोत्थुह-किरणातीओ कण्हरस ॥
(गउडवह, २२) (6) त णमह पी-वसण जो वहइ सहाव-सामलच्छा । दिअस-णिसा-लअ-णिग्गम-विहाअं सवल पिव सरीर ॥ ...
(गउडवह, २७)

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( 7 ) तस्सेय पुणो पणमह णिहुय हलिणा हसिज्जमाणस्स । अपहृत - देहली-लौं घणद्ध-वह-सटिय
चल ॥
( 8 ) से जयउ जस्स पत्तो कठे रिहासुरस्स घण- कसणो । उपाय-पवढिय-काल-वास- करणी भुय-प्फलिहो ||
( 9 ) हरिणो जमलज्जुण - रिट्ठ-केसि क सासुरिंद-सेलाण । भ'जण-वळण-वियारण-कड्ढण-धरणे भुए णमह ॥
( 10 ) कक्कस - भुय - काप्पर-पुरियाणणो कढिण-कर- कयावेसेो । केसि-किसे।र-कयत्थणे-कउज्जमो जथइ महुमहणो ||
Prakrit and Apabhramśa Studies
( 11 ) णत्थेपिणु महुमहणेण, कालिउ णहयले भामियउ । भीसावणुकांसहो णाइ काल-दंडु उग्गामियउ ॥
( 12 ) एहु विसमर सुछु आएसु पाणतिर माणुस कवि मारे धुउ
( 13 ) सब्ब - गोविउ जइ - वि जोएइ हरि सु-वि आअरेण का सक्कड़ सवरेवि
( 14 ) देइ पाली थह पन्भारे ताप
लिणि-दलु
फल cot पाविय
( 15 ) हरि नच्चाविउ पं गणइ एम्बर्हि राह - ओहरह
दिट्ठी-विसु सप्पु कालिअउ । कहि गम्मउ काइ किज्जउ ॥
देश दिठी जहिं ssc अण हे
( लीलावई, ३)
(लीला जई,
हरि - विभाअ - सतावें तत्ती । करउ दइअ ज किंपि रुच्च ॥
विम्ह
डिउ लोउ ।
जं भावइ त है|उ ॥
(लीलवई,
8)
६)
( रिट्ठणेमि चरिय, ६-३-९)
( लीलावई ७ )
( स्वयम्भूच्छन्दसू, ४-१०.९)
कहिं वि राही । पलेट्टा ॥
( स्वयम्भूच्छन्दस्, ४-१०-२)
(स्वयम्भूच्छन्दस्, ४--)
( सिद्धम, ८ -४ - ४२०.२)

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( 16 ) उअ सरअ - णिसाए रमतो सम वाल गोवीहिं राहाइ कन्हा करे पुजि 'अ' धुलि - पुज । ललिअ-उहअ-हत्थेण पच्छाइऊणच्छि-वत्ताइ णीओ सअ जाव स केअ - केली -पएस ॥ विहलिअ-कर- रोहो पलोएइ जा ता पुरा पुष्णिमा - चंद बांदी नवे दीवरच्छी किस गी विहसिअ सविलासं पुणो नीअ सेा गाढमालिंगिओ बाअरं चु बिओ णिब्भरं रामिओ अ ॥ (स्वयम्भूच्छन्दस्, १ - ७५ . १ )
( 17 ) मेधै दुरमम्बर वनभुवः श्यामास्तमालद्रुमैर् नक्त ं मीरुरथ त्वमेव तदिम राधे गृह प्रापय । इत्थ ं नन्दनिदेशतश्वलितयोः प्रत्यग्रकुञ्जद्रुम राधामाधवयोजयन्ति यमुनातीरे रहः केलयः ॥
( 18 ) राहाए तार- हारे थणे पडिबिंबिअ
कण्ह बालाइ दठु बलो-त्ति पलज्जिअ । गाउ रिट्ठारिणा विपिआ इअ मुद्धिआ गाढ घेत्तूण कठे उण उवहि ॥
( 19 ) मुह - मारुएण त कण्ह गोरअ' राहिआए अवणे तो । एआण वल्लवीण अण्णाण वि गोरअ हरसि ॥
(20) कुसल राहे सुहिओ सि कस कसो कहिं कहिं राहा । इ बा (पा ?) लियाइ भणिए त्रिलक्ख हसिर हरिं नमह ।
( स्वयम्भूच्छन्दस्, १ - १२. १)
( 21 ) कण्हा जयइ जुवाणो राहा उम्मत्त - जोव्वणा जयइ । जउणा बहुल-तरंगा ते दियहा तेत्तिय च्चेव ॥
( 22 ) के सि - वियारण - रुहिरुल्लन्कुप्परुग्धसण-लं छणग्धविय ं । न मुएइ कण्ह जुण्णं पि कंचुय अज्ज-वि विसाहा ॥
( 23 ) राइाइ कवोल - तलुच्छल त- जोन्हा - णिवाय धवलौंगो । रइ रहस - वावडाए धवलो आलिंगिओ कण्हो ॥
217
( गीतगोविन्द, १ )
( गाहा कास, १ - ८९ )
( बज्जा लग्ग, ५९० )
( वज्जालग्ग, ५८२)
( वज्जालग्ग, ५९५)
( वज्जालग्ग, ५९५ )

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(24) सच्च चेय भुयगी विसाहिया कण्ह तण्हहा होइ । सते वि विणय-तणए जीए घुम्माविओ त सि ॥
(वज्जालम्ग, (25) केसव पुराण-पुरिसे। सच्च चिय त सि ज जणो भणइ । जेण विसाहियाए भमसि सया हत्थ-लग्गाए ॥
(वज्जालग्ग, ५९९) (26) किसिओ सि कीस केसव किं न कओ धन्न-संगहो मूढ । कत्तो मण-परिओसेविसाहिय भुजमाणस्स ॥
(वज्जालग्ग, ६००) (27) उय ऊढ-भुवण-भारो वि केसवो सिहि-भरेण राहाए । कुवलय-दलो व तुलिओ हलुइज्जइ केा न पिम्मेण ॥
(गाहारयणकोस, ५४) (28) सा सग्गो सा लन्छी ताई वत्थाइं ते अलंकारा । राहा-पलाय-हीणा हरिणो हियए खुडुक्खुडइ ॥
(गाहारयणकास, ६०) (29) The few lines of Lāți dialect identifiable in the corrupt text
of the illustration of Sukasārikā are restored by me as follows (they form a dialogue between the Gopi and her mother) : हउ न जाणउ माए तोरी तासा (१) छांडु छांडु ।
मई जाएवउ गोविंद-सहु खेलणह ।
ता आम्हणि काहां म्हणसि वाउलिया नारायणु जगह केरा गोसांवी ॥
(मानसोल्लास, ४-१६-३३०) (30) The lines pertaining to the Krsna incarnation of Visnu are
restored by me as follows: नद-गाउले जायउ कन्हु जो गावी-जणे पडिहे नयणे जोविया ।

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महणाधर आवि-ना म्हणि हक्कारिया कन्हउ भडारा सउ अम्हाणा चिंतिया देउ ॥
(मानसोल्लास, ४–१६-३४०)
(31) The partially and tentatively restored text of the illustration of Muktavali is as follows:
अव्वा डोंगर - कणिए वाजिया नादु सुम्मइ
हीसइ काला हरणु वेधें धूमवि ( ? ) सींग नादु ।
...... छदे बहु-परि वाजइ, गोवद्वण- गिरि-कंदरु गाजइ ॥
देवई-नौंदण कन्हडउ......
रूपें सलाणा सांवलिया, गोउलि बालियां पsिहे नयणा । रन्निहि करइ वाउलिया ॥
219
(मानसोल्लास, Vol. III p. 42, v. 6)
(32) The restored text of the illustration of Ovi is as follows : गाउले गोलिनि म्हणिअ, वलु वलु तो मझ पडिछे ।
कन्ह सांवल, ओविए ॥
(मानसोल्लास, Vol. III, p. 43, v. 20)
Notes
1. See Fricdhelm Hardy, Viraha - bhakti, 1983.
2. Earlier, S. L. Katre has collected references to Rādhā from pre-twelfth century Sanskrit works like the Pañcatantra, Venisamhāra, Dhvanyāloka, Kāvyamimāmsā, Nala-campū, Yasastilaka-campū, Vakroktijivita, Sarasvatikanthābharana, Kāvyānuśāsana, Naiṣadhiya and Āryā-suptasali, and the Prakrit text Gāthā-saptasati. See his paper 'Krishna, Gopas, Gopis and Radha P. K. Gode Commemoration Volume. S. P. Tewari has drawn our attention to two early inscriptional references to Rādhā : one in the Paramāra king Muñja's copper-plate inscriptions dated 974, 980 and 986 A. D., and another in a fragmentary inscription from Mandor (Rajasthan), datable in the early 9th cent. A. D. See his paper 'Early Inscriptional
:

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-220
Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies
References to Rādhā,' Krishna in Art, Bulletin of Museums and Archaeology in U. P. Nos. 21-24, 1978-79, published in 1980, pp. 83-84. R.C. Agrawala has referred to (1) Two terracotta plaques from the Rangamahal temple in Rajasthan, depicting the Govardhanadharana and Dānalılā scenes, and to (2) two Mandor pillars depicting Govardhanadharaṇa and several other Bāla-lilā scenes. See his paper ‘Krşņa-Lilā Scenes in Early Rājasthani Sculptures', Krishna in Art, pp. 27-31. In the same volume Doris Srinivasan has sketched the development of Kșşņa-Lilā scenes in early art with relevant bibliographic references. See her paper 'Early Kļņșa Icons : the case of Mathura', pp. 1-16. Sridharadāsa's Saduktikarņāmsta (1205 A. D.) has sixty verses relating to Bālakṣşņa. Many of these
verse quite probably derive from earlier sources. 3. The textual citations are given in an Appendix at the end of
this paper. Sarvasena's Harivijaya (4th Cent. A.D.), now lost, was the earliest know Prakrit Mahākāvya based on the episode of Pārijāta-harana. See Kulkarni, V. M., 'The Harivijaya of Sarvasena', Annals of the BORI, Diamond Jubilee Volume, 1977-78, p. p. 691-710, now also published in his Studies in
Sanskrit Sāhitya-Sastra, 1983, pp, 162-191. 4. Vākpatirāja is known to have written another Prakrit Mahākāvaya
called Mahumaha-vijaya (Madhumatha-vijaya). but we have no information about its subject-matter or contents. Mahumaha or Mahumahana was a favourite Prakrit name of Krşņa or
Vişņu in the post-Gupta period. 5. For a survey of the Jain tradition on Krşna's life as a whole,
and for variations within that tradition see Alsdorf L., Hariyamśapuräna, 1938, pp. 52 ff; Bhayani H.C., 'Apabhramsa Sāhitya mem Krsna-kāvya', in Bharatiya Bhaşāom mem Kșrņakavya, ed.
B. Mishra, 1979, Part 1, pp. 139–151. 6. Ratan Parimoo, ‘Kāliya Damana ceiling from Gujarat Temples’
Kalakshetra, 1981, pp. 6-7. 7. Alsdorf, op. cit., p. 57. The whole canto 85 of the Mahāpurāņa, · containing 25 Kadavakas, is devoted to describing the childhood

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221
i exploits of Krşņa. In this Puspandanta is considerably influenced
by Svayambhū. 8. Edited by H. D. Velankar, 1962. 9. Puşpadanta perhaps knew Govinda's poem. Mahāpurāņu, 86 1
8-11 seem to echo SC. IV 10(1). 10. Vajjālagga 595 is comparable to this verse. 11. Edited by A. Weber, 1960 (reprint); by M. V. Patwardhan,
1980. 12. Edited by M. V. Patwardhan, 1969. 13. Edited by A. M. Bhojak and N. J. Shah, 1974. 14. While defining various literary genres, Bhoja describes ākhyā
naka as the Upākhyāna composition capable of being recited, sung and enacted by a single narrator before an audience. As an illustration he names Govindākhyānaka, which quite obviously had the Kțşņa -carita as its theme. In view of the continuation of this type of Ākhyāna in Old Gujarati, it is quite likely
that there were Ākhyāna works in Apabhiamsa also. 15. Edited by G. K. Shrigondekar (Vol. III, 1961). Most of these
illustrations are textually corrupt and I have tried to reconstruct and interprete them in my paper ‘The Prakrit and Deśabhāsā pissages in Someśvara's Mānasollāsa’, K. K. Handiqui Com
memoration Volume, 1983, pp. 167-177. 16. See V. Raghavan, Bhoja's Sțngāraprakāśa, 1963, pp. 889-891.
According to the Sțigăraprakāśa, the Gosphi type of Uparūpaka deals with the childhood exploits of Krşņa like killing of the demon Arista (p. 468). The Nandimāļi Bhāṇa describes Haricarita (p. 467; Raghavan, p. 553). There is also a reference to a Sanskrit Mahākāvya called Kệsnacarita (p. 474). These
are indications of the Kışņa literature lost to us. 17. The Bālacarita, attributed to Bhāsa, is of course quite well
known. But there is the unsolved problem of its authenticity.

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P. S. Some of the Prakrit sources and a few of the Apabhramsa
sources noted here are also noticed and discussed by Friedhelm Hardy in his Viraha Bhakti (1983). But there are several other important sources pointed out here, which are absent in Hardy's discussion. Some of the implica tions of the Prakrit and Apabhramśa passages Hardy point out seem to me debatable. For Krşņa poetry in Apabhramsa see my earlier paper “Apabhraṁsa sāhitya mem Kệşņa-kāvya', referred to in fo. 5. Earlier KK. Shastri had drawn our attention to several of the above given references in his Gujarati book Narasimha Maheto (1971), pp. 36-41.

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8. PĀLĪ, DHANYA AND CĀRUKESI THREE OF THE EARLIEST MENTIONED
KRSNA'S SWEETHEARTS
In the later Krşņa-bhakti tradition, we increasingly come across the names of gopis like Viśākhā, Lalitā, Candiāvali and several more, some of whom were also Krsna's favourites besides Rādhā. In the late Purāṇic literature represented by the considerably later sections of the works like the Padma-purāņa, and the Gargasamhitā, the name-list has been considerably extended. The problem is to locate and date the beginning of the tradition of naming Rādhā's companions who occasionally and intermittently shared Krşna's loving attention, and as such started figuring in the erotic and religious poetry. Leaving aside for the moment Viśākhā and Candravali, who also seem to be among the names to appear early in literature, I present here the information I could gather about three gopis, each of whom figures in poetry as Rādhā's rival. The sources are not later (some may be even earlier) than the 9th-10th century A. D. The names of the three gopis were Pāli, Dhanyā and Cāsukesi. Different poets have described Krşņa as enjoying in the company of one of them, in temporary disregard of Rādhā.
Pāli, Pālikā/Pālitā, Pālitakā
The earliest milkmaid known from the poetic tradition as Rādhā's rival for Krşna's love is variously called Pāli, Pālikā/ Pālitā (Pk. Pāliyā) or Pālitakā. From the references or citations made by four writers we gather that several poetic works in Apabhramśa, Prakrit and Sanskrit, assignable roughly to the period between the eighth and tenth century A. D., contained episodes involving Krşņa, Rādhā and Pāli.
The sources of this information are discussed below : 1. Govinda's Apabhraíśa poem on Krşğacarita (Not later
thap the latter half of the 9th century A. D.).

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Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies
Several verses from this lost work are cited by Svayambhu (latter half of the 9th cent.) in his Svayambhucchandas (SC.). The citation given under SC. IV 11 as an illustration of the Bahurūpā variety of the Apabhramśa metre called Matra is as follows:
224
देइ पाली थणहं पब्भारें
तोडेपिणु णलिणिदल, हरि - विओअ-संतावें तत्ती । फलु अण्णेहिं पावि (य) ङ, करउ दहउ जं किंपि रुच्च ॥
'Pali, burning with pain due to separation from Hari, plucks a lotus leaf and places it on the slope of her breasts. The poor fool(?) got her due! Let the fate (now) do whatever it choses to.'
Like Velankar, I also earlier interpreted Pāli as gopālikā i.e. a gopi in general. But in the light of the occurrences noted below, I now take it to be a personal name. We must note that another verse from the same poem (SC. IV 10.2) describes Radha as Hari's most favourite Gopi and several other verses of Govinda (SC. IV 9.1., 9.2, 9.4) depict the mood of a love-lorn girl.1
2.
Bhejjala's Radha-vipralambha (prior to the 11th cent.
A. D.).
Rasakanka was one of the types of uparupakas described, discussed or referred to by several Sanskrit dramaturgists and other writers. Bhoja and Abhinavagupta knew of an actual instance of Rāsakanka, namely the Radha-vipralambha, composed by Bhejjala.2 They refer to a few incidents and characters in that dramatic work and also give a few citations from it. Besides Kṛṣṇa as the hero, Candrayana as the Vidūṣaka and Radha as the heroine, the play had one more female character named Palitaka, who was one of Kṛṣṇa's paramours and Radha's rival. Kṛṣṇa is depicted as once favouring Palitaka on a moon-lit night, which makes the pining Radha go out in search of Kṛṣṇa.3 Abhinavagupta, too, mentions Pālitakā.
3. Jayavallabha's anthology of Prakrit subhāṣitas has sixteen verses in its section on Kṛṣṇa (vv. 590-605), which are pertinent to our purpose, because there are several references to Krsna's

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Pāli, Dhanya and Carukesi
other sweethearts besides Radha, The very first verse in that section is as follows:
'कुसलं राधेः' 'सुहिओ सि कंस' 'कंसो कहिं ' ' कहिं राहा ।' इ बालियाइ भणिए विलक्ख हसिर हरिं नमह ॥
225
(Vajjällaga, 590).
Patwardhan thus translates it:
'Oh Radha, is it all right, with you?
'Oh Kamsa, are you happy?' 'Where is Kamsa ?' 'Where is Radha (either) ?' When the young damsel had said thus, Hari (Kṛṣṇa) smiled with embarrassment. Pay your homage to him!'
The text reads बालियाइ ( Sk. बालिकया) in the second line of the verse, and Ratneśvara's Sanskrit commentary explains the word as कयाचन and काचन गोपबालिका.
I think, however, the af was not the original, genuine reading. Through scribal error or misunderstanding the original पालियाइ was changed to बालियाइ. In that case this becomes a dialogue between Kṛṣṇa and his paramour named Pālikā, and not between Kṛṣṇa and some unspecified Gopi.
This view finds support from the Sanskrit version or translation of the above Gathā cited in Bhoja's Sarasvatikaṇṭhābharaṇa (Sk.), discussed hereunder.
4. While treating the figure of sound called Vakovakya, Bhoja has cited in SK. the following verse as an illustration of Naimittiki Vaiyatyokti, which is one of the several subvarieties of the Vākovakya :
कुशलं राधे ? सुखिता सि कंस ? कंसः क्व नु क नु सा राधा ? | इति पारी प्रतिवचनैर्विलक्ष- हासी हरिर्जयति ॥
(Under सरस्वतीकण्ठाभरण, 2, 132) All the editions of SK. read 1 in the second line. But qâ 'milking pot' cannot fit here. Obviously it is a corruption of
15

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Prakrit and Apabhramśa Studies
1. Accordingly the fag in the above-cited Vajjalagga verse is to be emended as पालियाए.
226
In this context it is also significant that the verse राधामोहन - मन्दिरादुपगतश्चन्द्रावलीमूचिवान् etc. which is found in some of the Northern mss. of Bilvamangala's Kṛṣṇakarṇāmṛta and which is just an elaboration of the Vajjalagga verse, has Candravali (instead of Pāli), and not a certain (nameless) gopi as one of the interlocutors.
5. An anonymous verse cited by Bhoja in the Śṛngaraprakāśa (first half of the 11th cent. A. D.)
As an illustration of the type of Nayaka who is Dhiralalita, Sadharaṇa, Śatha and Uttama, Bhoja has cited in the Śṛngāraprakāśa the following verse:
निर्मग्नेन मयाऽम्भसि स्मर-भरात् पाली समालिङ्गिता नालीकमिदं तवाद्य कथितं राधे मुधा इत्युत्स्वप्न-परम्परासु शयने श्रुत्वा गिर सव्याजं शिथिलीकृतः कमलया कण्ठग्रहः
ताम्यसि । शार्ङ्गिणः
पातु वः ।।
(ŚP.,
p. 600)
'Who gave you today the false report that while diving in water, I, fired by passion, gave an embrace to Pali? Radha, you are unnecessarily distressed" :-Hearing in the bed these words uttered by Śarngin in sleep, Kamala meaningfully loosened her clasp on his neck. May that protect you'.
In this instance too the rivalry between Radha and Pali is clearly explicit.
Dhanya, Dhanikā
1. In three of the four verses in the Kanha-vajjā (Kṛṣṇaparyaya) of the Vajjälagga which relate to Kṛṣṇa's sweetheart called Visakha,5 the word visāhiya, a diminutive form of visāhā (Sk. Visakha) is used with double entendre. One of these verses is as follows :

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"Pāli, Dhanyā and Cārukesi
227
किसिओ-सि कीस कसव ? किं न कओ धन्न-संगहो मूढ ? । कत्तो मण-परिओसेा विसाहियं भुजमाणस्स ? ॥
(Vujjālagga, 600) 'Oh Keśava, why have you become emaciated ? Oh fool, why did you not store food-grains ? How can one get mental satisfaction, feeding himself (just) on whatever he obtains ? (or, on what is highly poisonous ?)'. Alternatively, 'Oh fool, why did you not stick to Dhanyā ? Is it ever possible for one enjoying himself in the company of Viśākhā to get real satisfaction ?' Pk. dhanna (Sk. dhanyā) is understood by Patwardhan as 'beautiful women'. But like Viśākhā, Dhanyā here is the personal name of a particular gopi who once enjoyed Krsna's favour. This interpretation finds support from two verses cited in the Sșngāraprakāśa.
2. The following verse is cited twice in the Srigāraprakāsa. Once it is cited as an illustration of Samākhyābhidhāniki Vyapekṣā, wherein the signification of a designation is brought out by means of a sentence. At another place it is cited as an illustration of a designation that is construed meaningfully to convey the relationship of love :
सच्चधण्णा धण्णा, जा तइया केसवेण गिरि-धरणे । गुरु-भार-वावडेण वि, उज्जुअ-अच्छं चिर दिट्ठी ।।
(Sp., pp. 269, 888) ‘Dhanyā is indeed dhanyā (blessed), who was looked at directly and lingeringly by Keśava, even when he was weighed down with a heavy load due to holding the mountain (i. e. Govardhana) aloft'.
3. The following verse is cited by Bhoja as an illustration of the type of Nāyaka who is Dhiralalita, Sādhāraṇa and Madhyama.
दूरे गोकुलनाथ गोकुलमितस्स चार-शून्या दिशस्त्यक्त्वा मां धनिकादयो पि हि गता भारातिखेदालसा: । विस्तीर्णा वनराजिकेयमपरा जाता पुरो निर्गमाच् खिन्नाऽस्मि प्रतिपालयेत्यभिहितो गोप्या हरिः पातु वः ।।
(SP., p. 611)

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Prakrit and Apabhramsa Studies
"Oh Lord of Gokula, Gokula is far away from here. Dhanikā and other (companions), feeling exhausted and languid under their load have gone away already, leaving me alone. This vast woodland has become strange to me (as it were), before I can get out of it (?) and I am (extremely). tired. Please protect me. May Hari, addressed thus by the Gopi, protect you'.
Here Dhanikā is the name of one of the gopis. It is quite: close to Dhaņņā (Sk. Dhanyā) of the Vajjālagga verse. Cărukesi
As an illustration of the Dhiroddhata-asādhāraṇa-dhrsta type: of hero, Bhoja has cited in SP. the following verse.
शौरे कस्माद् विधत्से दशनपदमिदं चारुकेश्याहित ते'
71679" framea fa-93-7991 ferai fafiaca ? 'नैव धृष्ट ब्रवीमि व्रजयुवतिमहं' 'बाढमेष व्रजामी-' a nchisaara a: 81(* ?)72-470.gifora: $2H1f: 11
(ŠP., p. 602) ‘O Śauri, why do you display this tooth-mark impressed on you (i.e. on your lip) by Cārukesi (Cārukesi-ähitam)' ?
“How can it be beautiful (cāru), produced as it is by Kesin (kesi), who had assumed the bodily form of a beast ?"
'You brazenly unfaithful! I don't mean that. I am talking of the milkmaid (vraja-yuvatim)'.
“Very well, here I am wooing (vrajāmi) a young girl.
May the enemy of Kaitabha, thus resorting to chicanery, and delighted by the milkmaid (?) protect you'.
The Gopi of this dialogue is possibly Rādhā, who creates a scene with Krşņa, who has just returned after spending a night with Cārukeši Krşņa tries to save himself by resorting to Śleşa on the words cārukeśyāhitam and vrajayuvatim used by Rādhā. We can campare with this the Kyşnakarnāmstaa verse (rūdhū-mohanmandirād etc.) referred to above.
A closely similar repartee between Krşņa and one of his sweethearts is instanced by the verse rasah samprati keśava ka bliayato etc. cited on p. 607 of $o.

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Pāli, Dhanyā and Cārukesi
229
Notes
1. I have slightly emended Velankar's text orthographically, and
my translation differs from his in several points. 2. See V. Raghavan, Bhoja's Srågāraprakāśa, (1963), pp. 567, 887,
891, where the references and citations are noted and their implications are fully brought out. G. R. Josyer's edition of the Srågāraprakāśa silently omits the Prakrit passage given
by Raghavan. 3. Raghavan, ibid., p. 890 : parqafu anajalgai fazanafanan
राधा, यत्र पालितका गता ।
(=Sțiigāraprakāśa, text, p. 491, 11. 4-5). 4. An anonymous verse given in Jayavallabha's Vajjālagga (pos
sibly about the 10th cent. A. D.). 5. These are the earliest known verses referring to Viśākhā, who
is known in the Krşņa-carita tradition as one of the Gopis which are mentioned as Krsna's favourites and Rādha's friends and rivals. The Pātāla-khaņda of the Padma-purāņa (ch. 70, vv. 4-7) gives the following list (which includes Dhanyā) of the eight main beloveds of Krşņa : Rādhikā, Lalitā, Syāmalā, Dhanyā, Haripriyā, Visakhā, Padmā and Candrāvali.
It may be also noted that the Gujarati folk-songs know only two names, viz., Camdarāveņī or Camdarāval (i.e. Candrāvali) and (very rarely) Dhanāi (i.e. Dhanyā, Dhanikā) as Krsna's beloveds, besides, of course, Rādhā. References Bhoja : Sarasvatikanthābharana, ed. K. Mishra, 1976. Sựngāraprakāśa,
ed. G. R. Josyer, 1955. Bilvamangala : Krşņakarņāmīta, ed. F. Wilson, 1975. Jayavallabha : Vajjālagga, ed. M. V. Patwardhan, 1969. V. Raghavan : Bhoja's Sțngäraprakāśa, 1963. Svayambhū : Svayambhūcchandas, ed. H. D. Velankar, 1962.

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9. THE EVOLUTION OF SANATKUMĀRA-CARITA*
Evolution of Indian religious myths and legends is a vast and intricate field of study. Jain myths and legends form an important part of this field and at its centre we find the Universal History.. The Jain Universal History usually enumerate sixtythree Great Men (Uttam/mahā/Salākå-puruṣa). Of the twelve Universal Monarchs (Cakravartin) included in the list, the fourth is Sanatkumāra, the previous three being Bharata, Sagara and Maghavan. The life-story of Sanatkumara Cakravartin has been the subject of numerous works in Prakrit, Apabhramśa, Sanskrit and other Indian languages. Like the treatment of the stories of the other Salākāpuruşas, the treatment of Sanatkumāra-carita (Sc.) too has passed through four stages. Initially it is found as an isolated narrative more or less sketchy. Next it is found as a part of fullfledged systematic works dealing with the account of all the sixtythree Great Men. Thereafter the individual caritas occur as drstänta-kathās, embedded in some commentary, didactic prakarana or tale-collection (kathākos'a, kathāvali). Lastly we have independant works on some one Salākāpuruṣa, in the form of a regular mahākāvya in verse, prose or a mixture of both. The table below presents most of the important Sanatkumāra-caritas according to the above-indicated fourfold categorization (The abreviation of the title of a work is given in adjacent parantheses). Title Author
Date
Abbreviation वसुदेवहिंडी
सङ्घदास c. 5th cent.
VH उपदेशमाला-विवरण जयसिंह
9th cent.
UV धर्मोपदेशमाला-विवरण
859 A.D.
DV चउप्पन्न-महापुरिस-चरिय शीलाङ्क 869 A.D.
CM उत्तरपुराण
गुणभद्र
ante 897 A.D. बृहत्कथाकोश हरिषेण 932 A.D.
BK महापुराण
पुष्पदन्त 965-972 A.D.
MP
UP

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ngenter
श्रीचन्द्र
देवेन्द्र
उत्तराध्ययन-वृत्ति आख्यानक-मणि-कोशवृत्ति आम्रदेव
हरिभद्र
हरिभद्र
ब्रिषष्टि- शलाका पुरुष - चरित हेमचन्द्र
fg-aft
fig-afta
1070 A.D.
1073 A.D.
1134 A.D.
ante 1160 A.D.
1160 A.D.
c. 1165 A.D.
231
KK
UVD
AKV
MC
NC
TS
Broadly speaking, the Digambara versions of the Sc. as we find in UP, MP, BK and KK constitute a sub-group and along with VH version they form a group set apart from rest of the Sc. Versions by the fact that their account is confined to Sanatkumara's renunciation and philosophical suffering of diseases. In the fully developed version that we find, say, for example, in TŚ, this part of Sanatkumara's life-story forms the third section. We may call it section C.C seems to be the earliest part of the Sc, because the earliest works like VH and UP know only that much of the legend. The fact that in BK, DV, UVD and AKV the Sc. is given to illustrate how one should suffer with equanimity the consequences of the past deeds also supports such a conclusion. The account in the UP is the shortest, and the MP version is based theron. The VH and UP versions differ in a few details, and so far as we can judge from the outline given in DV, UV appears indebted to VH for this part of its Sanatkumara-carita. The same remark applies to the Sanatkumara-carita in CM except that we have now a systematized list of diseases that afflicted Sanatkumāra as a monk. But BK develops for the first time some points of the narrative (e.g. the incident at the court of Saudharmendra which occasioned the visit from two gods; Sanatkumara's perceiving of the decaying character of his bodily lustre, the particular incident that was the direct cause of the diseases; the second visit from the same two gods to test Sanatkumāra etc.). KK mostly follows BK. The new elements that we find for the first time in BK are incorported in all the subsequent Sanatkumara-caritas of the Svetambara tradition also (e.g. UVD, MC, NC and TS). But otherwise the Sc. in UVD is just lifted from CM. AKV seems to be fami

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liar with the Sc. of DV, CM, BK and UVD as is clear from parallels in minor details, but as a whole it abridges the narrative in some points and adds on its own the sections on the purușalakṣaṇa, strilakṣana and rogalakṣaṇa. The MC version of the Sc., is little more than a verse recast of the CM version, and the NC version is poetic reworking of the same. The TŚ account in its C section is based on the UVD version (and through that on the CM version). The story of Sanatkumāra from his birth to the point when he attained the status of a Cakravartin constitutes section B of the Sc., in its full form. This section is absent from VH, as also from UP and the most of the Digambara versions. It appears for the first time, so far as we know, in UV and this is also a surmise made on the basis of what we find in the DV outline, as UV is lost to us. Our earliest available source for a detailed account of section B is CM. UVD takes this over in toto, adding to it a few details from some other source. It is drastically abridged by AKV. MC gives us a verse recast of the CM version and uses it in NC for a poetic working over. TŚ uses CM and also some other sources. Consistent with its uniform plan it shifts to the beginning the account of the previous lives of Sanatkumāra which in UV figured in the midst of Section B. We may note here one quite significant detail that throws light on the relationship and mutual influence of various Sanatkumāra-carita versions. The name of Sanatkumara's father was Anantavirya according to UP, Aśvasena (Asasena) according to VH, UVD, MC, NC and and TS and Viśvasena (Visaseņa) according to BK, CM, AKV and UD. In this matter (and similarly in several other details) the Śvetambara and Digambara versions of the Sc., cross each other.
The remaining section of the Sc., the Section A, seems to be the latest addition. It deals with the previous births of Sanatkumara. The account is absent from VH, UP, MP, BK and KK. It seems to have appeared for the first time in UV. But CM just touches it in a couple of verses. The earliest available detailed treatment is in UVD. In keeping with its casual approach to the narrative content of the Sanatkumara-carita, AKV altogether omits

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the account of previous births. TS and UD versions follow UVD (or its source version).
Thus we see that the Sanatkumāra-carita has evolved in three stages. Originally it consisted of the story about Sanatkumāra's renunciation and severe austerities (section C). The romantic account of the earlier life was added later (Section B). Finally appeared the section containing the stories about the previous lives (section A). Section C has two versions. One, perhaps the earlier, is represented in UP and MP, while another in VH which found acceptance in the rest of Svetām bara and Digambara versions. The innovations in VH version of C, which we first find in BK became a common heritage for later versions. The other two sections are peculiar to the Svetāmbara tradition and they appear for the first time in UV. Thereafter they figure in most of the Svetāmbara versions of the Sanatkumāra-carita. Thus regarding the Sanatkumāra-carita, on the one hand we have clear cut Svetāmbara and Digambara traditions relating to the legend as a whole, but on the other hand there is some definite influence and borrowing of details across the two traditions.
Notes
1. See L. Alsdorf, Harivamśapurāņa, 1936, Introduction; Claus
Brühn, 1954; A.M. Bhojak, Carippanna-mahāpurisa-cariya, 1961 (Introduction by, Claus Brübn). A.N. Upadhye, Brhatkathākoša, Introduction. The number sixtythree varies. At times it is given as fiftyfour (with the exclusion of the Prativasudevas) or
Seventytwo (with the addition of of nine Nāradas). 2. See A.M. Bhojak, Cauppanna-mahāpurisa-cariya, 1961, Hindi
Introduction, p. 42. 3. Dhavala's Harivañśapurāņa (about 12th cent.) and Dhanapā
la's Bāhubalicarita (1398 A.D.) refer to a Sanatkumāra-carita, probably in Apabhramśa, composed by a Svetāmbara Jain poet named Govinda. See K. Kasliwal, Praśastisaingraha,

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1950, p. 142; H. Kochad, Apabhramśa-sāhitya, 1957, pp. 103, 236; P.J. Shastri, jain-grantha-prasasti-saņgrah, part 2, 1993, Introduction, p. 65; text, p. 12, 35. Moreover, Svayambhū’s. Ritthanemicariya (about ninth century), Nayanandin's Sayalavihivihānakavva (about 1044 A.D.), Devasena's Suloyanācariya (1075 A.D.) mention one Govinda along with Rudra, Dandin, Bāņa, Hālika etc., in the list of famous poets. See Kasliwal, op. cit., p. 287; Kochad, op. cit. pp. 175, 216; P.J. Shastri, op. cit., Introduction, pp. 47, 51, 72, text pp. 19, 25. Svayambhū quotes six stanzas from some Apabhramsa poem of Govinda, which seems to have Krsnacarita as its theme and was composed in different varieties of the Mātrā metre. See H.D. Velankar, Svayambhūcchandas, 1962, 4, 9; 1, 3, 5; 10. 1, 2; 11. 1; p. 156. It is not certain whether these references pertain to the same or different poets.
For a more detailed comparision of various versions of the SC. treated here see my Introduction to Haribhadra's Sanatukumāracariya (1974).

