Indian Antiquary Vol 26

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032518/1

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN ARCHEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES. LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c., &C. EDITED BY RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, C.I.E.. LIEUT. COLONEL, INDIAN STAFF CORPS. VOL. XXVI.-1897. Swati Publications Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market,Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS. The Name of Contributors are arranged alphabetically. PAGE PAGK HERBERT BAYNES: THE LATE P. SUNDARAY PILLAI :THE MANDUXTA UPANIBHAD Correspondence ... ... ... .. ... ... 109 THE VAJABENETA UPANISEAD ... ... 218 MISCELLANEOUS TRAVAXCORE INSCRIPTIONS, 113, 111 G. K. BETHAM - T. C. PLOWDEN :SPECIMENS OY MODERN BRAHMANICAL LEGENDS, Hindu Titles of Musalmang... .. .. ... 224 | M, V. PORTMAN :DR. GEORGE BUHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.: THE ANDAMAN FIRE-LEGEND ... ... ... 14 THE VILLAGES IN THE GUJARAT RASHTRAXUTA PANDIT S. M. NATESA SASTRI, BA., M.F.L.S.:GRANTS FROM TORKKEDE AND BARODA ... 39 FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA THE ORIGIN OF THE TOWN OY AJMER AND OP No. 43.-The Subladar of the Cot ... .. 18 ITS NAYE ... ... ... ... ... ... 162 No. 44. -The Bufalo made of Lao ... .. 90 A JAINA ACCOUNT OF THE END OF THE VAGHELAS DR. ROBERT SCHRAM: OF GUJARAT ... ... ... ... ... ON Soxx Nxw. DATES OF THE VIXRAMA ERA PADA, THE WRITER OY ABOKA'S SIDDAPUR EDICTS. 334 PROM THE PALX-LEAF MSS. IN DR. P. PETER J. BURGESS: BON'S FITX REPORT .. ... .. .. Buddhist Mudras . ... ... ... ... 24 GURDYAL SINGH:SIR J. M. CAMPBELL, K.C.I.E., I. C. S. Marriage Customs-Obstruction by the Bride* NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEY AND groom's Sister ... ... CUSTOM ... .. 7, 91, 126, 3-45, 277, 298 Bedsteads as Spirit Haunts ... .. COSMOPOLITAN TAX LATE C. SPITTA :Holy Stones ... .. . .. A Point in Indian Martyrology .. ... G. M. DOUIE : M. A. STEIN, PH.D.:Guru Guga as a Snake-God ... THX CASTLE OY LORARA ... ... .. Opprobrious Names ... .. ... ... ... 140 LT.-Con. R. C. TEMPLE, C.1.E.:GEO. F. D'PENHA: Kuviraj, as a Musalman Title ... ... ... 29 FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE: AN UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENT RELATING TO THE No. 19.- The Story of Bharo ... ... ... 337 FIRBT BURMESE WAR ... ... ... ... 49 GEO. A. GRIERSON, PH.D., C.I.E., I. C. 8. THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THX TULUVAS, FROM ESSAYS ON KASMIR GRAMMAR, by the late KART THE PAPERS OF THE LATE A, C, BURNELL... 47, 60 FREDRICK BURKHARDT, translated and edited A Folk Etymology of Lal Beg'Nume 83 with Xotes and additions ... ... ... ... 188 The Red-hand Stamps at Tilokpur Temple .. 81 E. HULTZSCH, PH.D. EXTRACTS FROM OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS RELATINO Indische Palaeographio... . .. ... TO THE SELUNGS OF THE MERGUI ARCHI. DENZIL IBBETSON, C.S., 1.C.S.: PELAGO ... ... ... ... ... ... 85, 119 Spirits must not touch the Ground ... ... CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THX BURMERE, An Ordeal ... ... ... ... ... 154, 197, 232, 253, 281, 292 PROF. F. KIELHORN, C.I.E. - fax ANDAMAN TOKENS ... 192 THREE DATES OF THE HARSHA ERA The Siddhanta Deepika ON THE DATES OF THE SASA ERA IN INSCRIP. Derivation of Sapeque... ... 222 TIONS ... . . . . .. ... 146 Derivation of Sateleer ... ... FESTAL DAYS OF THE HINDU LUNAR CALENDAR 177 Donble Key ... .. SELECTED DATES FROM THE EPIGRAPHIA CARNA Cares of the Ahmerst District, Barma ... 336 TACA ... ... ... .. .. ...329 E. H. MAN, C.I.E.: Initial L and N... ... ... NOTES ON THE NICOBAREBS ... M. N. VENKETSWAMI, ON NAGPUR: M. MILLETT: FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES OF Panjabi Nicknames .. ... No. 6.- The Charitable Maid-Servant ... DR. JAMES MORISON : No. 7. - Lalan, Princess of Rubies .. ... 104 BULLETIN OF THE RELIGIONS OY INDIA, by No. 8. - Jamhu Raja ... A. BARTA of the Institut de France, translated No. 9. - The Disguised Royal Thief ... ... 136 from the French ... ... . . ... 57 No. 10. - Kuthuveluka and Tangaveluku U. BALAKRISHNAN NAIR: No. 11. - The Old Woman of the Sagar-cane The Varakkal Temple and its Festival ... ... 342 Field ... . . ... .. ... . .. 195 G. R. SUBRAMIAH PANTULU : A Morality from the Central Provinces ... ... Some Notes on the Folklore of the Telugus - 28, J. WILSON : 55, 109, 137, 167, 223, 252 An Instance of the Powers of Indian Villagers to K. PARAKU PILLAI : combine for the Common Good ... Malabar Customs, No. 1, Koraya ... ... ... 84 Days of Best ... . . .. ... ... 196 - 133 ... 165

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CONTENTS. MISCELLANEA AND CORRESPONDENCE. PAGE PAGE Buddhist Mudras, by J. Burgess ... ... ... 24 A Morality from the Central Provinces, by M. N. Some Notes on the Folk-lore of the Telugus, by G. Venketawamy ... ... ... ... ... ... 280 R. Subramiah Pantalo...25, 55, 109, 137, 167, 228, Derivation of Sateleer, by R. O. Temple . ... 250 252, 304 Double Key, by R. O. Temple ... ... ... ... 385 Correspondence, by the late P. Sundaram Pillai ... 109 Caves of the Amherst District Burmah, by R. C. Teriention of Sapeque, by R. C. Templo ... ... 222 Temple . ... . .. ... NOTES AND QUERIES. Kaviraj, as a Musalman Title, by R. C. Temple ... 28 Opprobrions Names,, by G. M. Douie ... ... ... 140 The Donkey-ride Punishment ... ... ... ... 56 An Instance of the Powers of Indian Villagers to A Folk Etymology of Lal Beg's Name ... ... 83 combine for the Common Good, by J. Wilson ... 196 Panjabi Nicknames, by M. Millett ... . ... 88 An Ordeal, by Denzil Ibbetson.. .. ... Malabar Custome, No. 1, Korava, by K. Paruma Pillai 84 Bedsteada me Spirit Haunta, by Gurdyal Singh ... 224 Guru Guga as a snake-God, by G. M. Douio... ... 84 Hindu Titles of Musalmans, by T. C. Plowden ... 224 The Red-band Stamps at Tilokpur Temple, by R.C. Temple ... ... ... ... ... .. .. 84 A Point in Indian Martyrology, by the late C. Spitta Superstitions about Small-Pox in Caloutta ... ... 112 Days of Rest, by J. Wilson ... . . .. 308 Marriage Customs - Obstruction by the Bride Chela, by R. O. Temple, ... ... ... 311 groom's Sister, by Gurdyal Singh ... ... ... 140 The Varakkal Temple and its Festival, by U. Spirits must not touch the Ground, by Denzil Ibbet- Balakrishnan Nair son, C.S.I. ... . .. .. ... .. 140 Initial L and N and N ... .. .. ... ... . ... ... 342 Holy Stones, by Cosmopolitan Snitt 950 ** ... 349 ... BOOK-NOTICES. Gana Vidya Sanjivipi: A Treatise on Hindu Music, The Siddhanta Deepika, by R. O. Temple ... by C. Tiramalayya Naida .. . - 56 Tudische Paleographie, by E. Holtzsch ... ... 195 ... 383 ILLUSTRATION. Burmese Currency, Plate i. ... ... PAGE ... 160

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH. VOLUME XXVI. 1897. ON SOME NEW DATES OF THE VIKRAMA ERA FROM THE PALM-LEAF MSS. IN DR. P. PETERSON'S FIFTH REPORT. BY DR. ROBERT SCHRAM, VIENNA. O To the kindness of the dates, extracted him from Dr. Peterson's Fifth Report. All these dates are coupled with the week-days, so that their calculation is easy and in most cases permits us to decide if the date is current or expired, and if the reckoning is amanta or purnimanta. In arranging the dates I follow the arrangement adopted by Prof. Kielhorn in his paper on the Vikrama Era, Indian Antiquary, Vol. XIX. p. 20 ff., which is as follows: I. Regular Dates: (A) Dates in bright fortnights :--- (1) Dates from Karttika to Phalguna : (a) Dates in current years. (6) Dates in expired years. (2) Dates from Chaitra to Asvina : (a) Dates in northern current years. (6) Dates in northern expired or southern current years. (c) Dates in southern expired years. (B) Dates in dark fortnights: (1) Dates from Karttika to Phalguna :(a) Dates in current years: (a) Purnimanta dates. (3) Amanta dates (b) Dates in expired years: (a) Purgimanta dates. (8) Amanta dates. (c) Dates either parnimanta current or amanta expired. (2) Dates from Chaitra to Aevina : (a) Dates in northern current years : (a) Parnimanta dates. (P) Amanta dates. (b) Dates in northern expired or southern current years: (a) Purnimanta dates. (8) Amanta dates.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1897. (c) Dates in southern expired years : (a) Purnimanta dates. - (8) Amanta dates. (d) Dates either amanta in northern current or purnimanta in southern expired years. (e) Dates either amanta in northern current or purnimanta in northern expired years. (f) Dates either purnimanta in northern current or amanta in southern expired years. II. - Irregular Dates. I have calculated the dates by the tables in Mr. Sewell's and Dikshit's Indian Calendar, and checked the calculation by Prof. Jacobi's Tables in Vol. I. Part VIII. of the Epigraphia Indica, and I give here the results of this calculation in the same manner as that adopted by Prof. Kielhorn in the above cited paper, calculating all European equivalents, and distinguishing those which satisfy the requirements of the Indian dates by printing them in antique type. (A) Dates in bright fortnights. (1) Dates Karttika to Phalguna. (a) Dates in current years. 1 v. 1817 (page 23, No. 8). - Samvat 1317 varshe, miha (magha) sudi 4 Adityadine. V. 1917 current: Sunday, 18th January, A. D. 1200; the 4th tithi of the bright half ended at 8 h. 18 m. after mean sunrise. V. 1317 expired: Thursday, 6th January, A. D. 1261. 2. V. 1398 (page 135, No. 85). - Samvat 1398 varshe, pausha sudi 7 some. V. 1398 current: Tuesday, 26th December, A. D. 1340 ; the 7th tithi of the bright halt ended 5 h. 40 m. after mean sunrise. The date would agree if Monday, 26th December, A. D. 1840, were coupled with the running tithi. V. 1398 expired: Saturday, 15th December, A. D. 1341. (b) Dates in expired years. 3. V. 1296 (page 50, No. 26). - Samvat 1296 varshe, phalgana sadi 9 sukre. V. 1296 current : Monday, 14th February, A. D. 1239. V. 1296 expired; Friday, 3rd February, A. D. 1940; the 9th tithi of the bright half ended 20 h. 45 m. after mean-sunrise. 4. v. 1343 (page 50, No. 27). - Samvat 1343 varsho, laukika-kartika sudi 2 ravau. V. 1343 current : Tuesday, 2nd October, A. D. 1285. V. 1943 expired: Sunday, 30th October, A. D. 1286 ; the 2nd tithi of the bright half ended 23 h. 4 m. after mean sunrise. It onght to have been an expanged tithi as the first tithi of the bright half ended the same day at 1 h, 25 m. after mean sunrise. 3. V. 1344 (page 110, No. 67). - Samvat 1344 varshe, margao sudi 2, ravau. V. 1344 current: Tuesday, 19th November, A. D. 1286. v. 1944 expired: Sunday, 9th November, A. D. 1287 ; the 2nd tithi of the bright half euded 1 h. 16 m. after mean surise. 6. V. 1394 (page 125, No. 75). - Samvat 1394 varshe, kartika budi pratipadayam oukre. V. 1394 current: Tuesday, 6th October, A D. 1336. V. 1894 expired: Saturday, 25th October, A. D. 1337, the first tithi of the bright half ended 11 h. 7 m. after mean sunrise. The date would agree if Friday, 24th October, A. D. 1887, wore coupled with the running tithi.

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JANUARY, 1897.] ON SOME NEW DATES OF THE VIKRAMA ERA. (2) Dates from Chaitra to Asvina. (a) Dates in northern current years. None. (b) Dates in northern expired or southern current years. 7. V. 1231 (page 1, No. 1). - Samvat 1231 varshe bhadrapada sudi 12 ravar. Northern V. 1231 current: Wednesday, 22n1 August, A. D. 1173. Northern V. 1231 expired: Sunday, 11th August 1174; the 12th tithi of the bright half ended 17 h. 34 m. after mean sunrise. Southern V. 1231 expired: Saturday, 30th August, A. D. 1175. 8. V. 1293 (page 69, No. 46). -- Samvat 1293 varshe, bhadrava sudi 10 budhe. Northern V. 1293 current: Saturday, 25th August, A. D. 1235. Northern V. 1293 expired: Wednesday, 13th August, A. D. 1238; the 10th tithi of the bright half ended 19 h. 20 m. after mean sunrise. Southern V. 1293 expired: Tuesday, 1st September, A. D. 1237. 9. V. 1320 (page 101, No. 59). Saravat 1320 varshe, vaisAkha sudi 4 gurau. Northern V. 1320 current: Monday, 24th April, A. D. 1262. Northern V. 1320 expired: Friday, 13th April, A. D. 1263; the 4th tithi of the bright half ended 12 h. 11 m. after mean sunrise. The date would agree if Thursday, 12th April A. D. 1269, were coupled with the running tithi. Southern V. 1320 expired: Wednesday, 2nd April, A. D. 1264. 10. V. 1343 (page 24, No. 9). - Sanvat 1343, vaisikha sudi 6 80deg (some ?) Northern V. 1343 current: Thursday, 12th April, A. D. 1285. Northern v. 1943 expired: Monday, lat April, A. D. 1288; the 6th tithi of the bright half ended 23 h. 41 m. after mean sunrise. Southern V. 1343 expired: Sunday, 20th April, A. D. 1287. 11. V. 1392 (page 127, No. 77). - Samvat 1392 varshe, ashkaha kadi 2 gurau. Northern V. 1392 current : Saturday, 4th June, A. D. 1334. Northern V. 1392 expired : Friday, 23rd Jane, A. D. 1335; the 2ndi tithi of the bright half ended 4 h. 36 m. after mean sunrise. The date would agree if Thursday, 22nd June, A. D. 1335, were coupled with the running tithi. Southern V. 1392 expired: Tuesday, 11th June, A. D. 1836. (o) Dates in southern expired years. 12. v. 1154 (page 29, No. 13). - Samvat 1154 vaisakha sukla pratipadayam ravidine. Northern V. 1154 current: Thursday, 27th March, A. D. 1096. Northern V. 1154 expired: Wednesday, 15th April, A. D. 1097. Southern V. 1154 expired: Monday, 5th April, A. D. 1098; the first tithi of the bright half ended 10 h. 33 m. after mean sunrise. The date would agree if Sunday, 4th April, A, D. 1098, were coupled with the running tithi. 13. v. 1271 (page 132, No. 80). - Samvat 1271 vaibaktha sudi 9 gurau. Northern V. 1271 current: Tuesday, 30th April, A. D. 1213. Nothern V. 1271 expired: Sunday, 20th April, A. D. 1214. Southern V. 1271 expired: Friday, 10th April, A. D. 1215; the 9th tithi of the bright half ended 0 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise. The date would agree if Thursday, 9th April, A. D. 1815, were coupled with the running tithi.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1897. 14. V. 1300 (page 67, No. 44). - Samvat 1300 varshe jyeshtha sudi 7 ravau. Northern V. 1300 current: Thursday, 8th May, A. D. 1242. Northern V. 1300 expired: Wednesday, 27th May, A. D. 1243. Southern V. 1800 expired: Sunday, 15th May, A. D. 1244; the 7th tithi of the bright half ended 20 h. 32 m. after mean sunrise. 15. V. 1832 (page 104, No. 60). - Vikra matah Kramati varshe nayanagui gunenda iyesh tha svetadasamyam hastarke. Northern V. 1332 current: Thursday, 17th May, A. D. 1274. Moon in Nakshatra Hasta. Northern V. 1332 expired: Monday, 6th May, A. D. 1275. Moon in Nakshatra, UttaraPhalguni. Southern V. 1882 expired: Sunday, 24th May, A. D. 1278; the 10th tithi of the bright half ended 11 h. 54 m. after mean sunrise. The moon was in Nakshatra Hasta till 4 h. after mean sunrise. 16. 7. 1334 (page 96, No. 57). Samvat 1334 varshe bhadrava sudi 1 eanau. Northern V. 1334 current: Wednesday, 12th August, A. D. 1276. Northern V. 1334 expired: Sunday, 1st August, A. D. 1277. Southern V. 1984 expired: Saturday, 20th August, A. D. 1278; the 1st tithi of the bright half ended 20 h. 49 m. after mean sunrise. 17. v. 1336 (page 53, No. 32). - Samvat 1336 varshe jyeshtha indi 5 ravau. Northern V. 1336 current: Saturday, 28th May, A. D. 1278. Northern V. 1336 expired: Wednesday, 17th May, A. D. 1279. Southern V. 1836 expired: Sunday, 5th May, A. D. 1280; the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 14 h. 27 m. after mean sunrise. 18. v. 1384 (page 123, No. 74). - Samvat 1384 varshe sravana sudi dvitfyiyam sanau. Northern V. 1384 current: Wednesday, 2nd Jaly 1326. Northern V. 1384 expired : Taesday, 21st July, A. D. 1327. Southern V. 1884 expired: Baturday, 9th July, A. D. 1328; the 2nd tithi of the bright half ended 19 h. 8 m, after mean sunrise. 19. V. 1990 (page 135, No. 84). - Samo 1390 varshe chaitra sadi 2 some. Northern V. 1390 current: Friday, 13th March, A. D. 1332. Northern V. 1390 expired: Thursday, 1st April, A. D. 1833. Southern V. 1390 expired: Tuesday, 22nd March, A.D. 1334; the 2nd tithi of the bright half ended 3 h. 3 m, after mean sunrise. The date would agree if Monday, 21st March, A. D. 1894, were coupled with the running tithi. (B) Dates in dark fortnights. (1) Dates from Karttika to Phalguna. (8) Dates in current years. None. (b) Dates in expired years. (a) Purnimanta dates. None.

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JANUARY, 1897.) ON SOME NEW DATES OF THE VIKRAMA ERA. (8) Amanta dates. 20. V. 1284 (page 129, No. 78). - Samvat 1284 varshe phalguna vadi 7 some, V. 1284 carrent - purnimanta : Wednesday, 10th February, A. D. 1227. aminta : Thursday, 11th March, A. D. 1227. V. 1284 expired - puraimanta : Sunday, 30th January, A. D. 1228. amanta: Tuesday, 29th February, A. D. 1228; the 7th tithi of the dark halt ended 6 h. 5 m. after mean sunrise. The date would agree if Monday, 28th February, A. D. 1928, were coupled with the running tithi, 21. V. 1289 (page 81, No. 51). - Samvat 1289 varshe magha vadi 6 bhaumav (sic.) V. 1289 current - purnimanta : Thursday, 15th January, A. D. 1232 ; amants: Friday, 13th February, A. D. 1232. V. 1289 expired purnimanta : Monday, 3rd January, A. D. 1233. amanta : Wednesday, 2nd February, A. D. 1233; the 6th tithi of the dark half ended 2 h. 20 m. after mean sunrise. The date would agree if Tuesday, 1st February, A. D. 1988, wore coupled with the running tithi. (o) Dates either purnimanta current or amants expired. 22. v. 1297 (page 136, No. 86). - Samvat 1297 varshe kartika vadi 21 ravau. V. 1297 carrent - pornimanta: Sunday, 25th September, A. D. 1999; the 11th tithi of the dark half ended 2 h. 27 m. after mean sunrise. aminta: Monday, 24th October, A. D. 1239. V. 1297 expired - purnimanta: Saturday, 13th October, A. D. 1240. amanta : Sunday, 11th November, A. D. 1240; the lith tithi of the dark half ended 14 h. 19 m. after mean sunrise. (2) Dates from Chaitra to Asvina. (a) Dates in northern current years. None. (b) Dates in northern expired or southern current years, (a) Purnimanta dates. None. (8) Amanta dates. 23. V. 1288 (page 94, No. 55). - Sanvat 1288 varshe Ashadha vadi amavasyadine bnaume. Northern V. 1288 current purnimanta : Wednesday, 12th June, A. D. 1230. emanta : Thursday, 11th July, A. D. 1230. Northern V. 1288 expired -- purnimanta: Monday, 2nd June, A. D. 1231. amanta: Tuesday, 1st July, A. D. 1231; the 15th tithi of the dark half ended 10 h. 29 m. after mean sunrise.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1897. // Il Southern V. 1288 expired - purnimanta : Sunday, 20th June, A. D. 1232. amanta: Monday, 19th July, A. D. 1232. (0) Datos in southern expired years. (a) Purnimanta dates. 24. v. 1181 (page 109, No. 66). - Samvat 1181, jyeshtha vadi 13 janau. Northern V. 1181 current - parnimanta : Wednesday, 25th April, A. D. 1123. amanta : Friday, 25th May, A. D. 1123, Northern V. 1181 expired purnimanta : Tuesday, 13th May, A, D. 1124. amants : Thursday, 12th June, A. D. 1124. Southern V. expired - purgimanta: Sunday, 3rd May, A. D. 1125; the 13th tithi of the dark half ended 4 h. 28 m. after mean sunrise. The date would agree if Saturday, 2nd May, A, D. 1125, were coupled with the running tithi. amanta : Monday, 1st June, A, D. 1125. 25. V. 1331 (page 57, No. 35). - Samvat 1331 varshe, prathama jyoshtha vadi 15, hansa. Northern V. 1831 corrent purnimanta : Thursday, 18th May, A. D. 1273. amanta : Friday, 16th June, A. D. 1273. Northern V. 1881 expired - purnimanta : Monday, 7th May, A. D. 1274. a manta : Wednesday, 6th June, A. D. 1274. Southern V. 1331 expired - pornimanta: Saturday, 27th April, A. D. 1976; the 15th tithi of the dark half ended 9 h. 38 m. after mean sunrise and in this year jyeshtba is intercalated. amanta: Sunday, 26th May, A. D. 1275. (d) Datos either amints in northern current or porniments in southern expired years. 26. V. 1425 (page 99, No. 58). - Samvat 1425 varshe bhadrapada vadi 5 bhaume. Northern V. 1425 current - purnimante : Sunday, 15th August, A. D. 1367. amanta: Tuesday, 14th Boptember, A. D. 1987; the 8th tithi of the dark half ended 1 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise. Northern V. 1425 expired pur, manta : Thursday, 3rd August, A. D. 1368 amanta : Sunday, 2nd September, A. D. 1368. Southern V. 1425 expired pornimanta : Tuonday, 24th July, A, D, 1889; the Bth tithi of the dark bull ended 11 h. 33 m, after mean sunrise. amanta : Wednesday, 22nd August, A. D. 1369. (0) Dates either amanta in northern current or parpimants in northern expired years. None.

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JANUARY, 1397.) - SPIRIT, BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. (t) Dates either parnimdata in northern ourrant or amanta in southern expired years. None. (8) Dates either parpimanta in northern ourrant or aminta in northern expired years. 27. V. 1973 (page 95, No. 56). Samvat 1273, aravapa vadi 8 ravau. Northern V. 1273 carrentpurnimanta : Sunday, alat Jung, A. D. 1215; the 8th tithi of the dark half onded 6 h. 18 m. after mean sunrise. amanta : Morday, 20th July, A. D. 1215. Northern V. 1273 expired - purnimanta: Friday, 8th July, A. D. 1216. amante: Sunday, 7th August, A. D. 1216 ; the 8th tithi of the dark halt ended 13 h. 49 m. after meau sunrise. Southern V. 1273 current - purnimanta : Wednesday, 28th June A. D. 1217. amanta : Thursday, 27th July, A. D. 1217. II. - Irregular Dates. 28. V. 1454 (page 71, No. 48). - Satuvat 1454 varshe Migha sudi 13 soma V. 1454 current: Friday, 12th January, A. D. 1397. V. 1454 expired: Wednesday, 30th January, A. D. 1398 v. 1466 expired: Monday, 20th January, A. D. 1999; the 13th tithi of the bright half ended 15 h. 18 m. after mean sunrise. So this date works out correctly only wien caloulating for the next following year. 29. V. 1515 (page 120, No. 73). --Sauvat 1515 varshe also mase saklapakshe panchamt gurak. Northern V. 1515 current : Saturday, 24th September, A. D. 1457. Northern V. 1515 expired: Wednesday, 13th September, A. D. 1458. Southern V. 1515 expired: Tuesday, 2nd October, A. D. 1459. Northern V. 1514 current : Sanday, 5th September, A. D. 1456. Southern V. 1516 expired: Saturday, 20th September, A. D. 1460. So the date works out in no case; there must be some fault iu it. NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. BY J. M. CAMPBELL, C.L.E., I.C.S. (Continued from p. 257.) Ribbons. The guardian power of the dancing half-alive ribbon, perhaps, renches back to the early magic days when the bird and b@ast scarer was a spirit-scarer. In Egypt, ribbons were fastened to weapons and round the capitals of house pillars. The diadem of the Persian monarch was a flowing ribbon.96 The Romans tied coloured ribbons or threads to infants to keep off the Evil Eye.96 The Greeks bound a ribbon to the stern pole of their ships. * Wilkinson's Egyptians, Vol. II. p. 102. * Persius' satires, Vol. II p. 31. * Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. I. p. 435, * Potter's Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 137.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1897. When Pausanias (A. D. 170) went to consult the oracle of Trophonias, he had to put on a linen habit set off with ribbons. In the temple at Delphi was a navel-shaped white stone with a ribbon hanging from it.99 Ribbons were frequently laid in Greek tombs.100 Greek faneral urns were, and Italian funeral urns are, covered with ribbons. The wand or thyrsos of Dionysos was often adorned with ribbons or bandelets. In a Roman seat of Bacchus in the Louvre the sprays of ornaments end in ribbon bows. The Jewish sect of Essenes had the candidate's white robe fringed with blue ribbons as an emblem of holiness. Phyllacteries, or guards, were ribbons with Bible texts worn by Jews on the brow to scare evil spirits. They continued to be used in Europe till they were denounced by the early Christian Church, The nun at dedication wore a veil and a bllet or ribbon (vitta). Wedding gnests nt Lorraine wear a cross of blue and scarlot ribbons at their button-holes or in their caps.? For several days after her wedding the Russian bride wears a white muslin dress with pink ribbons. In Bohemia, ribbons are fastened to the Midsummer Pole. No Romanian decked with red ribbons can suffer from the Evil Eye.Jo In Tunis, during a recent (1893) outbreak of cholern, the people pinned ribbons to their clothes to keep off tue epidemic. 11 Mexican women wear a gold rosary round the neck from which hang gold coins and ribbons.12 The key with which the door of the bull-pen is opened before a Mexican bull-fight has a great knot of ribbons.13 Duppies, that is, Jamaica negro shadows, will throttle any puppy that has not a red ribbon collar.14 In the island of Tonga at the new yam feast the yams are decked with ribbons.16 Musalmans in Tibet deck the sacrificial sheep with ribbons and flowers. 16 According to Ovid (A. D. 30), sacred trees were adorned with crowns and ribbons.17 The Ilkhan of Persia (1302) took shelter in a tree. He afterwards visited the tree with his nobles and wives. They fastened ribbons to the tree and danced round it. So Changez Khan's grand uncle Kutluk Khan (C. A. D. 1150) alighted before a tree and made a vow if he won he would come back and bind ribbons round it. He won and danced round the tree. 18 In Italy, the palm and olive branches that are laid on the altar on Palm Sunday are decked with ribbons. In Russia, & girl ties a ribbon round a birch tree and it lets her pass.20 Ribbons are fastened to Abyssinian guitars and to Savoy and Scottish bagpipes. Christmas wassail bowls in Scotland and in England used to be garnished with ribbons,21 On the brink of many wells in Dumfries and Galloway ribbons and other little articles of female finery have been seen by people yet living fastened so as to wave over the spring. These were offerings for the recovery of sick children.2 Compare the snood in the Scottish maiden's hair, the ribbon in the wedding favour, the ribbon round the wedding cake, the bows of ribbon tied to the mane and tail of the horse for sale, the spear pennon, the ship's pennant, and the ribbon of the Order. At fanerals black and white ribbons used to be worn in England.23 Lord Burleigh, Treasurer of England (A. D. 1570), wore a blue ribbon next his garter studded with snail shells to keep off gout.24 In Northampton, a dead married woman's head was bound with a black ribbon and a maiden's head with a white ribbon,25 In Clee in Lancashire (1829), a band of 08 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 339. * Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 319. 300 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 233. 1 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 186; MS, Note, 1889. ? Browa's Great Dionysiak Myth., Vol. II. p. 91. : Ms. Note, Feb. 2nd, 1895. Mackay's Freemasonry, p. 22. 6 Henderson's Folk Lone, p. 4. & Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 1112 + Polk-Lore Records, Vol. III. Pt. II. p. 260. * Mrs. Romanoff's Ritos arul Customs of the Greco-Russian Church, p. 914. * The Golde. Boul, Yol. I. p. 79: Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 101. 10 Notes anul Quries, Fifth Series, Vol. XIII. p. 45, 11 Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 59. 12 Harper's None Monthly Magazine, February, 1885, p. 374. 13 Brockleburst's Mexico To-lay, p. 205. 14 The National Reviete, June 1895, p. 557. 15 The Golden Bough, Vol. II. pp. 379, 380. 16 Hue's Travels, Vol. II. p. 28. 11 Potter's Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 232. 12 Howorth's Changiz Khan, p. 155. 19 The Times of India, 4th April 18EUR5. * Ralston's Russian PolkTales, p. 140. n Chambers' Book of Day, Vol. II. p. 733; Gentleman's Magarine Library, "Popular Superstitions' D. 77. 12 Allan Cunningham's songs of Scotland, 1825. Chambers' Book of Days, p. 274. 24 Browne, Vol. I. p. 287. 25 Henderson's Foll-Lore, p. 58.

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JANUARY, 1897.] SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. children accompanied a maiden's funeral dressed in white-paper gloves and with long whitepaper ribbons.26 According to Irving, ribbons formed part of the old-fashioned funeral garland;27 "A garland shall be framed by art and nature's skill Of sundry coloured flowers in token of good-will, And sundry coloured ribbons on it I will bestow, But chiefly black and yellow with her to grave shall go." In Yorkshire (1793), the bride and bridegroom were covered with ribbons of any colour but green.28 Ribbons are tied to the cart with the bride's luggage in Sunderland. In Yorkshire, a wedding should be wound up by a race for a ribbon. The winner gets a kiss and the rest a drink.30 In the sixteenth century the English May Poles were decked with ribbons.31 In seventeenth-century England, ribbons or filletings were worn by women both at weddings and at churchings. So Herrick, on Julia's churching "Put on thy holy filletings and so To the temple with the sober go." "32 And when the bride is brought into her husband's house "You that be of nearest kin, Now on the threshold force her in, But to avert the worst let her Her fillets first knit to the posts."33 On Shrove Tuesday (A. D. 1640) the boy whose cock won in the cock-fight went in triumph through the streets decked with ribbons, the others following with drum and fiddle. The Morris Dancers in Dean Forest (1822) had their bodices and hats covered with ribbons of all colours,35 Among the farmers of Herefordshire (1819) the winner of a law suit attends church with ribbons in his cap.36 In Rutland (1872), an unmarried girl can be cured of bleeding at the nose by wearing a red ribbon round her neck.37 Salt. - Salt as the origin of wholesomeness, the scarer of corruption, the keeper of freshness, the giver of appetite, the saver from sickness, is, in early stages of belief, one of the most widely worshipped of guardians. In later stages salt maintains its worshipfulness as a type of life and of wit and as the fiend-feared emblem of immortality. 9 In Gujarat, the luckiest of all purchases on the Kartik (November) new year's day is salt. A gift of salt to Brahmaus lightens to the giver the pains of death. Salt is used in all spiritscaring rites, and on the dark 14th of Aso (October) high-caste Hindu women spill little piles of salt and husked rice at cross-roads. 38 Among Gujarat Hindus the Evil Eye is removed by waving a pinch of salt and mustard seed round the child's head and throwing it into the fire. 39 The Prophet Muhammad said, "Blessed is the dinner cloth on which is salt." The Gujarat Musalman follows this rule, and during Ramazan, or at feasts, spills salt on his dinner cloth.40 In the North-West Provinces, to the west of the Jamna, when the cotton begins to burst, women go into the fields, sprinkle salt as a lustration, and pray for plenty. In Kathiawar, 2 frequent application of salt-earth and avala leaves is believed to cure a contraction of the joints.43 Gujarat Kanbis wave a copper-pot with salt over the bridegroom's head, 26 Gentleman's Magazine Library," Manners and Customs," p. 38. 25 Gentleman's Magazine Library, "Manners and Customs," p. 61. 31 Hone's Every-Day Book, Vol. I. pp. 550-55. 5 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 57. 25 Gentleman's Magazine Library, "Manners and Customs," p. 34. 36 Gentleman's Magazine Library, "Manners and Customs," p. 18. 57 Notes and Queries, Fourth Series, Vol. V. p. 88. 28 Vaikunthram's Element Worship, "Gujarat Hindu Religion." 40 Mr. Fazl Lutfullah Faridi, 42 Emblica officinalis. 27 sketch Book, Vol. I. p. 252. 29 Op. cit. p. 40. 30 Op. cit. p. 41. Poems (1869 Edn.), Vol. II. p. 307. 34 Aubrey's Remains of Gentilism, p. 41. 59 Vaikunthram's Element Worship. 1 Elliot's Races, Vol. I. p. 254. 63 Information from Mr. Himatlal.

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10 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1897. and the higher class Hindus in Gujarat, on New Year's Day, in front of all houses, pile three or four heaps of salt. Poor people carry off the salt and next day bring it for sale, crying. aloud sab-ras, i.e., "real jam," or all savour. The householders buy it as lucky. In the Konkan, till a child is six months old, salt and water are every evening waved round its face that it may not suffer from the Evil Eye.95 Salt is the first thing served at a Hindu caste feast.c At a joyful feast among the Dharwar Madhva Brahmans salt is served first; at a funeral feast salt is not served at all. In the worship of the Sapta Rishis, or Seven Sages, salt is not nsed, lest it should scare them.48 Among the Roman Catholics of Kanara salt is put in the mouth of the child at baptism, probably to scare the devil.49 Among the Kanara Musalmans no salt is given to a newly delivered woman. In the marriage ceremony of the Poona Velalis, & plantain leaf is laid for the bride to sit on, and on the leaf salt is spread. 51 In the Dekhan, when a Gosavi is initiated, sugar and salt are put in his mouth, sugar to sweeten it, and salt that he may prove true to his faith. When a Dekhar: Chitpavan goes through the all-atonement, or prayaschittu, be eats nothing during the day, or, if he must eat for his health, he at least takes no salt, as salt is specially forbidden.52 Nagar Lingayats, Dhangars, Buruds and other classes bury large quantities of salt with the dead.53. Among Arabs on the seventh day after a birth, when the child is carried through the harin, a woman sprinkles salt and fennel seed on the floor, saying, "May foul salt be in the eye of the envier." The sprinkling of salt guards the mother and child from the Evil Eye.54 The Ahmadnagar Manbhavs strew the bottom of the grave with salt, and again strew salt on the top of a robe drawn over the body. The Vaishnavas of Bengal put salt in the grave and in the mouth, nost, ils. ears, eyes, and other openings of the dead. In Southern India, the body of a Vaishnav Svami is stuffed with salt and powdered mustard. Other ascetics are buried in a pit full of salt.56 At a Beni-Isra'il feast, before the guests begin to eat, the minister dips bread in salt, and it is lianded round to all.57 Among the ancient Egyptians an ointment of palm-wine, salt, and incense cured spiritpossession. Among the ancient Persians the flesh of the victim was sprinkled with salt. The ancient Jews set a high value on salt. They called salt the seal of the covenant and offered it with all meat offerings.60 The Jewish prophet Elisha healed and sweetened the waters of Jericho by casting in salt.61 Salt and sulphur were put on the wedding crown worn by the Jewish husband.02 Jews who lived at the sea-side, every day, before matins, washed their hand in the salt water.63 The Jows mixed salt with their holy ointment and rubbed with salt their new-born babes. That Greek wit was known as Attic Salt shows how higlily the classic Greek valued the virtues of salt. The first thing a Greek presented to a stranger wus salt. They rationaliser! that as in salt watery and earthy particles unite, so friendship should be a constant union; or as salt keeps away corruption, so friendship should always be fresh. An earlier belief reyaains in the Greek divine or holy salt from whose shrine, the family salt-cellar, a guardian inHnence spread forth. The salt from the family salt-cellar, which was the bond of union among the people of the house, formed, when partaken by the stranger, a lond of union, or sacrament, between the stranger and his hosts; similarly, by setting salt on the tables the guardian spirit + Information from Mr. Ratiram. Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. 18 Information from Mr. Tirunalrio. 5 Op. cit. Vol. XV. p. 405. 62 Op. cit. Vol. XV. p. 147. 54 Lane's Arabian Society, p. 188. 56 Dubois, p. 287; Dabistan, Vol. II. p. 141. * Fiber's Egyptian Princess, Vol. I. p. 327. * itirus. ii. 13; Numbers, xviii. 19. $Basnage's Jers, p. 472. 18 Information from Mr. B. P. Joshi, 7 Information from Mr. Tirmalrio. 19 Bombly Gazetteer, Vol. XV. p. 388. 61 Op.cit. Vol. XV. p. 259. 61 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXII. p. 115; Vol. SVIII. p. 183. 56 Ward's l'ier of the Hindur, Vol. III. p. 277. 07 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 510. 09 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 226. 01 II. Kings, ii. 19. 63 Potter's Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 263.

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JANUARY, 1897.) SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. 11 of the house passed into the stranger. In a more formal way families and states were joined by a covenant of hospitality. So, like the salt, the tokens held by the covenanting parties were entbolae or symbols in which a common guardian influence dwelt. In proof of this, on the dye, of which each party to an union of hospitality kept half, was graven the image of Jupiter hospitalis. "I bring with me," says Plavtus, "the god of hospitality and the tessera." It is this belief in the sacramant of salt that makes the Hindu and the Indian Musalman agree in holding falseness to salt the basest of crimes. The Greek feeling of the divinity of salt continued after the Greeks became Christian. As the classic Greek poured ground cakes of salt and barley on he altar, so the Christian Greek put salt into the sacramental bread. Salt, they said, is life; saltless sacrifice is dead. In the Dionysius Mysteries a lump of salt signified generation.c6 Salt wus sacred among the Romans, and was habitually compared to wit and liveliness,67 The family salt-cellar or salinune was an heirloom, and was always set on the table as a symbol of the family guardians. The Romans mixed salt and water to make holy water. They thought that salt caused cheerfulness and cured disease. Among the Romans a salted cake was broken over the victim's head.71 That salt is as a soul keeping the body wholesome is oddly illustrated by Cicero's saying, the pig has life anima only instead of salt to keep him from rotting.72 So Herrick (1640): << The body's salt the soul is, which, when gone, The flesh soon sucks in putrefaction." In the early Christian Western Church any one allowed to be a catechumen or hearer received the gift of salt. This was called Sacramentum Catechumenorum.74 After baptism salt was given and after confession penitents received salt with milk and honey.76 In Constantitiople every house was sprinkled with sea-water.76 Elsewhere the houses of the sick were cleansed with holy water.77 At the dedication of a church, salt, ashes, and water were sprinkled on the corners of the altar.78 Though the Christian organisers admitted that salt was a guardian home, they held that, like water, oil, and other natural shrines, salt was apt to become fiend-tenanted instead of guardian-tenanted, and before use had to be exorcised.70 Both Greeks and Romans placed holy salt-water at the entrance of their temples.s0 For ceremonial cleansing the Greeks preferred sea-water. 81 "All hnman ills," says Euripides, "are cleansed by the sea, whose holy water, according to Wordsworth, perforins his priest-like task of pare ablation loand earth's human shores." Modern Jews throw salt on the fire to drive away evil spirits.82 In North Central Africa, near lake Chad, Denham tells how a Musalman woman burnt salt, praying that neither the devil nor his imps miglit frighten the traveller.$3 In Upper Egypt, when & caravan is about to start, the Ababde women come out carrying earthen vessels filled with burning coals. They set the vessels before the several loads and throw salt over the coals. As the bluish flame rises, they exclaim: "May you be blessed in going and in coming." By this the devil and every evil fiend is put to flight." Salt-water is a familiar medicine in Chinese cattle-diseases. In Japan, during the purifying ceremonies of the early Shinto religion, the ground is strewn with salt," and salt is u Potter's Antiquities, Vol. II. PP. 414-416. e Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 603; Potter's Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 253. - Brown's Grout Dionysiak Myth, Vol. II. p. 66. 67 Smith's Greek and Roman Antiquities, "Salinum." 65 Op. cit., lue. cit. * Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 439. 70 Pliny's Natural History, Book xxxi, Chap. 719. Adam's Roman Antiquities, p. 260. 52 Potter's Antiquities, Vol. II p. 854. - 19 In Hone's Table Book, Vol. I. p. 523. 74 " Baptism," Encyclopaedia Britannica, IX. Edition, p. 351. Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 318. T6 Op. cit. p. 1839. 17 Op. cit. p. 1889. Op. cit. p. 1839. 59 Op. cit. p. 1839. 30 Middleton's Conformity of Paganism and Popery, p. 138. 81 Potter's Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 263. 82 Chambers' Book of Days, p. 146. 5 Denham And Clappertoa's Africa, Vol. II. p. 183. Burkhardt's Nubia, p. 169. Gray's China, Vol. II. p. 157. 6 Reed's Japan, Vol. I. p. 61.

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12. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1897. sprinkled on the threshold at a Japan funeral.87 Salt is highly valued in West Africa.88 In passing a spirit haunt in Lake Tanganyika in Africa, boatmen throw salt over their heads and into the water.89 In North-West Africa, when an offender's head is cut off, the soldiers, whose duty it is to fix the head on a tower, get a Jew to salt the head before it is set up.90 At a marriage at Bornon, in North Africa, warm salt-water is sprinkled round the house to prevent any evil spirit approaching. If an evil spirit get near the marriage couple, the man will become impotent or the woman barren. In some Mexican ceremonies the faces of the human victims were sprinkled with salt.92 The modern Greeks venerate salt.93 Athenian maidens on the eve of the new moon offer on the bank of the Ilisus a plate with honey, salt, and a cake. In A. D. 1100 Abbot Richatmas wrote: "If the devil takes away my appetite I taste a little salt and my appetite returns. If I lose it again, I take more salt and am again hungry."95 In Sicily, when an ass, a mule, or a horse is to enter a new stable, salt is sprinkled on its back that the fairies may not lame it.96 German shepherds, who were sorcerers, were accused of baptizing their sheep with salt.97 When (1878) a German prince came back to Bacharest, the Mayor presented him with the customary bread and salt."98 So in Russia strangers are offered bread and salt as a compliment. In France, before a wedding, salt was put in the pockets and a coin in the shoe.100 A Servian (1876), suffering from serious lung disease, is laid, face down, on the ground, while the wise-woman scatters salt on him and walks round him mumbling. In Germany, in a house where one lies dead, three heaps of salt are made." In Germany, unbaptised infants have salt placed beside them for safety. The emigrants from Salzburg dipped a wetted finger in salt and swore.3 In his picture of the Last Supper, Michael Angelo makes Judas upset the salt dish, so that it spills towards him, which, according to Burton, is a bad omen. If salt is spilt, a little should be dropped over the left shoulder to keep off the spirits. At a Roman Catholic baptism salt is blessed by nine crossings, and a little is put in the child's mouth as the salt of wisdom. After consecration, that is, when the sign of the cross is made over it, salt becomes a sacrament able to drive away the enemy. In In Ireland, if any one enters on a new office, women in the streets and girls from the windows shower on him wheat and salt. In A. D. 1700 no Isle of Man fisherman would sail without salt in his pocket. Tweed fishermen salt their nets and throw salt in the sea to blind fairies. Holland, to upset a salt-cellar is to capsize a boat. Scotch fairies eat no salt. The ghosthaunted sailor was freed from the phantoin by a draught of salt and water.10 In Scotland (1629), large quantities of salt used to be put with an animal in a grave to drive away the cattle plague."1 So also in Scotland, Ireland, and England, a plate of salt used to be laid on the corpse's breast to keep off evil spirits, 12 In North. England and in Spain, it is unlucky to give salt out of a Folk-Lore Record, Vol. II. p. 280. 39 Cameron's Across Africa, Vol. I. p. 269. $1 Denham and Clapperton's Africa, Vol. II. p. 171. 95 Clarke's Travels in Greece, Vol. IV. p. 8. Park's Travels, Vol. I. p. 280, Hay's Western Barbary, p. 97. 92 Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 406. Moore's Oriental Fragments, p. 311. 85 Moncure Cenway's Demonology and Devil-Lore, Vol. II. p. 297. Zool. Myth, Vol. I. p. 300. 97 Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. p. 1076. Dalyell's Darker Superstitions of Scotland, p. 99. Notes and Queries, Fifth Series, Vol. IX. p. 65. 100 Op. cit. p. 313. 1 Notes and Queries, Fifth Series, Vol. VI. p. 364. 3 Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 1049. 2 Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. p. 1118. Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, p. 238. This is also a North of England belief. Dyer's Folk-Lore, pp. 218, 1273; Sussex Folk-Lore Record, Vol. I. p. 12. 5 Golden Manual, p. 791. Op. cit. p. 674. 7 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. III. p. 165. Bassett's Sea Legends, p. 438. Folk-Lore Record, Vol. II. p. 209, explains from Newcastle that the reason the Tweed fishermen salt their nets is that if the nets are not salted fairies come and pull out the fish. 10 Op. cit. p. 9. Scott's Demonology and Witchcraft, p. 125. 11 Leslie's Early Races of Scotland, Vol. I. p. 85. 12 Balfour's Encyclopaedia, Vol. V. p. 87; Hone's Table Book, Vol. I. p. 523; Napier's Folk-Lore, p. 60: Gregor's Echo from an Olden Time, p. 139; Guthrie's Old Scottish Customs, p. 212; Dalyeli's Darker Superstitions of Scotland, p. 102,

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JANUARY, 1897.] SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. 13 . house.13 In Scotland, oaths were taken on bread and salt, and salt waspnt into milk as a guard against the Evil Eye. In England (1590), oonsecrated salt saved men from witches. 16 In North England, spilt salt brings ill-luck, unless part of it is dropped over the left shoulder. 16 If the milk is bewitched, in Lancashire they put into it a hot iron, in Northumberland a crooked coin, and in Cleveland a pinch of salt.17 In the north of England, there is a saying: "Help ine to salt; help me to sorrow."'18 In the Isle of Man, people always carry salt in their pockets.19 Eton scholars, every third year, used to go to the sali hill and distribute salt; while friars used to sell consecrated salt for healing.30 An Irishman recovered his wife from a rout of fairies by throwing over her, as she passed, salt, hen's blood, and all flower water.31 The use of salt to keep evil from an anbaptised child was common in Middle-Age Europe 22 In a Scottish ballad the infant anbaptised daughter of the king dies and is laid, swathed in linen, in a golden casket with much salt and a lighted lamp because she had never been in God's House. In Scotland, the new-born babe is bathed in or rubbed with salt and water and made to taste it three times. The mother's breast is also washed with salt-water before the child begins to suck. When a babe is brought to a house for the first time the head of the house must put sugar and salt into its mouth and wish it well.24 In Argyleshire, in Scotland (1800), when a child was taken to be baptised, before leaving the house salt was carried round it against the sun.25 In the Christian rite of baptism salt is put into the child's mouth that he may spit out the evil one, despuere malum.26 In Lincoln (1833), a newly-christened child brought nto a neighbour's house was presented with eggs and salt.7 In Scotland, if a child has a blink, of the evil life a sixpence is borrowed, a good fire kept burning in the grate, the door locked, silence kept, and the child laid in front of the fire. A spoon is filled with water and the borrowed sixpence is piled with salt, and both sixpence and salt are spilt into the water. The child's feet, hands, and brow are rubbed with the salt-water and the rest is thrown into the fire with the words, "Guid preserve from all scaith." 28 A dish full of salt was the first article of the bride's which was carried into her new house. In entering the house some of the salt was scattered on the floor.29 In Lincoln (1833), salt was a pledge of welcome. It was given to a guest as soon as he entered the host's house.90 In 1597, James Stuart, and in 1603 James Reid, cured a woman by making her drink south-ranning water and by casting salt and w.beat about her bed.1 In 1607 Bartie Paterson cared a sick man by making him always wear nine grains of wheat, nine grains of salt, and nine twigs of rowan. In 1600 & Scottish midwife eased a woman's pains in child-birth by laying an open knife and sprinkling salt under the bed.33 About 1600 & cattle plagae was stayed by burying in a pit a live ox and a live cat with much salt. In 1863 salt and wheat were bound in & cloth to a cow's horn to keep off disease, and in another case (1649) to help her milk.85 In Yorkshire (1646), salt and an old sickle were put under a cow's stall to cure disease.36 In North England (1825), when & cow is calving salt is strewn along her back to keep the witch from hurting her.37 Salt is dropped into the first milk drawn from a lately calved cow.38 And in Lincoln (1830), when 18 Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 217. 1 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. III. pp. 164, 165, 15 Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 19. 16 Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 121. 17 Op. cit. p. 188. 15 Dyer's Folk-Lurs, p. 278. 11 Op. cit. p. 275. 20 Madras Almanac, 1840, p. 631. 21 Notes and Queries, Vol. VI. p. 10. 23 Napier's Folk-Lore, p. 34. 93 Black's Folk-Medicine, p. 180 ; Napier's Folk-Lore, p. 30. 7Napier's Folk. Lore, p. 33. % Black's Folk- Medicine, p. 31. 26 Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 422 37 Gentleman's Magazine Library, "Manners and Customs," p. 31. * Napier's Foll-Lore, p. 37. 29 Napier's Folk-Lore, p. 47. 30 Gentlemun's Magazine Library, p. 118. 31 Dalyell's Darker Superstitions of Scotland, pp. 85, 90. 22 Op. cit. p. 395. 39 Op. cit. pp. 85, 99. 34 Op. cit. p. 193. 85 Op. cit. p. 100. 36 The Denham Tracts, Vol. I. p. 315. 37 Op. cit. Vol. II. pp. 323, 365. * Op. cit. p. 101.

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14 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1897. cream is pat in the churn salt is dropped into the fire to overcome witchcraft,39 In St. Kilda when cattle are moved they are purified with salt-water and fire.co In Suffolk (1860), to bury a handful of salt (probably after waving it round the patient) cured ague. As the salt dissolved the ague left.1 (To be continued.) THE ANDAMAN FIRE-LEGEND. BY M. V. PORTMAN. : A. One of the oldest of the Andamanese Legends is that regarding the first introduction of fire to the people after a great cataclysm had occurred, during which much of their territory was submerged and all their fires were extinguished. It appears also to be the best known, and the Andamanese are more generally agreed apon the statements in it than in any of their other legends, each elder of the same tribe giving the same version of the story. The legend in each of the five languages of the South Andaman group of tribes runt translated freely, as follows: TRANSLATIONS. I. Akabeada. God was sleeping at Taul-I'oko-tima. Luratut came, stealing fire. The fire burnt God. God woke up. God seized the fire; he took the fire and burnt Luratut with it. Then Luratut toos (the fire); he burnt Tarcheker in W6ta-Emi village, (where then ), the Ancestors lit fres. (The Ancestors referred to were) the Tomo-la. II. Akarbale. Dim-Daura, a very long time ago, at Keri-l'ong-tauwer, was bringing fire from God's platform. He, taking the fire, burnt everybody with it. Bolab, and Tarkaur, and Bilichau fell into the sea and became fish. They took the fire to Rok wa-l'ar-tenga village and matle fires there. III. Puchikwar. God was sleeping in Tuil-l'oko-tima. Luratut went to bring fire. Luratat caught hold of the fire; then he burnt God. Then God woke up. God seized the fire. He hit Luratut with the fire. Then again he hit Tarchal with the fire. Chalter caught hold of it. He gare it to the Ancestors at Wuuta-Emi. Then the Ancestors made fire. IV. Aukaujuwoi. Mr. Pigeon stole a firebrand at Kuro-t'on-mika, while God was sleeping. He gave the brand to the late Lech, who then made fires at Karat-tatak-emi. V. Kol. God was sleeping at Taul-l'oko-tima. Luratut took away fira to Oko-Emi. Kailotat went to Min-tong-ti (taking fire with him from Oko-Emi). At Min-tong-ta the fire went out. Kaulotat broke up the charred firewood and made fire again, (by blowing up the embers). They (the people there ), became alive. Owing to the fire they became alive. The Ancestors thus got fire in Min-tong-tauk village. Gentleman's Magazine Library, "Manners and Customs," p. 38. 46 Cemming's Hebrides, p. 336. << Gertleman's Magazine Library, "Popular Superstition," p. 129.

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JANUARY, 1897.] THE ANDAMAN FIRE-LEGEND. 15 B. As it will be a matter of importance to students to know precisely upon what texts the above translations are based, I add them here with interlinear translations, and I also append certain notes necessary for the elucidation of the texts. TEXTS. rita I. Akabeada. Taul - l'oko - tima - len Puluga - la mami - ka. Luratut - la chapa (The name of a place) in God was sleeping. (a certain bird) fire tap - nga omo re. Chapa - la Puluga - la pugat - ka, Puluga - la boi - ka, stealing came. Fire God was burning. God woke up, Puluga - la chapa e ni - ka, A chapa - lik Luratut God fire taking fire by (the bird) lot - pugari - re. Jek Luratut - la eni - ku, A - Tarcheker burnt. At once (the bird) took, He Kingfisher l'ot - pugari - re . Wota - Emi b araij - len, Chaoga - tabanga oko - dal - re burnt (a place) village in the Ancestors lit fires. Tomo - lola. The Tomo - la. II. Akarbale. Dim - Daura - le Keri - l'ong - ta uwer - te Palaga (Name of a man) a very long time ago (name of a place) by God His toago' choapa l'omo - kate. 'Ong ik 'akat - pajra paguru - l'a- re. platform fire was bringing. He taking all men burnt did. Bolub, ka Tarkaur, ka Bflichati, orgot eto - jurugmu - t - ia. (Name of a fish) and (name of a fish) and (Flying-fish) they in the sea went. 'Ongot at - yaukat mo nga. 'Ongot oaro - tichal -ena - to Rokwa - l'ar - tonga They fish becoming. They carrying taking (name of a place) baroij - a oko - dal - nga la - re. village in fire did. III. Puchikwar. Tail - Yoko * tim - an Bilik long - pat * ye. Luratut long at ap - lechi - nga (Name of a place) in God was sleeping. (A bird) he fire was bringing.. Laratut 1'6ng - di - ye. Kota 'ong B ilik 'abbiki - ye. Kota Bilik (A bird) seized. Then he God burnt. Then God long. Monyi ye. Bilik long at li-ye. Ong * Luratut lote - toi - chu - nga. woke up. God he fire seized. He then (a bird) hit with fire. Kota kol 'onge Tarchul l'ote - toi - chu - ye. Chalter l'ong - di - ye. Then again he then (a man, or fish) hit with fire. Kingfisher caught hold. *ong Lao * cham - len da - nga. Wauta - Emi - en. Ota Lao - chan He Ancestors to gave (name of a place) in. Then Ancestors n'ong - 6 - kadak,- nga. they made fire. to

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16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1897 IV. Aukaujuwoi. Kuro - t'on - mik - a Mom Mirit - la, Bilik l'aukau - ema - t, peakar at - lo (The name of a place) in Mr. Pigeon, God slept, wood fire with top - chike. At laiche . Lech - lin a kotak a auko - kodak - chine stole. Fire the late (name) to h e then he made fire at - lo Karat - tatak - emi - in. fire with name of a place) at.. V. Kol. Taul - l'oko - tim - en Bilik - la pat-ke. Luratut - la Oko - emit at (Name of a place) in God was sleeping. (a bird) (a place) in fire kek - an. Kaulotat - ke l in l'a - chol- an. Min-tong- ta - kete. took away. (A man) by went. (Name of a place) to, Min - tong - ta - kete - lak l'it - bil - an. Kaulotat l'ir - pin l'ir - dauk - an. (Name of a place to by went out. (A man) charred wood broke ap. k'irim - kaudak-an. Na n'otam - tepur - in. At - ke n'ote - tepur - in, made fire. They became alive. Fire by they became alive Min - tong -tauk pauruich - in, Jangil n'a l'oko - kaudak - an. ( place) village in. Ancestors they made fire. 0. NOTES. General In relating any occurrence to others, as distinct from conversation with them, the Andamanese generally speak in short, detached sentences, and a considerable pause must be imagined between each of the sentences in the legends. The platform" mentioned in the legends is a small erection built by the Andamanese at the sides of their huts, on which meat, etc., is placed ; fire is put underneath it. The likeness of the story in nearly all respects to the Prometheus Legend will strike the reader at a glance. The Akabeada Legend. With regard to Luratut and Tarcheker, birds may be meant, or men bearing the names of birds, for the Andamanese believe that, after the cataclysm, when fresh fire had to be brought from somewhere, many of the Andamanese, who were of course really drowned, had been changed into birds and fishes, Chuoga-tabanga means "the Andamanese who lived in former ages," i.e., "the Ancestors," and when an Andamanese is asked why he follows a certain custom, or how that custom originated, he would answer "Because the Chidga-tabanga used to do it," or, "Because the Chaoga-tabanga ordered it so." Tomo-lola means "The song of Tomo-la," who was the chief of all the Andamanese at the time of the cataclysm. Observe how this word is in apposition to Chaoga-tabanga, a very common Andamanese form of speech. The Akarbale Legend, With the exception of Bolub, none of the names mentioned are now used as names for men, though Bolub, Tarkaur, and Bilichau, are names for fish, the Andamanese baving an extensive vocabulary of fish names. Keri-l'ong-tauwer, and Rokwa-l'ar-tonga are compound place names. .

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JANUARY, 1897.] The Puchikwar Legend. The name of the place in which God was sleeping is here the same as that given in the Akabeada version of the Legend: the same bird, (or man), Luratut, is also mentioned as the fire-stealer. In Akabeala. Taul - A certain tree. The Aukaujuwoi Legend. The two names of the places change in this Legend, but the formation of these compound words remain the same, for example: THE ANDAMAN FIRE-LEGEND. In Jakapjuvi. Kuro A certain tree. l'oko - conjunctional infix corner. Meaning: The village at the corner among the 'Taul' trees. ("A village" is always understood in these names.) The word is the same in the Puchikwar and Kol languages. In Akarbale. Keri - A certain tree. - long conjunctional infix. Meaning: "The village on the sand, among the Keri' trees." In Akabeada. A - t'on conjunctional infix. Meaning: "The village among the big 'Kuro' trees." Wota tima. In Aukaujuwoi. Karat A certain creeper. B In Puchikwar. s In Kol. Oko Emi. Wauta - Emi. Bed (or, Hut). Emi. Bed. Prefix. Rise up. Bed (or, Hut). Rise up. Meaning: "The village from which the different tribes dispersed," (like a flock of birds rising up), "after the cataclysm." In Akarbale. Rokwa - l'a A stone. conjunctional infix. Meaning: "The village by the row of stones." tauwer. sand. 17 mika. very big. emi. bed (or, hut). tonga. a row. tatak conjunctional infix. Meaning: "The hut among the Karat' creepers." In this Legend the Fire-thief is a Pigeon, and the construction of the first sentence differs from the direct speech in the other Legends. The first phrase states where Mr. Pigeon was; in apposition to this is an entirely unconnected phrase stating that "God was sleeping"; the third phrase tells us what Mr. Pigeon did.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1897. The Kol Legend. The Kol, Puchikwar, and Akabeada tribes have very much the same versions of the Legend, giving the same names to the places and actors. The Akarbale and Aukaujuwoi differ, having places in their own countries where the fire is said to have been first kindled, and not recognising Wota-Emi as the original home of the present race, as the others do. Kaulotit derives his name from a tree with black wood, such as the Diospyros nigricans, ebony, etc. Min - tong - ta - kete, or Min - tong - tauk. A tree leaf bone. A tree leaf bone. Meaning: "The village of the Min' trees, which have big midribs to their leaves." In N'otam we get a pronominal prefix in the plural, referring to "human beings." The whole phrase is strongly emphasised by these Pronouns, with the intention of showing that, after the cataclysm, almost all the people were dead and there was no fire. When fire had been obtained, either the dead people were resuscitated, or fresh people were created, or what. is probably really meant, life went on again as usual and the country was re-peopled in the ordinary way. Jangil is here used for Anvestors. I found that this word was used by the very ancient Akabuada for the name of the hostile Inland tribe in the South Andaman, who are now known as Jirawas, and who belong to the Onge Group of Tribes. It is possible that the Aknbeada may have regarded the tribe as resembling their ancestors in their customs, and it is the only inkling we get that the people of the South Andaman Group of Tribes recognise that the members of the other groups are sprung from the same stock as themselves, though they admit that all Andamanese are one race, and differ from other races. When they first saw African Negroes and Somalis they called them Jara was thus admitting them to the sain race as themselves, but considering them to be strangers and hostile. I have always doubted whether Jraw. is a real Andamanese word, and believe it to be an Andamanese corruption of the Urdu word Jhariu, meaning "Foresters," and adapted by the Andamanese from the convicts since 1858. FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. BY PANDIT S. M. NATESA SASTRI, B.A., M.F.L.S. No. 43. - The Subhadar of the Cot. Is the town of Tanjore there lived a clever Brahman, named Kobava Bhag. His means and attainments were very humble. He was a priest, and earned on an average a couple of fanams every day by his profession. Half of this income, i. e., one fanam, he spent for his household expenses, and with the other fanam he held every night Council on a Cot in the back premises of a big mansion in Tanjore, between the first and tenth ghatikas. The expression Council on a Cot" requires some explanation : and in order to give this it is necessary to give a brief description of the mansion in the back premises of which Kesava Bhat held his council. In the West High Street of Tanjore there was a millionaire called Navakoti Narayana Setti." His mansion was seven stories high, and extended for a mile from west to east. The back premises were in the East High Street, and were almost unnoticed at night. To these Kesava Bhat resorted every night at the second ghatika 1 About twopence.

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JANUARY, 1897.) FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 43. 19 He had taken into his service four artisans - a carpenter, a cobbler, an oil-vendor, and a turban-tier. He paid each of these a quarter of a fanzin every night for their services, which were as follows: - the carpenter would bring a small cot, for Kesava Bhat to sit apon, the oilman would light two torches and supply them with oil sufficient to burn till the tenth ghatika of the night. Kosava Bhat would take his seat on the cot between tho second and the third ghatikds of the night with torches burning on either side of him. The cobbler would then approach and cover his feet with a pair of newly-made costly Brahmani shoes. The turban-tier would bring a costly turban, and tie it on the Bhat's head. Besides these four, Kesava Bhat had engaged four peons, on the promise of the high salary of 10 ponsa each per month, to attend upon him every night between the second and tenth ghafileas. Now the Bhat called himself the Subhadir of the Cot, and instructed his servants to say so to any person who might question them as to who the person holding the council was. He held his council with his eight servants - four peons and four artizans till the tenth yhatili of the night. Soon as the tas (gong) announced the tenth ghalika, the turban-tier would take away the turban from the head of the Bhat, the cobbler would take back the shoes from off the Subhader's feet, the oilmonger would put out the lights, and the carpenter would carry away the cot. Kosava would then stand up in the clothes in which he approached the mansion at the second ghatika of the night, would dismiss his other servants - the four * peons, ordering them to wait again in readiness at the proper time next night, and would roturn home. Neither the millionaire nor any one of his servants noticed what was going on, and no one was able to detect the poor priest Kesava Bhat in his transformed state of the Subhadar of the Cotwith a costly turban on his head, newly-made Brahmani shoes on his feet, sitting in council in the palatial quarters of a millionaire. So our hero secured the title of the Subhadar of the Cot, and the townsmen began to recognise him as such only during the night, and thus passed away one month, Poor Kerava paid every night for his temporary seat, turban, shoes, and light, but his difficulty was to find forty pons at the end of the month to pay his most obedient, willing and faithful peons ; for, in fact, they had behaved as such, and had the greatest regard for their kind and liberal master. The undaunted Kesava Bhat, however, told them on the last night of the first month that they would get their pay the next night. But as lo was himself living from hand to inouth, and had wasted the one fanam that lie coald have saved every day on his Subhadari, he knew of no way to get out of his mess. He returned home, and instead of disappointing his trustworthy peons he resolved to commit suicide and thus end his miseries. With his mind thus made up, and without telling his wife what he intended to do, he went all alone to the garden of his house in the dead of night and tying a strong rope to the loftiest brauch of a tree was on the point of attaching the other end of it to his neck to suspend himself, when a voice was heard checking him from his rash act. Desist from your mad resolution. Dig at the root of this tree. You will find seven pots of gold, each containing a lakh of pons." "Who can have uttered these consoling words. It must be the great Paramosvara, I shall dig, and if I do not find the pots, there is time enough to execute my resolution." Thus argued the Subhadar of the Cot and came down from the tree, and he dug as le had been told, and to his great astonishment he found the pots very near the surface. He took thom ini, and secured them at once, without informning oven his wife of the vast amount of treasure he had obtained. : : Pon is a small gold coin.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1897. On the first night of the second month, Kesava Bhat paid his peons not only ten pons each as their salary, bat made them presents of five pons each, and addressed two of them as follows:--- "My faithful servants: you know well how liberally I pay you for the short service that I take from you. The more faithful you are to me the greater will be your reward. I am going soon to entrust to you an important task. You must deliver some treasure to Indumukhi the favourite concubine of the emperor of Vijayanagar. I shall bring it to-morrow. You must take it and deliver it to her, stating that it is a present from the Subhadar of the Cot, for one day's expenses. You must be ready to start to-morrow with the consignment. Engage seven carts to carry the treasure, and be ready here to-morrow night. You can go home now at once." 20 Thus two of the four peons were sent away a little early that night. And at the usual time the council broke up, and our Subhadar returned home. He reserved a hundred pons from ench of the seven pots, and packed the remainder in seven cases, locked and sealed them well, and wrote the following letter that very night : "The Subhadar of the Cot to Indumukhi-greetings. We have heard of your unparalleled beauty and the high favours lavished upon you by the emperor of Vijayanagar. We can, of course, bear no comparison with the emperor; bat, as becoming our own humble position and as ardent admirers of your world-famed beauty, we send you as a present, for one day's expenses of your ladyship, a small contribution, which we hope you will accept. Signed this day the 30th day of the month of Vaisakha of the year Manmatha, in oar mansion the Dhanavilasa. Kattil Subhadar."3 The letter too was put in a cover and sealed. The next night, the two peons, with money for expenses on the way, started with the treasure and the letter, and reached Vijayanagar after journeying for a month. The contribution for one day's expenses was safely delivered. Indamukhi read the flattering note, counted the treasure, and was dumb with astonishment. Who could be the person who has remitted such an enormous quantity of wealth for her expenses for one day? What must be his own worth? These thoughts passed and repassed her mind, and she was not able to get any clear information from the peons that had accompanied the treasure. But she set down the Subhadar of the Cot to be the richest man in the world, and resolved to send him, as a token of her appreciation of his gift, some present in return. She went into her treasury, and after a careful search found a costly throne set with diamonds and other precious gems. She thought that this would be a proper seat for the Subhadar of the Cot. So she brought it out, carefully packed it, wrote a letter thanking the Subhadar, and intimated to him that she was to be considered henceforth as one of his humble maid-servants, and that she also in her own humble way was sending him a return present. She rewarded the peons that came from the Subhadar amply, as befitting their position as servants of the Subhadar, and entrusted the throne and the letter to them. The joy of the peons knew no bounds. In one tip they had almost made their fortune It is only such high persons that they should serve, thought they. In their eagerness to reach home and thank their master, they performed the return journey in twenty days, and safely delivered the present of Indumukhi and her note to the Subhadar of the Cot. He was delighted at the receipt of his own gift by the most beautiful of womankind and of her return present. But what could he, an humble Brahman priest, do with a costly throne? His fertile imagination soon suggested a way of disposing of the gift. He had heard of an yet more famous beauty called Narzana, who was the chief of the concubines of the emperor of Delhi. He resolved to send the throne presented by Indamukhi as a gift to the famous eoncubine of the Delhi emperor. He repacked the precious throne, wrote a letter similar to the one that he had written nearly two months previously to Indumukhi, and sent all the four peons to Delhi with the packet and the note. * Kattil Subhadir The Subhader of the Cot; kattil meaning cot. [Is it possible that the fame of Nur Jahfn has thus descended to the peasantry of Madras!-ED.]