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10. THE SUDRAVATSA-KATHA
1. The twenty--eighth chapter of Bhoja's Sțngāraprakāśa treats the topic of sending of love-messengers as a part of the treatment of Purvānurāga, the first variety of Vipralambha Sệngāra. Messengers are classified on the various types of their characteristics. Functionally distinguished messengers include Gardner, Vidūşaka, Vita, Pīghamarda etc. As an instance of Pithamarda, serving as a love-messenger, Bhoja mentions Dantaka, who is said to serve Sūdravatsa in a work called Kāmasenā-vipralambha. Raghavan's note on this is as follows:
“The examination of the Kathāsāritsāgara, the Bșhat-kalhāmañjari and the Kathākośa have (sic) not produced any fruits in the matter of identifying at least some version of a story with the heroine called Kāmasenā and a hero cal dravatsa (?) with a Pitha marda-ain named Dantaka'2
Now, we come across several casual literary allusions from the beginning of the eleventh century onwards, to an Apabhramsa romantic tale which relates to the adventures of a prince called Suddaya, i.e. Sūdraka. Moreover, we have several literary compositions in Old Gujarati and Rajasthani, which present different versions of that tale. There is also a Sanskrit recast of the earliest known Gujarati version. The tale continues to live to the present day in folk-literary traditions of Gujarat and Rajasthan. In what follows, I shall first note the early references to the story of Suddavaccha and give information about the literary versions of the tale available in Old Gujarati and Rajasthani. This will be followed by a brief summary of the story as we find it in Bhima's Sadayavatsa-vira-prabandha.
2. Víra, an Apabhraíśa poet of Malwa, enumerates in the Jambūsāmicariya (completed in 1020 A.D.) the following four works of his father, the poet Devadatta3 .

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Varāmga-cariya (in Paddhaời metre); Suddaya-vira-kaha; Samtiiņāha-caccari; Ambādevi-rāsaya.
None of these works has been recovered so far. Most probably all the four were in Apabhraíśa. The themes of these works, except that of the second one, are well-known in the Jain literary tradition. We know of numerous works in Prakrit, Apabhramsa, Sanskrit and Old Gujarat (either in any one of these or in several languages) pertaining to the lives of Varānga, śāntinātha and Ambādevī. But the Suddaya-vira-kaha, qualified by Vira as ‘praised by learned critics for its poetic qualities', is obscure4.
3. Samdeśarāsaka of Abdala Rahamāna (composed probably in the thirteenth century), while describing the city of Mūlasthāna (i.e. present-day Multan in Eastern Punjab), refers to the public recitation of the epics, epic tales and popular tales along with performances of dance and opera. Along with the Bhārata, the Rāmāyaṇa and the Nalacarita, we find there mention'5 of Sudavaccha, which is explained in the Sanskrit Tippanaka on the Sandesarāsaka as Sudayavaccha-kathā 'the tale of Sudayavaccha'. In the Index to the Samdeśarāsaka I had suggested that this tale of Sudayavaccha was the same as the popular tale of Sadevamta and Sāvaliṁgā well-known in the oral tradition and early literature of Gujarat and Rajasthan. The Samdeśarāsaka reference establishes its currency in the Punjab region. Further, Padumavata of Jāyasi (17th Century) refers to a tale of Sadaivaccha and Mugudhāvati. If this tale was the same as (or a version of) the Sudavaccha, its currency in other regions also is indicated.
4. Another reference to the tale of Suddaya or Sudavaccha sheds some light on the general character of that tale. In the · Apabhramśa poem Sudaṁsanaeariya completed in 1044 A.D.. Nayanandin extols the biography of Sudarśana in the following terms:
Rāmo Siya-vioyu-sova-vihuram sampattu Rāmāyaṇe jādā Pandava Dhāyarattha sadadam gottamkali Bhārahe dedā-kodiya-cora-rajja-ạiradā āhāsidā suddhae no ekam pi Sudamsanassa caride dosam samubbhāsida 6

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The text of the third line here seems to be corrupt in a few places, and its interpretation presents difficulties. But the meaning of the rest is quite clear. The poet says : The Rāmāyaṇa story is not enjoyable because of the sufferings of Sitā due to separation. The Bhārata story is marred by the constant family-feud of the Pāndavas and the Kauravas. As against these narratives, the lifestory of Sudaṁsaņa cannot be alleged to have a single fault.
In the case of the third line, we have several variant readings : temā for dedā; koliya for kodiya; suddae for suddhae. Helped by them and in the light of the plot of the tale as known to us from the Sadayavatsa-vira-prabandha of Bhima (see below) we can restore the line as follows:
tențā-koliya-cora-rajju(?)-niradā āhāsidā Suddhae “In the Śūdraka (narrative) the story deals with (disreputable places and episodes involving) gambling dens, Kolis, thieves and police-guards’.
Tențā = diyūtasthāna : see R. N. Shriyan, A Critical study of Mahāpurāpurāņa of Puşpadania. (Ahmedabad, 1969) where various occurrences of tențā are noted and discussed (entries 999 and 1000): koliya = kaulika, “a person of that caste of lower social rank”; cora-rajju = coroddharanika : corarajjuka is used by Kautilya in the sense of a police-officer'.
The author of the țippana on this verse in the Sudaṁsaņacariya, faced with wrocg readings, has offered fanciful interpretations. He reads gomūkala for gotramkali in the second line and explains it as rājyabhrașțāh. The third line is construed with the second line and so, dedākodiya is explained in Gujarati as dhedhavāļā ni kodi havi Bhārate : 'In the Mahābhārata there was the climax of (quarrelling), characteristic of a settlement of untouchables (dhedha). The gloss on suddhae is also confused : vacchasudaye śāstre. It should be sudda yavaeche and it was not a śāstra. Jain, the editor of the Sudaṁsaņacariu, wrongly thought that the name of the work was Siddhaya. Paramanand Jain Shastri too failed to make out the name and has vaguely rendered suddaya as bokasastra?.

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In the verse cited above, Nayanandin points out that the life of Sudarsana is free from the blemishes that mark the three very famous and popular narratives and hence that it is superior to all of them.
5. In the Sayala-vihi-vihāna-kavva, another Apabhramśa poem by Nayanandin, we get another important reference to the story of Sūdravatsa. In the opening portion of the poem, while describing the cireumstances under which the poet was urged to undertake its writing, he incidentally touches upon the historical glory of the city of Dhārā where the poet carried out his literary activity. He mentions great kings of yore who ruled over Dhārā:
jahim Vaccharāu punu Puhaivatthu, humtau puhaisaru Sūdavatthu, hoeppiņu Vatthael? pacchae) Harimadeu (?) mandaliu Vikkamāiccu jāu.
Here, Puhulvatthu, Sūdavatthu, and Harimadeu are respectively to be corrected as Puhaiyacchu, Suddavacchu, and Harisadeu. The kings mentioned are Vatsarāja, Pșthvivatsa, Sūdravatsa, Harşadeva and Vikramāditya.
Here Pșthvivatsa and Sūdravatsa are mentioned as famous past rulers of Dhārā. In the Old Gujarati version of the tale, the names of the hero and his father are given in various forms, but Suddavaccha and Pahuvaccha (i.e. Sūdravatsa and Prabhuvatsa) are the earliest. This point is discussed further below. Secondly, Suddavaccha in that poem marries a princess of Dhārā and later on becomes the ruler of that city.
6. Thus two Apabhramśa poets of the eleventh century, who lived in Dhārā, are quite familiar with the story of Sūdravatsa and one of them actually wrote a narrative poem having a plot based on that story. They flourished in the time of king Bhoja. who alludes in his Srågäraprakāśa to some characters of that story. All these references point to the great popularity of this tale in the Malwa region in the tenth and eleventh century, and this is

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self-explanatory, in view of the fact (as we shall see) that the hero was a prince of Ujjayini and Dhārā. The characters alluded to in Bhoja's reference noted at the beginning of this paper, viz. Dantaka (?), Sūdravatsa and Kāmasenā, actually figure in the Sadayavatsavira-prabandha of Bhima8. and the episode itself mentioned in the śrñgāraprakāśa can be exactly identified in that work.
7. The Sadayavatsa-vira-prabandha (further here referred to as SVPj was composed c. 1400 A.D.9. Regarding the text there is considerable variation among the manoscripts. The work has round ābout seven hundred verses (730, if we go by the printed text). The work is mostly composed in the Caupāi and Duhā metres, but numerous other metres also are used for variation,
. Besides there are some thirty-four Gāthās in Prakrit. It is obvious that at least some of these Gāthās were borrowed from some early Prakrit version of the tale, as mostly they repeat in short what is said in the preceding Old Gujarati verses 10.
The tale narrates the loves and adventures of Sudavaccha, who was a Prince of Ujjayini and son-in-law of Sālivāhana, the ruler of Pratisthāna. Rescuing a mast elsphant, machinations of a minister, exile, wanderings in strange countries, princesses pining for the hero, omens, helpful robbers, goddesses, hunchbacks, courtesar battles, wrestlers, goblins, witches, cemeteries, deserted cities and all the rest of the hot romantic stuff, and numerous well-known motifs fill up the tale. 8. The followiug is a brief outline of the story according to
Bhima.
Sudayavatsa (S.) was the son of king Prabhuvatsa and queen Mahālakṣmi, ruling at Ujjayini. He was a gambling addict. Once he rescued a pregnant Brahmin girl from the clutches of the Royal elephant which had gone mad, by killing it. The king appointed him as heir-apparent in appreciation of this act of bravery. But the minister of the king, fearing to lose the favour of the prince because he had earlier restrained him from spending liberarlly at the time of his marriage with Sāvalimgā, the princess of Pratisthāna,

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succeeded in turning the king against S., whom he (the king) ordered to leave the kingdom. Sāvalimgā accompanied S. in exile.
Passing through a dreary tract, S. procured water for the thirsty Sāvalimgā by offering his blood in exchange. But this turned out to be just a test devised by Harisiddhi, the presiding divinity of Ujjayini. Mightily pleased with his fortitude, she gifted him miraculous dice and cowries and a steel-knife, which made him invincible in gambling games and battles.
Resuming their journey, they came to a temple of Siva where Līlāvati, the daughter of king Dharavīra ruling at Dhārā, was practising penance to obtain S. as her husband. S. accepted her. The marriage was celebrated. S. stayed at Dhārā for a few days. Then he left for Pratişthāna to deposit Sāvalimgā at her father's house. He promised to take Lilavati with him on the return journey.
While passing through a dense forest, S. met a band of five thieves in a den. In a chailenge game of gambling they lost against him. S. declined their offer of magic gifts. So the thieves clandestinely inserted in his shield jewelled bodice worth a million and promised to go to his help when remembered in a critical situation. S. and Sāvaliṁgā left that place. Proceeding further they came across a deserted city, where the presiding deity of the buried treasures of king Nanda of yore appeared before S. and offered him the treasures. But unwilling to take possession of the treasures without offering ceremonial worship. S. moved on and reached the precincts of Pratisthāna. He lest Sāvalimgā in charge of a bard there, and proceeded towards Pratisthāna to procure funds through gambling.
As he entered the city-gate he chanced to see a feliow with hands, nose and ears maimed. He took this to be an evil omen, but that Thumthā introduced himself as the prince of Simhala. He lost all his money at gambling during his visit to Pratisthāna and having failed to pay dues, he was maimed by the gamblers. S. accepted him as his trusted companion.

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The pair arrived at the temple of the Sun-god, where a dispute raged between the Royal Courtesan Kāmasenā and a city merchant. Kāmasenā was demanding five hundred gold coins from the merchant's son Somadatta as the charge for cohabiting with her in her dream ! The disputing parties appointed S. as the arbiter. He resolved the dispute by offering to the courtesan's mother the mirror-image of the demanded amount. The amount was piled in front of a mirror. Kāmasenā, receiving report of the arrival of an attractive noble young man, came to the temple. She was love-striken at the first sight. She gave a dance-performance at the temple with such intensity that she collapsed with exhaustion. The royal physician diagnosed her ailment as love-affliction. Kāmasenā invited S. to stay with her. When S. sought shumthā's advice in this matter, the latter warned him about the viles of prostitutes. But Kāmasenā won Thuộthā by offering him the services of her younger sister. So they accepted Kāmasenā's proposal which solved S.'s boarding problem. Next day, S. went to the gambling house and won huge sums from expert gamblers. He presented a part of the win to Kāmasenā, distributed another part in charity to all and sundry, and with the rest he purchased costliest garments and toiletries for Sāvalimgā.
On the fifth day, S. prepared to leave Kāmasenā's residence, to keep his promise to Sāvalimgā. Kāmasenă, madly in love with him, tried to detain him by pulling his shield. The jewelled bodice that was smuggled in the shield-cover by the thieves dropped down. Kämasenā kept it as a parting gift. Shortly, wearing it she started to attend upon the king. On her way, she was seen by the city mayor, who, identifying her bodice as one which was stolen from his house some time back, lodged a complaint with the king. On being questioned by the king, Kāmasenä refused to reveal the identity of the person who had gifted her the bodice. She was ordered to be executed, and taken to the execution ground. Her mother traced S. at the gambling house. S. rushed to Kāmasenā's help, freed her and put to rout the city guards. Hearing about this Somadatta reached there. S. requested him to take his message to Sāvalimgā. Soma

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datta secured from the king S. 's release by pledging himself as the hostage. S. visited Sāyalimgā, who on failure of S. 's return by the promised fifth day, was on the point of immolating herself on a burning pyre. S. presented her with clothes and toiletries. Next morning he returned to the execution ground. S. boasted of having committed many thefts. The king discovered S. 's identity by examining a sword bearing the latter's signature-the sword was procured from the courtesan. But to test S.'s prowess the king sent an army to attack S. A band of fifty two crack heroes mounted an attack. The five thieves informed by Nārada rushed to Si's help and overpowered the attackers. The king acknowledged his defeat. He warmly welcomed his son-in-law and daughter.
Shortly, S. struck up friendship with a Brahmin, a Vaisya and a Ksatriya. The four were looking out for adventures. Hearing about a mystery of the corpse of a merchant's father in the city of Tumba that kept returning every day from the cemetery, the four friends went to the merchant, who was prepared to offer two lakhs to anyone who would accomplish cremation of the corpse. They undertook the task. Incidentally S. exorcized a Brahmin's daughter possessed by a Sākini.
The four friends carried the corpse to the cremation ground and decided to guard it by turn. When the Brahmin was on duty in the first watch of the night, a woman requested him for help to reach the food brought by her to her husband, who was hanged but life was still lingering in. The Brahmin bent down and the woman mounted on his back. Eventually she was caught gobbling raw flesh from the hanging body. The Brahmin cut off the witch's hand before she escaped. During the second watch, the Vaisya saw a bunch of ghosts cooking their dinner. Nearby twenty-two princes were kept bound for being served as dessert. He assailed the ghosts and released the princes. During the third watch, the Ksatriya saw a Rākşasa abducting a princess. He killed him and freed the princess. During the fourth watch, the corpse, occupied by a Vetāla stood up and challenged S. to a gambling match. Extending his arm, he got the game from the royal palace. He was defeated at

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the game by S. who then cremated the corpse. S. produced four proofs of their carrying out the assigned task successfully to claim the stipulated reward. Incidentally the witch was identified as the queen of that city. S. 's three friends were married to the three girls saved or offered as reward. The four friends returned to Pratisthāna.
Thereafter S. left Pratișthāna, reached the deserted city, which he rehabilitated and governed Sāvalimgā and Lilāvati were called there from Pratisthāna and Dhārā. In course of time each of them gave birth to a son, both of whom grew up as accomplished young men. On receiving news that Ujjayini was surrounded by enemy forces, S. commissioned his sons for its defence. They put the hostile forces to rout. The poem ends with the happy reunion of Prabhuvatsa and Sadayavatsa.
9. From this summary, it will be seen that the episode and characters alluded to in the Srågāraprakāśa reference cited above, actually occur in this story (see Appendix; especially vv. 460-475; 484-500).
In the Sțngāraprakāśa reference the name of the Pīghamarda is given as Dantaka. It is a wrong reading resulting from some scribe misreading tumtaka as damtaka. Tumta is noted by Hemacandra at Dešināmamālā IV. 3 in the sense of 'having the hands cut off' (chinha-hasta) (For New Indo-Aryan derivatives see R. L. Turner A Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Languages, entry no. 5698). In Bhima's text he is called Thuộthā, because Gujarati has the base form thūmthā corresponding to the Pk. form tusța (For thuttha-, thuntha etc. see Turner's dictionary, entry no. 5506). The Simhala prince is nicknamed Tunțaka because the gamblers had cut off his hands for not paying them the gambling dues (Sadayavatsaviraprabandha, vv. 436, 442).
10. The name of the hero appears in various forms in SVP : Sadayavatsa, Sudayavatsa, Sadayavaccha, Sudayavaccha, Sadaya. Sudava, Sūdau (Sūdā) and Suddha. Südau (Sūdā) occurs quite

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frequently. The form Sudda (Suddaya) is historically earlier than the others. It is found in some of the Prakrit Gathās and Vastu stanzas in the SVP. Suddhayavira (or vaccha) changed to Suddayavira and finally became Sadayavira (or Sadayavat sa). As noted earlier, in the Samdeśarāsaka (v. 44) the tale is referred to as Sudavaccha (v. 1. Sudayavaccha).
11. As noted previously ($$ 3-4), Devadatta's poem was called Suddaya-vira-kaha. Similarly the title of Bhima's poem is Sadayavatsavira-prabandha. As will be seen from the summary given above, it is patently a tale of adventures and heroism. And in SVP. itself, the princess Lilāvati introduces herself as the daughter of Dharavira, sister's daughter of Naravīra and desirous of marrying Sadayavatsa-vira. It is first expressed in the following, possibly borrowed Prakrit gāthā :
Dharavira-rāu(? ya)-dhūā, muhusāle mujjha rāu nara-viro varavira-Sadayavaccho(ccham), vamchauḥ śiva pujjiyalāyi) sahie (?)
(SVP vs. 244) The same idea is repeated in a Dohā further in the text :
vira mahārau māulau, tāta vaditau vira vira mani Sūdau varūs, kai davi dahüm sarira
(SVP vs. 249) 12. There is also a Sanskrit version of the tale in prose and verse called Sadayavatsa-kathā, prepared by Harşavardhana gani in 1471. It is a Jain recast of SVP, with several new tales emboxed and hundreds of Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhramsa and Old Gujarati Subhāṣitas, taken from the traditional store-house, scattered all over the text. The work is unpublished so far.
Later on the tale of Sadayavatsa and Sävalimgā underwent such development and alteration as to become altogether a different tale. This new version of the tale is represented in the SadayavatsaSavalimgū-Caupai of Keśava Muni alias Kirtivardhana, which was completed in 1623 A.D.
Another such work of unknown authorship and date, but linguistically assignable to the seventeenth century is called

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Sadayavaccha-Sävalimgi-Pāṇigrahaņa-Caupai. Both these works have been given in the appendix by Manjulal Majumdar in his edition of Bhima's poem. Agarchand Nahta has given us a survey of different early and late versions of the tale current in Rajasthan and Gujarat".
13. There is one more reference to the tale of Suddaya, once again from an Apabhramsa poet. And if this tale is the same as the one we are considering here then the date of the earliest literary composition about the adventures of Suddaya can be shifted back by a century. The reference concerns the great Apabhramsa poet Svayambhūdeva, the author of the epics Paumacariya and the Ritthanemicarira. In the latter work, which has been partly published so far, we find the following verse, which expresses exhaustion on the part of the poet after continuous life-long literary activity. 12
kāūņa Pomacariyam Suddhayacariyar ca guna-gan'agghaviyam Harivansa-moha-harane Sarassai sudhiya-deha-yya
The poet here says that after having composed the Paumacariya and the Suddayacariya full of literary merits, his Sarasvati (literary powers) seems to have become exhausted in the present task of clearing delusions regarding the Harivamśa narrative.13 Here it is quite likely that Svayambhū’s Suddayacariya was a poem dealing with the tale of Suddayavira. Of course we cannot be definite about this as Pk. Ap. Suddaya stands also for Sk. Sūdraka and we have references to several Sūdraka-kathis composed in Prakrit and Apabhraíśa
But it should be noted that Svayambhü has composed works on Rāmāyaṇa and Mahābhārata and his third work Suddayacariya might have handled the popular tale of Suddaya. We have already taken note of two Apabhramśa' poets, Nayanandin and Abdala Rahamāna, talking about the Rāmāyaṇa, the Mahābhārata and the Suddaya tale in the same breath.
14. The sources and precedents of the Sūdravatsa tale remain to be investigated. We may point out here some significant parallels to a few of its episodes and motifs. The episode of a courtesan

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demanding fee from a merchant's son for dream enjoyment occurs in the Punyavanta-jātaka which is given in the Mahāvastu (ed. Senart, 1897, third part, p. 33-41). That story occurs elsewhere also in Buddhist and later non-Buddhist literatures. In the Jātaka version the courtesan's claim is more plausible in that is was made on the basis of the dream of the merchant's son and not of the courtesan herself. The dispute is resolved by a similar stratagem15.
• The motif of accusation of theft due to a stolen costly article found in possession of the innocent hero (Sūdravatsa accused of theft of the jewelled bodice), is found in the story of Śrīdatta and Mrgānkavati in the eighth taranga of the Kathāsaritsägara, wherein Sridatta has to face execution for possessing a stolen necklace which he had found tied at the end of an upper garment he accidently got from a lake, where it was thrown by some thieves.
The episode of undertaking to burn a dead hody and a witch caught while she was deceitfully gobbling lumps of flesh torn from a hanging man occurs in the interesting tale of Bhāvațţikā, in the emboxed story of Amaradatta and Mitrānanda that was narrated by Bhāvattikā in the third watch of the night16.
Corresponding to the four incidents that occur during the four watehes of the night to each of the four friends keeping a guard on the dead body in the SVP narrative, we have in the story of Amaradatta and Mitrānanda four fabricated episodes connected with the four watches of the night (attack from a hoard of jackals, from a band of Piśācas, from a group of Dākinis and from the goddess of pestilence, narrated by Mitrānanda. The last of these latter episodes presents a close parallel to the incident of the fourth watch in SVP)17.
The earliest known version of that motif is found in the story of Nitambavati occurring in the sixth Ucchvāsa of Dandin's Dašakumāracarita. We get another version in the first tale of the Vetālapañcavimśati included in the Kashmirian version of thə BThai kathā and existing also as an independent collection in Sans

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krit with renderings and adaptations in regional ianguages of India. Penzer has noted various western versions of the motif deriving from the Arabian Nights which itself is based on the version that occurs in Seven Vazirs, the Arabic version of the Book of Sindibād 8.
15. The text in which Śūdravatsa, and Țuņțaka are said to figure is mentioned by Bhoja as Kāmasenā-vipralambha. But the references and the works we have discussed consistently refer to the tale by the name of the hero ; Suddavaccha-vira-cariya, Sadayavatsa-vira-prabandha, Suddavaccha, Suddaya etc. So it seems that the work referred to by Bhoja was possibly a composition based on the love-affair between Sūdravatsa and Kāmasenā. Bhoja has referred to another similarly titled work : Irșyālu-vipralambha.19 Moreover a work cited by Bhoja as a Rāsakānka is identified by Raghavan as the Rādhā-vipralambha of Bhejjala, on the basis of Abhinavagupta's references 20. This fact makes it likely that Kāmasenā-vipralambha was the title of the full work, possibly a dramatic type. On the other hand, from the SP. references like Karpūrikalābha, Kalingasenālābha etc. which are names of sections
Brhatkathā version known to Bhoja", and not titles of complete works, we see that Bhoja sometimes gave reference to a section only of a work wherein the episode, character etc. he wanted to illustrate figures. In that case Kāmasenā-vipralambha can be taken to refer to a particular section or episode in the Sudravatsa-kathā, known to Bhoja.
Notes
This is a revised and expanded version of my paper entitled "Suddayacariyà, a lost romantic tale in Apabhramśa' which was published in the Proceedings of the Seminar on Prakrit Studies (1973), ed. by K. R. Chandra, Ahmedabad, 1978 (L. D. Series 70), 24–27. 1. 1978, “pithamardaḥ dantaka Sūdravatsasya Kāmasenā-vipra
lambhe' (Srngāraprakāśa, p. 999). 2. Bhoja's Śrågāraprakāśa, p. 826.

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3. Jambūsāmicaria of Virakavi, edited by V. P. Jain, 1968, Sandhi
1, Kadavaka 4; also Introductions pp. 11, 14. 4. Hence Kochad (Apabhramśa-sāhitya, 1956, p. 148), has missed
it. Paramanand Jain Shastri (Jain-Grantha-Prasasti-Sangraha, Part-2, 1963, Introduction, p. 59, text p. 6, Index, p. 165) has misunderstood it as Vira-kahā, V. P. Jain has either simply mentioned it (loc., cit. Index, p. 386) without any comment or has rendered it incorrectly and with a query as ‘Suddhaja
l'ira-katha ?'. 5. Sandeśarāsaka, edited by Jinav!jaya Muni and H. C. Bhayani,
1946, verse 43-44, 6. Sudamsaņacariya of Nayanandin, edited by Hiralal Jain, 1970,
Samdhi 2. verse 2 in the opening. 7. Jain-Grantha-Prasasti-Sangraha, Part 2. Delhi, 1963, Intro
duction, p. 48. 8. Jain-Grantha-Prasasti-Samgraha, text, p. 26. 9. Sadayavat sa-vira-prabhandha (= SVP) edited by Manjulal
Majumdar, Bikaner. 1960.
10. It may be also noted in this connection that the Gāthās at
vv. 180 and 181 are the same as Vajjālagga 54 and 51 respec
tively with a few variants. 11. "Sada yavatsa-sävaliṁgā-ki prem-kathā', Rājasthāna-bhūratë, 3,
1. See also H. C. Bhayani, Anusamdhān (in Gujarati), 1972,
pp. 241-243. 12: Paumacariya of Svayambhū, edited by H. C. Bhayani : Part I.
Bombay, 1952, Introduction, pp. 28, 43-45. 125 (v. 65). 13. The poet expired sometimes after he wrote this. The remaining
portion of the epic was completed by his son Tribhuvana. See
Paumacariya, Part I, Introduction pp. 44-45. 14. V. Raghavan, Bhoja's Sțngāraprakāśa, 1963, pp. 624, 819, 820.
H. C. Bhayani, 'About the Language of the Sūdrakakathā'. JOIB 18, 1969, p. 316.

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15. In Caritraratna-gani's Danapradipa (1443 A. D.), we have
another version of this episode (in the story of Siddhidatta and Dhanadatta figuring as a part of the account of the previous incarnation of king Ratrapāla), in which the trickster is a merchant and the victim is a courtesan. See H. C. Bhayani,
Sodh ane Svādhyāy (in Gujarati), 1965, pp. 224-230. 16. Muni Punyavijay (ed.), Akhyānaka-manikosa-vrtti by Amra
deva-sūri (1134 A. D.), Bhāvațţikā-Ākhyāna, pp. 193-218; for
the episode referred to above see verses 408-439. 17. There are numerous versions of the story of Amaradatta and
Mitrānanda in Prakrit, Old Gujarati etc. 18. Tawny and Penzer, The Ocean of Story. Reprint, Delhi,
1968. Vol. II, 251-261. 19. Raghavan, op. cit., 827. 20. Raghavan, op. cit., 889-891. 21. Raghavan, op. cit., 839ff.
Appendix
Sadayavatsa-vira-prabandha (Bikaner, 1960) vv. 444-503.
[ कामसेना-गणिका-जूठ-प्रसंग] 3बे जण पाटण मज्झि पहुत्त, दीठउ देउलि लोक बहुत्त । 'कहि भाई ! कोलाहल किसिउ ? ए अण-खाधइ पाणी-रिसउ' ४४५ 'कामसेना जे नाचिणि नाम, लिइ पच सइ सोन्ना-द्राम । मुहणइ सोमदत्त माणिउ, ते इहां ऊहदी नइ आणीउ ॥ ४४५
३ 'त सुणि' आ.

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गणिकानी मा अतिहि रढील, विवहारीउ मनाविउ मिल । डोकरी म डिउ गाढउ डोह, अर्ध आपतइ न छूटइ छोह" ॥ ४४६ [सदयवत्स-वचन]
सदयवच्छ बोला : 'सुणि मित्र ', ए खाटू अति करइ अखत्र ।' [ठूठा-वचन ] 'देव : अनेरउ नथी अन्याउ, माती रांडइ वी टिउ वाउ ॥ ४४७
एक भांडणिया ऊठी भाड, बीजउ महिं मूकिउ साडी । त्रीजी राउल-वाई रांड, इणि कारण टलीइ मांड' ॥ ४४८
ते जोवा पुहुतु प्रासादि, डोकरि दीठी वढती वादि । 'नर नवयौवन छेइ नवर गि, ए बोलिस्यड अम्हारइ 4अंगि' ॥ ४४९
एकदति बोलह : 'मुणि साह !, अम्हि परठ्या छइ राउत आह ।' सेठि-कुमर ऊचरइ सुजाण, 'आपण विहु जण एह प्रमाण' ॥ ४५०
तव तीणइ बिहु कारण कही, राउति वात विमासी सही । सदयवच्छि विचि लीधा साद, तेह-नः निरवाल्यु वाद ॥ ४५१
[ सदयवत्स-कृत चतुर न्याय ] एक सेठि हकारिउ ताम, ‘आणि विच्छेदिइ दर्पण द्राम' । सेठिइ जे जण बोलाविउ, अरथ आरीसउ लेई आवीउ ॥ ४५२ धन रेडी ओडिउ आरीस. एकदति तव दिइ आसीस । आघी थई लेवानइ अर्थ, 'दरपण-मांहि गिणी लिउ गर्थ' ॥ ४५३
[गणिका-कपट-उपहास] हाथि ताली देई हसिउ लोक : 'रांडइ लीघा टका रोक' । अंतरि तेडावी डोकरी, काढी बाहरि बांहि धरी ॥ ४५४
१. 'इतनी अति आडली रढील' आ. २. 'सुदय भणइ सुणि ठूठा मित्र' आ.
३. 'ए मुह' अ. ४. 'भगि' आ.

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इकि छांणिइ, इकि छांटइ छारि, इकि खीजवइ अनेरइ खारि । एकदति तव 1ओपी इसी, राय राजा छवि राणी जिसी ॥ ४५५
तेह-तणइ छोकरि नहीं छेह, डोकरी देखी हरखी तेह । वादिइ विवहारीई हरावी, टका ठीक रोक लेइ धरि आवी ४५६ ॥
[गणिकाप्रति कुलस्त्रीजन-धृणा ]
आपापणा धवलहर धसी, अबला सवे आवी उद्धसी । 'कहउ, किसी-परि जीतउ वाद ?,' बोली न सकइ बईठउ साद ॥ ४५७
जीणइ घणा घासव्या ति घाठी, कला बहुत्तरि-सि बुद्धि नाठी । त्रिणि दिवस जि लांघणइ लांघी, घणे घावू ए कीधी घांधी ॥ ४५८ परख्या पाखइ पुरुष वीससी, नयर-मांहि नर सघलइ हसी । 'काई रे छोडी ! पूछइ काज, हारिउ वाद विगूती आज' ॥ ४५९
[ सदयवत्स प्रति कामसेना-आकर्षण ] कामसेनि सभलिउ स्वरूप, ते राउत-नू जोईइ रूप । तेडिउ सघलउ सपरदाउ, चातुरि चतुर जोएवा जोउ ॥ ४६०
पुहती मडपि मधि-आदित, वाजिउ 5गजर सधुडिउ गीत । वंशकारि सातइ सुर सारि, आलति कीधी आलतिकारि ॥ ४६१ उडीमान उडवीउ ताल, झणझुण करइ मृदंग रसाल । धुरी धूआनी धूरली आदि, रही रेख रविन : प्रासादि ॥ ४६२
नयण वयण मन मस्तक नास, हावभाव कटि-तणा कलास । उर कर चरण लगइ चालवइ, इम जूजूआ अंग जालवइ ।। ४६३
१. 'देखो' आ. २. 'विगोई' आ. ३. 'जोय' आ. ३. 'जोवा नइ तिहां' आ. ४. 'मूधा दीती' अ. ५. 'गुहर सुद्ध सगीत' आ. ६. 'रणझिण' आ. ७. 'देवनई' आ. ८. 'मयण' आ. ९. 'करई' आ.

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[ कामसेना-विह्वलता] उत्तर ऊजेणी-पति दिट्ट, बईठउ मत्तवारणइ बलिट्ठ । कामसेनि थिई काम-विकाम, माणस काइ न जाणइ माम ॥ ४६४
तेउ चलावी भणी अवास, त्रुटी नाडि, न सलकइ सास । नयर. नरेसर वाहर करई, इसि पात्र अण-खूटइ मरई ॥ ४६५
[ उपचार! राजबंद जई जोई नाडि, एउ विकार नहीं अम्ह पाडि । देस-विदेसी बीज। बहू, राजा-5आयसि आवि सह ॥ ४६६
एकि भणईः 'ऊतारउ आंच,' एकि सेक दिवरावई पांच । एकि भणइ : 'आलस छांडीइ,' एकि भणइः ‘मडल मांडीई' ॥ ४६७
एकि भणइ : 'अम्ह हलूउ हाथ,' 8एकि भगइः 'दिई कडूउ क्वाथ' । आपापणी कला सवि कहई, गुणीया नई वईद गहगहई ॥ ४६८
[ गूर्जर वैद्य-निदान । अनग-रोग] गूर्जर वैद्य तिहारइ हसिउ, जाणे धरणि-धन तरि जिसिउ । दीठई रूपि सरूप ओलखई, वेद अनेरू रा आगलि झखइ : ॥ ४६९
'एहनई अंगि अग्गलउ अनग, नरवर ! को दीठउ नवरंग । महरति एकि मूर्छा भाजसिइ, मिलिउ लोक देखी लाजसिइ' ॥ ४७०
तास वचनि कालमुहा थाई, वलिउ चेत. 10वैद ऊठ्या जाइ ! । बाहरि वरतई भीडाभीड, प्रमदा पंचवाणनी पीड ॥ ४७१
१. 'हूइ कामिनी काम' आ. २. 'लेई' आ. ३. 'लाभई' आ. ४. 'नरेश न' आ. ५. 'इसि ते' अ. ६. 'लांच' अ. ७. 'कहई' आ. ८. 'एक वाइ छत्रीमु काथ' आ. ९. 'गुणीआ नीकारकि' आ. १०. 'वेगि ऊठी' आ.

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[राजपुत्र-आनयन-उपाय ] नाचिणि 1जस नायिकीदे नाम ते तेडीनइ कहि काम । 'तु. 2डाही डांखरी म जेडि, रवि-उमर्दिरि जई राउत तेढी ॥ ४७२
उत्तरि बईठउ ऊचो पाटि भड जे पाखलि वीं टिउ भाटि । केकि-कला सिरि झांटि झमाल, आगलि आडण अनइ करमाल ।। ४७३
[वृद्धा एकदति विरोध-दशन ] एकदति तीणि बोलिइ बली. परीसिइ पुरुष एक ऊछली । 'जिणि 5हलूई कीधी आज ते टीटउ तेडिइ कुण काज ? ॥ ४७४
राय राणा भूतलि जेतला, विवहारीया कहू केतला ? । करइ साद का डिसर केडि, केहा गुण तु राउत तेडि ? ॥ ४७५
[ गणिका-द्रव्यहरण-नैपुण्य] पारखि-सिउ जउ कीजइ प्रेम, पाडी दिइ पीयारू हेम । ओछी वानी तउ घणउ विराम, सारी लीइसू सारा द्राम ॥ ४७६
दोसी 10कोर कापडां दियइ. लूगड-मांहि ति बिमणू लीयइ । काज सुरहीउ सारइ घणू, आपइ सदा सुरहू धूपणू ॥ ४७७ सोनी काजि 11किहारइ 12वाहि, सूध चउथ लिइ सूना-मांहि । पहिलू घाट घडीनइ हाटि, घरि आवइ घडामण माटि ॥ ४७८
बांभण-सि बहु नेह म करइ, मास पक्ष पूठिइ परिहरइ । भाट भलउ हुइ दीह बि.च्यारि, जां जूवटइ न थालइ हारि ॥ ४७९
१. 'जे' आ. २. 'गाढी' आ. ३. 'मडपि' आ. ४. 'दीसइ' आ. ५. 'ह हालू' अ. ६. 'शू' आ. ७. 'भूपति' अ. ८. 'जे भला' आ. १. 'आसा' अ. १०. 'कापड वार' आ. ११. जिह्वाइ' आ. :. 'पाहि. अ.

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तंबोलीनी थोडी तीम, जिहनइ पान पांचनी सीम । टोंटा देखी टाले नेटि. सोहमी जईनइ मनावे सेठि ।।४८ ०।। माली आपइ 'सुरहां फल, जे वारू नइ अति बहुमूल । मोटा झोटा अनइ छड छेक, तेह-नई दीजइ वहिलु छेक ॥४८१।। फूटरसी नइ फरफट कूच, हाथ विहारइ न मेल्हई मूछ ।
ते उलगू-नइ म देसि अडाउ, कूडी करगर लाउ नसाउ ॥४८२।। [धनवान परीक्षण]
नाणावटि नाणू निरखीइ, तिम आपणइ पुरुष परखीइ ।
'जिहां जिहां दोसइ द्रव्य जेतलउ, तिहां आदर कीजइ तेतलउ' ॥४८३।। कामसेना-वचन]
कामसेना नई चडिउ कोप, नायकदे प्रति दीघ निरोप । 'ए बूढी-तणा बोल म विमासि, राउत तेडी आणि आवासि' ॥४८४॥
गई रामा रवि-मंडप भणी, व्याधि ते कामिणि-तणी । [सदयवत्स-प्रति वचन]
'सुणि सावज्जल साची बात, कामसेना तूं-राती रात ।।४८५॥ हूँ पाठवी तीणइ तूअ पासि, 'पसाउ करी अम्ह आवि आवासि । अरथ अनेथि अछइ अम्ह घणउ, ते वनिता विभ्रम तू अ-तणाउ ।।४८६॥ बार म लाउ, वहिलउ थइ देव !, टाला-तणी 1°टली छइ टेव ।
मरइ अखूटइ मोट् पात्र, तई दीठई दुःख फीटइ गात्र' ॥४८७॥ [ठूठा-प्रति सूदा-बचन]
सुद्द भणइ. 'सुणि ठूठा मित्र !, इणि मांडिउ एवडू चरित्र । 11इम तेडइ 12तिम कारण कहइ, एहू वात विमासण लहइ' ॥४८८॥
1. 'सरस्यू नेह मन' आ. 2. 'फाफट' आ. 3. 'कइ धस लाउ' आ. 4. 'पर
खीई' आ. 5. 'जेहनउ भाव दीसइ' अ. 6. 'रधि' आ. 7. 'मया' आ. 8. 'भति' आ. 9. 'विक्रम' आ. 10. 'म करिसिउ' था. 11. 'तिम अ. 12. 'अति' आ.

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255
हूंठा-वचन]
ठ्ठु भणइ : 'नवि जाणिउ भेट, वारि रांड-तणइ मनि खेद । . 'देहरा-मांहि दुहवी जेअ, डंस वीसरइ न डोकरि तेह ॥४८९।। . इणि वीसासी वाह्या वीर, इणि खाइ पाडया घर-धीर 'इणि वेसाइं विगोया भला; इणि रोल्या राउत केतला ॥४९०॥ वेसा-तणउ म करि वीसास, वेसा-वयण ते मुहि गली पास ।
5 'मच्छ जेम मांस-नइ धरइ, जीव-तणउ जीवी अपहरई' ॥४९१॥ [सूदा-वचन]
सुद्द भणइ : 'हूंअ जाणूं सहू, वेसा-तणी वात छइ बहू ।
जउ भाई ! भव कीजइ एह, जयल्लपणानउ आविउ छेह' ॥४९२॥ [ठूठा-वचन]
'एह अनेरउ नहीं उआउ, एहनइ विषय-तणउ विवसाउ ।
इहनइ मनि माटीनी आस, इहनइ लहइ विदेसी वास' ॥४९३॥ [परिचारिका-निवेदन]
परिचारिकि जे पूठिइ वही, तीणाइ घरि जईनइ कारण कही । 'ते धीरउ आवेव करइ, पणि ठूठीउ कुटाइ करइ' ॥४९४॥ तउ वीजी बोलावो बाल : 'जई चालवि ठूठउ चंडाल । मानी लांच लोभवि घणू, कामिणि कान करे आपणू' ।।४९५।। 'तउ तीणइ खिलकी-नइ खुट, हूलवी बोलाविउ ठूठ ।
लांच-तणउ देखाडिउ लोभ, कांइ ए क्षित्री-कारणि शोभ? ।।४९६॥ [ठूठाने लांचनु प्रमोभन]
"लांच आंच नवि ठूटउ सहइ, कांई कथन अपूरव कहइ । [ठूठा-वचन]
'कामसेनि-लहुडी चित्रलेख, तेह ऊपरि माहरी अभिलेख ॥४९७॥ ते जउ रातिई मइ-सिउ रमइ, तउ ए गेहि तम्हारइ गमइ । बीजू 10 कांइ म बोलि आल, ठूठइ-सरिस न चालइ चाल' ॥४९८॥
1. 'मह' आ. 2. 'हारिउ वाद विगोइ जेह, ए वीसरइ' भा. 3. 'या छइ' अ.
4. 'ईणइ व्यास विगोया घणा' आ. 5. 'माणस जेम मछिनई' आ. 6. 'वहसी' आ. 7. 'पूछो रही' आ. 8. 'हुपाई' भ. 9. 'वाटे करीनइ खलकी खुट' आ. 10. 'वेशा-वचन' आ. 11. 'बहु' आ, 'इस्यु भणिई ठूठू चंडाल' आ.

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मनि आपणइ आलोचीय साच, वेशा ठूठइ लीधी वाच ।
चतुरा राउ ऊठाडयउ तेहि, आणिउ गयगामिणि नई गेहि' ॥४९९॥ कामसेना-आवासे सुदा-गमन]
नाचिणि नर आवंतउ देखि, आपणपू संवरी सुवेखि ।
कणय-कलस भरि निर्मल नीर, दिइ आचमण विच्छेदिई वीर ॥५०॥ सत्कार
आदर-सिउ अवास भझारि, 'आणी आवरजइ वर नारि । भोजन भगति युगति जूजुई, मिलियां राति सुरंगी हुई ॥५०१।" वडइ भलकि जागिउ जूआर, दांतण करिवा काजि कुंवर कामसेनि आयस उहासि, दांतण लेईनइ आवी दासि ।।५०२।। 'दांतण सारिई,' ऊग्यू सूर, आविउ ढूंठ : म करउ असूर ।' बीडू आपी बोलइ बोल, 'राउत ! रखे करउ विगोल' ॥५०३।।
1. ते आवर्जर करइ अपारि आ. 2. 'ममरह' अ. 3. 'अति काल' अ.

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11. THE BRHATIKATHĀ, THE VASUDEVAHINDI
AND THE SOURCES OF TWO PURĀŅIC KRŞŅA-CARITA EPISODES
1. We know that in the Purāņic life-story of Kệşņa the episodes of Vastraharaņa i. e. stealing of Gopi's clothes is not found in the Harivansa and the Vişņu Purāņa, but occurs for the first time in the Bhāgavata Purāņa.
In his paper ‘Kșşņa's Stealing of the Herdsmaidens' Clothes' (1986), Sheth has noted that ‘This episode has its parallels in the folk-literature of all the continents' (p. 174), for which he has given reference to Ruben's study on Krşņa (1944, pp. 98-99). Further, on the basis of Hardy's study of the Alvār Literature (Viraha-bhakti, 1983; pp. 512-516), Sheth has remarked that "The Bhagavata Purāņa, however, following the lead of the Ālvārs, has invested the tale with a religious significance by putting it in the context of bhakti' (p. 174).
The eminent Indologist, M. B. Emeneau has again taken up this subject for a detailed discussion in his paper ‘Kșşņa steals the Gopis' Clothes : A Folktale Motif' (1989). He has consider ed the Vastraharana episode as a motif in the folktale tradition, and drawn our attention to its occurence in the famous eleventh century Sanskrit work, Somadeva's Kathäsaritsägara. To quote, ‘To these versions of motif and tale-types, drawn from the collections of little more than the last century, we may add time-depth by referring to the two occurrences of the motif that are foundin Somadeva's Kathäsaritsagara' (p, 524). The two passages discussed by Emeneau are : (1) Kathāsaritsāgara 108 (otherwise 14.4), vv. 64-72 (translation in. Penzer 1927, p. 58 f), and (2) 121 (otherwise 18.2), vv. 109-111 (translation in Penzer 1928, p. 20).
By way of conclusion Emeneau observes, ..... we need feel no doubt that the source of the Ciraharana episode in the Krsna
17

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cycle is the motif....K 1335 that we have been examining. It is a floating motif of sexual fantasy, of ancient date, as attested both by its wider spread throughout India and by its occurrence in the Kathāsaritsāgara, and of some popularity in South India. It has been seized upon as a fitting episode in the depiction of mystic love by Krşņa bhakti movement of South India, first in early Tamil bhakti Literature (attested in the earlier epic), and then by the composer of the Sanskrit Bhagavatapuraņa in the 9th-10th Century-even though the episode can hardly be said to be a closely-knit element in the story line.'
2. Now thanks to Bhoja's Śrngāraprakāśa (11th Cent. A.D.), we come to know that the motif under discussion, as attested in the second of the two passages that Emeneau has referred to, most probably already occurred in the Vaddakahā (i.e. Bțahatkathā), the Paiśācī treasure-house of stories written by Guņādhya, which is lost and which was the ultimate source of the Kathāsaritsāgara. The Paiśāci passage cited in the Sțăgăraprakāśa relates to the very incident which we find in Kathāsaritsāgara 121 (=18.2), vv. 109114. The passage occurs on p. 937 in the Spřgāraprakāśa. Raghavan has discussed 'it (p. 850) and shown its great significance. The peculiar name of the gambler (the hero of the story) is also tell-tale.
Of the three variants of that name, Thinthākarāla, Gențakarāla and Tențākarāla, the last one is correct. temță (or timțā) is nonSanskritic and occurs frequently in Apabhramśa texts and is glossed as dyūta-sthāna ‘a gambling house or gambling den'. Hence tențākarāla means 'the terror of the gambling house', a designation quite appropriate for the inviterate, diehard gambler.
Thus we can date the earliest occurrence of the motif of Ciraharaṇa in the Indian literature in the first or second century A. D., the probable date of the Vaddakahā. In the light of this evidence, the view that the Vastraharaṇa motif is based on a
1. For the slightly enended and restored text of the passage see
Bhayani and Shah, 1987, Introduction, p. 75.

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popular theme in Tamil poetry that originated in the custom of presenting girls with a leaf-frock at puberty (Entwhistle, 1987, p. 36, fn. 69), first advanced by Hardy and corroborated by Emeneau requires reconsideration.
259
3. The absence of the episode of Vastraharana in the pre-Bhāgavata Puranic Kṛṣṇa myths and its occurence in the Vaḍḍakaha and the Bhagavata provides us with some food for speculation. On the basis of archaeological evidence we know that the 'Ganga king Durvinita, assigned to the sixth century A. D., had prepared a Sanskrit version of the Vaḍḍakaha. (Raghavan, 1963, p. 844). The stealing of clothes figuring in the Teṇṭākarāla story which was quite likely present in that early Southern Sanskrit recast was possibly the immediate source of the Vastraharaṇa episode of the Bhāgavata. This inference finds a support from another interesting episode we find in the Kṛṣṇacarita of the Bhāgavata.
4. Visnu Purana 5, 13, 31-42 describe how Kṛṣṇa disappeared just when the Rasa dance was to start and how the agitated Gopis wandering in the woodland in search of Kṛṣṇa came to notice the latter's footsprints. They pursued the track and from the condition of these footprints, and of the other smaller ones by their side, the Gopis made precise inferences about some favourite Gopi that accompanied Kṛṣṇa: Kṛṣṇa had plucked a bunch of flowers and adorned her with it. She felt proud. Kṛṣṇa repulsed her and went away leaving her pining. This Viṣṇu Purāṇa episode we find much more developed in the Bhagavata, where there is a meticulous description of the process of deductions. From various signs, the Gopis make surmises about Kṛṣṇa carrying her sweetheart, adorning her with flowers and making love to her. The Gopis continuing their pursuit arrived at the place where they found Krsna's once favourite lamenting her fate. (Bhāgavata, 10, 30 Kṛṣṇānveṣaṇa).
-14
To
Now this episode has a very close parallel to an episode in the autobiographical account of Carudatta, occurring in the Gandharvadatta Lambha of the Vasudevahimdi (pp. 135-138). There Carudatta and his friends picnicing on the bank of a river 'notice

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some foot-prints on the sandy beach. From, the shapes and from the conditions and surroundings of the footprints which they follow they cleverly make several very detailed deductions : The footsprints were those of a Vidyadhara, who carried her human sweetheart in his arms; the latter had requested her lover to pluck for her a bunch of flowers of the Saptaparna tree on their way; the woman was offended by the Vidyadhara, who then won her over and carried her to a creeper bower, where they made love.
260
We cannot miss the very close resemblance between these episodes from the Bhagavata and the Vasudevahimḍi.
Now the Vasudevahimḍi is a Jain recast of some version of the Bṛhatkatha. The fact that the story of Carudatta occurs also in Budhasvamin's Bṛhatkatha-sloka-samgraha (9, 8-46: the story of Sānudāsa), the earliest available Sanskrit version of the Bṛhatkatha, assures us about the occurrence of that story in the early Bṛhatkathā tradition. It seems to me that the Bhagavatakara moulded the episode of Kṛṣṇānveṣaṇa on the incident we find in the story of Sānudāsa (Carudatta) in the Bṛhatkatha and he possibly utilized the Southern Sanskrit version of Durvinita.
5. The motif of intelligently arriving at correct deductions (in a modern detective-like fashion) through sharp observation of trifling marks and objects is greatly popular in all the folktale traditions. According to Thompson's Motif Index, it is motif no. J. 1661.1. To note only a few occurrences from Classical Indian literature (1) The Pali Jataka tale No. 432 Pada-kusalamāṇava-jātaka. (2) The illustration of that type of trained intelligence (vainayiki-buddhi) which one acquires by studying nimitta (i.e. making deductions from telltale marks, etc.), as we find in the commentarial literature on the Avasyaka-sūtra of the Jain Canon (e.g. in the tippana (12th Century) of Śricandra on Haribhadra's commentary on the Nandi-Sutra, verse 64). This tale has found a place in Arabian tale collections and spread to various regions.

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Incidentally we should emphasize the fact that high literature, popular literature and oral texts have to be taken as convenient categories only. They are not mutually exclusive. There has been continuous and considerable give and take at all the three levels, much more so in the Indian tradition.
References
Antti Arne and S Thompson. The Types of the Folktale, 1961. H. C. Bhayani and R. M. Shah. Vasudevahimḍi-Madhyama Khanda, Part 1, 1987.
Budhasvamin, Bṛhatkatha-sloka-saṁgraha.
M. B. Emeneau, 'Krsna Steals the Gopis' Clothes : A Folktale Motif'. JAOS, 109.4 (1989), 521-526.
A. W. Entwhistle, Braj: Centre of Krishna Pilgrimage. Groningen, 1987.
Friedhelm Hardy. Viraha-Bhakti The Early History of Kṛṣṇa Devotion in South India. Delhi. 1983.
G. R. Joryer. Śrṛngāraprakāśa. Vol. IV. 1975.
N. M. Penzer. The Ocean of Story. Vol. 8,9. 1927, 1928.
V. Raghavan. Bhoja's Śṛngāraprakāśa, 1963.
Walter Ruben. Krishna Konkordanz und Kommentar der Motive seines Heldenlebens. Istanbul. 1944.
Sanghadāsa-gani. Vasudevahimḍi. Ed. Caturvijaya and Punyavijaya.
1930.
Noel Sheth, 'Kṛṣṇa's Stealing of the Herdsmaidens' Clothes' (Paper presented at the VII th World Sanskrit Conference, Philadelphia, Oct. 13-20, 1984). ABORI, LXVI, 1986.
Somadeva. Kathāsaritsägara. Ed. Durgaprasad and Parab. 1903. S. Thompson. Molif Index of Folk Literature. 1932-36.

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12. APABHRAMSA VERSES COMPOSED BY THE
PARAMĀRA KING MUNJA
1. As an instance of the Samkirņa type of the Catuspadi Dhruvā used in the Apabhraṁsa Sandhibandha, Hemacandra has cited under Chandonuśāśanal 6, 22 the following of verse that illustrates an admixture of two different varieties of Catușpadi :
चूडुलउ बाहोह-जलु, नयणा कंचुअ विसम-थण ।
इअ मुजि रइआ दूहडा, पच-वि कामहु पच सर ॥ ESZE, 91617-73, 7901, #1937 and faah 90-these five Dohās, comparable to the five arrows of Kāma (the Love God) were. composed by Muñja'.
This verse has a unique historical importance in that it records the anthorship of some stray verses in the Dohā metre : they were composed by Muñja, the famous Paramāra king of Mālava, who flourished during 975-995 A. D. He enjoyed great fame in legend and history for his romance, heroism, literary talent and patronage to literature. The cited laudatory verse mentions five characteristic words, one from each of the five verses of Muñja which had become famous among literary circles due to their poetic excellence. This was a traditional device to record in a fool-proof manner the authorship of isolated, stray verses (Muktakas), which otherwise would become anonymous (as has actually happened in the case of thousands of Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhramśa and early regional verses)
2. Now the problem is to trace or identify these Muñja verses from the available Apabhramśa literature. Fortunately Hemacandra happens to have preserved them for the posterity. The Cūdullau and the bāhoha-jalu verses are given in the Chandonuśāsana at the same place as the commemarative verse noted above i.e. under VI 22. The cudullau verse occurs also in the Siddaliema under

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Apabhramsa Verses of King Muñja
263
VIII 4, 395 with slight variation in the third pāda. The text according to the Chandonuśāsana is as follows :
चूडुल्लउ चुण्णीहोइसई, मुद्धि कओलि निहित्तउ ।
faegs annafsso, a13-afssäfAFS 11 The Siddahema has falfes for abenfes and A19175A13-7814243 for the third pāda. The verse can be translated as follows :
"Oh simple girl, your bracelet, positioned as it is under your cheek (which rests thereon) will be reduced to powder, having been (first) heated by your firy sighs and (then) sprinkled with the water of your tears'. The second, bāhoha-julu verse is as follows :
त तेत्तिउ बाहोह-जलु, सिहिणंतरि वि न पत्तु ।
छिमिछिमिछिमिवि गडत्यलिहिं, सिमिसिमिवि सिमिवि समत्तु ।। Translation :
'That huge flood of tears did not reach even up to the interspace of her breasts -- it boiled up on her cheeks, emitting chimi-chimi sounds and disappeared emitting simi-simi sounds.'
The remaining three Muñja verses can be identified from the illustrative citations given in the Apabhraíśa section of the Siddhahema. There is some uncertainty about the identification of the nayaņā-verse. Probably it is the same as cited under VIII. 4, 414 to illustrate the word prāimva. It is as follows :
असुजले प्राइम्व गोरिअहे, सहि उव्वत्ता नयण-सर ।
ते सम्मुह संपेसिआ, देति तिरिच्छी घत्त पर ॥ Translation:
'It seems that the arrows of glances of the fair damsel are deflected due to the stream of tears-hence eventhough charged straight, they strike sideways'.
The fourth verse, i.e. the kamcua verse, is the same as cited under Siddhahema VIII 4, 437. It is as follows:

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पहिआ दिट्टी गोरडी, दिली मग्गु निअंत । असूसासेहिं कंचुआ, तिंतुव्वाण करत ॥
Translation:
'Oh wayfarer, did you meet any fair lady?' 'Oh yes, I saw her gazing at the road (of you return) and alternately drenching and drying her blouse with her tears and sigh.'
Lastly, the visama-thana verse is the same as cited under VIII 4, 350 (as also under 362). Its text and translation follow.
फोडे ति जे हिअड अप्पण, ताह पराई कवण घण । रक्खेज्जहु लोअहो अपणा, बालहे जाया विसम थण ॥
"Those who burst their own heart-what compassion can they have for others? Men, be on your guards: the breasts of the young girl have become terrific.'
3. Apart from the evidence of the Chandonusāsana, some further evidence, eventhough indirect, is now available in support of Muñja's authorship of the above given verses. The Apabhramsa poem Jambūsāmicariya was completed by Vira in V.S. 1076 (=1020 A.D.). Vira was connected with the places Simduvarisi and Gulakheda in the Malava country, which was ruled by king Bhoja from 1010 to 1055 A.D. Bhoja was preceded by Sindhuraja (9951010 A.D.) and the latter by Muñja (975-995 A.D.). Thus the Janbucariya was written some twentyfive years after the death of Muñja. From the Jambucariya it is evident that Vira was not only famliar with important literary works of his times, including the Apabhramśa works of Puspadanta (c. 930-980 A.D.) and Svayambhu (later half of the 9th cent.), but he was also considerably influenced by them. The Jambucariya reveals numerous borrowings in ideas and expressions, from earlier wellknown Apabhramsa, Prakrit and Sanskrit works. Hence Vira cannot but be familiar with the Apabhramśa poems of the royal poet Muñja, who was also famous for his literary patronage-so much so that later legends extolled him in such glowing terms as
गते मुजे यश: पुजे निरालम्वा सरस्वती ।

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Apabhramsa Verses of King Muñja
265
'With the departure of the glorious Muñja, the Goddess of learning has become a homeless wanderer'.
Now one passage of the Jambūsāmicariya, viz., IV 11, 1-3, describing the love-lorn condition of the women of Rājagļha on seeing Jambūsvāmin contains echoes from two of the Muñja verses noted above. The passage is as follows :
काहि वि विरहाणलु संपलित्त अंसुजलोहलिउ कवोले खित्तु । पल्लट्टइ हत्थु करतु सुण्णु, दंतिमु चूडुल्लउ चुप्णु चुण्णु ।
काहि वि हरिय दण-रसु रमेइ, लग्गंतु अंगे छमजमछमेइ । ‘In the case of some one woman the fire of separation so flared up that it reduced to powder the ivory bracelet that was drenched with tears due to its contact with the cheek, thus rendering her hand bare; in the case of another woman, the sandal-paste applied to her body emitted sizzling sounds'. The poet had obviously here before him the cüdullau and the bāhohajalu verses of Muñja. Moreover the sequence of images in both the occurrences correspond to each other. This fact suggests that the five verses of Muñja alluded to in the listing verse cited by Hemacandra must have formed a closely associated group.
4. References to Muñja are found in the illustrative verses cited under Siddhahema VIII 4 439 (3) and (4). In the first of these the speaker is Muñja's sweetheart. The lovers have quarrelled. Muñja, wrenching his arm from her beloved's clutch is leaving her, when she says, “What is the harm if you leave me physically ? But if you can disappear from my heart, then only I would feel you are really angry with me.'
The second verse describes Muñja's beloved as striving to preserve her life in Muñja's absence by kissing the two palms which had drank the water reflecting Muñja's image without disturbing that image.
Similarly in the Muñja Prabandha of the Prabandha-cintāmaņi numerous Apabhramśa verses are cited pertaining to some key incidents in Muñja's romantic and heroic biography and some of

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them are in the form of Muñja's speech. In all these cases it seems probable that they are not verses composed by Muñja, but some other poet (or poets), whose works on Muñja's biography are now lost.6
Notes
1. Velankar's edition, Singhi Jain Series No. 49, 1961, p. 209. 2. For this traditional listing device see H. C. Bhayani, Tārāyaṇa,
1987, Introduction, p. 11-13. 3. Edited by V. P. Jain, 1968. 4. It is also to be noted according to his own statement Vira
was closely associated with the state business. See Jambūsāmi
cariya, Praśasti, verse 5. 5. Prabandhacintāmani, ed. Jinavijaya Muni, 1933, p. 25, 1. 2. 6. Utpalarāja was another name of king Muñja and various
Sanskrit anthologies (Subhāştia-kośas) we find some verses under that name. But it was also a name of some other persons. So there is uncertainty about the authorship of those verses.

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13. VARDHAMĀNA-SŪRI'S APABHRAMSA METERS Introductory
A noteworthy feature of the religious-didactic narrative litera-- ture in Prakrit produced mostly by the Jainas of Gujarat from about the tenth century onwards was the increasing use of Apabhramśa. One or more complete stories, episodes etc., long or short descriptive passages and individual stanzas in Apabhramśa were scattered throughout the work. We have biographies of Tirthankaras, religious narratives, didactic Prakaraṇas giving stories to illustrate principles of religious conduct and 'treasuries of tales' (kathäkośa) characterized by this stylistic pattern. Upadeśamālavịtti of Ratnaprabha (1082 A.D.), Manorama-kahā (1084 A.D.) and Jugāi-jiņimdacariya (1104 A.D.) of Vardhamāna, Sthānaka-vịtti of Devendra (1090 A.D.), ākhyānaka-maņi-kośa-vịtti of Āmradeva (1134 A.D.), Malliņāhacariya of Haribhadra (c. 1160 A.D), Kumārapālapratibodha of Somaprabha (1185 A.D.) may be mentioned out of a host of works of this type.
L. Alsdorf's Der Kumārapālapratibodha (1928) was a pioneering study of the Apabhramśa portions of such a work. It was admirably systematic and through. No other similar study has appeared thereafter.
As a modest effort in that direction, I have attempted in what follows to describe the metres used in the Apabhramśa passages of Vardhamānasūri's Manorama-kahā (= MK.) and Jugāijiņimdacariya (= JC.).
There are about 160 Apabhramśa stanzas in MK. and about 460 such stanzas in JC. There are several irregularies in the numbering of verses in both the texts. In some places the two halves of a four-lined stanza are numbered separately. Elsewhere a single number is given to a passage containing two or more stanzas. The following tables give information in the case of both the texts about (a) the name and type of the metres that are identified, (b) the number of Mātrās per line, (c) the place of occurrence and (d) the total number of stanzas occurring for each metre. For the description of the metres one can refer to the standard manuals like the Svayambhūcchanda, the Chandonuśāsana and modern works on the Apabhramśa prosody.

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Table I Metres of the Apabhramśa Passages in MK.
Description
Place of Occurrence
Sr. Name & Type No.
Samă Catuspadi
Total no. of stanzas
1. Vadanaka
16 Mātrās per line
2. Paddhadi 3. Pādākulaka 4. Laghu-catuspadika
per 15 Mātrās per line
line
6
5. Madanāvatāra
6. Rāsāyalaya
1213 (three stanzas), 219 (C); II 97, 509; III. 163
I 786-797 I 361 I 219 (A.B ) II 284 (two st.) III. 111-118 (four st.),
1 182 (two st.), 193 (A) (two st.), 268, 269, 270, 272 (two st.), 273 (three st.), 274; II. 93-94 (one st.), 95-96. (one stanza), 135-136 (one st.) 325; III 144, 160, 161, 165-169, 512-521. I 326; II 89-90 (one st.), 137-138 (one st.); III 159, 162, 879-880 (one st.) III 929-930 (one st.)
Prakrit and Apabhraṁsa Studies
7. Vastuvadanaka
24 ,
,
6
8. Dvipadi

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9. Doha
9. Dohā
13+11 Mātrās in each
half
42
191, 213, 221, 275, 276, 278, 329, 344, 511, 678, 694; II 194; 195, 236, 456, 457, 458, 461; III 104, 511, 522, 537, 568, 838-855, 1017. I 193 (B), 202.
10. Cūļāla-Dohā
13+16 Mātrās in each
half 10+8+13 Mātrās in each
half
11.
Satpadi
I 798.
Vardhamāna-Sūri's Apabhramsa Meter
10 Mātrās per line
III. 786-791 (14 distichs)
The Short Dvipadi 12. Manthāna
Dvibhangi 13. Mātrā + Dohā
15+12 (or 11) +15+19 (or 11)+13 +11+13 + 11
I 266-267 (1 st.), 519-526, 746; III 925-26 (1 St.), 927-28 (1 st.)
269

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Prakrit and Apabhramśa Studies
Critical Remarks
No. 1.
I 218 and 219. The fourth Pāda of the first stanza under 218 is defective. The episode of the Dispute Between the Seasons has clear indications of having a folk-tale origin. Hence these verses bear clear dialectal traits. The second stanza under 219 is made up of Vadanaka and LaghuCatuspadikā. The latter has been very frequently used for Old Gujarati verse narrative (see for example Bhayani and Nahta, 1975, Introduction, p. 15; text, pp. 95-97) and for epigrammatic poetry, and it also holds sway in traditional and folk poetry, e.g. in the summing-up verse of a prose tale and in nursery rhymes. At II 97 Vadanka functions as the concluding piece (Ghattā) of a verse passage (Kadavaka). At II. 97 and II 509 it is used to describe the condition of love in separation (viraha). III 163 is a gnomic verse cited from some earlier source. Paddhadi is used for the main body of the Kadavaka at I 786-797. That Kadavaka is a hymn to the twentyfour Tirthařkaras. For a similar use of Paddhaời see Svayambhū, 1962, pp. 96-99; for the use of Vadanaka, Pāraņaka and Paddhaời for the main body of the Kadavaka, see Bhayani, 1952, Introduction, pp. 94-97.
No. 3. The language of 1 361 shows some dialectal (“Proto
Hindi') traits. No. 4. See remarks under 1 above. No. 5. In II 284, the fourth Pāda of the first stanza and the
second and the fourth Pada of the second stanza are textually defective. The passage under III 111-118 also has some inaccuracies. The language of such descriptive Madanāvatāra verse is usually Prakritized. It has been conventionally used to describe wealth of wild flora. See far example Svyambhu's Paumacariya III 1, Vijayasenasūri's, Revantagirirāsu, second Kadavaka (wherein as in

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271
No. 6.
MK. III 111-118 Mount Girnar is described in a Dvibhangi type of metre, one of its constituent being Madanāvatāra).
The Rāsāvalyas seem to be used mostly in passages describing emotional condition of a character or tense moments in a narrative. This characterization applies to I 182, 193; to the verses II 93 96 (with 97 as the summing-up verse in Vadanaka) and I 135-138. The verses from the story of Candanabālā (I 268-272; 273–274) give the impression of a composition partly executed as a Rāsaka, II 325 is a citation. III 144 is a summing-up verse. III 160-169 is a sermon on chastity. III 512-522 is a hymn to the Tirthankara śāntinātha.
Rāsāvalaya was the standard metre of the Apabhraíba poetic genre Rāsābandha or Rāsaka. The MK. Rāsāvalaya passages are valuable in view of the fact that the rich Rāsaka literature of Apabhramśa is totally lost except a single late specimen, viz, the Samdeśa-rāsaka.
No. 7. Vastuvadanka is used in MK. for the summing-up verse
of a story at I, 326. Elsewhere it is used for variation. In the later regional traditions, Vastuvadanaka forming the first constituent of a two-unit strophic metre called Șatpada (or Kāvya or Sārdha Chandas) beeame very popular, especially for gnomic verses.
No. 8.
No. 9.
Dvipadi, which has been frequently used in Apabhramsa Sandhibandhas, either as a Kadavaka-opening piece or for variation, seems to have declined in popularity after the eleventh century. Dohā is frequently used for sentential sayings, proverbs and bons mots. Many of the Dohā verses in MK. are apt illustrations of the figure Arthāntaranyāsa. Sometimes it is used to highlight some important moment or the conclusion in a narrative. At III, 522 Dohā occurs in the

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Ghattā. III, 838-855 is a hymn to Pārsvanātha composed in Dohās. The total does not include the figure of Dohās occurring as the second unit in the strophic metre Raddā.
No. 10. Actually Cūdāla-Dohā, as the name signifies is a 'Crested
Dohā' because in it each half of the Dohā is extended by five Mātrās. This seems to be a later development. The instances we find in MK., JC. and the Mülaśuddhiyrtti (p. 164, v 168) are the earliest known occurrences of this metre. Later on we find one instance cited in the Siddhahema (VIII 4, 419 : 6th illustration) and two instances in the Samdeśarāsaka (vv. 112, 114). The Cūdāla-Dohā is defined and illustrated by the Kavidarpana (II 17), Chandahkośa (26) and Prāksta-paingala (I 167 168). See also
Bhayani, 1945, pp. 64–65. No. 11. The short Dvipadis have been conventionally used as
variation metres in the Sandhibandha and usually they are used to detcribe a festive occasion, a battle-scene or
similar episodes. No. 12. At I 519-526 Raddā is used for a hymn to the Tirthan
kara Candraprabha. I 746 is a gnomic verse. Elsewhere it is used narratively.
The passages I 519-529, I 785-798, III 512-522 and III 838-855 are hymns sung before the images of Tirthankaras and as such are self-sufficient poems. Of these the second and the third constitute a regular Kada vaka that ends with a Ghattā.