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JANUARY, 1897.] FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA ; No. 43. 21 In the course of three months the capital of India was reached, and the note and the present duly delivered. Narzana was astounded to receive such a costly throne, which even the emperor of the whole of India had never owned, as "a small gift" from the Subhadar of the Cot. She had a strong desire to visit so rich a man in person before making up her mind to retuin amply and suitably the honour done to her. So she thanked for the occasion the Subhadir of the Cot, and wrote in return that her mind would never rest at ease till she had paid her humble respects in person to him, which she would be able to do in the course of a year or two. She rewarded the four peons, and sent them away with the note. They had now nothing to take care of on the way except the note and the presents they themselves had received, which no doubt were very large. They returned as quickly as possible and delivered the note. Of course, our hero was extremely pleased, and was, to a certain extent, easy in his mind, for as he had had no return presents from Nurzana, he need be at no pains to devise means for their disposal. But there was still something to vex him. Nurzana had promised to visit him in the course of a year or two! What should he do? But why trouble oneself for an affair which was to happen after a year or two, or which, perhaps might never happen? So the Subhadar forgot the anxieties of the future, and went on holding his council. Thus for a year almost this business went on. The pomp and sudden wealth of the four peons became a subject of talk everywhere. The Subhadir of the Cot and his council in the mansion of Navakoti Narayana Sutti attained the greatest publicity. The millionaire heard of its existence, and on a certain night he visited his back premises and discovered the sham council. He became highly enraged, and ordered his servants to seize the Subhadar. At the appearance of these men, the faithful servants of the Subhadar fled for their lives; he became a prisoner of the millionaire. Alone with the Sabhadir, the millionaire enquired into the cause of his impertinence, and the Subhadar explained to him that he had had a fancy to do as he had done, and had been successful for almost a year. He was careful not to mention a word about his notes, presents, etc., to Indumukhi and Nurzana. Navakti Narayana Setti pitied the poor Brahman, and as he had committed no offence of any kind, laughed at his thirst for so empty a title as Subhadar of the Cot, and as a punishment for his pride engaged him as his head cook ! Poor Kosava Bhat! Whither had his Subhadari gone? What had became of his faithful servants? Why did not the great Para mesvara aid him now? The solution to these quesxions was not at all difficult. His star had been in the ascendant and so he had enjoyed all those privileges. But now his karma (fate) had made him head cook of the millionaire's house. From the very next day he rose early in the inorning, bathed, performed his ablutions, attended to the kitchen arrangements of Navakoti Narayana Setti's house, had his food first, according to the prevailing custom as he was a Brahman, and then went home to return to resume his evening duties in the kitchen. He was naturally a clever person, and so soon secared influence with the millionaire and his establishment. His faithful peons, though they were not able to assist him on the night on which he had been taken prisoner by the millionaire, soon discovered him, and remembering that they owed their own fortunes to their service once under him, soon joined him. And our hero, too, though now redaced, soon found his way to employ them in the establishment of Navakoti Narayana Setti. Thus a month passed, and by this time our hero became all in all to his master. His proficiency as a cook was of the best, and he was not wanting in other respects. The advice that he now and then gave when his master consulted him in any important matter was of the best kind. He was clever, obedient, willing and an honest servant, and the millionaire was pleased with him in every way. Navakoti Narayana had no children. To the attainment of this object, he was preparing for a pilgrimage to Banaras : advised to do so by our hero. He started soon with an

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22 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1897. establishment befitting his position as # millionaire. After a month's journey, and after visiting several sacred shrines on the way and bathing in all the sacred rivers he had to cross, the millionaire and his party reached the banks of the Tungabhadra. The great city of Vijayanagar was not to be missed on the way. Navakti Narayana sojourned in it and wished to pass a few days there. One evening, while driving about the streets of the town, he saw a very fine mansion and an incarnation of beauty, as it were, slowly moving on the topmost story of it. Whose mansion was it, and who was the beauty that he saw? These were easily answered. It was the palatial residence of Indumukhi, and the object that met his eyes was none other than that famous lady herself. To some extent he was consoled to hear that she was after all only a concabire and not a lady of family. It cannot be denied that he was smitten by her charms, and longed for her company. It was not after all difficult, as she was only a courtezan; but how to meet her? She was 80 zealously guarded that any attempt to send a note to her would be only falling into the hands of death. So, Navakoti returned home thinking that he must pine hopelessly, never attaining the object of his desire. Alas! the wicknedness of rich men ! How vile they are sometimes ! Blinded by wealth and considering nothing unattainable if they can pay in money for it, they are led away into the worst of sins and into the vilest of ideas! Navakoti thought that he would be quite willing to sacrifice his nine crores of wealth, if he had in return the company of Indumakhi for one moment at least. No doubt it was the confidence of the possession of such wealth that made him think so. But how to secure that happiness? Whom to consult, and how to act? The millionaire was perfectly at sea as to these points, and was worrying himself. "And where care lodges sleep will never lie." Thus passed two or three days. He had not consulted his cook, for the matter was rather a very delicate one, and the cook had never been resorted to by his master on any previous occasions on such subjects. But the whilom Subhadar of the Cot, with his natural shrewdness, perceived the change, and questioned his master about the cause of it. After a good deal of hesitation Navakoti told him all about it, and said that if he only assisted him towards the attainment of his object, he would give him his whole wealth, receiving back only so mach as was necessary for his maintenance every month. "Lo you stick to your words ?" asked the cook. "Undoubtedly," answered the millionaire. "Then, I shall not be unkind. It is enough if you give me one-half of your wealth and restore me to my Subhadari in your back premises. I shall at a moment's notice make Indumukhi wait at your doors." Navakoti was not at all able to believe him. He thought it was all a joke. But the cook at once told him to give him all his dress and ornaments, and directed him to retire like a common servant to one of the chambers adjoining the bedroom. Kesava Bhat at once pobed himself as Navakoti Narayana with all the costly clothes and jewels, and summoned the four peons who had served him when he was the Subhadar of the Cot. He robed them also in costly attire, and stationed them near his cot. The two he had sent during his Subhidari to Vijayanagar he called close to him. He gave them a letter to take to Indumukhi. Navakoti Narayana, who, as a common servant, was in the next room, was watching all his acts, and did not understand the proceedings. But blinded by love he put up with his position as a servant in his own house. In a minute the lady Indanakht herself appeared and stood before the cook, who, of course, never directed his eyes to her, but seemed to regard her as a mere worm. "My lord, I learnt from your note that you are s sojourner in this city; having once amply tasted of your lordship's liberality, I have now come to wait upon your lordship's orders," said she, and stood with the humility of a slave before the monarch of an Eastern court.

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JANUARY, 1897.) FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 43. Navakoti could not believe his eyes and ears: but before he could think, the following Words fell upon his ears :-" If you are true to your salt, I order you to retire at once to the adjacent room and give your company to our servant waiting for you there, as a token of your fidelity to us. Of course, you must have already concluded that we are much above your humble company." The sentence was not yet finished before Indumukhf retired like a slave obeying commands to the room pointed out, and Navakoti Narayana in the amazement that seized him did not even perceive her approach. The night soon passed away, and the day dawned. Before the servants could know anything of the previous night's affairs, Kesava Bhat was in the kitchen, and Navakoti Narayana in his own place in his temporary residence. It is not necessary to state here that Indumukhi, too, was safely back in her own mansion. Who was now the millionaire? The Subhadar of the Cot! But of his grace he allowed freely, out of respect for the millionaire, half of his property to him. In a few days the pilgrimage was resumed. Banaras was reached. To the credit of our hero he requested the millionaire not to consider that there was any change in the positions of the master and servant till they returned to Tanjore. So kesava Bhat was all the while still only master of Navakoti Narayana 'Setti's kitchen. After staying for a month in the city of Banaras, the party commenced the return journey. Ever since that wonderful night at Vijayanagar, when & word of command from the Brahman to Indumukhi wae enongh to make her run like a slave to the closet of Navakoti Narayana, the millionaire had the greatest respect towards him. He considered him to be a naturally great person. On several occasions he asked our horo as to the cause of his powers, but with no sucoess. The more he thought of that nigkt the more he admired Kesava Bhat. That a woman of the position of Indumukhi should have obeyed at one word his head cook never ceased to astonish him. What was after all his own wealth ? He had only been able through his cook to secure the services of the woman, He never felt the loss of half of his property, for he had no children to whom to leave any property. So, soon after reaching Tanjore, Navakoti Narayana Setti with pleasure parted with half of his property to our hero. The big mansion of the millionaire was also divided into two, and the eastern half, in front of which the Brahman had once held his conncil on the cot, came to his share. There was none to question his right now to hold his councils in his own house! Ketava Bhat, too, changed his humble manners, and became in erery sense the Subhadar of the Cot, and regularly held his councils, with only this difference, that he no more paid quarter fanams for his temporary seat, shoes, etc., but had these as his own. He was now a rich millionaire himself, with his title of the Subhadar of the Cot firmly established. Thus passed a few months. One day, while sitting in front of his house, Kattil Subhadar saw a person approaching him most humbly, and lay down a letter. He opened and read it. It was a letter from Nurzana, and to his utter bewilderment she had written to say that she would be in "Tanjore on the morning of the third day afterwards to pay her respects in person to the great Subhadar of the Cot. It was happy news, that a lady of the position of Narzda should travel all along the way from Delhi to Tanjore reflected great credit on the name of the Subhadar. He was not now a mere empty man with an empty title. He was a millionaire, and had a house and establishment requisite to do honour to the grand visitor. But Kesava Bhat had concluded that she had such an idea of his wealth and power that she had taken him to be equal, if not superior, to the emperor in riches, whereas he was after all only an ordinary millionaire. So imagining that he would not be able to do her proper respect, and trying, if possible, to drive her away without her seeing him, he devised various plans within himself. In the end he found that they would be of no avail. The best solution out of any difficulty was suicide, and agreeably to his nature he went to his favourite tree. The ever-merciful god again appeared in the form of a 'voice in space and demanded an explanation for his bold resolve.

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24 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1897. "I want to send Nurzana away withoat her approaching Tanjore," was the explanation, Have you any scheme for doing so ?" asked the voice out of space. "Yes," replied our hero undauntedly, "but I cannot execute it unless I have divine assistance." "What is the sort of assistance that you want?" demanded the great god. "I want the assistance of Rambha, Orvasi, Tilottama, and other divine nymphs for a couple of ghalikas on the morning of the day after to-morrow. They must be collecting cow. dung on the skirts of the Trichinopoly road. Narzana will be approaching Tanjore early that morning. She will observe them and question them as to who they are. The nymphs mast state that they are the sweepers of the house of the Subhadar of the Cot. This is all that I want. After a stay of a couple of ghatikus in this world the nymphs can return to heaven," said our hero. "A greed," snid the great god, and the voice died away, and the Subhadar, too, extremely delighted that everything was working well, returned to his palatial residence and spent a happy night. The appointed day came on. Early in the morning, even half a ghafik& before the rising of the lord of the day, one hundred nymphs of the divine world were seen on the skirts of the Trichinopoly road, near the town of Tanjore, collecting cow-dung in baskets made of gold. The retinue of Nurzana was marching first, and after them came the palanquin bearing Nurzana. Everyone in the company was struck at the unparalleled beauty of the maidens, and there was a dead stop in the march. The palanquin also stopped. Nurzana lowered the shutters, and wanted to know the cause of the sudden halt. Before asking any one abont it, she herself saw about fifty beauties gathering cow-dong in golden baskets. "Am I moving in fairy land?" thought she. To ascertain the truth she beckoned to one of them. At once several came running up. Nurzana asked them who they were, "Your supreme ladyship! We are the sweepers of the house of the Snbhadar of the Cot, and we collect cow-dung, as is our custom, to smear our lord's house with in the morning," replied they, and even without waiting for any answer, they went about their duty. Nurzana was in ntter confusion from top to toe. She first of all ordered her men not to advance one more step from that spot withont orders. She gazed upon the beauties, who were only after all the sweepers of the house of the Subhadar. They appeared more like so many streaks of lightning than human shapes. Said Nurzana to herself: _"If, after all, the sweepers of the house of the Subhadar of the Cot appear to be as fair as the divine nymphs themselves, what must be the beauty of the ladies of the palace of the Subhadar!" "Turn the palanquin towards Trichinopoly," ordered she, and retreated at once. The object of our hero was accomplished. There was no more trouble for him. He lived in happiness for a long time with his well-earned reputation and wealth acquired from Navakoti Narayana. . MISCELLANEA. BUDDHIST MUDRAS. interesting. In 1879 when I wrote the Appendix on the Bauddha Mythology of Nepal added to The mudras orsymbolic positions of the hands, Notes on the Rock- Temples of Ajanta. I called the are not peculiar to Buddhists. The Hindus recog. attention of the late Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji to nise a large number and a paper, with illustrations, the subject; but he had not taken much note of explanatory of the meanings of these would be the matter, and could only name the better known Ants, Vol. XXV. p. 145.

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JANUARY, 1897) MISCELLANEA. 25 mudrie of the chief Buddhas. In Waddell's the assuming of the material forms by the Lamairm, pp. 136 and 137, is a list of nine of Buddhas and Bodhisattvas for the purpose of them. The best known are spreading the right understanding among ani mated beings. - Schlagentweit's Buddhism in 1. The Bhimisparia (hiimispril) or Dhar. Tibet, pp. 208, 245. masparsa mindrd - the earth-pointing' or 'witness'attitude of Sakya Buddha and Akshobhya - In the plates of Hoffmann's Nippon Buddha Waddell's No.1. Pantheon will also be found some information that may be useful. 2. The Dharmchakra mudrd or 'teaching' J. BUBE88. attitude of Vairochana Buddha - Waddell's Edinburgh, Nov. 24th, 1896. No. 4. (cf. Oldfield's Sketches from Nipal, * Vol. II. p. 167.) SOME NOTES ON THE FOLK-LORE OF THE TELUGUS. 3. The Abhaya mudrd or of blessing,' - the left hand open in the lap, the right is raised in BY G. R. SUBRAMIAH PANTULU. front of the chest with the fingers and thumb hall extended and with the palm facing forwards, as In the country of Kandahar, a certain king, in Amoghasiddha. Oldfield (Sketches from Nipal, Mahavira by name, at a great expense, caused a Vol. II p. 169) calls this the "Awah mudra" tank to be dug, two palm-trees deep and a yojana Waddell's No. 7. wide, and constructed a bank around it But all 4. The Jndna mudrd, or Padmasana mudra, the water in it dried up, notwithstanding a heavy the posture of mental contemplation, as in that of rainfall. The king, seeing that no water remainAmitabha Buddha. Waddell calls this Sama- ed in the tank he had constructed at so great an hitan - No. 2. expense, was sitting on the bank with a grieved heart, when one Eranda Muni passed that way. 5. The Vara, Varada or Vardha mudra, the The king immediately rose, went and prostrated right hand hanging down over the knee, the himself before the sage, seated him, and began to palm of the hand turned outwards, symbolizing converse with him; when the sage, looking at the charity: --Phyag-gyas-sbyin, "the right hand of sorrowful countenance of the king, asked him the charity." It is the mudrd of Ratnasambhava. reason for it. To wbich the king replied :Waddell's N. 5. "Sir, I had this tank dug at an enormous 6. The Lalita mudrd, of enchanting or expense, but not a drop of water remains in it, bewitehing, - perbaps what Waddell calls the and this is why I am feeling grieved." pointing tinger'; - No. 9. The Aage replied :-"Why weep for this P If you 7. The Turka mudrd, the right hand raised to mix boiled rice with the blood of a courageous the chest and slightly constricted (my Notes, and liberal king, or with the blood from the throat ut. sup. p. 101, and fig. 16) is perhaps the same as of a revered yogi endowed with all virtuous qua. Waddell's preaching 'pose - No. 8. lities, and offer it to Durga, whose temple is very 8. The Sarana mudru, of refuge or protec. near the tank, I dare to say that the water will tion (Jaesche's Tib. Dict. p. 26, 8. t. skyns),- never dry, and that the tank will be as full as Waddeil's No. 6. the ocean. 9. The Uttara-bodhi mudra (Cf. Jaesche, The king heard these words and thought of the p. 374, s.o. byan-chhub) or pose of highest difficulty of getting a king answering the descripperfection, ascribed to Vairochana Buddha, - tion. Then he thought that the sage himself and is apt to be confounded with the Dharma- answered the purpose excellently well, being en. chakra mudra. dowed with all the necessary qualities. So he 10. The attitude Rangi-snying-gar-thal mo. drew his sword, cut the sage's throat, mingled his blood with boiled rice and made the necessary sbyarba- uniting the palms of the hands on offering to Durga. From that day forwards, the one's heart, is the following: -the two hands rain stopped in the tank and it was full to the uplifted, a finger of the right hand touching one or brim. two fingers of the left hand, like a man accustomed to use his fingers to explain his meaning. This Those, therefore, that tender advice to kinge attitude typifies 'the unity of wisdom with matter, must do so in season, for otherwise they will in Tibetan Thabs-sches or Thabs-dan-shes-ra), or assuredly come to grief. 1 [This name in folk-tales, I think, represents always some part of Rajputana. -Ed.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUAR7, 1997. II. with her cock and her chafing dish and sat down there. The next morrow, all the villagers arose, came as usual to the old woman's house, but not finding her there, thought she must have gone somewhere on some errand, fetched fire from some other quarter and performed each his respective duty. In the meantime' the old woman fasted in the wood until dusk, when a villager passed by to some other place on a particular errand. She called to him and said "I was not in the village this morning, has it dawned there? Have the people procured fire? Have they all eaten P" He laughed and said :-"Do you think that the whole world depends entirely on your cock and your dish P Why do you sit fasting here P Get up and go home." She heard him and was abashed, and throwing off the foolish vanity which had made her think that all the world exiated through her, she lived happily. IV. While King Nandana was wielding sway over Malabar, a wrestler approached him and said that he had toiied hard and learnt the art of fencing and other similar arts, could fight with wild animals, and could even walk with a huge mountain on his head. But he had found no one, except the king, who could give him the wages due to his powers. He had come therefore to the king's presence to represent his grievances and earn a proper livelihood. The king heard him and thought that such a warrior would be serviceable to him, and engaged his services at a hundred pagodas a month. There was a huge mountain near the city infest. ed with wild boaste which were causing great havoc among the people. The king therefore sent for the wrestler and said :-"You declared, you know, that you could carry a mountain on your shoulders. A mountain there is in the neighbourhood, which is the cause of much suffering to the people. Take it away to & distant spot and return hither." The wrestler Assented to the proposal, and on the next day at dawn, the king took him with his ministers, priest, and a retinue of soldiers to the vicinity of the mountain. The wrestler girded up his waistband, tied his turban and stood ready. The king saw him and asked him why he hesitated, and called upon him to take the mountain on his head and go. The wrestler replied :-"Sir, I humbly gave you to understand that I could carry the moun. tain on my head, but I did not say that I could lift it up. Kindly command your soldiers there. fore, to tear the mountain up and keep it on my head, and I will then carry it to whatever place you may command me." III. In the village of Pennagatai, on the road from Conjoveram to Wandiwash, there lived an old woman who had a chafing dish and a cock. Day after day at early morn, when the first streaks of light were visible, the cook would crow. All the villagers would then rise, procure fire at her house and go their ways. This state of affairs had run on for a long time, till the old dame took into her heal that the day dawned because ber cock crew. She observed that all the villagers cooked and ate after getting fire from her house, and she wanted to see how the day could dawn if she quitted the village, and how the villagere would manage to eat. So she went, un known to anybody in the village, to a wood afar off In a certain village there lived a merchant who had a deaf friend. The latter, learning that the former was ill, went to enquire after him, and while going along the road, determined to hold the following conversation with his sick friend : "After the usual greeting, I will first ask, well, Sir, how do you feel yourself to-day P' He will reply, better,' and I shall rejoin, very good.' I will then make enquiries about his diet, and he will reply rice without salt,' and I shall rejoin, 'may it do you much service. I shall then pat the question, 'pray, who is your doctor P' He will, of course, tell me that such and such a person is his doctor, and I may safely add, may God assist him in the fulfilment of his work.' At length, having come to a resolve, he reached the house, and after the usual greetings, sented himself near the patient and said :-"My friend, how are you PR - To which the patient replied: "I am very much troubled with a virulent attack of fever?" The deaf man, not understanding what he said, thought that he was answering according to the plan ho had settled beforehand, and responded :-" Very good: I hope God will keep yon so?" The patient, who was already peevish with the disease, was made more so by this speech of his deaf companion. The latter next asked what his diet was, and was told that it was the dust of the earth!

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JANUARY, 1897.] MISCELLANEA. 27 "May it do yon much good," said he; "and pray. may good friend, which doctor attends youp" kept up for some time. Some time after, it fell to the lot of a fox to be sent to the lion, who, by no means relishing the idea of being devoured, walked slowly along, thinking all the while of some plan by which to put an end to the lion and save his own life. The lion, not finding the ani. mal at the proper moment, was very much enraged, and insisted upon an explanation of the delay. The fox rejoined :-"Sir, another fox was sent under my charge by all the animals of the forest 18 an offering for you, but on the road I met another lion, who took away your meal, and told me to tell you of it." The lion ordered the fox to take him instantly to the place of his enemy. The cunning for took the lion to the side of a well, and, saying that the other lion was in it, begged the lion to take him in his arms that he might also have & peep into the well. When the lion saw the reflection of himself in the waters with the for in his arms, he instantly came to the onclusion that he was looking on his enemy; and having let the fox drop: made a furious leap into the well and immediately perished. VII. "The sick merchant, boiling with wrath, cried :" Doctor Denth himself." "Very well, may God speed his medicines !" said the deaf companion, and returned home. V. Sultan Mahmud' used to wage war on foreign countries and to oppress his people at home. His whole dominions lay consequently desolate. Upon this his minister thought that it was inperative to contrive some stratagem by which the kins would turn out a good ruler. Accordingly, whenever he spoke to the king he used to relate how he had once been a pupil of a certain sannydsin and had learnt the language of birds. One day, as the king and the minister were returning from the hunt, two owls were sitting screaming upon a tree by the road-side. The king, hearing the noises, called upon his minister to tell him what the birds were conversing upon. The premier listened for a short time, as though he really understood the conversation, and then told the king that they were not words fit for him to hear. The king, however, insisted upon hearing the words. The vizier, therefore, represented the conversation to be as follows:-- One of the owls has a son and the other a daughter, and the two pareut birds are negotiating a marriage between their children. The former parent said to the latter :- Then, you will give your daughter to my son, but will you give him fifty ruined villages ? To which the latter parent replied:-- While our Sultan Mahmud by the grace of the Almighty rules so happily, can there be a dearth of ruined villages ? You only asked me for a paltry fifty, I will give you five hundred.'" When the Sultan heard this, he was very much grieved at heart. So he at once ordered the rebuilding of all the ruined villages in the realm, and made bis subjects happy and prosperous. VI. In the Dandaks forest was a lion which was in the habit of attacking and consuming all the beasts thereof. To rid themselves from the constant fear in which they were kept on his approach, all the other animals proposed to supply the lion with an animal a day if it would not attack them any longer. This promise was agreed to, and 1 [There have been so many Mahmud Shahs in the Dakhan that it is diffioult to say which of them is meant in this story. The probability is it refers to the very There was a harlot in the city of KalyAnapura, who was in the habit of fleecing a hundred pagodas from whomsoever might appear to her in her dreams. it yame to pass that on a certain right a Brahman appeared to her in a dream. She described him to her servants, and told them to fetch him and extort the money from him. They seized the Brahman as he was going along the road, and told him of the affair, and demanded the money. The Brahman was very much troubled, and pleaded poverty, but they would not let him grounder any circumstances. He accordingly represented his grievances to the king who sent for the woman and demanded an explanation of her procedure. She replied that she demanded the money as the Brahman appeared to her in her dream. The king said that he would pay her the amount if she should wait a little. He accordingly caused post to be fixed in the street and the sum tied to the hem of a garment and suspended from the top of the pole. He then placed a mirror underneath, and sent for the woman, and told her what he had done and called upon her to put her hand into the mirror and receive the money. She informed him of the impossibility of taking the money by putting her hand into the mirror, and notable duings of the Tughlak, of whom Sultan Mabmod Tughlag was the lust (1394-1413 A.D.). - ED.)

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28 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1897. requested the king to order somebody to climb up the post and bring the money down. But the king replied: --"As the Bruhman appeared to you only in a dream, you may take the money that appears in a mirror; I cannot order anybody to hand you over the bundle." On hearing this, the harlot felt quite abashed, bent down her head and went away. It is thereforo necessary that those who settle disputes should be conversant with tricks. VIII. There was a weaver in the Karnatak, Haimantaka by name, who wove both coarse cloth and fine linen. But as his profita in the calling were very meagre, he was not able to keep life and soul together. Adjacent to his abode was another of the same profession, Dhimanta, who lived happily on the large income he derived by weaving coarse rough fabric. Once upon a time Haimantaka approached his wife and represented his grievances to her, told her how, despite his intelligence in his art, he was not able to eke out a livelihood, and how much better placed his brother-weaver was, though weaving only a coarse stuff. "My talents are unknown to any one in the place," said he, and determined to quit his home for another place with the object of amassing as much wealth as possible. His wife rejoined: -" Of what avail is your going to a distant quarter? You will get only as much as it has fallen to your lot to earn." Despite her remonstrances, he quit his abode, Went and settled for a time in a far-off country, wove such cloths as were in consonance with the requirements of the place, made considerable money by the transaction, and wended his way home. On the way he stayed at an inn, and securing his treure in a corner went to rest for the night. While he was enjoying 'the honey. heavy dew' of slumber, thieves rushed into the inn and purloined every item of property, so that when he rose up the next morning he found to his utter disappointment and distress that he had nothing left. He thus learned, very dearly indeed, the truth of his wife's statements, from the school of experience. And, feeling very des. pondent, lived upon such small gains as he could make at home. The moral of this is : unlucky anywhere, unlucky everywhere! IX. The King of Kalinga bad a washerman who used to wash his clothes exceedingly well und bring and give them to him daily. One day, the king was exceedingly pleased with the scrupulously clean manner in which the clothes were brought to him and promised the washerman to grant any one prayer he might make. The washerinan looked at the king and said that he was most anxious to become the king's minister, and requested the king to bestow the post on him. The king did so, dis. pensing with the services of his old minister, who had served him for a very long time. It came to pass that, not long afterwards, a certain other king having heard of the weakness of the washerman.pinister, raised a huge army and gave battle. His master having heard of what had come to pass, called upon the new minister to muster his forces, to which he replied that as he bad already inade the necessary preparations, there was no cause to fear the enemy. The king fully believed in this statement, but was sorely disappointed, for not long afterwards the city was bombarded by the hostile armies. The king sent at once to the minister, told him of what had happened, and enquired of him as to the arrangements he had made. The minister responded :-" There is nothing to fear in what has come to pass. But I find that the task of ruling a kingdom is a big affair, and while I was thinking of how best to rid ourselves of this difficulty, the enemy chanced to enter and blockade the city. Let them, there. fore, undergo the perils of governing the kingdom. As for me, I used to wash the clothes of about a hundred families in this city, but since my elevation to the ministership I have had to give up my calling. I will now, therefore, resume it, and give you one-half the work and reserve the other half for myself; the calling being no trouble to me. On these considerations I have made no preparations for war." The king was very much grieved when he heard this, but thought the result to be the natural punishment of linking himself to a fool. (To be continued.) NOTES AND QUERIES. KAVIRAJ, AS A MUSALMAN TITLE. their conviction. This is a clear instance of the THERE are two or three Musalman life-convicts preservation by the descendants of converts to at Port Blair, hailing from Bengal, who bear the Islam of their old Hindu family designation. designation of Kaviraj, and who appear to have been petty druggists and quacks previous to R. C. TEMPLE.

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FEBRUARY, 1897.] THREE DATES OF THE HARSHA ERA. So THREE DATES OF THE HARSHA ERA. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GOTTINGEN. A. - An inscription of [Harsha-]Samvat 184, from the Panjab. AOME five years ago Dr. Fleet sent me an impression, which he had received in 1887 from the late Prof. J. Darmesteter, of an inscription which is somewhere in the Panjab. This inscription contains four lines of well-preserved writing which covers a space of about 11" broad by 6" high. The average size of the letters is between 1" and 1". The characters are closely related to those of the Sarada alphabet, as is shown by the forms of the letters t, dh, v, s, s, h, the medial a, and the superscript o; but for n the peculiar form of that letter is used which we have, e.g., in the Kama or Kamavana (in Bharatpur) fragmentary pillar inscription of the Surasena family (ante, Vol. X. p. 34, Plate), and in the Bengal As. Soc.'s plate of the Maharaja Vinayakapala of [Harsha-] Samvat 188 (e.g. in the word sasanasya, 1. 16, ibid, Vol. XV. p. 141, Plate). They include numeral figures for 1, 4, and 8, in line 1, and for 1 and 5, in line 2. Of these, the figure for 4 is the numerical symbol, resembling the akshara nka, which we find (employed like an ordinary numeral figure) e.g. in line 30 of the Chamba plate of Somavarmadeva and Asatadeval (ibid. Vol. XVII. p. 13); and the figures for 1, 5, and 8, are almost identical with the figures for the same. numerals in the Bakhshali manuscript (e.g., ibid. p. 47, Plate i.,3 lines 8 and 9). The language of the inscription is Sanskrit; and the whole is in prose. In respect of orthography, it may be noted that g is donbled before r in the word Viggraha, in line 3. After the words om svasti ml, the inscription has the date samvat 184 Sravana-vati 15 atra pine, in the year 184, on the 15th tithi of the dark half of Sravana, on this day.' This date does not admit of verification, but there can be no doubt that it must be referred to the Harsha era, and that, therefore, it approximately falls in A. D. 789-90, a time which well accords with the palaeography of the inscription. As regards the wording of the date, attention may be drawn to the employment, instead of the ordinary vadi, of the term vati, with which we may compare its counterpart suti, for sudi, in the dates of the Delhi Siwalik Pillar inscriptions of Visaladeva (ibid. Vol. XIX. p. 218). In editing those inscriptions, I have stated that suti and vati are commonly used in Kasmir, and that, therefore, it is not at all strange that we should and instances of the usage of them also in the northern parts of India proper. After the date, the inscription apparently refers itself to the reign of a certain Vigraha, and it then records the foundation of a well or tank by Dhon[dh]a, the son of Aghorasiva. It ends with the word likhitam, but the name of the writer is either broken away or was not accessible in the original, when the impression was taken. Text. 1 Om3 s[v]asti om II Samvat(r) 184 2 Sravana-vati 15 atra di ne maha-sri-Viggraha-ra[jye ?]7=ghorasi 3 4 va-putra-Dhon[dheus vipt pratishthit [11]Likhi[ta]m 29 1 The same sign is used (in '847'), like an ordinary numeral figure, in line 20 of the Kota inscription of the Samanta Devadatta (ante, Vol. XIV. p. 45); and similar numeral figures for 4 we have in the Bakhshalt MS. 2 The same figure for 1 is also used in the Chamba plate of Somavarmadeva and Asatadeva. 3 The figure for 8 in the plate differs very considerably from the figure given, ante, Vol. XVII. p. 36. From Prof. J. Darmesteter's impression. The word om is both times denoted by a symbol. * Read sathwat. I am doubtful about the akshara in brackets; the original, possibly, may have ja or jya. Originally pratishthitam was engraved; pratishthita is used for pratishthapita (in the sense of karita). The name of the writer is not given in the impression.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1897. B.--Khajuraho image inscription of (Harbha-)Samvat 218. In Archeol. Surv. of India, Vol. X., Plate ix, 1, Sir A. Cunningham has published a photozincograph of an inscription which is on the pedestal of a statue of the monkey-god Hanumat at Khajuraho, in the Chhatarpar State, Bundelkhand; and ibid. p. 21, he has given his transcript of the text of it, in which the date which the inscription contains is given as sumcatsre 940 Magha-sudi 9.'10 My account of this short inscription is based on Sir A. Cunningham's own rubbings, which some years ago were handed over to me by Dr. Fleet. The inscription contains three lines of well-preserved writing which covers a space of 1' 11" broad by 5 high. The size of the letters is between 1 and 11". The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets, and would, in the absence of any date, undoubcedly be assigned to about the 9th century A. D. In the word Harim at the end of line 3, and probably also in -atmajam in line 2, they include a form of the final m, consisting of a half-form of me with the sign of virama below it.11 And they also contain numerical symbols for 200, 10, and 8, in the date in line 2, which I read sasivatsro 200 108 Magha-sudi 10. The symbols which are employed in this date are fairly accurately represented in Sir A. Cunningham's photozincograph. The symbol for 200 is like the akshara sra, except that the left top stroke of the letter s is drawn out into a hook which is turned towards tbe left. Undoubtedly, the symbol for 100, known to the writer, was essentially like the symbol for 100 which we have c.g. in line 1 of the Mathura image inscription of the [Gupta] year 135 (Gupta Inscr. Plate xxxix, A), and the symbol for 200, used by him, is developed out of the symbol for 200 in line 2 of the Mathura image inscription of the [Gupta) year 230 (ibid. Plate xl, D). The syinbol for 10, which resembles the akslurra lri, is like the syin bol for the same number in line 14 of the Dighwa-Dubault plate of the Maharaja Mahendrapala (ante, Vol. XV. p. 113, Plate), with this differenco only that a small circle is attached to the top of the symbol on the right side. And the third symbol is a more developed form of the symbol for 8 in line 1 of the Bijayagadh pillar inscription of Vishnuvardhana of the (Vikrama) year 428 (Gupta Inscr. Plate xxxvi, C), and is essentially like the later sign which looks like the akshara hra. The word sasivatsro (for samvatsarah) of the date we also have, only spelt samvatsro, in the date of [Harsha-]Samvat 188 of the Bengal As. Soc.'s plate of the Maharaja Vinayakapila (ante, Vol. XV. p. 141, 1. 17), while the date of (Harsha-]Samvat 155 of the Dighwa-Dubauli plate of the Maharaja Mahendrapala, instead of it, has samvatsra (ibid. p. 113, 1. 14). The language of the inscription is Sansksit, writing by an uncultivated person. The inscription divides itself into two parts; the first, proper right half of the three lines (marked A in the text) is in prose; the second, proper left half (marked B in the text) is a verse in the Anushtubh metre. The part A, in line 1, records [that the statue under which the inscription is engraved is the work or gift] of Golla, the son of Sahila (or Salila, is the word is spelt in B); in line 2 it has the date, given above; and in line 3 it adds that Gollaka, i.e., Golla, bows down to the holy Hanumat. And B repeats, in verse, that Gollaka, the son of Sahila, piously made (or gave) the (statue of] Hanumat, the son of the Wind. The only thing of interest in the inscription is the date, partly because this date also, in my opinion, mast be referred to the Harsha era, and partly because, if my views regarding the era which is employed here be accepted, this for the present is the latest certain date from an inscription in India proper, in which numerical symbols are made use of. Concerning the first point, I need only state that for Harsha-Samvat 218 the date would correspond to 10 See also ibid. p. 20: The date is in the beginning of the second line, which I read as "Samratsra hundreds nine (and) forty," the figures being those of the old notation with the 9 placed immediately on the right of the Nymbol for hundreds.' 11 A similar (not quite the same) form of final m is used in the Koa inscription of the Samanta Devadatta. ante, Vol. XIV. p. 45. 11 Compare also the symbol Cor 100, in the symbol for 400, Gupta Inscr., Plate XIXvi, line 1.

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FEBRUARY, 1897.] THREE DATES OF THE HARSHA ERA. Friday, the 15th January A. D. 824,13 which is just about the time to which the inscription would be assigned on paleographical grounds, and that we know of no other era of which the year 218 would fall in the 9th century A. D. And as regards the second point, the latest Indian1s date with numerical symbols, from an inscription dated according to one of the wellknown eras, hitherto was that of the Bengal As. Soc.'s plate of Vinayakapala of [Harsha-] Samvat 188 A. D. 793-94. It is a curious, but rather significant fact, that that date of Vinayakapala's plate is the only other known date which, like the date of the present inscription, contains the word samvutsro. Text.16 A.-1 Om [*] Golla17 Sabila-pu(pu)trasya | 2 Samvatsrol 200 10 8 Magha-budi1o 10 [1] 3 Sri-Hanumantam Gollakah pranamati [*] B.-1 Sahilasya20 sutah sriman-Hanuman31-Pa2 van-atmaja [m] 133 [a] karod-dharmmam-a3 lokya Gollako23 prakritam Harim [11] 31 C. Panjaur inscription of [Harsha-]Samvat 563. In Archeol. Surv. of India, Vol. XIV., Plate xxii, 3, Sir A. Cunningham has published a photozincograph of an inscription in four lines, which he discovered at Panjaur (Panjor, Panchapura), an old town about 70 miles north of Thaneswar, and 80 miles north by east of Peheva Pehoa), in the Panjab; and ibid. p. 72 he has given, without any comment, a transcript of the text, in which the date of the inscription is read as 'samvat 56.. Jeth Sudi 9 war Sukre.' Although I possess an excellent impression of this inscription, kindly given to me by Dr. Flee t I am not prepared, owing to the damaged state of the second and third lines, to publish the full text, which, indeed, with the exception of the date, does not seem to me to be of any importance. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, greatly influenced by the Prakrit of the writer. The characters look like a mixture of the ordinary Nagari and the Sarada characters; they in some respects resemble those of the Chamba plate of Somavarmadeva and Asatadeva, and still 13 The same 10th tithi of the bright half of the same month Mighs of the [Harsha] year 155 of the date of the Dighwa-Dubauli plate of Mahendrapala, which admits of verification, corresponds to the 20th January A. D. 761. 14 The only later date, hitherto published, of an inscription in which the Harsha era is employed, is that of the Peheva (Pehoa) inscription of the reign of Bhojadeva of Kanauj, of the year 276 (given in words and numerul figures): Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 186. I take this opportunity of stating that the Pilacht-chaturdas, which is mentioned in the Peheva inscription (see ibid. p. 188, note 25), is the 14th tithi of the dark half of the amanta Chaitra (or pirimanta Vaisikha), and that it is so called because bathing in the Ganges near Siva on a Tuesday during this tithi is believed to remove trouble from Pisachas. 1 In Nepal we have an inscription of [Gupta-]Samvat 535 A. D. 854-55, in the date of which numerical symbols are used (ante, Vol. IX. p. 168, Plate), and even one of the Newar year 259 A. D. 1138-39 (Prof. Bendall's Journey, p. 81, Plate). 18 From Sir A. Cunningham's rubbings. 17 This is used in the sense of the Genitive case; judging from the list of names, given in Ep. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 171, the proper form to employ would have been Gillakasya. 13 Read savitvatsaral, and see my introductory remarks. The rubbings have clearly sudi, not sudi, which is the reading of the photozincograph. 20 Metre: Sloka (Anushtubh). 1 The writer apparently meant to say irimantath Hanumantan. The photozincograph, instead of m and the sign of punctuation, has here an akshara which looks somewhat like sri and was so read by Sir A. Cunningham; but I have no doubt that the sign in the rubbings is a final form of m, followed by the sign of punctuation. 23 If the following prakritai, which is quite clear in the rubbings, is correct, Gollak must be altered to Akah; but I do not understand the exact meaning of the word prikritam, nor do I see how the words prakritam Harim are to be construed with what precedes. 24 See Archeol. Surv. of India, Vol. XIV. Plate i.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. FEBRUARY, 1897. FEBR more those of the Chamba plate of Bhotavarmadeva.95 Owing to the nature of these character it would be somewhat difficult to assign the inscription on palaeographical grounds to any particular century; it is sufficient to say that it cannot well be earlier than the 11th, nor later than the 14th century A. D. In line 1, after tlie words ir svasti [on] 11, the inscription contains a date which I read Sammvat26 563 Jetha-badi 9 vara Sakrah.27 Three of the four numeral figures of this date are not drawn very accurately in Sir A. Cunningham's photozincograph. In the original, the figure for 5 is like the figure for 5, e. g., in line 33 of the Harsha inscription of Vigraharaja (Ep. Ind. Vol II. p. 124, Plate); the figure for 6 is a more ornamental form of the figure for 6, used in the Bakhshali manuscript (e. 9., in lines 25 and 26 of Plate ii., ante, Vol. XVII. p. 276); and the figure for 9 resembles the figure for 9 in the Siyadoni inscription (Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 173 ff.) The figure of the unit of the number of the years (which is fairly well drawn in the photozincograph) may be compared with some of the figure-numerals for 3 in the table of Prof. Bendall's Catalogue of Buddhist Sanskrit Manuscripts29; there is just a possibility that it might be interpreted as 2, but I believe that it is really 3. Put into proper Sanskrit, the date would be Samvat 563 Jyaishtha-budi 9 Sukra-vare, i. e., Friday, the oth of the bright half of Jyaishtha of the year 583. Considering the locality where the inscription is, and the fact that on paleographical grounds it has to be assigned to some time between the 11th and 14th centuries A, D., I feel sure that the era to which the date must be referred here also is the Harsha era. The only other date with details for verification, which may be confidently referred to this era, is the date of the Dighwa-Dubault plate of the Maharija Mahendrapala,30 the 10th of the bright half of Magha of the year 155, which has been shown to correspond to the 20th January A. D. 761, Now, judging from that date, and assuming the years of the Harsha era to have been Chaitridi years, our date of the month of Jyaishtha of the year 563 would be expected to fall in A. D. 1168, in Kaliyuga-Samvat 4269 expiredAnd for that year the date really does work ont fanltlessly. For in Kaliyuga-Sari vat 4269 expired the 9th of the bright half of Jyaishtha corresponded to Friday, the 17th May A. D. 1168,31 when the 9th tithi of the bright half ended. 10 h. 50 m. after mean sunrise, That we should have so late a date of the Hatsha era, I consider no more strange than the occurrence of dates of the 10th century of the Gupta-Valabhi ers; and I expect that more such dates will be dicovered, when the country about Thaneswar and Panjaur is carefully searched for inscriptions 15 See ante, Vol. XVII. pp. 7 and 10. 26 It may be stated that the dental sibilant is denoted here by the sign which in the Barada alphabet denotes the palatal sibilant, nnd vice versa. 11 This may have been altered in the original to rare Sukre. In a date of Baka-Sarvat EUR54 from Java we have varandau instead of Indu-vare; see ante, Vol. XXIII. p. 113, No. 1. % The fixore for 9 resembles even more closely the figure for 9, used in the Cambridge MS. Add. 1693, which was written in A. D. 1166 ; see Prof. Bendall's Catalogue, Table of figure numerals. 29 Seo especially the figure for 3 of the MS. Add. 1648, written in A. D. 1216. * See anto, Vol. XV. p. 112, and Gupta Inscr. Introduction, p. 178. m As there inay be some slight doubt as to whether the year of the date is 563 or 532-it must be either one or the other-I would add that, judging from the date of the month Magha of the year 155, the above Friday, the 17th May A. D. 1168, would be the proper equivalent of Jyaishtha-fudi 9 of the year 562 also, if the year commenced with the month Karttiks, or in fact with any of the months from Ashha to Magha.

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FEBRUARY, 1897.] SPECIMENS OF MODERN BRAHMANICAL LEGENDS. SPECIMENS OF MODERN BRAHMANICAL LEGENDS. BY G. K. BETHAM. No. II. - The Vanavasi-Mahatmya. Part I. A SALUTATION to the great Ganapati ! The Rishis asked:-" O reverend all-knowing and most wise Suta, where is the auspicious place which was formerly called by you Vanavasi? Be pleased to tell us in detail how it was built, and how it became holy." The holy Suta replied: "O Rishis who desire to know, listen to this holy story, which is the remover of sin and cause of astonishment to all hearers. After the destruction of the (former) world, the great Brahma, Lord of the Worlds, created many worlds, male and female rivers, causing delight to the people there, and he also created seven cities and seven villages (suburbs P). O great Rishis! listen to their holy names: namely, Vanavast, Kusa, Lanka, Kasmira, Kandinipura, Jahari,3 and Mandari. These are the names of the villages.5 Vanavasi was called Kaumudi in the Krita-Yuga; in the Treta-Yuga it was called Baindavi; it will be called Jayanti in the Dvapara-Yuga; (and) it will be called Vanavasi in the KaliYuga. The person who hathes in the Varada at Vanavasi will get the same benefit as if he bathed in the Ganges for sixty thousand years. The great rivers are the removers of sin. People who have curbed their passions always go and bathe in the Varada in the month of Karttika, and then return to their own places: therefore it is the holiest river. O great sages, listen to the rules for bathing in that river:-a Brahman, having got up from his bed during the fourth part of the night, should, being attentive, contemplate the feet of Siva in his mind,10 and he should wash his teeth, and in this way he should become stainless. Longing for (the state of blessedness) and wearing his cloth, he should afterwards enter the waters of the Varada according to rules, and first pray thus to the river to remove his sins- 'O goddess Varadu, remover of sins! Thou that risest in the Sahyadri mountains and goest as high as Sri-Saila, I bathe in thy waters to-day! O Varada, chief of the goddesses, partaker of the power of Gauri, remover of sins, accept my offerings and become the means of my happiness. After having given offerings to the river Varadi, he should perform his ablutions, and pleasing the gods and the sages, wearing clean clothes, should become holy. Finishing his daily ceremonies, he should worship the god Madhukesa; and all sins committed in former lives, by one act will be thus remitted. There is no doubt that he becomes sinless and gets the same benefit as if he had bathed in the Ganges. The worship of Madhukesa is the remover of great poverty, the bestower of great wealth, and the remover of great sin: the Varada resembles the Ganges, and the god Madhukesa resembles the god Visvesvara. Vanavasi resembles Kasi, and is the giver of supreme bliss. Now I will relate the history of this place. O great sages, listen to this. Verily in former times there lived a Brahman, called Martanda, who resided in a foreign country. He knew the Vedas and Vedangas, and philosophy, and was always devoted to his daily (ceremonial) duties; hospitable, a fire-worshipper, and always charitable to every one. His wife Chandika hated him; crooked-minded, harsh, cruel and disobedient to her husband's commands. Her husband 1 The Brahmaputra, the Indus (Sindhu), and the Sona are all of the masculine gender. a The capital of Vidarbha or the modern Berar. Probably Jejuri: the sacred shrine of Kanda Rao, near Poona. Perhaps Madura. 6 I. e., belonging to or consecrated to Bindu or Biva. 33 Lit., so the villages are called. 7 This conversation is supposed to take place in the Treta- Yuga. I. e., the Narmada and others. 10 I. e., meditate upon. Or being beyond the reach of passion. 11 Agnihotrina Brahman that maintains a perpetual fire.

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34 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1897. being cognisant of this, abandoned her and married another woman according to law. After u while she died and went to hell, where she remained till the end of the Kalpa. She afterwards passed through various existences and eventually became a goblin, and in terrifying form wandered about in the uninhabited forests of the Sahyadri mountains for many years in great distress and without food Once upon a tiny a holy Brahman, by name Vireba, a religious man and one of the leaders of the followers of Siva, who was wandering on the face of the earth, intending to make pilgrimages to all holy places, came to the Varada, and after hatbine in that holy stream and worshipping Madhukesvara he (Viresn) was returning to his home bolding bilva leaves in his hand. Seeing the holy Brahman passing through the Sahyadri forest the goblin, hungry and thirsty, came to devour him. On seeing her, he, being distressed and frightened, ran away fast, but she followed him quickly and seized him violently. In his extremity the Brahman threw the bilva leaves upon her, and at the mere touch of them she left him and went far from him. She fell at his feet crying: - Save me! save me!' Seeing her, the wondering Brahman asked her what was the matter. That worshipper of Siva, whose heart was full of fear, said to her, who was unfit to be seen and of terrible voice and horrible shape : - Viresa said: - O most cruel, terrible and fearsome gobliu, tell me who you are and why you have such an ugly shape.' Hearing the voice of Viresa and remembering her former sins the goblin replied: - Previous to this, I was the wife of a Brahman in my fifteenth birth. O Brahman, my husband's name was Martanda and my name was Chandika. Sometimes I used to wish evil to my husband and did not act according to his wishes: weeping and casting myself down on the ground I daily cursed my husband, and I used to weep when ever I approached him. I subdued people by various philtres and charms; and I was addicted to adultery and also to improper conduct. I stole money belonging to my husband and gave it to other people. I used to eat before my husband ate and I ate from the cooking utensils: my husband used to eat after me and I used to stand before him in dirty garments. I used to sit on the broom, on the mortar and on the threshold.13 I used to look at my husband severely and speak to him harshly. I was addicted to drinking and used to talk to Sudras. If any beautiful person came within my view I subdued him forcibly with chorms and philtres and sported with him to my heart's content. Once upon a time, when under the infidence of liquor, I burned down my husband's house, and my hasband knowing me to be of such bad habits abandoned me. He married another woman according to the law, and after a while I died and went to Syamani[?].14 Yama on seeing me despised me deeply, and saying 2 servants, throw her down, beat her and bind her,' he of the terrible shape plunged me into torment. He made me live in hell up to the of the Kalpa and caused me great distress. After that he caused me to enter the wombs of the lowest kinds of animals. I will tell you of those lives, and when I think of them I tremble:- in the fourteenth life I was a tigress; in the thirteenth birth I was a lioness: in the twelfth life I was a (female) alligator ; in the eleventh life I was a iungoose; in the tenth life I was a lizard : in the ninth life I was a python; in the eighth life I was a vile bitch ; 0 Brabman, in the seventh life I was a sow; in the sixth life I was a hen; in the fifth I was & serpent; in the fourth I was a porcupine ; and in the third I was a crow: in the second birth I was a Mahar born blind and affected by leprosy, and the cavities of my nose and ears were full of ulcers and worms: my relations and even my parents deserted me - unhappy, writhing, weeping, distressed with hunger and thirst and full of sores. A certain Brahman saw me in this condition, burnt by the sun, naked and anable to walk. Uttering the words "Siva! 12 Lit., entered into the womb of a goblin. 18 It is considered to be an ominous thing to use any of these things as a seat: the mortar is used for separating the rice from the huske. 14 The city of Yama - the lower regions.

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FEBRUARY, 1897) SPECIMENS OF MODERN BRAHMANICAL LEGENDS. 35 Siva ! '15 he went away, and I, distressed in various ways, died on the spot. I then entered into the womb of a goblin, and there also I was in great distress. I had a large and protruding belly, a large mouth and nose, hollow eyes, tawny hair, my hands and feet were like talile (palin-leaves), my neck was thin enough to pass through the eye of a needle, and my voice was as terrible as the clouds at the end of the Kalpa 17 And now my shadow always looks like the sky, water seems like stone, trees look like brambles, and what I eat appears like poison : distressed in this way, I have passed five hundred years. But having fortunately seen you I consider myself blessed. I once heard the name of Siva when I was in the form of a Mahar, and owing to the greatness of that merit I have met you to-day. O great sir, relieve me, relieve me! The good are full of compassion.' So greatly lamenting she fell prostrate at his feet. The humbled woman, remembering her trials, wept sore and the great sago saw her rolling, much distressed, on the ground. His heart melted with compassion for her, and in order to remove her sorrow he said : - "O goblin daughter, get up and take courage : I will relieve you to-day ; be quiet, be quiet.' So saying, he went away from her and made18 a cavity of his hands :-O goblin, hollow-eyed, fearful and of trembling body, hear me! The Varada is the holy river for men. She is in the city of Vanavusi. She actually bestows beatitude; the mere beholding of Mindhukesvara secures happiness. What reason can there be for anxiety for men after dentli, when there is so great store of happiness there?' So saying, he took her with him and went back to the Varada. Seating her on the bank of the river he bathed hiinself, and then plonged her body in the sacred stream, saying: May Madhukesvara save (you)!' At the mere touch of the holy water sho lost her goblin shape and he adorned her body with the cast-off flowers of Madhukeavara. Immediately the followers (attendants) of 'Siva, brightening all the eight directions of the henvens), came quickly to them with the vimona, They placed the lovely woman, wearing beautiful garments and smeared with sandal-wood powdler, in the rimana, which grants all desires. Then the good woman, adorned with all kinds of ornaments and accompanied by the Brahman, felt much satisfied in her hcart, and after walking round the Brahman and worshipping Madhukesvara, she, shining with her own lustre, got into the rimana, and while all the people and the people of Vavavasi were looking, she was borne swiftly to the paradise of Kailasa. Vanavasi is the place to live in, Madhukesvara is the object to be seen, the Varada is the river to bathe in for all people searching for religious and other happiness. Therefore Madhukesvara should always be chosen as the object of worship. That merit which is obtained by charity, that benefit which is gained (by bathing) in holy waters, that happiness which is to be found in all other sacred places is to be gained by worshipping Madhukesvara. O good people, a certain hunter named Hunda coming (to Vanavasi) with the intention of stealing, saw the worship of Madhu kesvara, and went to Kailasa." Part II. A SALUTATION to the great teacher Dattatreya ! The Rishis said: "O great sage, whose sin las been put away by salpting the feet of Siva,-thou who knoweat, by the favour of thy teacher, both tlo past and the future, we pray thee to tell as in detail the holy story of Madhukolvara. Who wos the hunter named Hunda, and when did he come to steal? When did he como to Madhukesvara protected Vanavasi? When did he see the worship of Siva, and how did he attain to final happiness Thinking over all this, please tell us in detail." 15 Expressive of pity, compassion: also occasionally of disgust. 16 Corypha umbraculifera. 11 I. e., the thunder, oto., at the end of the world. 11 I. ., assumed & prayerful attitude. The chariot of the gode, sell.directed and self-inoving.

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36 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1897. Sata replied :-"O assembly of Rishis, who are desirous of hearing, listen to my story, by the mere hearing of which your devotion to Siva will be increased. O Brahmans, formerly in the Treta-Yuga, in the time of the great sage Mana, there lived a certain hunter named Hunda, the leader of the tribe of Pulindas.90 He was cruel, a slayer of animals and fond of hunting: he was very expert in the use of the bow, and he was very brave. He had four brothers, who were like him and were always murderers.21 The wicked Palinda lying in wait22 used to kill travellers; the evil-hearted man was always anxious to take away the wealth of others. Doing this and being eager to amass great wealth be meditated where to build a fort that his enemies could not enter. While he was debating with himself in this way, his beloved wife Pulikasi, the daughter of Babunda, a cruel woman, thought: Now I will ruin my father's enemy.' So thinking she came gently to her husband, and Pulikasi spoke thus: - There is no doubt that all your followers are against you, therefore you should always act circumspectly. The fortress belonging to my father is in a hat on a mountain. There is no doubt that it belongs to ns by inheritance. There is much water on the hill which cannot be found by strangers, and there are many lions, tigers, bears, etc., there, and in the hill there is also great treasure which has been amassed by my ancestors. A king named Malla, residing in the city of Baindav1,33 knowing that my parents had grown old, came there with a large army. Besieging the bill. fortress he killed my parents; and taking all the wealth and turning out our followers and relations, the brave king, Malla, took possession of the fortress. I, who had been turned out and gone to another country, came to you.24 Up to this time I have never told this to you. I shall do something when opportunity offers' - thinking thus, 0 husband, I did not tell you this before. He now resides in Baindavi, having his heart and mind attached to it. He has a few warriors, but they are not very brave. You are wise and powerful, and your brothers are powerful also. You have many mountaineers, i. e., Andhras, Kirktas, Kunas, Pulindas, Pulasikas, 26 Kasas, Kolhas, Abbiras :27 all these are always attached to you. O my beloved, I should like to start this very day.' Hearing this speech of Pulikasi, the chief of the Pulinda tribe praised his wife for her foresight, and said to the leader of his men :-'0 Kumbhanda, by my order call all the . dwellers in the forest quickly, with their weapons : call all the hunters of my caste, the Pulindas, the Birukas, all the Prahmikas :29 and all our other friends. This day I intend to scale the best of the hill fortresses.' Hearing him say this, Kumbhanda, according to the orders given him by Hunda, sent messengers to the various hill forts and forests to summon all the leaders of the hunters residing there. On receiving the -summons all the hunting tribes set out, keeping one man behind for the protection of their respective homes. Some mounted on horses, some on elephants, some on donkeys, some on jackals, some on lions, some on tigers, some on bears, some on porcupines, carrying bows, painted bows,2 clubs, javeling, spears, maces, slings and swords in their hands : all the tribes living in the forests of Mauncba, Mufcha, Bhata, Bherinda, 50 etc., (came). Seeing them come, Hunda harangued the.n as follows: All the warriors have become proud and puffed up because they are living with Malla. They killed my wife's parents, captured the fort and drove all my relations away to foreign countries. This day, accompanied by you, 20 A name applied to any wild or barbarous tribe, particularly hunters, more especially to the tribes of Central India. 21 1. 8., takers of life. 2 Lit., blocking the way. 25 Or Vanavisi I. e., married you, 25 L. e., Malla. 26 Possibly inhabitants of Pulasika, the modern Holsagi in the Belgaum District. 17 An aboriginal race inhabiting the Karnatik&; they are mentioned in the Brihat-Samhita, Vishnu-Purana, Mahabharata and Rimdyana (aee ante, Vol. XIV. page 321) 78 Aboriginal hill-tribes; no traces are forthcoming of them. 19 Chitradhanus. Ornamented or indented bows, O Forest tract; their exact situation is unknown.

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FEBRUARY, 1897.] SPECIMENS OF MODERN BRAHMANICAL LEGENDS. 37 I will besiege the fort, and having killed all the defenders I will afterwards destroy her principal enemies.' Hearing Hunda's speech, all the leaders of the mountaineers accepted it and cheered. 31 He then set out, followed by them, for the hill on which the fort was situated. At the time of his departure all kind of music were played, many large drums, cymbals, bells, kettle-drums, side-drums, tambourines, madkus, 52 mandalas, 33 majestas[?],34 and golden horns. Being excited by the music they went with him, cheering and shouting. From the different kinds of cheering and shouting, it would seem as if the god of death had come accompanied by thunder-clouds, and the Taulavag%5 wondered what it was. Thus making an uproar, they forcibly ascended the hill, going from one forest to another; and clambering over large Zocks, they at length came in view of the fortress, situated on the top of the hill : the stones of which are always wet with the spray of waterfalls, having the soothing sound of bamboos blown by strong breezes, and beautified by numerous date palms, ketak 36 trees and palmyra and fan palms. The hill, having betel-nut trees on it, looked lofty and shapely as the betel-nut tree, and was fragrant with the sap of the large sandalwood trees broken by the elephants (in their passage). On soeing the fortress they (the assailants) cheered. The soldiers of Malla, residing in the ort, heard them shouting, and viewing them from the interior of the fortress, they jeered at them :-'these soldiers are weak, our (leader's) parents, being unsuspecting and old, acted foolishly, but we are strong. Thus thinking, they carried Hunda and placed him on the top of the hill.37 They all then, by bis orders, went back to their respective homes, as they came. When they were all gone, the hunter made himself happy with his wife, and during the night he used to descend from the hill and plunder the market-towns, returning to the hill with his booty. O Brahmans, after a time, he thought (much) that he would revenge himself by murdering Malla on a certain night. Then the wicked man got ready to go with his brothers and his followers, disguised as pilgrims, on one sivaratri. They set out with some pilgrims on the pretence of going to the yatra of Madhukesvara at Baindavi. On the way they all sang (hymns), muttered prayers and meditated, being devoted to the feet of Siva. Having bathed in the river Varade, and having applied holy ashes to their foreheads, they, wearing rosaries and carrying things necessary for worship, stood near Siva. Then Hunda, pretending to be a pilgrim, stood with the other pilgrims in the mandapa of Siva. Malla then came there with his wife and sons and daughters, and the people of the place, and performed a great worship with auspicious bilvase leaves and dro naje flowers, malatio flowers, kundal flowers, mandara flowers, and ketaki flowers; also with coloured rice, various kinds of dainties, cocoanats, pomegranates, plentains, jackfruit, mangoes, grapes, dates, etc. Intending to please Madhukesvara with his great devotion, he offered these sacrifices to Sambhu with great respect and effusiveness. At the end of the worship the great king'served the god with a dance. All the people who had come there, besmeared with holy ashes and decorated with holy rosaries, performed worship in many ways. Some recited Puranas, some said prayers some chanted Vedas, some told religious stories, some read from the Sdstras so as to please Siva, some uttered holy spells and some muttered prayers, and some devotees of 'Siva danced, throwing up their garments. In that great festival some dancing-girls danced, and various $1'1..., uttered the words sadhu, sadhu': the challenge of wrestlers to each other, the sound produced by the beating of the hand on the arm and thigh. 82 Musical instruments, not now in use. 5* The modern mpidanga, tabor. Various sorts of drums. * The people of the Tulu country or Tulu-speaking people. 36 Pandanus odoratissimus. That is, made him master of the hill. AEgle marmelos. * A tree bearing white flowers : called after Drina, the son of the sage Bberadvaja. * The great-flowered jessamine (Jasminum grandiflorum). #1 Jasminum arborescens: a small tree bearing large white flowers. +2 The coral treo (Erythrina fulgeru) 5 I. e., Malla. 4 A favourite form of worship.

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38 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1897. kinds of masical instruments were played, and many devotional songs were sung. Having finished the great worship in the presence of the god, he offered oblations, together with the other principal people and citizens who were present. He offered the oblation in the name of Siva and also in the name of the protector, and he kept awake till the auspicious time. He worshipped the pair (husband and wife), and gave various charitable gifts. Hunda meanwbile was watching his opportunity during the great ceremony. Keeping himself a wake, he was thinking within himself: 'When shall I kill Malla ? When he is asleep? When shall I break into the treasury of the god ? When shall I burn the houses ? When shall utterly destroy all the citizens?' Thus thinking he could not sleep that night, owing to excitment. The followers of Malla, taking him for a thief, bent him, and, noticing his movements, told the king about them. The king kept silence at the time, and completed the worship of Isvara. He ate his meal the next day and satisfied all the Brahmans greatly. Then cnlling together ali his tributaries and ministers, he made up his mind to kill the cruel Handa and the Pulindas and to take possession of the hill. He therefore assembled many brave warriors skilled in war, and they, being led by many kings, pursued after Hand, and in their pursuit they made a great noise in the forest on that hill. Hunda, seeing that they were come to kill him, ran away, and they pursued him in thousands. Intending to go to his own fortress, he came to the bottom of the hill, where the soldiers of Malla wounded him with their arrows; whorenpon, he, being confused, began to run about hither and thither (aimlessly), and they, coming near him, seized him and killed him on the spot. All the kings, after killing his followers and his brothers, went back to their respective homes, and then the country became tranquil. Then the followers of Yama came with their nooses and rods, and bound and beat Hunda, and took him to the abode of Yama. On the way the followers of Siva, seated on the desire-gratifying vimana, going quickly, met the followers of Yama and beat them angrily, and, stopping and releasing Handa from the nooses, they chased him to sit in the vimina. The servants of Yama, panting and standing at some distance, spoke thus: -Oh you devotees of the Lord Siva, who are acting properly we salute you! This hunter is an evil-doer and a slayer of animals, he is not fit to be seen by the god (Siva): therefore leave him and go. He used not to perform the holy worship of Siva on Monday; he never performed the observance of Sivaratri : he did not worship Siva on Ashtami, or on Chaturdasi, or on any holy day. Therefore, leave him and go. He did not go (on pilgrimage) to any place of Saukara ; he did not bathe in any Tirthns; he never conse crated himself to the religious observances of 'Siva. Therefore leave him and go. Doubtless we need tell you nothing more.' The followers of Saikara, on hearing the words of the followers of Yuma, replied thus:O followers of Yama, what you say is just. Now listen: we give you a conciset reply to your many words. Sivaratri is the specialday for all who worship Siva. Oye followers of Yama, it is indeed an inestimable benefit to any one if he goes to Siva's (holy place (on that day). This Pulinda, a righteous person and a leader of the worshippers of Siva, went to the holy river Varada, and, keeping vigil near Madhnkesvara, witnessed the great worship. Even the great serpent (Mahasesha) cannot count all his merits. Therefore this person deserves to be near the feet of Siva. O followers of Yama, cease your marmuring. Sankara always resides in these holy places, Varanasi, Kailasa, Mandara, on the top of the Sahyadri, Gokarna and Madhuka :50 Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, Sadras, and even persons born in the lowest caste, such as Antyajas, Chandklas, 63 Palikasas, if they bathe specially in the Varada on Sivaratri, and see * I. ., till day-break. 1. Lit., in the middle of the way. 19 Lit., one. 82 M bars. #6 Dependant kings or chiefs. # Lit., in the right way. 6Or Vanavasi. Lit., born of the lowest wombs. u Out-castes of mixed parentage, Brihman and Sudra.