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Table II Metres of the Apabhraíśa Passages in JC. Description
Place of Occurrence
Sr. Name and Type No.
Samă Catuspadi 1. Vadanaka
Total No. of
stanzas
See Table I,
2. "Paddhadi 3. Pādākulaka 4. Rāsāvalaya
38, 39, 96-98, 657, 1419-1420, 22962299. 2495-2505 (in a Kadavaka). 1721-1729 988-989 138, 443, 1070, 1335-1336 (one st.) 14171418 (oue st), 1719 1720 (one st.), 1730-53 (12 st.) 1758-1759 (one st.), 2648, 2649, 26-54-2684. 2692–2699, 3081-3086 (3 st.). 31, 873–874 (one st.) 869-870 (one st.). 448, 1715, 1760, 1761, 2269 (p. 205), 2507. 36 2506 (as a Ghattā)
Vardhamāna-Sūri's Apabhramśa Meters
See Table
5. Vastuvadanaka 6. Dvipadi 7. Dohā 8. Cūdāla-Dohā 9. Şatpadi
Dvibhangi *10. Radda
320
1375–1384, 1401–1415, 2350–2495, 2517–2553, 2557-2647, 3537--3560. 1067-1069 (one st.)
11. Dohā + Vastuuudanaka See individual
descriptions Dandaka 12. Anangasekhara u-23 times
273
2554–2556 (one st.)

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274
Critical Remarks
The observations made above about the functions of various metres in MK. hold good in the case of JC. also. Some special remarks follow.
No. 1. vv. 2495-2506 make up a Kadavaka. It is a hymn to Rṣabha.
No. 2. Paddhaḍi is used at vv. 1721-1729 for variation with the Rāsāvalaya.
No. 4.
Prakrit and Apabhramśa Studies
We have three long passages in Rasavalaya. vv. 17301753 describe female beauty, vv. 2659-2684 describe seasons. vv. 2692-2699 describe Bharata's repentant mood and Rṣabha's observations.
No. 10. Raḍḍā is extensively used in JC. We have a total of 320 vv. 1375-1384 describe the eight Pratihāryas, vv. 14011415 describe Marudevi's worries about Rṣabha's plight and Bharata's consolation. vv. 2350-2495 and 2517-2553 describe the episode of the battle between Bharata and Bahubali. vv. 3537-3560 contain a hymn to the twentyfour Tirthankaras. Vardhamana-suri's extensive use of Raḍḍā for the narrative purpose probably set a model for Haribhadrasuri who later on composed his Nemināhacariya entirely in Raḍḍās. Ratnaprabha also described in his commentary on the Upadeśamālā the battle between Bharata and Bahubali in the Radda metre (folios 65-68, vv. 85-108).
Alsdorf L. (ed.)
Bhayani H. C.
Bhayani H. C. (ed.)
Bhayani H. C. and
Modi M. C. (ed.)
Reference Works
Der Kumarapalapratibodha, 1928. Introduction to the Samdeśarāsaka, 1945. (See under Muni Jinavijaya) Paumacariya of Svayambhadeva, Part I,
1952.
Neminähacariya of Haribhadra, Vol. I, 1970; Vol. II, 1971.

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275
Bhayani H. C. and Prācina Gurjara Kāvya Samcaya, L.D.
Nahta Agarchand (ed.) Series. 40, 1975. Bhojak Amritlal (ed.) Mülasuddhi-prakarņa of Pradyumna-sūri
with commentary by Devacandrasūri, Prakrit Text Society Series 15,
1971. Dalal C. D. (ed.) Revantagiri-rāsu of Vijayasena-sūri (in
Prācin Gujara Kāvyasamgraha, 1920). Haribhadra
See under Bhayani and Modi, 1970
1971. Hemasāgara-sūri (ed.) Upadeśamālā (with Ratnaprabha-sūri's
commentary), 1958. Muni Jinavijaya (ed.) Samdeśarāsaka of Abdala Rahamāna,
Singhi Jain Series 22, 1945. Pagariya Rupendrakumar Manorumā-kahā of Vardhamāna-sūri,
(ed.) L. D. Series 93, 1983. Pagariya Rupendrakumar Jugāi-jinimda-cariya of Vardhamāna
(ed.) sūri, L. D. Series 104, 1987. Ratnaprabha-sūri
See under Hemasāgara-sūri, 1958. Svayambhū
See under Bhayani, 1952. Vardhamana-sūri
See under Pagariya, 1983, 1987 'Velankar H. D. (ed.) Chandonuśāsana of Hemacandra, 1961. Velankar H. D. (ed.) Svayambhūcchandas of Svayambhū, 1662. Velankar H. D. (ed.) Kavidarpana, 1962. Velankar H. D. (ed.) Chandabkośa of Ratnasekhara-sūri
(= Appendix II to Kavidarpana),
1982. Vijayasena-sūri
See under Dalal, 1920. "Vyas B. S. (ed). Prākṣta-paingala Vol. II, 1959.

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14. THE APABHRAMSA PASSAGES FROM ABHINAVAGUPTA'S
TANTRASĀRA AND PARĀTRIMŚIKĀ-VRTTI
(1) Among the original texts of Kashmir Saivism. there are a few, which, eventhough composed in Sanskrit, contain also a few verse passages in Prakrit and Apabhramsa. Abhinavagupta's Tantrasāà and Parātrimšikā-rriti, composed in the first half of the eleventh century A. D., "contain a number of such passages. There are thirtytwo passags in the Tantrasära and seven in the Parātrirnšikā-Vrtti. It has been Abhinavagnpta's practice in these texts to give Sangraha verses in Sanskrit as well as Apabhramsa (or Prakrit) at the end of every chapter or some similar convenient interval. They were intended to present the gist (tātparyārtha, samk sepārtha) of the topics discussed in the body of the chapter. The importance and value of these Apabhramsa passages, especially in view of extreme of the Apabhraṁsa texts belonging to the Vedic-Brahmanical tradition, are quite obvious. But unfortunately the text of the Apabhramsa verses in Abhinavagupta's above-mentioned works, so far as it is available in the printed edition? (and probably also in most of the available manuscripts), is full of serious corruptions and errors. Some of the Tantrasāra passages are comparatively less corrupt, but its other passages and all the Apabhramsa passages in the Paratrimšikā-vriti are quite hopeless. They have been given in the printed edition as chaotic jumble of letters from which it seems near-impossible to make out any connected verbal structure or palpable meaning.
If the passages would have been handled by one with some knowledge of Apabhraņģa, some at least of the textual errors could have been avoided. But about 1918 when the above texts were published little Apabhraṁsa literature had come to light and there were very few at that time who could claim adeguate know

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"The Apabhraṁsa Passages of Abhinavagupta
277
ledge of Apabhraṁsa grammar and metres. So ignorance of Apabhramsa combined with defective text transmission seems to have produced the sorry state in which we find the Apabhraṁsa passages in the texts of Kashmir Saivism.
The faults and errors in the Apabhramsa and Prakrit passages that are being discussed here derive mostly from the following four causes : (1) Misreading of the letters of the oiginal writing (either by
the editor or by the scribes of the Manuscripts). (2) Textual omissions (3) Incorrect word division (4) Incorrect line division.
The present attempt mostly deals with the textual faults of 'the passages due to the last two causes. The faults due to the first two causes are considered only occasionally. Further, the present paper primarily aims at identifying the metres of the Apabhramsa and Prakrit verses of the Tantrasära and Parātriņšika-Vrttia. Secondly it attempts to ascertain the general character of the Apabhramsa of these verses on the basis of their identifiable grammatical features. Those among us who had some occasion to deal with highly corrupt and obscure verse passages in Apabhramsa know that identification of the metre of a passage helps considerably in making out its word and line divisions and revealing thereby its general purport, if not its detailed verbal meaning. Similarly
ical characteristics ascertained from one segment of the passage can serve to distinguish words and forms from among the confused assemblage of letters in the other segments. These two criteria combined with the criterion of context could play quite a
seful part in establishing the correct text at least tentatively, in precisely demarcating the corrupt segments, as also in suggesting emendations. It is of course greatly desirable that these passages are now re-edited with the help of all available manuscripts. But in the absence of such an effort, it would be somewhat useful to make out whatever meaning and form we can from the muddled texts.

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Prakrit and Apabhraṁsa Studies
(2)
The chapter-final Apabhramsa and Prakrit passages of the Tantrasāra comprise thirty-two verses in all, that are distributed: over twenty-two chapters (āhnikas), each chapter having one to three of these verses.
If we correct some obvious blunders in word division and line division of the text of the verses as given in the KSTS edition of the Tanrtasära, we succeed in a large majority of cases in identifying the metrical rhythm as well as several words and forms of the passages. Moreover, it has been found that a number
ons has resulted from misreading ES 3 or 1, उ as त, म as स, ई as ६, ल as स, य as व, ण as न, ए as etc., from confusing single and double letters, from failing to correctly decipher the post-consonantal u-hook in the script and from Sanskritizations. If we make necessary orthographical adjustments as also readjustments of word and line-divisions, we find that from the shapeless mass of letters, there emerge verse structures with idenitfiable metrical forms, and word structures with ascertainable grammatical forms and meanings
Below I reproduce the KSTS text of each of the thirly-two Apabhramsa and Prakrit passage of the Tantrasära followed respectively by their partly corrected or “restored' text and the corresponding Sanskrit chḥāyā. (The latter two would be quite obviously only tentative and with numerous lacunas and questionmarks.)
संवेअण निम्मल दप्पणस्मि सअलं फुरत्त निअसारं । 2714TH JA AJA QAEE34 273 11 (3.1). संवेअण-निम्मल-दप्पणम्मि सअलं फुरंत-निअ-सारं । 371A TAU-T8-8778-QAZ-437 Az 113 11 [hazafa sagt at Egofag-er2 I. आर्शन-रस-सरभस-विमृष्ट-रूपं स्वयं भाति ।।

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The Apabhramsa Passages of Abhinavagupta
279
इस सुण्अ विमलमेणं निअ अप्पाणं समत्थवत्थमअम् । जो जोअय सो परभैरइ बोव्व परणिव्वई लहइ ।। (32) इय सुणि अ विमलमेणं निअ.अप्पाणं समत्थ-वत्थुम । जो जोअह सो पर भइरवो व्व पर-णिवुई लहइ ॥ [इति श्रुत्वा विमलमेनं निजात्मानं समस्त-वस्तुमयं । यः पश्यति स पर-भैरवः इव परनिर्वृतिं लभते ॥ ]
जं अनु अन्धि विसेसं घेतूण जडन्ति मन्तमुच्चरइ । इच्छासत्तिप्पाणो तं तं मन्तो करेइ फुडम् ॥ (15.1) जं अणुसंधि-विसेसं घेत्तूण झडत्ति मंतमुच्चरइ । इच्छा-सत्ति-प्पाणो तं तं मंतो करेइ फुडं ॥ [ यमनुसंधि-विशेषं गृहीत्वा झटिति मन्त्रमुच्चरति । इच्छा-शक्ति-प्राण : तं तं मन्त्रो करोति स्फुटम् ॥]
IV
परम्म सिवतम्म अत्तणप्पडिसच्छन्दमान । परमत्थं जो आविसत्ताऽसदिक्खइ पराक्ख इवं पिसिस्सगणं ।। (16.1) परम-सिवतम-अत्तण-पडि सच्छंद-भान-परमस्थं । जो आवेसंतो से दिक्खइ परोक्खे स्वं पि सिस्स-गणं ॥ [परम-शिवतमं आत्म-पतितं स्वच्छन्द-भान-परमार्थम् यः आवेशयन स दीक्षयति परोक्षरूपमपि शिष्यगणम् ]
जिस्स दढपसिद्धिघडिए ववहारे सोइ असिम णीसंको। तह होहि जहुत्तिण पसिद्धिरूढिए परमसिवो ।। (21.1) जह दढ-पसिद्धि-घडिए ववहारे लोउ अस्थि णीसंको। .. तह होइ जणुत्तिण-प्पसिद्धि-रूढिए परम-सिवो ॥ [यथा दृढ-प्रसिद्धि-घटिते व्यवहारे लोकः अस्ति निःशङ्कः । तथा भवति जनोत्तीर्ण-प्रसिद्धि-रूढया परम-शिवः ॥]

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VI
एहु पआसऊउ अत्तोणत सच्छन्दउ ढक्का णिअऊउ । पूणु पढइ झदि अह कमवस्व एहत परमर्थिण शिवरसु ॥ (1.1) एहु पआस-रूउ अत्ताणउ सच्छंदउ ढक्का णिअ-रू[अ]उ । पुणुवि] पअडइ झत्ति अह कम-वसु एहउ परमस्थिण xx सिव-रसु ॥ [ एषः प्रकाश-रूपः आत्मा स्वच्छन्दं छादयति निज-रूपम् । पुनरपि प्रकटयति अटिति अथ क्रमवशः एषः परमार्थेन xx शिव-रसः ॥]
VII जहि जहि फुरण फुरइ सो सअलउ परमेसरू भासइ मइ अमलउ । अत्ता नत सो श्चिय परमत्थिण इअ जानअ कज्ज परमत्थि ण ॥ (2.1) जहिं जहिं फुरणु फुरइ सो सअलउ परमेसरु भासइ महु अमलउ ।
अत्ताणउ सो च्चिय परमस्थिण इउ जाणहु कज्जु परमत्थि ण । [यत्र यत्र स्फुरणं स्फुरति स सकल: परमेश्वरः भासते मह्यम् अमलः । आत्मा स एव परमार्थेण इदं जानीत कार्य परं अस्ति न ॥]
VIII
बाहोरि सत्तिदेहिणि अदेह इजामलि पाणबुद्धिगुरुबोधइ । जो अणुसंविदि सन्धि अरोह इसो पर इक्कल लद्धणि सोहइ ॥ (22.1) बाहोरि सत्ति दोहिणि अ(१) दोहइ जामलि पाण-बुद्धि गुरु बोहइ । जो अणुसंविदि संधिअ रोहइ . सो पर इक्क कुलद्धणि सोहइ ॥ [xx xx xx xx यामले प्राण-बुद्धीः गुरुः बोधयति यः अणुसंविदि संधाय रोहते सः परं एकः कुलाध्वनि शोभते ॥ ]
1X
सुण्णउ रविससि दहन सउ उस्सउ एहु सवीरू । उहि अच्छन्तउ परमपउ पावइ अचिरे वीरु ।। (5.1) सुण्णउ रवि-ससि-दहण-सउ उस्सुउ एहु स-वीरु । तहिं अच्छंतउ परम-पउ पावइ अचिरे धीरु ।। [शून्यं रवि-शशि-दहन-समं उत्सुकः(१) एषः सबीर्यः । तत्र(?) सन् परम-पदं प्राप्नोति अचिरेण धीरः ॥]

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X, XI, XII
पहिण उभाहरभावकलपुणु अब्भन्तरि एह । सच्चिवपसम इपुणुजअल रब्भहिनिद्दकलेह |
संवेण पअरूढ इउभावकला उसमग्गु भरिअद्दसुस्सुहुपुणुभरिउ ।। १ ।।
तुरणन्तर लग्गु
घडुबो हिजोअसिएह ।
वितत्त समत्थफुरणकमेण कमेणलिहालमिसाणमिवञ्चावतु ॥ २ ॥ ( 9. 1 2, 3)
1
(X) पहिलउ बाहिर भाव-कल सच्चिय समइ पुणु सअल [प्रथमं बाह्य-भाव-कला पुनः अभ्यन्तरे एषा । सा एव प्रशमति पुनः सकला x x x कलयत ]
(XI) संवेअण-पअ-रूढ इउ
भाव-कलाउ समग्गु । भरिअ सम्मुहु (?) पुणु भरिउ तुरिआणंतरु लग्गु ॥ [ संवेदन-पद-रूढः अयम् भाव-कलापः समग्रः । म्रियते संमुखं (?) पुनः भृतः तुरियानन्तरं लग्नः ॥ ]
पुणु अब्भंतरि एह । इब्भिहि (?) निद्द कलेह ||
(XII) घडु बोहिण हउं जोअमि एहु वितत्तु समत्थु । फुरण क्रमेण णिहालमि माणमि पंचावतु ||
[xx बोधेन अहम् पश्यामि एतत् तत्त्वम् समस्तम् । स्फुरण क्रमेण निभालयाभि मानयामि पञ्चावर्तम् ॥ ]
जह
पसरु अत्ति विपर
XIII
महेसरु अच्छवि संविरवितहू ।
जह निअ रूउ महेसरउ
तह पुणु अडिवि पर - पसरु
पसरु अच्छ इविमल सरूइ || ( 11.1)
अच्छइ संवरिवि (?) ।
अच्छइ विमल-सरूइ ॥
281.
[ यथा निज-रूपम् महेश्वरः आस्ते संवृत्य ।
तथा पुनः प्रकटयित्वा पर- प्रसरः आस्ते विमल - स्वरूपे । ]

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XIV
परमानन्दनिमज्जणु इउपरमस्थिण ह्राणु । तहिं आविट्टतरत्ति दिणु जाणइ पर अप्पाणु ॥ (12.1) परमाणंद-निमज्जणउं
इउ परमत्थिण न्हाणु । तहिं आविठउ (१) रत्तिदिणु जाणइ पर-अप्पाणु । [परमानन्द-निमज्जनम् इदं परमार्थेन स्नानम् । तत्र आविष्टः(१) रात्रिंदिवं जानाति परमात्मानम् ।। ]
XV
सिवणाहु सच्छन्दु तत्त्वकोणविअप्प इच्छ । चरि आमित्ति णजिजण हुकि. भवरोअ चिइच्छ ॥ (20.1) सिव-णाउ सच्छंदु उहु(?) को णवि अप्प इच्छ( ? )। चरिआ-मित्तिण जिण जण हु किअ भव-रोअचिइच्छ । [शिवनादः स्वच्छन्दः पश्यत(?) कः नापि अल्या इच्छा(?) । चर्यामागेण येन जनस्य कृता भव-रोग-चिकित्सा ॥]
XVI
जह जह जस्सु जहिं चिव पप्फुरइ अज्जवसाउ । तह तह तस्सु तहिं चिव तारिसु होइ पहाउ ॥ (4.1) जह जह जस्सु जहिं चिय पफुरइ अझवसाउ । तह तह तस्सु तहिं चिय तारिसु होइ पहाउ ।। [ यथा यथा यस्य यत्र एव प्रस्फुरति अध्यवसायः । तथा तथा तस्य तत्र एव तादृशः भवति प्रभावः ।।]
XVII
हतं मलिणउ हतं पसु हतं आ अह सअलभावपडलवत्तिरित्तउ । इअ द्रढनिच्छअ णिअ लिअहिअअह फुरइ णाम कह जिस्स परतत्त्वउ ॥ (4.2) हउमलिणउ हउ पसु हउ आअह (?) सअल-भाव-पडल-वइरित्तउ । इअ दढ-णिच्छअ-णिअलिअ-हिअअह फुरइ णामु कह जसु पर-तत्तउ ॥ [अहम् मलिनः अहम् पशुः अहम् अस्य(१) सकल-भाव-पटल-व्यतिरिक्तः । इति दृढ निश्चय-निगडित-हृदयस्य स्फुरति नाम कथं यस्य पर-तत्त्वम् ।।]

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283
XVIII जह उल्लसह जह विणिरुज्जइ पवनसत्ति तह एहु महेसरु । सिठिपलअं इसइ ज णिमज्जइ सो अत्ता |उ चित्तहसाअरु ॥ (6.2) जह उल्लसइ जह(?) वि णिरुज्झइ. पवण-सत्ति तह एहु महेसरु । सिहि पलअ दंसइ अ णिमज्जह सो अत्ताणउ चित्तह साअरु ॥ [यथा उल्लसति यथापि निरुध्यते पवन-शक्तिः तथा एषः महेश्वरः । सृष्टि-प्रलयान् दर्शयति च निमज्जयति । स आत्मा चित्रस्य सागरः ।।]
XIX एहु सरीरु सअलु अह भवसरु इच्छामित्तणजेण विचित्ति उ । सोश्चिअ सोक्खदेयि परमेसरु इअजानन्त उरूढिपवित्ति उ ॥ (19.1) एहु सरीरु सअलु अह भवसरु(!) इच्छा-मित्तिण जेण वि चिंतिउ । सो च्चिअ सोक्खु देइ परभेसरू इअ जोणंतउ रूढि-पवित्तिठ ।। [एतद् शरीरम् सकलम् अथ भव-सरः(१) इच्छोमात्रेण येन अपि चिन्तितम् । स एव सौख्यम् ददाति परमेश्वरः इति जानन् रूढि-पवित्रितः ॥]
xx पसवअणुहं जोत्तमसासणुल इविणुपणुपरमेसपसाइण । पत्थइ सद्गरू बोहपसाहणु सो दिक्खइ लिङ्गोद्धारिण ॥ (17.1) पसव-जणहं(?) जो उत्तम-सासणु लइविणु पुणु परमेस-पसाइण । पत्थइ सग्गुरु-बोह-पसाहणु सो दिक्खइ लिंगोद्धरिणिण(?) ॥ [पशु-जनानाम् (?) यः उत्तम-शासनम् प्राप्य पुनः परमेश-प्रसादेन । प्रार्थयते सदगुरु-बोध-प्रसाधनं स दीक्ष्यते लिङ्गोद्धरणेण (?) ।।]
XXI
सअल प्रआस रूउ संवेअण फन्दतरङ्ग कलण तहु पाणुर । पाणब्भन्तरम्मि परिणिहउ सअलउ कलिपसरू परिआणुः ।। (6.1) सअल-प्रआस-रूअ संवेअण फंदतरंग-कलण तहु पाणु । पाणभंतरम्मि परिणिहिउ सअलउ काल-पसरु परिआणु ।। [सकल-प्रकाश-रूपा संवेदना स्पंद-तरङ्ग-कलना तस्याः प्राणः । प्राणाभ्यन्तरे परिनिष्ठितः सकलः काल-प्रसरः परिजानीहि ॥]

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XXII
परमेसरसोसणुसुणिरूइउ सुणिविम अलअद्धाणउ । झहुज्सतिसरीरिपवणि संदेअ णिअपेक्खन्तउ पहुरइ परिउण्णु ॥ (7.1) परमेसर-सासण-सुणिरूइउ सुणिवि सअल-अद्धाणउ पुण्णु(?) । शत्ति सरीरि पवणि संवेअणि पेक्खंतउ पफुरइ परिउण्णु ।। [परमेश्वर-शासन सुनिरूपितः श्रुत्वा सकलावा पुण्यः(?) । झटिति शरीरे पवने संवेदने प्रेक्षमाणः प्रस्फुरति परिपूर्णः ॥]
XXIII
जे सहु एकीभाउलये विणु अच्छइ एहु विबोह समुद्द । सो पशु भइरवु हो इलये विणु अन्त वजिउ अस असमुद्द ।। (14.1) में सहु एक्कोभाउ लएविणु अच्छइ एह विबोह-समुद्दि । सो पसु भइवु होइ लएविणु उत्ताणउ जिउ अमअ-समुदि । [येन सह एकीभावम् प्राप्य आस्ते एषः विबोध समुद्रे । सः पशुः भैरवः भवति प्राप्य आत्मानम् यथा अमृत-समुद्रे ।]
XXIV जो परि उण्ण सत्थसं अणु तस्स अणुग्गहमेतु पवित्ति । कामणाइ जो पुणुसो साह उतइ उआ अरुहुरइ णहु चित्ति ॥ (18.1) जो परिउण्ण-सस्थ संपण्णउ तस्स अणुग्गह-मेत्त पवित्ति । कामणाइ जो पुणु सो साहउ तह उपाअ पफुरइ(?) णहु चित्ति ।। [यः परिपूर्ण-शास्त्र-संपन्नः तस्य अनुग्रह-मा पवित्रे । xxx यः पुनः स साधयतु तथा उपायः प्रस्फुरति न खलु चिते ।।]
XXV, XXVI, XXVII, XXVIII, XXIX भुवनजालस अलउ परिसरसहअवसीसइतत्ताहंसकूउ । तत्तब्भाउकलणा इविमरिसहसीसइपच्चकलाहंसरूउ ।। पञ्चकलामउएह महेसरकुणइविउज्झइ । इच्छइसुहमउ भरिहविबोधतरङ्गमहासरु ।। सोच्चिअभासइ भवतरुविसरउ । सअलउअद्धजालु निअधअणिपरिमरिमेहहरो ॥

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अणुभरिभरि
माणसपाणपवण
जिवडा निहल
मतदाणु आवाहणु
अद्धकलण
(XXV)
(XXVI)
(XXVII)
(XXIX)
[(XXV)
(XXVI)
(XXVIII) माणस - पाण-पवण-धी-साम
तं जि घडाइनिहल पर भइरव
(XXVII)
(XXVIII)
(XXIX)
अहमणिसच्चिअपाणिमणु । वीसा सुपूरित जखिणु ॥ परभरवणाहहु होइत ।
प्रअणुसणिहाणुइउ अहिणअउड्डु || निर्बाहाराएतिलडे चिअर हई त्तत्त्व | ( 10. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5.)
भुवण-जालु सअलउ परिमरिसह तत्त-भाउ कलणोइ विमरिसह
पंच- कलामउ एहु महेसरु भरिउ विबोह तरंग महासरु
असलउ अद्ध-जालु निअ अणि (?) अणु भरि भरि अपह मणि
अह सीसइ तत्ताहं सरूउ । सीसइ पंच कलाहं सरूउ ||
कुणइ विउज्झइ इच्छइ सुहमउ । सोचिन भासइ भव-तरू - विसरउ ||
-
सअलभा अपरि उण्णउ परभैरउ अत्ताणु जाइवि अगणि सुष्णउ जोअभिमी सत्ताणु ।
परिमरिसेह हरो ( ? ) सोच्चि पाणि मणु ॥
जंजिखणु । हु होइ त ||
मंत दाणु आवाहण असणु (?) छन्विह अद्ध-करण - निब्बाहर (?) भुवन-जालं सकलं परिमर्शयत अथ कथ्यते तत्त्वानां स्वरूपम् । तत्व भावं नया विमर्शयत कथ्यते पञ्च - कलानां स्वरूपम् ।
हाणु ज्ञउ अहिणव- उत्तु । एतिलडु च्चि
एहउ तत्तु ॥
पञ्च- कलामयः एषः महेश्वरः करोति विबुध्यते इच्छया सुखमयम् । भृतं विबोध-दरङ्ग महासरः स एव भासते भव-तरु - विसरः । सकलमध्व - जालं निज - XXX परिमर्शयत Xx । चेतनं भृत्वा भृत्वा आत्मनः मनसि स एव Xx
X X I
मानस-प्राण - पवन धी-शाम- सुपूरितं यदेव क्षणम् । तदेव X XX X पर - भैरव नाथस्य भवति तन्ः ॥ मन्त्र-दानमाव!हनं XXX संनिधानमेतदभिनवोक्तम् । षड्विधाध्व-कलना - XXX एतावदेव एतद् तत्त्वम् ॥ ]
XXX, XXXI
285

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एहस समयदिक्ख परभइरव जलणि हि मज्जणिण इत्थति लज्जहवन बहुपभवहोइउवाउजिण ।। (13.1,2) सअल-भाव-परिउण्णउ पर-भइरउ अताणु । जाइवि अग्ग-णिसण्णउ जोअभि(?) सीस-त्ताणु ।। एह स-समय-दिक्ख पर-भइरव जलणहि मज्जणिण । इत्थ तिलज्जहवन(?) वहु-परिभव होइ उवाउ जि ण ॥ [सकल-भाव-परिपूर्णः पर-भैरव आत्मा । xxx अप्र-निषण्ण: xx xx xx॥ एषा. स्व-समय-दीक्षा पर-भैरव जलनिधि-मज्जनेन । अत्र Xx x x बहु-परिभवः भवति उपायः एव न ॥]
XXXII
सअलतत्तपरिउण्णउ सअलतत्त उत्तिण्णउ । परिआणहअत्ताणउ परमसिवेण समाणउउ ।। (8.1) सअल-तत्त-परिउण्णउ सअल-तत्त-उत्तिण उ । परिआणह अत्ताणउ परम-सिवेण समाणउ ।। [सकल-तत्त्व-परिपूर्णम् सकल-तत्वोत्तीर्णम् । परिजानीत आत्मानम् परम-शिवेन समानम् ।।]
(3)
The Metres of the above passages can be identified as follows: Name of the Occurence Type of the Metrical scheme (number metre
metre
of mātrās per line and the
Ganastructure) 2
4 Gathā 3.1,3.2,15.1, Visama 30(%3D4+4+4+4+4 16.1,31.1 Catuspadi Fuulu+4+-)+
27(34+4+4+4+4+n+ (total 5)
4+-) Vadanaka 1.1,2.1,22.1 Sarvasama 16(=6+4+uu - +u)
(total 3) Catuspadi (rhyme : a, b, c, d)

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Dohā
Ragaḍā
Dhruvaka
2
Upadohaka 4.1,9.3,13.1,
(total 3)
Mahānu
bhāvā (?)
5.1,9.1,9.2,11.1, Antarasamā 13(=6+4+uuu)+11 (61 îù — +u)
Catuşpadi
12.1,20.1. (total 6)
4.2,6.2,10.2,
17.1,19.1,
(total 5)
3
Śaśibimbita(?) 6.1,7.1,10.1,
4
Antarasama 12(=6+4=uu)+11
Catuspadi
(6+uu - +u)
Sarvasamā
Catuspadi
16(4+4+4+4) (rhyme b, d)
Antarasama 16(=4+4+4+4)+ 10.5,14.1,18.1, Catuspadi 15(=4+4+4+-u) (total 6)
Chaddania- 10.3,10.4,13.2 Antarasamā 16(=4+4+4+4)+ (III) (total 3)
Catuspadi
9(=4+-uuu)
8.1
Sarvasamā 12(=4+4+4)
(total 1)
Catuspadi
287
(4)
Abhinavagupta's Sanskrit commentary on the Paratrimšikā has seven Apabharamsa verse passages, functioning as Samgraha-ślokas. They are to be found on page numbers 16, 18, 65, 93, 112, 216217 and 272 of the printed edition. Each of the passages on pp. 16, 18, 112, and 272 consists of a single stanza. The passage on p. 65 is made up of two stanzas. That on p. 93 sems to consist of four stanzas. The long passage on pp. 216-217 still remains mostly impenetrable. I have not succeeded in arranging it in any sort of satisfactory metrical shape. Even then on the basis of a few meagre clues, it seems to me to be containing ten stanzas. The passages with their original text, their metrically arranged and partly corrected text and the corresponding Sanskrit chaya (wherever feasible) are given below.

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जाहणकुणहजहिं शिहपहिलउ उशिअसब्बो विअलिअरोविअम्वइबाणिब्ब उका अब्बईणजोअन्तिहि मज्जिअभेदस्फुरन्तु कामेण आसरिसेइणओअव इसोच्चिअरेच्चमेरेणमतु उजिमणि अवस्थवहिअणुसंधेइखनेन ।। (p. 16)
जाणह कुणह जहिं सिव-पहि लउ उज्झिम सम्वो वि अलिअ भेउ विअंभई जाणिव्वउ ! काअवउ ण जोअतिहि मज्झिअ भेअ फुरंतु कामेण ।। आमरिसेउण जोअवइ सो चिअरेच्चभणेण (१) मत्तउ जिम णिअवत्थ बहि अणुसंधेइ खणेण ।। [ज्ञेयस्य कार्यस्य यत्र शिव-पथे लयः xx सर्वमपि विगलितभेदम् विजृम्भते ज्ञातव्यम् । कर्तव्यम् न पश्यन्त्याम् मध्यायाम् भेदाः स्फुरन्तु कामेन ।। आभय योजयति स एव xx xx मत्तः यथा निजावस्थाम बहिः अनुसंदघाति क्षणेन ]
II
जहि जहि धावइ जंकुण तहि तहि बिअविअकाउ । अच्छन्त उपरिउणधिअपाय इहलइफलसिवणाओ ॥ (p. 18) जहिं जहिं धावइ जं कुण[३] x x x तहिं तहिं विअलिअ-काउ । अच्छंतर परिउणविअ पावा(?) इहु लइ फ्लु सिव-गाउ ।। [यत्र यत्र धावति यत् करोति x x तत्र तत्र विगलित कायम् । आसीन: xxxxxx एतद् गृहाण फलम शिव-नादम् ।।]
III पफिलउ फुरइ फुरण अवि आरिणा होइपरावर अवरविहइण देवि विसरिम इऊ उ । सासच्चिा परिसरि . सेइसऊअउदेउ विलोमई भैरव ऊअउ उत्तर एहु अणुतुल ॥ (p. 65)

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पहिलउ फुरइ फुरणु अविआरिण होइ परावर-अवर-विहाइण
देवि विमरिसई रूउ । (सा) स चिअ परिमरिसेई सरुअउ
देउ विलोअइ भईरख-रूअउ
उत्तरु एहु अणुरूउ(?) || [प्रथमं स्फुरति स्फुरणम् अविकारेण
भवति पराईरापरा-विभागेन देवी विमर्शयति रूपम् । सा एब परिमर्शयति स्वरूपम्
देवम् विलोकते भैरव-रूपम् उत्तर एषः अनुरूपः॥]
सअल बहुसंवेअणफुरितमत्त उजहित हिंचि अजत्तो हित्तउपफुर । इज कुट्टि उस अलभाव संवेअणरअणणिहाणुइउ ॥
परिआणहुएत्तिअणुतुरुछत्तुहजसउसम्मूढतुणिअच्छहतुहअत्तासिअऊउऊउसुबाहिरबितुरहुबन्धुणमोक्खतउइरिअवहुविकुणसिबिसग्गुणिसमिद्रउपुणसंहरसिज्जितिपविष्णुविरिञ्चरुद्रमअलक्खहिमसरणिरोहचिन्तइमलक्खएक्कवाअपरिआणहुअत्ताणउपरमत्थअण्णुणकोइबिआसुबहुइउसअलउसस्थत्थ । (p. 93)
सअल-वत्थु-संवेअण फुरिअ-मत्त जहिं xx
___xx xx तहिं चिअ जत्तोहुंतिउ पफुरई ज कुट्टिउ (१)। सअल-भाव-संवेअण-रअण-णिहाणु इउ
परिआणहु एत्तिअणुतुरुछन्तुहजसठ्ठ ॥ (१) सम्मूढत्तणि अच्छह तुह अत्तासिउ रूउ
रूउ सुबाहिर वितुरहु (?) बंधु ण मोक्खु तउ । xx इरिअवहु वि कुणसि विसग्गु(१)
णिमिसद्धउ पुणु संहरसि(ज्जिति) ॥ (२)
19

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पविण्हु विरिंच-रुद्द-सअ-लक्ख हिम-सर-णिरोहु चितइ सलक्ख । (३) एक्क-वाअ परिआणहु (?) अत्ताणउ परमत्थु । अण्णु ण कोई विआसु बहु इउ सअलउ सत्थत्थु । (४)
सइपरिउण्णपमरुउत्ताण उत्तहुगहिअबुणभज्जिइ । अजाणिअविहडइअज्जाण उजम्पुसुअच्छइपूरिअकज्ज ॥ (p. 112) सइ-परिउण्ण-पसरु अत्ताणउ तहु गहिअव्वु ण भज्जिअ णिज्जु (?) । इअ जइणिअ विहडइ अण्णाणउ जम्मु सु अच्छइ पूरिअ-कज्जु ॥ [सदा-परिपूर्ण-प्रसरः आत्मा तस्य गृहीतव्यं न xxxx इति ज्ञात्वा विघटते अज्ञानं जन्म सः(१) भवति पूरित-कार्यः ।।
VI
परसंवेअणाभासमऊइणाऊरअरमहसोआइमऊणसइभासइम अलाहि शरणिअपसरह परिसरिसन जतुहसो पश्चअप हिलुअवर्ण परिगाहरु इर वसत्तिपधमहस्म ओहभितुर कदसुख विसरिपि असिद्धि धराइम उस अल विपरिसि अभासइ वाहिरविहरिणी एहि विसर्गाभू मि अनार्दहुक्तइ लर्थ ईण पवि मिण दहुअमलाहं विहरिणी कुइलित्थत अणुत्तर परपइ जश्चि अभवि अतत तचमप्पइ भस्मइवि बिन्दुविसरि सुताए हुप आसत्त तअह सत्तमल हिंपुविसि विभेत विहंसः तमालि निमाइ अअह सुततस्मह भोअममण अइलं मरु नि ऊ अपारहमरल पदुद्यो प्रन्तीप सारइमात द्वय भासि वलिअिनु सोश्रिअ असि तमर्थ अहिंसा अइपविमन्ती अलसइरसा मच्छेअरि परिदेवितरंगणि प्रफऊअसुह सारंणिणि रितत्तस्म कीलालसा तुहि मत्तिदिविरह एणि हानुण पिज्जति जतस्माइ लालणमहो संम. अलालसा । (p. 216-217)
The word divisions in the above passage, faithfully reproduced from the printed edition are absolutely arbitrary and meaningless. Some of the gross errors that have resulted from misreading of letters are obvious. But it has not been possible to make out the verbal structure of most of the passage, and hence I have reproduced it herc mechanically without suggesting any corrections. Even so on the basis of a few clues we may hazard some guess about its metrical structure. The text up to 38 373 in the third line may be rearranged with slight corrections as under:

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पर-संवेअण-भास-सरूइण । ऊरअरमइसो (?) आइ-सरूइण ।।
सइ भासई सअला ।
Such an arrangement allows us to identify the metre as a Tripadi having 16, 16 and 10 Mātrās respectively in the three Pādas in which a rhymes with b. Distribution of some suspected rhymes (e.g. HIGH in the last iwo lines) suggests that the passage has possibly five pairs of such Tripadis. The third lines of each pair of Tripadis are mutually connected by rhyme.
VII
'फु.इ फुरणम अलह काअबह पर देउ सोहि अउस मगाह सत्य काल नीसंकस उ सहजा जाणु पूजस पज्ज इ इ उ उ ह ।। (p. 272) फुरइ फुरणु सअलह काअवह पर[म]-देउ सो हिअउ समगह । सव्व-काल-नीसंक-सरूअह जा जणु पुज्ज-सपज्जई इउ उह (?) ।।। [स्फुरति स्फुरणं सकलस्य कर्तव्यस्य परम-देवः स हृदयं समग्रस्य । सर्व-काल-निःशंक-स्वरूपस्य यावत् जनः पूजा-सपर्याभ्याम् xxx]
The metres of the above passages can be identified as follows:
NAme of the of metre
Occurrence Type of the Metrical Scheme (Number metre
mātrās per line and the Ganastructure)
Vadanaka
p. 272 (VII)
Sarvasamā Catuspadi
Paddhadi
,
p. 93 (IV, 3) (Two lines) p.93 (No. IV 1-2(two stanzas)
___16(=6+4+uu - +m)
(rhyme : a, b, c, d) 16(4+4+4+u-u) (rhyme : a, b. c, d) 21(=6+4+4+4+um) (rhyme : a, b, c, d)
Rasaka
.
, .
-

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Dohā
p. 93; (No. IV-4)
Antarasamā Catuspadi
Saśibimbita
p. 112 (No. V)
13(=6+4+yyy)+ 116=4+n) (rhyme : b, d) 16(=4+4+4+4)+ 11(=6+4+4+u) (rhyme : b, d)
p. 18 (No. II)
Tripadi
(i) p. 65 (No. III (two stanzas); (ii) p. 216-217 (No. VI) (ten stanzas) p. 16 (1)
Dvibhangi of Mātrā and Dohā
16(=6+4+uu+uu) twice +12 (rhyme : a, b, c of 1 with c of 2) 16 twice+10 (rhyme scheme as adove) Mātrā (15+11+15+ 11+15)+Dohā (13+11)
Raddā
Except in the case of two or three stanzas (and of the last passage of the Parātrimšika-Vrtti), our identifications of metres are fairly certain. Now let us see what general conclusions, if any, can be drawn from the use of Apabhramsa metres as attested in the two works of Abhinavagupta examined here.
Firstly we may observe that Abhinavagupta's use of Prakrit Gathā for the Samgraha verse is in conformity with long-established tradition, as evidenced so amply by the Jain religious literature (Prakaranas and Commentaries).
Secondly, among the Apabhramsa metres used, Vadanaka, Paddha di, Rāsaka, Dohā, Upadopaka and Raddā on the one hand and most of the remaining Antarasamā and Sarvasamā Catuspadis on the other, are the most frequent and familiar metres and in this matter Abhinavagupta faithfully continues the earlier Apabhramsa metrical practice. But there are two or three points here which possess a special significance. Firstly the Antarasama and Sarvasama Catușp?dis of the 16 -16, 16 +15, 16+11; 16+9 and 16--12--

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all varieties, which have been known to us mostly from their function as Dhruvā or Ghattā, the concluding piece of the Kadavaka in a Samdhibandha, are seen here employed for summing up a serious philosophic, religious or ritualistic discussion or exposition, while concluding a chapter. In this matter too, Abhinavagupta carried on the earlier practice. For, both the eminent authorities on Apabhramsa metres, viz. Svayambhū and Hemacandra, have stated specifically that one of the functions of the Dhruvā or Dhruvaka is simhävalokana (i.e. taking a restrospect)
Thirdly we find some new metrical forms, representing new developments in the metrical practice. These innovations we find gaining wide currency subsequently. The Tripadis with the measures 16+16+12 and 16+16+10 employed for the two stanzas on p. 65 and possibly for the ten stanzas on pp. 216–217 of the Parātrims kā-rytti are not treated in any of the works on Apabhramsa metres. We do not find them in Virahārka, Svayambahū, Hemacandra or any other carly authority. But quite similar Tripadis are used in two earliest Old Gujarati poems viz. Bharatešvora-Bāhubali-Ghora composed in C. 1170), and Bharatešvara-Bāhubali-rāsa (composed in 1185 A.D.), and the practice continued in several later Old Gujarati poems. Metres closely allied ro this Tripadi in structur are to be found used first by Kșemendra? in one of his Sanskrit compositions. Their base was of course in the Apabhraṁsa literary tradition. In this connection some further evidence indicative of emergent trends in the metrical practice is provided by the fact that some of the types like 16+11 have become standard and typical narrative verse forms in the subsequent vernacular poetry.
One important outcome of the readjustment and restoration of the Apabhramsa passages attempted here is the fact that because we can now make out and interpret numerous forms and sentences, we are in a position to form a definite and positive impression about the grammatical character of the Apabhramsa found in these passages. And one significant thing we can confidently state in this connection is that there is nothing specifically dialectal or regional or Kashmirian' about Abhinavagupta's Apabhraṁsa. It is the same

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good standard Apabhraṁsa treated in the grammatical tradition represented by Hemacandra. The minor grammatical variations in literary Apabhramsa found regionally and chronologically had very little significance for the early grammarians whose sole concern was to sanction rules for 'generating literary Apabhramśa from Sanskrit.And Apabhramśa literature knows only one highly standardized literary Apabhraņģa. Apabhraṁsa passages of Abhinavagupta also can be seen to bear this out completely. All its forms are typical forms of standard Apabhramsa. We find, for example, in the language of these passages, u of the Nominative singular of a-stems, - and -iņa of the instrumental singalar, -ha and hu of the genitive singular, -mi of the present first person singular, -hu of the second person plural, -ia, -ivi, and -eviņu of the absolutive, the pleonastic -da- (one instance) and similar other traits of the standard Apabhramśa. Thus the fact that the Apabhraṁsa used by Abhinavaguta in the eleventh century in Brahmanical religious works composed in Kashmir is the same as the standard Apabhramsa? current as a literary medium elsewhere all over India, demonstrates that Apabhramsa like Sanskrit and Prakrit was a standardized allIndia literary medium, and the emergence of regional literary media. wus definitely a post-Apabhraṁsa development.
Notes 1. Tantrasära of Abhinavagupta, edited by Mukund Ram Shastri,
Kasmir Series of Texts and Studies (=KSTS) No. 17, 1918. Parātrimşikā with Abhinavagupta's commentary, edited by Mukund Ram Shastri, Kashmir Series of Texts and Studies. No. 18, 1918.
2. My friend, late Dr. U. P. Shah of the M. S. University of
Baroda also was interested in working on the interpreiation of these and similar other passages of Kashmir Śaivism texts. I am indebted to him for drawing my attention to these passages. The present paper owes its origin to my initial discussion with Dr. Shah.

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3. This stanza is found cited in the Janmamaraṇavicära of Bhatta
Vāmadeva (KSTS Ho. 19, 1918, p. 5.). It is given in the printed text in much more corrupt form, as reproduced below : सअल उत्त पुरिपुण्ण उ सअल्लउत्त उत्तिण्ण । परि आणह अत्ताण उ परि मसिवेण समाण उ ॥
4. Compare the metre of the following ‘song' said to be sung
by the Gopis in praise of Krşņa : ललितविलासिकलासुखखेलन-,ललनालोभनशोभनशोभनयौवन-, मानितनवमदने ॥ अलिकुलकोकिलकुवलयकज्जल, कालकलिन्दसुताविवलज्जल-,कालियकुलदमने । केशिकिशोरमहासुरमारण-, दारुणगोकुलदुरितविदारण-, गोवर्धनधरणे ॥ कस्य न नयनयुगं रतिसज्जे, मज्जति मनसिजतरलतरङ्गे, वररमणीरमणे ॥
Kșemendra's Dašāvatāracarita, st. 173). Here the form of the metre is 16+16+10 and the stanzas are
paired. 5. विणवण संविहाणअ-मंगल-सीहावलोइअत्थम्मि । तत्थ णिबज्झइ धुव तस्सोवरि सव्व दुवईओ ।।
Svayambhūcchandas, 7-1; सिंहावलोकितार्थेषु विज्ञप्तौ संविधानके । सङ्गले च ध्रुवा प्रोक्ता द्विपद्यन्यत्र कीर्त्यते ॥
Chandonušāsana, 7, 57.2 6. See for example the following पहिलउँ रिसह-जिणिंदु नमेवि, भवियहु निसुणहु रोलु धरेवि,
बाहुबलि-केरउ विजउ ॥
___(भरतेश्वर-बाहुबलि-घोर, १) रिसह-जिणेसर-पय पणमेवी, सरसति-सामिणि मणि समरेवी,
नमवि निरंतर गुरु-चलण ॥
(भरतेश्वर-बाहुबलि रास, १) The form of the Tripadi here is 16+16+13.

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7. See Kşemendra's Dašāvatāracarita (Kavyamālā, No. 20,1930),
St. 173 (cited here in footnote 4). It eonsists of units of three Pādas measuring 16+16+10 mātrās. The units are in pairs, as the rhyming show. This feature also seems to be matched
by passage no. VI (p.216-217) of the Parātrimšikā-vitti. 8. We may note, however, a slight but rather striking departure
from normal Apabhramģa usage : Abhinavagupta seems to prefer mostly attānau for the standard appāņau; but Apabhramśa knows of several other doublets also in which -tta- and -ppa- alternate.

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15. THE PRAKRIT AND DEŠA-BHASĀ PASSAGES IN
SOMEŚVARA'S MĀNASOLLĀSA The Sixteenth Chapter of the fourth Vimsati (i.e., seventy-sixth chapter according to continuous numbering) of Someśvara's Mānasollasa or Abhilașitārthacintamani (Vol. III, GOS, no. 138. 1961) composed in 1163 A. D., is devoted to the description of the pastime of music (gitavinoda). After treating the Rāgas, it describes a number of metres (including the Mātrā-metres). because the texts of the songs or musical Prabandhas, in Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhra mśa, Karņāța language and other regional languages, were usually composed in these metres. Unfortunately ihe illustrations of the metres and compositions for those cases where the languagee was to be other than Sanskrit are very badly preserved in the MSS. Their text is highly corrupt, and consequently the editor of the Mānasollasa has for the most part given it simply as groups or series of letters, without any line or word divisions. An attempt, therefore, is being made here to restore and interprete some of the passages, which are very valuable linguistically, metrically and also as specimens of the twelth century non-Sanskrit poetry. In the preface to the third volume of the Mānasollāsa G. K. Shrigondekar, its editor, has described the three MSS. (A. C. and O) on the basis of which he has constituted the text. Of these he has not found G much helpful, as it agrees with A. Here in the case of all the passages I have given first the reading according to each of the two MSS. A and D, and thereafter the restored text with English translation. I have also consulted the MS. G. (which is now in the MSS. collection of L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad, bearing the accession no. 4188).
In all there are thirteen passages which are wholly or partly in Prakrit, Apabharamsa or Deśa-bhāsās. Their list is as follow :

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No.
place
language
metre or the type of composition
Gāthā
1. IV 2. 3.”
257 269 271 296-297 302 330 340
Adilla Madilla Vastu Carcari Sukasārikā
6. »
Vicitra
Mahārāștri Prakrit Mahārāştri Prakrit Mahārāştri Prakrit Apabhramsa Apabhramsa Karņāți and Lāți Karņāțī, Lāți, Gaudi, Avadhi, Sanskrit. Sanskrit, Mahārāstri, Lātī, Māgadhi Madhyadesiyā Apabhramsa Lāți (Old Marathi) Auďrī (Old Odisi) Apabhraṁsa
8.
$
354
Caturangaka
» p. 42, v. 7 Muktāvali 10. ” p. 43, v. 15 Dhavala 11. ” p. 43, v. 20 Ovi 12. IV 380 (=p. 47, v.58) Caryā 13. IV 421 (=p. 49, v. 77) Dohada”
1. The illustration of Gātha in Prakrit given at IV 6 257. The printed text (according toMS. A.):
यो सृसोरारुद्व(द्ध)ज अलंलच्छीणाहस्सणमहभन्नीये ।
जं सुमरिउँण याचइ(पद्र)भोन्खबशिरैः संनिमत्स्वोविरयो ।। The text according to MS. D. (given in f.n. 12) : , पोसूसे रारुद्ध जुअलं छोणा हस्सण महश्रीये ।
जौं सुमिरजण पावहमोखसिरिसतिमुन्खोपि । The restored text :
77 HUAT(?) 934-5376, Zagret! JAE Heig. I
galigo qras, Alze-faft Fis(?).Fat fè

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'O Men, bow with devotion to the pair of feet of Laksmi's Lord, calling which to the mind, even a born idiot attains the glory of liberation'.
2. The illustration of Adilla at IV 16 269 : The printed text (according to MS. D) :
सोमणिवं पर पुंडरीकं सेवदं णिस्समेक्क पुडरीअं ।
अविसंरणिज्जिभ पुंडरीअ ॥ The text according to MS. A. (given in f.n. 20, 21, 22) :
सोमणिवं परम-पुंडरीके सेवहरिस्वमेवह णिस्वमेक पुंडरीअ ।
विसंगिरस्तिजिअ पुंडरीअं ॥ The restored text :
सोम-णिवं परम-पुंडरीअ, सेवह णिच्च(?)मेक्क-पुडरीअ। [.........पुंडरीअ, वि(?) संगर-णिज्जिअ-पुडरी ।।
*You should always serve the most excellent king Soma, whose white royal umbrella is unrivalled.........and who has conquared Pundarika in battle'.
3. The illustration of Madilla at IV 16 271. The printed text :
रेहइ फुल्लसरोरुह वयणो णम्मकहासु विसच्च कवयणो ।
लीलाविभ्रभरंजिअरामो सौममहीवै(वइ) संगरगमो ।। The restored text :
रेहइ फुल्ल-सरोरुह-वयणो, णम्म-कहासु वि सच्चय-वयणो ।
लीला-विन्भम-रंजिय-रामो, सोम-महीवइ संगर-रामो । 'King Soma, who speaks truth even in light conversations, who equals Rāma in battle and who wins over beautiful damsels by his playful, amorous gestures, shines with his face like a fullblown lotus'.
4. The illustration of Vastu at IV 16 296-297. The printed text (according to MS. A) :

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जेच्छतिहणुसयलुनिछिसे हुगम्मीरिं वजस्मा परसपलकाल सश्चहिन विदद्रह ।। नामाविहसत्वरि ।। पधुची जोच्चिया गणिजू इसोदाणचक्कुल निदलषुहयण किय आनन्दु ।
वृचुद्वोउक्षिउअ वहर उसद्विार गोविंदु । The text according to MS. D. (given in f.n. 7):
जेच्छति हणुसयलुनिलिसेहु गंभीरिवजः सपरसयलसच्चहिनविद्धइ । नानाविहसत्परिसरिपक्कंचीतुजोश्चियगणिहयि : सो दाणवकुलनिह
लुणुदुहयणकियआणंदु । बुद्धोदुक्किउ अवहर उसलब्धिपइगोविन्दु । The restored text :
जेत्थु तिहुयणु सयलु वि निविठ्ठ(१) गंभीरिखं जस्स पर, सयल-कालु सव्वहिं नविज्जइ । नाणाविह-सप्प(१)रिसरि, एक्कु देउ जो च्चिय गणिज्जइ ।। जो दाणव-कुल-निद्दलणु, दुहियण किय-आणंदु ।
तुटउ दुक्किउ अवहरउ, सु लच्छिवइ गोविंदु ।। 'May Govinda, the lord of Laksmi, favour you and remove your sins—he in whom all the three worlds are situated, whose profoundness is such that all bow down to it all the time, who is one and alone counted as the deity in various ........., who is the destroyer of the whole dynasties of demons and who gives joy to the unhappy'.
5. The illustration of Carcari at IV 16 302 : The printed text according to MS. A. :
मधुरिपुनायकु पहुतरसाहारकिसलयलकिवउः । विचकिलपरिभालाग्रोषुम्यौं ।
अलिकुलझङ्कारबहुकुसुमैः कोइल कउरउ करइ । मुहावउ तरणींह कुसुमसररक्राखारउ हालकै । नरवैकचुपविनसितालिहिछं देगारि पुडिज्जइ । कुकुडूमसलिले नणुरंजइ तरुणियणिम्मटुरुणजिजयि । पठहिदो लउवडि खेलिज्जइ । जुवति हौं चरण ह दिउदुपेल्लज्जई । चंदणे अच्च इले वेणु किज्ज इमल्लि य

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मंजरि शिरे तुरु विज्जइसि अधु विश्व । अवरुड विज़्जइनोभाहलनवसरूप हरिज्जइकश्रुरमन्निपुमसिसे विज्जइ । रागे वसन्ते । पीड गाइज्जइ हंसे तुलायिमुं ।।
देसो विज्जइ । विरुलं तउवाणि नाणिजै ॥ The text according to MS. D. (given in f.n. 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8) :
मधुरितुमन्मथनायकु । यङ्गतउ २ । साहारकेसलयलखीउ । निरूतउ । विचकिलपरिमालालगौयुम्यै । अलिकुलझङ्कारबहुसुमै कोइलकलरउ करइ । सुहावउ तरणींह कुसुभसरह ॥ हक्कारउ । होलह नरवैकचुरवितइ । तालिहिंछंदेगारिज्जहाजयतिहिं चरणहिंदेदुफलिजइ । वंदणअवणविवणुकिज्जइ । मल्लिमंजरि शिरेतुरु विज्जइ सिंहधूविज्जइ मोत्राहलनवसरु पहिरिज्जइ । कसूरसन्निसुशशि सेविज्जइ । कपूरसन्निसु शशि सेविज्जइ । पिरुलंतउवणिमाणिज्जइ ।
The restored text :
मधु-रितु मन्मथ-नायकु पहुतउ, सहार-किसलय-लक्खिउ निरुतउ । विचकिल-परिमल-लग्गउ घुम्मइ, अलिकुलु झंकारइ बहु-कुसमइ । कोइल कलरउ करइ सुहावउ, णावइ(?) कुसुमसरह हक्कारउ । हालिहिं नरवइ-कव्वु पढिज्जइ, तालिहिं छंदेहिं गाइज्जइ । कुंकुम-सरिले तणु रंजिज्जइ, तरुणियणिहिं महुरउ नच्चिज्जइ । वरु हिंदोलउ बडि खेलिज्जइ, जुवतिहिं चरण हिं दइदु पेलिज्जइ ॥ चंदणि अच्चण लेवणु किज्जइ, मल्लिय-मंजरि सिरि बंधिज्जइ । सिह धूविज्जइ अयरु डहिज्जइ, मोत्ताहल-नव-सरु पहिरिज्जइ । कपूर-संनिहु ससि सेविज्जइ, रागि वसंति पियउ गाइज्जइ । हंस तुलाइसु दे(?) सोविज्जइ, पिउ घुल्लंतउ वणि माणिज्जइ ॥
“The spring season lorded over by the God of Love has arrived, with its characteristic mark of mango shoots. The hoard of black bees bearing the perfume of the Vicakila flowers are humming and wandering from flower to flower. The cuckoo pours out sweet notes, which are like the inviting messengers of the Love-God. The peasants sing the lyrics composed by the King with their appropriate metrical rhythms and timebeats. Bodies are coloured with saffron water sprinkled and damsels are dancing sweetly. Swinging sport is enjoyed on excellent swings tied on the banyan trees, when the young ladies are pushing their beloved with their feet. The sandle

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wood paste is applied to the forehead and is smeared on the body. The Mallika blossom is tied on the hair. Fumigation is done and Aguru is burnt for incense. The sine-stringed pearl necklace is worn. The camphor-like moonlight is enjoyed. Songs of the sweetheart are sung in the Vasanta melody. People are sleeping on soft feather mattresses. Strolling in parks, ladies enjoy the love of their lovers'.
6. The illustration of śukasārikā at IV 16 330.
According to IV 16 328 and 329 Sukasarika is composed in a mixture of two languages, viz., the Karņāța language and the Lāta language. It can be in prose or verse. It is in the form of questions and replies. It makes use of two Tālas. This is illustrated by 330. The text of the illustration given according to MS. A. is as follows.
पले लालीनीते टुतहोल्लि वृत्त हि दहे निदेनागेहे लानिल्लु हर पोतुं न जाणइ माएतोदीनासा । छांडु छांडु मथिजा इत्व वा गोपिदसृकुखेलण एने देहम् नीनीतेदातरिए गोविंदे हे एत गातत तोरांतोहम्हिणि ।
काहांह्यणसि वाउलिपनायणु जगहकेरु गोसावि । The text given according to MS. D. is as follows :
पले लालीनीते टुतहोल्लिवुत होदेहे निदेन गेलानिलु हं] न जाणउ माएतोरीना स । छांडु छांडु मइ र्जाइ वो गोविंद सहखेलण । एनेदेहो ।। निनेदात्तरिए गोविन्दने देहे एतगातनंतोशोतोमणि
कहामणि कहाम्हसि वाउलिपि नारायणु जगहकेरा गोसावी ।। Only a few phrases and lines of "Lāți' in this passage can be tentatively restored. The passage seems to be in the form of a dialogue in prose between the young cowherd girl (Gopi) and her mother. The girl insists on going to play with Krsņa. but the mother tries to dissuade her saying that Kțşņa is not an ordinary

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. 303
human being : he is the Lord of the Universe. I cannot make out where the speech of one character ends and that of the other begins. Nor it is possible to assign individually the statements in all the cases.
The first line and the first part of the line 2 are in Old Kannada.
The second part of line 2 and the first part of line 3 are to be restored as follows :
73' 7 51073Ale ak aral(?) zis sig i “(Mother) : I do not know, O my darling, do give up your senseless insistence'.
The second part of line 3 and the first part of line 4 are to be restored as follows
मइ जाएवउ गोविंद-सहु खेलणह '(Girl) : I want to go to play with Govinda'.
The second part of line 4 and the first part line 5 are in Old Kannada
The second part of line 5 and the whole of line 6 are 10 be restored as follows :
तो आम्हणि कहां म्हणसि वाउलिआ ।
नारायणु जगह केरा गोसांवी ॥ “(Mother) : What do you tell me, O madcap, Kệşņa is the Lord of the Universe.'
7. The illustration of Vicitra in a mixture of various languages given at IV 16 340.
The passage describes the ten Avatāras of Vişnu viz. Matsya, Varāha, Nrsimha, Vāmana, Parasurāma, (Rāma), Krsna, Buddha and Kalki. The portion relating to Rāma seems to be missing. The language of the portions that describe Kūrma, Nșsiṁha and Vāmana seems to be Old Kannada (and possibly some other Dravidian language or languages). The lines describing Matsya and Buddha are in Old Marathi. Those describing Varāha and Krşņa are probably in Madhyadesiyā. Those describing Paraśurāma are in Gaudi. Finally those describing Kalki are in Sanskrit.

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Lines 1-2:
MS. A. जेणे रसातलउणु मत्स्यरूपे वेद आणियले मनुशिवकवाणियले MS. D. जेणे
ममूसिवभ्याणियले MS. A. तो संसारसायरतारणमोह तो राषोनारायणु ॥ MS. D.
तणु मह ते राखो
The restored text :
जेणे रसातल-उणु मच्छ-रूवे वेद आणियले, मनुशि वक्खाणियले, तो संसार-सायर-तारणु मोह तो राखो नारायणु ॥
'He, who (assuming) the form of fish brought the Vedas from the nether world (Rasātala) and expounded them among men, may that Nārāyaṇa, that saviour from the ocean of transmigrations, protect me'.
Lines 4-6:
MS. A. जो सुवररूपे पाथालुपै शिदाण तुहरिणकछ पुच___MS. D. सुखरुथेपायलुपै सिदाण उ हरिणकसु।
MS. A. माचषिदाढ गोविन्द घरणि उद्धरियम् सौदेउ MS. D. माचविं ॥ गोंविदं MS. A. मन्दरदुहोच्छ उ । (G. होज्जउ)
MS. D. महवरदुहोउ । The restored text !
जे सूवर-रूवे पायालु पैसि दाणउ हरिणक्कसु मारवि दाढे गोवि दे धरणि उद्धरिया, सो देउ मह वरदु होज्जउ ॥
"May that God Govinda, who in the form of a boar, having entered the nether world and having killed the demon Hiranyāksa, raised and rescued the earth with his fang, grant me boons'. Lines 10-11 :

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MS. A. जे ब्रह्मणेर कुलेउपजीय्या कात्तवीया जिया
MS. D. ब्राह्म
वीर्या
MS. A. जेणे (य्याजुणेर) बाहुफर मे खांडिया
MS. D. ज्जरा
रसै
MS. A. परसरा मुदे उतो यहामङ्गल करउ शेमहरम मल
MS. D. परशु
The restored text:
जे ब्रह्मणेर कुले उपज्जिया, कातवीयज्जुणेर बाहु फरसे खांडिया, परसुरामु देउ से माहार मंगल करउ ।
Lines 12-14
'May that God Parasurama, who having been born in a Brahmin's family, cut off with his battle-axe the arms of Kārtavirya Arjuna, be auspicious to me'.
MS. D.
MS. A. नन्दगोकुलम् । जायौ कन्हुजो गोवीजणे पsिहे जायो णें पडि MS. A. लीटे नयणे जोविया महणावर आविनाणि MS. D. लोटें
MS. A. हक्कारिया कन्हौभरडासौ अहॊणां चिंतिया देउ ।
The restored text:
नंदगोउले जायो कन्हु |
जो गोवीजणे पडिहे (१) नयणे जोविया,
305
महाघर विना म्हणि हक्कारिया, कन्हौ भडारा सौ अम्हाणा चिंतिया देउ |
‘Krsna was born in Nanda's Gokula. May that Lord Krsna, who was looked at by the cowherdesses with loving eyes and who was called by them saying "do come here, O holder of the churning rod (?) ", grant our wishes'.
Lines 14 - 16 :
20

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MS. A. बुद्धरूपे जो दोणवसुरांव(वंच)डणि(D. पंचउणि) MS. A. वेददूषण बोल्लड(G. उ)णि माया मोहिया, MS. A. तो(D. ना) दे उमाझि पासाठ करु ।।
The restored text :
बुद्ध-रूपे जो दाणव-सुरा वंचउणि, वेद-दूषण बोल्ल उणि, माया-मोहिया;
तो देउ माझि पसाउ करु ॥ ‘May that God, who in the form of Buddha deceived and confused, by his delusive power, all the gods and demons (?), propounding the flaws of Vedic teaching, show favours to us.'
8. The illustration of Caturangaka in a mixture of various languages given at IV 16 354 :
MS. A. यः स्रष्टा चतुराननस्य विबुधस्त्राणैकबद्धस्थितिः MS. A. पदारविदरसलोकं दोदनीलप्यहे ॥ (MS. D. जोलवी वयणारविंदभसललोकंदोंदनीरुप्यहो ।)
MS. A. जोगोची(पी)जणे गाह(इ)जे बहु परि रूपे निहीं । (MS. D. जो गोवीजणे गाइजे बहुपरी रूपी तिन्हो)
MS. A. गोमयसैकः शेशनलेसु लघुशशजण भासवंकसे ॥ (MS. D. गामय । शेकश्रेशमलेषुकरपुराजणे पालेदिशबंकशे ॥)
The restored text :
यः स्रष्टा चतुराननस्य विबुध-त्राणैक-बद्ध-स्थितिः । जो लच्छी-वयणारविंद-भसलो कंदोट्ट-नील-प्पहो । जो गोपीजणि गाइजे बहु-परी रूपि तिन्ही गोमटो(?) ।
शे कशे शमलेश लक्शश-जणे मालेदि शव्वंकशे ॥ "He, who is the creator of the four-faced god (Brahman), who is committed to the task of saving gods from distress, who is like a bee towards the lotus-face of Laksmi, who has dark lustre, who is being praised variously in songs by the cowherdesses, who has a lovely form (?). has killed Kamsa and all the other demons in battles'.