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FEBRUARY, 1997.] RASHTRAKUTA GRANTS FROM TORKHEDE. 39 Madhu kesvara, doubtless, become one with Siva. All those mortals who pray thus, 0 god Sambhu, residing in Vanavasi! O Madhukesvara, mercifully save me, who am trembling in fear in this wordly life,' are to go to Knilasa. So saying, the followers of Siva, triumphing and singing praises, went away. O Dvijas54 (Brahmans), this is the most success-giving of all the (holy) places of 'Siva. This place is the giver of beatitude and is Siva's favourite spot." (To be continued.) THE VILLAGES IN THE GUJARAT RASHTRAKUTA GRANTS FROM TORKHEDE AND BARODA. BY GEORGE BUHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E. In the Torkhede grant of the Gujarat Rashtrakuta Govinda, published by Dr. Fleet in the Erigraphia India, Vol. III. p. 53 ff., the local chieftain Buddhavarasa grants the village of Govattana, belonging to the estate of twelve villages, called Siharakkhi, to the community of the Chaturvedins of Badarasiddhi. Dr. Fleet has already stated that Siharakkh: must be the modern Serkhi, mentioned in the Postal Directory of Bombay, and must lie close to Baroda. The identification is phonetically unobjectionable and certainly correct. For the Trigonometrical Survey Map of Gujarat, No. 29, shows Serkhi north-west of Baroda, on the river Men, a tributary of the Mahi, in N. Lat. 22deg 20, and E. Long. 73deg 8'. A little further north lies the small hamlet of Kotna, which may be identified with Govaftana, or rather its equivalent Govattanaka. Govastanaka would regularly become Gof na in Gujarati. But the hardening of the medial consonants, which is not rare in Pali and in later Prakrit dialects, occurs also in the vernaculars. Badarasiddhi, where the donees resided, is the modern Borsad in the Kaira Collectorate. The fact that badara becomes in Prakrit bora is well known, and is particularly mentioned by Hemachandra in his Prakrit Grammar, I. 170. The vernacular equivalent is bor. The second part of the compound siddhi must in Gujarati become sidh, as short final vowels are invariably dropped, as in nat for fiati and numerous other words. The form of the name, Borsidh, which thus results, is, I believe, still occasionally used and found also in the name of the Brahmans of the town, who are called both Borsidhas (Sherring's Indian Castes, II. p. 261) and Borsadas. The more common form Borsad is the result of the tendency of the Gujaratis to substitute a fori - whereby they convert, as the proverbial saying is, even Sive into a corpse, Sava, and to drop the aspiration of aspirated consonants. I may add that Borsad is not very distant from Serkhi-Siharakkhi. A Brahman of the Borsad-Badarasiddhi community is also the donce in the Baroda grant of the Gujarat Rashtrakuta Dhravaraja II., published by Dr. Hultzsch, ante, Vol. XIV., p. 196 ff. The name of the town is spelt in this case Vadarasiddhi, because the grant does not use the letter ba, but invarably expresses it by va. The majority of the other geographical names mentioned in the grant is traceable on the Trigonometrical Survey Map of Gujarat, No. 8, in the Daskroi Taluka of the Ahmadibad Collectorate. But it is necessary to correct the reading in l. 31 (p. 200), where Dr. Hultzsch doubtfully reads ogramoparata[sta]silavallinamd. The bracketted letter is really a badly formed a, as may be seen from a comparison of the a in icandrarkka" (1. 34) and achhetta (. 45). The name of the village is, therefore, in reality Asilavalli. With this correction we obtain the following data from the grant, which may be at once confronted with those on the map mentioned : GRANT. MAP. Village granted : Pubilavilli 0 in the District : Kabahrada Kasandra! - Dvijas (lit., twice-born, Brahmaps). 1 In N. Lat. 22deg 54' and E. Long. 72deg 32.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1897. GRANr. Mar. Vehichcha nadi K hart river Boundary, East: I Vorivadraka Barodra (*) Boundary, South: Chatuhsari Chosar Boundary, West : A silavalli A81A11* Boundary, North: Vinhuchavalli Vinjh015 With respect to the name Kasandra, often called Kasindra-Paladi or Palri, it must be noted that it represents not the Sanskrit form, given above, but its Prakrit equivalent Kasadraha, the second part of which in Gajarati becomes dhra or dra, as in Godhra or Godra, the representative of Godrahe. The modern Barodra for Vorivadraka, properly Borivedraka, furnishes an instance of the transposition of two vowels, which occurs also in other Gujarati names. Properly it ought to be Boridra or Boradra. The change is in this case probably due to the inflgence of the name Barddra, which occurs so often on the map of Gujarat. It is interesting to learn from the inscription that the river Khart was called formerly Vehichcha. Is a name like Vechh or Bechh still applied to any part of its course? The place of Pusildvilli is now occupied by a village called Kopra. AN UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENT RELATING TO THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. PREFACE BY R. C. TEMPLE. Preface. Some few years ago I purchased a copy of Wilson's Documents of the Burmese War, 1827, in a binding by Hering, unfortunately much injured, which had belonged, by the bookplate in it, to C. Hopkinson, C.B., the fact of the Companionship of the Bath being inferred from the device of the Order depending from the coat-of-arms. At page 216 there is a MS. footnote of interest in the present connection. It is attached to Document No. 173 (B), which is an extract from the Government Gazette of the 13th April, 1826. This document commences quaintly,-"We have been favoured with the following Journal of the Proceedings of the Deputation to the Court of Ava" - and then proceeds to publish a diary of the deputation. It appears that on the way up the Irrawaddy, on the 28th February, 1826, the deputation met Mr. Price, the Missionary, and, after dinner, " there was a good deal of desultory conversation kept op amongst us. Just before the meeting broke up, he (Mr. Price) acquainted us that he had an interview with the King and Queen the day before in the morning; that great alarm prevailed on account of our deputation; that the Queen fell into hysterics, and that the King, on seeing him, had called out, Oh Price, save me': that this was caused by a false idea of the object of the deputation, it being said that the chief of our Hlying artillery was coming up, that we were spying out the road, and that, under the guise of a present to the King, one of the articles we were bringing was a musket so contrived as to explode without gun-powder." Now the footnote above-mentioned is that attached to this last remarkable statement, and it runs thus: -"This was a very beautiful, well-made, and most powerful steel cross-bow, with silk strings which I had got made just before leaving London, in the beginning of the year 1824, by Jackson, in Wigmore Street, and which Sir Archibald Campbell requested me to let him have to form one of the presents to be sent to the Burmese king. I did so, together with a handsone new silver watch I had just received from Madras for my own use. - C. HOPKINSON." ? In N. Lat. 22deg 55' and E. Long. 722 45. * In N. Lat. 22' 55' and E. Lat. 72deg 38'. * In N. Lat. 22deg 54' and E. Long. 72deg 41'. * In N. Lat. 22deg 57' and E. Long. 72deg 4".

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FEBRUARY, 1897.] At the end of the book are bound into it a number of blank leaves, on part of which only, as if the writer had intended to include a great deal more than he accomplished, is the document to which these remarks are a preface. It is unsigned, but is written in the same clear handwriting as the note first quoted, and is, therefore, presumably, by the same writer. FIRST BURMESE WAR. The document is commenced merely with "See Appendix, page xxix.," and by a reference to that page will be found the official (Government Gazette, May 22nd, 1826) version of the private narrative which the MS. gives of the first attempt to cross the mountains between Prome and Arracan. - 41 At p. 214, in a distribution statement of the British force in Ava (Government Gazette, 6th April, 1826), it is stated that "the Detachment en route to Arracan consists of the 18th Native Infantry, with Lieutenants Trant and Bissett, of the Quarter-Master-General's Department." I have two copies of a remarkable book, Two Years in Ava, from May 1824 to May 1826, "by an officer on the staff of the Quarter-Master-General's Department"; John Murray, 1827 on the front inside cover of one of which is noted, apparently by some one making a catalogue, "[Trant, Capt. J. A.]." That Capt. Trant was beyond doubt the author of this and, to my mind, most intelligent of all the individual books on the War - may be taken for granted from a footnote in Lawrie's Pegu, 1854, to p. 287:"Trant's Two Years in Ava, Ch. X." Now, from p. 416 of that book, which commences a third account of this same expedition, we learn in a footnote that "the contents of this Chapter [XVII.], with but few exceptions, were published by order of Government in the Calcutta Government Gazette for May or June, 1826." anonymous - It would thus appear that Capt. Trant was the author of both the printed accounts of the journey from Prome into Arracan; but who the author was of the narrative now published I cannot say, for he could not have been 'C. Hopkinson' himself, as he was too senior an officer to be with the party. From his copy of Wilson's Documents, we learn who C. Hopkinson' was. Thus, at p. 87, where an account is given of the attack on Melloon [Malon] on 20th January, 1825, we find :"The efforts of all concerned in the attack were of the most meritorious description, but to none was the success due in a greater degree than to the Artillery and Rocket Corps' under Lieutenant-Colonel Hopkinson and Lieutenant Blake." This notice also accounts for a MS. marginal correction in Col. Hopkinson's handwriting on the same page to a statement in the text: "Colonel Sale was wounded whilst in his boat." On this Col. Hopkinson remarks, "just as he got ashore." At p. 194 ff. is given Sir Archibald Campbell's despatch on this action, which contains, and no doubt gave rise to, the mistake as to how Col. Sale was wounded. In this despatch, Sir Archibald recommends Col. Hopkinson to the Governor-General's notice. And, again, at p. 210 ff. is published the Governor-General's Orders after the war, in which "Brigadier and Lieut.-Colonel Hopkinson" is twice mentioned with distinction. With these remarks I now print the MS. in full. It can be compared, as above said, by students with Trant's two published accounts, which are not at all inaccessible. Document. Narrative of an Expedition by a Detachment of the 18th Regiment of the Madras Native Infantry commanded by Major David Ross, and accompanied by Lieutenant Trant of His 1 In a curious collection of old-world chromo-lithographs and plates entitled, To the Honorable the Court of Directors of the East India Company these eighteen views taken at and near Rangoon are respectfully dedicated, by permission, by their Grateful, Obedient, Humble Servant Joseph Moore, Lieut. of His Majesty's 89th Regiment,' and published by both Kingsbury and Clay in 1825, in Plate 12 is shown a rocket, rather out of drawing. The Plate is entitled 'Rangoon, the position of part of the Army previous to attacking the stockades on tie 8th of July, 1821. This collection of Plates is worth examining, if only to grasp the difference in methods and implements of warfare between the First and Third Burmese Wars, a period of about 60 years only.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1897. Majesty's Service, and Lieutenant Bissett of the East India Company's Service, both belonging to the Quarter-Master-General's Department, as Surveyors to ascertain the practibility of moving a body of Troops through the Arracan Mountains from Prome to Arracan. The Corps had with it a party of 50 Native Madras Pioneers with two Officers. The party commenced, its march by crossing the River Irawaddy at Pekang Yeh, where it was about 1,600 yards broad, on the 13th March 1826, a short time after the treaty of peace was signed with the Burmese at Yandaboo, from whence it moved to Pekang Yeh in eight pleasant marches, and, on its arrival, encamped close to the River for the facility of embarking, while the Officers occupied the Kyong, which is one of the finest buildings I ever saw, but at present gave us a most melancholy picture of the miseries of war. The richly gilt, embossed and inlaid with coloured glass boxes lay broken and scattered about, as did the books, many of them on religions subjects being in the golden Pali type, thus wantonly destroyed by the followers of our Army. On our approach to Pegam Mhew, the Burmese Chief, who had been sent with us for the purpose of procuring us supplies and assistance, and safe conduct through the hitherto unexplored country by any European, arrived from the opposite sbore at 11-0 o'clock, bringing in his company twelve canoes, and the crossing of the River immediately commenced, so that before dark 200 men, with a proportion of baggage, was got over. The elephants, 36 in number, were sent higher up the River, and were crossed over to an island in it, from whence they easily swam the rest of the way over. The next day, the 14th March, was employed in transporting over the remainder of the detachment with the Commissariat, which was effected with the trifling loss of three ponies and five or six bullocks. The breadth of the River at this season was about 1,200 yards, and from the point of embarkation to where we landed, 1,600 yards, with a very strong current. About 11 o'clock next day, 15th, Lieutenant Bissett, of the Sarvey Department, and myself started with the Commissiariat for Sembaya Gung; the Regiment moved in the evening. After proceeding a short distance along the banks of the River, leaving a small fishing village on our left, we struck inland to the village of Kutchmen. The whole of this part of the country is overflowed during the rainy season, and a rich deposit remains on the water subsiding; indeed, the whole soil appears alla vial, and the country, every where that we have seen, is extremely fertile, and in the neighbourhood of the village rice was caltivated by irrigation, the water raised, as in India, by. the Piccotah, or Yettum. The village of Sembaya Geung must, from its present appearance, have been very extensive, but it is entirely destroyed, having been burnt by the Burmese when their Army retreated to Chelain Men, when the British Troops carried Maloon, to prevent the inhabitants remaining and giving any assistance in the way of supplies. We took up ground for the encampment of our little party to the southward of the village on the banks of the Chelain River, on arriving at which place we were told that the loads had been plundered from four ballocks, and that this part of the country was noted for its number of thieves; one man was seized, but, no offence being proved against him, he was released. On the 16th we marched at daybrenk, and arrived at the Chelain River about 8 o'clock; the road was extremely good, and evidently very great pains had been taken to make it so, boing bordered on each side by a parapet wall of brick, seemingly intended to protect it from the overflowing of the neighbouring paddy grounds which were abundantly watered from the Chelain River. The whole of this part of the country had an appearance of richness and comfort producing the most pleasing effect, and was particularly striking to our party, so long accustomed to have seen little else than abandoned villages and deserted uncultivated fields. After breakfast I went with Lieutenant Bissett to take a survey of the Fort of Chelain Men, which is a place of great antiquity, being one of the oldest brick forts in the country. It is very insignificant as to strength, but its position is extremely well chosen ; three sides of it are completely surrounded with water, and the road to the south, also easily laid under water

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FEBRUARY, 1897.] FIRST BURMESE WAR. 48 also. Formerly the fort was entirely of brick, but there is now little of it remaining, except at the north-east side, but there is one bastion entire, but apparently of a later construction; the sections between the remaining portions of brick-work are stockaded. The circumference of the fort we found about 2,634 yards. The houses both inside the fort and outside had been destroyed as at Sembays Geung, and for the same reason. Chelain Men, during the late war, furnished 10,000 fighting men for the Barmeso Army, the half of which only proceeded down the country towards Rangoon, and few of those who went had yet returned. It had been intended to have sent one wing of the Regiment, according to the instructions furnished up, by the way of Talack, but we had reason to believe that the road was quite impassable for beasts of burthen, and that there was no water, so this intention was obliged to be given up. On the 17th March we commenced our move at day reak; the road led through extensive paddy grounds, but which at this season are dry. The high road strikes off to the right at the Pagoda Seeing-ghoon, and ran in a southerly direction, but is not frequented at this season of the year from the want of water. At this point our march lay in an easterly direction to the village of Pounglahary, which is situated at the foot of a small range of hills covered with jungle, and on the back of a very extensive Jheel, which is formed from the overflow of the great River Irawaddy. On this water there were namerous flocks of water-fowl of all descriptions, so little accustomed to be annoyed or disturbed as to allow us to pass within a fow yards of them, and afforded abundant game to those of our party fond of shooting. A large jackal was seen here by Capt. Smith, which proves Major Symes to be wrong in the assertion that there are no such animals in Ava. We encamped on the banks of the Jheel, about & mile from the village, and beyond it. It seemed to be numerously inhabited, tho people coming in great numbers to see the "Colars Strangers." From a small hill near the village we had a fine view of the plain beneath, extending to the banks of the Irawaddy, which appeared to be about four miles distant. Marched, as ususal, on the morning of the 18th. The first part of the road winding along the borders of the Jheel, which we then crossed for about a furlong, - to have gone round would have been about a mile--at about a mile from the Jheel we ascended a small Ghaut to the Pagoda of Minushutwah, and thence to the village of Kwazee, which is a considerable place, and in it there are boilers for saltpetre which is produced in the neighbourhood. From Kwazee to Koopzomy or Coonzomy is a distance of about three miles. Koonzomy is situated on the banks of the Mow River, which river is navigable for small boats. This place is the southeru boundary of the Chelain District, which for richness and size is the finest in the Burmese Empire, and is said to contain 200,000 inhabitants. A little above Koonzomy we crossed th 3 Mow River, and passed through the village of Keunguliah, which has a large gilt Pagoda and several good Kyoungs. Four miles from this place is the village Lehdine, at which we encamped; it gives its name to the District. The road for about two miles before we arrived at Lehdino ran between two Jheels of a large size, which served to irrigate a vast extent of paddy-ground. This was a very long march, and the detachment did not reach its ground until very late. I was this day with the rear Guard; and did not reach my gmund until one o'clock. We got gome very fine toddy, which we found most refreshing, and abundance of fine fish. This district is said to contain 24 villages and 10,000 inhabitante, and is generally fertile. We started next morning at day brenk, as usual; the road led through an extremely wellcultivated country, interspersed with several groves of Palmyra-trees, from which are extracted large quantities of toddy. This morning we had a specimen of the summary justice of the Burmese. The old Chief, who accompanied us, was displeased with some of the villagers : he jumped off his horse, and, seizing a stick, the thickness of his wrist, made some of his attend. auts hold the culprits head to the ground. He began benting him with all his strength, taking a spring into the air at every stroke; we with some difficulty persuaded him, after time, to desiat.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1897. We this day passed through several villages, all well inhabited, men, women, and children flocking to look at as; they were all very respectful, and did not appear in any way alarmed; many of them, from their mode of making salaam, had evidently met with Europeans before. To prove the entire ignorance we were in as to the nature of the country, it was always understood that the Upper Provinces depended on the vicinity of Rangoon and Bassein for their supply of grain, and that oer having the possession of these places would cut off the supplies from the interior, when, in fact, the reverse is the case, as we could now plainly see, for almost the whole country we bad passed from the banks of the Irawaddy was far better cultivated than any we had seen elsewhere. We this day passed by the village of Sheegeoun, which is inbabited by Shans, a very warlike race; they are something similar to the Burmese in appearance, but with features rather more prominent, and they wear loose trousers instead of the silk or cotton loungee worn by the Burmese. We thigday encamped at the village of Ketengah, situated on the banks of the Mine River. The country about is low and jungly. This is the southern boundary of the Lehdine District. In the evening we had a fine view of the mountains, and in the morning (20th March) we moved at daybreak, and, after twice crossing the Mine River, arrived at the foot of the first range of bills, and were now on the eve of deciding the so-much-questioned point of "whether there was a practicable road or ot from Ava, through, or over, the Mountains to Arracan" - fact which, could it have been ascertained two years before, would have saved the Government vast trouble and great expense, by being the means of terminating a most harassing warfare in about balf the time it had taken. There was an evident ascent during the whole of this day's march, but nothing but what the cattle could easily surmount; after once more crossing the Mine River, we encamped in the vicinity of the famous Kyoung and Pagoda of Chatvah. The Acenery at this place was really magnificent, the Pagoda and Kyoung standing on the summit of an almost perpendicular hill, the Kyoung being gilt from top to bottom. To the southward and westward was a range of hills, and in the valley beneath, in which we were encamped, the Mine River was flowing over its stoney bed clear as crystal, winding its course within a few paces of our tents. The Pagoda of Shoe Chatvah is considered of great sanctity, and resorted to by pilgrims from all parts of the Kingdom. At the Pagoda is shewn a mark, an indentation on a stone, said to have been impressed by the foot of Gaudma, and which is held in great. veneration. This footmark is enclosed in a small gilt Kioum, surrounded by a quadrangular railings; into its precints admittance can only be obtained by money, exacted by a person appointed by the Government, which demand seemed to be proportioned to the rank of the Visitor, but the lowest demand seemed not to be less than about the value of 20 Rupees. The poorer classes, from whom payment was not enforced, paid their devotions outside the enclosure. In descending the hill on our return, one of the party had the curiosity to count the number of steps, which were found to be 970, the wbole way covered by a beautiful carved canopy. supported on pillars of carved terkwood. On moving next morning we followed the course of the river, which winded through the Lills for abont 4 miles. We then ascended a small range, at the foot of which was an extensive plain covered with the most luxuriant pasturage, and cultivated land, watered from the river Mine. After passing two small villages called Servah and Cheetalaing, we arrived at the largo stockaded village of Massah Min, the chief place in the District, and to which it gives its name. and in which are seven villages computed to hold 10,000 inhabitants ; ita quota of fighting men called for during the last war was 300, none of whom were down the country, but were employed as a Garrison in its stockade, and for the defence of the hills in its neighbourhood - the personal appearance of the inhabitants of this part of the country, not only from a more pleasing caste of features, but with their dress, being neater than any we had met with before. The stockade did not appear to be of any great strength, and was falling to decay, bat sorrounded by a thick abittis [sic].

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FEBRUARY, 1897.] FIRST BURMESE WAR. 45 From this place the road led through a small rangu of hills covered by thick jungle, until we arrived at the small Kyoung village of Doh, and here the country for a short distance was more open. We encamped on the bank of a Nallah which empted itself in the Mine River, and which we had during this last march crossed and re-crossed nine times. Having had few opportunities of observing the Kyeang until now, we strolled in the evening throngh the village which was surrounded by a strong pallisading as a protection from wild beasts, as well as to confine their cattle during the night. The Kyeangs are quite a distinct race of people, inhabiting only the bills; they appear to acknowledge the Burmese supremacy, but governed immediately by a Chief of their own race, and, contrary to mountaineers in genernl, they are not of a warlike character; none were employed by the Burmese during the war. They appear to have but little idea of religion, beyond the Sun and Moon as affording them light, and their cattle, wine, and poultry as affording them subsistence. The women, on arriving at the age of 40, have their faces tattooed, which gives them a hideous appearance, not improved by their dress, which is composed of black cotton; that of the men in general, white. They are employed chiefly in fishing the mountain streams. The fish, when caught, is laid upon a frame of bamboo, having fires underneath, and thus completely dried, and then become an article of traffic in the valleys, and are exchanged for rice, cloth, &c., &c. At the usual hour we commenced our march this morning, and almost immediately entered a narrow valley with extremely steep hills on each side, covered with thick jungle, which at this time was dry and withered, from the turning of the long waste grass, a thing that uften occors; and when it does, it, of course, destroys all vegetation for a time, within its course. The Mine River flows through this valley, and we this day crossed and re-crossed it 31 times. At one part of the road the ascent was so steep as to oblige us to dismount from our ponies, and it was the cause of much detention to our baggage. We stopped this day at a confined spot in the valley hardly large enough to give us apace to pitch our Sepoys' tents; we, however, contrived to crowd together. Knowing that we had to ascend the great range to-day, we moved off at an earlier hour than usual, which was the cause of some unpleasantness from the darkness, especially as the road was broken and rocky, and interspersed with water-courses of some feet deep; at the distance of little more than 4 miles from whence we started, we arrived at the foot of the great range of mountains, and here took our leave of the Mine River after tracing its course, a distance of about 30 miles. We then began to ascend the mountains in earnest, and on foot; to ride was out of the question. Our horses were led op, ourselves and followers scrambling after in the best way we could, stopping occasionally to rest and to allow the elephants and other cattle to come up. When about & mile up, we stopped to breakfast under the shade of some large trees, procuring water by descending about 200 yards on the north side, where a fine spring rises in a ravine, surrounded by large trees and bushes of ... From this place for the distance of about a mile the road was very abrupt, and at one point of its defence was placed a stockade, the position well chosen - the advance to it from the western side being along the top of a narrow ridge from 12 to 15 feet broad and a distance of 5 furlongs, and the whole length of the ridge, with the exception of a narrow footpath, defended by a strong abattis. The road continued very abrupt, and great pains appeared to have been taken with it, but much injured by the torrents of water that must at times rush along it. The soil appeared of a gravelly nature, mixed with sandstone. Three miles further on, and we arrived at the summit of the Arracan Mountains on the great range of Pokoung Romah Toung, which is now the boundary of our Eastern Empire. The mountain we had just ascended is the highest of the range, and is called Marang-Mateng-toang; the whole of this range, as far as we could see, was covered with a thick * This and a second like hiatus seem to show that the writer was copying some MS, which he could not always read.

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46 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1897. forest of lofty trees, among which we observed the walnut flourishing most luxuriantly, the fruit of which, though not yet ripe, was of a very large size. At a mile further we halted at a stockaded position called Naddy Gine, which commands the whole of the road, and which, if occupied by even a small body of resolute men, would be a serious obstacle to overcome. Our party here were much distressed from a want of water, none being to be got except at the distance of 600 yards and down an almost perpendicular descent; our elephants and cattle were consequently obliged to go without, although every exertion was made to procure it for them of course, both men and animals were excessively fatigued by the march: the rear gnard did not come up until near two o'clock in the morning, leaving on the road three elephants and many bullocks. One elephant, as if he was perfectly aware of the difficulty, refused to attempt the ascent, even at the commencement. None of these animals could be recovered, although every pains was taken. The distance we ascended in this day's march was six miles, two furlongs. ; We could not move this morning until 10 o'clock, but at this hour we set off. Our road was down a most precipitons descent for 6 furlongs, when we came to a small spring of water which flowed in a valley on the right of the road, and here we stopped to allow our cattle to drink; we then descended again a distance of another 6 furlongs, and so very steep was the road that some of the cattle that fell, unable to recover themselves, came rolling over the others and causing great confusion and distress; even the elephants kept their feet with great difficulty. We here found a small weak stockade, intended apparently as an advanced post to the one on the hill. The road from hence wound round the side of a conical hill, with a steep precipice on our right. The whole of these hills were covered with a superior species of bamboo, growing up very straight to an immense height. An accident happened here which might have been attended with serious consequences. Lt. Vivian was leading his pony over a fallen tree, which the animal sprang over, and alighted on some ground which gave way with him, and, being unable to recover himself, rolled over the edge of the precipice and bounded over and over to the distance of 100 yards, when, to the great astonishment of every one looking on, the animal regained its feet apparently uninjured and began eating the surrounding leaves. Pioneers and ropes were obliged to be sent down to drag him up, and on his resurrection even his saddle was found to be uninjured. The nature of the ground during this march was much the same, being generally on a ridge on the side of a hill running around it. We had, at different times, a sight of the stockade we left in the morning, now towering above our heads and seemingly mingled with the clouds. At dusk we encamped at the fall of a ridge at a place called Waddeh. A short way down the southern side of the ridge was a spring of water, and the access to it not difficult-a most important relief to our poor cattle. On this day's march the baggage arrived between 9 and 10 o'clock P.M. The ascents, after leaving this place were numerous, but the road generally good through a very fine bamboo jungle in which are numerous herds of wild elephants, the tracts [sic] of which could be seen in every direction. There was little variation in this day's march, the road lay over the ridges and necks of land until within two miles of Surway wah, when it began to descend gradually, and we shortly found ourselves to our great delight on the banks of the river Deng [sic]. Here we got plenty of fine fodder for our cattle and good encamping ground for ourselves. We had been led to suppose that from hence to Deng would be but a short march, and that the road was good, but we found, on crossing the river, and ascending the opposite hills, that it was with the greatest difficulty we could keep on our feet, the ground being so remarkably slippery, and as we were marching before daylight, darkness added not a little to our embarrassment. Shortly, however, after the day broke, the road became better, running through a thick jungle. We crossed over eight mountain torrents, all of which had bridges composed of strong wood and well formed, but decay had commenced, and they would have been unfit for our troops to have passed over, which was unlucky, as it gave our Pioneers much trouble to cut and form roads, which they were obliged to do up the steep banks. We again crossed the Aeng River, leaving the hills entirely to our right. The road now ran through a flat country covered with jungle. After

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FEBRUARY, 1897.). THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. 47 crossing the Kaing Nullah, and once more re-crossing the Aeng River, we arrived at the longlooked-for village of Aing. Here we found a small detachment of the 68th Bengal Native Infantry. The headman of the village, with several of his people, came out to meet us, and afforded us every assistance in housing the men. We had thus successfully accomplished in twelve days a march through a range of mountains heretofore entirely unknown to Europeans, and the existence of any road through which, by which a body of troops could move, was not believed. This point is now decided, and in any future war with the Burmese this knowledge may be of great importance, leading as the route does into the very heart of the Burmese Empire. It appears that this road was commenced about the year 1816 by order of the present King's father, who employed 500 men for the purpose, giving them at the rate of about seven Rupees a month. The responsibility and superintendence of the work fell on the Chiefs through whose districts it passed. In 1817 they had nearly gained the summit, when 200 more men were added to the working party, and the work was in consequence completed in 1818. Wo here enquired what means had been used to transport the famous colossal statue of Gaudma, taken by the Burmese from the Arracanese across the hills, and were told that forty years ago orders had arrived for it being sent to Ava by Ingy Kadoo, for which parpose the lead was taken off, and the body divided above the navel. Three rafts were then constructed, on which these different parts were floated down the Sanderbunds to Chandwayo; thence it was transported in the same way to Tongo Koung, at the foot of the hills, where it remained until a road was formed to Padown Mhew just below Prome. When the road was made, the three parts were placed on sledges and dragged by menual labour over the mountains to the banks of the Irawaddy. The only inhabitants we found at Aeng were Mugs, the Burmese having long since deserted to avert the deserved retaliation they were likely to meet with from this race of people for the numerous cruelties they had practised on them during the .... and sway of the Burmese. Aeng is situated in a small plain, surrounded by a thick jungle. In the front runs the Aeng River, and on each side of the villnge is a small river, or rather large nullals. From this place there is no road down the country, the communication with the lower provinces being entirely by water through the Sunderbunds. THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. FROM THE PAPERS OF THE LATE A. O. BURNELL. (Continued from Vol. XXV., p. 312.) Mr. MANNER'S VARIANTS. No. 2.- THE ORIGIN OF THE BHUTA PANJURLI.39 When the God Narayana was in Vaikunt ha and when the thirty and three liharors of gods who are the offspring of Aditi, and Kanva and other ascetics, Narada and other Rishis, Vidyadhara and other Bhuta tribes, and Urvasi and other celestial women were serving at the feet of the god, one day Brahms came to pay a visit to the god Narayana. At that time the gate was kept by two watchmen named Jaya and Vijaya. Brahma asked them thus :" O Jaya and Vijaya, I wish to go in. Will the god be at leisure now?" They answered :-"O Brahma, at this time there are many persons inside, but you will surely get an opportunity to go in." #Two versions of this important Bhata legend have already been given. This is the completest version and contains many remarkable passages.-R. C. T.

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48 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1897. So saying, they let him in. Thereupon he went in and saw the god and thus exclaimed: - "Victory, victory, unto thee, O thou that fillest the fourteen worlds, thou omnipotent, eternally holy and eterually pare, thou spotless one and good and self-dependent, thou form of transcendental brightness, thou form of illimitable size." While Brabm was thus praising him, the god addressed him and said :-" O Brahma, art thou happy in the exercise of thy authority? Is the whole of the creation in all the worlds progressing P" To this BrahmA answered and said "O god, why dost thou test me thus? Dost thou not know how the worlds are going on ? Art thou not he that doest all these things? Why dost thou speak thus, complimenting me? Am I not thy [Narayana's] servant? Why dost thou make much of thy servant? I am equal to the dust of thy feet. Thou oughtest not to speak so highly of me." To this Narayana answered and said :-" It is true that you are my servant; but throughont the world if one respects others he will be respected by others; but if one does not respect others, others will not respect him. He should not shew him any disrespect. I will tell you something more: hear me. The people of the world commit sin and then blame me. They do not see their own sins, but blame me in vain. When they fall into distress, then only they remember me. But when they are in prosperity they forget me. What shall I do with such inen? They commit sin only; they do not do any good deeds. They revile one another. They despise others, saying this man is so and so. Brothers born under the same roof, and of the same parents, quarrel and fight with one another, and fall upon forts and castles, and possess them and enjoy them. They do not support the mother that bore them, but hearken unto their wives, and forsake their fathers and mothers and brothers and hate them. Besides this, they make distinctions and say, that man is of that caste, this man is of this caste; he is of a low caste, I am of a high caste. I must not touch him : it is a great sin for me to touch him. Besides this, they steal one another's property, and covet one another's wives, and envy ana hate one another, and kill one another by poison. All such heinons sins they commit. And yet I have not commanded them to do such things. I have not commanded them to haserve caste distinctions. I have commanded them not to lie, not to covet another's wife, not to rob another's property, and not to envy others. I have commanded them according to the Shastras which I have made. I have given them commandments according to the word. To me caste is nothing. Wherever righteousness, faith, truth, peace and a quiet mind are found, there I hold communion. Those who do not act according to my statutes and commands have been condemned by me to receive Yama's punishment in hell. Besides this, there are those who make distinctions at feasts. Such also will have to endure the punishment of hell. Now I am very glad that you have come to me. What is the business for which you have come here? Tell me yoar purpose in coming to me." When he said this, Brahma answered and said :-"O Lord, I am always anxious to see thee. But there is no means of doing it. I have no time, owing to pressure of work. Thou. knowest it." To this, the god replied :-"O Brahma, sit awhile here; now Ikvara will come. You can see him also and then go. See the wonderful things that take place here." To this Brahma said :-"I do not understand what the cause of this is. Thou must tell me." To this the god said :-" See! what is to take place must not be told beforehand; whether it is known or not, it must not be told. Remember this advice." While they were thus speaking, Isvara and Parvati were sitting on a throne in Kailasa, and sixty and four thousand of male demons were dancing joyfully and praising Isvara. They were leaping and shouting, running and biting at each other, and snapping and tearing

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FEBRUARY 1897.] THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. and spitting at each other, and swallowing and sucking at each other, and bawling. In this manner they came before levara, and prostrated themselves before his feet, and begged him to give them his orders. Isvara commanded them, saying: "All of you must now come with me to Vaikuntha. The god Narayana is there. He is the Lord of us all. Let us pay him a visit, and return." 49 At this, the great demons came out very joyfully and descended fram Kailasa. Isvara and Parvati, sitting on a bull dancing like a black-boc, with trampots and pipos and drums playing, came down from Kailasa to Vaikuntha. At that time the door-keeper Jaya spoke to Vijaya thus:-"O Vijaya, tell me, who is this coming with so much grandeur ?" He said :--"This is lavara coming to pay a visit to the god. demons is with him! What is this? Where were all these demons? space to sit or move ?" While they were yet speaking, the demons came before and levara came behind them, When they approached the gate, Jaya and Vijaya quickly got up and stood before the gate with clasped hands, saying: "Be gracious unto us poor gate-keepers; we are always keeping the gate." What a multitude of Where will they get So saying and praising him, they kept their post as before. In this manner, Isvara entered in and began to praise Narayana, and Brahma also praised Narayana. After both of them had finished praising him, Narayana asked Isvara: "O lavara, are you dwelling in Kailasa as in former times, or are you worse off than formerly ?" Isvara answered: -"By thy grace I have been happy till now." In this manner, while Brahma, Vishnu, and Isvara were speaking for a long time, the god Narayana perspired. Then he scratched his arm-pit. Then some of his perspiration dropped down upon the earth, and out of that perspiration a great boar was born. He came upon every one and drove every one before him. At this, the followers of ievara and the gods were astonished exceedingly, and asked the god Narayana: "What is this? Whence is this boar? Where has he been so long? What is the cause of this? Please tell us." When all the gods asked this of the god Narayana, he said unto them: "O ye gods, hearken. In the world wickedness is increased among men, and they commit great sins. Therefore I have created a boar by my perspiration, and, giving a name to it, I have sent it to give trouble to the sinners, in order to humble them and make them wise." Then the boar came sighing, grunting and roaring, and striking the earth with its tusks, and digging up the earth with both its fore legs as well as hind legs, and digging a pit and falling and leaping came to the god; and stood before, him trembling in anger, and trembled more and more. Then the god Narayana said to Brahma and isvara:-"Behold, the boar is dumb and cannot speak. Therefore it has now come to me that I may give it speech, and is trembling in anger. But now I will take away its form of a boar and give it in a minute before your very eyes the form of a big Bhuta, which is the form of a big man." So saying, he took hold of the tusks of the boar and lifted it up and threw it away. At onco the form of the boar was changed into the form of a man as tall as a cocoanat-tree. Seeing this being, all the gods were very much astonished, and said:-"O Lord, thou art the creator of the men of the fourteen worlds and of all the eighty-four lakhs of species of animals. To thee it is not at all difficult to create this Bhuta. We know that thou art a great magician. Thon art very glorious." While the gods were thus praising him, the man in the form of a Bhuta leapt and came to the god and began to tremble. And yet he could not open his mouth without the permission of the god; and because he could not open his mouth he felt great distress. Then the god, knowing this, said to him:-" Speak now and beg of me whatever is in your mind; be no more in distress."

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10) THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1897. Then the Bhuta fell prostrate before the god and wept, shedding tears. Then the god said: - "Why do you weep? Tell me whatever you desire. I will give it to you. I will satisfy your longings; do not weep, rise up." In this manner, after the god had given him a promise and encouragement, the Bhuta arose and cried aloud, and said to the god : -"O Lord, I am thirsty, I cannot endure this thirst; my throat is dried up without any moisture on account of my thirst. Show me a way to quench my thirst. If I am to live I must first quench my thirst." When he begged of the god in this way, the god said to him :-" I know you are very thirsty; now, there is a large tank here called Deva-pushkarani. Go and drink the water of that tank and quench your thirst. Then the Bhuta went to the tank and stood upon the brink of it, and bowing his head drank the water very eagerly, and being filled and joyful, he returned to the god and said: -"O Lord, according to thy command, I went to the tank and drank as much water as I wanted. Now my thirst is quenched, and I beg of you to give me some food. Thou hast created me in the form of a Bhuta. Thou only art my stay henceforth. Therefore, ploase show me a way to obtain food." At this, the god said to him :-"Behold, I have created you by the swent of my arm-pit. Now if I do not support my son, it will be a great shame to me; therefore, I will shew you a great way; do not be anxious. Now, therefore, go down to the world. There are many sinners there. They have infants and cattle, and children and calves, and cows and she-buffaloes and he-buffaloes, and young heifers and young bulls, and many other animals. If you go and enter into the cowpens belonging to the sinners and attack the animals, they will come and see. I have, therefore, created and sent fifteen hundred kinds of diseases before you. I send you as a promoter of the dise8808, and also, that you may got food, I have kept there wise men and charmers and fortune-tellers, who can distinguish the diseases from the doings of the Bhutas. Now if you go to the world and give trouble in the houses of the sinners, they will consult the fortune-tellers and come to know that the trouble was caused by you, and then they will put their trust in you and do just as you tell them. And they will believe in you gladly out of fear, lest you should give them more trouble if they do not believe in you. Then you can take whatever sacrifices you like; have no fear as to that. You can take sheep, fowls, and such sacrifices of flesh; besides this, you can take tender coconuts and ripe cocoanats, baked rice and beaten rice, jaggery and sugar-cane, and cakes of various kinds, and torches and signet; all such sacrifices you may take. Do so and give trouble to the sinners of the world and fill your stomach and be happy." So saying, the god gave him a blessing and said: "Behold, go you before, and I will send behind you many Bhutas into world. Go you before and receive the sacrifices," When he said this the Bhuta asked :-"O Lord, if I go into the world and possess a man and make him to tremble; then, if they ask me who I am, what shall I say? What is my name ? You must give me a name." Then the god said :-"Behold, your name is Panjurli Bhata. I give this name to you. Establish this your name in the world, and receive sacrifices and homage and be happy." So saying, he sent him away. Then the Panjurli searched for a way to come down to the world from Vaikuntha. He saw many ways, but he took the way that led him to the district of Yelenadu on the Ghats. So he descended to the valley of Yelenado, and wandering for seren days and seven nights he came to Subramanya and made obeisance to the gunda and prostrated before the god Subraya and said :-"O Lord Subramanya, I have come near thy feet; be thou also kind and gracious unto me wherever I go and help me and prosper me." When he was thus praying, the sound of a bell was heard from within the gunda. Then the Panjarli said to himself :- Now, this is miraculous doing of this god. It is a very auspicious sign."

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FEBRUARY, 1897.] THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUV AS. 51 Thinking thus, he started from the place, and while coming with his face to the west he saw ina forest at Mardal a budu which appeared to him beautiful; and he thought :-"Now in this place I must obtain a feast; here I must proclaim my name. I must find out some means for it." Thus meditating, he wandorod about in the day-time in the forest about the budu in the form of a wind. At that time the cowherd boys came there, driving the cattle of that budu to the grassy plot for grazing. Then the Panjarli in the form of a wind wandered about in that place, and, seeing the fat cows and he-buffaloes and she-buffaloes and their yoing ones, was very glad; and said to himself:-"What shall I do now P However, let the sun set. After sunset I will enter the budu and try to obtain a feast for myself." Meditating in this manner, he wandered about in the forest till sunset, and afterwards entered into the cow-pen, and kept quiet in a corner, till the cowherd boys had collected all the cattle into the cow-pen. In the meantime the night came on, and it was time for the master of the house to take his meal. Then all the servants of the house, the bondmen, and those who had undertaken work on contract and day-labourers and rice-men and rice-water-men, all these came to take their meals. Then the bondmen went to the cow-pen to give fodder to the cattle, and gave rice-water to the buffaloes and oxen, and, after they had drunk, they put the watering trough upside down, and then put straw and green grass before them, and making everything comfortable for the cattle went their way. In the meantime, the mistress of the house, having served food to her husband, called the bondmen:-"O bondmen, bring your vessels and take your food." Then they called their wives from their huts, and told them to bring the vessels. Then they took their children on their hips and the vessels on their heads, and each came to the budu and called the mistress of the house :-" O mistress, mistress, please bring me the rice; I have brought the vessel. I have no one in my hut. I have kept paddy on the fire to be boiled, and there is nobody to look after the fire." At this the mistress qnickly bronght the rice and gave it to the bond women. She also brought a big spoon of cocoanut-shell and put out four spoonsful of rice and four spoonsful of conjee for each and sent away the bond-women to their huts. And after all had eaten and finished, all lay down to sleep. After one jama of night was over, the racing-buffaloes in the cow-pen began to cough. The master of the house, who was lying on the swinging-cot heard it. Then he called his wife, and awoke her, and said: "Do you hear, the he-buffaloes in the cow-pen are coughing; be quick and light a lamp." At this, his wife quickly got up and ligh: ud a lamp and brought it to her husband. Then he quickly took the hand-lamp and went to the cow-pen, and there he saw two of the racing buffaloes lying prostrate on the floor. As soon as he saw it, his spirit left him, and suddenly falling on the floor he became insensible. In the meantime his nephews came to him, and applying water to his eyes and chest brought him to consciousness, and raised him up; and afterwards they tried to raise up the buffaloes. When they raised the buffaloes, they saw that they had no strength in their legs to stand. They also saw that they had not eaten a single straw out of the food that was before them. Then they said :- " Alas! what is this! The buffaloes were quite well yesterday; what has become of them to-day ?" When the uncle said thus to the nephew, he said :-"There must be some reason for this; if these buffaloes should survive till the morning, we can do something, we can prepare some medicine and try to save them." When they said this the buffaloes began to gasp. Then the master became afraid ; but what could he do? They all kept awake till the morning as if they had put rice in their mouths. After it was morning the buffaloes became worse and worse. Then they said :-"We must call our neighbours and ask them what it is; it could not have taken place of itself."

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1897. So saying, they called in the neighbours. The neighbours came and saw the buffaloes, and said to the master of the budu :-"This looks as if it were the trouble of some Bhuta; the buffaloes are vomitting white foam. If you go to some fortune-teller and ask him and do as he bids you, it will be all right; but you will have to spend about ten pagodas." So saying, they departed. Then the master turned his face to the east and said :"O Lord God, I will do just as told by the fortune teller. I will not fail." So saying, he removed the hasks of two cocoanuts, leaving a tuft at the top, and taking these cocoanuts with him went straight to the house of the fortune-telling Bhatta. At that time he was worshipping the god. He went to his house and sat on the verandah. Then the Brahmani went to the well to bring water. Then the master of the budu said to her :"O Brahmani, is your master at home " She replied:-"Yes." Then he took courage and said :-"O madam, let the Bhatta come out for a little while; I want to consult him. It is getting late for me; let him do me this favour. It will be a great merit for him." Then the Brahmani quickly went in and told her husband :- Behold, you are requested to go out for a little while. The master of the budu is calling you ; be quick, some fortunetelling is to be done; please go out quickly." When she said this, he made haste and went ont. Then he, who was sitting on the verandah, stood up, and, joining his hands, said :- Sir, Sir." Then the Bhatta said :-"Come, come, what business has brought you here? You come very rarely." Then the master of the budu said :-"O Bhatta, in my budu, my racing-buffaloes are aiting. They are at the point of death. Whatever I do is of no avail. They never hnd such sickness before. Please, therefore, discover the cause and use some means to stop the disease. You only can do it; there is no other way." So saying, he stood clasping his hands. Then the Brahman said to him :-"Well, I will do so and tell you what I come to know." So saying, he went in and brought a bag of kauris to the verandah, and, keeping a low stool before him, he placed on the stool a number of kauris for each of the twelve signs of the zodiac, commencing from Mesha, and said: "O Lord God, shew to me everything just as it is; the man is poor." Thus prayed the fortune-telling Bhatta, and then said to the man :-"Now, place your present before these signs of the zodiac." At this he untied the knot in his cloth and took half-n-rupee and placed it together with the two tufted coconnuts before the signs of the zodiac, and, clasping luis hands devoutly, said:" Lord God." The fortune-telling Bhatta saw the present which he had placed, and made his calculations and came to know that there was great distress in his honse. Then he told the man:-"Yon see, there is great distress in your house. But because the present which you have placed has come forth at the sign of Mesha, I can say it is a Bhata with a hog's face. Yet he seems to have come recently. Before this he was not in your house. Now he asks sacrifice from you. And not only a sacrifice, but he asks to have a stana built for him, and sac.ifices offered. And farther he says that he will not leave you without your building a stana for him. Such is the case." At this the master of the budu again asked:-" Bhatta, I will cause & stana to be built for the Bhate, and I will believe in him, but the he-buffaloes must get well this minute. Then I will do just as you tell me. What do you think? Tell me, do you think the buffaloos will got well this minuto, if I beliovo po

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FEBRUARY, 1897.) THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. 53 At this the fortune-telling Bhatta again took the kausis, and prayed thus: -" Lord God shew us a sign of good fortune if the buffaloes are to get well." So praying, he took the kausis and put them down, and on calculation a good fortune was shewn. Then the fortune-telling Bhatta took the kausis and told the man : -"You see, you are a fortunate man. It is very well; sach a fortune has not come to any one; it is very anspicious. Behold, when you go home, you will see the buffaloes up and eating grass. They will get well." At this the man took coorage and again asked him: - "O Bhatta, you have just now ordered me to build the stana ; I do not know in what month I should begin it. You must inform me about that." To this, the Bhatta said: "You see, I cannot tell you. Panjurli Bhata is not a small Bhuta; he is very great and powerful. You must do one thing : you must get Panjarli to possess a man in your house. Then you must invite your neighbours and relatives and friends and invite some great persons also, and get the Bhuta to come upon a man, and then begin to build the stana on the day mentioned by the Bhuta. I would have told you, but I cannot tell about this Panjurli. He is a Bhata that would not hesitate to murder a man for the sake of a cocoanut. I cannot even talk of him." Then the Ballal of the budu said: -" Bhatta, what you have said is very wise, I am very glad of it. I will get everything done according to your words. You must tell me an auspicious day for inviting the Bhuta." At this the Bhatta, consulting his almanac, said: -- "You can invite the Bhuta on Friday, the 27th of this month." At this the Ballal said: -"You must be pleased to come to my house on that day." To this the Bhatta suid :--"You see, it is as if I had come. Because I have much troublo at home, I cannot come. If I am not at home for a single moment the children quarrel and make a great row. Therefore, I cannot come. What am I to come for? Tell me, why am I needed? Who will do you any harm if I am not present? Do just as the Bhuta orders you." At this, he said :-"Whatever you may say, you must come. Without you I will do nothing." At that time his nephew, Ibara Ballal, came to see his uncle. He said to himself:- My ancle has gone a long while ago; what is he doing at the fortune-telling Bhatta's house ? I will go and see." His uncle said to him :-"How are the buffaloes? They are well; is it not so ?" To this the nephew answered :"Yes, they are well : however, for this once they have survived. They have got up of themselves, and now they are eating some grass. Therefore, now there is no more need of any medicine or anything else." At this the uncle said to the nephew : -"Nephew, keep quiet. If I had not come to the fortune-teller and had not consulted him, by this time they would have died. What do you know? As I made haste and struck the iron while it was hot, it became effective." While thus speaking, the sun reached the meridian. At that time a man came to call the fortune-teller to perform worship at the temple. Then he said to them :-"You see, I am now going to the temple. Go you also." Then both the uncle and the nephew said :-"Sir, now give us leave to go. On the day when I invite the Bhuta I will send for you; you must come to my house accompanying him." So saying, they went to the budu. As soon as they reached home they went to the cow-pen, and when they saw the racing-buffaloes eating grass eagerly, they were very glad. (To be continued.)

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54 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1897. FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES OF INDIA. BY M. N. VENKETSWAMI OF NAGPUR. No. 6. - The Charitable Maid-servant." Once upon a time, in a certain country, there lived a king, who was notorious for his stinginess. Being no friend even to almsgiving in the abstract, he went so far as to tell his wife to see that not a single ear of corn went beyond the threshold ; much less was she ever to give a handful of rice, wheat, or any of the pulses to the poorest human being out of the granary. The king was as niggardly in his own household as he was uncharitable to others; and the daily rations for himself and his wife were a ser of wheat floor. This the queen, following the instractions of her lord, used to give, after carefully weighing it, to a maid-servant to make cakes with; and the cakes were weighed after they had been baked, so that it might be known for certain that no flour, not even a grain, had been pilfered. Now the maid, who used to cook the meals for the king and queen, was of a charitable disposition by nature ; so, notwithstanding the weighment of the floor in the first instance, and then of the cakes when baked, she used to pilfer one-eighth ser of the flour, putting in its place an exactly similar amount of fine firewood ashes. With what she pilfered she used to make a cake, baking it along with the others, and passing it through a drain to a needy beggar, who was the recipient of her charity in this manner for a number of years. Now, a foreign potentate, who had had an eye on the possessions of the king for several years, appeared with great suddenness one day before the gates of the royal castle, and began operations for taking it. His forces were so superior that the castle seemed to be lost, when there arose before the king's vision, standing upright, an innamerable number of chapalis (cakes), close to one another, which shielded the king, and prevented his small force from being overwhelmed by the enemy. Thus was the kingdom saved, which, had it not been for the protection of his small army in this miraculous manner, would have been lost to the king. The vision of the protecting cakes remained in the king's mind for many a day; 80, one day, he sent for his queen and asked her what the vision meant. She could not explain the matter; so the king turned to the maid-servant who cooked meals for him, and enquired of her. Before explaining anything, she asked for the liberty of speech, and when this was granted, the maid, preparing herself for either good or evil, made a clean breast of the whole affair - how she used to pilfer the wheat flour, prepare a cake of it, and pass it through a drain to a beggar. It was those cakes," the agitated damsel added, " that saved you, O king, from the invaders; for the charity, though I was the humble instrument of it, was solely and wholly yours, and you have reaped the benefit, not only for yourself, but even more for our sakefor servants, subjects, and all." Pleased with the sagacity of the maid-servant, as also with her eloquent address, he made her his queen, making the former queen change places with her. The king did thus for the reason that she should have exercised her faculty of understanding and discriminated between right and wrong, though he had, in an evil hour, laid upon her the injunction not to be charitable. It need not be said that the king was ever afterwards charitable. Nay, his name became proverbial, and his newly-made queen found wider scope in her new affluent position as queen for the exercise of her favourite virtue. Narrated by the writer's wife, the late M. Hira Bal. . This is a strictly Oriental notion.

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FEDRUARY 1897.] MISCELLANEA. MISCELLANEA. SOME NOTES ON THE FOLKLORE OF THE KhI. TELUGUS. At Avantt lived two merchants, Durbuddhi By C. K. SUBRAMIAH PANTULU. and Subuddhi by name. These two men went to (Continued from p. 28.) a foreign country, amassed much wealth there, and returned, and buried unknown to anybody the whole of their riches under a huge tamarind At Madura lived a Brahman who had two tree very near the town, and went to their resons. After hoarding up immense riches, he at spective houses. last died. The two sons collected the money Not long after, Durbuddhi went clandestinely together, and effected a division of it equally. I to the spot, purloined the whole treasure and Each put his share into a sealed bag, entrusted it carried it away to his house. A few days after to an old woman, saying that they were going the incident, both of them conjointly went to the a far off country on a pilgrimage, and told her tree and found to their sad disappointment that to return the amount safely on their return, when the treasure was gone. Upon this Durbuddhi they would both come and ask for it. This was accused the other of having secreted the treasure, . agreed to. dragged him before a court of justice, and carried After traversing a short distance, the younger a complaint against him, saying that Subuddbi brother devised measures to dupe the elder. He alone bad carried off, unknown to him, the rose one night at midnight, went back to their treasure which they jointly buried under the tree, starting point unknown to his brother, visited and requested that justice be done in the case. the old woman, and told her that while they were both wandering along, a tiger had put an end The judge looked at him, and called upon him to prove the truth of his accusation against to the elder brother, and that that was why he Subuddhi. Durbuddhi said that he would prove was obliged to return alone, and requested her to it by the tree itself under which the treasure return the money entrusted to her by both the brothers. The old woman was a little staggered, was buried. The judge replied that he would but considering that he was not likely to cheat investigate the affair the next day.. his brother entrusted the whole sum to him. Meanwhile, Durbuddhi took his father along He took it and quietly went away to a far off with him, placed him in the hollow of the tree, place. and instructed him to answer favourably (to Then the elder brother, not finding the younger himself) the judge's queries on the morrow. one, returned overwhelmed with sorrow to his own The next day, the judge, according to promise, abode, went to the old woman, and said that he came with his attendants near the tree and asked did not know what had become of his brother. who had taken away the money. To the intense astonishment of the bystanders (the man inside) He therefore called upon her to return the whole the tree accused Subuddhi of having secreted the of the sum entrusted to her. The old woman told him what had happened a few days before; money. But the judge was not a man to give in how his younger brother misrepresented the state so easily. After a little reflection he caused some of affairs, and had walked away with the whole straw to be brought, stuffed the hollow with it, and set fire to it. The man inside was suffocated and fell out of the tree dead. The judge, perceiv. On hearing this, he began to dispute with the ing the deceit that Durbuddhi had played, came old woman, and brought her before a court of to the conclusion that it was he who had walked justice. The magistrate heard both the plaintiff away with the money. He caused therefore all the and the defendant in the suit in full, saw how the money to be brought and given over to Subuddhi. old woman had been duped, called the man and decided as follows:-"The money was entrusted Durbuddhi having paid very dearly for the to the woman on the understanding that it should deceit he had played in the loss of his riches be returned when both of you came back and and his father to boot - went bome with a very demanded it. It is not fair therefore to ask sad heart. her to pay back the amount when you come and KhII. ask for it singly. If you are in need of money, At Vizagapatam lived two friends, one of therefore, fetch out your brother." whom used to perform with care the morning The man was unable to answer this argument ablutions at dawn, and proceeding to the temple, and went his own way. remained there for a long time circumambulating mount.

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56 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. the deity. The other was a frequenter of brothels, and passed his time in frivolous conversation with prostitutes. The former, though a frequenter of the temple, always had his heart with his friend who led so evil a life, and was overwhelmed with grief that he did not follow in his friend's footsteps. The latter was, however, ashamed of his depraved character, and was extremely sorry that he did not follow the virtuous ways of his friend. This went on for a time, and then they both breathed their last. But the former went to Hell, and the latter to Heaven. The sage Narada, seeing the fate of these two, approached the Almighty and said:"O God! Hell has fallen to the lot of the man who spent his days in your THE DONKEY-RIDE PUNISHMENT. In the Delhi district the celebrated and ancient punishment of sending a man with blackened face and necklace of old shoes round his neck and seated on a donkey facing the tail, round the village as a punishment for lewdness, has dwindled into merely putting him on a donkey and [FEBRUARY, 1897. temple, while you have given Heaven and final beatitude to the fellow who never for a moment thought of you, and delighted always in the conversation of women of ill-fame. If you, who, are all-powerful, perpetrate such barefaced injustice, who in the world will adore you?". NOTES AND QUERIES. The Almighty smiled on hearing these words and said that he gave the latter man redemption, for, though a frequenter of houses of ill-fame, he centred his mind on the deity; while the other who frequented the temple diverted his attention to other matters and totally forgot the deity. Hell therefore had become his lot. Thus we see that upon the purity of the mind depends the good or evil state we attain after death. (To be continued.) GANA VIDYA SANJIVINI. A Treatise on Hindu Music, by C. TIRUMALAYYA NAIDU. Printed at the Uyjayanti Press, Madras. riding him round the village. This punishment was recently inflicted on one Bhule, a Meo, for suspected intimacy with a potter's wife (kumharni). It would be interesting to ascertain in what forms this old custom still survives up and down the country under British rule.-P. N. and Q. 1883. BOOK-NOTICES. of modern European nations is so great, as to lead those who are only superficially acquainted with the subject to suppose that there can be no connection between them, but such is not the case.. Modern European music is the growth of a few centuries, and may be said to owe its existence to the invention of the Organ, the use of which necessitating the employment of a system of Harmony; and at the time of the formation of the Roman Empire, Hindu Music, as performed on such an instrument as the vina, would have taken a high place. The Highland Bagpipes still remain as a modern proof of this. The author indeed shows that, by the use of the Ansa Swara, of Tonic, as the fundamental note in Hindu Music, Hindu musical art is considerably in advance of Greek Music, and more nearly approaches to our modern theory. This little work aims at describing in a small compass the leading characteristics of Hindu Music, in so far as the Madras Presidency is concerned. The Introduction, in English, shows considerable research, and the author has evidently studied, to advantage all that has been advanced by modern writers on the subject. No attempt is made to vie with Captain Day's elaborate work The Music and Musicians of Southern India, but a valuable addition to the scanty literature of a little-known subject has been produced, which should be in the hands of all interested in this branch of Oriental research. The author's remarks on the fact that a knowledge of the physiology of the human body was essential for the true understanding of Hindu Music may be compared with the statements in Mersennus, for long a standard work on European musical theory; and his notes on the Srutis and their acoustic divisions are important. We have also an explanation of the Ragas and Raginis, which may be likened to the Modes in the Music of the The Uyjayanti Press deserve great credit for Greeks. the manner in which this little work has been The gap between Hindu Music and the music placed before the public. Mr. C. Tirumalayya Naidu could not do better in the interests of science than supplement his present work by an accurately scored record of the Rags and Raginis, and by an account of the intervals used in the methods of tuning the instruments about which he writes.

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MARCH, 1897.) BULLETIN OF THE RELIGIONS OF INDIA. 57 BULLETIN OF THE RELIGIONS OF INDIA. BY A. BARTH OF THE INSTITUT DE FRANCE. (7Yanslated from the French by Dr. James Morison.) (Continued from Vol. XXIV. p. 73.) Buddhism. DUTTING aside two or three events which the Greeks have recorded, the dated history of r Indis begins with the inscriptions, and the oldest of these inscriptions, the celebrated edicts of King Piyadasi Asoka (in the middle of the third century before our era), are, at the same time, the first Buddhist documents of indisputable authenticity which we possess. It is very probable that, among the materials incorporated in the Tripitaka, there is an element which goee further back than this, for it is certain that the Buddhism, which we see in the inscriptions to be in a manner elevated into the position of the state religion of the most powerful empire of India, had a literature even then. But several reasons justify us in doubting whether it was in possession of a canon so early as that.82 In any case, there is not a single fragment of the canon in its present form, either in Pati or Sanskrit, which we can affirm with any degree of confidence to belong to so remote an age. Further, every discovery which adds a fragment to his precious series is a kind of event, and happily recent years have enriched us with several The English translation of M. Senart's brilliant labours on these inscriptions was not yet completed.83 Professor Buhler was in the middle of the painstaking revision which he was devoting to them, partly with the help of better copies,84 when new versions of the edicts were found near the Afghan frontier,86 Then came the fuller versions of the edicts of Sahasram and Rupnath, found by Mr. Rice in Mysore. The monuments have suffered a great deal, and the first facsimiles were very imperfect, at least M. Senart was unable to make out & coherent text.86 At the same time he brought out well the importance of the discovery of inscriptions by the great northern king so far to the south, so far from the coast, far within the central plain in countries which have sometimes been represented as hardly out of a state of barbarism seven or eight centaries later.97 Professor Buhler has contributed his share of elucidations of these inscriptions, and has promised others. Meanwhile he has called attention to the hitherto unnoticed fact that the signature of the writer of these inscriptions is in the southern variety of the #2 The word parchandkdyika, found in the inscriptions at Bharhut and Sabioht, which Prof, Buhler and Dr. Hultzsch agree in translating by "knower of the Five Nikayas" (in any onse the compound would be hardly regalar), would cause us to admit a codification for an epooh which is not, perhaps, much later than that of Aboka. But to assume from this phrase the existence of the Five Nikayas of the PAli Canon is rash. This division, like many others, is unknown in the sacred literature of the north. $ The Inscriptions of Piyadasi in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. IX. (1880), Vol. X. (1881), Vol. XVII. (1888), and Vol. XXI. (1892); this last series has additions in which the author expresses himself more exactly on several of the results of his previous work. * Beitrage nur Erklarung der Aboka-Inschriften in the Zeitschrift d. deulach. Morgenl. Gesellschaft, Vol. XXXVII. (1889), Vol. XXXIX. (1885), Vol. XL. (1886), Vol. XLI. (1887) p. 1, Vol. XLV. (1891) p. 144, Vol. XLVI. (1892) pp. 54, 539; Arch. Survey of Southern India, Vol. I. (1887) p. 144 (the edicts of Dhauli and Jeugada; Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. (1890) p. 122 (the pillar edicts), Vol. XX. (1891) p. 361 (the cave inscriptions of Barabar and Nagarjani). Professor Buhler calls attention to the fact that some of these caves were designed for the use of Brahman and Jain ascetics, and that we must be careful not to assign a Buddhist origin to all these excavations indiscriminately i Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II. 1893, p. 245, the pillar edicts. 85 In the preceding Bulletin (Vol. XIX. p. 267) I reported on the interpretations given of them by M. Senart and Prof, Buhler ; by the latter we have further, Die Mansehra Version der Felsenedicte Aloka's in the Zeitsch, d. doutach. Morgenl. Gesellschaft, Vol. XLIII. (1889) p. 273, and Vol. XLIV. (1890), p. 702. * Notes d' Epigraphie Indienne, Vol. IV. Trois Nouvelles Incriptions d'Aloka-Piyadasi (Journ. Asiat. Naye June, 1892). 11 As by the late Dr. Burnell, Rev. Thomas Foulkes (The Dekhan in the Time of Gautama Buddha, Ind. Ant. Vol. XVI. (1887) p. 49) had attempted to prove the contrary; but all the evidence collected by him does not outweigh the simple fact of the presence of these three inscriptions in Mysore.

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58 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1897. alphabets named after Asoka. Many points in these texts are still obscure; and conspicuously the principal difficulty which those of Sahasram and of Rupnath still present has been found more complicated than simplified. Better copies are necessary before greater success can be obtained. Professor Buhler has pointed out a new variety of the southern alphabet on an unedited monument from the valley of the Krishna,89 and he has recovered a variant of the Kosambi edict of Asoka among General Cunningham's facsimiles of the Sanchi inscriptions.00 His latest communication on this subject, made after examining the better copies sent by Prof. Fubrer, shews that the surname of the king devanarpriya, restored on Cunningham's facsimile, is not found on the original. The connection which has been pointed out and the place of origin of the fragment are quite consistent, and it seems likely that, even before this epoch, a Buddhistio sanctuary existed in these parts. Last of all, a short time ago, Dr. Burgess announced the discovery, in the Terai of Nepal, ol of a new column covered with Asoka inscriptions, and exhibiting two hitherto unknown, besides the seven, edicts commonly found on such monuments. More or less closely connected with these first inscriptions are others in a character either identical or very slightly modified, whose date must for the time remain undetermined within a centary or more, according as we assume this southern alphabet, or alphabet of the lats or pillars to bave changed more or less rapidly and specially more or less uniformly and more or less definitely. Of this class must be mentioned in the first place, because of the amount of information which they give as to primitive Buddhism, the curt but varied inscriptions of the stupa of Bharhut (or Bharant, according to Mr. Fleet) of which we owe a new and carefully revised edition to Dr. Haltzsch, 92 and the analogous inscriptions of the stupas of Sanchi which had been published by General Canningham, and of which Prof. Buhler has undertaken a critical and much more complete edition, after the excavations made by Dr. Fuhrer and with the help of new facsimiles furnished by that explorer. In place of the 241 numbers contained in the Bhilsa Topes of Cunningham, the collection placed at the disposal of Prof. Buhler contains nearly 500, of which 486 are legible.93 The commentary on what he has published is such as we might expect from Prof. Buhler and abounds in interesting remarks. Among other details he draws attention to the great number of religious men and women, that is persons who can have had no private property, whose names are inscribed on these monuments as donors, and he explains this fact (which is observable elsewhere) by supposing that their gifts were the result of begging. This is, of course, very possible, but the texts do not say this, and the conjecture is perhaps also possible that side by side with rule of poverty there were then relaxations. Strictly speaking, the communities, as well as their members, were debarred from possessing property, and yet everything indicates that from a very early time they were wealthy. Besides the ancient inscriptions, which are by far the most numerous, there are found at Sa nchi inscriptions of a modern date. We have seen above that Prof. Bubler has tried to prove the existence in these parts of Buddhist worship before the age of Asoka. This worship kept its ground long, and, even in the tenth or eleventh century of our era, statues were there erected to Buddha. There is similarly at Sahet Mahet, the ancient Sravasti, one of the cradles of Buddhism and Jainism, a long Buddhist inscription of the 13th century discovered by # The Atoka Edicta from Mysore (Wiener Zeitsch. f. d. k. d. Morgenl. Vol. VII. (1893) p. 29). 89 A New Variety of the Southern Maurya Alphabet (Wiener Zeitsch.f. d. k. d. Morgenl. Vol. VI. (192) p. 148). 90 Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. (1890) p. 124, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II. (1892), p. 87: Wiener Zeitsch. f.d. k. d. Morgenl. Vol. VII. (1893) p. 292. 91 The Academy, October 14th, 1893, p. 321. 92 Bharaut Inscriptions (Ind. Ant. Vol. XXI. (1892) p. 225. These inscriptions, published besides by General Cunningham in his largo monograph on the monument (1879) had been already revised in part by Prof. Hoernle (Iul. Ant. Vols. X, and XI. 1891 and 1982, and Dr. Hultasch tiad given an excellent edition of the whole collection in the Zeitsch, d. d. Morgenl. Gesellsch. Vol. XL. (1856). The new edition contains a list, with a reference to the collection of Prof. Fausboll, of all the Jatakas mentioned expressly or merely represented on the monument; the number of those thus identified is twenty-four. 3 Votive Inscriptions from the Sanchi Stapas (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II. (1802) p. 87); The Inscriptions on the Sinchi stapas (Wiener Zeituch. f. d.k. d. Morgenl. Vol. VII. (1803), p. 291).

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Marca, 1897.] BULLETIN OF THE RELIGIONS OF INDIA. Dr. Fuhrer, among remains of various dates. So at Buddha-Gaya, the sanctuary of the tree of wisdom, where the Master attained the perfection of a Buddha, and whose long continued history has lately been recounted by the veteran of Indian archaeology, in a magnificent volume.95 Here again the inscriptions date from the earliest times down to the twelfth century. The long series of excavations executed under his direction have enabled General Cunningham to determine the successive additions which made the actual building, and to reconstruct the plan and chief arrangement of the original sanctuary. In agreement with tradition, he attributes this sanctuary to Asoka, and this conclusion is not impugned by epigraphy; for, though the name of the king has not been met with, the characters of the inscriptions, those at least of oldest date, are the same as those of his edicts.97 At the extreme north-west of the Paojab and of India, where the alphabet called northern, Bactropali, IndoBactrian, or as Prof. Buhler prefers to call it, the Khardshthi, prevails, we are face to face with a similar problem. There also we have on a series of monuments, a form of writing, which beginning with Asoka, remained with hardly any change for several centuries. A considerable number of these inscriptions is dated; but, in certain cases, when we have not to do with the epoch established by Kanishka, which scholars are almost all agreed in fixing at A. D. 71, there is anything but agreement as to the era or eras to which these dates refer. In a carefully 9 Archeological Survey of India, New Series, Vol. I. The Sharqi Architecture of Jaunpur; rith notes on Zafarabad, Sahet Mahet and other places in the North Western Provinces and Oudh. By 4. Fuhrer, with Drawings and Archi. tectural Descriptions by Ed. W. Smith, Edited by Jas. Burgess, Calcutta (and London): 1889. On the other hand one result of the researches of Dr. Fuhrer is that the identification of Bhuila Tal with the lost Kapilavastu, the place of Buddha's birth, which was proposed by Mr. Cerlleyle so confidently, is entirely imaginary. - In the following volume of the Archaeological Survey of India (The Monumental Antiquities and Inscriptions in the NorthWestern Provinces and Oudh, described and arranged, Allahabad (and London 1891), Dr. Fuhrer has condensed an enormous masa of information on the archaeology of that district, which he is exploring with such intelligence and zoal. On Sahet Mahet, the ancient Sravasti, see further the essay of Mr. W. Hoey, in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXI. Part I. sutra number, 1899. In the preceding Bulletin (t. XIX. p. 267) I have mentioned the discovery of Mr. Cockburn, near the junction of the Ganges and the Jumna, of the cave where, in the time of Hiouen-Theang, the shade of Buddha appeared. Mr. Cockburn also recovered there an ancient inscription and took an imperfect copy of it, of which Prof. Hoernle (Proceedings of the As. Soc. of Bengal, 1887, p. 103) was not able to make much. This inscription, as well as another in the interior of the cave, has since been published by Prof. Fuhrer in the Epigraphia Indira, Vol. II. (1893) p. 240. It is indeed very old, of the first or second century before our era, but possibly Jains. In the seventh century the cave had been taken possession of agair by Buddhism ; at the present time, the nearest inhabitants are Jainas. * Mahabodhi, or the Great Buddhist Temple under the Bodhi Tree at Buddha Gaya. London, 1892. I regret to have to record the death of General Cunningham on the 28th November 1893. What a wonderful scientic career came to an end in the death of this bold and tireless worker in bis eighty-fourth year, and with his pen still in his land ? His first case y bears the date of 1834, when he was the companion and follow-worker of James Prinsep, and only the other day the Transactions of the Oriental Congress held in London, and the Numismatic Chronicle (Part III. 1893) brought us hin lant labours on the coins of the Indo-Seythic Kings. These excavations have unfortunately ended in restorations for which General Cunningham is not answerable and which are too like au act of vandalism. The temple, which for centuries had become Hindu, has been made brand new by means of countless square yards of stone facing and has been claimed again for the community of Buddhists in all quarters of the globo by agitators in Calcutta and Madras. 97 I bring together in this note some other discoveries and identifications of the sacred places of ancient Hindu Buddhism I. E. Abbott, Recently discovered Brukthist Caves at Nilsdr and Nenavali in the Bhor Slate. Bombau Presidency (Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. (1891), p. 121. - Henry Cousons, The Caves at Nadear and Karsambla (Archeolog. Survey of West, Ind. No. 12, Bombay, 1891). -T. W. Rhys Davids, Fa. Hien's" Fire Limit" (Journ, Roy. As. Soc. of Gr. Brit, and Ireland, 1891, p. 337). -T. W. Rhys Davids, The Buddha's Residences (ibid. p. 339). - A. Macaulay Markham, Report on Archeological Excavations in Bijnor, North-Western Provinces (Journ, As, Soc. of Bengal, Vol. LX (189), p. 1), -Henry Cousons, Report on the Borid Lakha Medi Stapa near Junaga:th (in Kathiawar) (Ibid. p. 17).L. A. Waddell, Discovery of Buddhist Remains at Mount Uren in Mongir District, and Identification of the site of a celebrated Hermitage of Bulha (the hill in Hiranyaparvata, where, according to Hiouen-Thsang, the Buddha had conquered a certain Yaksha Bakula) (Ibu. Vol. LXI. (1892) p. 1).-L. A. Waddell, The "Team-cho-dung" of the Lamas, and their very erroneous identification of the site of Buddha's death (the Lamas situate it in Assam) (Ibid. p. 38). - Lastly I shall nention tho very careful translation of the voyages of Fa-Hien by Prof. James Legge, though it has appeared some time ago; A Record of Buddhist Kingdoms, being an Account by the Chinese Monk Fa-Hien of his Travels in India and Ceylon (4. D. 399-411) in search of the Buddhist Books of Discipline. Translated and. annotated with a Corean Recension of the Chinese Text. Oxford, 1886.

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.THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. written essay, 98 M. Senart has tried to let some light into this darkness. Founding on a recently published inscription, which he was the first to decipher correctly,100 and, bringing it into connection with several other monuments of the same class, he gave it as his opinion that the dates of these texts have reference to an era the beginning of which would fall between 90 and 80 B. C., and the establishment of which must be attributed to those Parthian dynasties, which come between the Greek kings and the great Indo-Scythic empire, and which held sway in the basin of the Indus at the commencement of the Christian era. These results, especially if we take into account the cautious reserves with which the author has taken pains to guard them, ought always to be taken into serious consideration, although it is certain, after the publication of the new facsimile by Mr. Smith, that the date of the inscription of Hashtnagar contains signs for hundreds, and that the most likely reading is 2841 and not 84. Along with the era proposed by M. Senart, this would bring us, in fact, to about 200 A. D. and, though it is hard to see how this local Parthian era should, in this region, have survived not only these Arsacide dynasties, but even the establishment of the era of Kanishka; it is still more difficult to reckon here according to that latter era, and, with Mr. Smith, bring down this inscription and the alphabet in which it is written as low as 362 A. D. As, on the other hand, we cannot think of the era of the western Arsacides, an era which the Parthian dynasties themselves such as Gondophares, did not employ for their inscriptions, the hypothesis of M. Senart remains the most probable, unless we will fall back on the era of the Seleucides, or content ourselves with a simple confession of ignorance. In any case, to judge by the facsimile, this date of 200 A. D. is not contradicted by the scene depicted on the pedestal. Its pilasters with their broken Corinthian capitals, its foreign garments, its heads with nothing Indian about them but the mode of dressing the hair, its prettiness, which is slightly vulgar and quite secular though the subject is a religious act, very likely an offering to Buddha: all we can say of this sculpture is, that it is derived from western workmanship, and is connected with some period of Graeco-Roman art. (To be continued.) 60 THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. FROM THE PAPERS OF THE LATE A. C. BURNELL. (Concluded from page 53.) [MARCH, 1897. WHEN they came out of the cow-pen, the Ballal's wife asked her husband:"What, my dear, are you not hungry to-day? The rice and curry have been prepared for a long time. All is now become quite cold. What are you doing? Come and dine, and then go about." Then he frowned and rebuked her in anger, saying:-"Here, what did you say? You are wailing because you have finished your cooking? Have you to go anywhere? Have you any business? You see, if the buffaloes in the cow-pen are well, all will be well with us. If they are alive, we have food. What do you know? After the buffaloes got ill, I felt neither hunger nor thirst. All that flew away." se Notes d'Epigraphie Indienne, Vol. III. De quelques monuments indo-bastriens (Journ. Asiat, fevrier-mars 1890). This inscription, cut on the base of a statue of Buddha and coming from Hashtnagar, in the north of Peshawar, had been published, with a not very good facsimile, the only one which M. Senart had at his disposal, by Mr. V. A. Smith, in the fad. Ant. Vol. XVIII. (1889) p. 257. A better and more complete reproduction, giving also the bas-relief of which the inscription forms a part (the statue which was erected on this base has not been recovered) has been supplied by the same scholar (Journ. of the As. Soc. of Beng. Vol. LVIII. (1889) p. 144. 100 The same corrections had been made independently, but after the publication of the second facsimile, by Prof. Buhler, in the Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. (1891) p. 394. Mr. Smith's reply to M. Senart and Prof. Buhler, ibid. Vol. XXI. (1892) p. 166; he gave an extended analysis of M. Senart's essay in the Journ. of the As. Soc. of Bengal, Vol. LXI. (1892), p. 52. 1 Professor Buhler and Mr. Smith both give their voice for 274; but I cannot see any real difference between the signs representing ten.

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March, 1897.] THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. 61 Then the nephew said:-"Ann, Anna, I am very hungry; now let us go." At this both went to the verandah of the house, and there they saw rice served in plates (of brass) and milk in bowls (of brass) and everything ready. They took water in a pot and washed their hands and faces and sat down to take their meals ; and took rice a second time. And having eaten and being filled, they got up and went to the raised platform on the verandah. Then the Balla! called his wife, and told her to bring the bag of betel-leaves; and when she had brought it, he opened it and ate betel-leaves and betel-nut, and reclining on a pillar spat continually. While doing so, he called his nephew and said :-"Behold, you will know after I am dead; because when you came to the house of the fortune-telling Bhatta, did you ask me --Anna, did you consult the fortune? What became manifest ?' Or some such thing? Do you think any disease is cared of itself? You are a wise fellow. If any one has such nephews, his rice will give place to conjee; there is no doubt of it." To this the nephew said: "You see, Anna, I would have asked; but on account of hunger I had become nearly insensible, as if saffron powder had been put into my eyes. Even my tongue clave to my palate. Therefore, I did not ask. Now I ask you, tell me: what became manifest in the fortune P" To this the uncle said : -"You see, you Uapaana,t as you ought to be called. You are only a boiled-rice man. What shall I tell you ?" So saying he rebuked him. At this the nephew said :-"Do not be angry with me. It is true I am an ignorant man, a boiled-rice man, because I do not know how to live without eating." To this the uncle said :-"Enough, enough; do not speak much." So saying he still continued "You see, & now Bhata called Panjurli has come to this village. It had not come to any place before this; it has first come to our house and shown its power and influence. It is now ascertained by fortune-telling process to be a very powerful Bhuta; and the fortune-telling Bhatga told me to believe in him. Then I told him that I was willing to believe in him; and asked him how I should do it. Then he told mo to cause a stana to be built and to keep a cot in it and offer sacrifices to the Bhata, and thus believe in him. If you believe in him thus,' said he, your buffaloes will get well this instant, and begin to eat grass. Accordingly, I agreed to what he said and returned. Therefore, I must begin the work of building the stana next Friday. I must call the carpenters and then begin the work. I cannot do all this work without fifteen pagodas. I am, therofore, anxious, not knowing what to do. What do you know of my anxiety po So saying he called nis sister and said :-"Akka, the produce of our fields in this year is not enough for four months. If the conjee vessels of the bondmen are not filled to the brim their countenances fall. If three cash of the Government money remains unpaid the collector will not leave as. In this year's rainy season we shall not get conjee water to drink. You see your son has no sense. How will he live? How will he conduct the affairs of this budu ? I cannot understand it." At this she said :-"You see, brother, do not tell him anything. Let his life be in him, and let him only live before our eyes; it is enough. Do not you tell him anything. Do as I say; hear me." At this he left off speaking and went to his work. Then the nephew calling his mother said to her:-"Mother, there are many lumps of cowdung on the grassy plot where the cattle are grazing. I will go and fetch them. When my uncle comes home, if he sees me sitting idle he will abuse me very much. I will do as much as I can." So saying he took a cowdang basket and a cowdung ladle and went to the grassy plot and filled the basket with the cowdung lumps, and taking it upon his head came home. As he was 11. o., a boiled rice man, that is, one who is good for nothing but eating.

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62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1897. coming he met his uncle. Then the uncle thought within himself :-"The lad is not idle ; he does as much as he can. In this manner, day by day, he will get wiser and wiser; what my sister said is true. Henceforth I must not say any thing to him." Moreover he thought :-"I must look for a site for a stana. I do not know where it should be built. Therefore, I must call a magician and show him the place." Thinking thas, he quickly took his meal and went to the magician's house. When he went there, he saw the magician sitting in his house and talking cheerfully with his relatives who had come to him. Then the Ballal said to him: "O magician, I come to you on account of some business." Then the magician, seeing the Balla], showed him respect and gave him a mat and a low stool and water in a pot and milk in a bowl, and said " Drink, sir," and also placed before him betel-leaves and betel-nut in a brass plate; and after finishing their talk, and after the Balla! had told him everything, the magician accompanied the Ballal to the budu. After reaching the budu, he ordered a good dinner for him, as if it were the dinner for a feast. So he and the Ballk], having finished dinner, ate the betel-leaves, and then got up and walked round the whole house; and yet they did not find a good site for the stana. Then they went further and looked for a site; there they found a large milk-banyan tree. When they found it, they thought it to be a very suitable site for & stana. Then the magician said to the Balla! :-" O Ballal, you cannot find such a fine site if you go in search for it in a thousand districts. Such a ba nyan tree ought to be in a place where a stuna is to be built; without it you ought not to build a stana. In this place everything is convenient; therefore, you must build here." At this the Balla! said :-" It is not enough if you say you must build here. You must tell me how much space is needed, and bringing the measuring line and rod, you must measure the ground just now." So saying he brought the line and the rod and all the measuring instraments, and having measured the required space drove stakes into the ground, and making everything ready returned home. The next day, being Friday, when the sun arose and came above the horizon to about a man's height, carpenters came to the Ballal with their axes, ready to fell trees, and stood before him with clasped hands. Then the Ballal said to them, "O carpenters, are you come? Sit down in the verandah; I will come shortly." So saying he ordered a big pot to be filled with water, and taking the water and four sers of jaggery and four sugar-canes and twenty tender cocoanuts with him, the Balla! called the carpenters to him, and went with them to the forest; and seeing good trees asked the carpenters and got them felled at their suggestion. After the trees were felled, the Balla! and the carpenters being exposed to the hot sun became thirsty, and felt as if saffron powder had been put into their eyes, and began to breathe hard. Then the Ballal, giving to each carpenter one tender cocoanut and one pot of water and a quarter sar of jaggery, drank as much as he liked, and suid to them :-"O you carpenters, what is this? Our mother's milk which we had sucked while young, even that is burnt up; is it not so? By one day's work only you are quite exhausted. We have yet to fell down many trees. How will you fell them? I am ansions about it. What is this? It seems as if you had never before felled trees. I am very much astonished at this. Now you must cut off all the branches of the trees which you have felled, and then you must strip the bark of the trees, and make them four-sided to be ready for sawing. The sun is going to set soon. Therefore, make baste and strip the bark soon.' To-morrow the sawyers will come. When they come we must make everything ready for them. We must make four posts to stand, and tie cross-pieces on them on which the trees must be laid to be ready for sawing."

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MARCH, 1897.] Then the carpenters stripped the bark, and made everything nice. In the meantime the sun set and it became dark. Then all of them went out of the forest and took their way home. After they reached the bulu the Ballal gave to the carpenters their batta, which consisted of rice, cocoanuts, salt, tamarind, chillies, curry-stuff, and onions, and everything else they needed, and ordered them to come earlier on the next day, and sent them away. And then he entered his house and bathed with warm water, took his meals and went to bed. So it was morning, and the carpenters came. Then the Ballal went to the forest with the carpenters and searched for trees, but they did not find any straight suitable trees. Then the carpenters said:"Sir, you see this is only the edge of the forest. There will not be many trees here. Because this place is near to all the people, they cut down the trees from this place. Therefore, we cannot find good trees here. Let us go more to the eastward, there we shall find whatever tree we desire." THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. 63 To this the Ballal said:"Yes, yes, let us do so." So saying they went further and further to the eastward and searched for trees; there they found a tree which was very tall and of great girth. Its circumference was so great that four -persons were required to embrace it. Its height was about thirty yards. When the carpenters saw such a big tree, they were frightened and said :-"O Ballal, we have not seen such a tree anywhere; we have built mathas and big houses and also temples and shrines. We have cut down very big trees for such purposes. But we have never seen such a big tree anywhere up to this time. When we look at it our heads become dizzy. You must ask a word from some one before felling this tree. This tree ought not to be felled before asking some one." At this the Ballal was astonished, and he thought of it, and said:"O carpenters, just now you boasted of your cleverness and said that you had built mathas and temples and houses, and various other buildings. Now you say that this tree is a very big one, and make a great fuss about felling this tree. What is this? People will laugh if they hear that you, sons of earpenters, are afraid of felling down trees. Fell this tree at once. I will take the consequences. Be not afraid, but mind your work." When the Ballal had said thus, one of the carpenters threw away his axe and began to tremble. At this, the other carpenters were frightened and astonished, and went further and further from him, and said :-"What is this? He is trembling, and his looks frighten us." At this the Ballal approached him, and as his name was Karaga, he called him thrice :O Koraga-achari, O Koraga-achari !" To this he did not make any response. When he was quiet and made no response the carpenters became more frightened than before, and said:"Sir, do not call him now, he is not conscious. Some Bhata has possessed him. There seems to be some miracle about this tree. Now, see, it will speak through this possessed man." After this the Bhuta, which had possessed the carpenter, manifested his power and broke a stick and struck his breast and his belly and sides, and biting his lips and teeth uttered such a loud cry as if to make the earth open itself. At this the Ballal and the carpenters were exceedingly frightened and were almost petrified. Then they said :-"This must be some great Bhuta. He has much power, and yet he does not open his mouth. Is he a dumb Bhuta or what? If he had opened his mouth and told us his purpose, we could have done something." So saying he asked the man possessed with the devil:-"You must tell me who you are. If you are a demon of truth, if you are a demon of sixteen commands, you must tell us truly who you are. Without doing so, if you strike yourself in this manner, who suffers the pain? What is the use of it? Tell us soon, Why do you give so much trouble to the man whom you have possessed? If you bruise his body and his hands in this manner, how can he live by labour? You ought not to do so. Tell us soon who you are."

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1897. When urgently asked thus, the Bhuta said "O Ballal, you came with carpenters and intended to cut down this tree which is my habitation. Is it not so? It is well! It is commanded that my friend the Panjurli Bhuta is to go to every town. I know it. And yet, what your budu is to you, this tree is to me. Therefore, you must not cut down this tree. You will get another tree elsewhere. If you go a little to the north you will find in a valley a group of blackwood trees!; and in the midst of it you will find a kiribun tree. You will get enough of timber to build a stana out of that tree. Did you not wish to know my name ? My name is Kallurti. When the god was born I was born at his right hand. I am not of to-day or yesterday. It is a long while since I have possessed this man. Now, therefore, I will go into my abode. You have also much business. On account of my coming it has stopped. Now I will leave this man. It will be well if you give me something to drink. Then I should be very much pleased with you." At this the BallA! made a hole in a tender cocoanut which he had kept for himself, and giving it to the man possessed said:"Now, O Kallurti, take this in my name gladly." Then the man possessed by the Kallurti took it from him and drank it at a single draught, and suddenly fell down on the ground and became senseless. After about one ghalige he became conscious and asked :-"Sir, what is this? You are standing. Why are you not felling the tree, but standing idle ?" Then the carpenters who were with him said to him "What did you do ? Tell us what took place here up to this time." Then he said: "I do not know anything; I only felt as if my head had been turned, I did not know where I was. Therefore, I feel as if I had lost my senses. I feel pain in my whole body. I feel quite tired. I feel as if I have been beaten with the fists. I have also pain in the back. I do not know what took place." Then all the carpenters, who were with him, told him :-"Behold, Kallarti who is residing in this tree came upon you ; and Kallarti told us not to fell this tree as he was residing in it. So saying Kallurti left you. You know nothing, is it not so P" At this he said :-" Then this is a great wonder; I do not know anything; what is the cause of my feeling this pain in my body? And yet, never mind; now what shall we do? What work shall we do?" When he asked this question, the Balla! said :-" you carpenters, why do you idle away your time? Now I will have to pay your hire without your doing any work." At this they were afraid and made haste, and went with him to the north and found the tree in the valley and felled it, and stripped its bark and branches and made it four-sided, and returned home. In the night, after the meal was over, at the time of going to bed, the Balla!'s wife came near his bed and said : "Behold, by going daily to the forest to fell trees, you have been much burnt by the sun and much reduced. If this continue it will be hard for you. If any one else go instead of you, it would be a good thing. If you are alone, see, this will be your state. How many days more will this work of felling trees last ? For how may days will you have to go to the forest ? When I see your body, my life runs away. How will you get well henceforth P" When she said thus, her husband said:"Now, in four days more, the work of felling trees will be over. Then we will cause them to be brought to our house. Then the work will be near the house. If we make the carpenters work near our house it is enough. There will be very little work, and it will be ensy for me." 1 Vatica laccifera. 21. e., about twenty-four minutes,

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MARCH, 1897.] THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. 65 So saying, he, moreover, continued :-"Now go you in, the night is far speut; go to sleep. You must get up early and boil the paddy; go." So saying, he sent her in, and lay down near the entrance. So it was morning. On that day again he went with the carpenters to the forest and felled trees and returned. And in the same way they felled as many trees as they wanted. One day he went to Polippu and called all the fishermen, and said to one of them :-"How many males are in your house ?" He answered :-"Sir, we are four in our house." Then he called another, and said :-" you fisherman, how many males are in your honse ?" He answered :-"Sir, we are two." In this manner the Ballal called a man from each house, and ordered all of them, and said : -"O you fishermen, hear each one of you : trees have been felled in the forests for the purpose of building a stana for the Balla!'s budu. All these trees should be brought to the budu; because the day is fixed for building the stuna and for raising the upper storey, therefore the work is stopped. Therefore, to-morrow, all of you must come together; one or two hundred of you must join together and bring the trees to my house. The man who does not come will be fined. And if he does not pay the fine, I will see that nobody gives him chrenam 'or fire." When he had thus frightened them, all of them said :-"Sir, do we tell lies to our lord ? We walk as it is agreeable to the god and this earth. We are not such rascals. Had we been such, how should we have survived ? We who have to go on the sea and catch fish and bring them and sell them, going from house to house; in this way we have to live, we who are such will never tell you lies. If we do not go out and bring all your trees to-morrow morning, you may drive us out of this town." Having said this, they obtained permission to depart and went their way. The next day the headman of the fishermen called all the fishermen, and went with them to the forest, and tied ropes to the trees, and, dragging them and carrying them on the shoulders, brought them to the Palla!'s budu. Then the Ballal, seeing the fishermen, said to them :-"O you fishermen, when you go home tell me and go; do not go without telling me." At this they said :-"When we are going we will tell you." So saying they went their way. The trees were such that those who saw them said: " Whence are these trees ! Sach trees are not found by any one.' Afterwards the sawyers were called and the work was given to them on contract. And they were told to do the work quickly and finish it in fifteen days. So they came on the fixed day and said to the Ball! :-"O Ballal, we have not spoiled any bit of your timber, but we have done our work so that there is no crookedness nor flaw in it. Now call some one of your men and measure everything and calculate the money that is due to us, and settle our accounts. Give us what is due to us." When they said this the Balla! brought the measuring rod and measured all the planks, and cast up accounts, and counted the money and gave them their due. He also gave them presents and sent them away. Afterwards he called the carpenters and made them prepare posts and the struts of the posts and their pedestals and the joists and the wooden cornices and the wall-plates and the beams and the ridge-pole and the rafters and the ceiling planks. After he got all these things prepared he got the wall-plates fixed into the forked-pieces lengthways, and then got the joists and the cornice fitted into the square, and also got the planks joined ; and afterwards he got the scantling raised and got the earth-work and plastering work all

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66 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1897. done within. After these things were done, be got a cot prepared for Panjurli Bhuta, ard got a wooden railing on three sides of it and got it painted. Then he sent iron to the blacksmith's workshop and got a trident prepared with a chain and small jingling bells attached to the three points of it, and also got a sword and goglets and stool and bangles and shield and chain with tiger's nails in it and all other necessary ornaments prepared. After all these things were prepared the Balla! went to the fortune-telling Bhatta's house. When he went he found the Bhatta sitting in the verandah and telling fortunes. Then the Balla! seeing the Bhatta clasped his hands and saluted him. Then the fortane-telling Bhatta said :-" Let some oue spread a mat for the Balla! that he may sit." Then some one who was near brought a mat and spread it there. The Balla! sat upon it. After some time, when the fortune-telling business was over, the Bhatta asked the Balla! "On what business did you come here, o Balla!? You come very rarely here. It is a long time since I saw you last." At this the Balli] said :-"O Bhatta, I came to visit you ; according to your fortune-telling on that day my racing-buffaloes survived. If not, they would have certainly died. Now I have got a stana built; and a cot and other ornaments for Panjurli Bhuta are all ready. Now you must find out the auspicious day, and tell me on what day we shonld establish Panjurli Bhata, and dedicate the stana to him. For this purpose I am come to you." At this the Bhatta said :-"Well, yes, I will think of it and tell you the auspicious day." So saying, with the help of the kausis and luis almanack he found an auspicious day and said:-"O Ballal, there is not any auspicious day in this month. But there is one in the next month. The Friday, the 11th of the next month, is the day on which you can dedicate the stana to the Bhuta. That day is very auspicious. Therefore be prepared to do this on that very day." So said the fortane-telling Bhatta. At this the Ballal said "Sir, you must come and establish the Panjurli Bhuta. There is no one so able as yourself ; therefore it must be done by yourself. And I do not know what things are necessary for the sacrifices on that day. You must tell them also to me plainly." At this the Bhatta said :-"You say that I must come, but I have much business; what shall I do?" To this the Ballal said :-"No, that won't do ; you must come yourself." When he urged in this manner the Bhatta said :-"Well, I will come; what can I do when you are so urgent? I cannot deny you. Therefore I will come. And I will tell you what things are necessary on that day. Twelve sers of rice and twelve bundles of betel-leaves, forty-eight betel nuts, twelve banches of the flowers of the Areca-nat iree, forty-eight kinds of parasitic plants, a bunilo of firewood of the jack-tree, ninety-six tender cocoanuts, ninety-six ripe cocoanuts, forty-eight grains of rice and forty-eight sers of baked rice, forty.eigit sers of beaten rice, ninety-six sers of jaggery, twelve dried cocoanuts, one hundred plaintain-leaves, one handred ripe plantains, twelve sers of ghi, forty-eight sers of oil, and three sers of butter; you must procure all these and then find out a good man to represent the Bhuta. Let all these things be procared; and on that day send for me early in the morning; and I will come to you. And what else can I do?" At this the Balla said :-"So then I will send a man to fetch you; you must come with him. And I do not know anything. Please do what I ask that people may say that ererything was well done, and that I did it. Whatever I have to spend on that aecount, let it be spent; I do not care." Saying this, with clasped hands, he said moreover :-"Now I am going, please give me leave to go." At this the Bhatta said :--"Well then, go. You have much business; you have to do everything single-handed."

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MARCH, 1897.] So saying he sent him away. He came to his budu, took his midday meal, and, sitting in the verandah, called his sister, saying:-" Akka, where are you? What are you doing? Come here for a moment. I have something to say to you." THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. 67 At this she came and said: "What is the matter? What can be your business with me? My place is a corner in the kitchen; of what use am I, an old woman ?" At this the brother said:" Akka, are you not to me like a mother? I think that my mother is not dead. You are my mother. Now, I went to the fortune-telling Bhatta's house, and asked of him the day when the stana is to be dedicated to the Bhuta." At this she asked: -"Brother, when is that day? And how many days hence?" He replied:" It will not be in this month; it will be the eleventh day of the next month. The Bhatta said that it is a very auspicious day; I must send for him on that day. I have done so much work. To-morrow get paddy boiled and two muras of rice prepared. To-morrow I will go and bring all the things required for the purpose." Early in the morning he got up and went to the garden of the Kunbis, aud, going from house to house, he got from thence, plantain-leaves, and bunches of plantains, and the teuder rinds of the plantain-trees, and grey and red and white pumpkins, and vegetables of various kinds, and caused them to be carried by servants and sent them to his house. And then went to his garden and called the pujart and told him:-"O Pujari, go and get a hundred ripe cocoanuts from the cocoanut trees." Days went on, and the day to dedicate the stina came near. On that day he got up early and went in search of a man to represent the Bhuta. He was not in the house: he asked the inmates of the house where he was gone. Then they replied that on the previous day he had gone to their neighbour's to represent the Bhuta on account of a tambila which took place there; and that he had not returned, but would soon return. So saying they requested him to wait for him for some time. As they were yet speaking he came to his house. Then the Balla seeing him said:"O devil-dancer, to-day in our budu a stana is to be dedicated to a new Bhuta Panjurli. I have asked for the auspicious day, and to-day is the day. Therefore you must come to represent the Bhuta and dance. You must come in the evening and be ready. All our neighbours will come at that time. You must come soon. Otherwise there will be delay on your account. Take care; you must come. Now, I am going." So saying he came to his budu and quickly took his meal, and went to the fortune-telling Bhatia's house; and, sitting in the verandah, called :-" O Bhatta, O Bhatta, what are you doing? Please come out. I have come on business." When he thus called him he came out and saw the Ballal sitting in the verandah. Seeing him, he said:"O! are you come ?" So saying he gave him a mat and a low stool and water to drink and jaggery to cat, and said:"Drink water, and eat jaggery." So saying he shewed him respect, and then sat down. Then the Ballal said :-" Bhatta, it is very late now; I have come to call you. Is this not the day you mentioned to dedicate the stuna? I have come to call you for that purpose. I came myself lest you should be unwilling to come if I sent a man. Now make haste; it is getting late. Get ready soon; let us go." To this the Bhatta consented and made haste, and taking an almanack accompanied the Ballal. So they came to the budu. And the Ballal took the fortune-teller to the place where the new stuna had been built, and shewed him everything, and asked:-"Is this beautiful ?" To this he replied :-" O Ballal, there is nothing equal to your fortune. You are a very good man. To the good all things become good. Now, then, let us make everything really The sun is beginning to set."

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68 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1897. So saying he got the stana cleansed. And the Bhatta lit a fire for a sacrifice with fire-wood from the jack-tree; and gave oblations to the Bhuta of ghi, and gave sacrifices according to a certain number. As the sacrifices were over, the sun set; then the devil-dancer also came. Then the Bhatta sitting before the fire took tender cocoanuts and ripe cocoanuts, and beaten rice and baked rice, and honey, and ghi, and butter, and curds, and milk, and prepared panchamrita; and then the Bhatta took the sandal-stone and rubbed sandal-wood upon it and prepared sandal. Then the Bhatta called the Ballal and told him:-" Now, take the devil-dancer yourself to the tank, and let him bathe there and come." So saying he sent them; and before they returned he made everything ready in the stana. And then they came and entered the stana and came and stood before the sacrificial fire. Then the Bhatta said :-"Now, be not dilatory. Give the devil-dancer the flowers of the arecanut tree and some grains of rice; and let him stand in front of us. Give him the sword and the bell." Having done so, all of them prayed:-"O lord, if you are Panjurli Bhuta of a truth, let it become known to us in this way." So saying all of them at once threw rice upon the devil-dancer. Then the music was played. Suddenly the devil-dancer began to tremble and cried out with a loud voice and ran round the stana, and ran to the tank and bathed again, and came back and took the sword, and began to pierce his belly with it. Then the Baragas, who had come together in the stana, took away the sword from the hands of the devil-dancer, and prayed thus:-"O lord Panjurli, if you are of truth, now you must open your mouth and speak to us. We have taken much pains to believe in you. Now you must be pleased with us and take the sacrifices which we offer, and onder us and save us." At this Panjurli said thas:-"O Balla]. I came down from the sky, yet I had no ladder to do it. Do you hear me? I am he that came down without a ladder. Great magicians tried for seven days and seven nights to catch me; and yet they could not catch me; but I am come here. Now I must go about to the great towns and see renowned places and seek for a habitation. I am come to help the men of this world. Take courage. Do not be afraid. I am very much pleased with the sacrifices which you have offered. And yet you must henceforth give me two tambilas every year. If you fail in this, I will give you trouble. Then you must not complain of me. Now I am very glad that I have first drunk milk in your house. In future I will help you, so that no sickness or disease attack your children or your cattle. Now bring me food; the devil-dancer is getting very tired. I must leave him. I have recently come here; I must not give much trouble. Bring me all sorts of cakes and puddings and milk, and I will take my food." At this the Ballal said :-"O Baragas, Panjurli has spoken well. He is a demon of truth. Bring him the food that he has asked. Let him take it." All the Baragas, hearing these words, brought food to Panjurli Bhuta. Panjurli, when he was about to take the food, asked the Balla]:-"O Ballal, shall I take food ?" To this the Ballal answered:-"Yes, you may take. All is yours. It is also yours to save us all." After the Ballal had said thus, he took the food, and said: "O Ballal, how is the trisula which you have got prepared for me? I wish to see it; bring it here before me." Then they brought the trisula to Panjurli Bhuta, and gave it to him. Then Panjurli took the trisula in one of his fingers, and said:"All of you see this; now, though this trisula is so big, it is big only to you, but it is not so to me.. To me this is as a straw. It is not big in my eyes. What you have got prepared for me is very beautiful. And now I must see all the other ornaments which you have prepared for me."

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MARCH, 1897.) SPECIMENS OF MODERN BRAHMANICAL LEGENDS. 69 At this, they brought the mask which they had prepared for Panjurli, and gave it to him. He saw the mask and was quite delighted with it, and, putting it on his face, trembled and cried out in a loud voice, and said: "You see, this mask which you have prepared for me is very beautiful." And again he said : -"Now bring the goglets." . And so the goglets were brought. In this manner they did everything; and the Bhata enjoyed the feast, and having finished the dedication, the assembly dispersed. SPECIMENS OF MODERN BRAHMANICAL LEGENDS. BY G. K. BETHAM. No. II. -- The Panavasi- Vahatmya. Part III. A BALOTATION to the great Ganapati! . The Rishis said: "O great Suta, all-knowing and remover of all doubts, how was it that Madhukesa set his affections on the ketaki flower? We have heard that in ancient days it came under the carse of Sive, and was kept far distant (from him) on account of treachery: now king Malla, in order to please Siva, worshipped him on the night of 'Sivaratri with the auspicions ketaki flowers. O Muni, you are the only one who can explain to us why king Malla, he who understood Siva - acted in this way; explaining all this, relate it to as to our satisfaction."66 Skanda said - on being asked in this way by the Rishis, who were discussing (the matter): Sata, causing them to listen, told them this ancient story: "O assembly of Rishis, the holy stories of Sambha contain the essence.60 The more people hear of the playful sport of Sambhu, the more they wish to hear it. In ancient times in the Kalpa, in his form of Rajas,57 he created many people (subjects), he created the universe58 and many supports for it. By Siva's orders Vishnu became the protector.60 He (Vishan) passed through many incarnations and killed many demons, and he protected many good people (sadhus), who lived hononrably.01 Once upon a time Brahma and Vishna, being allared by the illusions of Siva,2 became egotistical and proud - 'I am Brahma! I am the creator of the worlds. There is no one to equal mo. I created many worlds and (also many men in them. I created Gandharvas, many Apsarns, Vidyadharas, a large serpents,64 Kinnaras, the assembly of the gods and many wonderful enjoyments in the heavens. I created the Prajapatis, namely, Marichi and others, Svayambhu and Manu, and I created people in four ways to live in four states (or castes). (I created) the Vedas with their six parts.65 (I created) the years, seasons, months, the two * Rimaharshana, lit., thrill : erection of the hair on the body, horripilation. * I. 6., the real truth. 67 The second (or, according to Monier Williams, the first) of tbe three guras or constituent qualities of all material substances, the other two being sattus and tamas. Rajas is supposed to be the cause of the great activity seen in creatures: it predominates in men, as sativa and tamas predominate in gods and demons, Lit., many worlds 60 Or foundations. 6 Sattvs Brahms: Rajas Vishnu Tamas = Biva. The Trimarti or Triad, according to Molesworth, Monter Williams, however, has it Rajos Brahms: Sattva - Vishiu : Tamas Siva. This would appear to be the modern idea and the one accepted at the present time. 61 Lit., acted a just part, or up to the limit. Drawn on by Biva's blandishments or tricks. Demigode. 41. e., Ananta, V Asuki: Takshaka: Seaba, etc. 65 Lit., limbs or members. I. e., fikshl, pronunciation of words ; kalpa, rules for ceremonies and sacrifioes; vytkarana, grammar; nirukta, glossarial explanation of obscure words; chhur.dai, prosody, metrical science ; jyotisha, astronomy.

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70 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1897. pukshas,66 sankranti.07 And I created four castes to act according to their allotted parts, and the three Ganas and many truths. Who beside me is able to create all these things s0 wonderfully? Vishnu, being haughty and also feeling boastful, spoke angrily and with trembling lips to Brahma thus: O foolish Brahma, puffed up with vain arrogance. Fools in their old age always become forgetful. People unable to do any work, bump-backed people and proud people speak of their own deeds and jeer at others. It is the custom of aged people to exaggerate and to claim to have done work which has really been done by others. You are sprang from my body; you are foolish in your vain arrogance. I am the creator of all worlds, and you, being my son, are my dependent1 You merely create worlds through my power, and according to my behests. Otherwise how would the variations in creation occur? I only am the supporter of all the worlds, and there is none beside me. I am the only creator and the only protector. There is no doubt that all the worlds would be destroyed without me. I have gone through incarnations and slain invincible enemies. Who clse besides me would be able (to do all this)? On hearing Vishnu speak thus, Dhitri7 became very angry, and he struck Kesava on the cheek. Vishuu, being strack, burned with the fire of anger. Hari, thon, on his part, beat him (Brahmi) with his four hands. Being beaten severely, Vidhi's fainted for a moment Getting up he knocked Vishnu down with his hands. In the act of falling Vishnu canght him by his feet and threw him away. Vidhi having fainted74 fell down into the city of Varanasi. Vishnu followed, and seizing Vidhi again, he beat him with bis hands, and Vidhi getting up beat Vishnu. O Brahmans, then the brave Brahma and Vishnu, being skilled in war, fought with each other in many ways), viz., striking with their fists, palling each other's hair, pushing with their shoulders and kicking and striking with feet and hands. Having fought in this manner, they both then got their weapons, (Brahma) his bow 75 and Vishu his bow,76 and let fly showers of arrows. They let luose charmed arrows and to protect themselves77 from the arrows, Brahma used his Brahmastra, and Vishnu his Vaishnavastra.79 Thus getting very fierce and angry, they fought with each other, and the gods were afraid of being burneil by the fire arising from the clashing of the weapons. They (therefore) all went to Kailasa to inform 'Siva of what was going on. They all ascended the mountain, and reached the vicinity of Siva. They saw the Lord of the World, Merudastan?Anamaya,80 and salating him told him what Vishnu and Brahmi wero doing. The merciful one merely signed to them with his eye-brows to go away, and then, in order) to humiliate their pride,89 he appeared before them in Kasi on the great Sivaratri (night). The great and lofty, the good Sadasiva appeared between them in great splendour in the form of the linga. They were both astonished at seeing him, and both made salutation (obeisance) to him. Sankara spoke to them serionsly, as if to censure (punish) them :- O Brahma! O Visha! What is the meaning of this unmannerly conduct of you both ?' Hearing the words of the Master, their bodies began to tremble, and they both, with folded hands, respectively told what events had happened.) 'Siva, knowing that they had 60 Or the two fortnights, bright and dark. 17 Tho passage of tho sun from one zodiacal sign into another. Or first principles. 69 Or throbbing. 70 Lit., vain-hearted. 11 Referring to the legend of Brahma being born from the lotus which aprang from the navel of Vishnu. T2 Creator, and so applied to Brahma. 13 Or Vidbitri, creator or bestower i an epithet of BrahmA. * Lit., having his movements stopped. 15 Chipa. To Sariga. 17 Lit., stop the flight of. ** Weapon or bow: also used for an arrow or other missile, 79 The lord of heaven, free from disease: the healthy, one. 80 Ansaya ineans the healthy one or the disenscles onc. #1 Lit., informed him of their movements, # I. ., Vishnu's aud Brahmi's, * I. c., their respective versions.

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MARCH, 1897.] SPECIMENS OF MODERN BRAHMANICAL LEGENDS. become proud, spoke kindly to them as follows:He who finds out (discovers) the bottom and top of this great linga is the only creator of the world: otherwise he is foolish.' 71. On hearing these words, they both made oaths. Brahma, wishful of seeing the top of it (the linga), assumed the form of a swan. Vishnu in the form of a boar went to the deep bottom (of the linga). Hari, after wandering for many years without seeing the bottom, went back to the presence of 'Siva. O Brahmans, Brahma with tired wings and mortified in his mind, unable to reach the top, flew many yojanas without seeing the top of the linga, and he became very sorrowful.84 In this case Vidhi saw the flower of the ketaki falling from the top of the linga. Seeing them he questioned: O ketaki flower, whence have you come? The ketaki replied: 'I come from the top of the linga. I have passed many yugas (ages) in coming, and my body is fatigued. Now I am going to Siva.' On hearing this speech of the ketaki (flower), Brahma, being very much fatigued, said: - You say that we have, both of us, come from the top of the linga'; whereon the ketaki (flower) said: Very well' (so be it); and then they went together into the presence of Siva. Siva (Sambhu) asked them both if they had come after having seen (the top and the bottom of the linga). Vishnu replied:-'O god, the bottom was not seen by me.' Vidhi said falsely that the top had been seen by him. On hearing this, Sankara became angry, and asked the ketali (flower) about it. The ketaki replied:-O Lord, we have both come together from the top (of the linga): Vidhi's statement is not false.' On hearing this speech of the ketaki, the Lord cursed them both.85 O Brahma, in consequence of this falsehood that you haye uttered you shall not deserve worship on the surface of the earth. O Vidhi, from this day forth be always senseless.80 O ketak, on account of your falsehood, I curse you also; you shall not be worshipped87 any more on my head.' Sambhu, having cursed them both in this way, spoke kindly to Vishnu :O Hari, of true speech, deserve worship always among men;89 those mortals who worship you will be held to have pleased (or satisfied) me also.' So saying, SambhuSanatanas disappeared into the linga. From that day forward he (Siva) became famous in Kasi under the name of Visvesa (Master of the World). Then the ketaki spoke to Vidhi in abundant (uncontrollable) sorrow:-'O Brahma, in consequence of your words (advice) I have come under (incurred) this terrible curse. I cannot endure being for a single day without the lotus-like feet of 'Siva.' On hearing this manner of speech, Brahma said to the ketaki:Go to the great city of Vanavast which soon yields all desires, and perform austerities with great devotion in the vicinity of Madhukesvara. The curse uttered by Siva can be removed by him only and not by others.' Acting on Vidhi's advice the ke taki, having carbed its passions, devoutly performed austerities for a long time in Vanavisi, contemplating (meditating upon) Siva. (At length) Sambhu appeared in the linga, wishful of conferring a boon upon the ketaki, who on seeing the god appearing addressed him thus: O Hara! O Sambhu! O Mahadeva! O merciful one! O thou that art full of love to thy devotees! I told a lie through ignorance and by the advice of Vidhi. O eternal Siva ! Store of mercy! Forgive me! Forgive me! Have compassion! I cannot remain (be at rest) without getting (being) near, or at, your lotus-like feet.' Thus speaking, the ketaki fell prostrate on the ground many times. Prabhu (the Lord), listening to the ketaki, himself conferred a boon upon it. Bhagavan (Siva) said as follows:- By my order (word) you become undeserving (unworthy of honour) on any day but the holy Sivaratri.' So saying he then disappeared into the linga called Madhuka. From that day it (the ketaki flower) became the favourite of (sacred to) 'Siva on that night It was for this reason that king Malla offered kitak flowers with devotion to the eternal Madhukesvara. Those who especially worship the god Siva on the night of Sivaratri with ketuki flowers get near the feet of Siva."92 " 85 I, e., Brahma and the ketaki, 87 Lit., deserve worship. 89 The eternal one. Lit., full of care. 86 Lit., of dull intellect. Lit., in the world. The ling at Vanavast is so called. There are two linge at Vanavasi. 90 Lit., words. 91 I. e., obtain Siva's favour.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1897. Part No. IV. All hail to the great Ganesa ! "Tell us the gloriouse story of Siva. How did the grent Siva himself, Sambhu, Paramesvara, obtain the awe-inspiring name of Madhuk svara P Pray, kindly tell this to us who are listening." Suta said: "Listen to this (story), O Rishis, which was formerly told by Skanda to Sanatkumara Rishi in Kailasa, in the house of Sankara. The lord of the ascetics asked Skanda concerning this story. I tell you the story which was related by Sarajanman. In the olden days in the Jabala" Kalpa, a great Astra, called Suda, son of KishmAksha, when his father was killed by the great Bhairava, fled through fear, bent upon saving his own) life. The Danava remained (concealed) in a cave in the Sahyadris for a long time. Vidyunmalin, thinking him to be a powerful man, gave him his daughter in marriage. After his marriage that powerful man increased in power(r)7 on the top of the Sahyadri mountains. Vidyanmalin summoned all those (demons) who had escaped being slain by Bhairava, and (who) having fled in different directions, had gone to reside in the recesses of Patala: also those who lived in forests, in caves and on mountains. All the Daityas and the Danavas came at the call of Vidyanmalin. They, having come near Sudn, beheld the chief of the Daityas, and thinking that the powerful Suda would protect them from the wrath of the gods, the warriors, having cheered loudly, became the followergo of Suda. That army, resembling an ocean (in point of size), became obedient to the orders of Suda. Once upon a time Ubanas 100 came to see the powerful Suda. Suda being informed (of his arrival) by Vidyanmalin, got op quickly, and, going near and saluting him, he worshipped him with arghyal and in other ways. Bhargava,' full of delight, accepted the seat offered him by Sodn, and having seated Suda, the leader of the Daityns, near him, Bhargava caressed him and lifted up his face with his hand and spoke to him kindly. Sukra said :-'O child, are you in good health? Are all your followergo happy ? The whole of the kingdom belonging to your father is forcibly taken by the gods. On hearing the words of Kavi, Suda with his hands folded said :-O Garn! owing to the influence of your favour I am happy in every way. From the day of my father's death (in battle) I took up my abode in the forest. Now, O Guru, show kindness to me so that I may regain my kingdom. So saying, he wept aloud and fell down on his face at his feet. He lifted Suda with his hands and seated him on a good seat, and, soothing him, said to Suda, who was then fall of grief: Build a fort in the Sahyadris, and, being accompanied by your Daityas and Danavas, make your residence there. I will come to you afterwards. So saying and having pleased him,1o Sukra went away. Suda then, with the aid of the Daityas and Danavas, and, being assisted by Vidyanmalin, went to the place he was told (to go to) by Sukra, and built a fortress. The king of the Daityas built a city in his own pamell >> Or famous One of the "mind.born" sons of Radra: over pure and innocent. The Liiga-Purina has: "Being over as he was born, he is called a youth and his name is well known as Sanatkumara," AS "Born in the reeds," an epithet applied to Skanda. The resemblance to the story of Moses is ourious. Probably means the age of the Yajurveda. OT Or strength. * Lit., sat near. >> Lit., body of armed men. 100 The preceptor (guru) of the Daityas : known also as Kavi and Bukra, 1 A libation of water. I. e., Ufanae, Sukra or Kavi. Lit., put his arm in front of his neck. * A common practice. Lit., army. .L., Ubanas, Sakra or Bhargava: lit., the poet. "Usanas is the poet among the poeta" (Sanakit saying). Voed also to desigaste Valmiki. In the text the preceptor of the Asuras is indicated. 1 Lit., essence. II. e., Bukra the preceptor. Lit., auspicious, 1. Lit., having delighted his mind, 11 Called it after himself.

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MARCH, 1897.] SPECIMENS OF MODERN BRAHMANICAL LEGENDS. 73 The city, being built by Suda, got the name of Sunda,13 Residing in the beautiful and great13 city, in which there were people of various kinds, the Daitya chief took the whole country into his own possession. After a timels his Guru also came to the city named Sanda. Suda, on beholding the arrival of his Guru, became fali of delight, and worshipping him as he deserved, he, with his hands folded, spoke to Kavi. Sada said: - O Gara, through your kindness the earth with its oceans bas been obtained by me. This city also is a good one, and is the residence of the army of the Daityas. Now please advise me how to obtain (the sovereignty of) heaven.' Hearing these words of Sada, and considering them in his mind), Kavi spoke :-O chief of the Daityas, hear my speech. The gods are very powerful. They possess all sorts of weapons. They are brave and cannot be conquered by Daityas and Danavas. O child, I will make a plan for you to get a son. Let your wife eat a ball filled with the spells of generation. Thereby she will become pregnant and give birth to a son. Svarga will be conquered by him, beside him no one is able.' So saying Sukra gave a ball consecrated by mantrus to her.16 She with delight and * devotion took the ball and ate it. "Sukra then returned to his own place, and some time afterwards she gave birth to twins.? As soon as these powerful ones were born they terrified the world is with their noise. The whole earth trembled, the tops of the hills fell down, and the whole assembly of gods were troubled in their hearts and minds. He (the father) was delighted on seeing the two infants possessing such terrible forms. Suda, with his heart full of delight, assigned names (to them). This one is to be called Madhu, the other Kaitabha.19 Seeing the two infants he nourished them with delight, and they - growing day by day - became very cruel and powerful. Once Kavi came, lifted the two boys, who had fallen at bis feet, placed them on his lap and told them their old20 history. O boys, listen to my counsel, The Lord Siva is Master of the whole world. At no time should treachery against 'Siva be even thought of in the mind. Your hearts should always be attached to Siva. They should always be bent upon meditating upon 'Siva and upon worshipping Sira. You should with diligencel erecta linga. If you follow my advice of to-day you will become powerful.' So saying Sukra went away. They both of them on an auspicious day erected two lingas on the banks of the Varada in Vanavasi, and they there performed worship with great delight and pomp. When some time33 had passed in this way, the two powerful ones, Madhu and Kaitabha, determined to attempt the conqnest of Svarga with the assistance of the Daityas and Danavas. O Munis, they, with many brave men, carrying many kinds of weapons, blocked the door of the heavenly23 city.24 They broke down the large panels; they cut down the Kalpa) treos; they killed a multitude of gods (many gods), and they went to the banks of the Mandakin 126 in order to bathe and wash the blood off their polluted bodies. Then the assembly of the gods consulted many times with Indra, and coming to the conclusion that they were invincible, cruel, powerful and evil-bearted, they - in company with Indra - left Svarga and ran away and came to a cave called Mairavi. Some remained there, others ran still further, being frightened. O Brahmans, on seeing the multitude of gods run away thus, 13 Sonda (?). 13 Or best. 16 Lit., earth. 16 Or, once upon a time. 18 L e., Suda's wife. 11 Twin sons: the masculine form ubhan is used in the text. 10. Or everybody. 19 Apparently Madhu and Kaitabha, the demons who aprang from the ear of Vishnu, when he was sleeping the sloop of contemplation (yiganidri). See further on in this mahatmya. 24 Or former. 21 Or zeal.. 12 Lit., many days. >> I. e., Amaravatt: Indra's capital. >> I. e., blockaded or besieged it. 75 Or desire-granting. * The celestial Ganges: the milky way. 17 Or over and over again. * I. e., their assailants.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1897. they both usurped the sovereignty of heaven, and then they again returned to earth and took up their residence in Vanavasi. There they established the Saivas and contemned Vishnu. Vishnu was deserving of worship as decreed by Paramesa: but they,20 wishing to dishonour Vishnu,30 ordered the chief Daityas to kill those persons who worshipped Vishnu. Siva, hearing all this through Narada, namely, that the gods had been expelled and many Brahmans killed, spoke to Vishna :-O Vishnu, being furnished (strengthened) with my power, kill these powerful ones, Madhu and Kaitabha, and send them speedily to Kailasa. In the time of the great flood they will be born again through the holes of your ears.32 At that time also kill them without any hesitation. At the time of Svarochisha they will be born through your belly and will want to kill Svarochisha; then also kill them. Having killed them thrice in this way bring them to me. I will make them my followers,33 because they are devoted to me.' 74 Sankara, having given these orders to Vishnu, himself gave the impression of wisdom35 to Brahma, Viresa30 and others in Kailasa. Vishnu being reinforced by the power of 'Siva went to the surface of the earth and killing those two wicked persons, skilled in the arts of war, Madhu and Kaitabha, Hari sent them to reside in the garden outside Kailasa. On seeing these two wonderful lingas situated on the banks of the Varada, Vishnu, with the gods and the Rishis resident in the Sahyadris, approached and worshipped Sambhu, the chief of the gods, who was accompanied by the sons37 of Amba.39 A shower from the gods fell on the head of that (sic) beautiful linga. The gods then saluted it respectfully39 and cried: Victory! Victory! The Munis prostrated themselves in devotion and uttered these two words. The principal Gandharvas sang and the assembly of Apsaras danced. All the Vidyadharas rejoiced with devotion. While this great rejoicing was going on, Sadasiva appeared from the middle of the linga in great splendour, brightening all the ten directions, mounted on the back of a bull and accompanied by Parvati. Addressing the gods, who had placed Vishnu in the front, Sankara thus spoke: All of you should hear me in the linga called Madhukesvara. O gods, I shall always remain (here). You also remain here. This (place) Vanavasi is holy, and the Varada is the remover of the (a) multitude of sins; bathing here and worshipping me you become blessed.' So saying, he disappeared into the linga called Madhukesvara, and all the gods and the Rishis (also) took up their abode there. O Brahmans, the story of Madhukesvara is (has been) told to you. Having heard that holy story, the fisherman also obtained happiness (salvation)." A salutation to mother Rennka 40 The Rishis said:"O illustrious Suta, you are always asked (for information). Your speech contains the essence (of knowledge), and is inspired by Vyasa Muni. O Brahman, how and when did the chief of the fishermen hear this story, to what place did he belong, and by whom was it told him, and what was his behaviour ?" Part V. Suta (said):-"This ancient story of Siva, pleasing to the heavens, was told in the olden times to Sanatkumara by Skanda. Once upon a time, in the month of Vaisakha, the Bhusuras,11 at the source of the Varada, bathing in that sacred stream in the morning, uttered the 'Gayatri,'42 21. 6., Madhu and Kaitabha. 31 Lit., terrible. 35 Lit., leaders of my troops. 38 Or good advice. 37 Ganapati and Karttikeya. Lit., break Vishnu's temple. 52 Vide supra, note 19. 34 I, e, in person. 36 Or Karttikeya: Sanmukha, the god of war. 38 Parvati, the Sakti of Siva. * The wife of Jamadagni and mother of Parasurama. "Lit., with devotion. 41 The gods (lords) of the earth, i. e., Brahmans. 42 A short prayer to the sun in his character of Savitri or the Vivifier.' Though not always understood, it is to this very day used by every Brahman throughout India in his daily devotions. It occurs in Rigveda, III. 62, 10, and can be literally translated as follows: "Let us meditate (or, we meditate) on that excellent glory of the divine-Vivifier. May he enlighten (or stimu-. late) our understandings (Tat Savitur varinyam bharge divasya dhimahi, Dhiyo yo na prachodayat)."-Monier Williams.

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MARCII, 1897.] SPECIMENS OF MODERN BRAHMANICAL LEGENDS. People of many countries came there eagerly (for the purpose of bathing), and bathed there in the holy month of Jesha-3 with the Brahmaps at (the time of) sunrise. When they saw the hermitage 4 of Bharad vaja frequented by the great Rishis, they remained there, being eager to hear stories from him. O Brahmans, that great Muni, Bharad vaja, when be saw them approach, used to tell them stories. He used to bathe daily in the morning, and, wearing the boly ashes and the rosary, he was devoted to the worship of Siva, and always meditated upon Siva, and he used to tell them stories. Bharadvaja, the store of mercy, daily recited stories full of many incidents and information to those who resided on the banks of the Varada. At that time there was a certain fisherman, Durdama by name, who used to throw his hook into the midst of the waters of the Varada, and catching them (i. e., fish) he used to put them into his guliku.45 Once he too heard the holy story of Kaitabhekvara, and three days passed in this manner, and by hearing it he was freed from spot (rendered sinless). On the fourth day he discontinued his occupation of always killing (murilering), and reinembering over and over again his own sins, his whole body shook with fear. Bebolding the assembly of Brahmans, and standing at some distance, he cried aloud : -'I am a very sinful fisherman and am always merciless. Save me, who am of evil habits, and who has neglected all religion.' So saying, he fell prostrate on the ground again and again, *7 then he threw his hook far away and folded his hands. The hearts of the people were filled with wonder at hcaring this great fisherman talk in this way, and they remained silent. Then Bharad vaja spoke : - O fisherman, come here ! Be courageous and be not distressed. Kaitabha is here, and the merciful Madhukasvara is here also, and Varada, who bestows supreme happiness by merely bathing in her, is here likewise. She is always a great remedy and giver of medicine to those who are bitten by the world in the form of serpents. Ofisherman, why are you distressed ? Be calm, be calm. The body (inind?) of people is in their hands, the river is in the hands of nobody 19 The naonth of Vaisakha has also come. Then what reason is there for distress? There is no month equal to Vaisakha; there is no city like Vana vasi, there is no linya like the linja of Madhukosvara in the three worlds. I speak truth. I speak what is good. I speak what is right50 again and again. Bathing in the Varada in Vaisakha gives the easy way of salvation). A mortal by merely bathing in the Varada obtains that reward which is to be obtained by performing all the sacrifices and giving all the large P51) alms. He there undoubtledy obtains salvation in three months. This best (holiest) city of Vanavasi is the immediate accomplisher, Madhukdavara is the bestower, the Varada gives salvation. Therefore the hermitages of many great Rishis are situated on its banks. There are also) different kinds of Tirthas, all of them removing all sin. O fisherman, come here and sit beside me. Undoubtedly, I will save you to-day. O Kirata,63 relate your history and cease from your grief and despair.' Hearing the great Rishi Bharad vaja speak thus, the fisherman approached him with his hands folded. Durdama said : -'O great Brahman, 0 (thou who art) great, merciful and compassionate to the afflicted, listen to my history. It will really give pain to all. On hearing your story I remembered my former life. The god Yaina, terrible to the sinful, punished me in Satyamuni. When I think of it now, O Bhagavan,53 it breaks my heart. I am unable to speak of it. O mercifal one, save me ! save me!' So saying, he fell down on the ground like a tree that has been felled.54 The fisherman, being much distressed, and with his hands and feet writhing, fainted. Bharadvaja 43 In this part of the country this holy month corrosponds with the latter half of Chaitra and the first half of Vaibakha. ** Usually located at Prayaga (Allahabad). * A narrow-neckod basket used by fishermen for keeping their fish in safety. 46 I. e., he heard the story for three continuous days. +1 1. e., prostrated himself over and over again. 48 I. e., to those who are weary of the world. + That is, people can control their minds, the river is pure. Or essential. 01 Or various kinds. "A generic term for a forester or mountaineer, a wild man. Venerable man, an epithet specially of Bharadv&ja. 64 Lit., had its roots cut.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1897. seeing him rolling senseless on the earth restored him by uttering prayers to Siva. He touched his limbs compassionately, and he immediately got up, and the fisherman having gained courage told his story :-'O Viprendra, 56 listen to my story. I will relate it to you. In my former birth I was the son of a Brahman of noble descent. I was a sinful villain. My companions, too, were very wicked. In conjunction with them I used to take away calves, and, unseen by others, I, very cruel and with the aid of those powerful ones,57 used to throw them into deep wells and kill them. I used to set nets and killed many birds by throwing stones at them and beating them with sticks. I used to take young birds from their nests, and tying their feet very tightly, I caused them to dance for many days, and then I killed them. I, by means of many contrivances, killed crows, herons, sparrows, owls, hawks, ravens, cuckoos, pigeons (doves), partridges, francolius, babblers, snake-eaters, and many cranes, fishes, frogs, snakes and water-snakes, and worms, mice, alligators, chatakas,58 dogs, foxes, monkeys, buffaloes and cows. What else is there to tell? In a very little while I killed a multitude of animals. My father, seeing me growing thus wicked, placed me in the hands of a master to learn. There also I influenced all the boys in an evil manner, and led them into bad courses. The master (guru), knowing this, punished me. So one night, taking. advantage of an opportunity, I killed him also with stones. 76 Once, on a night in the month of Karttika, I went, O Brahmans, accompanied by thieves, to Kaitabhesvara, intending to steal. It being a dark night, I could not find the road, try as I would. So, going near a certain house, I took by stealth a lamp of great brilliancy which was standing on a pillar, and went to Siva's temple. Taking the lamp in my hand, I, after some trouble, broke open the door and went near the linga. I placed the lamp in front of Siva, and I took the golden ornaments. When I was going away the watchmen saw me. They bound me and beat me severely, and took me to the king, who ordered me to be hanged on the gallows. O Brahmans, I died there, after suffering much pain. Then the followers of Yama came, bound me and beat me severely. Those servants of the god of death placed (joined) my life in a body (so that I could) suffer torments. They put a terrible and red-hot iron chain through my nostrils, and then they took me along a horrible (fear-inspiring) road. On the way they roared at me, contemned me, and beat me. I was then weeping, I was very hungry, and my throat, lips and palate were. parched. I was like a corpse, I had no clothes on, and I remembered (with remorse) the sins that I had committed. At some places there was mud, at some places there was fire, at some places there was hot (boiling) mud, at some places there was hot sand, at some places there were very pointed (sharp) stones, at some places falling from mountains (precipices), at some places climbing steep mountains, at some places numbers of thorny trees (bushes), at some places a heap of pointed (sharp) stones, at some places entering into (going through) fire, at some places climbing a precipice, at some places falling from that (precipice), at some places dense darkness, at some places on the way breaking (or tearing) open veins, at some places tearing off my skin. They put hot stones on my head, in my hands, and on my shoulders, then beating me severely they took me at great speed (like the wind). At some places snakes, at some places tigers, at some places swarms of hornets (or bees), at some places vajra-kitas,5 at some places multitudes of crows. At some places being bitten by leeches, at some places being bitten by lions, at some places dogs bit me severely. Along such a very (most) difficult road the powerful Kinnaras led me. Thus I, lamenting, sore-distressed, and full of remorse for my former deeds, arrived at length at Hell. Yama, too, was of a terrible appearance, and looked like a burning fire. He, mounted on a buffalo, judged the despised (rejected) 65 Lit., gave him new life. se Excellent Brahman or lord of the Brahmana. ST Ruffians or bullies. Cuculus melanoleucus. A bird fabled to drink only from the clouds, and therefore to be ever eagerly expectant of rain. A winged insect which bores holes in wood and stone.