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9. The illustration of Muktavali on p. 42, verse 6 (MS. D,; also found in G.) :
MS. D. अवडोंगरकडणिये वाजेवानादुसुम्मददीसइ. MS. G. अवो वाजिया सुम्मई MS. D. कालाहरिणुबेध। घूसटसींगनादुजतुलं देवहु परिवाजइ । MS. G.
वेधे धूमपि जतुछंदोबहु MS. D. गोवर्धनगिरिकवरु गहिरुणजइ । MS. G.
गाजइ ।। MS. D. सुरेंद्रहपणवाशिखियादेदयिनंदणकह्नदोहोवुकश्रियरूपे MS. G. सुरे इहैं देवपि खियनुरुपे MS. D. सलकेणां सावलिया गोउलिं वालियां पडिहेनयणां रन्हिकदेउ ऊवालिया। MS. G. कवणां
पडिहेनयणा रन्निहिन्ह ॥ The partially and tentatively restored text :
अबो डोंगर-कडणिए वोजिया नादु सुम्मइ । दीसइ काला हरिणु ॥ वेधे घूमवि(?) सींग-नादु ......छंदे बहु-परि वाजइ । गोवर्धन-गिरि-कंदरु गाजइ ॥ देवईनंदण कन्हडो...... रूपे सलोणा सांवलिया गोउलिं बालियां पडिहें नयणां रन्निहिं करेइ वाउलियां ॥
'Oh wonder ! Tunes being played on the hill slope are heard. A black buck is seen. The notes of the horn being played with abandon and in various modes, resounds and pierces the heart. The valleys of mount Govardhana reverberate. Devaki's darling, sweet Kanha, lovely with dark beauty, when he. happens io be sighted by the cowherd girls of Gokula in the woodlands, makes them restless with longing'.
10. The illustration of Dhavala on p. 43, vese. 15 (MS. D.; also found in G.):- .
.. ..

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The printed text:
भवलु एरावणु धवलु ।
धवलु हिमाल धवलगयां (गंगा) चन्द्र धवलु महेसरु । धवलु छत्रु अ ( ब ) म्हदेछपसने धवलु जसु ॥
The restored text:
Prakrit and Apabhamsa Studies
धवलु हिमाल धवल गंगा, धवलु एरावणु धवल चंद्र ।
9
धवल महेसरु घलु छत्रु, अम्ह देउ पसन्नु धवलु जसु ॥
• May white Himālaya, white Gangā, the white moon and white Maheśvara, being pleased with us, grant us a white (royal) umbrella and bright glory.
11. The illustration of Ovi on p. 43, verse 20 (MS. D.; found also in G.) :
MS. D. गोत्रले गोलिनिह्यवि अचलुवलुतो मझ पि
MS. G.
गोधूलितिहां अवल MS. D. कन्नोसाचल्लादि ( उ ) बिए ॥
MS. G. सांवलू दि
The restored text:
गोउले गोलिनि म्हणिअ ।
वलु वलु तो मझ पडिहे ।
कन्हउ सांवलू, ओविए ॥
‘The cowherd g ( rl in Gokula said – “ Turn back, turn back, otherwise that dark Kānha will be pursuing (?) me. '
MS. A. MS. D.
12. The illustration of Carya at IV 16380 (=verse 58 on p. 47 ) .
MS. A. संसारसोपूहदरैः कायहीनं चंडिया ।
MS. D. सारुदत्तरे कायरहितें
MS. A. कोहलोहमाह बहुकेण तरिया ।
MS. D.
मोह णा भरिया (G) |
इंदियपयणखर वेगेव हंसि ।
इद्रिदिपवण णवह पि ( G. हथि ) ।
MS. A. दुक्ति हलाहणिम नडिन पाचधि ||
MS. D. दुक्कियलाहरिहति यतद्रि तथावधिः ॥ (G. पावथि)

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The restored text:
संसार- सायर-दुत्तरे पडिया
कोह - लोह - मोह - बहुएण भरिया । इ दिय-पवण - वर वेगेण वह थि
दुक्किय-लहरि-हणिय तडि न पावंथि ।।
Those who have fallen in the unfordable ocean of transmigratory world, who are loaded with anger. greed and delusion, who are carried away by the force of strong winds of senses, and who are struck by the waves of evil deeds, do not reach the shore 13. The illustration of Dohada at IV 16 421 (=verse 77 on p. 49):
MS. A. गोरीनयणह जोरस्वैजो कंसहखयकातु । गोविनयनह कंसखयकालु ।
MS. D.
MS. A. सो अम्हण दुरिअर यवहरतकम्हुतरा डावा । कन्हभराडोवालु ||
सो अम्ह
वहरउ
The restored text:
sins'.
309
गोवो - नयनहिं जो खंड ( ? ), जो कंसह खय - कालु | सो अम्ह- दुरियइ अवहरउ, कन्हु भडारा बालु ॥
May that Boy Kṛṣṇa, the Lord, who plays(?) in the eyes of cowherdesses and who was the destruction os Kamsa, remove our
NOTES
1. Passages 9, 10 and 11 are found only in MS. D.
2. The Dvipathaka defined at IV 258-259 and illustrated at 260 is metrically the same as Dohaḍa or Doha, wellknown in Apabhramsa prosody. Further Rahaḍi, Jhambaḍa, Dollari, Lolli, Danti etc.. defined but not illustrated at Mänasollasa IV 419-429 were composed in Deśa-bhāṣās. In the case of some of thesc, the language to be used is specified, and all of them are called Laukika Prabandhas (550 and ff.).
3. The third Pāda (except the last syllable 3, preserved in MS. A.) is missing in the Mss.

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16. ON THE PRAKRIT SOURCES OF CERTAIN INDIAN
POPULAR TALE-TYPES AND TALE-MOTIFS
That Classical Indian literature is the richest and most fundamental source for the historical-comparative study of folk-tales is now a matter of common knowledge. Quite valuable work has been done so far in exploring Indian Classical works from this point of view. But scholars have little realized that there is a serious gap in their efforts in this area. As compared to the Sanskrit and Pāli sources on the one hand and the Modern Indian sources on the other, sufficient attention has not been paid to the Prakrit sources, in spite of the fact that the latter are probably the richest, and of immediate relevance to the Indian as well as the comparative folklorist. For many well-known taletypes and tale-motifs current in India and abroad, we find corresponding Prakrit versions that possess some unique historical singificance : either they are the earliest known versions (any Sanskrit version being unknown or clearly secondary), or they are closer and more akin in form and content to the Late Medieval and Modern versions as against the earlier Sanskrit versions. Here it is proposed to illustrate this point by discussing just a few of hundreds of interesting instances.
The tales discussed here are as follows:
1. The Magic Bird Heart (Type 567). 2. The Danced-out Shoes (Type 306). 3. What Should I Have Done (Type 1696, Motif J 2461). 4. Cinderella (Type 510). 5. Clever Retribution (Motif J 1160). 6. Candana. Malayāgiri. 7. The Patridge in the Cart (Motif of Clever Retorts : J 1511-17).1
1. The Magic Bird-Heart (Type 567)
The wide-spread tale of the wanderings and vicissitudes of fortune of two brothers called 'The Magic Bird-Heart' by the

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Western folklorists2 (=Aarne and Thompson's Tale Type No. 567) is preserved in several closely allied versions in the oral tradition as well as the Medieval literary tradition of Gujarat. Looking to its continuous popularity for some fifteen hundred years, it is bound to be one of the tales of common Indian inheritance,
In its basic outline the tale is about two brothers, whom circumstances force to leave their native place. They travel abroad. Due to some lucky accident or divine favour they happen to eat respectively the head (or heart) and some other part of a magic bird, in consequence of which the elder gets a kingdom and the younger a daily supply of gold coins. The two brothers become separated. The younger passes through several ups and downs, and during his encounter with a cheating bawd he is deprived of his magic possession. He, however, takes revenge on her by turning her into a she-ass by virtue of his newly acquired magic power. Ultimately the two brothers are happily united. 3
The earliest known version comes from the Pāli Jātakas. But we have also quite an early version of this tale in the story of the merchant Kāştha given in the Avaśyaka commentaries. It is also known from numerous works on the lifestory of Manipati and from several other independent narratives in Sanskrit, Prakrit and Old Gujarati. The tale is widespread also in the West. The Prakrit version found in Ratnaprabha's Doghatți commentary (composed in 1182 A.D.) on the Upadeśamāla is nearest to the core of modern versions as also of those current abroad, and as such its importance for tracing the ultimate source of the latter is quite obvious.
2. The Danced-out Shoes (Type 306)
Thompson has the following note on this tale-type :
“It is discovered that a princess absents herself at night and always returns with her shoes danced to pieces. She is offered in marriage to the man who can solve the mystery of her conduct. She has succeeded in giving a narcotic to all those who have tried

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to follow her, but the hero refuses to drink and accompanies her on a magic underground journey. He possesses the power of making himself invisible and is able to observe her when she dances with the supernatural being whom she visits every night. By means of tokens which he has brought from his subterranean realm, he is able to prove his story and to claim his reward.
This tale . . . seems to be Central European with most frequent appearance in the area from Serbia north of Finland. It does not, so for as is now known, go east of Russia and is represented but once in France and Portugal. A single version is found in Central Africa, and it has not thus far been reported in any other continents. Within its rather narrow geographical range it seems to be fairly popular, since somewhat more than a hundred variants are known.
The heroine in 'The Danced-out Shoes', does not seem to be anxious to be rescued from her otherworld lover.4
These observations of Thompson's about the original source, form and area of currency of the Danced-out shoes shall have to be now basically revised in the light of the Prakrit and early vernacular literary versions of the story known from India.
In Silārka's Caupannamahāpurisa-cariya (879 A.D.)) we find under the account of Svayambhū Vāsudeva and Bhadra Baladeva, the story of Gunavarman and Kanakavati. Its outline is as follows:
Princess Kanakavatı while choosing prince Guņavarman as her husband had made it known to him beforehand that because she was bound by a certain pledge, she would live separately till she becomes free from the binding. After many days of separate life, the prince acquired the power to become invisible in lieu of the services he rendered to a Kāpālika, and in virtue of that power he managed to smuggle himself into the magic aerial car that one night he found carrying the princess and her two maids secretly to the divine Nandana garden. She was to give a dance performance there in the temple of Rşabhadeva along with three

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princesses who too arrived there from three other quarters. The four princesses were regularly subjected to perform this forced service by a wicked Vidyādhara who had bound them by a pledge. The prince managed to steal a small bell that got loosened from an anklet of his wife during her dance performance. He returned home in the magic car along with the princess.
The next day the prince produced the token of the small bell before the princess. He repeated his performance on the second night, but this time he secured an anklet of the princess that slipped from her foot during the dance. This again was shown to the princess next day. She then guessed that the prince had somehow come to know about her clandestine nightly visits. On the third night the princess excused herself on the ground of indisposition, and sent her maids to the Vidyādhara. As the latter indignantly threatened them to kill, the pricce became visible and killed the Vidyādhara in a fight. The princess, thus freed from the slavish bondage, now accepted the prince with unbounded love.
The story continues further and turns into that of the faithless wife, but that seems to be quite obviously a secondary development, being on the same footing as the frame story in which the whole is placed.
A second version of this story is found as the prologue to the Tale of Pancadaņda-chatra that formed a part of the Vikamāditya cycle.6 We have several Medieval Gujarati versions beginning from the 16th century and one Sanskrit version (obviously based on an Old Gujarati version). Vikramāditya was promised Devadamani, the beautiful daughter of the courtesan on condition that he defeated her at the game of dice. She was invincible at that game because of a divine boon. Vikramaditya also obtains divine favour and invis'bly accompanying her finds out about her secret nightly visits for dancing at the court of Indra. Thus he succeeds in confusing and defeating her at the dice game by producing tokens of her clandestine visits and thereby winning her in marriage.

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Of the two versions of "The Danced-out Shoes', the Pañcadanda version is nearer to the basic Western version. The marriage with Devadamant forms a part of the frame-story of the Pañcadanda and it remains to be investigated whether it was in the original Pañcadanda (that served as a source to the Gujarati adaptations) or was a later growth. Eventhough Indian versions do not have the danced-out shoes as the basic clue, the Indian origin of this tale is beyond any doubt.
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3. What Should I Have Done (Type 1696, Motif J. 2461)
The stories about the literal-minded fool misapplying his instructions and thus landing himself into troubles and absurdities are widely current in all parts of India. Thompson observes that the best-known tale of this kind has to do with the mother who tells her son what he should do in various circumstances. The stories usually have a ingenuous chain of foolishly applied instructions. According to Thompson the story is traceable to a Chinese Buddhist source and appears in several Renaissance Jestbooks.
An early Indian version of this type is found in Prakrit in the story of the Village Dolt given in the Dharmopadeśamālā-vivarana of Jayasimha-sūri4 (Story No. 89, p. 159), composed in 859 A. D. at Nagor in Marwar. The substance of the story is as follows:
When a certain person in the king's service died, his helpless widow left the city and settled in a village, taking her small boy along with her. When the boy came of age he started to join the king's service. His mother tried to dissuade him as he did not know the appropriate ways and manners, but the boy expressed readiness to learn. So the mother gave him the first lesson: When you see a respectable person even from a distance, greet him immediately, saying very loudly the word of salutation. Thus instructed the boy went out and on his way saw a group of hunters hiding and lying in wait for deer. He greeted them from a distance with a wild shout. The deer were scared away. The

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hunters scolded the boy and when the latter explained his behaviour, they advised him : When you see persons hiding in this manner, you should approach them quite slowly and noiselessly. Proceeding further the boy saw a group of policemen who were on the trail of a thief and were waiting in a hide-out. The boy began to move very cautiously. They took him for the thief and bound him with a rope. When he explained they advised him to. say in like situation, ‘May the blight descend'. Further on his way the boy saw a group of farmers starting ploughing operations and he blurted out ‘May the blight descend here'. They belaboured him, and when he explained his behaviour, they advised him that in such situations he should say ‘May all your carts be filled up. As the boy moved further, he saw a dead body being carried and he cried, 'May all your carts be filled with dead bodies'. He received a good beating and also the instruction that in a situation like that he should say "May such an event never take place'. Shortly the boy got an occasion to say these words at a marriage ceremony in progress. Being instructed there to say in a similar situation, 'May this be a permanent feature', he pronounced these words when he saw a chieftain in fetters. There again he was taught to say ‘May you be soon freed from these'. At last with many similar misadventures, the boy came to the king and was appointed his personal attendant. Here too he went on bungling. He was instructed by the king that while he was in assembly, whatever the boy had to convey to him was to be done at a proper moment and only in an undertone. The boy followed these instructions quite precisely when he came to the king to convey the news that the house was on fire. And finally, instructed to throw ashes, dust and water whenever he saw smoke issuing from something, he carried this out when once the king's body was being fumigated.
4. Cinderella (Type 510)
As already pointed out by Hiralal Jain the stories of Sugandhadaśami and Ārāmasobhā known from several Jain works in

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Prakrit and Apabhramśa Studies
Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhramśa and Old Gujarati give us the two earlier versions of the tale that is well-known in the West in hundreds of versions as the story of Cinderella. As I have on hand a detailed study of these classical Indian versions, I shall not discussed them here. But I may draw attention to one point: As Devendrasuri's Mulaśuddhi commentary, composed in 1090 A. D., contains the story of Aramaśobha, it is to be accepted as a version earlier than that in the Sugandhadaśami Tale.10 There is now no reason to assume it as a derivative of the latter, and this accords with the fact of the greater resemblance of Cinderella to Aramaśobhā than to Sugandhadasami.
5. Clever Retribution
In Bengali Household Tales (1912), Maculloch has recorded two tales of a clever labourer (or Brahmin Youth). He does a number of mischiefs openly and pleads cleverly in the court about his innocence as in every case he had acted in accordance with the very words of the complainants, which, of course, he had taken quite literally. He smashed the oil-pots of an oil-woman because she herself had quoted a proverb: 'Spilling oil extends the life-span'. He wrapped oilsoaked rags around a monkey's tail and set it on fire because a pious old lady wished not to listen to but actually witness the Rāmāyaṇa episode of the burning of Lanka by Hanumant. He passionately kissed a betel-seller's wife because that fellow remarked to him, 'For your two cowries you can certainly lick the spittle of a betelchewer' !
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In another such story from the same collection, the clever youth, while being led to the court for similar mischiefs slaps on the way a passer-by who had remarked that a long journey is shortened by quarrelling.
These stories contain several familier motifs including one of Literal Pleading (J 1160).
A tale very clossely akin to these appears in Amradeva-suri's commentary (written in 1134 A.D.) on Nemicandra-gaṇin's Akhyān

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akamanikosa11 (1073-1083 A.D.). It occurs as an emboxed story in the Tale of Bandhudatta (verses 14-48; pp. 283-286). Its outline follows.
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Tired of his ill-tempered wife, a man of noble faimly left for the nearby city. Some youthful and boisterous milk-maids too were going to the city and they joined him on the way. Not caring for his depressed mood, they tried to engage him in some frivolous chitchat, so much so that it got upon his nerves. The girls pressed him either to tell a story or even pick up a quarrel with them so that the long journey may be shortened. He immediately grabbed at the chance and put his foot across the legs of one of them.. She stumbled and fell over one that was walking in front of her, and all of them thus fell down breaking to pieces their pots full of curds. They cursed the noble man and started quarrelling with him. Soon all of them reached the city, and the nobleman somehow managed to leave the sore milkmaids' company. He went to the courtesans' quarters and got a night's shelter at a Dharmaśālā. A bawd approached him and pressed him to narrate to her some episode from the Rāmāyaṇa or the Mahabharata.. He requested her to leave him in peace as he was deadly tired, but she kept on pestering. Enraged, he knocked out her teeth with a blow and set the house on fire by means of the lampflame. He was immediately arrested for these acts and produced before the king. The milkmaids had been already there with their complaint. The nobleman pleaded that being harassed beyond tolerance by the two parties he took them at their words. In one case he picked up quarrel as he was advised to do and in the other case he gave the actual demonstration of the two incidents from the Rāmāyaṇa: Hanumat's blow had scattered the pearls from Ravana's diadem: this was matched by knocking out the bawd's teeth; and the burning of Lanka was matched by setting the house on fire. The king gave his verdict: 'Not guilty'. The close kinship of this tale with the tales from Bengal referred to above is quite obvious.

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6. Candana-Malayāgriri
Some ten versions of this tale are known from the Medieval Gujarati literature.12 It relates the adverse turns of fortune of a king beginning with the loss of kingdom. In the exile the king Candana, his queen Malayāgiri and their two sons Sāyara and Nira are separated from one another. They undergo many sufferings and are ultimately reunited happily. In the Hindi speaking region this story is also known from the oral tradition, the names of the four chief characters being Ambā, Āmili, Sarvar and Nir. The earliest version of the tale is known so far from a Prakrit work dated 1083 A.D. In the fourth chapter of the Mahāyiracariya of Guņacandra13 what is given as the story of King Naravikrama is the same as the later tale of Candana-Malayāgiri. There is sufficient evidence to believe that Guņacandra derived this story from a popular source.
7. The Patridge in the Cart (Motif J 1511.17)
Thompson and Balys have recorded from Thornburn's Bannu, or our Afghan Frontier a tale outlined as follows :14 Ox bought; buyer also claims load of wood attached. Later deceived man disguises and sells sharper another ox for ‘hand of coppers'. He is allowed by court to claim the hand as well.
In Sanghadāsa's Vasudevahimdi15 (c. fifth century A.D.), we find an anecdote of the Patridge in the Cart which seems to be the earliest source for the above noted tale.
A farmer goes to city with a cart-load of grains for sale. There is also a caged patridge on the cart. Some clever merchants ask the farmer : 'Is this patridge in the cart for sale ?' Being told that it can be bought for a Kārşāpaņa, the merchants pay the price and carry away the patridge along with the cart. The court accepts the merchant's interpretation of the phrase 'patridge-inthe-cart' and decides the case in their favour. Then tutored by a clever person, the farmer approaches one of the same group of merchants with the offer of his ox for just two measures of barley

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meal, provided they are given 'with her own hand' by the merchan'ts wife putting on her best dress and all the jewels. The merchant agrees, and the farmer takes possession of the wife along with the barley-meal. The case is decided this time in the farmer's favour.
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These are only a few instances out of a great many wherein we can point out quite an early Prakrit original for widely popular tales current in India and outside. A systematic and comprehensive study of the Prakrit stories from this point of view is an urgent necessity. If an encyclopaedia of Middle Indo-Aryan tale-types and tale-motifs can be prepared, it would be certainly an invaluable and lasting contribution to the comparative and historical study of the tales of the world in general and of India in particular.
The few tales discussed here have also another quite important implication. Many of the conclusions of the Western folktale students regarding the sources, original form, nomenclature, classification and diffusion of numerous tale-types and tale-motifs stand in need of drastic revision in the light of a huge amount of fresh information, that is available from Prakrit literature. So far the scholars have been able to make very little use of this evidence because of various reasons. A considerable part of Prakrit story literature still lies burried in manuscripts. Many of the works have been published only during the last few decades. Moreover, for most of the stories only the bare text is known. No translation is available in any European or Indian language. It is obvious that until these handicaps are removed there are slender chances for a wider and more fruitful utilisation of Prakrit sources.
Notes
1. For the Type and Motif numbers, see Stith Thompson, The Folktale, 1946.
2. The Folktale, p. 75.

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3. For a detailed study, see the following paper. It was published in Bharatiya Vidya Vol. XXIII, 1-4. 1963 pp. 99-104. Earlier Version published as 'Four Old and Medieval Versions of The Magic Bird-Heart', Proceedings of the Twenty-Sixth International Congress of Orientalists, Vol. III, Pt. I edited by R. V. Dandekar, 1970. See also 'Kaṣṭha Seth ni DṛṣṭāntaKatha' (in Gujarati), Bhayani H. C., Anusamdhan, 1972, pp. 34-38. For recent studies, see the postscript in the following paper.
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4. The Folktale, pp. 34-35.
5. Ed. Bhojak A. M., 1961; see pp. 117-127; also Bhayani H. C., Anusamdhan, 26-33.
6. For the tale of Pañcadanda, onwards from the fifteenth century we get nine versions in Sanskrit and nine in Gujarati.
7. The Folktale, p. 195.
8. Ed. Gandhi L. B., 1949.
9. Jain Hiralal (Ed), Sugandhadasami Katha, 1966, Introduction, pp. 16-18.
10. See General Editor's preface to Mülaśuddhi Prakaraṇa, ed. Bhojak A. M., 1971, p. 8. A few oral versions of the tale also has been recently recorded from Gujarat by Prof. Shantilal Acharya. Jayant Kothari, in his Ārāmsobhā Rāsmālā (in Gujarati, 1989, Ahmedabad), has edited six Old Gujarati versions of the story of Ārāmasobhā, has presented a comparative study of these versions along with three Prakrit and three Sanskrit versions and has given notes on the motifs.
11. Ed. Muni Punyavijay, 1962. For the discussion see Bhayani 'H. C., Anusaṁdhān. pp. 4249.
12. See R. N. Jani, 'The Jain and Non-Jain versions of the popular Tale of Candana-Malayagiri from Prakrit and other Early Literary Sources', Mahavir Jaina Vidyalaya Golden Jubilee Volume, I, 1968, pp. 225-232.
13. Ed. Sagaranand-sūri, 1929.
14. Thompson S. and Balys J., The Oral Tales of India, 1958, p. 266.
15. Ed. Caturvijay and Punyavijay, 1930, see pp. 57-58.

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17. THE MAGIC BIRD-HEART
1. The tale called 'The Magic Bird-Heart' (=Aarne-Thompsons' Tale Type 3031) has been exhaustively studied by Aarne.2 He favours Western Asia 'perhaps Persia'), rather than India, as its most plausible home. Summarizing his findings in this matter Thompson observes :3
“The story of the magic bird-heart has been cited in the older literature as an illustration of a tale which has travelled from India into Europe. Aarne's exhaustive study, however, while indicating an Asiatic origin, concludes that the most plausible home for the story is Western Asia, perhaps Persia. It is well known in Eastern Europe, especially in Russia and around the Baltic, but it is to be found in Western and Southern Europe as well. It is frequently found in North Africa and is reported once from much farther south in that continent.
The French have taken it to Canada, where they still tell it, and from them it has doubtless been learned by the Ojibwas of southern Ontario. Though it is found in the Persian Tuti-Nameh of around 1300 A. D., Aarne demonstrates clearly that its life has been primarily oral and practically uninfluenced by litcrary retellings.'
2. The probable form of the original tale as reconstructed by Aarne after a careful analysis is reproduced below from The Folktale4.
'Fate has brought into the possession of a poor man a magic · bird which lays golden eggs. The man sells the precious eggs and becomes rich. Once he goes on a trip and leaves the bird with his wife to take care of. In his absence the man who has bought the eggs (sometimes another) comes to the wife and engages in a love affair with her and persuades her to prepare and serve the marvellous bird for his meal. The bird possesses a wonderful trait, that whoever shall eat its head will become ruler and whoever

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swallows its heart will find gold under his pillow when he has been sleeping. The bird is killed and prepared, but by chance falls into the hands of the two sons of the man who is absent on his journey. Knowing nothing of the wonderful characteristics of the bird, they eat the head and the heart. The lover does not give up his plan, for he knows that a roast which is prepared from the eaters of the bird will have the same effect as the bird itself, and he demands that the boys should be killed, and finally persuades the mother to agree. The boys suspect the plot and flee. The one who has eaten the head arrives in a kingdom where the old ruler has just died and the new one must be chosen. Through some type of marvelous manifestation the young man is chosen ruler. The other boy receives all the gold he wished. In the course of his adventures he is betrayed by a girl and an old woman. He punishes the girl by using his magic power to turn into an ass so that she will be severely beaten. But at last he restores her to her human form. In most versions the boys eventually punish their mother'.
3. Aarne's conclusions about the original source and form of this tale are naturally conditioned by the range of the data then known or available to him. But now we are in a position to significantly enlarge that range on the Indian side, for besides the one version that is known in English since 1897, there are some three more versions (with a few variants) in Early Indian literature that have come to light during recent years. The aims of this paper are to report these versions, and to discuss their relationship mutually and with Aarne's reconstructed version.
4. The four Indian versions of the Magic Bird-Heart we are to discuss here are as under :
S. No. Title of Title of the work & Author Date Language
the Story place of occurrence (or editor) I. Master , Jataka, No. 445 – c. 5th Pali , Banyan
Cent. (Nigrodha)

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JA.
Pali.
Sanskrit
Prakrit
Good-luck Jātaka, No. 284 - c. 5th (Siri)
cent. Cheating Sạngāramañjari Bhoja 10th the Bawd kathā (seventh
Cent. (Kuttani- story) vañcana) Lohārgalā The Doghtti Ratnapr- 1182 commentary
abhasūri on the Upadeśamālā of Dharmadāsagaņi (The story narrated by Nāgasenā, the fifth wife of Jambūsvāmin in the life-story of
Jambū) Hamsāuli Independent Asäita mid work
14th
IV.
Old Gujarati
Cent.
IVA.
1745
IVB.
1874
Candana- Vetālapaciśi ś āmala Malayāgiri (8th story)
Bhatta Mānsih and Gujarat Tathā F.B. Abhesih Kāțhiāvād Deś.
ni Vārtā (Part II) (The Folklore of Gujarat)
Modern Gujarati (oral tradition)
5. The substance of the Nigrodha-Jātaka5 (No. 445) is as follows :
A great merchant of Rājagặha got some country merchant's daughter for his son's wife. In order to save herself from the :slight and ill-treatment of being barren, she pretended to be pregnant

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by means of various clever tricks. After nine months she left for her father's house for delivery. On her way she halted at a place near a banyan tree, where she found a new-born boy abandoned by some poor woman travelling with a foregoing caravan. She at once informed her nurse and attendants that she had brought forth a son. The message was sent to Rajagṛha and her husband's parents asked her to return. As the boy was born under a banyan tree, he was named Nigrodha-kumāra, or Master Banyan. That same day, the daughter-in-law of another merchant, on her way home to her father for the birth, brought forth a son beneath the branches of a tree; and him they named Sakha-kumāra, Master Branch. And on the same day, the wife of a tailor in the employ of this merchant bore a son amidst his bits of cloth; and him they called Pottika, or Dollie. The great merchant sent for these two children and brought them up with Master Banyan.
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They all grew up together, and by and by went to Takkasila to complete their education. Both the merchant's sons had two thousand pieces to give to their teacher for a fee; Master Banyan provided Pottika with an education under his own wing.
When their education was finished, they took leave of their teacher and left him, with intent to learn customs of the country folk, and travelling on and on in time they came to Benares, and lay down to rest in a temple. They slept under a tree. At dawn Pottika awoke, and sitting up began to chafe Banyan's feet. Then a quarrel started among the two cocks roosting upon that tree because the cock on the upper branch let a dropping fall upon the cock on the lower branch. They boasted of their importance. The lower cock declared that whoever ate his flesh would receive a thousand pieces of money that very morning. The upper cock declared that whoever ate his fat would become a king that very morning; he that ate his middle flesh, would become Commanderin-Chief; who ate the flesh about the bones, he would be Treasurer.
Pottika heard them.He caught the upper cock, killed it and cooked it. The fat be gave to Banyan. the middle flesh to Branch

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and himself ate the flesh that was about the bones. Thereafter he told them about the outcome. After meal in the city, they rested in the royal park. Now it was then the eighth day since the king of Benares had died childless, and the ceremonial chatriot that was to be sent forth at the moment itself rolled in where Banyan and his comrades were resting. The chaplain made sure of the royal marks upon the feet of Banyan and at once he consecrated him as the king. Banyan appointed Branch as his Commander-inchief.
Once Banyan asked Branch to go to Rajagṛha and bring their parents. Branch refused to go saying it was not his business. Thereupon Banyan told Pottika to do it. Pottika agreed. He approached the parents, but all of them refused to go with him, as they were quite happy where they were. Pottika returned to Benares ahd being fatigued went to rest to Branch's house. As the latter bore a grudge against Pottika, for giving Banyan the kingdom instead of him, he kicked and belaboured him and threw him out. Sore due to such ungrateful treatment, Pottika went to Banyan. He received and treated him very cordially. In the meanwhile Branch too, afraid of being slandered before the king, came up. But in his very presence Pottika reported to the king about his ill-treatment at the hands of Branch. The king ordered to spear him, but Pottika got him pardoned. The king offered the post of Commander-in-Chief to Pottika, but as the latter declined it he was made Royal Treasurer and the Judge of all the merchant guilds.
5.1. The story is given with the purpose of illustrating ingratitude and treachery to friends.
5.2. The same incident of two quarrelling cocks with the same magic properties is found in Siri-Jataka (No. 284). The slight variations in the properties possessed by the upper cock are: for a woman queenship is the alternative to becoming Commanderin-Chief, and for a holy man, king's favour is an alternative for becoming royal treasurer. The three parts are the fleshy parts, the

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outside and the flesh about the bones. A wood-cutter who happens to hear the words of the cocks, gets the meat of the upper cock ready, but while he is bathing, the meat is washed away by the river and comes in possession of an elephant trainer who was then giving his elephants a bath. On the third day after eating the fleshy parts under the advice of a friendly ascetic the elephant trainer becomes king under the following circumstances: Invaded by a neighbouring king, the king of Benares sends the elephant trainer disguised as king to fight the invader. He himself too puts on a disguise, mingles with the ranks and gets killed in the battle. The elephant trainer manages to defeat and slay the invader, and gets kingship as his reward.
5.3. The tale is given to illustrate how luck at times changes hands.
5.4. The Jātaka tale summarized in 5. is obviously made up of two originally independent parts. The first part based on the simulated pregnancy motif hangs together quite tenuously with the second part. In the second part too the story up to the point where the three companions finish their studies and start to see the world at large is sort of an introduction that need not be an integral part of the original story. Similarly the sequel seems to some degree a later modification that turns the story into one of ungrateful friend. Leaving aside these obviously later accretions and analysing the story that is left, we can distinguish the following roints : (1) The hero (the son of a great merchant) and his two com
panions go out to foreign lands. (2) On their way, once they spend a night under a tree on
which two birds (cocks) with magical properties rested. (3) One bird has such properties that whoever eats its fat,
becomes a king next day; whoever eats his middle flesh becomes Commander-in-Chief; and whoever eats his flesh about bones becomes the Royal Treasurer. The other bird has such property that whoever eats his flesh gets One thousand gold pieces next morning. This second bird does. not play any further part in the story.