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MARCH, 1897.1 SPECIMENS OF MODERN BRAHMANICAL LEGENDS. and the poor. He has horrible tasks in his mouth, and he is always frowning. In his hands he holds his rod and his noose. His voice is as deep as that of the clouds.60 He causes the very sinful ones who have been cast into hell to be brought before him. The fol. lowers of Yama delivered me over to him. Yama in great anger looked upon me with a severe eye, and he frightened me very much, so much so that I fainted. His obedient servants of terrible and awe-inspiring form (abape) beat me with the nooses and rods (that they carried) in their hands. Narada then came there accidentally (hy chance), desiring to see Yanna. O Brehmang, owing to the greatness of my merit (fortune ?) and to the favour of Kaitabhesvara, Yama grew mild, got op and approached him. He offered an oblation to him and worshipped him. The Muni, after being worshipped by him, placed him on his seat. Yama, standing near him, spoke with hands folded : 'O great Muni, welcome to you! My family have become pure. Ogreat Muni, I am greatly blessed by your mere coming. O Lord (supreme or best) of the Yogis, command me what I should do for you.' Narada, hearing Yana speak thus, answered :-'I have come from Kailasa to-day, and one thing was heard by me there, namely, that Yama punishes (is panishing) Durnaya, 61 who is a devotee of Siva. O Virupaksha,62 go you now, and binding Yama together with his followers, bring him who is treacherous to Siva, and who is punishing my devotee. On hearing 'Siva speak thus, I, O Yama, hastened to your presence to inform you.' . On hearing these words from Narada, Yama trembled with great fear, he summoned mo quickly, and released me from the bonds63 with which I was tied; and then in the presence of Narada he gave this (following) order :- 'O Durnaya, listen to me. You will now go to the surface of the earth and you will become, by my order, the son of a fisherman on the auspicious banks of the) Varada, and you will stay near the hermitage of Bharadvaja. One morning in the month of Madhava04 that great Bharadvaja Muni will cause the Brahmans that have bathed to listen to a Purana. You will hear the most holy story of Kaitabhesvara. By my order, by the favour of Bharadvaja, and in the presence of Kaitabhesvara, you will remember what happened in your former life. Then, after bathing in the Varada and witnessing the worship of Mahesa, you will go to Kailasa. * So saying he sent me away speedily. O great Muni Bharadvaja, all this I have got to-day. O great Yogin, save me!' So saying he saluted him. The merciful Muvi, hearing the fisherman speak in this manner, said :- O fisherman, bathe in the river Varada, and being determined in your mind approach Kaitabhesvara, and seeing the great worship (or ceremony) make pradakshina87 and nanaskara. There is no doubt that you will be taken to Kailasa in a yana. . The fisherman, being thus advised by the kind Muni, bathed in the Varadi, and havinr besmeared his body with the holy ashes, he, approaching Kaitabhesvara, saw the great ceremony. He himself went round the linga and made many salutations (namaskara). He made his residence there, and did this every day. At length, being attacked by fever, he died on the banks of the Varada, and, O wise men, he went to Kailisa. There is another river called Kumudva. It is like the best river.69 It (she) rises in the Sahyadri and is frequented by gods, Rishis and Brahmans. Those men on earth who bathe there on Sarikranti, on Vidyapatha, on the day of the eclipse of the sun and moon, and on the two Ayanas,70 will help (relieve) the twenty-one kulas71 and gain Kailasa." 60 1.., as thunder. 61 Or Durdamas: see supra. 62 Siva : having an irregular number of eyes : also the name of a follower of Siva. 63 Lit., noose. 64 Vaisakha. 65 I. e., all this has happened to-day. 66 Lit., of great mind. 67 Circling round or walking round. A river in the Ko Taluka of the Dharwar District. 63 1. e., the Varada. 70 Ayanas (equinoxes). 71 Here kula means prrusha, seven on the father's side, seven on the mother's side, and Beven on the side of the father-in-law; altogether make up twenty one kulas or purushas.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1897. NOTES. Proem. On Monday, the 5th day of the dark half of the Phalguna, cold season of summer solstico of 1815, of the year Vijaya, this copy of the above (Vanavisi-Jahatmya) was completed by one Suba Avadhani, son of Dakshinamurti Anantavadhani of Vanavasi, for the use of self and others. Vanavasi. Banavasi or Vanavasi, the Forest Settlement or the Forest Spring, 73 with, in 1881, a population of about 2,000, lies on the extreme east frontier of the North Kanara) district about thirteen miles south-cast of Sirsi. It is a very ancient town, situated on the left bank of the Varada river, and is surrounded by a wall. The chief inhabitants are Havigs, Gadgars, Lingayats, and Are Marathas, petty dealers and husbandmen. A weekly market is held on Wednesdays, when grain, cloth and spices are sold. The chief object of interest at Banavisi is the temple of Madhukesvara, which is said to have been built by the early Hindu architect, Jakhanacharya, the Hemadpant of the Kanara country. The temple is built in a court-yard or a quadrangle, whose outer wall is covered so as to form rooms and shrines which are dedicated to Ganapati, Narasimha, and Kadambesvara. In one of these shrines is a huge cot of polished black granite, supported on four richly-carved legs. The temple is of considerable size, and is richly sculptured. Over the ball, or Nandi, is a canopy resting on four granite pillars. Accord. ing to the local tradition the temple was built by Vishnu in memory of the defeat and slaughter of the two demons, Madhu and Kaitabha. According to the local traditions Vanavasi was called Kaumudi, or the Moonlight City in the first cycle or Krita-Yuga; Jayanti, or the City of Victory, in the second cycle or TretaYuga; Baindavi, or the palm-tree goddess,73 in the third cycle or Dvapara-Yuga, and Vanatasi, or Banavasi, that is, the Forest Settlement, in the present cycle or Kali-Yuga. The earliest historical (or quasi-historical) mention of Banavasi is about B. C. 240, when, shortly after the great council held at Patna in the eighteenth year (B. C. 242) of Asoka, a Buddhist elder or hero named Rakshita, was sent to Vanavasi to spread the Buddhist faith. About B. C. 100, Bhutapala, the donor of the great Karle Cave in West Poona, which he calls the most excellent rock mansion in Jambudvipa, is described as coming from Vejayanti, which is probably Vanavasi; and in inscription 4 in Nasik Cave III., Vejayanti appears doubtfully to give its name to an army of king Gotamiputra Satakarni (B. C. 5). The local Pali inscription of about a. D. 50-100 in the court of the Madhukesvara temple shews that about that time Vanavasi and the territory of which it was the capital, was governed by a king named Haritiputra Satakarni of the Dutu family. The mention of a monastery or vihera and the Buddhist way of dating in one of the three seasons, so common in the Narik inscriptions, shew that the minister who made the gift was a Buddhist. The next known reference to Vanavasi is by Ptolemy (A. D. 15C), who enters the city in his list of places near Limyrike, that is probably Damirike or the Damil or Tamil country, under the forms Banaausi and Banavasi. In the fourth and fifth centuries Vaijayanti, or Banavasi, appears as one of the capitals of a family of nine Kadamba kings, who were Jains in religion, and of the sons of Hariti. A stone inscription, dated A. D. 634, records that the CLAlukya King - Palikesin. II. (A. D. 610-634) "Laid siege to Vanavasi, girt by the river Hansit, which disports itself in the theatre which is the high waves of the Varadi, and surpasses in prosperity the city of the TO The Rev. Mr. Kittel (Nigavarma's Kanarone Prosody, note 31 ) derives the name from bra, forest or wood, and base or basi, a spring of water, and considers that Vanavasi is a Sanskrit forin of the original Dravidian name. Dr. Fleet ( Kanarese Dynastics, p. 7, note 2) inclines to take Vanavasi as the original Sauk it and Bonavast as the modern corruption. Thus Vanayast would mean the city of the Province of Vanavasa, the roaident or settlement in the forests. Inscriptions shew that, while the forms Bannvaso and Vanaviso are ovupled with some wird representing a district or proviuce, Banavasi is coupled with the word for city. 55 [ City of Siva (Bindu). -Ed.)

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Marca, 1897.] SPECIMEXS OF MODERN BRAHMANICAL LEGENDS. 79 gods; (while, the fortress on dry land, having the surface of the earth all round it, covered by the great ocean which was his army, became, as it were, in the very sight of those that looked on, a fortress in the middle of the sea." Though the ruler's name is not mentioned, it is probable that at this time Vanavasi was the capital of an early branch of the later Kadamba dynasty. From this time Vanavasi seems to bare remained subject to the Chalokya kings. About 1. D. 947-48 the Vannvisi Twelvethousand, that is the Vanavasi province of twelve thousaud villages, was governed by a family of feudatories who cailed themselves Chelikotans or Chellpatiks. In 1020 Al-Biruni mentions, in his list of places in Western India, Banavas on the shore of the sea. During most of the eleventh and twelfth centuries and during the early part of the thirteenth century, though at times subject to the Kalachuris (1108-1183) and the Hoysala Ballalas (1047-1310), Vanavisi continued to be the capital of at family of Kadamba kings, who called themselves supremo lords of Vanavasi, the best of cities. and whose family god was Vishnu under the name of Madhukekvara, which, as has already been noticed, is still the name of the god of the great Vauavasi temple of Jayantipura (or Van: visi). After these Kadanibas in 1220 and in 1278, the Vanavisi Twelve-thousand is recorded as held by two of the Devagiri Yadavas. In 1251 the Vanavasi Twelve-thousand was governed by Mallikarjuna II., apparently an independent ruler. In the fourteenth century, and probably till their overthrow in about 1560, Vanavasi was held by the Vijayanagara kings, one of whom, Sadasivaraya, has left two inscriptions, one of them dated 1552-53, of grants made to the temple of Madhukesvara. After the Vijayanagara kings Vanavasi seems to have passed to the Senda family, the first and the third of whom, Arsappa (1555-1598) and Raghu Naik (1618-1638), have left records, dated 1579 and 1628, of grants made by then to the temple of Madhukesvara. In 1801, Buchanan described Vanavasi as situated on the west bank of the Varada in open country with good soil, except where laterite came to the surface. During the troubles of the latter part of the eighteenth century the number of houses had fallen from 500 to about 250. The walls were ruinous, and no signs remained that it had ever been a great city. It was the residence of a tahsildar or sub-divisional officer. In the dry weather the Varada was small and muddy with little current; in the rains it was now here fordable, and had to be crossed in leather-boats.74 * Sonda. Sonda,75 about ten miles north of Sirsi, with, in 1881, a population of 5,017, is a small town, which, between 1590 and 1762, Was the capital of a family of Hindu chiefs. Sonda lies about a mile to the left of the Sirsi-Yellapur road on a low hill to the west of the Sondi brook. The approach to the town is by a ford a little distant from an old stone bridge. The houses are mostly mud-built and thatched, and there is no regular market. The only objects of interest at Sonda are its old fort and a Smarta, a Vaishnava, and a Jain monastery. The fort stands on a high ground to the south of the Sondi brook. It is ruined and deserted, and its high walls are hidden by trees and brushwood. The masonry shews traces of considerable architectural skill. The posts of the gateway are single blocks fourteon to sixteen feet long, and in the inner quadrangle are several ponds lined with large masses of finely dressed stone. Perhaps the most remarkable of the fragments is a trap slab twelve feet square and six inches thick perfectly levelled and dressed, which rests on five richly-carved pillars about three feet high. Except this, which is locally believed to be the throne, not a vestige is left of the palace of the Sonda chiefs. Another object of interest is an old gun eighteen feet long with a six-inch bore. 5* Vide Gazetteer of Bombay, Vol. XV. Pt. I. Kanara, s.v. Banavasi. 59. According to Dr. Buchanan, Sonda is a corruption of Suddha, or the pure. In a Vanavast inscription of Raghunath Naik, the third Sonda Chief, dated 1628 (Indian Antiquary, Vol. IV. p. 207), the namo appears as Sonda.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1897. Between 1590 and till 1680, under the Sonda chiefs (1590-1762), Sonda was the centre of three districts in the Kanara uplands. After 1680 the Sonda territory included, in addition to their upland possessions, five districts in the Kanara low-lands. The country in the neighbourhood of Sonda is said to have been well cultivated under the Sonda chiefs, and the town to have been very large. It is said to have had three lines of fortifications, the outermost wall being at least six miles from the modern Sonda. The space within the outermost wall, about three miles each way, is said to have been fall of houses. In the two spaces surrounded by the outer lines of wall the houses were scattered in clumps with gardens between. In 1675 Fryer notices Sonda as famous for its pepper, the best and the dearest in the world. The chief lived at Sonda, being tributary or rather feudatory, bound by allegiance as well as by purse to the princes of Bijapur. The Sonda Chief's pepper country was estimated to yield a yearly revenue of PS1,200,000 (Pagodas 30 lakhs), of which he had to pay one-half to Bijapur, Sivaji sometimes sharing the tribute. The Sonda Chief had 3,000 horse and 12,000 foot. In 1682 Sambhaji led a detachment against Sonda, but apparently without effect. In 1695 Gemelli Careri passed through some of the territory of the Sonda Chief, whom he oddiy names Sondekirinekaraja! He was lord of some villages among the mountains, but tributary and subject to the Great Mughal, whom he was obliged to serve in war. The Chief lived at Sambarani, about forty miles north of Sonda. Sambarani had a good market and an earthen fort with walls seven spans high. From this single village the chief was said to receive a yearly revenue of PS30,000 (Rs. 3,00,000), which, says Careri, shews how cruelly the idolators and Musalmans oppress the people. During the reign of Imodi, the last Sonda Chief (1745-1762), the town suffered much from Maratha attacks. According to the details furnished to Buchanan by an old accountant, about 1750, when fresh cesses had to be introduced to buy off the Marathas, a house-tax was levied, to which 100,000 houses contributed. This is a wild exaggeration, for in 1764, when Haidar took it, Sonda had only 10,000 houses. Haidar destroyed the town, and in 1801, Buchanan found the houses had dwindled from 10,000 to fifty. In 1799 so much was the country exposed to the raids of Maratha bandits that the minister of Maisur had to station a guard at Sonda. From its desolate state and the disorders to which it had been exposed, the Sonda territory took Munro longer to settle in proportion to its extent than any part of Kanara. The representative of the Sonda family still (1883) holds a position of bonour in Goa.76 FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. BY PANDIT S.M. NATESA SASTRI, B.A., M.F.L.S. No. 44. - The Buffalo made af Lac. mugdhe ! payopi dugdhe tRNamapyadanAti tarNakaM suute| nADindhamasya mAyAM jAtu na jAnAsi jAtuSI mahiSI // "WHAT is the use of this miserable existence. I am poor, extremely poor. My wife is every day teasing me for ornaments, while I find it very difticult to keep my life and soul together. But, poor woman, how can I blame her? When she sees her neighbours rich, she carses her fate and imagines that she must also become rich one day or other and wear jewels. Alas! She has no idea of my difficulties in Tanjore. There is no scope for earning money here. The old-fashioned donations to Bralumans on religious or festive occasions and other charities are slowly disappearing with the rapid progress of this dark yuga. So, if I mean to better my prospects, I must quit this place. I must proceed to Binaras. They say, that in the whole of India, that sacred city is the only place where charities still flourish." 76 Vide Gazetteer of Bombay, Vol. XV. Pt. I. Kanara, I. t. Sonda.

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MARCH, 1897.] FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 44. 81 Thus contemplated a needy Brahman of Tanjore, when suddenly his wife entered his room with her child of four or five years. The girl was crying and pulling her mother towards her by the end of her cloth. "Is the morning meal ready, my dear? I am unasually hungry to-day," said the poor Brahman. Replied the wife: - "Ready! What else have I to do in this house ? Daily I get up at five in the morning, sweep and clean the house and the utensils, bathe, cook, eat, and sleep. Again I get up the next day, and the same routine is repeated. Last evening Uma, the daughter of Appavaiyyar, came down here to invite me for her brother's marriage. What a fine necklace sie has.? They say that gold sells very cheap now. How well would our child appear if, instead of standing bare like a palmyra-tree, she had a few ornaments to wear. We cannot try for many, for we are not rich. But one or two jewels, those most necessary for the cars and the neck, must be made." At this point the bewildered husband smiled and tried to take up the child to play with it. But the wife, dragging the girl towards her, continued : ."O Gauri, thus your father deceives you, if we begin to speak about ornaments. Do not approach him." . But the child said: "When will you make me a necklace, papa!" "Soon, my dear girl. Come here." Then the conversation changed to other subjects, and in a few minates the whole party was reconciled and happy. But the Brahman's mind ever remained raffled. He resolved to improve his condition in the world by some means or other, and the course he thought the easiest was to proceed to Banaras. He soon informed his wife of it, and promised to return as speedily as possible with loads of money and jewels. He also requested her to take special care of the house and their daughter Gauri. The wife assured him that she would take the best care of the family. Our hero was easy at heart, started for the sacred city, and reached it safely. He spent two years on the banks of the Ganges, and socepted indiscriminately all kinds of donations. It is considered very objectionable to receive certain gifts, 6. 9., oil, baffaloes, etc.; and owing to this belief the accompanying fee offered for receiving such gifts is generally large, as an inducement to accept them. Our hero's object.was to make money. Who would perceive how it was made ? So he freely accepted them, and was amassing a large amount of money. In less than a couple of years he had made nearly Rs. 5,000. How glad will my wife be to receive me with so large an amount, thought our hero, and started on his return journey to Tanjore. When he had reached Poona it occurred to him that his wife would all the more be pleased if he brought her some ready-made jewels instead of jingling coins only. So he sent for a goldsmith, and, reserving only the necessary, money for his journey, gave him all the rest to be converted into two gold necklaces of a hundred' beads in each. "Your orders will at once be executed, my lord," said the wily jeweller who had a most honest face. Like an obedient and honest servant he received the money, appointed a time for the delivery of the necklaces, and on the day before they were due he gave them to our hero. There were gold beads one hundred in number in each ; the weight was correct, and the quality of the gold the same as that of the gold originally purchased for making these jewels. "You are the most honest and punctual goldsmith I have ever seen. It is rare to see one of your type in your art. Unfortunately, I have riot reserved any money with which to reward you for your punctuality," said the Brahman, and the goldsmith, after thanking him for the kind words, took his leave.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MARCH, 1997. Our hero soon reached Tanjore, and had a happy meeting with his anxious wife and child, for had not the long-absent husband returned with two beautiful necklaces of gold? The wife and the child each took her necklaces. The former went into the house to cook the usual meal, and the latter outside to play, and to show to her neighbours her father's present. Sittig before the fire, the wife took the necklace from her neck, and weighed it often in her hand, and thb more she did so the more she began to suspect that all was not right about it. There was no harm in examining one of the beads, thought she, and she took one off the string. She put it into the fire, and after a second there was a slight fizz and smoke, and it began to burn like lighted lac. She was horrified to see that her husband had been duped by a wily goldsmith. She pitied him, and, after some time, related in a calm way the trick that had been played upon him. But the poor Brahman's peace of mind was gone as soon as he came to know of the trick. The idea that all his hard-earned money had been thrown away mada him mad, and he had afterwards one fixed idea in his head, that goldsmiths are never to be trusted. On the morning of the third day, after the discovery of the trick, he asked his wife how she had managed to live during his absence in Banaras. Said she :-"I bought a buffalo from Ponnasari, the goldsmith, that lives in the Car Street." "What! from: PonnAsari, the goldsmith !""" " Yes, my lord: From its milk I made batter, and from the sale-proceeds of the butter and ghi I managed to live very comfortably. She gives us two measures of milk every morning and evening." "You poor innocent woman! You have not examined it. It is not a true buffalo. It is a buffalo made of lac !" "No, my husband. It gives us milk, and, therefore, it cannot be one made of lac." " Therefore, I say, women are fools! What if it gives you milk! It is still made of lac. You are a fool not to see through the tricks of goldsmiths." "No, my lord. It grazes apon grass, therefore it is not made of lao." "O my good wife! You have no brains to guess at the tricks of goldsmiths. I say it is still made of lac. Say no more." "No, my lord. After it came to as it has given us two calves. How can it be then a buffalo made of lac." "You stupid woman. You do not know the tricks of these goldsmitbs. In your own innocent way you believe the animal to be a living one. No. Whatever you may say, I am as certain as certain can be that it is still made of lac. Now hold your tongue and gainsay ne no further?" * The poor wife could only pity her lord for his state of mind. It was impossible for her to convince him by any argament, so much was the goldsmith's trick reigning predominant in his mind. She went to the backyard, dragged: the poor animal into the house, made a small cut in one of its ears, and produced the red blood ag evidence that it was a living animal. Her husband, as soon as he saw the blood, broke out in a most vehement language: "You foolish woman! Do you still continne to think that the buffalo of Pornasari is not made of lac? What you show me now is blood, yon think! Is it not of the colour of lac, and is not Ponnasiri's buffalo a buffalo made of lac? Do you, too, want to deceive me?" Several of the best known men of Tanjore came to convince our hero that the buffalo in his house was a living animal. But he persisted in his belief that it was not, and must be are made of lac as long as it was purchased from Ponna siri.

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MARCH, 1897.] NOTES AND QUERIES. This is the story told to account for the following well-known verse : Mugdhe! payopi dugdhe trimam-apy-asnati tarnakam Sute, Nadindhamasya mayam jatu na janasi jatush Mabishi. mugdhe ! payopi dugdhe nRNamapyainAti tarNakaM suute| nADindhamasya mAyAM jAta na jAnAsi jAtuSI mahiSI / / * O Innocent woman. What if it gives us milk, what if it grazes upon grass, what if t bring forth calves! You do not know the tricks of goldsmiths. It is for all that a buffalo made of lac." forgiveness. NOTES AND QUERIES. A FOLK ETYMOLOGY OF LAL BEG'S NAME. | Lal Beg (Lal beg 8 farmiiya); "this was The holy prophet (hazrat paighambar), saint the order of Almighty God that you should (Mehtar) Ilias (the prophet Elias), attended at be the Prophet (Nabi) of the sweepers (mehtaron the Court of Almighty God where many prophets ko), and intercede for thera at the day of judg. were sitting. Mehtar Ilias coughed, and finding ment." Mehtar Ilias took him home, and room to spit in. he anat unwanda. and his placing him under a nim tree (Axidarachte apittle fell upon the prophets. They all felt indica) filled his huqa (pipe) for lim (a custom disgusted, and complained to Almighty God. of the sweepers to the present day towards The Almighty ordered that he should serve their religious teachers) and worshipped him. throughout the world as a sweeper (jhdru du LAI Beg became at once invisible, and Mehtar liaro). Mehtar Ilias begged that some prophet Ilias went to the Great Saint and told the story. might be created in the world to intercede for The Great Saint said that Lal Beg had disaphim, and it was ordered that such an one should peared because he did not approve of his religion. be born. According to the order of the God of "However, worship him and he will intercede for Mercy he came into the world, and took to you." He then ordered Mehtar Ilias to do sweeping, and passed many days in the hope of pe of penance, and said :-"In the first age the gnatmnt (vessels worshipped to represent Lal Beg) will be golden; in the second, it will be silver'; in the One day the Great Saint (Bare Pir Sahib - third, copper; in the fourth, earthern." This is 1. c., Pir-i-Dastagir or Sayyid 'Addu'l-Qadir why the Mchtars now worship vessels of earth, Jilani, flourished 1078 to 1166 A. D.) took and believe in their prophet. his coat (chola) off and gave it Mehtar Ilias to wear. Mehtar Ilias put it into an earthen pitcher R. C. TEMPLE in P. N. and Q. 1883. (macht) and intended to wear it at some auspicious time. One day the Great Saint asked him PANJABI NICKNAMES. why he did not wear the coat. He answered : In the Panjabi some nicknames are, as in "My work is to sweep, and it would become dirty. I will wear it on some lucky day." England, connected with some event in the The victim's career, - e. g., & low caste employe, il Great Saint said :-"Wear it to-day and come to Jhinwar or drawer of water, named, say, Lil me." He igreed, and went to open the pitcher, but Singh, rose to greatness, passing over the heads it was shut so fast that he could not open it. He of men of good caste, and was immediately came to the Saint and said that the pitcher would dubbed by his less fortunate comrades Jal-khich not open. The Saint said:--"Take my name Singh or Water-drawing Singh, and unkind and say to the pitcher that the Pir Sahib calls refcrences to the discarded implements of his you." Mehtar Iliils went and did as he was profession were covertly made. Again, a Euro. bidden, and putting the pitcher on his head, pean officer who gave a down-trodden county brought it to the Saint. 'aman (peace, happiness, prosperity) was honorifiThe Saint said:- "Nikal 80, Lil, beg, comccally nicknamed Taran Sahib, or Mr. Rescuer out quickly, my boy:" (lal is my dear boy, my from drowning. The title of Dhari-wala, or the darling son: bey is quickly). Immediately out man with the beard, resulted from a weakness of the pitcher a fair man gord rang kit idmi) that a lato ruler of the Panjal had for allowing wearing lil big (should be bhekl) or red clothes persons with fine beards Rs. 5 or Rs. 10 a monti. (ya lal kapri) came out, and the Saint seid te for ciuds, combs and other toilet articles. A vun

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54 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1897. so unfortunate as to bear the name of Dharm GURU GUGA.AS A SNAKE-GOD. Singh, or the religious one, was, of course, called (S$ 377, 378, Ibbetson's Karnal Settlement Papi Singh, or the sinful one, the opportunity for Report.) In 378 it is noted that Gaga " is supa joke being too good to be lost. A consequen- posed to be the greatest of the snake-gods." It tial person got the name of Pera or the turkey, seems usual (P universal) near Ladwa in the but this last is universal. Compare the use of Ambala district, for the mari (shrine) of Gaga the words Bubbly Jock in Scotland. Pir to hare close to it to right and left two I once came across an odd case. One Dason- shrinelets, that to the right being dedicated to dhi, known as Trampji, was not known by his Ner Singhand that to the left to Gorakhnath. real name to the lanbardar (headman) of his The following explanation was given to me by own village, who had known him all his life. the Jat lambardar (headman) of Chalaundi, in Dasandhi was a Ranghar; therefore his grand the Ambala district, and before that in another father had been in a native cavalry regiment, and village. The Chalaundi Jat explained that Gaga therefore a trumpet-wajor. The progression is had been Gorakhnath's chela (disciple), and it easy enough. Trampji is an obvious and easy was also said that he had been born owing to corruption of the name of the English rank. Gorakhnath's kindness in blessing his mother, who was childless. Nar Singh, he said, was M. MILLETT in P. N. and Q. 1883. Gugl's servant or diwan. Again, in a Jat vil. lage, near Ladwa, the two shrines were explained MALABAR CUSTOMS. to belong to Kali Singh and Bhari Singh, Nar Singh being another name for one or both of No. 1. - Korava. these. I have also seen a picture of Gaga Pir on As soon as a child is born to the mother - for the parapet of a new well.in a Jag village. The the mother is the most distinctive factor in a saint was seated on a house, and was starting Malabar tarwdd or family, those who wait outside from the Bagar country. His mother, standing her room in expectation of the joyous event (chiefly in front of the horse, was trying to stop his the maid-servants and lady visitors) raise a departure. He held in his bands a long staff korava, which is a shrill vocal note peculiar (bhili), explained to be a mark of dignity, and to the women of Malabar. It is produced by over his head the heads of two snakes met, one the slow expulsion of air through rounded lips, being coiled round the bhald. The people said between which the tongue assumes a rapid to and that if a man got bitten by a snake he would fro motion, the chamber of resonance being formed think he had neglected Gaga. Both Hindd and by the mouth and a small portion of air almost Musalman Jogis take the offerings made to Gug&. pent up before the lips by all the fingers of the They carry about his chhari (a standard covered right hand similarly rounded. with peacock's feathers) in Bhadon (August-SeptIn the grearter portion of the country and ember) from house to house; but give some among the generality of the Malayalis, the korava small share of the collections to the Chahras serves the purpose of a general notice by the (scavengers). people of the house to their neighbours as to the J. M. DOUIE in P. N. and Q. 1883. recent addition to the family. In some places, as in Trivandram and South Travancore, the THE RED-HAND STAMP3 AT TILOKPUR korava bas become the index of the birth of a TEMPLE. child, boy or girl; but elsewhere, it is a special Ar the temple of Balasundari Devi at Tilok note of joy, struck only at the birth of a boy. pur, Lear Nihan, the priests stamp a red-hand on At the same time, to supplement, as it were, the left brcast of the coat of a pilgrim who visits the notice given by the korara, a male member the temple for the first time to shew that he has, of the house or an old dependent of the family as it were, paid for his footing. If the pilgrim goes into the southern or western yard of the again visits the temple and can shew the stamp house, and taps the earth forcibly, three or four he pays only four annas as his fee to the priests. times, with the flat portion of the woody cocoanut What is the meaning and origin of this ? leaf called in the vernacular madal. This custom. which certainly must have admirably served its R. O. TEMPLE in.P. N. and Q. 1883. purpose according to the notions of the primitive 1 (Nar Singh or Andr Singh now stands for Narasitha, Malayali, is still with scrupulous religious care the man-lion avatar of Vishnu. Legends relate that preserved in almost all the Malabar tarwads. Gugl left Bagar in Rajpatang to go after his twin half-brothers Arjan and Sarjan, who had insulted him, K. PARAMU PILLAI. in epite of his mother's protest.- ED.]

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APRIL, 1897.] SELUNGS OF THE MERGUI ARCHIPELAGO. 85 EXTRACTS FROM OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE SELUNGS OF THE MERGUI ARCHIPELAGO. BY R. C. TEMPLE. GOOD deal of the information contained in the following extracts of correspondence A regarding the Scungs of the Mergai Archipelago is to be found in Dr. John Anderson's little work under that title, published in 1890. The information now given will, however, supplement that in Dr. Anderson's book, and will afford students an opportunity of checking the statements of travellers and others with those of the officials, who have for years been responsible for the control and guardianship of this remote people, From Dr. J. Anderson, F.R.S., Superintendent, Indian Museum, Calcutta, to the Chic Commissioner, British Burma - 9th May 1882. As you expressed a wish that I should put down in writing my impressions regarding the condition of the Salones in the island of Padaw and in the Done group, I now do so with pleasure. In Padaw, or King's Island, I purposely visited a comparatively recent settlement of these people, at a place called Yaymyitkyeo, on the western side of the island, opposite the southern extremity of Mainggyee Island. I reached this village (Yaymyitkyee), starting from the village of Kabning on the south-western sbore of Padawaw, by a tolerably good path that passes first through clearings in the neighbourhood of Kabaing, and then penetrates the primeval forest, which is tolerably free of undergrowth. Only one ridge of hills is crossed, and, as it is of no great height, the road is not a fatiguing one. A few Karens are locnted at Yaymyitkyee, and this path has been made by them and the people of Kabaing in their intercourse with one another. Yuvymyitkyee lies on the lower portion of the western aspect of the slope of the ridge, and is situated at some distance from the sea, from which it is reached by a long creek that dries up in its liigler part at low-water. A Karen acted as my gaide across the island, and my porters, foar in number, were of the same wce. Knowing the timid nature of the Salones, I had taken the precaution to acquaint them beforehand of my intended visit, so that on my arrival I found them all present, although, when they saw me approach, they had threatened to decamp. Their houses I found collected in two gronps on the centre of an extensive clearing, through which ran a small mountain rivulet. The majority of the trees had been cut down, but the bare gaunt stems of many magnificent trees still stood leafless and charred, attesting to the destructive character of the fire by which the foliage and the branches of the felled trees bad been burned, and the ground bad thus been partially opened out for the cultivation of paddy. The first group of houses stood about a hundred yards apart from the other. It consisted of four small houses, built after the model of Burmese dwellings, and occupied by the headman and his three sons-in-law. The second group numbered eight miserably small hovels, erected on rickety platforms raised about three feet from the ground, and measuring 12 feet by 9 feet in dimensions. The platforms were made of a few cross-sticks, with bark laid loosely over them, and the little hovels built on them were open on all sides except one, which was rudely closed with bark stripped from the fallen trees, and they were certainly the smallest and most squalid dwellings I have ever seen. A little paddy was stored in huts close at hand, walled in with mats and raised a few inches above the ground. The household goods of the inhabitants of these houses consisted of mats for sleeping on, mat pillows stuffed with the cotton of Bombas Malabaricum, a few earthen pots, coarse China bowls, and water vessels made of a gourd and slung in an open network of ratan.

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86 THE INDIAN ANTIQUART. [APRIL, 1897. The hendman, his wife, and youngest daughter were dressed in Burmese fashion ; but the clothing of the remainder of the adults was restricted to a cloth tied across the hips and doubled up between their legs, the rest of the body being nude, this costume being common to the men and women alike. Everything about these people was indicative of the greatest poverty, and as the rice, gourds, and yams which they succeed in raising are insufficient for their wants, they eke ont a subsistence on wild edible roots, and also on fish 'and shell-fish procured in the adjoining creek or on the neighbouring coast. The occupations of the men are felling the forests, cultivating and reaping the paddy, gathering honey and wax, spearing fish and collecting shell-fish in the creek and on the shore : but in much of this they are assisted by the women, who also, as is common to all the Salones, devote a considerable portion of their time to the manufacture of mats. These mats, along with the honey and wax, are readily disposed of by barter to the traders who visit the western shores of the island daring the north-east monsoon. The Salones at Yaymyitkyee, with one exception, came originally from Done, that is, from the large group of islands immediately to the west of King's Island, and of which the largest are Elphinstone, Grant, and Ross Islands. The exception was the nephew, and at the same time son-in-law, of the headman, who was a Salone of Taroy island, very fair and remarkally like a Burman. All the members of this colony were more or less related to one another, and all claimed to have relatives in the Done group of islands. These northern Salones of the Archipelago are known to themselves as Kathay Salones. On being onestioned as to what had induced him to settle on King's Island, the headman gave as his reasons the hardships and privations which had to be endured in moving from place to place amongst the islands in search of food, the uncertainty of food-supplies, and the absence of permanent dwellings. He had been induced to take the step by the representations of the Karens at Yaymyitkyee, with whom he had met on his visit to King's Island in search of honey and wax, and wbo had pointed out to him how much more comfortable he would be, were he to forsake the asnal migmtory life of a Salone and become a cultivator of the land. He had, so far, been satisfied with the result, although the difficulties which he had at first to encounter were very great, as he had originally settled only with his sons-in-law, The second and more squalid group of houses was occupied by fresh settlement of Salones related to him, and who bad been led by his little measure of success to follow his example. The great poverty of this people was due, according to him, to the fact that they were new-comers and had yet to make their way. They had been only one year in the clearing. From Padaw, or King's Island, I visited the Done group, where I fonnd the Salones in their norinal condition as a sea-people, spending the greater part of their lives in their boats along with their children and dogs, and only betaking themselves to a short sojonrn on land during the stormy weather of the south-west monsoon, when thoy erect on the sandy shores huts of much the same character as those of the second group at Yaymyitkyce. The employments of these people consist of visiting the most westerly islands of the Archipelago during the first two or three months of the north-east monsoon, where they collect beclie-ule-mer and the large Turbo marmarat us, the animal of which is extracted from the shell and dried in the sun. During the remainder of this monsoon they generally frequent their own group of islands, an occasional boat only visiting the western groups. Among their own islands, their chief occupations are spearing the large fish known to them as caoo, collecting beche-de-mer, occasionally a few pearls, and a little black coral. After the south-west monsoon has set in, they devote themselves chiefly to collecting honey and wax in the forest, and hunting pigs.

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Apuult, 1897.] SELUNGS OF THE MERGUI ARCHIPELAGO. Daring the north-east monsoon they are generally visited by traders, with whom they barter their mate, dry caoa, honey and wax, pearls, and other objects, for rice and shunskoo, and a very little cloth. I had the opportunity, while I was at anchor for about fifteen days in the great bay on the south-eastern side of Elpinstone Island (Peeleh of the Salones), to have about me thirty-five fine boats of these people, with their respective headmen and headman. in-chief (Hama). The Salones, as has been already said and as is well known live for one-half of the year in their boats. About usually contains a family, but I have observed as many as five adults, besides children and dogs, living in one boat. A boat is generally 20 to 24 feet in length. All the household operations are carried on in the boat during the period it is tenanted, and as they never appear to clean them out, the stench emitted from decaying food and other substancos is intolerable to any one but a Salone. I have already alluded to their temporary land-dwellings, but these have an advantage over the boats in the way of cleauliness, as they are annually rebuilt. I had a good deal of converention through my interpreter) with the headmen, more especially with Hama, who told me that the Salones of his group (Done) would be very glad to settle on land and cultivate, provided they were assared of protection and would not be taxed for the land until they had a fair retarn for their labour of clearing and establishing cultivation, which, however, would be a question of some years. Without protection of some kind it would be impossible for them to settle, as he informed me, on some previous atteinpts of this kind, their reaped crops of paddy and the fruits of the doorian and other trees were stolen by the people from the mainland, traders and others : so much so that a doorian garden in the above bay belonging to him for some time had ultimately to be abandoned, and hardly a trace of it now remained. He also complained to me of the unsafety to which the results of their fishing of the caoo were exposed ; and I had an instance of this feeling, as some boats which were late in arriving at Peeleh refased to remain with me beyond a day or two, as they were afraid that the caoo which they had left behind on the rocks to dry in the sun would be stolen in their absence, which, they said, was not an unfrequent occurrenco. But these poor people are subjected to a greater evil than any of these in the rapicity and unscrupulousness of the traders who barter with them. It is the policy of these mon always to lead the Salones to believe that they are in their debt and so to have them in their power; and these trading boats on their retara visits com pel the Salones to accompany them to collect bache-de-ner and to spear fish to satisfy their demands, they paying them in rice measured in baskets far below the recognized measures in use at Mergui, and even neighbouring villages. While I was in Peeleh I had the greatest difficulty in persuading the first ten to fifteen boats, which came to see me, to remain, as news had arrived that a noted Chinese free-booting trader from Mergui had appeared amongst their islands. They had the greatest dread of this man, because he compelled them to work for him, and paid them nothing except in driblets of rice. It must be remembered that these people, as they are precluded cultivating, are almost entirely dependent on the traders for rice, as they very seldom master courage to go to Mergui. I have been also informed that these tradors sometimes even go the length of committing serious assaults upon these unoffending people, and, I believe, some of them have been tried and prosecuted at the Courts of Mergai for so doing; but I am told that the punishments, having been pecuniary, can be well borne, considering the profits they make out of their trading with the Salones, and are therefore not deterrent. It was also brought to my notice that some of these uuscrupalous men oven resort to the nefarious practice of drugging the shamsloo, which they barter with these people, in order to reduce them to a state in which they can do with their property much as they please. Of course, I only repeat what I have heard, but I think it desirable to put this information on record. While I was at Peeleh and the Salones around me, the bay was visite l by two Chinese trading boats, one of which came provided with large quantities of shamshoo, which the Salones, having once tasted, did not cease Lartering for until the whole supply was finished ; and it was a painful sight to see these

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88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1897. simple people so debauched for the time being as to be oblivions to their own and their families pressing necessity for rice. When I arrived in the bay many of their boats had no rice and they had been reduced entirely to live on fish and shell-fish, and the younger children, in some instances, were crying for hunger, as their parents had no rice to give them. The islands produce some valuable timber trees, and from the configuration of the islands, and the way their steep slopes approach the sea, the trees are easily accessible and the timber could be floated with little difficulty. I at first thought that perhaps the tides might present some obstacle to the floating of the timber to the mainlaud, but, this anticipated difficulty does not appear to exist, because a Salone boat manned by some men and women arrived at Mergui, while I was there, with a derelict raft of timber from the island of Domel, having thus come through a part of the Archipelago noted for the strength of its currents. The learning of the direction of the currents is only a matter of observation, and their course being known, instead of being a hindrance, would aid the transit of timber. Anyhow, the fact exists that this comparatively small boat, in rather stormy weather, towed a number of large logs of teak into the harbour of Mergui. II. From the Commissioner of the Tenasserim Division, to the Secretary to the Chief Commissioner, British Burma-21st June 1882. It may perhaps not be out of place if I record such little information as I have been able to collect regarding the Salones and the general impression couveyed to my mind by Dr. Anderson's memorandum. I have always taken an interest in the carious race in question, though I have never been able to visit them at their homes. When I first visited Mergui, now over 10 years ago, I believe such a circumstance as a Salone visiting the place was extremely rare, if it ever occurred. Some six years later I found that they did occasionally come there, and during the last two years I cannot call to mind any occasion, on which I have been there, when I have not seen some of them. There are a few Chinese traders who seem to be on very good terms with them, as parties of them every now and then come to their houses; and on my last visit to Mergui I was particularly struck by meeting a party dressed out in a sort of Burniese costume, and evidently proud of their newly-acquired garments. Now, there may be, and probably is, some foundation for most of the statements made to. Dr. Anderson; but, I think, from the above facts, it can hardly be doubted that the Salones are not, as a rule, oppressed and ground down by the tyranny of traders or others, for if that were so, a race so shy and suspicious, as they have always shown themselves, would more and more avoid the haunts of men, and seclude themselves in the islands, whereas, as a fact, they are apparently, from their own choice at least, beginning to emerge from that seclusion and to have intercourse with other places and people. With regard to the allegations that they are precluded from cultivation, I must say it sounds very like similar stories I have heard from Karens and other savages in excuse for their not doing that which they really were too indolent to do. It is extremely probable that here and there some garden or granary may have been robbed by passing traders, just as gardens are frequently robbed by boatmen on the banks of all our large rivers; but it is difficult to believe that such depredations have been carried to such an extent as to prevent the Salones from cultivating anything, if they really wished to do so, or that they could not find in the Archipelago some spot suitable for the purpose, and seldom, if ever, visited by traders. I fear that it is but too probable that the Salones are frequently imposed upon in various ways, and that spirits, drugged or not, are frequently introduced amongst them by unscrupulous persons; but from these evils, as also from the petty thefts complained of, it will be extremely difficult to afford. them adequate protection, until they change their habits of life, and until there are better means of communicating with them available by the District authorities than now exist.

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Apa 1397,] SELUNGS OF THE MERGUI ARCHIPELAGO. 89 III. From the Commissioner of the Tenaskerim Division, to the Secretary to the Chief Commissioner, British Burma - 13th July 1882. I have the honour to forward herewith, for the information of the Chief Commissioner, a Report, dated the 21st ultimo, from the Depaty Commissioner, Mergui, on the subject of the Salones, together with its annexures in original. From Mr. Menzies' Report, dated the 20th June 1860, it would appear that at that period the Salones frequented Mergui to a much greater extent than was subsequently the case, so far as my information goes; but why this should have been so it is difficult to understand. IV. From the Deputy Commissioner, Mergui, to the Commissioner of Tenasserim - dated 21st June 1882. The facts related by Dr. Anderson, taken generally, are, no doubt, correct, but they have alrendy been, from time to time, brought to the notice of Government by my predecessors in office for the last twenty years, and several philanthropic attempts have been made, both by Government and Missionaries, to ameliorate their condition without success. The following letters, written 20 years ago, of which I enclose copies, give the result of careful and interesting enquiries then made by the different officers in charge of this district, and give a very complete and comprehensive account of the race:-- (1) Dated the 11th August 1857, from Colonel Ryan, Deputy Commissioner, giving extracts of a Sketch of the Salones by Dr. Helfer. (2) Dated the 11th May 1858, by Captain Stevenson, Deputy Commissioner. (3) Dated the 20th June 1860, by H. C. Menzies, Doputy Commissioner, a full and very graphic account and most interesting, from the perusal of which it will be seen that every endeavour has been made to improve their situation, but in vain. They were freed from taxation, and a paid headman was appointed to report all cases of crimes, but from Mr. Menzies' Report it will be seen that he was the head of only one group, and inclined to be jealous of other more numerous or powerful factions than his own; he drew his pay, but never made a single report of crime, and consequently the pay was subsequently withdrawn. Missionaries settled amongst them, and tried to get them to settle down, but to no purpose. As to the statement reported to Dr. Anderson by his interpreter," that Hama, the headman of the Done or Elphinstone group, would be very glad to settle on land and cultivate, provided they were assured of protection and would not be taxed for the land for some years, until they had some return for their labour of clearing, etc.," this is certainly opposed to all the information we have hitherto gained, whether from Government officers or from Missionaries, and also to my own experiences. Dr. Helfer states : -" These boats, not longer than 20 feet, are the true homes of the Salones; to it he entrusts his life and property; in it he wanders during his lifetime from island to island; a true ichthyophagist, to whom the Earth has no charm, and whom he neglects so much that he does not entrust to her a single grain of rice." Captain Stevenson writes : -"Mr. Kincaid, an American Missionary, who visited these people in 1838, says the Salones are very poor, having no houses, no gardens, no cultivated fields, nor any domestic animals but dogs."

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90 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1897 I myself have repeatedly asked them to come and settle permanently near to Mergni, where we could give them ample protection and where there is abundance of rich and fertile soil only waiting for the hand of man to be cultivated; they have invariably one and all replied that they could not, as they would not be happy if tied down to one place. Even when visiting St. Mathew's Harbour with the Chief Commissioner in the "Enterprise," in March 1880, we found a Salone who could talk Burmese, who said he was the son of the former paid headman, and had visited what he was pleased to call the great city, alluding to Mergui. I asked him why he did not return and stay at Mergai, and only received the same stereotyped reply, " Matha, I should be unhappy; "so that the statement made by Dr. Anderson to the effect "it must be remembered that these people, as they are precluded cnltivating, are almost entirely dependent on the traders for rice, as they seldom muster courage to go to Mergui," is scarcely accurate. If they are precluded from cultivation, it is by their own wish and pleasure, and not from any obstacles in their way, for every endeavour has been made to induce them to do so, but in vain. Dr. Anderson seems to think that the absence of rice is a great hardship, and that it must be the mainstay of life, for he says: - "When I arrived in the Bay many of their boats led no rice, and they had been reduced entirely to live on fish, shell-fish, and the younger children were crying for hunger, as their parents had no rice to give them." To any one coming from India, no doubt, the absence of rice would imply the absence of the greatest necessity of life, but, from all I have read, heard, and seen of these people, rice is a luxury, and not & necessity. Fish, combined with yams, and the numerous kinds of wild potato, are their ordinary diet; all are starchy substances, and quite as capable of supporting life as rice and it is the fact of the abundance of these kinds of tubers found growing wild among the islands that has enabled them to survive generation after generation, their condition being neither better nor worse than at the beginning. To the above general rule of absence of cultivation on the part of the Salones, there has been only one exception at the village of Yaymyitgyee, situated on a creek on the north-West side of King's Island, alluded to by Dr. Anderson. It was originally a Karen settlement, merely a group of 10 houses, on the banks of a small stream. Their cattle (buffalocs ) seem to have thriven more than their masters, for they have over 100 buffaloes. They plough an d. cultivate paddy and also toungya. Some years ago a party of Salones from the El hinsiche group, coming in to winter for the rains on the larger islands nearer to the mainland, entered this creek and squatted near to the Karens, who, being a quiet and peaceful race, very different to the self-seeking rapacious Chipamen, appear to have struck up a kind of friendship with them, resulting in that party of Salones ever after remaining there, and cultivating town gya after the manner of the Karens themselves, and there they are to the present day, and will, I hope, induce others to follow their example; but the settlement was commenced over 20 years ago (vide Captain Stevenson's Report, dated May, 1858), and had they been robbed of paddy and doorians, as mentioned by Dr. Anderson, it is not likely that they would have remained. Their rice and fruit left in their boats, whilst they go into the forest to serrch for honey and yams, may often, no doubt, be carried off by any passing boat, but I have no grounds of believing that their settlement has ever been robbed of its produce, for it is probable that the Karens who live in the same settlement would have reported the matter, if they, the Salones, did not. On receipt of your letter I sent for one Myat Sein, a man who has been sailing about these islands all his life, and who was formerly my Serang, and used to pilot me about the islands, and whom I sent to Dr. Anderson to accompany him as steersman for his boat, and who was with him on his visit to Yaymyitgyee. He says the Salones are often plandered and swindled by Malays and Chinese, the former being more feared than the latter, but that he never heard that their settlement had ever been robbed; that there are no "dorian" trees in the Salone

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APRIL, 1897.] SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. 91 toungyas ; the Karens have some, but not the Salones; in fact, "dorian" trees bear fruit only in the rains, a time when the Chineso do not visit the islands, so that I think the story, as it passed through the hands of the interpreter, may probably have been somewhat added to. Mynt Sein tells me that the party of Salones at this settlement of Yaymyitgyee con. sists of 10 houses and about 40 persons; that the headman, by name Shway Doke, was formerly one of the paid headmen, and can speak Burmese well, so that it would be natural to infer that he would be well aware of our good intentions, and would have come in for protection and redress if he needed it. Myat Sein further tells me that they expect another five boats ou families to come in this year from Elphinstone Island and join them in the permanent settlement. I think I may, therefore, say from the above that though we have abundant grounds of knowing that the Salones are no doubt subject to much extortion and swindling at the hands of Malays and Chinese, there is nothing to show that the only one settlement they have as yet made has been in any way harassed, ill-treated, or interfered with; in fact, from the settlement being still in existence, and from the increment expected to join them this year, there is every reason to believe to the contrary. As regards the traders who visit the Salones, knowing their great skill in spenring fish and diving for shells, no doubt, often do, as it were, hang on their skirts, and take their fish in exchange for rice at very unfair rates; how far the exchange is conducted by fair barter, how far. by trickery or force, it wonld be difficult to say, but as long as they will wander about in distant and out-of-the-way places, it is quite impossible to prevent this sort of thing being carried on. As regards drugging the liquor supplied to the Salones, this may have been done in old times once or twice, but there is no reason to believe it to be a common practice. The effect of ordinary country-spirit should, I think, be quite sufficiently powerful to render resort to other drugs unnecessary. Furthermore, the Salones are so mild and timid that they freely give up everything without resistance, so that neither force por drugging should, I think, be required to be resorted to. We now come to the last head of the Report, regarding the prevalence of illicit sale of spirits by unlicensed traders. To prevent illicit distilling and sale in the islands, a license has always been granted for the supply of spirits to the fishermen, in the hope that the former would keep down all other secret manufacture. But, considering the enormous number of islands, several over 100 miles in circumference, covered with dense jungles, the numerous creeks, bays, and channels of which in every direction give every facility for illicit manufacture, to properly check this an enormous cordon of boats would be required, and the result would be totally inadequate to the cost. The reports attached by me will show that the subject has by no means been neglected, but has from time to time been studied with much attention and interest by each succeeding officer in charge of the district, and the only obstacle to carrying out their humanitarian views has always been the qnestion of expense. (To ve continued.) NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. BY J. M. CAMPBELL, C.I.E., I.C.S. (Continued from p. 14) Shells. - In India, spirits fear shells, especially the shells called bhavanf cowries, that is. the cowries of Bhavani, the wife of Siva. Indian spirits are also much afraid of the conch-shell or sunkha of Vishnu. In the Bombay Konkan, the belief in the spirit-scaring virtue of the 12 Cyprua moneta. 13 Bucci. 14, unslatn..

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92 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1897. conch is so strong that, when a person is possessed by an evil spirit, Brahmans fill a conch with water, wave it above the alligram stone of Vishnu, and sprinkle the water over the possessed, when the spirit flies." In North India, to cure a burn, cowries are strong over the burned place. The North Indian and East Gujarat, Vanjaras adorn their women's head-pads, their money-bags, and the head-stalls and saddle-cloths of their bullocks with a close embroidery of cowry shells. The Aradhis, a class of Bhavani beggars in the Dekhan, wear a garlaud of cowry shells like a sacred thread, a sheil necklace, and shells in the hair and round the arms and wrists.47 In Poona, Bhutes, devotees and beggars of Bhavani, are covered from head to foot with cowry shells.48 The Poona Rauls blow a conch-shell in front of the corpse, and pour water into the mouth of the dead from a conch-shell. The Bangars, a class of Poona spicesellers, before a marriage, carry a conch-shell to the temple, bring it home, set it among the family gods, and call it their devuk or guardian.50 In front of a Bangar funeral a priest walks blowing a conch-shell.1 Among the Poona Velalis, a Tamil class of Vaisyas, when a man dies the chief mourners go to a well to draw water to bathe. Before them walks a Jangam or priest, blowing a conch-shell.62 The Dekhaa Murli, the bride of the god Khandoba, in the marriage ceremony, wears a necklace of nine cowry shells.03 The initiation of the Gondhalis or Rhapsodists consists in putting on a cowry-necklace. After a death the Ahmadnagar Cham. bhars call a Jangam to blow a conch over the grave,55 and at an Ahmadnagar Lingiyat Burud's wedding a Jaugam blows a conch while a Brahman repeats verses.66 The Khandesh Vaojaris throw cowry shells and onions at the priest after a marriage.57 The Dharwar Lavinas, or pack. bullock owners, tie cowry shells round their head-dress.69 The Dasarus, a class of Bengal beggars, move about with a gong and a conch-shell resting on the right shoulder. When a Dasarn dies, a conch-shell and discus are tied to his arm and taken off when he is buriedl.60 The Rauls of Sholapur blow a conch-shell in front of the dead.co The Halvakki Vakkals of North Kinara feed the dying with a shell spoon.61 The Korava, or Korachar, women of Mysore wear strings of beads and shells falling over the bosom.63 The Maria Gonds wear a girdle of cowries ;63 the Demanos, or priests of the Malhers, like the women of the early Ceylon tribe of Veddahs,64 have strings of cowries fastened to their necks, and the Gonds wave cowries and copper coins at their weddings. Shell ornaments, especially conch-armlets, are much worn in Bengal,07 Cowry-shells are used by Southern Maritha Brahmans in divining and by the Kanuja diviner or wild astrologer of Coorg as dico.69 The Marntan or Kaladi, the priest or diviner of the slave-caste Malabar Poliars, finds out by arranging cowry shells to what spirit prayers should be offered.60 In a cairn, opened ten miles south-east of Haidarabad in 1867, turbinellus pyrim shells and a 4 In support of this practice the Brihinans quote : "khi madhye dhRtaM toyaM bhrAmitaM kezavopari / aMgalagnaM manuSyANAM bhUtabAdhAM vinazyati // Il conch filled with water is waved over Kesava, that is, the slagrima stone, and the water is sprinkled over the possessed, the devil disappears." 45 Folk-lore Record, Vol. IV. p. 136. 46 From MS, notes. 17 Bombay Gazetteer, Fol. XVIII. p. 445. # Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 448. + Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 361. 60 Op.cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 255.. 61 Op.cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 255. 02 Op. cit, Vol. XVIII. p. 259. 13 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 477. 64 Op. cit. Vol. XVIIL p. 452. 6 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 168. 66 Op.cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 117. 67 Op. cit. Vol. XVII. p. 108. # Op. cit. Vol. XXII. p. 121. 69 Op. cit. Vol. XXI. p. 180. 6* Op. cit. Vol. XX. p. 136. 61 Op. cit. Vol. XV. p. 211. 67 Rice's Mysore, Vol. I. p. 312. 6 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 279. " Descriptive Sociology, 3 (iii). e Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Borgal, p. 270. 66 Hislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, p. 18, 67 Ward's Viere of the Hirulus, Vol. III. p. 98. Rice's Mysore, Vol. 111. p. 212. Go Buchanan's Mysore, Vol. II, p. 193.

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APRIL, 1897.] SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM 93 necklace of shells were found.70 The saikh or conch is the product of Ceylon. The people of Ceylon and of India saw circles of the saikh into armlets and toe-rings.71 Armlets of conch circles used to be much worn by Gujarat Hindus. They were made in Junagadh in Kithii wir, but the manufacture has been almost entirely destroyed by the competition of lacquered wood and ivory bracelets.72 The Chinese laold cockle-shells sacred, and wear beads and necklaces of voluta monilis.73 A blast on a conch trampet is the signal for the opening of a military review in China.74 The conch is blown in Japanese processions75 and in Melanesia to scare spirits. The chief representative of the Hervey Islanders' god, Kongo, is a conch-shell.77 Most of the ornaments worn by the Motus are shells ground or bored by a rude drill.79 The Motus have no regular marriage ceremony, Ten white shell armlets, two shell necklaces, an axe, and a pig are given by the bridegroom to the bride's father, and he takes his wife home.70 A. shell is a favourite brow ornament among the Meketo and Mahenge East Africans, and it is a charm and neck oruament among the Ugogo negroes.81 In West Africa, the women of Guinea wear bracelets of cowry or porcelain shells.83 The Gold Coast negroes wore bags of shells as fetishes.83 Hottentot women wear ostrich-shell girdles and cowries in their hair.84 Shells are hung in tents in Nabia.85 In 1824, the foot-soldiers of the Central African Bournoese wore round the loins a tanned skin strung with coarse shells.96 In South Africa, Dr. Livingstone was presented with a conical shell to hang round his neck.87 Stanley89 mentions men in East Africa wearing shells above the elbow and a shell circle round the head. A shell and a string of beads were given to Dr. Livingstone by a South African tribe to avert his anger.89 By the Congo people new shells are called God's people. Cowries are profusely used in their headdress by South Central African women. Among some tribes of South Central Africa, women wear a shell in a hole in the upper lip.92 The people of the Island of Thana employ the shell of voluta episcopalis as a hatchet, fixing it in a handle.83 The people of the Arru Islands, west of New Guinea, use armlets of white shells." The Papuans of New Guinea place a shell in the middle of their girdle. They also wear shells, fish-bone armlets, copper or silver wire, bands of plaited rattan, and pandanus leaves. New Zealanders wear head, neck and waist ornaments of shells, and, like the people of the New Hebrides and many other Easterns, they use the murea tritonis as a military horn.97 The New Mexican Indians wear ornaments made of shells.98 North American Indians use the venus mercenaria as money. Sea shells were popular charms among the Indians of the North American Coast.100 "The women of the Antilles, in the West Indies, clashed armlets and anklets of shell when they danced before their gods. 70 Journal Ethnological Society, Vol. I. p. 173. 11 Journal B. B. R. 4. Soc. Vol. XV. p. 149. T! Compare Kathiawar Garetteer, p. 261. 75 Gray's China, Vol. IC. p. 301; Ency. Brit. Fourth Edition, Vol. VI. p. 430. * Mrs. Gray's Fourteen Months in Canton, p. 314. 76 Silver's Japan, p. 16. 76 Journ, Anthrop. Inst. Vol. X. p. 382. 11 Gill's Polynesia, p. 193. 18 Journ. Anthrop. Inst, Vol. VII. p. 439. 70 Op. cit. Vol. VII. p. 495. 89 Cameron's Across Africa, Vol. I. p. 335; Thomson's Central Africa, Vol. I, p. 190. St Cameron's Across Africa, Vol. I. p. 194. 82 Ency. Brit. Fourth Edition, Vol. IV. p. 478. 83 Bassett's Legends of the Sea, p. 458. # Burchell's South Africa, Vol. I. pp. 395, 444. 85 Burkhardta' Nubia, p. 392. 89 Denham and Clapperton's Africa, Vol. II. p. 276. 87 Dr. Livingstone's Travels in South Africa, p. 301. Stanley's Dark Continent, Vol. I. p. 338. 89 Dr. Livingstone's Travels in South Africa, p. 281. 00 Spencer's Principles of Sociology, Vol. I. p. 338. 91 Pinto's How I crossed Africa, Vol. I. p. 228. 02 Dr. Livingstone's Travels in South Africa, p. 577. 1 Ency. Brit. Fourth Edition, Vol. VI. p. 440 or 431 P 9 Earl's Papuans, p. 97. 05 Op. cit. p. 19. 16 Op. cit. p. 72. 97 Draxlen Ethnological Museum, MS. note, 1885; Ency. Brit. Fourth Edition, Vol. VI. p. 140; Tarner's Polynesia, pp. 14, 19, 424 *6 Jourti. Ethno. Society, Vol. I. p. 251. 19 Ency. Brit. Fourth Edition, Vol. VI. p. 409. 100 Bassett's Legends of the Sea, p. 458. 1 Reville les Religions des Peuples Non-Civiliads, Vol. I. p. 327.

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94 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1997 In Europe, red pigment and pierced sea-shells have been found in the Dordogne Caves in the south of France. In the Bologna Museum shells are shewn among the contents of Etrurian and later Umbrian tombs. The Romans kept their salt and perfumes in cockie shells. In the north of Scotland, before the introduction of Christianity, warriors drank out of shells, a practice which continues in the use of horn or silver drinking cups still called sbells. The shell was one of the earlier ornaments which the Christians continued to regard as worslipinl. The shell continued a favourite emblem and ornament, and was carved on tombs, sometimes with the allition of wings. In the Middle Ages, pilgrims to the shrine of St. James, at Compostella in Spain, and also pilgrims, after their return from the Holy Land, wore a scallop ou their lat or coat. The women of the Levant still dock their hair with porcelains, that is, with cowries. In Guernsey, the shells of the cdible sen-car o are plastered on house walls as an Ornament. European gypsies hold the cowry sacred, and hang cowries round their donkeys' necks to ward off evil influences.12 Among the Turks, as among the ancient Greeks, the coway is a potent charm against fascination. 13 The worship of the shell as a guardian, a guardian body, or a guardian home seems based on the early use of shell-tish as a leading article of food. In addition to the guardian infinence of the shell-lisla as fool and as medicine was the value of the pounded shell as an absorbent. 14 These grounds of worsbip may have been strengthened by the shining in the dark of the oyster and of one of the sunils (helie ianthin).' l'inally, as shewn by their scientific names, the shapes of several shells identifies them as sperially tempting guardian shrines. Spirits. Spirit, or Spirits, was originally appliod to the air, steam, or breath of certain heated substances. In common use tho term is limited to the condensed steam or breath of fermented liquors. The limiting of the term spirit or spirits to intoxienting spirits or alcohol may be partly due to the commonness and familiarity of intoxicating spirits compared with the other varieties of spirit which are known chiefly to the chemist. This explanation may to some extent be accepted. At the same time, apart from its special corumonness, the properties of alcohol are in agreement with its monopoly of the term spirit or spirits. Its guardian-offect in dispelling sadness or bad spirits, its fiend-force maddening or inaking unconscious, its fiery natare both in taste and in burning, its virtue as an antiseptic or scarer of the demon corruption enforce the belief that alcohol is a spirit or a spirit-home.. Wine or strong drink cheered man, drove out sadness, and made the drinker like one guardian-possossed. Thereforo, strong drink was feared by evil spirits and drove them away. To keep away or to drive out the spirit of sadness it was good to get drunk oace a month. This, says Burton, was inaintained by sonte heathen dissolute Arabians and profane Christians. It was exploded by the Rabbi Moses, and copiously confuted by a sixteenth century pliysician of Milan.17 ? Spencer's Principles of Sociology, Vol. I. p. 71. * Ency. Drit. Ninth Exlition, "Etruria ; " MS, note, Nov. 1885. * Sunith's Greek Gul Romari Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 524. Sunith's Garlic Asiguities, P. 154. Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 1992. * MS. note in Florence, Nov. 1345; compare for England Wright's Celt, Roman anul Baron, p. 38. * Excy. Brit. Fourth Edition, Vol. VI. p. 414; Chambers' Book of Days, Vol. II. p. 121; Skeat's Piers.the Plongi mast, pp. 62, 144. Ency. Brit. Fourth Edition, Vol. VI. p. 478. 10 Haliofris tuberculata. 11 Eney. Brit. Fourth Edition, Vol. VI. p. 455. 12 Leland's Gypsies, p. 209. 13 Elworthy's The Ruil Eye, P. 128. 14 Compare Eary. Brit. Fourth Edition, Vol. VI. PP. 417 and 419, where the Roman snail (helix pomatia) ia said to have been introduced by Sir Kenelm Digby (1650) as a cure for consumption. The Hindus (Wise's Hindu ystem of Modlicine, p. 125) macerato ankle in lime-juice and use it as a medicine. 15 Op. cit. pp. 413, 451. That this shining of shell-fish has attracted wondering notice is supported by the Sassox practica (Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 45) of calling the lambent flamo which sometimes rises from the sick bofora death shell-fire. 16 England, 1621. 17 Burton's Anatonwy of Melancholy, pp. 145, 452,

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APRIL, 1897.) SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. 95 Among the Khandasli Pavris the usual marriage cereinonies begin by the boy's father taking a liquor jar to the girl's house and sprinkliny some of its contents on the floor of the marriage booth.18 Pavras also make offerings of rice and kalra liquor to their deity called Biva Kumbla at the opening of the marriage ceremony.19 Among the Nakri Kuubis of shara the bride and bridegrootn are each seated on a wooden stool, and liquor is given them to drink as soon as the marriage ceremony is completed.30 The Dhruva Prabhus of Poona, after child-birth, wash the mother with brancy and hot water. Similarly, probably as an antiseptic or corruption-scarer, the good Samaritan of the New Testament parable dressed the traveller's wounds with oil and wine. The Telangi Nbavis of Poona driuk liqnor both at their weddings and funerals.23 Tae Sholapar Mirwari Brahmans, on the full-moon of Asvin (September-October), .drink liquor in honour of their goddess Ambibil.33 Among the Bijapur Bedars, when an adultress is let back into caste, her hair is cut, and, to purify her, her lips are touched with a red-hot coal of the rui24 bush, and a little liquor is given her to drink,25 The Dharwar Kolavars, a tribe of hunters, drink liquor when a girl comes of age 20 Among the Gonds, on the day before a wedding, the fathers of the bride and bridegroom drink liquor together; 27 during the wedding, liquor is waved round the heads of the bride and bridegroom, and, after the wedding is over, the wedding guests have a feast with liquor 29 The Padal Gonds are purified by drinking spirits.29 After a Gond birth the women of the lionse drink liquor. They keep the water in which the mother and child were washed, and pour liquor over it, 30 and after a funeral they sprinkle the mourners with liquor.31 The Hos of South-West Bengal use noise and hard drinking to drive ont haunting or possessing spirits.33 The Oraon of East Bengal pleases the gods most when he makes merry by dancing all night and drinking liquor.33 The Velamars, a wild tribe of Travancore, use ardent spirits when they make offerings to their gods. They also drink spirits at births and funerals.34 The early tribes of the Central Provinces are notorious for excessive drinking. All acts of worship end in drunkenness.35 According to certain anthorities the worshippers of Siva should drink spirits on his great might in February.38 In the Vedic hymns the intoxicating juice of the somais a guardian which drives of evil influences as is shewn by the help Soma gave the god Iudra in his battle with the domons,38 The worshipfulness of spirits is still more clearly brought out in the Persian religion, as is natural in a religion which considered feasting good and fasting evil. The sinallest use of homa secure the slaugliter of a thousand evil spirits or clevas. Honu makes the soul of the poor equal to the soul of the rich; homa is the healer, the winner, the bringer of wisdoin, the scarer of plague,39 Among the Beni-Isra'ils of the Bombay Konkan, on the evening of the sixth day after a birth, men are called and sit all night on mats in the verandah, siuging and drinking. When a Beni-Isra'il boy is circumcised the wound is drossed with brands and oil.1 At a Beni-Isra'il marriage the bride and bridegroom together drink winc, and afterwards the bridegroom poars wine into the bride's mouth. Tho Beni-Isra'ils drop grape-juice and sugar-caudy into the inouth of the dying.43 In carly times (B. C. 1500 ?), the Jews were ordered to pour strong wine unto the Lord for a drink-offering." Thu filling of a cnp of wine for Elijah is part of the modern passover.45 15 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XII. p. 98. 19 Op. cit. Vol. XII. p. 93. 50 Op. cit. Vol. XIII. p. 129. 31 K. Raghunath's Putine Prabhus. 22 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. PP. 382, 383. 5 Op. cit. Vol. XX. p. 35. 24 Asclepias gigantea. 15 Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 94. 26 Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 135. 2! Hislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, Ap. I. p. iv. 25 Op. cit. Ap. I. P. V. 20 Op. cit. Ap. I. p. vi. 50 Op.cit. Ap. I. p. iv. $1 Op. cit. Ap. I. p. vi. 2 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 196. $0 Op. cit. p. 249. 34 Madras Jour. of Lit, and Sc. Vol. VIII. p. 297. 36 Hislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, p. 1. 26 Dabistun, Vol. II. p. 164. 37 Asclepias acida. ! Barth's Religions of India, pp. 9, 10. 39 Bleek's Aresta, Yasna, IX. 40 Bombay Gusette :, Vol. XVIII. p. 527. +1 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 529. 12 Op.cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 520. 19 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII, p. 632. * Exotis, xxix. 40; Numbera, xxviii. 7. 45 St. James' Gazeite, of 26th March 1895, p. 5.

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96 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1997. Vessels fall of drink were set in Tatir and Upper Egypt funeral pits. In China, a fenst is begun by pouring out liquor, a form of grace before meat.7 At some fenats a loving cup is also blessed and passed round. In drinking, the Chinese clink cups in old English style. The followers of the Grand Lana of Tibet offer their god bread and wine.50 The Ainos, an early tribe of North Japan, before drinking, throw liquor or saki over the head as an offering to the spirits.61 Rice beer is offered to the gods of the sea in a Shinto temple in Japan.52 The custom of drinking healths is prevalent in Japan.53 In Central Africa, possessing or hannting spirits are driven out by forcing the possessed to drink.54 The Wanikis of East Africa carouse at marriages, deaths and all other religious rites. In East Africa, the people of the Ugogo country mourn their chief by pouring liquor and sprinkling ashes over the body. In Dahomey, the custom of drinking toasts is observed, 57 apparently with the same object as smoking toasts in New Guinea.68 In East Africa, plantain spirit is a favourite medicine, oiten curing illness.59 At their religious feasts the Indians of South America get hopelessly drank.co In Jamaica, when negroes have to cut down a sacred silk-cotton tree, they pour much wine round the roots of the tree, and the cutters are made to drink until they are drank.61 In Mexico, during the five bad days that come every four years, children were made to pass through fire and to drink spirits.69 The Mexicans washed in wine, and considered wine holy.63 At present, in Mexico, on entering the linacal or brewery where the pulque or bitter aloe milk, the Some of the New World, ferments, every one says " Alabo a Dios, I praise God," and reverently takes off his hat. When a fresh supply of aloe milk is poured into the vat the vatman with a long switch makes the sign of the cross in the curdled milk already in the vat saying "Hail, most Holy Mary." To this the milk-bringer replies: " I praise God and the most Holy Trinity." In the Egyptian ritual (B. C. 2000), to keep evil spirits from coming near the dead body, the mourner, morning and evening, sprinkled the whole honse with sacred herbs and liquor.65 A law bound the ancient Athenians to keep to the last pare and unmixed wine for a relishing taste to the honour of the good genius.co The Greek funeral fire was put out with wine.67 In Rome, the object of drinking wine by the men who ran round the town in the Lupercalia seems to have been to drive away spirits. Roman funerals sometimes ended in boisterous scenes. Before the Roman senate began business each senator dropped wine and incense on the altar.6) The early Skandinavians had the custom of drinking immoderately at the winter solstice in honour of the gods. After sacrificing they drank to Odin for victory and to Njord and Freja for a good season. They also drank to friends killed in battle. When they became Christians they drank to God, to Christ, and to the saints.71 In Skandinavin, a new king always drank an ox-horn of wine before sitting on the throne.72 Liquor is drunk in Russia 46 Yule's Cathay, p. 509. 47 Gray's China, Vol. II. p. 6o. + Kidd's Chisa, p. 324. 19 Cubbold's Chinese, p. 55. * Iuman's Ancient Faiths, Vol. II. p. 203. 61 St. John's Nipon, p. 29. 52 Reed's Japan, Vol. II. p. 142. 65 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 150. Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 148. 05 New's East Africa, p. 96. 56 Cameron's Across Africa, Vol. I. p. 120. 67 Burton's Dahomey, Vol. I. p. 208. 65 Ingle's Australian Cousins, p. 32. 59 New's East Africa, p. 397. 60 Jourti. Ethno. Soc. Vol. II. p. 224. 61 The National Rovioso, June 1895, p. 560. The sense seems to be the spirit who has been dislodged from the silk.cotton tree is enticed by the liquor spilt on the ground and into the wood-cutters, and so loses his chance of doing an injury. This detail is an illustration of the law mentioned in the previous note on "Liquor," that the caremonial drinker is a scape-goat drinking from duty in order that the angry or evil influence may house itself in him and so cause no general mischief. 62 Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 376. * Op. cit. Vol. III. Pp. 351-376. 64 Brookleburat's Mexico of To-day, p. 82. * Lenormant's Challean Magic, p. 93. 66 Potter's Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 213. 67 Illustrated Dublin Journal, p. 165. 65 Leckie's European Rationalism, Vol. I. p. 218. 69 Gibbon's Decline and Fall, Vol. II. p. 20. TO Mallet's Northern Antiquities, p. 198. 11 Op. cit. p. 196. T2 Jones' Crouens, p. 538.

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APRIL, 1897.] SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. 97 after a baptism.73 A loving cap goes the round of the table at a Rassian Imperial banquet.7* Red wine is poured in the form of a cross on the throne or altar-table of a Russian church.75 The Germans, at their feasts, drank each other's heulth in turn, saluting each other by name. Percy (1770) adds one custom of drinking to the menory of the dead instead of to the spirits of the dead.76 Among the early Scottish Highlanders, according to the poems of Ossian (A. D. 300-600), spirits, drunk out of shells, were held in high honour.77 The worshipfulness of several sacred English trees, among them the birch, alder, fir and mountain ash or rowau, seems to be dne to the fact that liquor was made from them,78 The English word ale used to mean a feast.79 To spill wine is lucky, since wine poured out drives off evil spirits. The evil omen of spilling salt is turned aside by pouring out wine.80 In Scotland, special hard-drinking marked the unicide's funeral, the body had to be baptised in whiskey.81 In England, in 1827, it was usual after n death to lay in the mouth of a bee-hive some wine-soaked funeral cakes. While seeing the New Year in, householders drank spiced hot ale called lamb's wool.83 Paupers, or in some districts young women, carried from door to door a bowl of spiced ale adorned with ribbons singing songs. These bowls were known as Wassail bowls from the Anglo-Saxon Wies hael, Be in health.85 In old times, in Yorkshire, fishers sprinkled the prows of their boats with good liquor, a custom they had learnt from their ancestors, 86 and which lives in the breaking of a bottle of wine over a ship's bow in launching her. After his coronation the English king takes the Sacrament of bread and wine 87 Spittle. All the world over the rabbing on of spittle, especially of the fasting spittle, has been found to cure wounds and to lessen inflammation. Spittle is, therefore, & widespread guardian or spirit-scarer. Again, spittle is one of the issdes of the body, and, as all issues hold part or some of the spirits of him from whose body they come, it follows that the spittle-issue of a holy man has special healing and evil-scaring properties. Once more: if spittle is a guardian home and is also a home of the spirit of the spitter, it follows that spittle is & likely lodging for trespassing, possessing and other evil spirits. When, by inhaling, smelling or otherwige, a person becomes possessed by an influence, disease, or other evil spirit, the trespassing spirit is likely to make his abode in the spittle of the possessed. It follows that, by getting rid of his spittle, the person trespassed upon is likely to get rid of the disease-spirit or other evil lodger. These three experiences and conclusions, namely, that spittle is healing, that in his spittle lives some of a man's spirit or spirits, that as trespassing spirits lodge in the spittle of the possessed they may be spat out, seem to form the sense basis of the world-wide honour and horror of spittle which the following cases illustrate. In the Konkan, that is, the seaboard to the north and south of Bombay, when & person is affected by the Evil Eye, salt and mastard seed are waved round his face and thrown into fire, and he is told to spit. In Gujarat, when a Shi's travels with Sunni, ho spits secretly to avert or avaunt the evil Sunni influence. Among the human-sacrificing Khonds of North-East Madras, Macpherson noted in 1842 that a member of a tribe who did not sacrifice said to a sacrificer: - "You traffic in your * Mrs. Romanoff's Rites arut Customs of the Greco-Russian Church, p. 77. 5 Jones' Crortus, p. 392. 55 Mrs. Ronanoffs Rites and Customs of the Greco-Russian Church, p. 91. 76 Mallet's Northern Antiquities, p. 195. 11 The references are frequent. The joy of the shell (Clerke's Oasian, I, 200; II. 107) the shells resound (op. cit. II. 187): the shell of joy wont round in praise of the king of Morven (op. cit. II. 99): the souls of the warriors brighten with the strength of the shells (op. cit. II. 95). 78 Compare Hunter in Evelyn's Silva, Vol. I. p. 225. 9 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 279. 89 Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 165. 81 Mitchell's Highland Superstiliore, p. 34. $2 Dyer's Folk-Lore, p. 128. .85 Chambers's Book of Days, p. 727. 84 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 1. 36 Op.cit. Vol. I. p. 333. 8 From S. notes. 87 Jones' Cronus, p. 121. 15 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. 59 Information froun Mr. Fazal Lutfullah.

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98 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1897. child's blood," and spat in his face. In North India, itch is cured by rubbing in saliva.91 Among the Roman Catholics of North Kanara, at baptism, the priest wets the tip of his thumb with spittle, and with it touches the child's ears and nostrils. Dubois (A. D. 1810) describes a monastery, ten miles from Chinnerayapatan (Seringapatam) where lived a Hindu teacher whose followers quarrelled for his spittle.93 In agreement with one of the traditions of the Prophet, Muhammadans, in wakening after a bad dream, spit on the left side and ask divine protection against Satan." Among the Kirghis tribes of Central Asia, the sorcerers or spirit-scarers whip the sick till blood comes and then spit in his face.95 The Polynesian legends tell that spirits were made from the spittle of the gods.86 The Australians throw dust on their feet and spit as signs of hostility.97 Among the Masalmans of North-West Africa, the spittle of a madman or a lunatic is considered a blessing. The saying is: -- "O blessed Nazarene, what God has given let not man wipe away. Thou shalt be happy, Sidi Moma has spat upon thee.98 When a Hottentot has to pass the night in the wilds he chews a root, and spits in a circle round him, and within this circle no evil animal can come.90 In preparing #cbarm, the negroes of West Africa matter sentences, and spit thrice on & stone.100 Barbot (1700), quoted by Burton, notices that the interpreter of the king of Zanap in West Africa took one of the royal feet in his hands, spat on the sole, and licked it. The priest of the Waruas gets an offering of six fowls from the chief's wife, spits in her face, and she is happy. Stanleys says that king Lukongeh of Ukerewe in East Africa is believed to have superhuman powers. When his subjects approach him they clap their hands and kneel. If the king is pleased be blows and spits into their hands, and they rub their faces with the spittle. In inner West Africa, when a child is named, the schoolmaster spits thrice into its face, and when the people see the new moon they spit on their hands and rub them over their faces. At a big festival the king of Dahomey, in Western Africa, spits on the drum-sticks before they are used. The people of Madagascar think that the fasting spittle cures sore ears and eyes. Also when they smell a bad smell they spit.7 Among the Waruas of Central Africa spitting on a person is considered an attempt to bewitch. Among the Dyers of the White Nile the nsnal salatation, when two people meet, is to spit on each other. The spitting is a token of affection and good-will. In Central Africa, on the seventh day after birth, the priest spits thrice on the child's face.10 When a South African Bakwain sees an alligator, he says, " There is Sin," and spits on the ground. The West African negro will not pass the rock or tree where a spirit lives without laying or it a leaf, a shell and some spittle.12 When Mungo Park (1800) started on his journey up the Niger, his Negro guide picked up a stone, murmured some words over it, spat on it, and threw it in front to drir away evil influences. Here the stone is a spirit-bome, the words made a spirit pass into the stone, the spittle kept the spirit from harm, and the spirit, coaxed into becoming a guardian, drove off all other spirits. In North-East Africa, certain tribes salute by spitting into each other's faces. The traveller Johnson was much sought after as a medicine-man, and his salute Government of India Records, Home Department, Vol. V. p. 52. ol Folk-Lore Record, Vol. IV. p. 133. 3 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. xv. Dubois, Vol. I. p. 177. Seafield's Dreams, Vol. I. p. 414; Napier's Folk-Lore, p. 101. Lenormant's Chaldean Magic, p. 213. * Fornander's Polynesian Races, Vol. I. p. 83. 07 Descriptive Sociology, No. 8, p. iv. ** Hay's Western Barbary, p. 100. 9 Hahn's Touni Goam, p. 82. 190 Park's Travels, Vol. I. p. 48. 1 Barton's Dahomey, Vol. I. p. 259. * Cameron's Across Africa, Vol. II. p. 82. Stanley's Dark Continent, Vol. I. p. 253. * Park's Travels, Vol. I. p. 260. * Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 272. * Barton's Visit to Dahomey, Vol. I. p. 361. "Sibree's Madagascar, D. 286: Polk. Lore Record, Vol. II. p. 37. * Thomson's Laker of Central Africa, Vol. II. p. 164, Schweinfurth's Heart of Africa, Vol. I. p. 205. 10 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 481. 11 Dr. Livingstone's Travels in South Africa, p. 255. 11 Reville les Religions des Peuples non-Civilise., Vol. II. (1) p. 73. 18 Reference mislaid.

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APRIL, 1897.] SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. W&S so valued that he had to keep his mouth full of water.14 In North Africa, the priest of the Mandingoes spits thrice in the face of a child when he names it.18 On new-moon days, in Africa, people say prayers, spit on their hands, and rub their hands on their face. 16 A Zulu woman, attacked by her husband's spirit, keeps the spittle that gathers in her mouth while she dreams, and the exorcist buries it in a hole.17 Abyssinian Christians think it a sin to spit on the day they take the Sacrament.18 In America, a traveller rubs his legs with grass, spits on the grass, and lays it on a cross-road shrine and drives off the demon of tiredness.19 The Peruvians spat on the ground as a sign of contempt and abhorrence,20 Frobisher (A. D. 1577) tells of a Greenland woman who, when her child was wounded by an arrow, took off the English doctor's salves and licking the wound with her own tongue, not much unlike an English dog, healed the child's arm.21 Among the classic Greeks, women when alarmed spat into their bosoms.22 The girl in Theocritus' Idyll, xx. (B. C. 200), spat thrice on her robe to scare an unwelcome lover. Lucian (A. D. 150) mentions spitting thrice in the face as part of an incantation. 29 According to Atheneus (A, D. 200) doves spit into the mouths of their young to guard them against fascination. At the sight of an epileptic or of a randman the ancient Greeks spat thrice into their bosom.25 Galen (A. D. 100) held that epilepsy and contagion were scared by spitting. To spit on the hand added strength to a blow. Fasting spittle cured boils. Galen advised spitting on meeting a lame man on the right; spitting into the bosom in framning a wish : spitting thrice in saying a prayer and in taking medicine.36 The Romans spat into the folds of their dress to keep off the Evil Eye.27 Both Tibullus (B. C. 40) and Persius (A. D. 50) praise spittle as a guard against the Evil Eye,28 According to Pliny (A. D. 70) serpents cannot abide spittle more than scalding water : fasting spittle killed them." A woman's fasting spittle cured blood-shot eyes.30 Spitting on the person struck with the falling sickness prevented infection, and spitting in the eyes of a witch broke her power to enchant.31 If a stranger looks on a child asleep the nurse spits thrice.32 Boxers spit in their hands to make the blow heavy: to spit in meeting a lame man, or in passing a place where danger has been ran, prevents ill-luck.33 Fasting spittle cures warts, boils and inflamed eyes, skin, and wounds.34 Spittle rubbed behind the ear drives out gloomy fancies; rubbed on the brow it stops & fit of coughing.35 The Emperor Vespasian (A. D. 90) cured the blind by rubbing his eyes with spittle.36 At a Roman birth the nurse touched the infant's lips and forehead with spittle.37 Christ hcaled the eyes of the blind by anointing them with clay and spittle.58 The authority of this iniracle is given as the reason why the Roman practice of touching the new-born babe with spittle was continued in Baptism by the Christian Church.39 The Christian catechumen spat thrice at the devil. During the fourth century a Christian sect, called the Messaliaus, made spitting a religious exercise in hopes of spitting out the devils they inhaled. Of the It From MS, Note, 5th April 1883. 16 Park's Travels, Vol. I. p. 269. 16 Brand'. Popular Antiquities, Vol. III. p. 149. 11 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 147. 18 Moore's Oriental Fragments, p. 129. 19 Bancroft, Vol. IV. P. 481. 20 Descriptive Sociology, pp. 2, 83. 21 Barron's Polar Vovajes, p. 89. ?Clarke's Travels in Greece, Vol. IV. p. 7. 23 Dalyell's Darker Superstitions of Scotland, p. 73. # Story's Castle of St. Anjelo, p. 90; Elworthy'a The Evil Eye, p. 42 25 Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. p. 1102 ; Potter's Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 401. 3. Galen, Lib. X., De Tac. Sim. Mal. Vol. II. p. 287. 97 Pliny's Natural History, Book xxvii. Chap. 7. * Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 417; Aubrey's Romains of Gentilis, p. 42. * Pliny's Natural History, Book vii, Chap. 2. 0 Op. cit. Book xxvii, Chap. 7. 51 Op. cit. Book xxyii, Chap. 4. 12 Op. cit. Book xvii. Chap. 4. 30 Op. cit. Book xxvii. Chap. 7. 34 Op. cit. Book xxvii. Chap. 7. 55 Op. cit. Book xxviii, Chapa, 2 and 6. B6 Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 490; Black's Folk. Medicine, pp. 183, 184. 37 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 439. * St. Mark's Gorpel, vu. 34; viii. 28. >> Golden Manual, p. 670. * Op. cit. p. 428. 1 Lockie's History of Rationalism in Europe, Vol. I. p. 25; Student's Encyclopaedia," Witoboraft."

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100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1897. high value attached to spitting by others than Christians daring the fourth century Pbilagins' saying is proof: - "When you spit into the drug pot use no barbarous names. The spittle without the names is just as healing."49 That the object of the Catholic priest in touching the eats and nostrils of the infant or catechumen at Baptism is to scare evil spirits is shewn in the service for adult Baptism, where, when the priest applies the spittle to the nostrils, he says: - "Devil be put to flight for the judgment of God is near." 43 The healing spittle and the spittle of hate are the same both in virtue and in object, napely, to scare the devil. Iu tho Russian Baptism sermon, when, on behalf of the child, the God-father and God-mother renounce the Prince of Darkness, they bow and spit at the Prince. The old respect for spittle continues among modern Greeks. The modern Greek woman, like the classic Greek, when alarmed, spits into her own bosom.45 The modern Greek, like the Slav, is shy of praise. If praised he tries to save himself by spitting; if a child is praised the mother or nurse blows a spray over it. The classic beliefs about spittle remain fresh in modern Italy. In 1623, when De la Valle was travelling near Mangalore, in India, he saw in a forest shrine a statue of Birimoro (apparently Bhairav) or Buto (Bhuta), a savage god, spat in its face three times, and wentaways At the present time, in Italy, fasting spittle rubbed on the knee cures blear eyes, cancer and pains in the neck. To spit in the right shoe scares fascination. In the Middle Ages, in Spain as in Italy, to spit in the face had the sense that the person spat upon was a devil or was devil possessed. Saint Eulalia, the Spanish Christian girl, spat in the face of her judge.60 In Roumania, you must not praise a baby or say any one looks well without spitting. 51 In Transylvania, the Saxons hold that spitting has great power to keep off spells and other evils.52 The Wotyak Fins of East Russia beat evil influences out of every house by clubs and lightedtwigs, shut tbe door, and spit at the ousted devil.53 In a Russian story a blind maiden cures her eyes by rabbing them with her own saliva.54 Before a witch's house and in crossing haunted water by night Germans spit thrice.55 In Germany, if a fisher spits on a pot hook and calls on the devil, he will catch fish.56 In Prance, hair that comes out in combing and cat hair have to be spat on to prevent them becoming enchanted.57 According to Aubrey (A, D. 1650) if you praised a horse belonging to one of the wild Irish, the owner spat on the animal.58 In Ireland, in 1660, a child who had been eye-bitten might be cured by being spat on.59 Still in West Galway and other outlying parts of Ireland a new-born child or a beast, when first seen, must be spat on, especially if praised, since praise brings bad luck, Tbe first money earned in the morning is spat on for good luck. An animal beginning to recover from sickness must be spat on. The people of Cork spit on the ground in front of any one whom they wish to bring into trouble.60 In the seventeenth century in Scotland, the skilful cured sick animals by spitting.61 Till the present century fasting spittle cured warts and skin diseases.82 In making a bargain it was the rule that the parties should spit each in his own hand before the final settling grasp.83 In East Scotland, if a fish-hook catches at the bottom of the sea, some evileyed person is believed to hold it. The fisher takes a bit of seaweed, spits on it, 11 Black's Folk Medicine, pp. 183, 184. 45 The Golden Manval. p. 799. * Mrs. Romanoff's Rites and Customs of the Graeco-Russian Church, pp. 39 and EUR9. 45 Clarke's Travels in Greece, Vol. IV. p. 7. 46 Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. p. 1102 ; Potter's Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 401. 47 Potter's Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 401. 15 Hall's De la Valle, Vol. II. pp. 340, 341. 49 Story's Castle of St. Angelo, p. 209. 50 Jameson's Sacred and Legendary Art, Vol. II. p. 678. 61 Foll-Lore Record, Vol. V. p. 50. 82 Nineteenth Century Magazine, No. CI. p. 145. 03 Fraser's The Golden Bough, Vol. II. p. 801, Zool. Myth. Vol. I. p. 219. 65 Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. p. 1102. 68 Bassett's Sea Legends, p. 434. 67 Elworthy's The Evil Eyje, p. 417. 08 Aubrey's Remains of Gentilism, p. 42. 6. Dalyell's Darker Superstitions of Scotland, p. 10. c. Folk-Lore Record, Vol. IV. p. 103. 61 Dalyell's Darker Superstitions of Scotland, p. 73. 62 Napier's Folk-Lore, p. 99. 65 Op. cit. p. 100.:

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APRIL, 1897.] SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. 101 throws it averboard, and again spits to overcome the ill-wisher.64 To spit to windward is unlucky. The sense seems to be that the fair wind resents being treated as a fiend or foul wind and so causes mischief. The belief is widespread. Besides, in different parts of Lurope, it has been recorded in the Maldiv Islands and in China. In the small island of Foula off Shetland, in dressing a sheep, the gall is carefully taken out, thrice spat on, and covered with ashes that no dog may see it.67 In St. Kilda, the last funeral rite is to spit on the grave.68 In England, up to the tenth century, the Saxons put spittle into their holy salve.89 Spittle is also an ingredient in Herrick's charm (A.D. 1650): "Sacred spittle bring you hither, Meal and it now mix together, And a little oil with either,"70 During the Middle Ages, spitting on the joints cared rheumatism. Up to the present century the power of a man with an Evil Eye was destroyed by spitting thrice in his face.71 Fasting spittle rubbed on warts cured them : fasting spittle was also rubbed on new shillings that were to be used to cure ringworm.72 To spit thrice averted the ill-luck caused by meeting a person who squints.73 If a dog bites a child the owner of the dog should spit * on the hand of the child's mother.74. A sleeping foot is cured by marking on it a cross with spittle.75 The fasting spittle of men was believed to cure snake-bite.76 It is recorded that, on 16th August 1899, to cure her of the Evil Eye, a woman spat in the face of another woman who squinted.77 An English care for the scrofula was for a fasting virgin to spit three times, touch the sore, and say :-"Apollo denies that the heat of the plague can increase when a naked virgin quencheth it."79 When an English baby yawns, the nurse spits or pretends to spit into its mouth.79 If any one regrets having given a blow and spits in the hand that dealt the blow the person struck will cease to suffer.90 In Cheshire, in 1748, Brigget Brotock, an old woman, wrought many cures by rabbing with fasting spittle.1 In Yorkshire, in 1800, it was the rule to spit three times in the face of any one with the Evil Eye,82 In North England, and also in Lincolnshire, fish-women and hacksters spit on the handsel or sacrifice, that is, on the first money they take in the morning 83 In North England, any one who sees a horse-shoe or a piece of iron should take it up, spit on it, and throw it over his left shoalder. He should frame a wish, and if he can keep the secret to himself his wish will be granted.84 In Staffordshire, fasting spittle cures warts.95 In Staffordshire, when a dog is heard to howl, which is caused e+ Foll-Lore Journal, Vol. III. p. 181. 65 Bassett's Sea Legends, p. 434. of Bassett's Sea Legends, p. 434. 67 Sands in Kirkwall Puper, P-718. 68 Buchanan's St. Kilia in Dalyell's Darker Superstitions of Scotland, p. 72. EUR9 Black's Fol! - Medicine, pp. 183, 18. To Hesperides. 71 Black's Folk Medicine, PP. 183, 184. T2 Op. cit. pp. 183, 184. T5 Hone's Year Book, p. 253. 74 Notes and Queries, Fifth Series, Vol. VIII. p. 465. *5 Black's Folk. Medicine, p. 85. 78 Browne's Vulgar Errors, Vol. I. p. 378, 11 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. III. p. 50. 78 Pettigrew's Superstitions, p. 74 19 From NS. Note. 89 Black's Folk-Medicine, p. 52. 81 Gentleman's Magazine Library, "Popular Superstitions," pp. 233, 284, $2 Napier's Folk-Lore, p. 89. # Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 32; Gentleman's Magazine Library," Popular Superstitions," p. 117. 84 Hendersou's Folk-Lore, p. 106. The sense seems the same as the sense of Mungo Park's negroe guide spitting on a stone and rolling the stone in front of Park to keep off evil. In the North England cage the horse-aboo or other iron is a spirit-home. Spitting on the iron drives out of it any evil influence that may have made a lodging in the iron and so dimmed its guardian power. The cleansed iron becomes a centre of guardian influence. Dropping the guardian iron over the left shoulder drives from the uolucky side of the dropper any evil influence that might confuse or pass into his wish. So his wish, which is one of a man's many spirits, passes unmoleated into the guardian and by the guardiau iron is protected from adverse influences and so comes to fruition. 65 Dyer's Folk-Lore, pp. 156, 167.

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102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1897 by his seeing an evil spirit, the risk of attack from the spirit is avoided by taking off your left shoe and spitting on its sole.Sc In Kent, when a funeral passes, people troubled with warts wet the forefinger with spittle, rab the wart and say :-"My wart goes with you." In a stone wall in Norfolk Road, Brighton (A. D. 1875), is a crystal which school-boys call the holy stone, and in passing spit on it for luck.89 The Devonsbire peasant, when he sees one magpie, which is unlucky, spits thrice over his right shoulder.80 Sugar. - Sugar, one of the wholesomest, most fattening and most cheering of foods, is a chief protection against evil spirits. Among the higher Hindus of Bombay, on sucb auspicious occasions as betrothal and coming of age, engar or sugar-cakes called batasus are handed to the guests. In the Konkan, among Brahmaps, when a girl comes of age, a lighted lamp is waved round her face and a pinch of sugar is given her to eat.80 So also when a Konkan Brahman starts on a long journey, cards and sugar are given him to sip in order that no evil may befall him by the way. The household gods of the Dekhan and Konkan Brahmans are daily washed in the panchamruta or five deathless, that is, milk, curds, clarified butter, honey and sugar.02 The Govardhan or Golak Brahmans of Poona lay molasses in front of the cot in which a child is born. In the Dekhan Ramost marriage, the bride puts molasses into the mouth of the bridegroom and of his father and mother. The Bombay Prabba in his morning visit to worship the cow offers her sugar.95 In the Dekhan, on Dasara day (September October), the horse, when worshipped, is fed on sugar.96 The Dekhan Chitpavan, when beginning to build his marriage booth, makes a square and lays sugar on it. In the Dekban, sweet milk is dropped into the dead Mang's mouth.99 In Nasik, when a child has small-pox, the mother weighs the child against molasses in the small-pox' goddess's temple. The Nagar Jain Marwaris offer sugar to the wedding betelnut Ganpati, and the Jain funeral feast consists of sweet dishes.100 At the beginning of a new year's ploughing Bijapar Raddis give their bullocks a sweet dish, and wave dressed food round them. Sagared water is put into the month of the dying Kanara Musalman. Among the Belgaum Korvis, the bride and bridegroom feed each other with sweetened rice. The Rajputs of Kathia war distribute molasses on the day of naming and betrothal. Among the Dharwar Midhav Brahmans nothing sweet is eaten in the house of mourning for thirteen days after a death, apparently to avoid the risk of prematurely driving away the spirit which should stay in and about the house for twelve days, and should not leave until the thirteenth day after the performance of the patheya erkddk which enables the spirit to proceed on his journey to heaven: The Sravaks after a birth distribute molasses and sesamum seed. In Western India, among higher Hindas, sugar and sesamom seed are distribated to friends and relations on the Sankrant day (12th January), on which the sun crosses the sign of Capricorn, and on the 1st of Chaitra (March-April) people eat nim leaves and sugar in order that they may not suffer from any disease during the year.? In Mysor, fine white soft sugar is made into shapes at weddings and on other great occasions, and given to guests. The Beni-Isra'ils of the Konkan bave a ceremony called sakhar pula, or sugar eating, as a preliminary to marriage. In Kathiawar, on the bright second of every month, people light a fire on the *6 Op. cit. p. 101. 1 Op. cit. pp. 166, 157. 18 Notes and Queries, Fifth Series, Vol. IV. p. 495. * Dyer's Polk-Lore, p. 82: Votes and Queries, Fourth Series, Vol. VII. p. 91. 90 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. >> Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. 92 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. 93 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 162. * Op. cit. Vol. XXX. p. 423. 95 Mr. K. Raghanath's Pitane Prabhus. >> Mr. K. Raghunath's Patone Prabhus. 97 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 123, * Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 414. * Op. cit. Vol. XVII. p. 80. 100 Op.cit. Vol. XVII. p. 82. 1 Op.cit, Vol. XXIII. p. 117. ? Op.cit. Vol. XV. p. 409. * Op. cit, Vol. XXI. p. 171. * Information from Col. Barton. * Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXII. p. 86. 6 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. Infornuation from Mr. P. B. Joshi. * Buchanan's Mysore, Vol. I. p. 341. . Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 516

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APRIL, 1897.] SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. 103 Beashore, throw clarified butter into the fire, and sugared milk into the sea. 10 On the third of November 1886, Rai Pannalal, the minister of Udaipur in Rajputana, gave a feast to twenty-five thousand people in memory of his mother. The Mahajans or Banias, in Udaipur and eighty villages round, gte over thirty-one thousand pounds (three hundred mans) of sugar in sweetmeats. The Holi or spring festival on the March-April fall-moon is a great time for sweetmeats. In Bombay, shops are full of necklaces of sugar medals stamped with the lucky face of Singhmnkh or Old Horny 13 The Indian Musalman pours some drops of sugared water into the mouth of the dying 13 The sweetened juice of the homa (Asclepias ascida) is dropped into the mouth of the new.born Parsi. In honour of a Parsi girl's first pregnancy, both her own and her husband's families distribute sweetmeats.15 When the Egyptian Muslim bridegroom comes to the bride's room he sprinkles sagar and almonds on the bride's head and on the heads of the women with her. 16 In Italy, in A. D. 1590, on Christmas Eve, sweetmeats were given to the Fathers in the Vatican.17 At Milan, during the Carnival, strings of carriages and wagons pass laden with small sugar knobs about the size of peas. The balconies are crowded with people with large stores of these pellets. And between the people in the wagons and those in the verandahs such quantities of comfits are thrown that, when the procession has passed, the street is as white as after a smart shower of snow. 18 In November 1657, at the wedding of his danghter, Oliver Cromwell threw sack posset of wet sweetmeats among the ladies, and daubed with wet sweetmeats the stools where they were to sit.10 In West Scotland (1830), when a babe is taken to a strange house for the first time, the head of the house must pat sugar into its mouth and wish it well.20 In North Hants, on St. Andrew's day, a bell called Tandrew is rung and sweet toffee is eaten.31 Sulphur. -Sulphur as a healer, a disinfectant, and a fire-maker, is the dread of spirits. Among the ancient Jews the wedding crown was of salt and sulphur.22 In Egypt, at the procession of Isis, a boat was carried which had been parified with a lighted torch, an egg, and sulphur. At a Greek sacrifice the vessels were purified by rubbing them with brimstone 24 Those who took part in the Bacchic mysteries were purified with fire, sulphur and air.25 Theocritas (B. C. 200) advises the herdsman to purify his house with sulphur, and then rain upon it innocuous water and the accustomed salt.28 Before Medea began her rites for renewing Jason's father's youth, she thrice purified him with fire, water and sulphur.27 The Romans, in their early shepherd-festival of the Palilia (21st April), to purify them, rubbed sheep with salphur or made them pass through the smoke of sulphur, rosemary, firewood, and incense.29 Pliny (4. D. 70), apparently referring to the practice described by Theocritus, says that the Romans burnt sulphur to hallow houses, because its smell drove off fiends and spirits.29 He also mentions sulphur as a care for leprosy, cough and scorpion bite.30 Tibullus (B. O. 40) speaks of purifying with sulphur,31 and Amertius Nemesianus recommends the shepherd who is worried with a love charm to lustrate himself thrice with chaplets, 10 Vaikuntram's Element Worship, MS. 11 Times of India, 11th November 1886. 19 From M3. notes: 15 Herklot's Quanun-i-Islam, p. 409. 2From MS, notes. 15 From MS. notes. 16 Lane's Arabs in the Middle Ages, p. 237; Eber (Egyptian Princess, Vol. II. pp. 233, 362) Ascribes the same practice to the Greeks of Egypt in B. C. 500. 11 Gentleman's Magazine Library, "Popular Superstitions," p. 4. 18 From MS. note, 1883. In Rome plastered peas bave taken the place of the old comfits. Ency. Brit., "Carnival." 19 Hone's Table Book, Vol. I. p. 20. 3. Napier's Folk-Lore, p. 33. 21 Notes and Qreries, Fifth Series, Vol. VII. p. 29. 22 Basnage's History of the Jews, p. 472. 19 Brown's Great Dionysiak Myth, Vol. I. p. 195. 24 Potter's Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 368. 28 Smith's Greek and Roman Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 103. Calverley's Translation, Ilyul XXIV. p. 139. 11 Ovid's Metamorphosis, Vol. VII. p. 261. + Ovid's Fasti, Lib. IV. 730-750, Quoted in Smith's Greek and Roman Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 817; Aubrey's Remains of Gentilism, p. 16; Napier's Folk-Lore, p. 166. 29 Pliny's Natural History, Book xxxv. Chap. 15. Op. cit. Book IIXV. Chap. 15. 91 Quoted in Story's Castle of St. Angelo, p. 207.

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104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1897. and to burn laurel leaves with sulphur and pour wine over them.33 Some very primitive people rub stones and feathers with sulphur in kindling fire,33 In England, the belief in the cleansing virtue of sulphur survived the Reformation. Herrick writes : - "I'll expiate with sulphur, hair and salt and with the humour of the crystal spring."94 Brown notes among the "Vulgar Errors" of that time (A.D. 1650) the belief that bitumen, pitch or brimstone could purify the air of the devil.35 A writer in the Gentleman's Magazine Library, in 1747, notes that in England in 1720 some rolls of brimstone had been found in a grave.96 In the North of England, in 1825, a babe at its first visit to a house was presented with an egg, a handful of salt, and a bunch of matches.37 In Scotland, Dalzell notes that sulphur smoke was perhaps the commonest way of scaring the devil,58 In Scotland, in 1850, the sulphur fames of a gas work cared a child of whooping-cough. Sulphurons acid is a valuable disinfectant.40 Of recent years, in Bombay and in Thana near Bombay, the burning of sulphur fires has been found serviceablo in epidemic attacks of cholera. It is probably not so much because of man's experience of the misery of burns or of saffocation by sulphur fumes as because of their value in guarding against disease, that is, in soaring spirits, that fire and sulphur form so important a part in the upholstery of Milton's Bell. (To be continued.) FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES OF INDIA. BY M. N. VENKETSWAMI OF NAGPUR. No. 7. - Lalan, Princess of Rubies.1 Once apon a time in a certain country there lived in great amity the son of a carpenter, the son of the kolwil, the son of the minister, and the son of the king. Finding the absence of adventares in their own country irksome, they resolved amongst themselves to go in search of them abroad. So in dae course they started, reaching an out-of-the-way place on the first evening. Here, for their safety, they agreed amongst themselves to keep watoh daring the night by turns. The carpenter's son kept the first watch. But hardly had he began his watch when there appeared near him a beautiful young woman, making a musical sound by the jingling of the silver bells which adorned her ankles. On finding, however, the watcher awake, she retreated a hundred yards in the twinkling of an eye. On this the carpenter's son spoke within himself thus: "Oh! what have I done? By my vigilance I have been the cause at this time of night of driving away one - it may be a sister or a daughter-in-law - standing perhaps in need of human help in this unfrequented desert." The woman, divining these thoughts, retraced her steps, and taking her seat gracefully on the watcher's knee, carried on a loving conversation ; but as soon as he became sleepy she ate him ap and his steed together with the saddle, bridle and all. It was now the torn of the kotwal's son to keep the second watch. When he went to his post at the allotted time he did not find the carpenter's son there. He inwardly reproached for having run away, and jeopardising his companions, remarking that the colprit's relatives should be hanged for this breach of faith. 5 Op. cit. p. 207. 38 Tylor's Early History of Mankind, p. 248. # Herrick's Poems, Vol. p. 81. # Brown's Vulgar Errors, p. 31. * Gentleman'. Magazine Library, "Popular Superstitions," p. 72. 97 The Dorham Tracts, Vol. II. p. 25. * Dalyell's Darker Superstitions of Scotland, p. 607. # Napier's Foll-Lore, p. 96; Black's Folk-Lore Medicine, p. 183. ** Student's Enoyclopaedia, "Sulphur." 4 From MS. notes. 1 Narrated by Band Bt alias Kallu Bt, firewood-seller of Sadar Bazar, Nagpur, C. P. C. Mr. D'Panha's "Prince and the Kambals," ante, VOL. XXII. p. 250.

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APRIL, 1897.] FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES; No. 7. 105 As in the case of the carpenter's son, the woman with the jingling ornaments came near the ko! wal's son, and, on finding him awake, quick as thought went back a hundred yards. But when there came into his mind kindly thoughts, the captivating seducer', divining them, retraced her steps, and coming up to the kit wal's son sat on his knee, and began talking pleasantly. Hardly had the watcher begun to feel sleepy, when she galped him down, and also his steed, saddle and bridle, for she was an Ogress. It was now the turn of the minister's son to watch. On commencing his watch, he noticed the absence of both his predecessors and reproached his faithless companions to himself for having deserted the prince, and at the same uttered a threat that he would get both the culprits' relatives hanged for this breach of faith. But then the same beautifu woman approached, and, on finding the minister's son awake, went back a hundred yards in the twinkling of an eye. When, however, the minister's son began to be sorry for being the cause of driving away a woman at such a time of night in a wild country, the fair creatore, retracing her steps, came to him, and gracefully sitting down apon his knee began to speak the sweet language of love. But the moment the watcher felt sleepy, he was eaten up, his steed sharing the same fate, together with the saddle and bridle. The watch by the king's son followed that of the minister's son. On finding himself alone and deserted as it seemed by his three companions, ho exclaimed: "I do not know what value my friends have put upon their lives, which are at the best only precarious; bat by deserting me, in spite of their profession of love, they have surely held their lives dear." Hardly was this exclamation uttered when the king's son espied the beautiful young woman coming towards him, who, as before, in the twinkling of an eye retreated a hundred yards on seeing him awake. "Men grow by years, but princes grow by days," runs the proverb; so the prince at once suspected foul play. For he reasoned :-how could a woman cover a hundred yards in the twinkling of an eye, unless she be some Bild or evil spirit? With this in his mind, he at once climbed a tree, troubled by his loneliness. The ogress knew that she was discovered, but, taking advantage of the prince's solitary position, approached the tree and began to shake it, having first whetted her appetite on the steed tethered close by to a stake. But the prince, firmly planted on one of the uppermost branches, would not come down ; while this ogress sat at the base of the tree, expecting the climber every moment to come down, or fall a prey to her out of sheer fright. Now it so happened that at this time a king arrived in that desert country in the course of bis travels with a large retinue of followers, some of whom were despatched to various parts in search of water. Some of these, coming to the tree where the prince was, asked him to come down. "Oh no, I will not come down, for I am sure to be eaten by the woman whom you see sitting below," was the reply that descended in clear tones from one of the uppermost branches of the tree. On this the followers turned to the woman for an explanation. She had replied that she was waiting for her insane husband to come down, and then there came from the top of the tree the question :- what had become of the climber's three companions - the carpenter's son, the kol wal's son, and the minister's son, besides their steeds and his own steed? She replied reasonably enough that they must have gone to slake their thirst, and thus the followers of the king believed in the insanity of the prince. Pleased with the beauty of the woman, they asked her whether she would go with them for safety to their king, as she would be helpless in such a wild country with an insane husband. After slightly demurring, not to Bronse suspicion, she consented, and so they took her in a palanquin to their master." * A form of oriental judgment much in vogue in olden times in the native courte.

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106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (APRIL, 1897. - In due course the palanquin was set down in the camp of the king, who was exceedingly glad to behold so fair a person emerge form it. Sympathising with her because of her insane husband, and offering her his protection, he conceived a violent passion for the woman; and it need hardly be said that the ogress, before long, became one of the favourite queens. Her loving husband, on reaching his own country, constructed for her a specially sumptuone palace. The ogress-queen, exolting in the fact that there was an unlimited number of elephants, camels and horses belonging to the king, to satisfy her instinctive hunger, began swallowing them up night after night. The disappearance of the great beasts was so rapid that the king was in a quandary as to how to apprehend the robber, who was so quickly making away with his property. So he issued & proclamation, promising a handsome reward to any one who should give information that would lead to the detection of the crime, which had for so long a time evaded all vigilance. The reading of this proclamation in the vicinity of the Ogress-queen's palace attracted her attention, and sending for one of the officials concerned, she informed him that she was in a position to give the information required, and hence was anxious to see the king without delay. With great haste came the king, whom the ogress at once took to the chief queen's palace. The unfortunate woman's cot was removed from her sleeping apartment, and men were employed to dig the ground underneath it; when lo and behold the bones of elephants, horses and camels were found ! Now through a stratagem of the ogress-queen the bones had found their way there without the knowledge of any one - either of the chief queen or of her maid-servants - and seemed to prove in the clearest way that the chief queen, though then carrying a babe in her womb, subsisted on huge beasts, as if she were an ogress. The king on this evidence, without feeling the slightest compassion for his queen and her unborn babe, ordered her to be taken to a forest and then and there beheaded. In due course the executioners came and took her to the forest, but when they unsheathed their swords to behead so delicate a creature in accordance with the royal mandate, their courage failed them. So patting back their swords into the scabbards, the executioners, whose hearts resembled not the black stony heart of their king, killed a doe and took its eyes to the king, saying that His Majesty's commands had been obeyed, and that these were the signs. In the forest, where she was left to live as best she could withont revealing her identy, the Rani built herself a hut, in which she sustained life on the froit and berries growing around her, and in course of time gave birth to a male child. The child grew as the years advanced, and the mother used to make for him, ont of shreds from her sart, slings with which, in his tiny hands, he used to bring down small game such as birds and sometimes harts and roes. Bat how long could they maintain themselves on berries and fruits and oecasional small game ? So the young prince said to the mother one day - "Mother, I hear of a sadabart1,3 and I am anxious to go." His mother consented, and, at the time of his departare, pat a raby in his langoli, or loin-cloth, to see whether this would effect a meeting between herself and her husband the king, or whether the latter would make out the prince from his royal appearance. While receiving his share at the sadabarth, the ruby fell ont of the boy's loin-cloth, and a priest stooping down, picked it up, and would not restore it, although the youthful owner persisted in demanding it. Seeing the determination of the child to have his lawful property, the priest gave it over to the king, who questioned the child as to how he came by anch a gen, when the necessaries of life were wanting to him. But the only answer he received was: - "Give me my ruby, give me my ruby." With a view to test whether the precions stone Sadabarth means a free distribution of rice, dil and ghi, and also the place where it is doled out. There are many institutions of this sort in the Madras Presidency.

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APRIL, 1897.] FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES ; No. 7. 107 actually belonged to the boy, the king pat it in a tray along with other precious gems, and told the tiny owner to distinguish it from the others, "You are a king, and hence can distinguish precious stones. I can, too!" Saying thas the boy went to the tray, and picked out his lal (ruby), exclaiming at the same time that he would fill a tank with such luls in six months, if the king would fill a similar tank with pearls. This wager was accepted by the king. Having received his dole, the young prince returned to his mother's hut, and on giving * it to her, told of the wager. She was exceedingly sorry, and reproached herself for having, in an evil hour, put the ruby in the boy's loin-cloth. But no persuasion could deter the young prince from going in search of Ills in accordance with the wager laid, Accordingly he started, and in the first stage of his journey slept anderneath a tree having first killed with his sword a huge snake which, on his arrival, was in the act of ranning up the tree. Now on one of the top-most branches of the tree was the nest of a pair of white crows. These birds had lost their offspring from year to year, and the mother-bird returning home that day with food for the last hatched brood, saw the young man sound asleep underneath the tree, and, taking him to be the enemy who had purloined her progeny year after year, was on the point of killing him, when the young ones, who had been eye-witnesses of the snake incident, prayed to God for speech for one moment. Their prayer was granted, and they told their inother how much they owed to the youth for having snatched them from the jaws of death. Pleased with the young prince, the hen-bird and her mate, who had also returned in time to hear the story, treated him with every mark of kindness, and lovingly asked him his errand. As soon as they knew that he was in search of lals, they promised to take him to Lalan, Princess of Rubies, who, though not accessible to man, could alone, they said, give him the precious gems he was in quest of. As promised, the female bird took the young prince on her wings, and set him down in the palace of Lalan in far off land, the male bird shading him from the rays of the sun with its wings all the way. On taking leave of the saviour of their progeny, the birds gave himn & feather and spoke thus: - "If you are in need of our service at any time, just turn this feather over a fire for a few seconds, having first put a little frankincense into the fire, and theu we shall be present, and do your bidding." The princess who was in a cage transformed into a bird, on seeing the prince, the first human being who had ever arrived at the palace, at once exclaimed: - "Oh, what have you done, young man? Why did you come here? You must thank your good fortune in not finding the ogro here at this moment, or else he would have made a meal of you." Hardly were the words uttered, when the young man was turned into a fly and put on the wall, and immediately appeared the ogre in a great rage exclaiming: - "I smell a man, I smell a man." "Do not be disquieted, father. There was no one here in your absence, and you see me as you left me in the cage," replied the bird from the cage." * There are puna here on the PersoHindi terms 1l and la'l red, ruby, also darling, and Vilin, dim of tai i. e., a little darling, a boy, but it could also be made to mean a possessor of rabios. Lalin is masc., but the com. moner form Ulan is fom, and is usually used towards courtesaus. 5 La'all: Arab. plu. of lala : another pun. For the pun here see above note. 7 Manus gun, manus gun, is the vernacular expression.

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108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1897. On this the Rakhas was pacified, and made the princess take her natural form by the waving of his golden magic sword, after which she ministered to his wants. For six months, short of six days, the princess treated the prince with every mark of kind. ness, but making him resume human shape only in the absenco of the ogre. One day he told her that he had remained long enough, and was, therefore, very anxious to depart, but wished that she should ask the ogre wherein his life lay. She accordingly on a day when he was extromely pleased with her, thus spoke to her ogre-father: - "Father, father, will you tell me where your life is P For I am afraid of what will become of me when you are dead." "Do not be anxious, my child," replied the ogre; " for my life is very safe, and not accessible to any human being. It is in the form of a parrot, hung high up to an iron shaft, in the middle of the waters of the seven and seven seas, which no man hath crossed. When the neck of this bird is wrong, then only shall I die, and not till then." Having heard these words, the prince sammoned his kind friends, the white crows, with the aid of the feather, and, sitting on the wings of the hen while the cock shaded him by its wings from the piercing rays of the sun, crossed the seven seas, and espying the other seven seas, discovered just in middle of them an iron column to which was suspended a cage with a bird in it. The prince at once climbed the column, took out the parrot, broke its legs, pulled away its wings, and then wrung its neck. This being done, he returned to Lalan's palace, which he had left without telling her, and on being informed that her ogre-father was killed, she set up a loud lamentation and began to fill the earth and sky with her wailing. The prince consoled the princess in her affliction, and before long threw a little frankincense on the fire and turned over it the magic feather and so summoned his constant friends, the white orows, and, sitting on their wings with La lan, he reached their home, where, after spending a few days with great pleasure amidst their progeny and in their company, he bade a farewell to the friendly birds, and started for the hut of his mother, who received him and Lalan. Here the prince regretted that he should have in his haste forgotten to bring the lals, for which purpose he had gone to the very distant country, and was bent upon going again to fetch them for the wager's sake. "Do not be sorry," said the princess, "and I see no need why you should go back to the far off land. In order to get the objects of your desire you have only to twist my neck a little, after transforming me into a bird as my ogre-father used to do by waving in a particnlar manner his golden sword, which I luckily brought with me. When I shed tears, from the pain you will give me, I will drop in 10ls." Accordingly, changing the princess into a bird, the prince went to the capital of the king with whom he had laid the wager. He placed the bird in a prominent position in the centre of the tank, and after a slight twist of its neck, lo and behold! the tears it shed were changed to rabies, so many as to fill up the tank quite to the brim and over its masonry banks. While the tank of als was filled thus to overflowing, the tank of pearls was not half filled, though hundreds of carts full of pearls had emptied their contents into it. Seeing that his reputation was at stake, and his wager lost, the RAJA went to the residence of the young man in the forest privately, and acknowledged him the winner of the wager; and, in so doing, saw and recognized his old Rani. At her feet he fell, and asked her pardon for the grievous mistake he had made in sending her away to the forest. The falseness of the ogre-queen was duly proved later on and she was ordered to be burnt in a lime-kiln. Taking his wife and son, whom he embraced with great affection, the king reached his home and there reigned with his wife, while his son, united in marriage to Lalan, who was no other than the daughter of a king stolen by the ogre when an infant, dwelt with them.

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APRIL, 1897.) CORRESPONDENCE - MISCELLANEA. 109 CORRESPONDENCE. Sie,-In republishing my Inscription No. 6 was actually in Karkataka. I hope a finer calcu. (vide "Some Early Sovereigns of Travancore," lation on the basis of this new interpretation ante, Vol. XXIV. page 279), from an impression will give us the exact day of the dedication of of Dr. Hultzsch, Dr. Kielhorn observes (vide foot the drum by Aditya Rami. Whether this Aditya note 3, page 202, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IV., Rami was literally the Umbrella-bearer of Koda Part V.) that "there is no indication that a Martanda, and not one who inherited the royal Chronogram is intended, and, as a matter of insignia of that "Lord of Kolnmba," is a different fact, the Kollam year 365 would correspond to question, on the solution of which alone we can A. D. 1189-90, while Jupiter's mean place was in decide whether Atma Kshemiiyah means the the sign Karkataka from the 3rd January to the Soul of endurance,' as Dr. Kielhorn renders it, 29th December A. D. 1184." or the Soul of the earth, as I still venture to think. . . Aware of the numberless tricks adopted by native writers, particularly of Malabar, to hide, in Passing over the second inscription, No. V of some unsuspected word or phrase of their verses, Sarvanganatha, my interpretation of which is the dates they wish to commemorate, I took the confirmed by Dr. Kielhorn's calculations, I may term Golamba in the disticb in question as indi- note that the third or the one from Varkkalar cative of the Kollam era, and Martanda, the word cannot have anything to do with Vaikom, as the immediately preceding, a Chronogram, to signify deity of that sanctuary is not Hari but Hara. the exact year in that era. If, however, the date I may take this opportunity also to correct an 365 symbolized by that Chronogram does not obvious error in the foot-note added by Mr. V. V. tally with the position of Jupiter in Karkataka, to page 157 of the Indian Antiquary for June I think we may seek another clue for the date in 1896, where the expression Kanta Drohin in the closing words of the verse-munya atma Sankara's verse quoted by me is taken to allude kehamiyah, which in the katapudi system would to Sundara. This must be surprising informamean 1565015. We may take this as indicative tion to all Tamil scholars, who invariably reckon of the exact number of days in the Kali year, Iyarpakai Ndyandr as the wifo-traitor among the corresponding expression for 1st of Dhanus the Saiva Saints (vide his life in the Periya in the current Malabar year 1072 being Raghu Purina). vamsapradspa (vide Travancore Almanac for 1072). A rough calculation shows that the V. SUNDARAM PILLAI. number of days so indicated in Kali would correspond to December A. D. 184, when Jupiter | Trivandrum, Travancore, 27th Feb. 1897. MISCELLANEA, SOME NOTES ON THE FOLKLORE OF TEE and other men of science, and to pass his time in TELUGUS. the study of the Ramayana, Mahabharata, and other sacred books. The king thereupon gave By G. R. SUBRAMIAH PANTULU. him a few villages for bis upkeep, and told hin (Continued from p. 56.) to go and do according to his wishes. He then sent for his second son and asked XIII. him what he desired most. He replied, "I ani Dwijakirtti, king of Cholamandala, had anxious to acquire much wealth, and visit sacred three sons. As he was old and no longer capable shrines." The king therenpon gave him the of guiding the helm of the State, he resolved to money necessary, and sent him on his pilgrimage. give his kingdom over to uny of his sons who He then sent for the third son and asked him might be fit to rule. what his desire was. He replied, "to acquire a In order, therefore, to ascertain their respective kingdom, levy a great aimy, protect the people capabilities, he sent for his eldest son first and make the provinces fruitful, and thus acquire asked him what he most desired. He replied a good reputation." that he was most anxious to bave around him The king was much gratified at these words, and the best logicians, grammarians, rhetoricians, thinking that he was the fittest person to rule tho

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110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, [APRIL, 1307. kingdom, made over charge of the kingdom to habit of going daily to the garden and purlois. him. The son assumed the reigns of government, ing the flowers. The king, missing a number of treated his people with justice and generosity, them day after day, told the gardeners in charge and consequently his people flourished. to be on the alert to apprehend the rogue and bring him before him. They accordingly kept You should therefore enquire into the capu- watch, caught the minister's son red-handed, bilities of the person, and his mental tendencies, put him into a conveyance and took him to before entrusting him with authority. the king's palace. The minister was at the time standing at the gate. Those who were near XIV. him told him what had lappened, how his son bad stolen the flowers, how he was caught by At Banarss lived a washerman, who bad an the gardeners in the very act of stealing, LES and a dog. One night some burglars made how he was being conveyed before the king, and a chink in the wall, and waited till he should go wanted the minister to save his son from the to bed to break in and rob all bis property. The infamy. The minister thereupon loudly answers dog was then absent from the spot; but the ass, ed, "It is of no consequence, if he has a mouli Keeing the robbers enter the master's house, he will live." The son, hearing this, quickly divined what would happen, aud how the house perceived the exact inport of bis father's words, would be rid of all its valuables in no time, and and immediately ate all the flowers. When thought that if the dog were here, he would bark they brought him before the king, he asked the loudly, awake the master, and prevent the longe boy why be had stolen the flowers. To which the hold property from being robbed. But he did boy said that they brought him there unjustly. not know when the dog wonld come; and thougbt for he only went to see the garden, but did not that everybody ought not to be indifferent to steal anything. As there were no flowers found his master's affairs, especially in a time of sore upon him, the king believed this, and having distress. Ho ought, therefore, to bray and thus punished the gardeners sent them away. awake the master - 80 he brayed to the top of his voice. The washernan hearing the Thus, a ready person may always get himself ass bray, and thinking that he was unneces- out of a scrape. Harily awakened by it, lost his teinper, took a stick, beat it well, lay down, and was enjoying XVI. Kound sleep once again, when the robbers broke iu and began plundering the house. At this A merchant of Bellary had a garden at the juncture the dog returned. The ass, seeing back of his house, in which were growing all sorts the dog, narrated to him what had happened ; how of vegetables. One day, when the door was wille the thieves broke into the house and carried off the greater part of the property; how he bad open, an ass belonging to a washerman entered and began to graze. The merchant's wife be brayed, wishing to prevent the occurrence; came infuriated at the sight, took hold of a largo how it was misunderstood by their master; what stick, and struck the ass with such force that a severe drubbing he had received, and so on. she broke its leg. When its owner heard Ho requested the dog at any rate to bark and let this, he came up, abused the merchant's wife, and the mnater know the fact. Thereupon the dog gave her a kick in the abdomen, which resulted began to bark loudly. The washerman hear in a miscarriage, as she was pregnant at tlie ing it and thinking that the house was being time. The merchant thereupon went to tie broken open by robbers, rose immediately and Judge and complained that by this wicked searching into every corner of the house, found that the thieves had carried everything off, and deed, the son that would have been born to hin, the son who he trusted would be a support to him was very much grieved. in his ripe old age, bad perished. He requested Moral:- Ne sutor altra crepidam-Let the therefore that condign punislament might be in. shoemaker stick to his last. fiicted on the culprit. The Judge immediately sent for the owner of the ass and asked him why xv. he had done the deed. He stated in his defence that he kicked the merchant's wife in the abdoA certain king of the Karnatak had a flower-men, because she had broken the leg of his ass, szarden, in which he spent most of his leisure which carried the clothes he washed. The hours. He had a minister, whose son was in the Judge, reflecting fora short time, decided that the

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APRIL, 1897.] MISCELLANEA. 111 merchant should carry the washerman's clothes uutil the leg of the ass be cured, and that the washerman should keep the merchant's wife till he could restore her to her husband in a pregnant condition. Moral: - What it is to be a fool! XVII. In days long gone by, there lived a wealthy merchant at Dolhi. One of his servants purloined some of the property in the house and absconded the next day. The merchant thereupon instituted cvery search for the thief, but to no avail. Not long after, the merchant chanced to go to another city for business purposes. He there saw the servant who had committed the robbery walking in the street, so he seized him and taxed him with having stolen the property and absconding ; but the fellow seized the merchant by the waist-cloth and clamorously demanded his property, saying that the inerchant was his servant, that he had stolen the goods out of his house, that he had been looking out for him for many a day, and had now found him. He wanted him, therefore, to hand over the property and then go about his business. On this the real and the false merchants, still disputing, went before the Magistrate and represented their grievances. The Magistrate reflected a little, and ordered them both to put their heads through a window, and calling the executioner, snid to him, "whoever is the servant, cut off his head." Now it came to pass that the fellow who had committed the robbery being really the servant, and hearing that they were going to cut off his head, withdrew it, while the merchant, on the contrary, never removed his head from the window. On this, the Magistrate discerning that the man, who withdrew his head, was really the servant who had robbed the house of the merchant, punished him severely. XVIII. romain with her, took the child and set out to go home. The elder thereupon seized the child and demanded of the other why she was taking him away. The younger replied that as she had borne the child she was going away with him. So the two still disputing went to the Judge and told their story. He reflected a little, called his servants and ordered them to divide the child in twain, and to give each a half. The younger lady remained silent, but the elder, being the real mother, was of opinion that so long as the child did but live it was enough ; and, not consenting to the Judge's proposal, said to him that the child was not her own, and requested him to give it to the other lady. The Judge, hearing these words, decided that the elder lady was the child's mother, and had the boy given to her. XIX. King Jayachchandra had two favourites, one a Musalman and the other a Brahman, to whom he was constantly giving presents, by means of which they grew rich and lived happily. One day the king asked them by whose favor they enjoyed their happiness. The Musalman immediately replied that he was indebted for his, solely to the sovereign; but the Brahman declared that he derived his from the grace of the Almighty. The King, wishing to put their assertions to the test, filled & pumpkin with pearls, which he delivered to the Musalman, and at the same time presented the Brahman with two fanums. On their way home the former, not knowing the contents of the pumpkin, began to grumble at the king's present, and told the latter that he would sell it to him for his two fandms, to which the Brahman consented. When he broke it and found the immense wealth that it contained, he returned with great glee, and related the adventure to the King, whose vanity was completely cured by this occurrence. Unnssisted by the hand of Providence human endeavours are fruitless. xx. There lived at Rajamundry a Musalman, whose honse was robbed one night. After careful search he traced some of the lost articles to the house of a person, whom he suspected for more reasong than one to be the rogue, and took him therefore before the Judge. "The Judge asked the Musalman if he had any positive proof that the prisoner was the person who had robbed his house. He answered in the negative; whereupon the Judge told him that he must dismiss the case, as he was strictly forbidden by the law to In the Dakhan lived a Brahman who had two wires. To the elder of these a son was born. When the son was about ten months old, the old Brahman set out with his family on a pilgrimage to Banaras, but he unfortunately died on his way The two women thereupon went to an adjacent agraharam (the Brahmans' quarters in a city or village), and remained there, rearing the boy with great affection: so much so that the child knew not which of the two was his real mother. But one lay the younger lady quarrelled with the elder, and, declaring that she would no longer

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1897. enquire into cases, where there were no eye-wit. your own powers, bad trilled with me." By the nesses to the fact. On hearing this the Musal. time that the crow had gone a little further, it man removed one of his slippers and began to beat became tived and unable to fly along and was the rogue. The Judge, in a great passion, asked in sore distress. The swan thereupon laughing, him what the matter was. He told him that it placed it on its own wings and prevented it from was because he had not communicated to him falling into the waters below, brought it to the beforehand his intention of robbing his house, shore and left it there. in order that he might have wituesses ready to prove his villainy. The Judge was very much Thus an impotent fool, who begins by despising troubled at this reply and remained silent. the strong and the good, will in the end come to degradation. XXI. XXII. A crow perched on a banyan tree near the sea. At Tirupati lived a Brahman in poor cirshore, saw a swan passing by and asked where it cumstances, who received on a certain day a was going to which the latter replied that it was pot of flour as a present from a certain merchant. going to the Minasasaras. The crow thereupon He took it, and, being very tired, seated was extremely anxious to accompany the swan, himself on the verandah of a bouse and soliand requested the latter to take it along with it. loquized thus, "If I sell this pot of four, I shall The swan, hearing these words, said, "O crow, get half a rupee for it, with which I can purchase where is the Minasasaras and where are you a kid. This, in a short time, will produce a noch How great is the distance between you and the I will then sell them, and buy cows, buffaloes, etc., saras ?" The crow was very much enraged at the and thus in a few years I shall be the master of reply, and said, "You Rpeak without knowing three thousand head of cattle. I will then pur. what you are about. If you examine the real chase a mansion, which I will furnisb elegantly, truth, you will find that I can fly quicker than and marry a beautiful damsel who will crown my yourself. I will exemplify this at once -- do you set happiness by giving birth to a son. My wife will out and come with me P" So saying, it soared up i be particularly fond of me, but I shall not allow the skies and went a short distance along with the her too much freedom, and shall sometimes send swan. Afterwards it flew ten yards in advance, her away with a kick when she comes to caress me." and ngain coming back to the swan said jocosely, Thus thinking, he thrust out his leg like one "Why, you said something about flying quieker really going to kick, struck the pot and broke than I, and yet you don't accompany me; the fact it into pieces. The flour got mixed with dirt, and of the matter is that you, without looking into all his ideas of happiness vanished. NOTES AND QUERIES. SUPERSTITIONS ABOUT SMALL-POX IN CALCUTTA. DURING an out-break of small-pox in Calcutta in February, 1897, it was believed that the Goddess Sitala, the deity presiding over small-pox, was seen at dead of night walking quickly along one of the public thoroughfares. A policeman went boldly np to her and was about to lay hands on her, when he was prevented by some unseen influence, and the irate goddess pronounced sentence of death on him at the same hour on the following night, and then vanished into the air. The policeman was said to have related the story before he expired. In consequence of the tale people flocked to the temple of Sitala at Ahiri Tola, which the goddess was said to have declared to be her seat, and performed pajel there. Subsequently the story underwent further developments, and the goddess was said to have commanded the policeman to tell the panic-stricken people of Calcutta that she was going to leave them soon and betake herself to "western climes.' The public in consequence, in order to propitiate the goddess and encourago her to depart, abnt. doned their usual food and took to eating only flattened rice and curda. So great was the de. mand for these things, that some people could not get them, and had to be satisfied with milk and sugar as a minor means of propitiating the goddere

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MAY, 1897.] MISCELLANEOUS TRAVANCORE INSCRIPTIONS. 113 MISCELLANEOUS TRAVANCORE INSCRIPTIONS. BY THE LATE RAO BAHADUR P. SUNDARAM PILLAI, M.A., M.R.A.S., F.R.H.S. Introduction. WORK implies waste. No mason, however careful, can turn to account every stone quarried cost, and given to build with. in and others are found not to suit. So it is with all arts and industries-literary and scientific labours not excepted. Perhaps, more of the poet's plots break in the course of construction than pots under the potter's wheel; and who can number the laboriously spun-out inductive generalizations that have snapped under the strain of exceptional phenomena ? But what is lost for one end is seldom found good for none. The absolutely good-for-nothing is as rare in this imperfect world as the infinitely good-for-all. The chips that fall off from the chisels of the cabinet-maker are just the things for tops and toys to be made out of. Broken-down inductions and imperfect generalizations that the theorizer must perforce reject constitute "the wise saws and modern instances" of the practically shrewd. Let me hope that the principle will apply to the materials I have gathered, and am still engaged in gathering, with a view to help the future historian of Travancore. From the nature of the case, only a small proportion of the inscriptions in any province of India will be found pregnant with political history. Lucky is the epigraphist who finds even one in a hundred turning oat really such. Most of our lithic records are like that fixed proportion of postal covers, which year after year turn up with the "awfully" affectionate address "To my own dear uncle!" None the less unavoidable is the labour spent in discovering, copying, deciphering, and. interpreting these evidently indefinite and ill-conceived stone documents. Though rejected as unfit by the makers of dynastic tables, may they not prove good as pegs to hang our ethnic speculations upon, or as sticks to lean on in the quagmires of philological conjectares? At any rate, containing, as they do, solid and substantial facts, they ought to be able to serve us at least as torches in our weary wanderings in the dreary limitless past, exposing and exorcising the endless illusory legends, traditions, and such like ignes fatui, which alone now seem to people even the ages but one step removed from the present. But utilitarian considerations apart, it seems to me a pious duty which we owe to our forefathers, to collect and preserve what memorials they have so lovingly left behind. To reject as trash such of them as have come to our notice, on the ground of their not answering any particular requirement of ours, would be adding insult to injury. It would seem as if we heard their last parting words and yet heeded them not! I propose, therefore, in the following pages to record those inscriptions of Travancore which have come within my notice, but which I did not see my way to utilize in the course of my papers on the "Early Sovereigns of Travancore (ante, Vol. XXIV.)." In doing so, I shall first take up those which give distinct dates in a definite era; next, those giving regnal years of the then sovereigns, some of whose dates have now been ascertained, while others yet remain to be found out; and lastly, those whose age seems doomed for ever to remain a matter of mere conjecture. To all of them, I shall try to add notes and comments as I go on rendering them into English. The three definite eras, made use of in Travancore records, are the Kollam, the Saka, and the Kali, and the origin of all of them seems to be equally enveloped in impenetrable mystery. It is quite natural that, to the limited intellect of man, the origin of many things should be shrouded in eternal darkness, such as the origin of the Universe, or the origin of evil, which is perhaps just the same question on its moral side; but that the origin of so artificial an institution, of so simple a convention, as the institution of an era, an era to reckon time with, 1 A part of the incantations resorted to for frightening the Malabar devils is the waving of small torches called keltiri, made by twisting waste cloth round tiny chips of certain kinds of hard timber.