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(4) One of the hero's companions happens to learn about
these properties as the birds give them out in a mutual
quarrel. (5) He kills the kingship-bird, gives its fat to the hero, the
middle flesh to the other companion, and himself eats the
flesh about the bones. (6) The next day, the hero is chosen king in place of one
that had just died without an heir. To the first companion
he gives the post of Commander-in-Chief. (7) The remaining companion gets the post of Royal Treasurer
after some unpleasant experiences. 5.5. The version 1 A is clearly secondary as compared to I. The incident of the disputing cocks is practically the same as in I, but the alternatives added to the magic properties of the less important parts of the kingship-cock are later elaborations and are felt as special provisions made for the wood-cutter's wife and the friendly monk. Also the manner of the wood-cutter's becoming a king seems to be an innovation. The sequel is newly added, consistently with the purpose of making the story one of good luck changing hands.
6. The substance of the tale of cheating the Bawd (Kuttanivañcana) from Bhoja’s Srñgāramañjarikatha? is as follows :
A Brahmin got two sons at an advanced age. They were named Vişnudatta and Somadatta. When they came of age, they started to go abroad. For seven days they journeyed in midsummer through the terrific Vindhya forest on their stock of provisions and water was exhausted. Famished and exhausted, they rested under a banyan tree on a lake and at night kept watch in turn to guard against wild animals. At the third watch Somadatta heard a pair of doves (male and female) conversing to the effect that it was their duty to save the Brahmin boys, who happened to be their guests, from dying through hunger. They also made known the magic trait Sage Uttarka had said they possessed : whoever shall eat the male bird will become a ruler and whoever shall eat the female bird will find five hundred gold coins near his bed

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every day when he wakes up in the morning. Having said this, the doves immediately threw themselves in the burning fire set up by the Brahmin boys below the tree to scare away animals. Somadatta awakened Visnudatta and narrated what happened. He gave him the male bird to eat and himself ate the female. When Somadatta awoke in the morning. he found five hundred gold coins near him. Convinced of the truth of what the doves said, they resumed their journey. During the course of their travel. one of them became thirsty. He went in search of water and returning lost his way. The two brothers were separated. In course of their separate wanderings, the elder. Vişnudatta, became king of Magadha. The younger, Somadatta arrived in Kāñci and enjoyed in the company of the most beautiful courtesan Karpūrikā, the daughter to the bawd Makaradamstrā. Under the latter's instruction, Karpūrikā made Somadatta divulge to her the secret of the magic female dove, the source of his inexhaustible wealth. The next day an emetic was mixed up with Somadatta's food. The female dove he vomitted out was grabbed and swallowed up by Makaradamstrā. Somadatta, now rendered penniless, was turned out.
Repentant Somadatta goi the news of Vişnudatta's kingship. He went to Magadha, met his brother, conceived a plan of avenging himself and returned to Kāñci with rich pomp and paraphernalia. He took up residence with a courtesan in Makaradamstrā's neighbourhood and started spending lavishly.
Here there is a gap in the narrative due to a lacuna in the text. It covered the incidents of Somadatta inducing Karpūrikā to witness the secretly contrived spectacle of producing right royal service and entertainment just by crowing like a cock. This was pre-arranged by him under a Pipal tree outside the city. When pressed by Karpūrikā, he explained that was due to a magic power he had acquired at Sriparvata by performing life-risking austerities. She easily fell into the trap and arranged a barter. In exchange for Somadatta's magic power she agreed to give him the deceitfully expropriated magic dove with the whole of her accumulated wealth thrown in. Accordingly Makaradamsțrā vomitted the female

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dove. Somadatta washed it and swallowed. All her wealth also was made over to him. For his part he ceremoniously transferred to Karpurikā the magic charm he was believed to possess. Then he secretly instructed his servants to continue for further five days the got-up show they used to put forth under the Pipal tree consequent upon the so-called magic cock-crow, and himself left for Magadha. For five days Karpūrikā enjoyed the royal service that on crowing appeared as if from nowhere. On the sixth day she wandered under the Pipal crowing and crowing till her throat ached but not a soul turned up. With downcast face she returned to her residence alog with her mother and the maids.
6.1. The tale is narrated by a bawd as a part of instructions to her inexperienced daughter, a top ranking courtesan. Its purpose is to illustrate the cleverness of rogues. The moral is drawn : A discerning courtesan should not fleece the rogues too much, otherwise they would manage to relieve her of all her accumulated earnings. Like many other illustrative tales in the Srgāramañjarë, this one also is obviously borrowed from the storehouse of the then current popular stories.
6.2. We may note the following points from this verston : (1) Two brother start on a travel to foreign lands to try their
luck. (2) Once hungry and exhausted on their way, they spend a night
under a tree in the thick of a forest. There rested on that tree two doves, a male and a female, possessing magical
properties. (3) The male dove has such a properly that whoever eats it be
comes a king. The female dovc's property is that whoever eats it finds five hundred gold coins near his bed every
morning. (4) The merciful doves declare their wonderful properties with
in the hearing of the younger brother and then throw them
selves in fire in self-immolation. (5) The younger brother gives the male bird to the elder brother
to eat and himself eats the female one. He starts finding five hundred gold coins every marning.

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(6) On their resumed journey, they get separated as they go out in search of water.
(7) The elder in course of time gets kingship.
(8) The younger during his wanderings reaches a distant city and stays with a courtesan, whose mother cheats him out of the magic female dove.
(9) Learning about his elder brother's fortune, he goes to him. Equipping himself with necessary means and materials he returns to the courtesan and through a confidence trick recovers his female dove and relieves her of all her wealth, in exchange for a false magic power he leads her to believe he possesses.
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7. The substance of the tale of the two brothers Amarasena and Pravarasena from Ratnaprabha's Doghatti commentary on the didactic poem Upadeśamälä ef Dharmadasa is as follows9:
King Kañcanasekhara of Kañcanapura had two sons, the first called Amarasena, the second, Pravarasena. They used to ride the wonder-elephant Jayakuñjara, a favour from the king, and had a pleasant time. Their envious step-mother, most favourite of the king, coastantly incited him to take back the elephant and present it to her own son. The king did not like to ask back what was presented and especially when the princes were quite loyal to him and well-behaved, But ultimately giving way under her relentless pressure, he asked the two princes to return Jayakuñjara and accept in lieu ten ordinary elephants. The princes could at once see who was at the back of this development. The loss of honour was one thing they could never bear, and that very night they secretly left their home and their city to try their fate in the wide world.
On their way they landed into a dense jungle. They camped below a huge banyan tree to spend the night. Amarasena, the elder one, was overpowered with sleep. Pravarasena kept the guard. The presiding Yakṣa of that tree, favourably impressed by their noble and fortunate aspect, was moved to oblige them. He appeared before Pravarasena and presented him with two wonder-gems; one for Amarascna, bringing kingship; the other for Pravarasena, yield

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ing wealth and other amenities as desired. The Yaksa also taught him the rite that should accompany every act of wishing, and then he disappeared. Next day, the two brothers resumed their journey and after crossing the forest reached Pāțalīpura. While they rested on the bank of a lake, Pravarasena handed over the kingship-gem to Amarasena and instructed him in the essential rite. Both of them duly performed the rite and then asked for boons from their gems. Pravarasena's wish for a sumptuous dinner, dress etc. was im mediately fulfilled by eight Apsarases, that appeared from nowhere. They served them with royal dinner, dress etc. and when the brothers finished their meals, those Apsarases and all disappeared. As they retired for rest under a shady tree five 'divine agents' sought out Amarasena and crowned him king of Pāțalipura, in place of the former one, who had just died childless. Pravarasena, thinking that Amarasena would be too busy with state-affairs to attend to him, moved away unnoticed, and stayed with the courtesan Māgadhikā. Amarasena's efforts could not trace him. Pravarasena spent lavishly. Once, pressed by her mother Lohārgalā, unwilling Māgadhikā extracted from Pravarasena the secret of his boundless liberality that never refused even exhorbitant demands. Lohārgalā, thenceforth always on look out for a chance, at last succeeded in stealing Pravarasena's wonder-gem, when once, while bathing he had left it unattended. First he thought he had lost it somewhere in the house, and Lohārgalā pretended to help him in the search, but finally he realized that Lohārgalā was the thief. He, therefore, secretly left the place in search of some means to take reprisal. Māgadhikā was sorry for losing Pravarasena. Lohārgalā too became quite disappointed when she found that the gem, unaccompanied by proper ceremonial rites, did not fulfil wishes.
Pravarasena went to a cemetary. He proclaimed to the ghosts his readiness to give his flesh as an offering. An aerial voice directed him to the temple of Durgā. There he attacked and killed a Kāpālika, who was on the point of beheading an innocent human victim for an offering to the goddess. As a result he came into possession of the magic shoes of the Kāpālika, that would take him wherever he wanted to go. Using them he used to fetch wealth

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from the Isle of Jewel and the Isle of Gold. He also planned to use them for removing Lohargalā to some far away spot. So once sumptuously dressed, as he was passing near her place, she sighted him and welcomed him so that she can fleece him once again. As this time Magadhikā refused her to get out of Pravarasena the secret of his never-exhausting wealth, she herself made him to reveal it through blandishment. Consequently she persuaded him to take her by means of the magic shoes to a mid-sea temple of the God of Love, which she pretended she had vowed to visit for his safe return. He took her to the desired temple; taking off the magic shoes he went inside the temple. Lohargala grabbed the opportunity and disappeared with the shoes. Pravarasena was repentant. But shortly he got a chance of escape. As he assisted a visiting Vidyadhara in his rites for acquiring magic powers, the latter rewarded him with two magic pills: The tilaka-mark with one of these turned a human being into an ass. The other reversed that effect. The Vidyadhara presented him with a quantity of jewels and gold and dropped him into Patalipura.
Getting news of Pravarasena having returned hail and hearty, Lohargala cooked up a plot. Getting her body bandaged all over, she called for Pravarasena through her daughter. When the latter arrived, she narrated her fabricated story-how she had to run away with the magic shoes to save them from a grabbing Vidyadhara, who knocked her down and got away with the shoes. Pretending to believe her story, he offered to effect a miracle cure for her wounds and turn her into a youthful damsel. He asked for the removal of the bandages, against which she trumped up the ruse of unbearable pain. She asked to treat her with the bandages untouched. He put a tilaka-mark on her forehead with one of his magic pills. She was instantly changed into a she-ass. He mounted on her back and lashing heartily drove her on the royal highway. A complaint was made to the king. He guessed the mischief-maker to be none else than his long-lost brother. He went forth and received him. Pravarasena narrated his whole story. Lohargala's human form was restored to her by using the other pill, when repayment of all she got by cheating was guaranteed. She made over to

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Pravarasena the wonder gem, the magic shoes and Māgadhikā. Pravarasena was made heir-apparent.
7.1. The tale is narrated by Jambūsvāmin's queen Nāgasenā. to illustrate how great harm results from too much greed, be it in the matter of earning wealth or earning religious merit. With this she tries to support her point that even as a householder one has sufficient scope for practising religion, and so one need not be quite greedy about it and adopt monkhood. It will be seen that the actual plan and purpose of the tale has in reality hardly any connection with the objective it is pressed here to serve. Like so many illustrative tales in Jain narrative literature, this one also is. borrowed from the stream of the then current popular stories and made to fit in an alien frame. The introductory section of the tale here, with the quite familiar motif of the jealous favourite queen driving the step-sons to leave the kingdom is an obviously later. addition.
7.2. We may note the following points in this version : (1) Two princes, brothers, stung by insult and injustice, leave
their house and kingdom and start to go abroad to try
their luck. (2) On their way in a dense forest, while they are spending
night under a banyan tree, the presiding deity of the tree presents the younger brother, who is keeping the watch, two wonder-gems: One, bringing kingship, is for the elder; the other, bringing desired wealth and amenities, is for the younger. The deity teaches him the proper rite that
should 'accompany the act of wishing. (3) Afterwards, the brothers reach a city. The younger hands
over to the elder the kingship-gem and teaches him
the rite. (4) They ask boons from the respective gems. Through the
power of the wealth-gem they are served with sumptuous meals, dresses etc. by eight heavenly damsels, who disappear after the service.

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(5) Five 'devine agents' select the elder brother for a king in
place of the former one, who has just then died childless. (6) The younger stays with a courtesan, whose mother once
steals his wonder-gem, but she finds it to be useless
without the proper rite. (7) He kills an ascetic-magician and comes in possession of
his magic shoes. (8) The courtesan's mother cheats him of his magic shoes. (9) He acquires two magic pills through service rendered to
a semi-divine being : One has the power to turn a human
being into an ass, the other reverses this effect. (10) By means of the first pill he turns the bawd into a she
ass, rides on her back and whips her. (11) The complaint reaches the king. The brothers are reunited.
The bawd is restored to her human form. The magic gem, shoes and the courtesan are returned to the younger
brother, who is appointed heir-apparent. 8. Version IV. represented by Asāita's Old Gujarati versenarrative Harnsāuli, 10 is found as the second part of a composite story. The first part relates to the acquisition of a princess seen in a dream and has several other well-known tale motifs. This part is without any organic connection with the second part. The acquired dream princess (called Haṁsāull) gives birth to twin boys. The king arranges for bringing up and educating them secretly at a place outside the capital. They return as strong young men. One of their step-mothers falls in love with the younger prince, who spurns her request. Like Potipher's wife she accuses him of rape and the princes are handed over to the minister for being secretly executed. The story from this point onwards is summarized below :
8.1. Taking pity on them the minister lets the princes escapeand successfully deceives the queen by producing deer's eyes for evidence. The fleeing brothers enter a dense forest. The elder goes in search of water for the sake of the thirsty younger brother. He returns to find him 'lifeless due to a deadly serpent-bite. Tying his *body to a branch overhanging a lake, he goes to a nearby city to get sandalwood for the funeral pyre. In the meanwhile Garuda,

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the divine bird-king, comes there to drink water. The blast from his wings cures the younger brother. He gets down from the tree and goes in search of the elder.
The elder returning to the lake does not find the younger there. After vainly searching for him he returns to the city, where he is swindled of all his possessions by a vile merchant and accused of theft. He is saved by the childless wife of the police-chief, who adopts him. But the merchant prevails upon the king, and the elder brother is sent to assist the merchant's son on a commercial voyage, during which it can be planned to dispose him of.
The younger brother, guided by an ascetic's prediction, goes to the same city and stays with a woodcutter's family.
The elder along with the merchant's son reaches a distant port. The princess of the city falls in love with the elder and marries him against the king's wish. The king sends wrestlers and a wild horse to get rid of the commoner son-in-law, but he gets better of them. He reveals his story to the princess. Now convinced of his royalty, the king honours him and offers him the crown. But he first wants to find out the whereabouts of his younger brother. So taking the princess with him, he leaves the port along with the merchant's son.
Here the younger is chosen king by the divine cow-elephant, in place of the earlier king who died without an heir.
The merchant's son, with an eye on the princess and rich dowry, pushes the elder brother overboard in the mid-sea. Through the power of a religious charm, he is saved by a fish, who tooks him safely to the shore. He stays with a gardener's family.
The princess is stopped from ending her life by the Voice of the Sea, which forecast her reunion with her husband. The merchant's son returns to his city and passes the princess off as his wife. The elder brother reveals his identity to the princess by way of messages hidden in the flower-basket that the gardner's wife usually carries to the merchant's inner apartments.
The younger brother, now the king of the city, proclaims to give as reward half of his kingdom to whomever that gives him news of his elder brother.

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The princess avails herself of this opportunity and narrates the whole story before the royal assembly. The king welcomes his brother and at the latter's instance pardons the wrong-doers. Both march forth in great pomp and meet their parents.
8.2. Haṁsāuli is a regular work of narrative literature. Strands of several folk-tales are utilized in the composition of this earliest available Old Gujarati verse narrative of about four hundred fifty stanzas divided into four cantos. The story is composed by the author with the purpose of illustrating the strange and diverse ways in which the courses of lives are shaped under the influence of the deeds of past births.
8.3. The following points are to be noted : (1) The two princely brothers have to leave their home for
strange lands because of their step-mother's machinations. (2) The vital element (characteristically figuring in all other
versions) of acquiring two magic objects which shapes differently the course of destiny for the two brothers,
seems to be missing. (3) It is the younger brother who becomes a king, while the
elder wanders through the maize of ups and downs of
fortune. (4) The part relating to the wandering brother is remodelled
under the influence of some another tale type illustrating
primarily the strange working of the law of Karman. 9. Version IV A. Šāmala Bhatta's Vetāla-pacisill has the earlier well-known tale of Candana-Malayāgiri as its eighth story. The original account of the two brothers is here changed and brought in line with the account of the two brother as it is known to the Magic Bird-Heart type. But as in the Haṁsāuli here too the magic birds are missing, For the rest it follows the Hamsāuli.
10. Version IV B. Mänsih ane Abhesih is a much expanded variant of version IV. It is preserved in the bardic oral tradition of Gujarat. It has got one emboxed tale and an admixture of 'several well-known tale-motifs including that of the Dragon-killer. One significant point is that the wandering brother is given here

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a wonder gem: This detail is wanting in the Hamsauli, its basic model.12
337
11. Even from a casual comparison of these versions of the Magic Bird-Heart, several important points emerge.
11.1. Version I is the earliest available. But already it contains several non-original features. The gold giving bird has practically no function in the tale and so it becomes pointless. Instead of using two birds for two functions (one for each), to keep one quite useless and to assign three different functions to the other definitely smacks of secondary elaboration. This is further complicated and distorted in the variant of Version I (i.e. Version I A). There the magic effects of eating the middle flesh and the flesh about the bones are said to have two alternatives according as the eater is man or woman (in the first case) and a wordly man or a monk (in the second case).
11.2. In Version II the tale is given a highly ornate form with very elaborate descriptions in the greately sophisticated Kavva style. Here too we have an unmistakable clue for the story having been derived from some earlier source. After the narrative reaches the point where two brothers separate, the author tells us that 'as the story has it, the elder brother gets the kingship of Magadha.' This clearly means that Bhoja here deliberately skips over some portion of his source--tale, it being irrelevant to his purpose.
As compared to Version I the wonder birds here are not cocks, but doves (or pigeons) and they are not killed by one of the brothers, but they sacrifice themselves out of compassion for the guest'-brothers. This seems to be a modification of the original feature, introduced because killing of bird by a Brahmin was perhaps by this time felt to be improper. The exact character of the faked marvellous power (siddhi) of the younger brother in the counter trick employed by him to avenge himself and regain what he lost is not quite clear, as the text is defective. Quite probably it is the same as the power said to be possessed by the second wonder bird in Version III. There its eater wishes for a dinner
22

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etc. and immediately there appears from nowhere eight heavenly damsels, bathe them, give divine clothes to wear, and serve them with royal dinner.
This was supposed to be one of the much-coveted sildhis during the period between 9th and 13th cent. For, a third source also, dated 1083, gives a glowing account of the same siddhi. In Gunacandrasūri's Mahāviracariya (Chapter V, pp. 160-161) the ascetic Vidyāsiddha produces through his Yogic powers sumpiu dinner. precious clothes, a bed and divine damsels.
11.3. It should be noted that Versions I and II do not have the flving shoes and the donkey-transformation pills. They appear for the first time in Version III, which is closest to the basic outline for the Western versions given by Thompson. But in that version, the substitution of magic gems for magic birds is the result of Jainistic reworking, as killing and eating of birds have been always one of the cardinal sins for the Jainas. Similarly fear of being neglected by the elder brother because of the newly got kingship is narratively weaker cause for the (wo brothers' separation, as compared to the accidental separation in a dense forest ili search of water.
11.4. Version IV removes the pivot of the magic objects (birds or gems) altogether, and turns the tale into one of diversity of destinies under the working of the law of Karma. Consequently it has to change the original account of the second brother's adventures and substitute for it a section (or sections) from another convenient tale-type (there was a whole cycle of such tales, with very numerous variants, some of them very much familiar from the epic and Purāṇic literature, e.g. the wanderings and sufferings of Rāma, of the Pāndavas, of Nala, of Hariscandra and such as one finds in the prototype of a tale-type known in the Early Gujarati literature as "Candana-Malayāgiri', with which our tale gets actually mixed up in Version IV A).
11.5. Each of these Indian versions (as also the basic outline of the non-Indian versions) has a different introduction based on a different motif and the going abroad of the two brothers also is in each case differently motivated.

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11.6. Version I is important in so far as it presents the earliest occurrence of the Magic Bird-Heart12 motif. Version II is the earliest to bear a family-likness to the basic outline of the nonIndian versions. But Version III is the closest to the latter in the Over-all structure as well as in most of the significant features and details (excepting, of course, the introductory section). The one most striking difference between Version II and Version III is the donkey-transformation figuring only in the latter.
This feature of the tale developed between the tenth cent. (the date of Version II) and the twelfth cent. (the date of Version III). It cannot be an innovation introduced by Ratnaprabha because there is every indication to believe that he was making use of a previously current popular tale. It remains to be investigated whether the tale with the donkey-transformation sequel was taken outside India after the twelfth cent. or a century or so earlier. Version I and II also clearly presuppose earlier popular sources,
But in order to be anywhere nearer the solution of these and similar problems, we are first required to collect all the versi that are available from old Indian literatures and from oral traditions all over India, and work eut their complex interrelationships. The versions here reported would now provide very valuable evidence for the theory of the Indian origin of the Magic Bird Heart.
Postscript 1: There are about a dozen Old Gujaratt Rāsās based on Ratnaprabha's version (i.e. No. III): AmarasenaVayarasena Rāsa by Kamalaharsa (1533), by Tejapāla (1687). There are soma nine further Rāsās based on Hamsāuli (i.e. No. IV) : Vatsarāja-Hamsarāja Rāsa by Mānasimha (1618), HainsarājaVatsarāja-Rāsa by Jinodaya (1623) and Virabhāņa-Udayabhāņa-Rāsa by Kulasāgara (or Keśava) (1688).13
Further investigation in the subject shows that the earliest Jain version is found in the story of Kāștha-Muni in the Āvasyaka Cūrņi dated about the fifth cent. A. D. This tale of Kāştha

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Sresthin is known also from its numerous Prakrit, Apabhramsa and Old Gujarati versions.
Postseript 2 : In the 1984 issue (no. 39) of the French Journal 'Communications', titled 'Les avatars d'un Conte' were published fourteen papers dealing with the Magic Bird-Heart. They discuss Indian, Arabic-Iranian and Western versions in the diachronic and synchronic perspectives and some of them take into account the social context also. Nalini Balbir has discussed one Prakrit and three Sanskrit versions datable from the twelth to the fifteenth century. In the introductory survey Claude Bremond has compared various Eastern and Western versions of the Tale-types 567 and 938 (the latter represented in Gujarati by several versions of the tale of Candana-Malayāgiri) and has shown their interrelationships. 14
Notes 1. Thompson, S. The Type of the Folk-tale; Antti Aarne's 'Verzei
chnis der Marchentypen' translated and enlarged, Helsinki,
1928. 2. Aarne, A., Vergleichende Märchenforschungen, Helsingfors, 1908.
(not accessible to me at the time of preparing this paper). 3. Thompson, S., The Folktale, New York, 1946, p. 75. 4. The Folktale, p. 75. 5. Text ed. V. Fausböil, Vol. IV. 37-43; translated by W. H. D.
Rouse (1901, reprinted 1957), IV. 22–27. 6. ed. V. Fausböll. Vol. II, 410-413; translated by W. H. D.
Rouse (1957 reprint), Vol. II, 280-282. 7. Edited by K. K. Munshi, Singhi Jain Series, No. 30, 1959;
text, pp. 48-56; translation. pp. 53-61. 8. Edited by Hemasāgarasūri, Anand-Hem-Jain-Granthmāla,
No. 6, 1958; the tale corers the pages 169 to 177. 9. A rather extensive summary is being given here as the ori
vinal is in Prakrit and rOrarslation in any modern langua has appeared as yet.

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9a. Edited by K. K. Shastri, Gujarat Vernacular Society Samsodhan Granthmālā, No. 5, 1945.
10. Ed. A.S. Patel, Bharatiya Vidya Research Series, No, 20, 1962, pp. 98-112.
11. The Folklore of Gujarat, (=Gujrāt tathā Kāṭhiāvād Deś-ni Vārṭā),
ed. F. B., Second Series, 1874: reprinted 1928; the story referred to here appears on pp. 41-104. In modern Gujarati children's story books a similar story is frequently published but quite likely it is influenced by Western versions.
12. The Hamsauli and Vetāla-pacisi versions appear to be representative of Modern Indian regional versions of the Magic Bird-Heart as is shown by their very close likeness to the Bengali version, as reported in the story of Swet-Basanta, which too is blended with the Dragon-killer. See e.g. Folktales of Bengal by L. B. Day, 1912, pp. 89-103.
It should be noted that none of the Indian versions has the bird-heart as the magic limb. It is either the whole bird or flesh from particular parts.
13. Vaidya, B. I., Rās Sahitya (in Gujarati), 1966;
M. D. Deshai, Jain Gurjar Kavio, I, II, III, 1926-1944. 14. See H. C. Bhayani, Lok-kathānāṁ Mūl ane Kul (in Gujarati), 1990, pp. 58-61.

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18. THE TALE OF THE ROYAL MONK YAVA
1. It is intended to discuss here certain early Jaina versions of the tale of Yava and stress its basically folk-tale character by pointing out striking parallels with some folk-tales current today.
The illustrative tale of the royal monk Yava belongs to the very early Jaina tradition and in view of the Jātaka parallels, its origin is to be assigned to the common heritage of the Jaina Ardhamāgadhi literature and the Buddhist Pali literature.
It is alluded to in the Bhagavati Ārādhana of the Digambara tradition, and the Bhatta-parinnā (Panna) of the Svetāmbara canon. To stress for the monk the importance of studying the sacred texts the legendary tale of king Yava (or Yama) is referred to make the following point :
Even some random verse, proverbial, anecdotal or just a sort of doggeral, accidentally learnt, may prove so useful as to save one's life; then what to talk of studying the sacred texts ?
2. The outlines of the tale of Yava are given cryptically by Sanghadāsa in his Laghu-bhäsya or the Brhatkalpa-sūtra? (v. 1154). The verse tells us that the life of king Yava, the son of Anila, is instructive with regard to the merits of religious studies. Verses 1155-1156 and 1161 give the catch-words for the leading persons and events in the life-story of Yava. Verses 1157-1159 are the ones that played a key role in that story. Verse 1160 gives the moral, and should rather follow v. 1161 as the story's conclusion. This point combined with the facts that (a) v. 1157-1160 are closely similar to the five verses in the Mūsika Jātaka (no. 373) and (b) the metrical structure of these verses is somewhat archaic, shows beyond any doubt that the verses formed the core of the old original taley, which was adopted later with requisite adaptations by the Jainas and Buddhist for their own purpose.
The tale, given in full by Kşemakīrti in his commentary on the Brhat-kalpa-sūtrat (hereinafter BKS) is principally as follows :

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Anila's son Yava was ruling over Ujjayini. His son named Gardabha (Pk. Gaddabha) was appointed heir-apparent. His daughter named Aḍoliya (Pk.) was extremely beautiful. Dirghaprstha (Pk. Dihapaṭṭha) was his minister. The Prince fell in love with his own sister. Secretary advised by the minister as to how to avoid public scandal he got her kidnapped and confined in an underground cellar. King Yava, disgusted with his son's behaviour, became a monk and left Ujjayini. Gardabha succeeded him on the throne. The monk Yava, out of love and anxiety for his son, could not commit to memory verses of the sacred texts. He periodically visited Ujjayini. Once on his way to Ujjayini, while he rested near a corn-field, he saw the watchman chase a donkey out of the field and heard him utter good-humouredly during this operation an extempore verses5 addressed to the donkey and meaning :'Oh donkey, (gaddabha) keeping an eye on me, you are running now this way, now that way; I have caught your design: you are intending to get at Yava ('the corn'). This verse stuck in the memory of the monk as he enjoyed the scene. Nearby some boys were playing the game of tip-cat. During the game, the tip-cat (adoliya), struck with the bat, fell into a deep hole (agada). The boys searched for it. One of them saw the hole and guessing that the tip-cat had fallen and disappeared there, he uttered an extempore verse6, meaning: 'It is possibly here, possibly there-the tip-cat (aḍoliya) being searched, is not traced anywhere. But I for one know that the tip-cat (adoliya) is thrown in the hole (agade)'. The monk who was watching this scene heard this doggerel and it too stuck in his memory.
343
Yava moved on and reaching Ujjayini he put up at the house of a potter. At night a mouse, now approaching now running away scared, was addressed by the potter with an extempore verse7, meaning: 'O you delicate fellow! you idiot! night-rambler! To you the danger is not from me, but from Dirghapṛṣṭha ('a snake')'. Yava witnessing this scene heard 'the doggerel, and that too he got by his heart.
Now the minister Dirghapṛṣṭha, nursing an old grudge against Yava, secretly planted arms in the house of the potter with a view

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to frame the latter (i.e. Yava). Getting the king Gardabha suspect that Yava, fed up with the rigours of monkhood had returned with the intention of dislodging him, Dirghaprstha convinced the former about this by bringing to his notice those dumped arms. Consequently Gardabha and Dirghaprstha 'went at night to the potter's house, and with a view to kill Yava lay in a lurch.
At that time Yava going over the day's incidents in his mind, remembered the doggerels he had heard uttered by different persons in various situations. He fondly recited in a loud voice each of the verses in order. As Gardabha from his nide-out heard the first verse he took it to mean : 'You are hustling now towards this side, now towards that side; you are keeping an eye on me : I have detected your design : 0 Gardabha, you are keen to get at ‘Yava' (i.e. me)'. So he thought that his father with his clairvoyant and telepathic powers acquired during monkhood, had detected their presence and evil designs.
In the mean while Yava uttered the second verse which Gardabha took to mean : 'People think the princess Adoliyā may be here, may be there : but when searched for, she is not found. Only I know that Adoliyā is thrown in a dungeon (agade).'
Gardabha again thought that his father knew about that misdeed also on his part. Immediately he heard him utter a third verse which he understood to mean : 'O you delicate one ! You nightprowler ! To you the danger is not from me, but it is from Dirghaprstha (i.e. the minister)'. Thereupon Gardabha concluded that as Yava had given up his kingship and all the woridly pleasures, there was no qnestion of his desire to deprive him of kingship. All those were surely the minister's intrigues. It was he who wanted to kill him. So he cut off the minister's head, and revealing himself to Yava confessed everything and got pardoned.
Yava pondered over these happenings : Even if some playful, and useless doggerel verses learnt just accidently, can save one's life, how much more fruitful would be the learning of the sacred texts ? Consequently, he returned to his preceptor and devoted himseif single-mindedly to the sacred studies.