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1897. should admit of speculation is itself nothing short of a marvel - a standing monument of the historical ineptitude of the Indian races. Bat the era with which we have mostly to do here is the Kollam, and so I offer a few remarks on it before passing on to the inscriptions dated in that era. The Kollam era. Though the Kollam era is in everyday nse, no one serms to know why it was started, or what kollam itself means. The word 'kollam' has a striking resemblance in sound to the name of several important towns. It is evidently derived from the same root as Korkai, the oldest known capital of the Pandgas. It was Dr. Caldwell who first suggested the obvious analysis of Korkai into kol + kui, as well as its identification with the "Kolkhoi" of the Greek writers of the first and the second Christian centuries. I feel unable, however, to accept Dr. Caldwell's interpretation of the root-meaning of Korkai. " Kol in Tamil," says he, "means 'to slay,' and kui,'hand or arm.' Kolkai, therefore, would seem to mean the hand or arm of slnaghter,' which is said to be an old poetical name for an army, a camp,' the first instrument of Government in a rude age. Kai is capable also of meaning place,' e. 9., Podigai, place of concealment,' the name of the mountain from which the river of Korkar takes its rise. Compare the naine Coleroon, properly Kollidam, the place of slaughter.'" I am sorry I cannot agree with Dr. Caldwell in any of the clerivations hore suggested. The word kol means many other things in Tamil besides to kill,' which last seems to me to be the last of its connotations to be thought of in this connection. In no age, however rude, could a nation have looked upon their capital as a place where people were killed and not protected. No doubt, the expression "koll kolaiyum" is often used, particularly in Malayalam, to signify political authority or rather criminal jurisdiction, but the very combination would seem to prove that kol is distinct from Kilai or slaughter.' The particle kui in Korkai is obviously the well-knoirn suffis of verbal nouns as in seygai and irukkai, and not an independent word meaning hand or arm. Though the worl ku meaning 'hand' is used by itself in connection with dispositions of armies, very much as the term "wing" in English, yet neither in poetical nor in popular Tami] dues kollui occur in the sense of 'army or cump.' That the verbal sutfix kui is sometimes found in .connection with words which by metonymy indicate localities may be admitted, but by itself it never means a place,' as Dr. Caldwell suggests as an alternative interpretation. Nor is le lappy in his illustrations. Podigai, & corruption of Potika, the Sanskritized form of Podiyam, is never found in classical Tamil, or in accredited lexicons like Divalrram aod Niyhan!. The Tamilians recognize only Podiyam and Podiyil - not Podigui or Potika - as the name of the famous mountain of their patron saint Agastya.la Nor is it berond doubt whether Coleroon is Kollid!xlu or Kollidam. But whatever be its correct form, it is difficult to conceive why so large a river should also have been a place of slanghter in any age, :owerer rude or remote. I feel quite sceptical, therefore, about the slaughter-theory of Dr. Coldwell. All that we can accept then out of these etymological speculations is that Korkai is analysable into kol + kai; and that is the important point we bave here to bear in mind. If kol is the root of Ko kai, it is even more obviously the root of Kollam --- am being as good a suffix of verbal nouns as kai. Compare, for instance, the word nokkam. It seems to me farther that Kochchi or Cochin, one of the best of the natural harbours in the world, is also derived from the same root. The equivalent term Balapuri is a ludicrous Sanskrit translation of the Dravidian name Kochchi, for which the Keralamahatmyam is chiefly responsible. Whether Cochin is identical or not with the Colcis Indorum - the Indian Colcis of the Peatinger Tables, as I surmise it is, we cannot be far wrong in analysing it into lol + chi, chi being another well-known suffix of Tamil words. It seems to me probable that the well-known ports Colombo and Colachel are also derived from the same root, though ? E. g., Valangai and Islangai -the Right and Left Wiaga' which have now come to stand as collective games of certain groups of castes. 20 [Compare ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 241.-E. H.]

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MAY, 1897.] MISCELLANET US TRAVANCORE INSCRIPTIONS 115 greatly disguised. Kolambu and Kolachchai are respectively analysable into lol + am + pu, and leol + a + chai; am, pu and chui being kuown suffixes of Tamil words. That Sanskrit writers habitually translate Kollam into Kolamba may, to some extent, serve to show how Kolambu and Kolachchai may have been corrupted into Kolambu and Kolachchoi. If we are right so far, the root-meaning of kol becomes more or less manifest. All of them - Korkai and Colombo; Colachel, Cochin, and Qailon in Travancore; and Qailandy in Malabar - are sea-port towns; and Kolkai, Kollam, and Kolchi (Cochin) are known to have been famous in ancient days for their natural harbours. May not, then, the root-idea of these words be 'sex-port, harbour, or emporium of trade'? We find support for our conjecture in the current useof kolla in Malayalam - Kolla means a breach, as of a dam, through which water flows, -- and both Quilon and Cochin are remarkable for the inlet or breach in the const-line through which the ser communicates with the backwaters. That Korkui was situated at the mouth of the Tamra. pargi, and that the town which grew up in its neighbourhood and finally superseded it about the tine of Marco Polowas called Kiyal, meaning 'a lagoon,' would show tlant Korkai must have been in its paliny days as much distinguished for an inlet.into its back water as Cochin is to-day. This then strikes me as the most probable connotation of leol, and we may accordingly take Kollam (Quilon), Kolkai (Korkai), and Kolchi (Cochin), if not Colombo and Colachel as well, as originally meaning towns with natural harbours formed by a brench in the coast-line. But as it is not safe to be dogmatic in such matters, I would suggest one or tiro other possible explanations of the word kollam before proceciling to consider the erat named after it. Comparing such words as kolla: in Tamil, meaning an enclosure round a dwelling place,' kolli, which, in Canarese, means crooked,' in Malnyalam 'crooked and therefore worn out,' as well as 'a crooked corner or valley,' and in Travancore Tamil 'a net made of ropes for enclosing and carrying anhusked cocoanats,' kolal in Tamil ana kolnega in Malayalam meaning 'to enclose,' and kilam, 'a figure or form with the outlines meeting one another,' we may easily conclude that one of the root-ideas of kol nust be 'an enclosure,' and therefore 'a town,' Indeed, it will be remembered, the English word town," derived as it is from the Anglo-Saxon root "tun," meaning an enclosure or garden round it dwelling-house, would exactly correspond to the current use of kullai; and kullan, hulchi, kulkai, may, therefore, be all regarded as meaning nothing else than enclosed towns as opposed to the open country. If neither of the above derivations is found satisfactory for reasons I cannot now divine, there is yet a third which I may, perhaps, be perunitted to add. The word kolu means in all the Dravidian languages dignity, pomp, or majesty ;' and it is ousy to shew that the final vowel is no part of the root. The adjective or as in korrakkud aud the substantives korravan aud k rrani, meaning respectively king' and 'kingshin,' are evidently derived from the same root as kolu, which can be nothing else than kol, the radical in kollam, kulkai, and kolchi. These towns would then seem to mean places associated wit! power, pomp, or royal presence - meaning admirably suited to the facts (1) that at least two of them are known to have been real capitals of ancient royal families, and (2) that "other residences of kings were formerly called killa', such as Kodungalur, etc.," according to Dr. Gundert. In the face of these and similar other easy interpretations the root kol seems capable of, I am not prepared to accept Dr. Caldwell's slaughter-theory. More positively absurd would be any attempt to trace kollam to klambu, the meaninglese jargon of Sausksit writers. Let us now turn to the era itself. Till recently European scholars would seem to have not known even so much as that it was an era. Mr. Prinsep calls it a cycle - the eycle of See Dr. Caldwell's History of Tinevelly, p. 37. . Kayal is a good Tamil word, though current only in Malabar. 6 The particle tu wbich changes the l of kaliato ris an inportt anl willy-140 ! clembut in the formation of Tamil words, which it would be foreigu to our purpoze here to explain or to illustrato.

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUAT 7. [MAY, 1897. Parasurama, and Dr. Burnell, in correcting this error, falls into another. He rightly says it is no cycle but an era, but adds that "it began in September 824 A, D." and "is only used in the South Tamil country and Travancore." Iu Travancore and in the Tinnevelly district, where the era is used, the year beging not in September, but in the middle of August, and the province where it begins in September is not Travancore or the South Tamil country, but Malabar, which Dr. Burnell does not include. Why the Malabar year begins a month later in Malabar proper cannot be expected to be easy of explanation when so little is known about the origin of the era itself. The difference in the local use of the year is nevertheless worthy of being borne in mind, at least in connection with the dispute whether the Kollam era is so named after Quilon in Travancore or Quilandy in Malabar proper. Neither of them need claim the honour exclusively, since the era has a different month for its commencement in the two places contending for it. Bat whether connected with either or with both, it is of greater importance to know what event, if any, the era is intended to commemorate. Dr. Gundert suggests in his excellent lexicon, that it was meant to celebrate the foundation of a Siva temple; but as no reason is given to support nis opinion, we cannot afford to discuss the view, No important Siva temple of any antiquity is known, however, to exist either at Quilon or at Kollam in Malabar, In the nature of things, we should expect a grander event of greater national importance in justification of the starting of an era than the building of a nameless temple. The only two events of any importance in Malabar which can be assigned to this epoch are (1) the mysterious disappearance of the last of the Perumals, and (2) the death of Samkaracharya, the most renowned of the Indian scholiasts. The tradition in Malabar regarding the first is that the last Cheraman Perumal embraced Muhainmadanism, and left the Indian shores for Mecca, and that it was in consequence of his sudden departure thet the Chera empire, including Malabar, became split up into petty principalities. Following the tradition, Mr. Logan has gone so far as to identify a tomb on the shores of the Persian Gulf as that of the missing Peru ma!, and, with the help of the epitaph thereon, to fix the date of his death as Kali year 3931 or Kollam year 6. Allowing 6 years as epent in the Peramal's trans-marine peregrinations, we may plausibly take the Kollam era as founded on the day he sailed away from Malabar. But antecedent probability is wholly against this theory. It is not at all likely, in the first place, that any nation would establish an era to celebrate a national disgrace. To every Hindu, even after so much of Muhammadan intercourse, the conversion to Islam is an abhorrence; and how much should it have been a thcasand years ago in the case of so revered a king as the true representative of the old line of Choraman Perumals? It is sarprisingly strange again, in the next place, that all Malabar and Travancore should have united to start an era exactly at the point of time when their integrity, according to the very hypothesis, was irreparably lost. The Chera empire is : said to have fallen to pieces, because of the disappearance of the Perumal; and yet the empire was at one, according to the theory, to start an era which is still in 'use throughout. its original extent! In the third place, if the era were founded to commemorate any single event such as the exit of the last of the Pernmals, how could we account for the fact of the era beginning in August in Travancore and a full month later in Malabar proper ? Can we suppose, without positively spoiling the beauty and mystery of the story, that the Perumal sailed a month earlier from the port of Quilon in Travancore and then landed in Malabar to quit it fnally thirty days later? Bat lastly, the oral tradition, on which alone the theory is based, is itself contradicted by the only written record we have, which refers to the event. The mysterious disappearance of the Perama!? is in fact the last of the legends embodied in . See Elements of South Indian Palaeography, p. 73. 7 See Vefanai-sargam, Periya-Puranam.

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MAY, 1897.) MISCELLANEOUS TRAVANCORE INSCRIPTIONS. 117 the Periya-Puranan, the historical value of which, as we have seen elsewhere, it is impossible to exaggerate. The date of this Parana cannot, for reasons explained elsewhere, be later than the twelfth Christian century, or about 350 years after the establishment of the Kollam era. Surely, the version of the story, as found in this written record of the twelfth century, deserves greater credit than an orai tradition which cannot be traced back for more than a couple of centuries. The Periya-Puranam version then is this :-"While the Saiva saint Sundarar way at Tiruvaujaikkalam, the Chera capital, celebrating it in certain hymns which still exist, the time came for him to depart the earth. Accordingly, one morning, the angels of Mount Kailasa waited upon him with a white elephant and a commission to translate him ath wart the sky to that rocky abode of gods. Elated beyond measure, the saint tarried not even to utter a parting word to his royal friend, but, ascending the celestial elephant. started forth with on his travel through the azure blue. The Perumal, coming to know what had taken place, and unable to sustain the separation, mounted his steed and uttered a mantra in its ears, which enabled it to ascend into the air and overtake the paradisiacal pachyderm. The ministers and generals of the king, beholding the miraculous scene, shook off their mortal coils with the help of their swords and followed their beloved king. So the adrial procession reached Mount Kailasa, bat the Perumal found admission into the divine presence only after he had composed the poem called Adi-U11, which one Masattan is said in the Purana to have communicated to the world here below by reciting it in the town of Tiruppidavur." Such then is the legend as embodied in the Periya-Puranam ; and all that it enables us to conclude is that a saintly Chera princo mysteriously disappeared from his capital. There is nothing whatever in this or any other written record of respectable antiquity to lend support to the story of the conversion and the voyage to Mecca; and without such support it is not safe to accept the evidence of the tonab on the shores of the Persian Gulf as relevant to the question of the origin of the Kollam era. Proceeding then to the next great event about this time with which the Malabar era may possibly be associated, we may at once state that the age of Bankaracharya is not yet beyond the pale of dispute. It may be even questioned whether he was a native of Malabar. But all the theories yet advanced with any show of justification converge in pointing to the early years of the ninth century as the probable period of the great philosopher. May not then the Kollam era be taken to commemorate some event in connection with the life of Samkara P The only definite date yet assigned to the Acharya with any degree of probability is that of Mr. K. B. Pathak, according to whom Sankara must have died in 820 A. D., Pa 1. e., four years before the commencement of the era. The date of his birth, according to the blokas in a manuscript volume in the possession of one Govinda Bhattar of Belgaum, is Vibhava-varsha, Kali year 3839;16 and that of his death, full moon in Vaisakha, Kali year 3921.11 Thus, then, it is impossible to connect the establishment of the Kollam era with any event in Samkara's life, he having died four years before the commencement of the era itself. Indeed, I must confess, I do not feel disappointed at this result. The curious difference we commenced with noting in the reckoning of the year in Malabar and Travancore would shew that the era, whatever its origin, could not have been the consequence of any particular historical event. It would be quite in keeping with the character of the people if it turned out to be the result of some grand astronomical conventions rather than of events in the humbler . See ante, Vol. XXV. p. 149 f. It is difficult to say who this MA Attanar was, or how he obtained a copy of the poem composed in Kailasa, May he be the same 8Attan, the corn-merchant, who narrated the story of Silippadigdram to its author Iladgovadiga!? [See ante, Vol. XL. p. 175.-E. H.) 10 Farina T.1" 11" eta Ta m ."

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118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1897. walks of human life. Finding among the celestial phenomena, too, no event of any importance about the year 824 A. D. except the appearance of a comet in China, I can suggest now no other explanation of the era than that it seems to me to be the modification of another older era current in Upper India under the name of Saptarshi, or Sastrasamvatsara.12 The peculiarity of this northern era is that though it is to-day 4972, it is spoken of as 72, so that omitting all hundreds it would be found to be identical with our Malabar year, except for 4 months beginning with Mesha. The Kasmir calendars calculated in this era and other recorded dates in it usually begin with this formula: Sri-Saptarshi-charanumatena Samvat 4972 tatha cha Samvat 72, i. e., the year 4972, in agreement with the course of the Saptarshis, and, therefore, the year 72.' It would thus appear that up to the year 99, the Kollam year was just identical with the Saptarshi year. May it not be then that our Kollam year is simply the Saptarshi era with its origin forgotten, and, therefore, counted on into the hundreds? It is by no means extravagant to suppose that the people who lived in the Kollam year 99 went on to name the next year 100, and not the cypher year, in spite of whatever astronomical reminiscences that survived in the minds of the almanac-makers of that age. In fact, nothing could have been more natural, and once the numeration was permitted, the issue of an independent era, exactly of the kind we have, was, inevitable. The only fact which would then require explanation is why, when the Saptarshi begins with Mesha, our Kollam should commence with the month of Simha. In all probability the astronomers of the period, who determined upon the adoption of the era, found it necessary so to amend the northern luni-solar year in order to convert it into a purely solar one as the Kollam year professes to be. While agreed as to the necessity of the amendment, the astronomers of Malabar were apparently not at one with their contemporaries in Travancore as to the number of months that had so to be left out; and hence, perhaps, the divergence we have already noticed as to the month with which the new year was to begin whether it was to be Simha or Kanya. That the era obtaining in Travancore should thus be assimilated with the one in Kasmir, the other extremity in the continent of India, must, at first sight, appear strange; but it is not certainly stranger than the close similarity which Mr. Fergusson notes in the styles of architecture obtaining in Travancore and in Nepal. What our only historian of Travancore says with respect to the origin of this era is entirely in consonance with our theory. "In the Kali year 3926 when king Udaya Martanda Varma was residing in Kollam (Quilon)," says Mr. Menon, "he convened a council of all the learned men in Kera a with the object of introducing a new era, and after making some astronomical researches, and calculating the solar movements throughout the twelve signs of the zodiac, and counting scientifically the number of days occupied in this revolution in every month, it was resolved to adopt the new era from the first of Chingam of that year, 15th August 825, as Kollam year one, and to call it the solar year." What need could there have been for all these "astronomical researches," "calculations" and "scientific countings," unless the astronomers of the period, anxious to start a new era, were adapting and amending for their purpose one that was actually current at the time ? If those scientific men were really adopting an existing era, none con d have suggested itself with greater propriety than the Saptarshi year- the "Sastra-samvatsara," the scientific year par excellence. As regards the Kali, the Malabar astronomers of 824 A. D. probably found that it was itself in need of even larger alterations than the Saptarshi. The latter is exactly 25 years later than the Kali, and it appears to me extremely likely that these 25 years were left out of the Kali to form the Saptarshi era for some astronomical reasons similar to those which I have ventured here to assign for the omission of the first 4 or 5 months from Mesha to Simha in the conversion of the Saptarshi into the Kollam. But this is a speculative question, and I am afraid it will continue to be a debatable one for many years yet to come. _ (To be continued.) 12 See ante, Vol. XX. p. 149.

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MAY, 1897.] SELUNGS OF THE MERGUI ARCHIPELAGO. 119 EXTRACTS FROM OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE SELUNGS OF THE MERGUI ARCHIPELAGO. BY R. C. TEMPLE. (Continued from p. 91.) V. From Captain E. M. Ryan, Officiating Deputy Commissioner, Mergui, to Major 4. Fytche, Officiating Commissioner, Tenasserim and Martaban Provinces, Moulmein dated the 11th August 1857. Dr. Helfer has given the following graphical Sketch of the Salones: "Spent this day among the Salones. At my first arrival in the night a general terror spread over the defenceless community, they not knowing whether friend or foe was approaching. Suspecting an incursion of Malays from the south, the women and children had fled into the interior, and their best property, sea-slugs, and rice had been buried in all hurry in the jungle. Finding that a white-man was come among them (it was in these parts for the first time), their apprehensions changed into joy, and the whole community came in the morning to where I had landed to welcome me. "There were about 70 men, women, and children altogether; they had encamped on the sandy sea-beach; each family had erected a little raised shed covered with palm-leaves, where all the members huddled together in the night. There they sat, a dirty, miserable-looking congregation, the women occupied in making mats of a peculiar description from sea-weed (which are sold at Mergui and Moulmein and much sought after), the children screaming apparently out of fear at the strange apparition, dogs, cats, and cocks all joining to make the full chorus. Everything had the appearance of confusion, and even the animals seemed to be aware that my arrival among them was an extraordinary event. Some of these sheds appeared like butchers' stalls. Large pieces of turtle, rendering the atmosphere pestilential, were everywhere drying in the sun. It is their main food. Shell-fish were seen extracted from their shells, and wild roots of a species of Diascorea, as well as the fatal Cycas circinalis, were prepared for cooking. "On the beach lay 20 or 30 boats, well built and light, like ant-shells swimming on the surface, the bottom built of a solid trank, the sides consisting of the slender trunks of the palm strongly united and corked with palm hemp. These boats, not longer than 20 feet, are the true home of the Salones: to it he entrusts his life and property; in it he wanders during his lifetime from island to island; a true ichthyophagist, to whom the Earth has no charm, and whom he neglects so much that he does not even entrust to her a single grain of rice. But even as fishermen these people are to be considered yet in their infancy. They have even no nets, the trident is their only weapon, with which they spear sharks and other fish as well as turtle; all the rest they want is done with the da or with the hand; they know no other instrument. "In their exterior they are well built, apparently healthy, darker than the Burmese; part of them approach the Malay type, part of them the Ethiopian; the curly hair of some of them especially speaks in favour of Negro origin. Might they have had formerly communication with the Andamanese ? "I spent the whole day in conversation with them through the medium of their headman, who understands Burmese; besides him and two others, the rest were unacquainted with it. Some spoke, besides their own idiom, Siamese; some Malay. They behaved with remarkable civility and decorum. They related that their children are exposed to sickness and death from three to six years; those who survive that period are considered safe. I think they die,

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120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1897. to judge from description, in consequence of dysentery, not improbably caused by the indigestible nature of their food, at that tender age. They know no medicines whatever, -a strange exception, uncultivated Natives being generally in the possession of the greatest number of simples, besides the host of charms and other indifferent substances to which great virtues are attributed. To get physic and charms from the Chinese, they sell their most: valuable produces pearls, amber, etc. The greatest present I could make them, besides some ardent spirits, was medicine. When they saw me drink coffee, and heard that I drank black substance every day, they concluded this to be the greatest medicine of the white-man, and were not satisfied till I gave them a good portion of it. They are addicted to liquors to a frightful degree; intoxication is the greatest enjoyment they know. By all who have to do with them (Chinese and Malays), they are provided with toddy in the first instance, and, during the subsequent state of stupor, robbed of any valuables they possess. "They are indolent; only young men work, that is, collect what falls under their hands. Surrounded with valuable riches of Nature, they remain miserably poor. The regeneration of this race will possibly never be effected; but the Salones open a fine field to a truly philanthropic missionary. Their ideas of the deity are very imperfect; they believe in superior agencies without any distinct idea. When asked what they thought would become of them after death, they answered that they never thought about it, and added, by way of excuse, 'wo are a poor people who know nothing.' They are full of superstition and fear. When a person dies, the person is exposed in the jungle; the whole congregation leave immediately, and do not return till after years, when the bleached bones are collected and burned. "I accompanied a party of young men on a fishing excursion. They are very dexterous in managing the spear, which was attached to a bamboo 20 feet long; they caught in an hour three large turtles, two sharks, and some other fish." VI. From Captain J. F. J. Stevenson, Deputy Commissioner, Mergui, to Captain H. Hopkinson, Officiating Commissioner, Tenasserim and Martaban Provinces, Moulmein- dated the 11th May 1858. I beg to offer you a few remarks upon the peculiar tribe of people called Salones, who live in some of the islands of this Archipelago. Before doing so, it seems right that I should place before you Lieutenant Burn's, which, doubtless, he wished to embody in his Revenue Report. Lieutenant Burn: "Another subject I am very anxious to bring to your notice is the fact that there is a tribe of people inhabiting the islands of the Mergui Archipelago, who are untaxed, and I regret to say, to all appearance, totally uncared for in every way. I have endeavoured to ascertain from the Office records the time and cause of this non-taxation, and the only record on the subject that I can find is a copy of a letter from your Office, dated Mergui, the 12th August 1841, from E. A. Blandell, Esq., then the Commissioner of these Provinces. The letter has no number, and is not even attested as a true copy; the original appears to have been lost. "The people are exceedingly simple and quiet, but very wild and barbarous; they inhabit huts which are made by placing four sticks on the ground and throwing a mat over them. For the most part they cultivate nothing, but live chiefly by fishing. "They have one peon (a Salone) over them, on a salary of Rs. 10 a month, who is supposed to give an annual account of their numbers. I have since my stay down here visited some of these islands and stayed among the people. I found them apparently in a state of great poverty, but on further enquiry I am led to believe that this is caused in a great ineasure by their being nearly one and all addicted to an immoderate use of spirits, opium, and ganja. This may. and very likely has had, the effect of decreasing their numbers, but I am led to believe if a good man

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Mar, 1897.] SELUNGS OF THE MERGUI ARCHIPELAGO. 121 was appointed over them, and they were to have periodical visits from the officer in charge, which with a steam gunboat would be perfectly practieable at all times and seasons, something might be made out of, and done for, them, as, besides a very extensive trade in salt-fish, they carry on * fair trade in tortoise and other shells, the prices of which are exceedingly remunerative. Their boats, which are very cleverly and curiously constructel, constantly come to Mergui, and sell their cargoes to great advantage; but such is the moral degradation of these simple people and tendency to vice that althongh after selling their cargo they may have some bundreds of rapees, they seldom go back to their villages with much more than a large supply of spirits sud opium, being cheated out of the rest by some of the rascals of the towns, who are conetantly on the look-ont for them ; in fact, they certainly are reduced to a very great state of abjectness, not respecting themselves, and looked down upon by every one of their fellow-men: and I respectfully beg to question whether considering them too low and abject to be taxed is uot a fair reason with a savage and simple people like these for them to form so low an opinion of themselves that, without any self-respect, they degenerate into a species little better than those who reain our forests. They are well aware that all their neighbours are taxed, and from conversation I had with one or two who spoke Burmese, I was led to come to the above conclusion, which I now have the honour of submitting to you. On one of the islands near Mergui are a few families of these people who have taken to cultivation. I have not as yet had tine to visit them, as they are at some distance out at sea. The taxation I would recommend would be exactly the same as is levied on the other tribes of Burmese and Karens. "I would, while on this subject, draw your attention to the following extract of a letter from Mr. Kincaid, an American Missionary, who visited these people in 1838, now 20 years ago. He says:- They (the Salones) are very poor too, having no houses, no gardens, no cultivated fields, nor any domestic animals but dogs. I never saw such abject poverty, such an entire destitution of all the comforts of life. Thas wrote one who had seen and visited them 20 years ago, and so one would write of them to this day. Since 1838 some attempt was made by Major Broadfoot, Commissioner, by means of Mr. Brayton, an American Missionary, to teach them to read and write and convert them to Christianity. Mr. Brayton, I believe, baptised forty-six, and also established a school among them in 1846, but, owing to his going away, the school was abandoned, and, from what I can learn, nothing has since been done for them." From the little that I know of these people, I am very much inclined to think that Lieutenant Burn's proposition will bear examination. I am aware that the people have a good market for the products he enumerates. You are aware that it is a tedious and even difficult task to go about their islands with merely an ordinary canoe, such as we have at our disposal here. A small steamer I have long thought absolutely necessary to enable this district officer to supervise his officinis properly, and generally administrate affairs with any approach to efficient management. I took the liberty of submitting this proposition upwards of two years ago, on my first appointment here. It has been strongly supported by my successors, and received the notice of Government. Lieutenant Barn, who had the opportunity of seeing this district throughout two working seasons, has, you will observe, referred to it in his remarks on the Salone Islands. uII. From H. O. Menzies, Esq., Deputy Commissioner, Mergui, to the Commissioner, Terasserim and Martaban Provinces, Moulmcis - dated the 20th June 1860. In the preparation of the annual revenue and statistical returns, which it was my duty tu submit to you at the close of the official year 1859-60, I was struck by the inadequacy of the data at my disposal on which I had, in the case of the Salones, to found these returns. 1 The passage referred to by Lieutenant Burn is to be found in Macon's Tonassurim.

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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1897. You are aware that one of the Salones is in the pay of Government, receiving monthly Rs. 10. I presume that this individual receives this pay more with the view of indirectly bringing him into communication with the authorities here, than as a remuneration for the performance of any specific duties : certain it is at all events that he has hitherto done nothing to entitle him to remuneration. You will have remked that the information yearly supplied to your Office having reference to the Salones may be said to be stereotyped, as the returns do not Fary. Enqniring into the causes of this, I ascertained that the practice bad been to draw the Salone Thoogsee's pay unutIrly, and to hand it over to the jemnadar of the general guard, who tas supposed to pay it to that individual wirenerer bre presented himself at Mergui to receive it. As this practice evidently failed to meet the requirements of the case, I immediately directed its discontinuance, and forbade the issue of any pay to the Salone Thoogyee, unless he presented himself at my office to receive the money. Consequent on this order the Salone Thoogyee presented himself before me yesterday, ard I took the opportunity afforded by his presence to elicit from him as much information is I could regarding the peculiar l'ace of beings over whom he is supposed by his position to exercise control. So far as I can learn from office records but little is known regarding thre Salones, and as it is highly improbable that I shall have the opportunity of otherwise placing on record the information I have become possessed of, which may at some time prove useful, I have thought it best to embody the result of my enquiries in the shape of a letter to you. The Salone Thoogyee informs me tlnt his people are nt present located on four islands of the Mergai Archipelago, named by him Zadet, Sampee, Buttuy, and Doung. The first corresponds with St. Mathew's Island; the third with Peak or Sir B. Owen's; the fourth (I think), Lord W. Bentinck's; and the second, Sallivan's or Sumpee Island of our charts. He estimates the number inhabiting these islands as follows:-On Zadet Island about 40, on Sumpee about 55, on Buttuy about 59, and on Doung Island about 46 families, giving about six souls as composing a family. This last estimate is evidently too high, but, remembering the number of children I saw with the families located in Paway Island, in March last, I think we shall be justified in assuming five as a fair average number of young and old in a family. The Thoogyee himself has six children, hence perhaps his fixing a bigh average. The Thoogsee's estimate would, if adopted, give a total of 1,200 souls, and, subject to my correction, 1,000 souls, - a far higher number than you will find entered in the returns. The Thooggee, 00 Pay by name, was, I learn, first invested with such official authority as his office may be supposed to result in, by Major Birdmore, and he appeared before me looking very unhappy under the penance of continually adjusting a peon's belt with a brass-plate which was placed across his shoulders by that officer, Oo Pay possesses such acquaintance with the Malay and Burmese languages as enables him to converse with difficulty in both, It appears that each island colony has its headman. Their names are - in Sumpee, Pit Kam; in Battuy, Lo Wuy ; in Zadet, Chee Doot. Of Lo Wuy my informant gave me the worst possible character: perbaps jealonsy may have occasioned this, as the number of families nnder the jurisdiction of Lo Wuy on Sumpee exceeds that on Doung, Oo Pay's partienlar clage. Lo Wuy is, Oo Pay informed me, mach addicted to intemperance; he descrilled him. exbibiting the most expressive countenance at the time, as a perfect devil." I was under the impression that the Salones were decrensing in number yearly, but 0 Pay contradicted this. From his statements it would appear that both cholera and small-pox have this year prevailed among the tribe. He estimated the deaths from cholera at 14, and

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MI AY, 1897.] SELUNGS OF THE MERGUI ARCHIPELAGO. 123 from small-pox about 40. Non-adults were most obnoxious to the latter disease. These figures s'ofer to the Doung population, which would probably snffer.most, as most exposed to the risk of infection or contagion from their greater intercourse with, and proximity to, our coast villages or Mergui itself, where the diseases have had, so to speak, their head-quarters during the past year. I questioned Oo Pay closely as to the treatment pursued with sofferers from sickness. The Salones depend for recovery solely on supernatural aid. Three men in the tribe are supposed at present to have the power of invoking the aid of the evil spirit. They perform a sort of "devil dance" round the sufferer; the spirit, if they are successful, is understood to draw out the disease through the aim of the patient; and 0. Pay knows old people who have witnessed the appearence of the evil one embodied in the shape of a bit of broken glass, bat has not himself been so fortunate as ever to have had an interview. Possessed of the disease from which the patient has by him been relieved, the devil in his turn possesses himself of the person of the individual who was successful in obtaining the happy result. He is invariably a thirsty devil, and Oo Pay has seen a whole jar of shanshoo drank off by the possessed man. He took the trouble to explain that though the man actually drank aqua vitae, it was not for his own, but for the enjoyment of the spirit in him. It is to be supposed that the evilspirit vanishes with the fames of the imbibed liquor, but Oo Pay was not clear on this point, and was evidently disinclined to go deeply into the subject. When the sick man recovers, the "medicine-man" receives remuneration: shoald his intervention be unsuccessful, none. I learnt from the Salones I came across on Paway Island that both sick and dead were customarily deserted, the dead being placed on a small and covered raised pandal, when they were left to decay, the spot of, so to call it, interment being left un visited till sufficient time had elapsed to ensure the disappearance of the remains. As regards the mortally sick, I was told they were made as comfortable as possible, and left to Nature, being supplied with food and a boat ; that sometimes they recovered, and the boat enabled them to rejoin their friends. Oo Pay states that this latter practice is not universal. I rather from his manner, and the positive statements of the Paway people, doubt him; he admitted that though his own Doung people did not subscribe the custom, yet the Sampee people did. Questioned regarding the domestic relations existing among the Salones, Oo Pay assured me that polygamy did not exist. The marriage ceremony, as described by him, is simple. The man, in the presence of the elders, presents a piece of white cloth to the parents of the bride, and to herself some tobacco, pan leaves, and other such trifles; an admiring circle sit round and "talk and laugh," and the couple are henceforth man and wife. If the bridegroor is not a sufficiently wealthy man to possess a boat of his own, the couple, till in a position to maintain a separate establishment, reside with the parents of the bride. It is not usual or necessary for the parents of the bridegroom to make any presents to anybody on the marriage. Oo Pay displayed considerable astuteness, combating my efforts to elicit from him the mode in which the offenders were punished, telling me that any one who stole or did other wrong would in due conrse be brought before me by him. He, however, said that before the Salones came under British sway, in cases of homicide, the life of the man-slayer was held forfeited, and taken by the friends of the slain. I rather opine that in this respect what was, still is. I know of no case on record in which Oo Pay has summoned offenders in any way to Mergai. Money appears to be easily earned by the Salones, but to be invariably spent on comestibles or converted into a supply of the articles they age but cannot manufacture at the place and time of receipt. Mats are the circulating mediam among themselves. A boat can be purchased for 60 mats, a fishing spear for four, and so on. The mats in question are neat, and such as may occasionally be seen in hot Indian stations, used as a covering for couches or

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124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1897. beds, being cooler than anything else. The Salones, wlro generally fall into bad hands when they visit our villages and conclude most of their bargains in the armck-shops, get an average price of four annas per mat at Mergui. The mats aro in demand. I paid a Rupee for one the other day. They are chiefly made by women, and a woman does not occupy more than a day in completing a mat. As I have elsewhere mentioned to you, one of the most valuable of the articles in which the Salones trade is a sort of flexible and waterproof covering for boats, mannfactured from the leaves of a plant which are stitched together with bamboo-splinters. These are made in a very short time, and sell here for eight anuas a piece. The leaf is not, I believe, obtainable on the mainland, hence tlie high price realized for these simple, but most useful, articles of traffic. The Salones also bring to market sea-slugs, sea-snails, beche-de-ner, wax, fish, and mother-o'-pearl. 00 Pay informs mo that though he has, as it were, divided the Salones into four settlements, yet that they constantly leave one of these to join another, and that these recognize him as having supreme authority. I am afraid he is sufficiently civilized to be aware that truth is not always consonant with the furtherance of his personal interest, and that he connects assumption of snpreme authority with retention of his monthly stipend. I should doubt his having much influence over Lo Way, whom he so heartily abnses, or the immediate following of that individual: similarly with the other headmen and those who acknowledge their rule. He states the head men he names (see supra) are all aged, about his own age, which I should say was between 50 and 60. These men, I believe, occasionally visit Mergui, and they should be encouraged on such occasions to present themselves, as from them much information might from time to time be obtained regarding the Salones. I have told Oo Pay that I shall expect him to be able to speak with some greater certainty than he now can regarding the number of the Salones, etc., when he visits Mergui after the termination of the south-west monsoon and has had an opportunity of seeing the Southward islands. His knowledge of numeration being limited, the population return is to consist of a bundle of sticks with notches on them, showing boats (their houses), men, women, and children of both sexes. He seems willing, and with encouragement might be made more useful than he has hitherto proved. He estimates the number of boats in the possession of the Salones at present at 140. This scarcely corresponds with the estimated aggregate of souls, but it is possible that they manage to pack into them when moving from island to island. I may mention here, as you may possibly never have seen & Salone boat, that it differs much in construction from, and a9 regards sea-worthiness and elegance of shape is far superior to, the ordinary Burmese boat. The bottom of the boat is solid wood scooped out and opened ; rising to the total height of the boat at each extremity, but almost flattened in the centre; yingan sticks, thick in the centre, and tapering to each extremity, though round, are bent into the rounded form of a boat's side and neatly placed one above the other. The ends being smaller than the centre, they are easily compressed into the required space at stem and stern, so as not to interfere with the general symmetrical appearance of the boat. The interstices are caulked with dammer. The objection to this boat is that the yingan portion of them requires annual renewal and the process is not easy. To the sufficient beam given to these bonts, as compared with those in use with Burmans, may be attributed their possession of greater buoyancy and safety in a rough sea. At the stem and stern, a semi-circle is, scooped out; this gives to the boat an odd look, but the object is patent; were it not for the step wbich is then formed, the younger children would be unable without aid to get into or out of the boats. Siamese sometimes build similarly witbyingan, but the crescentshaped bow and stern is never adopted by them, and invariably distinguishes the Salones' boats from all others. The Salones possess a host of most mangy, ill-fed dogs. They seldom lose an opportunity of adding to the number. These dogs are employed in hunting wild pigs, with which some of

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MAY, 1897.] SELUNGS OF THE MERGUI ARCHIPELAGO.. 125 the islands in the Archipelago abound. As the common village dog is seldom an adept at, or inclined to receive instruction in, hunting, when he first gets into the hands of the Salones, he is subjected to very severe training. Fresh from the streets of Mergui, or other coast town or village, he is deposited by his new master on the first convenient uninhabited island presenting itself. He either dies of starvation, if too indolent to hunt for his subsistence, or soon learns to catch his prey. In a couple of months he is sought for, and if found alive is reclaimed and taken home. The dogs seem, with the exception of being badly fed, to be kindly treated after their initiation into Salonese life, and I was amused at Paway by seeing them following their masters into the water, when they approached wading to my boat. On my landing every woman might be seen holding a child or two under one arm and a dog under the other, the precaution being adopted in the case of the latter to prevent any noisy demonstrations or misbehaviour. Do Pay states that he is not aware of any specific violence towards the Salones on the part of the Malays, and ignored all dread of them. His statements are at variance with those of the Salones I have previously had intercourse with, and if the Malaye ure really innocuous, it is difficult to explain the cause of the consternation which is apparent among the Salones when they first find a strange boat in their neighbourhood. At Paway the whole settlement took to the jungles as soon as it was evident that my boat was coming to theirs, but wben we were sufficiently close to enable them to discover who we were, dogs, women, and children again emerged from the jungle ; questioning them as to the cause of their besty concealment of themselves, they told me that they had mistaken us for Malays, by whom they had only ten days previous been plundered. The costame of the Salones scarcely supports the maxim that "simplicity adorns." That of the males is the familiar dress of the Madras catamaran men; that of the females is scarcely more elaborate or decent; a strip of dirty cloth wound once round the waist and between the legs completes it. Oo Pay had evidently, whon coming to me, either bought or borrowed a set of clothes which fitted him ill and made him very uncomfortable, and his putsoe gave him is much trouble as did his belt of office. That the Salones do not progress in civilization I think I may presume, for if they have done so, they must have commenced from a lower degree in the scale of humanity than is compatible with their supposed ameliorated condition after 30 odd years of occasional intercourse with ourselves and those subject to our influence, as they are atill low in the list of uncivilized sa vages. It seems rather a reproach to us that ench a nation shoald exist under our rnle nncared for and unnoticed, but at the sanie time it is not easy to suggest what efforts to improve thern wonld prove most effectaal. There have been no failures or successes to aid us in forming an opinion on this head that I know of, I think that one step towards reform would be to prevent their falling into the hands of Chinese sharpers, when they visit Mergai, by forbidding the sale to them of opium or shamshoo. At present with them a trading excursion here ends in a debauch, and they equander in an hour the fruits of days of toil, besides steeping themselves in degradation. If it is worth while to keep Oo Pay in pay, the plan might be adopted of also nominating the other headmen Government servants, giving them lower rates of pay, three or four Rupees a munth, anything sufficient to induce thern to come to Morgui to receive their pay, and the difference in pay would elevate 0o Pay in their eyes and increase his influence. He is, as far as can be learnt, of stendier habits than the generality of his tribe. Deprived of the opportunity of spending his earnings in drink, the Salone might learn in time the value of money by finding himself the possessor of articles he would consider as luxuries. As his household goods increased in quantity and value, it might occur to him that

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126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1897. a house was a more desirable abode than a boat, and gradually their location night assume a greater degree of permanence, dependent, of course, on the degree of protection we afford them from Malay dacoities. At present, Oo Pay may rule in Doung, but I doubt altogether luis having the slightest influence elsewhere for good or evil. I do not think that it is generally known hox frequently the Salones visit our villages. I daresay I have seen this year from the window of iny house, by two and three at a time, a hundrel Salone boats on the beach of Mergui. Such frequent commnuication with Mergui would, one would think, make them acquainted in some degree with our modes of government, fuld familarize them with the dreaded word "taxation." As I have elsewhere stated, I consider these people by no means poor ; and though tax them as you may, their revenge contributions coald never amount to much, yet I would tax them on the principle that tax-paying would inculcate on them the necessity of looking beyond the morrow, and habits of frugality are a capital foundation for improvement. The tax or tribute exacted I wonld recoive in kind, so many mats per male per annum, and make Oo Pay responsible for collection. The whole tribe should be annually collected on some certain fixed island to receive a visit from the Deputy Cominissioner, pay their tax, and state their grievances, if any, the revenge collected being spent on articles suited to their use which might at these annual gatherings be distribnted as presents. This would probably prove inducement suflicient to ensure attendance, and if they learn that we do not, with the rest of the neighbouring world, look down on them as wholly beneath our notice, we shall soon find them making efforts to render themselves more presentable and deserving of our favour. I fear that I have been led to write at too great length on this subject; but it is one I take a considerable interest in, and I can offer no other apology for the lengthiness of my letter, NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. BY J. M. CAMPBELL, C.I.E., I.C.S. (Continued from Vol. XXVI. p. 104.) Tattooing. - Hindus believe that tattoo marks scare or house spirits. In the Karnatak most Hindu women tattoo on their bodies the figures of the palma or lotus, the sankl or conch. shell, and the chukra or discus, the chief weapons of Vishma. or the origin of tattooing, the Brahman story is that Lakshmi, the wife of Vishni, told her husband that whenever he left her alone she became frightened. Vislinu took his weapons and pressed them on Lakshmi's bully, saying that the marks of his weapons would guard her against evil. Following this example, Hindus tattoo their bodies that no evil may befall them. The Ahmadnagar Kaikidis tattoo basil leaves, lotus flowers, and the names of the gods SriRam, Jai-Ram, and Jai-Jai-Ram, on their hands and feet.43 The Madhava Brahman women of Dharwar tattoo a small dot on the right cheek and chin and a small crescent with two dots just abore the root of the nose. Some women tattoo their hands. Among the Lingayat Banjgis of Dharwar women tattoo their brows and cheeks, and their chins, hands, and feet. The print on the brow is a black dot or a crescent with a black dot inside. The marks on the chin and cheeks are simple dots; those ou the arms are single or double snakes.45 In Belgaum, the tattoo marks made by the women of the Maritha Killikctars are lines, ovals and circles, the names of gods, and the figures of the tulsi bush and the frankincense tree.56 12 Information from Mr. Inamdar. "Op. cit. Vol. XXII. p. 65. * Op. cit. Vol. XXI. p. 186. * Bomboy Gazetteer, Vol. XVII. p. 104. 45 Op. cit. Vol. XXII. . 122.

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BAY, 1897.] SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. 127 In South India, almost all young girls hare their arms marked with flowers.47 The Juangs of East Bengal wear three strokes on the brow over the nose and three on the temple, apparently the forerunners of sect-marks and made with the object of frightening spirits. The Karens of East Bengal wear three red lines radiating from the seat of their breeches. The lines were formerly marked on the skin. 19 In Gujarat, in Western India, carriage bullocks (1820) are tattooed 50 with tigers and flowers. Tattooing is common among the Burmese tribes along the east frontier of Bengal.51 The Burmaps tattoo their bodies with the figares of lions, tigers, elephants, rata, and birds. Some of these marks are special charins against evil spirits and diseases.63 All Burman boys get their thighs tattooed.53 By some Burmans tattooing is resorted to as a medicine.54 Chin women tattoo their faces to prevent their being carried off by Burmans. Friar Oderic in A. D. 1321 found a singular generation in Sumatra who branded their faces with a little hot iron in some twelve places. 58 The Andamanese tattoo their heads and paint then with clay,67 The custom of tattooing is carried to great perfection among the Motu women, whose bodies are covered with tattoo marks resembling fine lace garments. The Motus tattoo an olive leaf in the clavicular region of their bodies.s0 In the Melville Islands, the people gracefully tattoo their bodies like the lace on a bussar's jacket,60 The Samoan youths are elaborately tattooed. The Papaans of New Guinea make scars on their shoulders, breasts, and thighs.62 The skin is cut with sharp instrument, and white clay or some other earth is rubbed in the wound.63 The Papuans of North Guinea tattoo crossed swords and daggers on their bodies. West Australians almost invariably tattoo their shoulders, backs, and breasts,65 Hay describes in North-West Africa a tall and aged Musalman dame with round her neck the tattooed representation of a chain with a cross hanging to it.66 In North Africa, the chins of high-class Musalman girls are adorned by figures burnt into the skin with gunpowder.07 In modern Egypt, both men and women tatoo parts of the body.co The people of Mecca tattoo their boys', and, in some cases, their girls', faces by drawing three cuts down each cheek and two cuts across each temple. In Central South America, the big robber race of Guaycourons tattoo the face, paint the body, bore the lips, and shave the heads except a top-knot.70 The people of the South Sea Island of Tanna make tattoo-marks in the shape of fish and of leaves.71 Among the Samoans girls are tattooed when they come of age.72 In the Fiji Islands, women only are tattooed.73 In Micronesia, east of the Philippines, tattooing is general. No untattooed girl can be married. The gods will not accept an untattooed man as a sacrifice.74 In Australia and over all Oceania, tattooing is religious." The following instances show the antiquity of tattooing. The ancient Ethiopians painted the images of their ancestors on their bodies apparently with the object of housing the ancestral spirits and making them gnardians). Among the Thracians (B. C. 450) to be tattooed was a mark of noble birth.77 The archaic Greeks tattooed their face, arms, and breasts.78 The Dubois, Vol. I. p. 483. Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengol, p. 157. 49 Op. cit. p. 118. 50 Moore's Oriental Fragments, p. 518. 51 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 114. 82 Fytche's Burmah, Vol. II. p. 61. 65 Shway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. I. p. 46. 64 Op. cit. Vol. I. P. 58. 56 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 165. 50 Yule's Cathay, Vol. I. p. 86. 57 Jour. R. 4. Soc. Vol. XII. p. 472. 38 Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. VII. p. 481. 19 Op.cit. Vol. VII. p. 481. 6 Earl's Papuans, p. 199. 61 Pritchard's Polynesian Remainis, p. 145. 62 Earl's Papuans, p. 71. 65 Op. cit. p. 71. EUR Op. cit. p. 72. 65 Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. V. p. 317. 6c Hay's Western Barbary, p. 44. 67. Denham and Clappertou's Africa, Vol. I. p. 42. e Egypt in Enoy. Brit. Ed. IX. p. 723. (c) Barkhardt's Arabia, Vol. I. p. 381. 10 Reville's Les Religions des Peuples Non-Civilials, Vol. I. p. 388. 71 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 139. 12 Spencer's Descriptive Sociology, 3, Tablo XII. 15 Revillo's Les Religions des Peuples Non-Civilises, Vol. II. p. 132. 11 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 132. * Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 147. T6 Leckie's History of Ra'i naliam, Introd., p. xxi. 11 Bawlinson's Herodotus, Vol. III. p. 218. 8 Imperial Dict., 8. v., Woad.

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1897. loky. ancient Britons tattooed their bodies with woad or wad prepared from the isatis tinctoria plant.79 The fondness for tattoo marks among most European nations seems to be mainly due to the dislike of giving up what was once believed to be lucky. These examples suggest that, like other forms of ornament, the root-object of tattooing is to secure luck by the two familiar methods of scaring ansquarable spirits and housing squarable spirits as guardians. That in origin tattooing is religious or lacky, and not simply ornamental, is supported by Reville's remarks on the Polynesian tattoo. The Polynesiau tattoo marks are made by inserting, with the help of a sharp-toothed comb, dast of the aleurilns triloba nut. The dust is inserted under the skin by a priest, and, while the marking is in progress, the priest and his family sing songs in praise of tattooing. Lizards, sharks, and birds are common tattoo marks, but the luckiest shape is that of the person's guardian badge or iiki. Again, Reville writes: "The tattoo mark is a divine badge or livery. While he is being marked, the victim is taboo or sacred, because during the marking his guardian touches and seals him. Slaves were not tattooed, women were a little, and among freemen the higher in rank were the most marked." Contrary to the general rule, the highest in-rank were unadorned by tattoomarks, because, says Reville, they were already part of the divine tribe. The sense seems to be that as the object of marking ancestral and other guardian shapes was to enable the guardian to pass into the person tattooed, any person in whom the guardian already dwelt required po tattoo-mark or other fresh guardian entranoe. This view is supported by the practice in Tonga Island, 81 where the high priest (in whom the guardian dwells) is the only person who is not tattooed. That the tattoo-mark is a guardian entrance is in agreement with the general English belief that moles and other natural skin marks are lucky. Further, that the basis of the luck in skin spots is that they are spirit entrances is shown by the practice of the seventeenth century English witch-finders, who drove pins into moles and other natural marks to discover the place through which her familiar passed in and out of the witch's body. A similar belief seems to be the basis of the Jewish prohibition against offering in sacrifice any animal which has on its body any mark of the nature of a spot or blemish. In another passage82 Reville says: "The object for which the Polynesian is tattooed is the same as the object for which the Hottentot performs his religious dances, namely, to make him anite with the deity." That is, in simpler phrase, to give the guardian a door of entrance either into the dancer or. into the person who is tattooed. Once more Reville says :83 "The tattoo-mark is to the Polynesian what the shaven circle on the crown of his head is to the Catholio priest." This seems correct, as the original object of priestly tonsure is to allow the guardian to pass through the sature in the priest's skull, a way by which the guardian has previously entered through the virtue of the laying on of hands in consecration. It may be objected that certain tattoomarks, and also the belief that the tattoo-mark is lucky because it scares evil influences, belong to a stage of thought when the mark was held to be a scare and not an entrance. This difference of view may at first seem to amount to a contradiction. Still, as has been more than once noticed, the difference between scaring evil influences and housing good influences disappears when it is remembered' that by housing it the angry element in most spirits is appeased and the spirit becomes friendly, according to the law, the guardian is the squared fiend. Reville notices that the Palans of West New Guinea wanted to tattoo the English, while the Rataks in the extreme East' would not tattoo the English. The explanation apparently is that the Rataks, like the Tahitans and the Mexicans, held there was a squarable element in the strangers, and that, therefore, the guardian might pass into and dwell in them. On the other hand, the Rataka, like the Chinese, saw nothing but the unsquarable or devil T9 Perrot and Chipiez's Art in Primitive Greece, Vol. II. pp. 184.5. # Reville's Les Religions des Peuple. Non-Civilines, Vol. II. pp. 68, 70, 71. Compare Codrington's Among the Melanesians, pp. 232, 284, 240. $1 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 79. #3 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 72. * Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 72. Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 132.

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MAY, 1897.) SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. 129 element in the strangers, and refused to tattoo them, lest, through the marks, the guardian might pass in and suffer or be enraged. That the goneral object of tattooing is to house ancostral spirits finds support in the similar African practice of adorning by scars. Denham' noticed that among the Tilboos of North Africa most men had scars which denoted rank and were considered an ornament. One chief had a scar under each eye, and a half-moon star on his brow. The sense of these ornamental scars seems to be to provide an entrance into the warrior for the ancestral spirits who gather before an affray and who enspirit or hearten their descendants. The belief that a wound is an entrance or passage is probably connected with the wide-sprend blood-sucking or vanpire beliefs. It is preserved by Shakespeare, who twice makes Marc Antony describe Conr's wounds as dumb mouths oper'ng their ruby lips. Threads. - Among Hindus the belief is strong that spirits fear the Brahman sacred thread. In the Konkan, when a Brahman boy sees the spirit Hadal, he shews her his sacred thread, and the spirit fees.97 Brahman boys are believed to be specially liable to spirit-attacks before they are girt with the sacred thread. Among all high class Hindus, when the bride and bridegroom are mairied, they are made to sit facing one another, and are encircled with sacred threads. At the wedding of a Dekhan Ramosi a Brahman passes a thread four times round the neck and shoulder and four times round the waist of the bride and bridegroom.89 The Agarval Vanis of Poona wear either a sacred thread or a necklace of tulsi beads.89 The Ahmadnagar Mhars pass a yellow thread seven times round the necks of the bride and bridegroom, and on the fifth day after a birth they lay before a silver image of Satvat a coil of thread, food, and flowers.91 Many classes of Hindus in Bljapur, at the turmeric rubbing before a wedding, make the bride and bridegroom sit in a square called surgi, at each corner of which is a water-pot round whose necks a thread is several times passed. The Lohars of Belgaum, put on a sacred thread two days before marriage. The Sagar Gavandis of Sholapar, on the naming day, tie a thread round the child's wrists. The Bavkule Vanis of Kinara put on a sacred thread on the wedding day. The head of the Konda Vandlus, & wild tribe in the Northern Sirkars, wears the sacred thread. Gujarat Jains do not wear the sacred thread, but in worshipping their idols they wear across their shoulders a silken tape, a piece of cloth, or a golden chain hung in the way a Brahman wears his sacred thread.07 In Southern India, sacred threads are at all times worn by Brahmans, Jains, and Kshatris, and by Vaisyas and Panchals on their wedding day.98 Hindus when girt with the sacred thread are called dvijas or twice born. All Hindus at the time of performing funeral ceremonies shift the sacred thread on to the right shoulder 100 The Parsis wear a sacred thread called kasti. Umbrellas. - The umbrella is considered by Hindus to be holy or rather to be a guardian. So the umbrella held over the bridegroom's mother in a Chitpavan wedding is called abdagir palchhatra or the guardian umbrella. Poona Markthas on the eve of the Dasahra (September October) festival worship an umbrella, repeating the prayer :-"Othon who art the shade of prosperity guard our king." The Dhruva Prabhus of Poona, before a thread-girding, set up a pole and tie an umbrella to its top, and also a handful of dry grass and a couple of cocoanats. Similarly, at their marriage and thread ceremonies, the Panchakalsis 35 Denham and Clapperton's Africa, Vol. 1. p. 171. 87 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. 89 Op. cit, Vol. XVIII. p. 262. 91 Op. cit. Vol. XVII. p. 177. 95 Op. cit. Vol. XXI. p. 142. Op.cit. Vol. XV. p. 174, 97 Information from Mr. Bhimbhdi. >> Moore's Oriental Fragments, p. 512. 1 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 137. * Trans. Lit. Soc, Vol. III. p. 88. 16 Julius Caesar, Act iii., Scene i., and Act iii., Scene ii. # Bombay Gazotteet, Vol. XVIII. p. 419. * Op. cit. Vol. XVII. p. 177. 93 Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 95. Op. cit. Vol. XX. p. 100. * Madras Jour, of Lit. and Sc. Vol. IX. p. 18. Dubois, Vol. I. p. 280. 100 Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. I. p. 164. * Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 137. * Bombay Garetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 187.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1897. and Sonars of Bombay set up over the top of a pole an open umbrella and two cocoanuts.5 In most Hindu marriage processions an open umbrella is held over the bridegroom when he is escorted to the bride's house. Among the Sholapur Komtis, when a married girl comes of age, she and her husband are taken to the temple of a village god with two umbrellas beld over them." At the weddings of the Belgaum Kurubars or shepherds, the boy and girl stand under an umbrella and grains of rice are thrown over them. The tomb of Asad Khan in Belgaum is surrounded by umbrellas and ostrich eggs. In the Bombay Presidency and in Southern India, many Hindu temples have silk umbrellas which on high days are carried over the idols when they are taken out,10 The Kolhapur title Chhatrapati, or Lord of Umbrellas, is highly valued by the Marathas, who hold that it belongs only to the descendants of the great Sivaji. The standard of the kings of Calicut was an umbrella.13 An umbrella was held over the king in Egypt, Assyria and Persia.13 The Assyrian umbrella was fringed with tassels and its top adorned with flowers. A long streamer of silk fell on one side. A white umbrella was held over the king of Ceylon at his coronation.15 The king of Burmah carried a white umbrella as a sign of royalty. 16 In China, the umbrella is a token of rank. State umbrellas of the first and second order are adorned with the figure of a gourd.17 In Africa, umbrellas are used only by men of rank.18 The king of Dahomey is accompanied by four white umbrellas, besides parasols which are waved like fans.10 Gilt umbrellas formed part of the show of Roman Catholic dignitaries.20 Pope Alexander the III. allowed the Doge of Venice to have a lighted taper, a sword, and an umbrella borne before him.21 130 The following account of the religious element in umbrellas is taken from the Satur day Review: Umbrellas, like lawyers and doctors, are an unfailing source of merriment to the good people who would fain be considered wits, but have neither the natural gift nor the retentive memory which is necessary to support the character. The word "gam p" is sufficient to demand a smile, and the insinuation that umbrellas are the creation of the devil to tempt otherwise honest men, and are as much a legitimate prey to the human race as mice are to cats, or flies to lizards, is an unfailing draw, whether in a comic paper or an after-dinner speech. Old Jonas Hanway little knew, when he brought his umbrella home with him from Persia, and braved the jeers of robust people who rather liked being wetted, what a benefactor he was to the English nation. If every laugh, even when it is but mechanical, draws a nail out of one's coffin, what a clog on the Birmingham nail trade the old traveller has proved! The custom of carrying umbrellas which he introduced, must have done even more good than Magdalene Hospital, of which he was the founder. Umbrellas have come to be put to a variety of purposes now that it is not considered effeminate to use them. They are handy at the cattle show for prodding fat beasts; old ladies signal omnibusses with them; less amiable people find them admirable receptacles for stolen goods; gentlemen with moustaches lay claim to military rank on the strength of carrying them tucked under the left arm; "masbers" do not disdain them if they are rolled up tight and not brought into use and bulginess; some people even employ them for protection against the sun. None of these uses, however, represent the true purpose of the umbrella. It came from the East, and the purposes it is intended to serve are truly oriental. Negro kings do, it is true, masquerade with umbrellas and strut about with much dignity under gaudy expanses of dyed cotton. But negro kings are known to have heterodox notions as to the uses of a good many things belonging to ancient or modern Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. 7 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XX. p. 70. Op. cit. Vol. XXI. p. 532. 11 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. 13 Jones' Crowns, p. 434. 15 Jones' Crowns and Coronations, p. 442. 17 Gray's China, Vol. I. p. 375. 19 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 315. 21 Jones' Crowns p. 412. Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. Op. cit. Vol. XXI. p. 153. 10 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. 12 Badger's Varthema, p. 150, 14 Chambers's Book of Days, p. 241. 16 Op. cit. p. 434. 18 Burton's Visit to Dahomey, Vol. I. p. 43. 20 Yule's Cathay, p. 81.

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MAY, 1897.) SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM 131 civilization. They use the tricolour of France for purposes of clothing, and the more advanced of them are said to supply the place of handkerchiefs with such flags. It is not, therefore, to be wondered at that they debase the use of umbrellas. The limited number of the specimeus available prevents them from becoming objects of prey; but otherwise than as guards for a procession they are not held in any great estimation, and the true spiritual purpose of the umbrella is as entirely lost sight of in Africa as it is in Europe. The umbrella is properly & remnant of solar worship, and it is only the degeneracy of later times, and especially the levelling and democratic spirit of Europe, which has debased it to the paltry uses of keeping oneself dry, and, with a few ancient persons, not on that account to be accused of sun-worship or Sabaean heresies, of warding off the fierce rays of the sun. The robust people of old times did not want to be protected from sun or min. They were too hardy, and too much inclined to do nothing, unless they could not avoid it, to care for the elements. If there was a very heavy tropical shower, they simply got under shelter. If the sun was too hot for work, they were glad of the excuse for being lazy. In any case their occnpations were such as preclnded the use of the umbrella as a mere effeminate means of protection. Even now-a-days the agriculturist does not hoist an umbrella when he ploughs his fields or hoes his tarnips: and the nautical man, unless he be the captain of a Thames penny steamboat, does not fear rheumatism so much as to unfurl a gingham. The primitive fisherman rather liked being wet than otherwise when he hauled in his nets. The rice cultivator absolutely rerels in slush. Umbrellas are not, therefore, necessarily a sign of the degeneracy of the human race, though superficial observers might think them so. The Siamese work, the Thia Chang, gives us the correct notion of their proper origin :-"The expression, San Konang (the three brilliant things)," says the learned author, "designates the sun, the moon, and the stars. These illuminate the world by the command of the Lord of the heavens, and disseminate their beneficent rays into all parts of the universe. To point the finger suddenly at them is a grave breach of respect, and merits grievons punishment." Here, then, we have the true first notion of the purpose of the umbrella. Weak human nature is unable so to govern its actions as to be uni. formly mindful of the celestial powers. In the common affairs of life men are constantly pointing in all directions, and might inadvertently stare rudely at the moon, or the stars, or even at the sun, though there is not so much danger of that. In order to protect themselves against such thoughtfulness, and, moreover, to avoid the danger of unsccmly actious and possibly disrespectful gestures in full view of the God of Day, the umbrella was inventeil. Consequently, when the article first came into use, it was most generally used in fine weather when the sun was high in the heavens, and thus was most liable to be offended. In rainy weather the danger was not so serious, for the great luminary covered up his face in clouds as with a veil, and it was not so necessary to guard against heing rude to him. As a natural consequence, whenever it rained, the primeval sun-shade inventors put down their umbrellas and were happy. In latter days, sceptical people, who did not scruple to speak disrespectfully of the sun, let alone the stars, found the parasol - in the etymological sense convenient for keeping off the rain ; and, when the pious-minded were lowering their umbrellas, these heretical weaklings unfarled theirs to shelter their sorry bodies. Hence the modern desecration of the ancient implement of worship. There are abundant proofs of the original religious signification of the umbrella, which, but for modern prejudices, would long since have establisbed the sanctity of the article, had it not been for the levity which has been so long suffered to direct its jokes at the venerable survival. The mistletoe sinks to the level of "kiss-in-the-ring," the Pyramids serve as a means of support to rascally Arabs, the Derby horse drags a "growler," the Druidical stone is a convenience for unensy cattle, and the pious sun-shade becomes an unwarrantably loaned nmbrella. Is it not sculptured on the ruins of Nineveh and on the monuments of Egypt, where every detail of the carving shews that it is bright sunny weather, and that there is not a hint of a shower ? In the fifth incarnation of Vishnu the Preserver, that chief of the Hindu Trinity

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132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1897. goes down into the infernal regions with an umbrella in his hand. In the Rig-Veda the god is represented as being the sun himself. We have here, therefore, a direct injunction from the very source of the worship. Nor are we without classical allusions to the proper use of the umbrella. In the Skirophoria, the feast of Athene Skiras, white umbrellas were borne by the priestesses from the Acropolis to the Phalerus, irrespectively of the state of the weather. Umbrellas were usual at the feast of Bacchus, where no doubt the votaries often got into a state which it was desirable to conceal. Aristophanes tells us that Prometheus had an umbrella held over him that he might not be seen by Jupiter, which gives ns the original notion without any disguise whatever. The probability that harm will happen if the celestial luminaries are irritated by objectionable movements or demonstrations, is also borne out by the old traditions of all parts of the world. The Ojibways warn their children not to point with their fingers at the moon, on the ground that if they do, she will infallibly lose her temper and bite the rude digits off. It is a well-known fact that the moon is carnivorous. The Greenlanders say, when she is not seen, that she is out hunting seals. When she has been hunting long enough, she fattens into the full moon. The stories of German folklore tell us that the finger pointed at a star will certainly rot away, because the angels kill it. If the moon and the stars are so touchy, it is evident that the interposition of an umbrella between mortals and the sun is a still more imperative protective measure. The umbrella having such a distinguished origin, it is not to be wondered at that in the East it is one of the chief royal insignia and is guarded from being put to too common uses by severe sumptuary laws. In Africa, it is not at all uncommon to find a tribe in possession of one umbrella only, and that umbrella, the distinguishing marks of the king his entire regalia, in fact. But in India, and especially Indo-China, where Sabaism is not yet altogether dead, the umbrella is a very important State appartenance; and the King of Burmah, as every one knows, is not only Lord of the White Umbrella, but of all the umbrella-bearing chiefs. There is a very formidable etiquette of umbrellas. None but the King and the White Elephant may have white ones. The king has eight of them, duly carried round about him, all at once seven feet or more across, and elevated on twelve-feet poles. Englishmen who have unwarily expanded shades with white covers have expisted the heinousness of their offence by penance in the stocks, with nothing to shelter them from the avenging rays of the sun, kindled to unwonted anger by the bad language the victims make use of on the occasion. Nextin estimation to the white umbrellas are yellow specimens, seldom conferred on any except queens and princesses who are in especial favour. Golden umbrellas fall to the lot of princes of the blood-royal when there are any eminent statesmen, generals, tributary chieftains, and distinguished provincial governors. Then come in their gradations red, green, and brown silk-covered umbrellas, with deep fringes, or without them, and all of the most portentous width and elevation. All officials attached to the Court are allowed to signalize their distinction by varnishing their umbrellas black inside. The sun has thus the greater difficulty in detecting their trickeries and peculations. However much they may reverence thethree brilliant things," none of the umbrella-bearing chiefs are allowed to conceal their doings from these luminaries when they are within the palace precincts. If they offend against the sun and the moon, they offend equally against the king, and that potentate relieves the celestial bodies of the trouble of punishing them. The most distinguished may, indeed, carry their sun-shades as far as the palace-steps, but there the signs of dignity must be left along with their owners' shoes. The common rabble are even more exposed to the dangers of outraging the sun's sensibilities. Their umbrellas - poor things at any rate, and of Western dimensions, so that a good substantial sin under cover of them is an impossibility ought not to be used near the palace stockade at all, and must certainly be lowered when they pass any of the gates. This is, without doubt, rather a hardship: but there is no denying that the Arbiter of Existence is more immediately dangerous than the moon and he stars, or ever than the sun, and the "three brilliant things" are therefore

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MAY, 1897.] FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES OF INDIA; No. 8. 133 systematically touted in the neighbourhood of the Golden Palace. It is, indeed, greatly to be feared that, though umbrellas' are still emblems of rank and dignity, their primordial religious sanctity has been forgotten even in the East. Certain it is that there is no one now alive who is suficiently scrapulous in the use of his umbrella to be able to intercedo with the celestial powers and work miracles by the aid of his parasol. Even the pagodaarbrella, spire-like things with successive fringed circles one above the other, and undeniably sacred, are not put in their proper place, bat stand beside the images, instead of over them, though certainly it is not to be supposed that a sedate and holy image would under ordinary circumstances point or even stare rudely at anybody, far less the sun. Yet with all their fallings away from the original perpose of the umbrella, it must be conceded that Easterns use it far more against the sun than against the rain. Even we English preserve the tradition in the name umbrella, and have not fallen into the shameless French and German heresies of calling the article paraplnie and Regenschirm. We may abstract other people's umbrellas from the rack with as little compunction as if they had not a bit of sanctity about them, but we do Rot increase the heinousness of the sacrilege by classing the reverend sun-shade with a paltry mackintosh (To be continued.) FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES OF INDIA. BY M. N. VENKETSWAMI OF NAGPUR. No. 8. - Jambku Raja. Once upon a time in a certain country there lived a king. One day, while taking his siesta after the discharge of the affairs of State, he dreamt that a horse came into the gujr, and that he would purchase it. With a view to testing the truthfulness of the dream, the king entered the market place that evening, and found a beautiful, spirited horse standing there. He asked, the owner whether he would part with the animal, and, receiving a negative reply, he left the place for his home. The horse now took to refusing his food, and on sceing this, the owner thought within himself :-"Several kings have asked me to part with this animal, and I would not; yet for all that he never refused his food before. I am sore afraid that I may lose the horse, so I had better part with him to the first bager." A few days after this the owner of the horse, who was & merchant, was requested to be present in connection with some commercial transactions in the same market-place where the king had asked whether the animal was for sale. The king again dreamt that the horse had come, and that he should buy him at any cost. Accordingly, on his way home, he went to the grgri and found the animal. Civing the merchant the two lakhs of rapees which he demanded for the animal, he got possession of him. Still the horse would not touch his fodder, even when it was carried by the king himself or his queen in turns. It was only when the king's daughter took it and placed it before the animal that he would ent it. Struck with the amnity which existed between the princess and the horse the king cast dice, and found ont that the beautiful young lady was destined to become the bride of the animal. In due course, therefore, the father married his daughter to the horse and gave them apartments near the palace. Now the horse was no other than Jambhu Raja changed into this form. At night ho used to divest himself of his horse-covering and pass his time in the company of his wife without her knowledge! But this state of things could not last long, for she began to feel suspicious 1 Market place. ? It is said that, when a poraon casts his oye on a thing and asks it, we should part with it at once, or it will be lost or injury will be done to the same. (Evil Eye.- ED.) 3 Because of relationship in the previous birth. Hindus ara firm believers in the law of metompsychosis.