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3. From the structure and motivation of this tale the following points are to be noted :
(a) Someone comes to learn by hearing on different occasions verses composed and recited on the spur of the moment. Each of these verses is related to some key incident in a particular situation, the several separate situations being mutually quite unconnected, but appearing in a chronological sequence. The learner is generally an onlooker and not involved in these situations.
(b) Subseqvently in a totally different situation, he happens to utter these remembered verses loudly to himself. By sheer chance, and without the utterer's knowledge, the verses happen to get
ted and apply to the new situation--they are so interpreted and considered intentional by someone else present there. This results in warding off unsuspected danger to the utterer's life.
(c) The double application or interpretation of the verses is made possible on the strength of some words having double meaning therein, and especially because a few of these are such that they function as common nouns in the previous situations, but as proper nouns-as personal names, to be more specific-in the subsequent new situation.
4. In his Ākhyānaka-maņikośa (circa last quarter of the 11th Cent. A.D.) Nemicandra has alluded to the example of the monk Yava to illustrate the secular and spiritual merits of performing sajjhāya8. Besides giving the usual interpretation of sajjhāya (svādhyāyal as ‘reading and learning the secred texts'. Āmradeva has in his commentary on this verse of Nemicandra given also a narrow interpretation, viz., the regular and repeated recitation of the namaskāra-mantra. And the version of Yava's tale he has given, has been provided an additional motivation accordingly. Āmradeva's version very closely resembles that of Ksemakirti (which most probably represents the original version known to Sanghadāsa). But there are a few significant differences, indicating a different direct source that had altered somewhat the details and motivations of its original. The motivation for kidnapping Adoliyā is changed

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to the customary. In the place of Gardabha's kidnapping her to satisfy his incestuous love, she is here secretly kidnapped by the crafty and ambitious minister, because of the astrologer's prediction that whoever becomes her husband, will be a sovereign king.
Moreover, there is an additional character, viz. king Yava's sister's son named Bhaddalaya.10 As a monk had predicted that Bhaddalaya would be Adoliā's husband, Yava wanted to hand over kingship to him, but the monk told him that prior to Bhaddalaya, Gardabha was destined for kingship. Thereupon Yava crowned Gardabha as the king to succeed him, and entrusting the latter along with Aļoliyā to the care of his minister, he himself became a monk. In the BKS commentary version Yava gives up kingship because he becomes disgusted with his son's misbehaviour, but due to deep love, and painful anxiety for his children, he fails in his efforts to memorize the sacred texts. On the other hand, in Amradeva's version, this failure is attributed simply to his old age. So he has to do with reciting only the namaskāra formula. Again according to the BKS commentary it is his worry about Gardabha that makes him visit his old seat of kingdom frequently. But in the AMK version, Yava's spiritual teacher sends him to his earstwhile capital, with the foreknowledge that it will be beneficial to Gardabha. Further, according to the latter version, incited by the minister who was greatly perturbed at Yava's visit, Gardabya, accompanied by Bhaddalaya, clandestinely approaches Yava in order to kill him, but reading his own sense in the verse recited by the latter, be returns to his palace, imprisons the minister and recovers his sister. He punishes the minister and marries his sister to Bhaddalaya, crowning the latter as the king to take his place. He then renounces the world. The tale is summed up with the observation that as the recitation of the namaskāra formula benelited Yava and the others connected with him, so it can be beneficial to all. But this is followed by one more verse. It is given as a citation. It is in Anuştubha metre as against the preceding gāthās, indicating that it is borrowed from some earlier version of the tale. It means : Even something that seems at random and

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quite without relevance, should be learnt. Anything that is learnt. is never useless. Once such learning proved so beneficial as to save someone's life.
In the BỊhat-kathākoša version 14 of Yava's tale, representing the Digam bara tradition, we find some significant differences as compared to the BKS version of Kșemakirti. Here the king Yava himself confines his daughter in a dungeon, as he was afraid that, as predicted by a monk, the kingship will pass on to that man who will marry her. His loss of words and humbling of pride of a monk leads him to give up his kingdom and become monk. Feeling humiliation and frustration at his failure to memorize the sacred texts, he goes out to visit holy places. On his way, seeing the donkeys dragging a cart to and fro in their attempt to eat corn from the roadside field Yava utters a verse15 spontaneously
osed (under divine inspiration of Vālmiki !) to describe the situation. Similarly witnessing the boys looking for the lost tip-cat and the frog appearing and running away timidly, the inspired Yava produces two more verses. These verses he uses as texts for his daily religious observances. In the Bịhathkathākośa tale, Yava composes one more verse in this fashion. Enlightened by the waterfetching ladies, he learns that due to recurrent friction with waterpots tiny pits developed even on the stony surface of the steps of a well. So he feels he should not despair of memorizing the sacred texts. He produces the fourth verse with this purport, and returns to his city where his guru was staying for the time being. The rest of the tale is similar to what we find in the BKS Commentary, except two details : As he hears the second verse recited by Yava, Gardabha thinks that thereby his father wants to inform him about his sister, and at the end, both Gardabha and Dirgha get pardoned (but Sricandra gets the minister banished).
6. Most of the differences of the Digam bara version from the Svetāmbara version (as we have it in the BKS commentary) can be quite reasonably interpreted as later features. Similarly, the Müsika Jätaka version, which stands far apart from the Jaina: versions is clearly a secondary reworking of the old material. The

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key verses also seem to have been altered to suit the new orientation given to the tale. So it has not been taken up here for .consideration.
But in the Dhammapada-aţthakathā, the tale of the world-renowned teacher, the young man, and the king of Benares'16, we have a new version of the basic motif of the tale of Yava which has persisted in varying forms down to the present day. A dull-witted man, repeating at night a stanza taught him as a charm by his teacher with great difficulty, scares away, later on, the thieves who took the uttered verse as addressed to them. The king of the city who happened to witness this scene on his secret nightly rounds, learns the charm from the man and as he repeats it loudly while he is being shaved, the barbar thinks that the king has detected his murderous design. The barbar confesses and thus the king's life is saved.
An irrelevant, seemingly nonsense verse, memorized and uttered by a dullard, becomes meaningfuily applicable in an unsuspected situation so as to save the life of the utterer--this features is commonly shared by this tale and the tale of Yava. But the Dhammapada-atthakathā tale represents a basic transformation of the tale of Yava, and so the three key verses of the latter do not figure in it. From these various versions of the tale of Yava we ean see that here what we have is a folk-tale set in an alien frame for religious purposes. This impression is further confirmed by the fact that the characteristic motifs similar to this tale are found recurring in several later tales down to the present day.
There is a tale-type known as Doctor Know-All (Aarne-Thompson, 'Types of the Folk-Tale', no. 1641), having more than four hundred variants current all over Europe and Asia17. In the version which we have in the Kathāsaritsägara18, the Brāhmaṇa Hariśarman, posing as an astrologer, first-finds a lost horse (which he had previously hidden). Thereafter, placed alone in a chamber in the royal palace to detect the theft of the king's treasure, as he was loudly blaming his tongue (jihvā) for his present plight19, the maid named Jihvā, who had stolen the treasure and who, alarmed by Harišarman's reputed knowledge, was outside the chamber, close

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to the door, trying to find out what was he about, hears the latter's words, and interpreting them to mean that her crime is. discovered, she goes to him and confesses. Lastly, he is asked by the king so guess what was there in the covered pitcher placed before him. Thereupon lamenting his fate loudly, he refers to himself by his childhood petname 'Frog' (mandūka) and by this. lucky coincidence wins the test.
Several variants of this tale are found at present in Gujarat and other regions. In the variant known as Tidā Joši20 (The Fake Astrologer) prior to the test of finding out the lost treasure, the pretender finds out through clevernees the lost bullocks and the number of cakes prepared in the kitchen, and passes this off as due to his astrological knowledge. The theft is detected by his calling out to nimdardi 'sleep'), because through anxiety he was not getting sleep, and by coincidence Nimdarời happened to be the name of the palace maid who had stolen the treasure. In the final test, the king asks Tidā, to guess what he had caught in his list. Thereupon as the latter blamed himself loudly for the sorry plight, apostrophying himself by his name Țiļā, the king opens his fist to let go the imprisoned grasshopperstid) and richly rewards the 'astrologer'. In this version we find :
(1) The use of double-meaning words, which function as common nouns in some situations but as proper nouns in other situations, (2) a casual utterance understood by some overhearer or listener in a meaning quite unintended by the speaker, and (3) these facts accidently resulting in averting danger to the life of the speaker. These features of Harišarman/Tidā Josi are common with the tale of Yava.
Similarly the tale known as 'Ghaso Lālia Ghaso' or 'Gurunantio 21 current in Gujarat, preserves many of the basic features of the Dhammapada-atthakathā tale noted earlier. There is another variant also of this tale current in Gujarat and other regions, offering an amalgam of the two different versions. It is known as “Khad-bad Khad-bad Khodat He”22. A dull-witted Brāhmaṇa is somehow taught by his wife a Sanskrit verse for reciting before

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the king to seek favour. He forgets the verse on his way, but seeing some fowls, picking in a refuge dump, is inspired to loudly utter an instantly composed verse-line. The fowls look up with stretched necks and another line comes out. The huddled up fowls inspire a third line and when the scared birds run away, the dullard completes the verse. This absurd doggerel he recites in the King's assembly. It baffles the pundits. The king trying to make out the recondite meaning of the verse recites at midnight in his bed the verse-lines one by one at short intervals. The thieves near his bed room, overhearing and construing these utterances as referring to them run away. The thieves were palace guards themselves. They own up next day. The Brāhmaṇa is rewarded.
The feature of disconnected lines, spontaneously composed by a dullard, is common between this tale and the Brhatkathākosa version of the tale of Yava.
Notes and References 1. jai dā kramda-silogehi yamo maraņādu phedio rāyā /
patto ya su-sāmannam kim puna jiņa-vutta-sutteņa // (Bha. Ārā., v. 772 = Bha. Pa, v. 87 with the variants : kamda-silogehim javo tā; rakkhio). Sricandra in his Kanākosu explains Khanda-śloka as a verse not connected with the scriptural text or alternatively, 'a verse composed on the spur of
the moment. But it was probably equivalent to śloka-khanda. 2. Ed. by Chaturvijaya and Punyavijaya, Part 2, Bhavnagar, 1936. 3. See A. Metter, 'Eine Jinistische Parallel zum Mūsika-Jātaka',
K. Brühn and A. Wezler (ed.), Studien zum Jainimsus und Buddhismus (Gedenkschrift für L. Alsdorf), Wiesbaden, 1981,
pp. 155-161. 4. BỊhat-kalpa-stra, 2, p. 359-361. 5. ädhävasi padhāvasi, mamam va vi nirikkhasi / lakkhio te mayā bhāvo, javaṁ pat!hesi gaddabhā //
(BKS, v. 1157). Variants : jäsi esi puno ceva, păsesu trițillasi / (according to the Curri).

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osakkasi ya aisakkasi ya, bahusu ya jam paloesi !
(according to the Visesa-Cūrņi). 6. io gayā io gayā maggijjaṁti na disati / ahmeyam viyāņāmi, agade chūdhā adoliyā //
(BKS, v. 1158) Variants :
bile padită (acc. to the Cūrņis). 7. sukumālaga bhaddalayā, rattim himdaņa-silayā / bhayam te natthi mammāto, dihapaatthāo te bliayan //
(BKS. v. 1159) Variants dihapatthassa bibhehi, natthi te mamato bhayam
(acc. to the Cūrņis). 8. Punyavijaya Muni (ed.), Ākyānaka-mani-kośa, Varanasi, 1962,
v. 19. 9. AMK, pp. 146–147. 10. This character has obviously originated from the term of
address bhaddalaya ‘simpleton', found in the doggerel uttered by the potter on sighting a timid mouse. In the text of Amradeva's version once the form is given as bhaddulava (v. 19). Similarly, for adoliyā of BKS, we find there aroliya, which form occurs also at AMK, p. 201, vv. 274, 275. In later versions we have one more variant, anullijā. Ksemakirti gives undoiyā as its synonym. This again has a variant for unnaiyā (AMK, p. 147, v. 14, 15; p. 209, v. 540). All these forms appear to be variants of one basic form. Modern Gujarati has adoli, 'a short stick-like wooden piecetied to the end of
a rope used as tether, wound round a churning rod etc. 11. For the first verse (vide note 5) : Pāda a : avaghasasi ghasasi
uluttā; b. ceva; d : pecchesi. Second verse (vide note 6) : b: ioijjaħti, c: vayan evam viyāņāmo d: padiyā. Third verse :
(vide note 7): c: mama, sayāsāo natthi te bhavan. 12. Ed. by H. B. Sheth, Varanasi, 1911; Yava's tale on p. 144. 13. For the first verse : a : uhāvasi; pahāvasi: b: ceva; c: te
abhippão; d: pucchasi. Second verse : a : ao gayā tuo gavā; b: amhe na ditthā; d : anullia. Third verse : a : sukumälava

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komala bhaddalayā; b: tumhe rattim; c: amha päsão na te bhayam.
14. A. N. Upadhye (ed.) Bịhatkathākoša. Bombay, 1943. Tale no.
61 : Yamanuni-kathānaka (pp. 132-134). Most of the tales of the Bịhatkathākośa are Sanskrit versions of some lost Prakrit originals. There are some obvious errors, confusions, misunderstandings and gaps in these renderings. As some other (Ārāddhanā) Kathākośas, like that of Sricandra, for example, seem to have also used the same Prakrit source, the Brahakathākośa tale requires to be checked and supplemented for some details with the help of the related Kathākosas. The word for the ‘tipcat' (and so also the name of the princess) is given here as koņikā (oc kannikā). In the Svetāmbara versions kaniyā or kaạikā mean the stick with which the 'tipcat is struck.
15. The Brhatkathākośa gives rough Sanskrit renderings of the
Prakrit verses that played the key role in the tale. The original verses are given by Sricandra. See H. L. Jain, Kahakosu, Ahmedabad, 1969, Sandhi 23, Kadavaka, 3-4, 9-10, 1314, 19-20. We give here important differences from the text of the first three of these verses as found in the BKS. First verse: a : āyaddhadha pariyad dhadhi; b: puno vi samayaddhadha; d: patthcha. Second verse : ādhāvadha paridvävadha, puno vi samadhāyadha tumhettha mamdabuddhi, chidde passaha koniyaṁ// Third verse : uppalaņālasidalamgo, mā himdasu viyāle amhado natthi bhayam, dihädo dissade bhayam. The text of these verses given partially in the Kathākośas of Prabhācandra and Nemicandra (see Bșhatkathākośa, p. 384, notes on tale no. 61) and in the Punyāsrava-kathāhosa (ed. A. N. Upadhye and H. L. Jain, Sholapur, 1964; p. 105) has some more variants. First verse : a: kaddhasi punu nikkhevasi re gaduhahā; b: javam paithesi khūdidum. Second verse : a : annattha kim paloraha, b: tunhe ettha nibuddhiyā (v. 1 ettharauni nibuddiyā); d : chidde acchai koniya. Third verse : de lisado bhaya tuma (v. 1. twiha).

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16. H. C. Norman, The Commentary on the Dhammapada, I, ii, London, 1909, pp. 250-253; E. W. Burlingame, Buddhist Legends, I, HOS, 28, 1921, pp. 306-309. The charm is: ghaṭṭesi, ghaṭṭesi, kimkaraṇā ghaṭṭesi, ahampi tam janāmi. "You are rubbing, You are rubbing! Whom are you rubbing? I know too."
17. See S. Thompson, The Folktale, New York, 1946, pp. 144-145. 18. Kaihāsaritsägara, VI, vv. 92-135; C. H. Tawny and N. M. Penzer, The Ocean of Story, 1968 reprint, III, 73-73; on pp. 75-76 is given a note on the "Doctor Know-All" motif. 19. Vv. 117 and 135 in the tale of Harisarman are the key verses of the tale with different meanings for the speaker and the hearer.
20. See G. Badheka, Bal-vārtão, Part 6, Ahmedabad, 1979,
6-8.
21. S. Acharya of Gujarat Vidyapith (Ahmedabad) has recorded this tale from Central Gujarat. The charm exactly corresponds in meaning to the same in the Pali tale. It goes like "ghas ghas kya kare? Tārī vāt meṁ jāņi. 'Why are you rubbing and rubbing? I know what are you after'. I am thankful to Dr. Acharya for this reference.
22. See G. Badheka, Bāl-vārtāo, Part 5, Ahmedabad, 1979, pp. 14-18.
pp.

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19. SOME VERSIONS OF THE TALE OF VYĀGHRAMĀRI
The tale of Vyāghramāri (No. 32 and 43 in the Sukasaptati, Textus Simplicior, ed. R. Schmidt, 1893; reprinted. 1959) can be outlined as follows: A quarrelsome woman once picked up a quarrel with her husband and left home taking her two young sons alongwith her. While passing through a thick forest she saw a tiger about to charge at her. Putting up a bold face she slapped her sons saying, “Why are you quarrelling to have each of you a whole tiger for the dinner? You share this one for the time. We may shortly chance to get another one.' Hearing these words the tiger thought her to be none else than the legendary Tiger-killer, and scared to death he fled. On the way a jackal tried to convince him that what he believed to be the Tiger-killer was a mere human being. The tiger, not quite trusting the jackal, agreed to go back with the jackal tethered on his neck. As the woman saw the strange pair approaching, she pointed an accusing finger at the jackal and shouted, "You crook! Previously you supplied me three tigers and hence I trusted you. How is that you have now brought just one ?' Hearing these words the tiger took to his heels.
In the version presereved in a Kashmiri folk tale, it is a farmer's wife who posing as a tiger-killer tries this trick, because her husband was forced to promise a cow to the tiger (cheetah) in order to save himself. The scared tiger in his second approach ties up his tail with that of the jackal, who dragged and dashed on the ground by the fleeing tiger meets his death in the end.*
In another version, expanded and mixed with another motif and current in Rajasthan and Gujarat, the animals are three instead of two viz., lion, hyena and monkey and each one is outwitted in turn.
* A very short summary we find in the Pancasati-prodha-sambun tha of Subhasila
(Story no. 454 p. 246), ed. Mrugendra Muni, Surat, 1968.

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The earliest version of the tale is found in a Vinaya text of the Buddhists, viz., the Bhiksuni-vinaya of the Arya-MahasanghikaLokottaravādin. The Buddhist Sanskrit text of the tale and its outline in English are reproduced below from Roth's edition of the Bhiksuņi-vinaya.
इय स्त्री रात्रौ दारिकां स्कन्धेनादाय गच्छति । सिंहो च पुरतः प्रत्युपस्थितो । सा दानि दारिका दृष्ट्वा रुदिता । ताय स्त्रियाय दारिका चपेटया आहता-‘एको ते सिंहो खादिता एत पि खादितुकामासि' ] सिंहः पश्यति-'यादृशी एषा खी ध्वांक्षा च मुखरा च खादत्येषा ममायीति । भीत: प्रपालयति । पुरती मर्कटः आगत्वा सिंह पृच्छति-'मृगराज-पुत्र कहिं गमिष्यसि' । सिंहो जल्पति-'भय' में उपपन्न । वानरः पृच्छति-'कीदृश भयं' । सिंहा विस्तरेणाचिक्षति । सो जल्पति नैवं वक्तव्यं । सिंहस्त्व मृगराज । कस्त्वां प्रहरिष्यति । आगच्छाहि निवर्ताहि' । स नेच्छति । सिंही वानरेण केशेहि गृहीतः । 'आगच्छाहीति' । सा दारिका दृष्ट्वा प्ररुदिता । सा स्त्री जल्पति । 'मा रोदाहि दारिके एषो तव मातु: केनानीतो केशेहि गृहीत्वा इदानी यन् न इच्छसि तं से खादाहीति' । सिंहः पश्यति-'मा हैवं संकेत-कृत' भविष्यति । एवमेवानीयानीय देति एषापि खादति । यत् तावदह एकं वार प्रपलान: किं भयो निवर्तित.' । सो दानि तस्य मर्करस्य अबधुनित्वा प्रपलानः ।
**(The Lord) relates the story of a woman who walks at night carrying her child on her shoulder. All of a sudden a lion stands before them. The child starts crying. The woman gives a slap to the child saying: 'One lion has already been eaten by you, and now you want to eat this one also'. The lion notes how forwardly eloquent and bold the woman is in regard to him. He gets frightened and runs away. A monkey sees the lion fleeing. Astoni. shed, he asks, 'How it happened that the king of deers is running away'. The lion tells his story. The monkey says this is not the behaviour of a king and asks him to return. He refuses. After this the monkey jumps down and drags the lion by his mane to the place where mother and child are walking. Again the child cries. The woman says, 'Don't cry, the lion has been brought back by his mane to your mother; if you want to eat him, now eat him.' On hearing this, the lion turns the monkey from his neck, and runs away".

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The Sanskrit text of the portion where the woman again, consoles the weeping child seems to be slightly corrupt. In the sentence gat ng hig: garsiat Fatie zacal the words alg: wanitat do not make any sense. In all probability the text is to be emended as Algoatian. On sighting the lion being led by the monkey, she brilliantly remarks : 'My child, don't cry. Here comes your uncle dragging the escaped lion by the mane'. Referring to the monkey as the child's maternal uncle absolutely convinces the suspicious lion that the monkey was in leage with the woman. In a current version too the jackal which takes the place of the monkey and which approaches the woman after having tied up its tail with that of the lion is similarly referred to. A search for other Prakrit and modern Indian folk versions and a systematic comparison of all the versions are obviously the two aspects that invite further efforts to study this tale.

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INFORMATION ABOUT THE PREVIOUS PUBLICATION OF PAPERS
I
1. Paryāyabandha and Samghāta.
Journal of the Ganganatha Jha Kendriya Sanskrit Vidya
peetha, Allahabad, 25, 3-4, July-Oct. 1971, pp. 71-75. 2. The Șațprajñagāthā and HỊdayavati.
Vidya, Ahmedabad, A-Humanities, 15, 2, August 1972,
pp. 1-21. 3. Dombikā and șidgaka.
Vidya, Ahmedabad, A-Humanities, 12, 1, January 1969,
pp. 1-14. 4. Some Specimens of the Carcari Song.
Sambodhi, Ahmedabad, 1, 1, April 1972, pp. 15-27; Papers Contributed to the Seminar in Prakrit Studies, October,
1971, University of Bombay, Bombay, pp. 34-45. :5. On Chatra and Calli ; English version of the Gujarati article,
'Uparūpaka Chatra ane Nșttaprakār Calli', Sāmipya,
Ahmedabad, 1985, pp. 116-123. 6. The Characterizing Function of Verse in Sanskrit Drama.
Bulletin of the Chunilal Gandhi Vidyabhavan, Surat,
no. 25, August 1981, pp. 1-7. 7. The Dhruvās in Kālidāsa's Vikramorvasiya.
Bulletin of the Chunilal Gandhi Vidyabhavan, no. 29,
1985-1986, pp. 1-5. 8. Bhavāi and the Folk Elements in the Classical Drama.
Previously unpublished. 9. The Character of the Akşiptikā.
Bulletin of the Chunilal Gandhi Vidyabhavan, no. 30, March 1987, pp. 22–25.

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10. The Dhavala Songs.
Bulletin d'Etudes Indiennes, Paris, no. 6, 1988, pp. 93-103. 11. The Tarāṇā Mode of Singing.
Pt. Dalsukh Malvania Felicitation Volume (Forthcoming). 12. Some Earliest Literary References to the Sārangi.
Quarterly Journal, National Centre for the Performing.
Arts, 11, 1, 1982, 36-391. 13. Some Early References to the Răvaşahasta.
Journal of the Oriental Institute, 36, 1-4, 1986-1987,
pp. 111-114. 14. Jain Literature and Performing Arts.
Published in ‘Papers of the 1986 Seminar of the National Centre for the Study of Performing Arts’, 1990.
JI
Some Prakrit Verses of Pādalipta.
Vishveshvaranand Indological Journal, 12, 1-2, 1974, pp. 26-32. (Linguistic data added from H. C. Bhayani (ed.), Samkhitta-Tarangavai-kahā, L. D. Series, no. 75,
1979, pp. 281-283). 2. Gāthā-muktāvali.
Aspects of Jainology (Pt. Bechardas Doshi Commemora--
tion volume), Vol. 2, Varanasi, 1987, pp. 16-37. 3. The Prakrit Poets Harivrddha, Sātavāhana and Ādhyarāja.
Sanskrit and Indological Studies (=V. Raghavan Felicitation:
Volume), 1975, pp. 61-76. 4. Bhairavānanda.
Bhāratiya Vidya 8, June 1947, pp. 121-123. 5. The Prakrit and Apabhraíša Rāmāyaṇas.
Asian Variations in Ramayana (ed. K. R. Srinivasa Iyengar). 1983, pp. 77-82. Combined with ‘The Narrative of Rāma in the Jain Tradition,' Bharatiya Vidya, 25, 1965, p.p. 18-25; Rāmāyaṇa Samikṣā, 1967, pp. 1-12.

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Information about the Previous Publication of the Papers
359
6. The Apabhramśa Poet Caturmukha.
Journal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda, 7, 3, March
1958, pp. 214-224. 7. The Childhood Exploits of Kịşņa.
Sambodhi, Ahmedabad, 11, 1-4, 1982-1983, pp. 121-132. Also, Vaişņavism in Indian Arts and Culture (ed. Ratan
Parimoo), 1986, pp. 58-64. 8. Pāli, Dhanyā and Cārukesi.
Aspects of Jainology (Pt. Bechardas Doshi Commemoration
Volume), Vol. 2, 1987, pp. 81-85. 9. The Evolution of Sanatkumāra-carita.
Contribution of Jainism to Indian Culture (ed. R. C.
Dvivedi), 1975, pp. 26-29. 10. The Sudravatsa-kathā.
Bulletin d'Etudes Indiennes, no. 6, 1988, pp. 69-91. (Earlier Version : Suddayacariya, a Lost Romantic Tale in Apabhramśa', Proceedings of the Seminar on Prakrit
Studies, (1973), Ahmedabad, 1978, pp. 24-27). 11. The Bệhatkathā, the Vasudevahimdi and the Sources of Two
Purāņic Episodes : Paper read at the First National Prakrit
Conference, Bangalore, December 1990. 12. Apabhramśa Verses Composed by the Paramāra King Muñja.
Agarchada Nahta Abhinandan-grantha, Bikaner, 1977,
pp. 90-93. 13. Vardhamāna-Sūri's Apabhramsa Metres.
Sambodhi, Ahmedabad, 13, 1, 4, 1984-1985, pp. 101-109. 14. The Apabhramsa Passages from Abhinavagupta's Tantrasāra
and Parātrimśikävștti.
Vidya, Ahmedabad, 14-2, August 1971, pp. 1-18. 15. The Prakrit and Deśabhāṣā Passages in Someśvara's
Mānasollāsa. K. K. Handiqui Felicitation Volume, 1983, pp. 1671-77.

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16. On the Prakrit Sources of Certain Popular Tale-types and Tale-motifs.
Journal of the Gangapatha Jha Kendriya Sanskrit Vidya
peetha, Allababad, 29, 1-4, 1973, 145-158. 17. The Magic Bird-Heart.
Proceedings of the 26th International Congress of Orientalists; Vol. III, Part 1, 1970, pp. 99-114; also published
in Bharatiya Vidya, 23, 1963; pp. 99-114. 18. The Tale of the Royal Monk Yava.
Amalā Prajña : Aspects of Buddhist Studies (ed. N. A.
Santani), 1989, pp. 537-546. 19. Some Versions of the Tale of Vyāghramāri.
Sambodhi, Ahmedabad, 2, 1, 1973, pp. 47-48.

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INDEX
Aarne, Antti 320-321 Abdhimathana 195, 196 ' Abhijñāna-Sākuntala 141 Abhilaşitārtha-cintāmaņi 297 Abhinavabhārati 20, 71, 215 Abhinavagupta 5, 6, 7, 224,
276 ff. Acharya, Shantibhai 353 Abhişeka 62 Adillā 299 Agravala R. C. 220 Ākhyāpaka 120 Ākhyānaka-maņikośa-vștti
231, 266, 316-317, 345 Akşiptikā 72, 80 ff., 117 Alsdorf L. 134, 220, 233, 267 Anka 113 Arabian Nights 247 Ārāmaśobhā 315-316 Archaic Prakrit 132 ff. Aryā 116 Asokāvadāna 113 Āvaśyaka-cūrņi 339 Āvaśyaka-sūtra 260 Badheka Gijubhai 353 Bālacarita 64, 221 Bhāgavata Purāņa 257 ff. Bhagavati Ārādhanā 342 Bhāṇaka 115 Bhāṇi 115 Bharateśvara-Bāhubali-ghora
293
Bharateśvara-Bāhubali-rāsa 293 Bhatta-parinnā 342 Bhavãi 75 ff. Bhejjala 215, 224, 247 Bhikṣuṇi-vinaya 354-355 Bhoja 6, 30 ff., 81 Bhuvanapāla 142 Book of Sindibad 247 Bremond Claude 340 Bșhaddesi 95, 98, 116 Bịhatkalpaśūtra 113, 342 Bțhatkathā 247, 255 ff. Brhatkathākośa 54, 115, 230 ff.,
347 Brhatkathā-sloka-samgraha 260 Brühn Claus 233 Candana-Malayāgiri 318 Calli 54 Camdarāveni 229 Candrāvali 229 Carcari 34 ff; 116, 118, 300 Cārukeśī 228 Caturangaka 306 Caturmukha 183, 195 ff. Catuşpadi 116 Caupannamahāpurisacariya 16,
40, 113, 193, 230 ff. 312 Chandonušāsana 44, 169, 263,
-269, 295 Chappannaya 11 ff. Chatra 54 ff. Cinderella (Type 510) 315

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362
Indological Studies
Cūdāla-Dohā 272 Cūdamani 20 Danced out Shoes (Type 306)
311 ff. Daśakumāracarita 246 Daśāvatāracarita 295-296 Dattila 116 Dešināmamālā 3, 4, 167,
170 ff. Dhammapada-athakathā 348 Dhammaparikkha 205 Dhanai 229 Dhanikā 226 ff. Dharmopadešamālā-vivarana
13, 230 ff, 314 Dhavala 85 ff., 116, 119, 169,
307 Dhol 92 Dhruyā 68 ff., 117 Dima 114 Doctor Know-All (Type 1641)
348 Dogharți-vrtti 311, 330 ff. Dohā 271, 291 Dohada 309 Dombikā 20 ff., 115 Dum biliyā 115 Durmilikā 26 Dūta-ghatotkaca 63 Dūtavākya 63 Dvibhangi 52 Dvipadi 116, 163, 271 Dvipathaka 116, 309 Emeneau M. B. 257 (The) Folktale 319 ff. Gāhārayana-kosa 213
Gāhāsattasai 166 Gargasamhitā 223 Gāthā 116 Gḥimdiņi 51 Gitagovinda 212 Gondali 77 ff. Goșthi 221 Govindākhyāna 120. 221 Granthika 120 Gūdha 19 Gunamālā 20 Hāla 166 ff. Hamsāuli 334 ff. Hardy Friedhelm 219, 222,
257 Harivamsa 195, 201 ff. Harivamsapurāņa 205, 211 Harivijaya 174, 220 Harşacarita 112, 172 Hemacandra 4, 5, 7, 11, 29 ff.,
85ff., 177 ff., 195 Hiāliā 15, 19 HỊdayavati Gāthā 10 ff. Jambūsāmicariu 89, 119, 205,
234 ff., 264-265 Janmamaraṇavicāra 295. Jāya Senāpati 122 Jayavallabha 224 Jhambada 116 Jinadattacariu 205 Joep Bor 103 Josyer. G.R. 229 Jugājjiņiñdacariya 267 Kahakosa 231 Kahāvali 192 Kalingasenālābha 247

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Index
363
Kāmasāstra 13 Kāmasenā-vipralambha 235 Kanda 116 Karnabhāra 64 Karpūramañjari 40, 55, 166,
178 ff. Karpurikālābha 247 Kasliwal K. 233 Kāștha-muni 339 Kathaka 120 Kathākośaprakaraṇa 42, 101,
115 Kathāsaritsāgara 234, 256, 348 Katre S. L. 219 Kāvyalakṣaṇa 7 Kāvyānuśāsana 120 Kāvyamimāṁsā 172 Koņeśvara 81 Krishnamachariay 121 Krşņacarita 221 Krşņakarņāmịta 226 Ksemendra 293 Kulkarni V. M. 220 Kumārapālapratibodha 267 Kuvalayamālā 13, 14, 35, 38,
44, 82, 89, 112, 113, 115
116, 119 Laghu-catūşpadikā 270 Lambaka 5 Lambha 5 Lambhaka 5 Lilasuka Bilvamangala 212 Lilāvāt-kahā 132, 135, 210 Lilāvatisāra 113 Literal Pleading (Motif J. 1160)
316
MacClulloch 316 Madanāvatāra 270 Madhyama 63 Madillā 299 Magic Bird Heart (Type 567)
310, 321 ff. Mahāpurāņa 116, 211, 230 Mahāvīracarita 65 Mahāvīracariya 338 Mahumahavijaya 220 Mallināhacariya 231, 266 Mańkha 112 Mānasollāsa 43, 77, 95, 116
117, 214, 296 ff. Mangala 116, 119 Manorama-kahā 267 ff. Mārākhyāna 120 Mātşkā 116 Mette A. 350 Mrcchakaçika 65 Mudrārākşasa 65, 112 Mūlaśuddhi-vștti 272 Muñja 219, 262 ff. Mūsika-jātaka 347 Nandisūtra-vịtti 260 Namdiuddha 166 Narasimha Maheto 222 Nāțyaśāstra 69 ff. Nemināhacariya 231, 274 Nigrodha-jataka 323-325 Nrttaratnāvali 77 ff. Ovi 308 Pada-kusala-māṇava-jātaka 260 Paddhadi 270, 291 Paddhati 3 Padmapurāņa 103, 192, 229

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364
Indological Studies
Pali 223 f. Pālitā 223 ff. Pañcadanda-chatra 313 Pañcarātra 63 Parātrimsikā-vrtti 276 ff. Paryā 3 ff. Paryāya 3 ff. Paryāyabandha 3 ff. Patridge in the Cart (Motif
J. 1511-17) 318 Paumacariya 97, 98, 103, 185,
192, 198 ff., 270 Peraņa 78 Poțțisa 166 Prabandhacintāmaņi 265 Prabandhakośa 39 Prabhāvakacarita 39 Pratimā 62 Puṇyāsrava-kathākośa 352 Punyavanta-jataka 246 Raddā 274, 292 Rādhā 223 ff. Rādhā-vipralambha 215, 224,
247 Raghavan 6 ff., 56, 81, 162 ff.,
174, 221 Rājasekhara 87 Rāsaka 23 ff., 24-25, 116, 291 Rāsakāřka 215, 224 Rāsāvalaya 23, 271 Ratpāvali 118 Ratneśvara 225 Rāvaṇahastaka(metre) 104-105 Rayaņakaramàu 205 Revantagiri-rāsu 270 Ritthanemicariu 195, 211 Ruben Walter 257
Sadayavatsa-kathā 244 ff. Saduktikarņāmộta 220 Sakalavidhividhāna 205 Sakarņa 17 Sāmbākhyāna 120 Samdeśarāsaka 56, 236 Samghāta 6 ff. Samgītacūņāmaņi 116 Samgitaratnākara 84, 95, 100,
116 Sanatkumāra 230 ff. Sanatukumaracariu 234 Saptaśataka 3 ff., 12, 19, 129,
213 Sarasvatikaộthābharaṇa 72, 81 ff.,
131, 172, 207, 214, 225 Sasibimbitā 292 Sātavāhana 166 ff. Șatpadi 116 Șatprajña-gāthā 10 ff. Şaţprajñaka 11 ff., 17 Sāvayadhamma-dohā 75 Sayalavihivihāna-kavva 238 Setubandha 141, 210 Shastri K. K. 222 Sheth Noel 256 Siddhahema 119. 131, 200.ff..
212, 263 șidga 29-30 Șidgaka 20 ff., 28 ff., 115 Siggada 115 Siri-jātaka 325 Srigadita 28 Sțăgāramañjarikathā 327 ff.: Sțngāraprakāśa 26 ff., 141, 162,
174, 194, 214–215, 221. 229, 233, 259

Page #375

Index
Sudamsanacariya 236 ff. Sudayavatsa-vira-prabandha
235
Suddayacariya 245 Sudravatsakatha 235 ff. Śukasārikā 302 Śukasaptati 354 Suloyaṇa-cariu 205 Supāsaṇaha-cariya 100 Svayambhucchandas 15, 19,
72, 87, 117, 129, 182, 194 ff., 212 ff., 224, 295
Tantrasara 276 ff. Tarana 95 ff. Tejjā 98
Tenna Giti 95 ff. Thompson Stith 311 ff.
Tida Josi 349
Tilakamañjari 114 Tribhangi 116
Tripadi 292
Upadeśamālā-vivarana 230, 266 Upamitibhavaprapanca-katha 38
Uparupaka 20 ff., 54 ff., 71,
76 ff., 114 ff., 221
Ürubhanga 64
Utsaha 173
Utsṛtikanka 113 Uttaradhyayana-vṛtti 231 Uttarapuraṇa 192, 231
Vadanaka 116, 270, 291 Vadḍakaha 258
Vadḍārādhane 112
Vahuvali-cariu 205
*
Vajjā 3 ff.
Vajjalagga 3, 89, 119, 213, 224 ff
Vākovakya 225
Vardhamana-sūri 266 ff.
Vastu 116, 299 Vastuvadanaka 271
Vasudevahinḍı 134, 193, 231 ff., 257 ff.
365
Vasudevahindi-(Madhyama
khaṇḍa) 55, 115
Velankar H. D. 73, 221, 224 Vetālapacīsi 336
Vetālapañcavimśati 246
Vibudhananda 113-114
Vicitra 303
Vidagdha-gāthā 13
Vidagdhagoṣṭhi 12
Vikramorvasiya 45, 68 ff., 96,
80 ff., 117
Viraha-bhakti 257
Virahanka 85
Visakhila 116
Viṣṇu Purāņa 259 Vithi 114
Vivahalo 91
Vrajya 3 ff. Vṛddhakavi 166 Vṛttajatisamuccaya 163 Vyaghramāri 354 ff.
What Should I Have Done (Type 1696, Motif J. 1160) 314-315
Yamamuni-kathanaka 352 Yava Rajarṣi 342 ff.

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