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134 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1897. that her husband was not really a horse, so one night she pretended to be asleep, and saw her husband take off his horse-covering. She became possessed of it with great skill, set it on ftre, and broke the spell to the immense joy of her parents. In due course Jambhu RajA had a palace constructed close to the royal residence of his father-in-law. There, in the midst of pleasure and comfort he lived, loving and loved by his wife, and performing deeds of kindness to mankind. In his absence his two sisters sent by their mother came to the palace disguised, the one as a needle-seller and the other as a bangleseller. In the midst of their daty they asked the Rapt her husband's name, though they knew that she was their brother's wife. As she did not know it, she promised to tell them on another occasion. After the lapse of two or three days they came again. In the course of their conversation, naturally and without arousing any suspicion, they asked the Rani her husband's name. On this she frankly admitted that she had entirely forgotten to ask abont it. Thereapon the sisters gave her a needle telling her to stick it in her towel, so that when she wiped her face in the morning, it would come in contact with the needle, and she would be reminded at once. It need hardly be said that the needle pricked the Rani's face next morning, whereupon she ran to her husband and asked him his name. " You will repent of it," said the husband. " No," replied the wife. "Do you really ask my name " again said the husband. 4 Yes," returned the wife. On hearing this the FjA ran to the brink of the river olose by. Hardly had he uttered his name,"Jambhu Raja," than he disappeared into the waters below. In due course he returned to his parents' home, but complained of heat like barning fire throughout his body. Hundreds of water-carriers were employed to pour water over him, but nothing could cool him nor alleviate bis acute suffering. Now, after the Raja disappeared, the Rani raved like a mad woman for a time. Then she became a gosdin, and started in search of her husband. Perilous and long was the journey she had imposed on herself; and though her courage sank within her at times, and her tender. feet, unaccustomed to walking, became swollen, she walked on until she reached tlie confines of the kingdom of her husband's parents. Here, on the branches of a tree, a pair of chakwa chekwi binds were holding a close conversation. "Our Raja's son, Jambha Rajh, is suffering greatly from heat in his body," said the male bird. "Yes, dear," said the female bird, "but there is no cause for anxiety. If any one were to collect our dung, and reduce it to powder, and apply it to his body, he would be cured instantaneously." Saying thus the birds flew away up into the high heavens. Our heroine, who was conversant with the language of birds, gratefully gave heed to the speech. Collecting some of the dang she reached the capital sooner than she would otherwise havo done, weary and footsore as she was. The people that first met her gave were a group of water-carriers whom. she interrogated thus:i "Sisters ! sisters. Whither are yon going with these pots full of water?" * Compare the legend of King Bantana. It is said that there are fires under the son, Vadavanala, a mythological person, being in charge of them.

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MAY, 1897.] FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES OF INDIA; No. 8. 185 "Ah! don't you know? Are you new to the country ?" said they. "Our old Raja's son, Jambhu Raja, is suffering from a malady. We are carrying water to pour over him in order to cool his body." "Just so, sister; I am new to the country, having only just entered your Raja's capital. Look at my haggard appearance and the dust on my feet. In the course of the day, after I have found a lodging and taken my meals and a little rest, I shall also follow you, carrying a pot of water, if you see no objection." Thus saying, Jambhu Raja's wife dropped her ring, into one of the water-pots without their knowledge. It fell over the Raja when the contents of the garha were emptied over him, and prepared him for his wife's arrival. A few hours after, the Rini, disguised as a panniara (water-carrier), came in the company of the water-carriers. She formally poured the contents of her pot over her husband, so as not to arouse suspicion. Making herself known, she applied the dung of the chakwa chakwi birds to his entire body, and the burning pain left him entirely. The Raja, sending for his mother, told her of his recovery, and desired that the water-carrier, who was the cause of this, should remain with him. Now, the Raja's mother was a bad woman, and she knew who the water-carrier was. Once she had asked her to plaster with cow-dung their dwelling-place which, by the force of her magic, she had made to bristle with sharp needles at every conceivable point. The Raja divining this, wished for their disappearance, and no harm had befallen his wife. Again the bad woman had wished for scorpions and centipedes in the house, and it was so; but Jambhu Raja made them disappear before his wife plastered it. Thus his wife was saved from harm for the second time. Still the woman was bent upon treating her daughter-in-law cruelly or doing away with her. She gave her a dirty sari, well steeped in oil, and told her to wash it quite clean, or she would punish her very severely. Coming to know of this the Raja asked the cranes (baglas) to clean the cloth, and thus averted the punishment, which would otherwise have been inevitably inflicted on the ill-used young woman. Chagrined at being thus frustrated in her attempts, the cruel persecutor gave to her panniara daughter-in-law three khandis of grain to winnow. Again the Raja came to the rescue and asked all the ants to clean them without losing one ear. They did so accordingly, but the Raja's mother found one corn missing. Thereupon he said: "Come all ye ants and tell me who stole the corn," and a small timid ant threw out of her tiny mouth the missing thing. Then the woman inferred that her son had all along been protecting his wife from harm and persecution, and now took the extreme step of sending the Rani to his betrothed wife's home with the following letter to the girl's mother: - "Your daughter's enemy (because of the would-be position of co-wife) is coming; poison or kill her at once." She came back, however, none the worse, but safe and sound, to the great vexation and astonishment of the mother-in-law. How could she come otherwise, for the words of the note the Raja substituted were as follows: : "My adopted daughter is coming, treat her very kindly." Now Jambhu Raja's mother wanted to celebrate his marriage with the betrothed of her selection, though she knew full well that he had married the disguised panniara and loved her extremely. Indeed, the ceremonies began, and the marriage procession (barat) started. In the procession the wife was converted into a torch-bearer and a torch was put into her hand. All of a sudden she caught fire, at which she cried out: "Husband, husband, my cloth is on fire." -

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136 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1897. "Not only your cloth, but my body and mind," replied the husband. Saying thus, and taking his wife, the Raja translated himself through the mid-air to bis former palace. No. 9. - The Disguised Royal Thief:1 In a certain country there once lived a king. He had a dutifol son who, on rising from his bed in the morning, used to prostrate himself at his father's feet. The father used to confer a blessing : -"May you prosper, and your prosperity be more than mine, yea, double." 'In like manner the son prostrated himself at the feet of his mother, who used to bless him :"May your intelligence be more than that of thieves." Now the prince thought of the strangeness of the mother's constant blessing, and made up his mind to test the intelligence of thieves. So one dark night, setting aside his princely robes and completely disguising himself, be left his home, and had not wandered long in the streets before a thief accosted him: - "Who are you p": The prince, who had expected this, in order to establish a friendslip, replied: - "Do you not know that I am a brother of the profession P" "Well, come on," said tho thief. They had proceeded but a few paces, when another thief came, and after a while they were joined by a third. As they were all walking in company, the first thief asked the second what qualifications he possessed. "Brother," replied he, "I understand the language of beasts. I can tell you the preciso meaning of their cries. Will you kindly tell me yours" "Yes" said he. If I B0 a man once in the night, I can recognize him even after twelve years." When the third was questioned as to his merits, be answered: - "Brothers, I can tell you what is hidden in the palace, nay, in the bowels of the earth - gold, silver, copper, or. whatever it may be." The disguised prince was in trouble while this discussion was going on, not knowing what he should say in his turn; but a thought struck him in the nick of time. When at last the question was put to him, he said that he could save his brother-thieves from the gallows, if matters come to such a crisia. The thieves that night had resolved to plander the Raja's palace. So the thief who could tell of hidden wealth was consulted, and they started. On the way a dog barked, and they at once all asked the comrade who was conversant with the language of beasts : -"Brother, why does the dog bark?" "It tells ns," said he," that the owner is with us, and that we should be on our guard." "How could the owner be with us, yon fool ? " angrily retorted they, and proceeding on their course they approached the palace. Now the prince was sorry that he should be associated with thieves in plundering his own palace. He did not relish the idea, much less the fact. Nor did the mere thought of losing the vast wealth accumulated for seven generations please him. He, therefore, deserted the thieves, and hastily reaching the palace informed the guards there of their intentions and of their probable arrival within a very short time. The result was that the thieves were caught in the very act of laying their hands on the nocnmulatod treasure. . (This folktale is the most extraordinary conglomerate of stock Indian incidenta that I have yet seen. -ED.] * Narrated by Mr. Tikaram of the Sitabaldi Buti Diepensary, Nagpur,

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MAY, 1897.] MISCELLANEA. 137 The day had dawned. The king was informed of the robbery, and in due course he had the thieves brought before the tribunal. He enquired into the grave charges against them, and finding them guilty, he ordered them to be taken instantly to death. Now the thief, who said that he could recognize a man after the lapse of twelve years, went to the prince who was sitting to the right of his royal father, and, taking him by the hand, he exclaimed that he was one of them. Greatly surprised, the king asked for an explanation, and the son, taking him aside, rehearsed from the beginning, how his mother's blessing had led him to test the intelligence of thieves. He had indeed been surprised - one thief interpreting the barking of a dog, another telling of a state of the palace coffers, and the third recognizing a face seen only in the dark. He also told, how he had promised them to save their lives. "The time has now come," said the prince in conclusion, " for me to fulfil the promise, but the power lies with you, sire ; so I beg of you to kindly grant the thieves their lives." The king from the kindliness of the heart complied with the request of his ever dutiful son. MISCELLANE A. . SOME NOTES ON THE FOLK-LORE OF THE took them home, gave them one pagoda, and TELUGUS. told them to go about their business. As BY G. R. SUBRAMIAK PANTULU. they thought this a poor recompense for their trouble, and suspected that the interpreter had (Continued from p. 112.) deceived ther, they turned to the gentleman, and XXIII. showing him the pagoda, informed him that his interpreter had given them only this much. As King Jayasratha of Panchala had a son who the gentleman was ignorant of their language, he was gifted with much sense from infancy. One sent for the interpreter and asked him what they day, beholding the king, he asked him what the were saying. He told him that among the ten bure road to reputation was. The king replied: "When you rule the kingdom, without oppressing pagodas he had given them, they said that that the people, you must find out who are rich and pagoda was a bad one and wanted a better one in exchange for it. The gentleman thereupon who are poor, and protect the latter by giving them food and clothing from time to time. Thus became very much enraged and ordered them to be well thrashed and sent away. will you obtain an extended reputation. But, however much you may bestow on the rich, no fame They who are ignorant of the vernaculars will accrue to you. To give you an example, if of the place they inhabit, and believe what rain falls while the crops are withering for want others tell them, must necessarily bo guilty of water, the cloud will obtain fame, but however of injustice. much it rains in the ocean, no reputation can xxv. result to the cloud." Thus speaking and considering how clever the boy was, the king made A Brahmap well versed in every branch of over half his kingdom to him. The youth assumed science, was journeying with his disciples on a the sceptre, confirmed the leases that had been pilgrimage to Banaras, and about sun-set one evengiven to the people, and finding out the poor ing, met a young Brahman boy, who was feeding a herd of cattle near a wood, of whom he asked the caused food and clothing to be given to them, and cherished them much. He thus obtained distance to the adjacent village, where he proposed to halt for the night. The boy responded :"Just great celebrity. look at me, at the cattle I am feeding, the forest, XXIV. and the sun, and your question will be answered ; At Channapattanam lived an Englishman for if the village was not very near, would such who, as he knew no other language than English, a young boy as I am be feeding so many cattle kept an interpreter thoroughly conversant with near a forest at this time of the day P" From this the vernaculars of the country. One day some sensible reeponse, the Brahman formed a high conjurors came to the gentleman, and, having opinion of the boy's abilities, and, following him fired their bamboo, danced and displayed several home, told his father that the lad was too clever to feats of agility before him. The gentleman was be employed in feeding cows, and requested that he highly gratified, and sending for his interpreter, might be allowed to take him with his other distold him to give them ten pagodas. The latter | ciples to Banaras, where he would educate him.

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138 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [May, 1897. The father gladly agreed to the proposal, and some fruit and flowers. At this juncture, a the lad afterwards turned out a very brilliant tiger came there, and the Brahman, becoming character. afraid, tried to make his escape. The tiger, XXVI. however, pursued and overtook him. In this sad As a boy was sitting on the prink of a well predicament, the Brahman begged him to spare crying bitterly, a thief came there, and, seeing his life for three days, that he might return him, asked him why he was crying. He answered home, settle his affairs, and take leave of his that as he was playing, he looked into that family. The tiger asked him what was to be done well, when the pearl necklace that was on his in the event of his not returning. He replied, neck slipped off and fell into the water. If he there was no fear, for he would take his oath to should go home without the necklace, his parents return. The tiger having consented, he returned would thrash him, and on that account he home disconsolate, and after employing the three was crying. The thief, thin king he would be days in settling his affairs and taking leave of his able to steal it, said to him :-"My lad, be not family, he arrived at the prescribed time, at the afraid, I will go down to the well and get the place where he had appointed to meet the tiger, pearl necklace; do you take care of my clothes." who was so pleased at his veracity that he allow. Having left his clothes on the bank, he descended him to depart uninjured. ed into the well, naked. As soon as he had Thus a person who keeps up to his word is got to the bottom, the boy took his clothes and always respected. ran away with them. The thief, having searched XXIX. for a long time and not finding the necklaco, came up again ; but not seeing the boy anywhere, In Jayasthala on the banks of the Kaveri, he exclaimed: - "Even I, who am a rogue, have there lived a Brahman, Durgatha by name. As he been deceived by a boy." was in very indigent circumstances, he used to go Moral :- However clever a person thinks a-begging to four different villages, come home at about two or three o'clock every day, and cook himself, he may be outwitted by others.. his own meal and eat. Things went on thus XXVII. for some time, and when on a certain day the poor There was a tiger in a certain wood who used to Brahman was plodding his weary way homeward, kill and devour all the beasts that inhabited it. it came to pass that Isvara and his wife were One day he caught a wild buffalo, and while wild buffalo, and while sauntering in the heavens. Parbat!, the wife, eating it, one of its bones stuck in his jaws. 1. unable to endure the sight of this poverty-stricken Being unable to extract the bone, blood and pus | Brabman, took compassion on him, and requested collected there and caused the tiger a good deal her husband to bless him with riches. Whereof pain. The tiger laid himself down under a upon Isvara replied and said that Brahma had tree, and in great pain opened his mouth, and not written on his face that he must enjoy wealth, exclaimed thus: - "How shall I extract this and that he must therefore live and die a beggar. How shall I live? What shall I do P" In his dis- Parbati thereupon said :-"Let me see how this tress he saw a crow upon the tree, and said to Brahman cannot become wealthy when we will it," him: "O crow, you see the pain I am suffering and threw a heap of one thousand gold mohars on from; if you will but extract the bone and restore his way. The Brahman came to within ten yards me to life, I will give you as much as you want of the heap, when suddenly the thought struck from the food I procure every day." The crow him to see if he could walk like a blind man. He was moved by this supplication, and, taking com accordingly shut his eyes and passed off the heap passion on him, entered his mouth, from which of mohare on the way. he took out the bone, and asked the tiger for the Moral : -The law of karma (fate) is inevit. flesh he had promised. The tiger replied: -lable. " When you entered my mouth, I did not crush xxx. you under my jaws, but allowed you to come out uninjured. Ungrateful for this, do you ask me There was a Brahman, Vasanthayaji by name, for flesh P Look to your business." at Sriramapura, on the banks of the Tamra parpi. He conceived the idea of performing a yajna Thus people in prosperity often forget the (sacrifice), and wanted four or five of the best friends who have served them in adversity. goats for the purpose. He went, therefore, to a XXVIII. neighbouring village, purchased the goats, tied a There lived at Dharapurs & Brahman, rope round their necks, and was wending his way who went one day into the forest to gather home, when four Sadras wanted to appropriate the

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MAY, 1897.] MISCELLANEA. 139 goats to themselves. One of them, therefore, different directions, untied their bundles and were came and stood before the Brahman and said, extremely amazed. "Why are you carrying a number of mad doga?" Moral:- Entertain not thoughts of deceiving The Brihman merely thought him a fool who others, lest they deceive you. confounded goats with mad dogs. He went on a little further, when another of the Sadras put bim KhKhKhII. : the same question, und wanted him to take care, lest the mad dogs should bite him. The Brahman, At Gannavara lived a very poor Brahman, on hearing these words, entertained a slight doubt Divasarms, who eked out a livelihood as a in his mind. While pursuing his track a little beggar. One day, when he chanced to go to the further, a third of the Sadras came close by the adjacent wood for fuel for his sacrifice, he saw a goats, grew exceedingly angry, and began to huge tiger under a spreading banyan tree. Shakrebuke the Brahman for letting loose a numbering with fear, he bethought him how best he of mad dogs on the way-farers. The Brahman, on could go home. There were a few lambs near th hearing this, became certain that they must be tiger at the time, who saw the shivering Brahman mad dogs and tried to unloose them, when the last and that he had come in innocence of his danger; of the Sadras came up and wanted him to tie them so they wished to devise means for saving him. The up to a tree adjacent, as, by letting them loose, lambs therefore approached the tiger and said :they would fall upon people and bite them. " King Tiger, your charity knows no bounds. The Brahman thereupon tied them to a tree and your fame extends over the four corners of the ran way. The Sadras then untied them and world. A Brahman has been here for a very long took them home. time, eagerly longing to see you." The tiger Moral :- An intelligent person can be duped by thereupon was overjoyed and told the lambs to fetch the Brahman to his presence. Then the a number of men maintaining the same foolish opinion. lambe went to the Brahman, told him not to be afraid, and took him along with them to the tiger. XXXI. Whereupon the tiger was exceedingly pleased with the Brahman, and presented him with some of the In the village of Yachavara there lived a Badra ornaments of those whom he had slain on named Isukathakkidigadu (lit., the holder of previous occasions. The Brahman thereupon was # quantity of sand). One day he wanted to filled with joy, took the jewels home, sold go to another village and started with #afr some of them and lived comfortably out of the of sand tied to the hem of his garment. At proceeds of the sitle. Machavara, an adjacent village, lived another Sadra, Pedathakkidigadu (lit., the holder of Some time after, a neighbouring Brahman, a quantity of cowdung), who also wanted to go feeling jealous of the former's situation, thought to another village, and started with a viss he could also make a fortune by going to the of cowdung tied to the hem of his garment. forest, and on going there saw the tiger surrounded They met each other accidentally in the evening, by a number of foxes and dogs. These animals, went to the same village, and seated themselves | thinking they might share the spoil, reported the on the pial of a rest-house. Isukathakkidi saw the coming of the Brahman to the tiger, and had him bundle of Pedathakiddi, took it to be a quantity slain. of food, and resolved to reserve it for his own use, Moral :-People will assuredly come to grief if and so asked him what it was. Whereupon Peda. they approach a king when he is surrounded by thakiddi, who entertained the same desires about evil councillors. the bundle of Isukathakkidi, told him that it contained a quantity of food, and asked XXXIII. Isukathakkidi what the contents of his bundle In Bengal (P) there was a king who built a huge were. To which he replied:-"I have rice with me, fort and lived in it with a very large retinue, and but I regret I have not, like you, brought other food with me. I feel exceedingly hungry, but wbat was invincible so long as he remained in the fort. van I do?" Pedathakkiddigedu, hearing the Now, a tributary king (polygar) conceived pitiful words of his friend, said :-"Do not feel the idea of somehow drawing the king out of his sorry. Let us exchange our bundles. I do not fortress, confining him in prison, and occupying feel hungry just now." They mutually consented his vast dominions. With this object, he went to the proposal, exchanged their bundles, and to the king one day and informed him that on the each fearing the other went to a place afar off in morrow his son's marriage was to be celebrated

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140 and requested the king to be present on the auspicious occasion. The king consented, but his minister heard the news, approached him, and said:"You have entertained, I hear, thoughts of going to the Polygar's house. He is a man full of tricks and has large forces. I am sure he will do you some mischief, once you are away from the fort. Do not go to the Polygar." THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. To which the king replied:-" What care we how full of tricks he is? He has been so long faithful to us, and, judging him from his antecedents, he will not, we think, do us any harm. Had he entertained such thoughts, why did he not invade our dominions while we remained in the fortress ?" - MARRIAGE CUSTOMS OBSTRUCTION BY THE BRIDEGROOM'S SISTER. NOTES AND QUERIES. WHEN a Hinda Panjabi brings home his bride, it is the custom for the sister to stand in the doorway and to prevent the bridegroom and his bride from entering the house until they pay her something. What is the meaning of this custom? The sister can have no claim to the house, for she is among the Hindas pardyd dhan (a stranger's property), because she on her marriage leaves her parent's family and enters into another's family. GURDYAL SINGH in P. N. and Q. 1883. [MAY, 1897. The minister replied:-"As you are invincible, so long as you remain in the fort, he dare not do you any harm. He therefore seeks your friendship. But should you once go out of the fort, you are helpless. He will not suffer the auspicious moment to pass away. He will show you then his spite. To give you an example, the lotus, so long as it remains in water, spreads forth its petals despite the heat of the sun, the sun all the while aiding it. But once it comes out of its proper element (water), the same sun makes it wither away. It is the same with the Polygar and yourself." SPIRITS MUST NOT TOUCH THE GROUND, THE above is a common belief among the people; and you will sometimes see two bricks stuck up on end, or even two tent-pegs driven into the ground in front of a shrine to a bhut (ghost) or saiyad (shahid), the malignant spirit of one who has met a violent death, for the spirits to rest on. This is probably why the vessel of water kept full for the use of the spirit for some time after death is put up in a tree; why the bones (phil) after cremation must never touch the ground, but always be hung up in a tree on their way to the Ganges; why a Hindo on a pilgrimage must sleep on the ground, and not on a bedstead; and why there are so many spots guarded by demons where it is safe to sleep on the ground only. DENZIL IBBETSON in P. N. and Q. 1883. [The above note is still of interest, but the whole subject has since been somewhat elaborately discussed in my Proper Names of Panjabis. Of the above names, The king was exceedingly pleased with these words and refrained from going to the Polygar. OPPROBRIOUS NAMES. ONE favourite device for averting the jealousy of the godlings is to give a child a name which conveys a contemptuous meaning: thus, if a parent has lost one child by small-pox, he will probably give the next child one or other of the following depreciatory names : (1) Maru, bad. (2) Rulli or Raldo, explained to mean jis ka pata nahin hai (i. e., a person who can't be found, or who has wandered: in the south-west of the Panjab, at any rate, rullan means' wander'). (3) Kurid, like the sweepings of a village. (4) Chahra, scavenger. (5) Chhittar, an old shoe. (6) Chhaju, as worthless as a chhaj, or winnowing basket. (7) Ghastu, trailed along the route. (8) Natha, having a nath (nose-ring) in his nose. The last requires some explanation. If a man has lost several male children, the nose of the next born is pierced, and a nose-ring inserted in order that he may be mistaken for a girl, and so passed over by the evil spirits. A son is also clothed very shabbily if several of his elder brothers have died, no doubt because it is hoped that he will thus escape the notice of the godlings, Musalmans also shave the child's head, leaving only a single lock on one side, called "pir ki sukh," or propitiation of the patron saint; sometimes, too, they bore the child's ear, inserting a kaurt (shell) as an ear-ring. A full list of depreciatory names would be interesting.' J. M. DOUIE, in P. N. and Q. 1883. the first Maru may mean 'beloved': but it is usually spelt and pronounced Maru, when it becomes oppro brious. ED.]

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June, 1897.] MISCELLANEOUS TRAVANCORE INSCRIPTIONS. 141 MISCELLANEOUS TRAVANCORE INSCRIPTIONS. BY THE LATE RAO BAHADUR P. SUNDARAM PILLAT, M.A., M.R.A.S., F.R.H.S. (Continued from p. 118.) The Inscriptions. D ROCEEDING then to the inscriptions, I propose to record them in the order of their dates. r As the collection is still continued, we shall have to insert later on in the series such of them as may be hereafter found to come between, according to their dates. Puravari Inscription, 335 M. E. The earliest of the inscriptions with me which is yet to be published is one dated 335 in the Malabar era. It is found on the northern side of a mandapam in front of the old temple at Puravari-Chaturvedimangalam already referred to in another paper.13 It runs thus: Tamil, 15 No.2 . Tamil. Text.16 1.17 [Svasti Sri Kollam-ton]ri 335 m=andinn=ediram=anda Idapa-nayiru Kottir=ara mammadi-cholana2 Hur Kurunkuli Tiru-maru-marpanen Puravari Vinnagar-A!varkku nittal nimantam-achandira-taran-chelvatika nem vita nilam-kvidu Ivvur en nilain Uttama-ramankalukku terku kallarai. 3 kku mekku (vadakku-ari-kkalukku) Vitai-arivalukku 4 ki(lakku) nank-ellai nado[vil nilam mukkani-] 5 yum Uttama-raman-kalukku vadakka A(ru)vitaikku mekku chattu-mukkattukku kilakka nedun6 tu(ru)valakku terku Innank-ellaiyil naduvil tavarai nilam kaniyam aka nilam oru-mavam merpadi-yuril Sankars vidangan Ivv=Alvarku tiru-vamudukku achandira-taran-chel7 vataka vitta nilam Ivvar r u-puvil cherada vayar-ka. 8 lukku vadakku kilakku Pa-muraikku (terkum) Naachi-nattu-kundu-(ni-) 9 lam X X Nanchisvaram=ndaiyar deva-danam Piravaraikku merkum Inank-el10 lai naduva nilam arai-mavarai-kkaniyum Ira-puvil nilam Arrukku mekku Anavaratan-vayarkalukku terku kundaraikku kilakku Vepparaikku vadakku Innankellai naduva kidanda nilau11 kani-yaraikkaniyum aka n ilam oga mavam Ivv=iru12 vo(mu)m Innila[m] Irandu [mavum kai-k] kondu Ita chem13 pilum vetti-kko!kavenru Tira-ppadiyile nir-vartta-kkudattom Ivv=Alvar 15 See Some Early Sovereigns of Travancore, ante, VoL XXIV. p. 257. * The number above the line gives the serial number of this new series and the one below the number in my register. 16 The word above the line indicates the characters and the one below the language of the inscription. * 1 The stones bearing this inscription having been disturbed, the text has been reconstructed by bringing together bits of sentences engraved on stones now standing apart from one another. 11 Square brackets indicato words supplied and the B.nall ones those indistinct and doubtful.

Page #146
142 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1897. 14 kanmikalukku kurunkudi Tira-maru-marpanum Snukara-vidanganum Ivv-iruvo[m] Ivai kurunkuli Tira-mara-marpan eluttu Sankara vidangan Vijai-yuran=avaikku Bi-rama15 Tirakkai-eluttu Ippadi ariven vidangan $&16 nkaran eluttu Ippa[di]. Translation, "Hail! Prosperity! In the year opposite to the year 335 after the appearance of Kollam, I, Tirumarumarpan of Kurunkuli (living) in Kottar alias Mummudi-Cholanallar, make a gift of the following land, to support, as long as the moon and the stars last, the daily oblations to the god Vinnagar Alvar of Puravari, viz., my land named # # * , measuring innkkani, situated in this village, and within these four boundaries, viz., to the south of the Uttamaraman channel, to the west of Kalarai, to the north of Vadakku Erikkal, and to the east of Vitaiyarival; and also my land called Tavarai, measuriug keini, situated in this village and within these four boundaries, vit., to the north of the Uttamaraman channel, to the west of Aruvidai, to the east of Chattumukkam, and to the south of Nedunturuval: the total making one ma of land ; and I, Sao kara-Vidangan of the same place, make a gift of the following lands to furnish rice to this Alvar, as long as the moon and the stars last, viz., the land (measuring) araimavaraikkani among the one crop lands of this village situated within these 4 boundaries, riz., to the north and east of the Sernta Vayarkal (= Field-Stone), to the south of Pumurai, to the west of NAfichinattu Kundunilam and Piravarai belonging to the temple of Nanchievaramudaiyar, and also the land (measuring) kaniyaraikkani among the double-crop lands situated within the following four boundaries, viz., to the west of the river, to the south of Anavaratan Vayarkal, to the east of Kundarai, and to the north of Vepparai, making a total of one ma; both of us solemnize the gift by pouring water at the holy steps and wish this gift to be entered in copper-plate. Thus do we, Tirumarumarpan of Kurankudi and SajikaraVidangan, make this gift to the servants of this Alvar. -- Witness whereof our hands : Tirumarumarpan of Kurunkuli (signature), Sankara-Vidangan (signature), Sri-Raman on hehalf of Vijaiyuran Sabha (holy signature). Thus do I know, Vidangan Sankaran." Unbounded must have been the self-complaisance of the two good men of those days, Tirumarumarpan and Sankara-Vidangan, as they wended their way back from the temple after having thus satisfied themselves of the security and permanence of their charitable endowment for all time to come. For, little could they have then dreamt that the very stones bearing the inscription would come to be pulled asunder and displaced so completely in a subsequent structure as to tax onr ingenuity and patience in the attempt to piece together and find ont the meaning of their lithio document. The stones as they are now found forming the basement of the mandapam give but a chaos of words that do not at all run into one another; and it is by suitable transpositions of their sections that we have been able to extract any sense out of them. As for the endowment itself, let us hope that the publication of this document will produce no needless qualms of conscience in those who now enjoy the property, no doubt on good authority and long possession. As regards the donors, both appear to have been men of Kurunkuli or Tirukkurunkudi in the Tinnevelly District, but long settled in Kotcar. Neither of their names, Tirumarumarpan (meaning one with the goddess of fortune in his breast) and Vidangan (meaning the onwronght), is now in current use. That one of the witnesses to the deed bears the name of the second donor inverted, Vidangan Sankaran, would prove that the second donor at least was not without issue, and that in all probability the two donors were brothers, so that the siguature of the son of the second was taken as sufficient evidence of the consent of the family to their free gift. Nothing else can we now know about these generous Vaishnavas of that day. Nor do we know anything of that Sri Raman whose holy signature on behalf of the village association was held sufficient to indicate big

Page #147
June, 1897.] MISCELLANEOUS TRAVANCORE INSCRIPTIONS. 143 acceptance of the gift on the part of the temple authorities. In all probability, he was the Brahman manager of the shrine or the head of the temple servants. Neither of Vijaiyur nor of the Nanchisvaramudaiyar temple mentioned in the document have I succeeded to gathering any information. It is remarkable that the system of land measurement followed is the one that since the days of Rajaraja seems to have been in use in the Tanjore District. It is in itself a wonderful system. . 1 1 1 1 It divides a veli equal to 6 acresls into a series of primary fractions 1 24 g 16deg 20' 90' and , then into a further series of secondary fractions being of the above series, and again into a tertiary series of of the second, and so on, so that a kiu kil mundiri of a veli would cover 81 nothing more than an infinitesimal portion of space measuring but h a of a square inch. That the lands in Nanchinad must have been surveyed for revenue parposes in this fine system of mensurement sometime before 335 M. E., the date of our present inscription, is proved by the description of the extent of the land endowment in terms of that system. The four pieces said to have been granted ineasured one ma which in current measurement would make of an acre or 32) cents or 2 puras of land. It will be curions to know when and by whom this Tanjore method of Revenue Survey was introduced and carried out in South Travancore. It seems to mo probable that it must have been due to some of the successors of Rajaraja, who conquered and ruled over South Travancore and Tinnevelly in the previous century. No trace of this system is discoverable in places nearer Trevandram, nor does it now obtain currency either in the Madura or in the Tinnevelly Districts, proving thereby (1) that even in the palmiest days of the greatest modern Chola power, places about Trevandram or north Vonid were not subject to foreign sway, and (2) that the Chaln power did not last long enough in places to the south of Madara to enable their system of land measurement to tako root in the country. On the use of the curious word eilir (opposite) in the expression "the year opposite the year 335 after the appearance of Kollam," about which there has been an apparently endless controversy, we shall comment on a future occasion, as in this case there is not the confusing donble year notation which has given rise to it." After the appearance of Kollam" does not necessarily mean after the foundation of a town called Kollam - appearance being scarcely an apt word to designate the construction of a city. It may mcan here nothing more than "after the reckoning by Kollam years came into use." We may, perhaps, note in passing that the king of Travancore about the date of this inscription was Vira-Ravivarman whose name we meet with in the following year in an inscription1' on the walls of this very temple. II. Kottar Inscription, 392 M. E. The next record in the order of date is one engraved on the southern wall of a mandapam in front of the Cholapuram temple in Kottar. We have already referred to this shrine founded 15 A good deal of confusion soems to prevail with regard to the unit of measurement in the Tanjore system. Both Winslow and Dr. Holtzsch (see foot-note No. 4, page 92, Vol. I. of South Indian Inscriptions) say that a vili is equal to 5 kani. But the former estimates & veli as being about 5 acres, while according to the table given by the latter it ought to be 69. Here kani, of course, cannot mean the usual fraction of Evidently, the tani which Dr. Hultzsch gives an equal to 100 kuli must have been differently ontimated in Saka 1296, as an inscription of that date, No. 72, Vol. I., gives 82 kanis as making 4,000 kulir, i. e., 125 and not 100 kulis per kini. This fact as well as the diverse oxtent that a kuli may cover according to Winslow, from 1 equare foot to a square of 12 foct, would point to the desirablility of sticking to the fractional system in preference to the more modern but less uniform measurements in kini and kuli. 19 See Some Early Sovereigns of Travancore, ante, Vol. XXIV. p. 257.

Page #148
144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (June, 1897. in honour of that great and victorious Chola king Rajendra alias Kulottangn, the hero of the Kalingattu Parani 20 It runs tlus: Tamil No. Tamil Text. 1 Svasti Sri Kolla[m] 392 m=andu Kali-yaga-varsham nalayirattu-monnurra orupattelare andi2 n-ediram-[A]ndu viruchchika-nagirru Naichi-nattu Tiru-kkotta rana Mummuli Cholanallur=udaiyar-Ra3 jendra-Choliswa[ra]mmudaiya maha-devarku kottarapa Chola-Keralapurattu khulattar Kosavan-araisu vai4 tta Tiru-nand[A]-vilakku Opra Ivvilakkoonrukkum Ivan tanta achcha eta Ivv-achch ettum 5 Ik-k6[vi]r-[Siva] Brahmanarom kaikkonda poliyattaka myttamar.chandratittavar cheluttuvom Translation. Hail! Prosperity! In the year 392 opposite the Kaliyuga year 4317, the Sun being in Vtischika (Scorpio), (the following agreement is made): -Kekavan Arasu of Kulattor in Kottar alias Chola-Keralapuram arranges for a perpetual lamp to be lit in honour of the Mahadeva of the temple of Rajendrachlisvaram alias the lord of Mummudi-Cholanallur, otherwise known as holy Kottar in Naiichinada, and pays for the upkeep of this one lamp eight achchu; and we the Siva-Brahmans of this temple, accepting this sum of eight achchu given by this man, promise, out of the interest accruing therefrom, to keep up the light without ilefault as long as the sun and the moon exist." But the sun and the moon of the Siva-Brahmans have long been set, and no unwelcome ray of light now disturbs the serpents inside. As regards the donor, what sin he was thus seeking to purge himself of or perchance what blessing to purchase with his eight achchu - an heir of his body or success in his trade? - it is impossible now to find out. That he was no king, though le bore the namo Arasu, is clear from the way in which he is spoken of by the Siva-Brahmans. Ministers of religion generally know how to bebayo well and will never call a king "this man," particularly when he pays them achchu or coins of value. Whatever an achchu was worth it will be seen that eight of them were enough to yield such interest as to keep up a perpetual light. The word used for "interest" is poliya!! (feeding by multiplication.), and there can be no doubt that it is from this root that the Malayalam word palikai is derived the transition being marked by polisai, which occasionally turns up in old inscriptions. But the most curioas feature of this document is the multiplicity of names used for Kottar. This old name seems to have successfully withstood all the Chola efforts to supersedo it with their own denominations. It seems to have been one of the peculiar ways of the Cholas of the Parantaka dynasty to commemorate their conquests by altering the names of villages, towns, and provinces so as to flatter their own vanity; and the consequence was that Chola geography came to suffer as much from the plague of homonyms as the kings themselves. In all probability Kottar was called Mummudi-Cholanallur - the good town of the thrice-crowned Chola - in honour of its first Chola conqueror-Rajaraja-one of whose birudas was Mummudi. On its re-conquest by Rajendra, it became the seat of a shrine called after that famous emperor, and was accordingly known as Rajendracholisvaram or simply Cholisvaram or Cholapuram. The term Chola-Keralapuram, which at the date of this inscription seems to have been the oficial designation for Kottar, would seem to suggest that some amicable arrangement subsisted * Arte, Vol. XXIV. p. 254.

Page #149
JUNE, 1897.] MISCELLANEOUS TRAVANCORE INSCRIPTIONS. about that time by which the Kerala or Venad prince enjoyed its possession under the suzerainty of the Cholasa conclusion we have elsewhere pointed out as also otherwise probable. Before passing on to the next inscription with me, I would request my readers to bear in mind the use of the perplexing word edir, or "opposite," in the phrase recording the date of this deed. Here it unquestionably means "equal to "-"the Kollam year 392 equal or corresponding to the Kali year 4317." It may be also well to note in passing that this is a fine specimen of the Chola style of inscriptions, where the Tamil-Grantha characters are freely intermixed with the Tamil ones. The king of Travancore about the date of this inscription was Sri-Vira-Raman Koralavarman whom our Kadinakulam record33 shews as having been on the throne just three years previously. 3 No. 4 III. Kottar Inscription, 396 M. E. The next inscription I propose to present is one dated 4 years later, and inscribed on the same wall of the same shrine Rajendra-Cholievaram. It runs thus: - 145 Text. 1 Svasti Sri Kollam-tonri 396 mandu mituna-nayirru Nanchiuattu-Tirukkottar=ana mummudi-Cholanallu[r] Udaiyar 2 Irasendira-Choliswaram Udaiya Mahadevar Sri-Koyilir Alur-ana vikrama Cholapandiyapurattu malan Paratan mata Elundaralu 3 vitta Kunram-erinda Pillaiyarku Ivan amurtupadikku tanta achchu 15 Ivv=achchu patinainchum Ikkoyilir siva Bra 4 hmanaron-kaikkondu poliyuttaka kai-kkonda nittal niluri arisi-yun-kariyamurtum palakai-talaiyi Tamil Tamil 51 alandu erattu amurtu Cheyvippom=akavum Ippadi muttatey nittal niman tam-aka Chandratittavar Chelattuvum=aka. Translation. "Hail! Prosperity! In the year 396 after the appearance of Kollam when the sun was in Gemini (the following arrangement was made):- Malan Paratan of Alar alias VikramaCholapandiyapuram having given 15 achchu for providing daily oblations to the image of Kunram Erinda Pillaiyar, set up by his mother in the holy temple of Mahadeva of Rajendracholisvaram alias the lord of Mummudicholanallur, otherwise known as holy Kottar in Nanchinada, we the Siva-Brahmans of this temple, accepting this sum of 15 achchu given by this man, shall, out of the interest accruing therefrom, measure out every day on the temple plank a nali and a half of rice and the required vegetables, and, duly cooking25 the same, shall offer them as oblation. Thus do we promise to discharge this our daily duty without failure as long as the moon and the sun endure." 21 Ante, Vol. XXIV. p. 254. 22 Ante, Vol. XXIV. p. 308. 23 Tho y or iv at the end of this word is an obvious error. Here then we have an illustration of the manner in which idols multiply in temples. The good mother of Malan Paratan, anxious to secure special merit in the eyes of her favourite 24 This is probably the plank placed on the door-way of the temple. 25 This expression might mean "after submitting the amount to be checked."

Page #150
146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1897. deity, set up an image of Kunram Erinda Pillaiyar or the young divinity who pierced the hill,' meaning of course Subrahmanya with reference to his destruction of the mountain of Krauucha; and the temple authorities always encouraged the creation of such sub-shrines as it invariably tended to increase the temple endowments and to enlarge the establishment under their control. In this case, the pious son invested 15 achchu for the support of his mother's favourite deity, and since the interest thereon was enough to fetch every day one nali and a half of rice and vegetables, the amount could not but be regarded as considerable. Even at 12 per cent. 15 achchu could not have yielded as interest more than 1-8 achchu per year, which, putting aside the vegetables, was found enough to purchase 549 nalis of rice or over 26 purus of paddy, assuming the nali of 396 M. E. to have corresponded to a nali of our own times. The achchu horo referred to therefore must have been a gold coin certainly worth more than 10 of our modern depreciated rupees. Unlike the two previous donors, Paratan appears to have been a native of South Travancore itself, as Alur, his native village, is a well-known locality in the Erneil Taluka, or, as it was then called, Ranasinganallur. The term Vikramacholapandiyapuram used as a synonym of Alur is of course another illustration of the persistent Chola policy of creating a geographical nomenclaturo to suit their own vanity. The language of this and the previous inscription being in excellent Tamil, we have to suppose either that there were abont this timo learned men attached to the templo to draft out such documents, or that tho great Chola conquest of Nanchinad tended to the spread of general knowledge and learning. It is likely that this endowment was made like the previous one in the reign of Sri-ViraRaman Koralavarman of the Kadinangulam inscription.20 ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS. LY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C. I. E.; GOTTINGEN. (Conchulal from Vol. XXV. p. 204.) Locality of the Era. THE earliest genuine inscription, the dato of which is explicitly referred to the Saka era, is the Badami cavo inscription of S. 500, of the time of the Western Chalukya Mangalisvara and his elder brother Kirtivarman I., No. 13 of my chronological list; and the list contains altogether 15 dates of the Western Chalukyas of Badami, the latest of which is No. 39 of S. 679, of the reign of Kirtivarman II. We next have 30 dates of the Rashtrakutas of Malkhod and the Gujarat branches of the Rashtrakuta family, the first of which is No. 37 of S. 675, of the time of Dantidurga, and the last No. 89 of S. 904, which records the day on which Indra IV. died. Following upon the inscriptions of the Rashtrakutas, the inscriptions of the Western Chalukyas of Kalyana furnish 41 dates of the list, from No. 88 of S. 902, of the time of Taila II., to No. 198 of S. 1106, of the time of Somesvara IV. Contemporaneous with some of these dates, we also have 9 dates of the Kalachuryas of Kalyana, tho carliest of which is No. 175 of S. 1079, of the time of Bijjana-Tribhuvanamalla, and the 26 The unfortunate death of this valued Native contributor has brought this paper to an untimely end. 1 Among the dates Nos. 1-12 there are three (of S. 169, 272 (?), and 888) from spurious Western Ganga, and three (of S. 400, 415, and 417) from spurious Gurjara inscriptions. The earliest date of the list from a genuine Western Ganga inscription is No. 62 of 3. 809. The chronological list actually gives 35 dates, but three of them (Nos. 54, 55 and 61) are reckoned here as belonging to the Silaras, and one (No. 79) to the Western Gangas, while one (No. 60) is not authentic. The number would have been much larger if the Western Chalukyas had dated all their inscriptions in years of the Saka era. But Vikramaditya VI. mostly used an era of his own, the so-called Chalukya-Vikrama-varsha or Chalukya-Vikrama-kala, or, in other words, had his inscriptions dated in regnal years; and this practice of quoting regnal (and Jovian) years only has been largely followed by his successors (as well as by the Kalachuryas). A later date for this king is furnished by the inscription quoted under No. 137, which, as I now learn, is oue of Somesvara IV., dated in S. 1111 (not 1011).

Page #151
JUNE, 1897.] DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS. 147 latest No. 197 of $. 1105, of the time of Singhann. The next dynasty to be mentioned is that of the Hoysalas of Dorasamudra of which the list gives no less than 31 datos, from No. 139 of 'S. 1025, of the time of Balla la L., to No. 274 of S. 1208, of the time of Narasimha III. And another family which is well represented in the list is that of the Yadavas; for we first have 5 dates of the Yadavas of the Souna country, the earliest of which is No. 95 of S. 922, of the time of Bhillama II., and the latest No. 166 of S. 1063 (for 1064), of the time of the Mahasamanta Seunadeva, and afterwards 32 datos of the Yadavas of Davagiri, from No. 207 of S. 1113, of the time of Bhillama, to No. 277 of S. 1227, of the time of Ramachandra. The history of the dynasties, hitherto mentioned, has been told from their inscriptions by Dr. Fleet, in his Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts of the Bombay Presidency. Proceeding to the great feudatory families, treated of in the same work, we first have 21 dates of the Silaras (or Silaras, or Silaharas). Eleven of them are from inscriptions of the Silaras of the Northern Konkan,7 from No. 54 of S. 765 (?), of the time of Pullasakti, to No. 201 of S. 1109, of the time of A paraditya; one, No. 98 of S. 930, is from an inscription of Rattaraja, a Silarn of the Southern Konkan; and 9 dates are from inscriptions of the Silaharns of the Deccan, from No. 120 of S. 980, of the time of Marasimha, to No. 210 of S. 1114, of the time of Bhoja II. Of the Rattas of Saundatti there are 7 dates, from No. 88 of S. 902, of the time of Santivarman, to No. 233 of S. 1151 current, of the time of Lakshmidevn II. Of the Sindas we have the three dates' No. 91 of S. 911 (for 912), of the timo of Pulikaln, No. 110 of S. 955, of the time of Nagaditya, and No. 180 of S. 1084 (for 1085), of the time of Chivunda II. ; of the Kadambas of Hangal the two dates No. 124 of S. 990, which is of the time of Kirtivarman II., and No. 137 of S. 1111 (not 1011), of the time of Kamadera: and of the Kadambas of Goal the one date No. 176 of S. 1080, of the timo of Permacli-Sivachitta. Lastly, of the Guttas of Guttal the list contains 8 dates, from No. 194 of S. 1103, which is a date of Joyideva I., to No. 256 of S. 1185 current, of the timo of Gutta III. To the times, covered by the dates which are enumerated in the preceding, also belong a number of other dates from the south and the eastern coast of India. Thus the list contains 10 dates of the Western Gangas or Gangas of Gangavadi, the earliest genuine clato of which is No. 62 of S. 809, of the time of Satyavakya-Kougunivarma-Permanadi, and the latest No. 87 of S. 899, of the time of Satyavakya-Kongimivarma-Rachamolla-Permanadi. Of Anantavarman Chodagangadeva, one of the Eastern Gangas of Kalinganagara, 11 tho list gives four dates, from No. 133 of S. 999 to No. 160 of S. 1057. We also have four dates of the Eastern Chalukyas,13 from No. 78 of S. 867, of the time of Amma II., to No. 159 of S. 1056 (for 1055 current P), of the time of Kulottunga Chodadeva II.; three dates of the KAkatiya dynasty of Worangal, viz., No. 179 of S. 1084, of the time of Rudradeva, and Nos, 234 and 247 of S. 1153 and 'S. 1172 current, of the time of Gana pati; and three dates, Nos. 241, 242 and 244 of S. 1160, 1161, and 1165, of a king Rajarajadeva, who may belong to the Chola dynasty.13 * The list contains two later dates which profess to be taken from Kalachurya inscriptions, No. 200 of S. 1108, and No. 204 of 8. 1110 current; but those datos belong to a time when the rulo of the Kalachuryan apparently had come to an end. * A later date of the same king, No. 278 of $. 1228 (?), is quite incorrect; but dates of tho Hoysala dynasty which are later than 8. 1908 are furnished by the inscriptions published in Ep. Carn. Part I. "To these also belongs the date No. 56 of Mamyanidevaraja, the year of which Dr. Floot now takos to be S. 982 (not 782). # An earlier date, No. 60 of 8.797, of tae timo of Prithvirama, is by Dr. Fleet regarded as plainly not authentio, so far, at least, as PrithvirAma is oonoerned. The two dates Nos. 80 and 81, of 8,879 ourrent and 872 expired, which profess to be of the time of the Sinda Perm Adi I., are by Dr. Fleet considered quite impossible dates. 10 of the Kadambas of Goa wo possoas 5 dates in which the era of the Kaliyuga is used (from K. 4270 to K. 4348). 11 Earlier Gangas of Kalinganagara use an era of their own. 12 Some of the Eastorn Chalukya insoriptions are dated in regnal years, but the majority of them give no years at all. 15 Somo Saka dates of Chola kings I have given in Ep. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 68 ff.

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148 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1897. Of the first half of the 13th century of the Snka ern we have remarkably few dates. After the middle of the 13th century a large number of dates is furnished by the inscriptions of the kings of Vijayanagara. Of the first dynasty of Vijayanagara we have 32 dates, from No. 282 of S. 1261 (for 1262), of the time of Harihara I., to No. 321 of S. 1392, of the time of Virupaksha I. Of the second dynasty there are 28 dates, from No. 323 of S. 1430 (for 1431), of the time of Krislinaraya, to No. 356 of S. 1488, of the time of Sadasivaraya. And of the third dynasty (of Karnata) we have 9 dates, the first of which is No. 359 of S. 1497, of the time of Srirangaraya I., and the last No. 371 of S. 1566, of the time of Srirangariya lI. The other dates of the same or later times, wbich it is unnecessary to enumerate in detail, are mostly from records of the Nayakas of Volur, of the kings of Maisar and Coorg, und of the Setupatis of Ramnad. The dates mentioned in the above comprise about four-fifths of the whole list. All these and about 60 other dates from inscriptions of subordinate chiefs and from private records are from that part of India which, speaking generally, would be south of a straight line, drawn from the mouth of the Narbada on the west to the mouth of the Mahanadi on the east,15 excepting perhaps the extreme south of the peninsula. In that part of India, therefore, the Saka era is shewn by the dates collected to have been principally used, and there we find the earliest dates which are distinctly referred to it. But we have a few dates to prove that, from comparatively early times, the era occasionally was used, sometimes by the side of local eras, also in other and widely distant parts of India. Thus the date of the second Prasasti of Baijnath, No. 45, of apparently 'S. 726, is from the extreme north of India, wliere, to judge from the date of the first Prasasti of Brijnath, people ordinarily used the Saptarshi era. The Deogadh inscription of Bhojadeva of Kanaujl in the body of the inscription is fully dated according to the Vikrama era, but at the end the expired years (784) of the 'Saka era also are given. The date No. 68 of S. 836 is from Eastern Kathiivad ; the date No. 161 of S. 1059 from the Gaya district of Bengal, and the date No. 227 of S. 1141 from the Tipperah district of the same province. In the Zeitschrift d. Deutschen Morg. Ges. Vol. XL. p. 45, Dr. Hultzsch has published a copper-plate inscription from Assam, dated in S. 1107; and in the Journal, Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XLIII. P. I. p. 322, there is a copper-plate inscription from Chittagong, with the date Sal-abilah 1165. Finally, the chronological list also gives some dates from Cambodia, the earliest of which is No. 18 of S. 546 (from an inscription which also contains the date No. 14 of S. 526), and five dates from Java, the earliest of which is No. 35 of S. 654, and the latest No. 290 of S. 1295. Nomenclature of the Era. What strikes one at once in looking over the dates of the lists, and what distinguishes these dates in a remarkable manner from those of the other principal eras, 7 is this that, with 1 The year of the date No. 359, which is given as 1192 or 1182, probably is really 1485. 15 Ante, Vol. XX. p. 404, I have stated that, speaking generally, down to about A. D. 1300, the use of the Vikrama era was confined to that portion of India which would be included by straight lines drawn from the mouth of the Narbadd to Gay&, from Gaya to Delhi, and from Delhi to the Runn of Cutch, and by the line of coast from the Run of Catch back to the mouth of the Narbada. Towards the west, therefore, the Vikrama era would appear to have been used north of the Norbada and the Baka era sonth of that river. More towards the east the parts of India in which the two eras are principally used are separated by the tract of country in which during the 11th and 12th centuries A. D. we find the Kalachuri-Chedi era employed. * See ante, Vol. XIX. p. 28, No. 30. 17 Of 828 Vikrama dates of inscriptions, koown to mo, only 72 are explicitly referred to the MAlava-Vikrama era. Of 74 Gupta-Valabht dates, at the utmost 7 or S are (by the expressions Gupt-unvayanani nipa-sattamanan rajy kulasy-abhivivarddhamin, Gupta-prabili garanarh puthiya, Guptusaili kala..., Gupta-uripa-rajya-bhuktau and G[au]pt# i) moro or less distinctly referred to the Gupta cra, and only 5 of the latest dates contain the technical phrases Valbhf- e vat and Vilabhi-suht. Of 41 dates which, some of them with more or less probability, have been referred to the Kalachuri-Chedi cra, only four dates of the years 893, 896, 898 and 910) contain the phrase Kalachuri-barizvatsard, two clates (of the years 919 and 933) have Chedi-sariwat, and in one date (of the year 902), which is in vorse, tho era is denoted by tho expression Chudi-dishta. In tho 20 dates, which here, also, with more or loss probability have been assigned to the Harsha ora, the name of this era is nowhere alludod to.

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June, 1897.]. DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS. 149 insignificant exceptions, all are explioitly referred to the ora to which they belong. Of the 400 dates of my chronological list only five do not contain the word Saka or its derivative Suka. And even as regards these five dates, the absence of the word Saka from the two dates No. 23 of S. 589 and No 299 of S. 1317, which are in verse, may be said to be due to the exigencies of the metro; 19 the date No. 7 of the year 388 is altogether carelessly worded and is, moreover, from a spurious record; the reading of the date No. 54, samva (765]' is somewhat doubtful; and in tho date No. 199, which I have given as 'sarivatu 1107,' the word sarvata is preceded in the original by one or two effaced aksharas which might well be taken to represent the word Saka 19 Now, among the various expressions, employed by the writers to indicate what era they are following 20 there are five which are prinoipally used. They are Saka (or Sakanripa)-kdla, al Saka-varsheshv=atiteshu, Sakanripa-kal-drita-saavatsara, the simple Suka-varska, and the phrase Salivahana-suka or some modification of it. Saka-kala, the time (or era) of the Saks (or Sakas, or Saka king or kings)' occurs first in the Western Chalukya date No. 16 of 'S. 532, where it stands in the Nominative case and is followed by the Nominative pancha varsha-satani dvdtrii(triniani. We also have Sakakami, without a word for 'year,' in No. 117 of S. 973; Sakakala-samvatsara in No. 33 of S. 631 and No. 37 of S. 673 (here with vyatita); Sak akdla-gat-abdah in No. 45 of S. 726 (?); Saka-leal anival=varsh in No 71 of $. 849 ; Sakansipa-kul& (sas pragato), without a word for year,' in No. 65 of S. 824; Sukansipa-kalasya, without a word for year,' in No. 220 of S. 1131; and Salanripa-kaladzirabhya (varsheshu... nivsitteshu ) in Nos. 206 and 210 of S. 1112 and 1114. Besides we find, in dates which are in verse, yat& ldle Sakdnam, without a word for year,' in the date No. 24 of S. 589, from Cambodia; Saka-kaleshuratiteshu, without a word for year, in No. 60 of S. 797; Saka-kalddagat-dbdandin in No. 77 of S. 867; Sakavanipdla. kalaman, without a word for 'yonr,' in No. 89 of S. 904; Saka-kalasya thipatau, without a word for year' in No. 125 of S. 991; Sakabhapala-kalasya (with varsha) in No. 172 of S. 1075; and Saka-uripasya kale (varsheshu vritteshu) in No. 279 of S. 1235. Saka-varsheshv-atitoshu, when... years of the Saka (or Sakas, or Saka years) had passed,' or 'after the expiration of ... Saka years,' occurs first and is chiefly used in the inscriptions of the Western Chalukyas of Bademi. The earliest genuine date of the list 23 which contains this phrase is No. 26 of S. 611, and the latest No. 171 of S. 1073. Instead of atiteshu we occasionally, in altogether five dates, have samatiteshu, vyatiteshu, atikranteshu and gateshu; and three inscriptions from Java have the compound Sakavarsh-atita. Before 'S. 1000 the expressions grouped under this head occur in 16 dates, and after S. 1000 in 6 dates the years of three of which (No. 168 of S. 1065, No. 171 of S. 1073, and No. 267 of S. 1199) have been shewn to be really current years. 18 A third similar date is that of the Trivandrum insoription of Sarvanganaths, of the Saka) yenr 1296, which also is in verse; see Ep. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 203. That in the inscriptions from Cambodia there are several dates (in verse) which contain neither a reference to the era employed in them nor even a word for year,' has been stated inte, Vol. XXIV. p. 181, note 1. 19 The date No. 199 is from an inscription of the Bllara AparAditya, and another inscription of the same Aparaditya (anto No. 201) undoubtedly has the phrase Saka-sathvatu. That the word sallwat, without Saka, is used to denote years of the Baka era, when a dato, after having been given in words, is repeated in figures, will be shown below. 90 My remarks here throughout refer to those dates only of which I have been able to ascertain the oxact wording, about 300 dates of my chronological list, commencing with the earliest genuine date No. 13 of 8. 500,With what follows, compare Dr. Fleet's valuable paper on the Nomenclature of the principal Hindu eras,' ante, Vol. XII. p. 207 ff. 21 In a few dates avanipala, bhdpala and bhdpati are substituted for uripa, especially in verse. 22 Compare the corresponding expressions Milava-kala and Gupta-prakla (oquivalent to Gupta-kala) in dates of the Vikrama and Gupta eras. In some dates Saka-kala must be translated by 'year (or years) of the Baka era.' 23 A Western Chalukya date of 8. 608, not included in the chronological list, which also contains the phrase Buka-varsheshuzatiteshu, is given ante, Vol. VII. p. 112.

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150 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1897. Sakansipa-kal-atita-sauvatsara, 24 years passed since the time (or of the era) of the Saka king (or kings),' we meet first in the date No. 38 of S. 679, which is from an inscription: of one of the Rashtrakutag of Gujarat, and of the 46 dates which contain the phrase half the number are from inscriptions of the Rashtrakuta dynasty. Three other dates, instead of kal-atita, hare kal-akranta ; one has atita-kila, and two omit the word saivatsara; two have Sakabhipdl-ukranta-saivatsara, one has Sakansipa-kal-alitair=rarsha-satuih, and one Sakanripakal-atita saks.25 The latest of the dates which contain any of these expressions is No. 221 of S. 1135, and of a total of 56 dates 45 are earlier and 11 later than S. 1000. The years of two of these dates (No. 107 of S. 918 and No. 140 of S. 1032) have ben shewn to be current years. Saka-varsha26 (without atita), the year of the Saka (or Bakas)' or 'Saka year' occurs first in the date No. 72 of 'S. 851, from a Rashtrakuta inscription. It is mostly used in inscriptions the language of which is Kanarese, where we have Saka-varsha (or-rarisha, or -tarasha), Saka varshani (or -varushan), Suka-varshada, Srimat-Sakavarsha, Sri-Sakavarusha, Srivijayabhyudaya-Suhavarsha, etc. In Sanskrit inscriptions, where the expression is used comparatively rarely, we have Saka-varsha-, Saka-vurshi and Sri-Sakavarshe, and also Suka-varshe rartamini or pravartamine (in No. 250 of S. 1175 expired and No. 296 of S. 1307 expired), and Sakavarshad=drabhya? (in No. 240 of S. 1160 current). Counting those dates of the list of which I kuow the exact wording, I find that the phrase occurs 47 times between S. 1000 and S. 1200, 17 times before S. 1000, and 18 times after S. 1200. Disregarding as suspicious the two dates Nos. 187 and 193 of S. 1095 and S. 1103, te find the name Saliv&hana, for which in verse we also have Salivaha, for the first time in the date No. 265 of S. 1194, from an inscription of the Devagiri-Yadava Ramachandra, and have it also in the date No. 269 of S. 1200, from an inscription at Sravana-Belgola, and in the date No. 275 of S. 1212, which is from another inscription of the Devagiri-Yadava Ramachandra. After that we meet it again in the date No. 283 of S. 1276, from an inscription of Bukkariya I. of Vijayanagara, and from that time it occurs frequently, especially in the inscriptions of the Eccond dynasty of Vijayanagara, but also in those of other rulers of Southern India. In prose, the phrases made use of are Salivahana-saka (also with sri- or eri-jaydbhyudaya-ntipa- prefixed to it), Salivdhana-sakavareha (also with sr-, or eri-jayabhyudaya-, or eri-vijayabhyudaya-), and Salivdhana-sak-abdah (in No. 394 of S. 1731); in verse we have Sale-abde salivdhasya (in No. 293 of S. 1301, etc.), sri-sdlivdhe gate edke in No. 302 of S. 1321), and Sdlivahana-nirnita-sokavarsha (in No. 340 of S. 1460),29 This last expression shews that the sense, which the phrases Salivahana-salca and Salivahana-sakavarsha came to convey to a Hindu, was that of the year of the era of (or established by) 'Salivihana,' but it may be doubted whether this meaning was distinctly present to the minds of those who first used the phrases. I rather believe that the name of Salivahana, as that of a personage famous in Southern India, was prefixed to the ordinary Sake and Saka-varshe,' in the Saka year,' simply in imitation of the name of Vikramaditya in the Vikrama dates, and feel sure that the addition of the name to the current phrases. 24 I give this separately, because it is a more technical and standing phrase than the expressions enumerated under Saka-kala. In dates of the Vikrama era we have a corresponding phrase (Vikramirkanripa kul.dtita-satiratsara) first in a Kachchhapaghita inscription of V. 1161; ante, Vol. XV. p. 202. 38 No. 107 of 8. 1105, where the word sakt clearly is used in the sense of year'; see ante, Vol. XIX. 1. 24. 26 We have no corresponding technical phrase Vikrama-varsha ; but from about the beginning of the 18th century of the Vikrama era we frequently in Vikrama dates find sarval ...rarshe, or sam ...rarshi, with the figures for the years between sariat or san and varshe, and here the terms sativat and saiha undoubtedly are meant to refer the dates to the Vikrama era, as distinguished from the Baka era. 27 Here Saka-varsha can only mean the commencement of the Baka ora.' 33 In an insoription of S. 1568 (for 1569) in Ep. Carn. Part I. p. 66, No. 103, we also have Silivahan-lahy akt, and in datos of manuscripts varahd Salivihana janmata. Acccding to Bhdunagar Inscr. p. 165, an Udaypur inscription of V. 1770 8. 1635 has Saka-varhlarya Salivahana-bhpatell, but this can hardly be correct. That the phrase Salivahana-Saka, in quite modern times, is not confined to the south of India, is shown by some data, given in my note on the Saptarshi era, ante, Vol. XX. p. 152.

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JUNE, 1997.] was especially suggested by the dates of the Chaulakyas of Anhilvid,20 with whom we know the Yadavas of Devagiri, in whose dates we first find the name Salivahana, to have been in close contact. DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS. 151 In addition to these standing phrases, which are used in about 200 out of 300 dates, we have a variety of other expressions which are employed more rarely. Those of them that occur chiefly in prose may be grouped under the heads of Saka-nripati (or Sukanripa )-samvatsara, the simple Sake, and Saka-samvat. Sakanripati-samvatsara, 'years of the Saka king (or kings),' we have in the Western Chalukya date No. 17 of S. 534, Sakanripati-samvatsara-sateshu .. atiteshu; and SakaRripa-samvatsara in No. 49 of S. 735 and No. 90 of S. 904, Sakanripa-samvatsareshu eyatiteshu or gateshu, and in No. 214 of S. 1117, where (against the rules of grammar) the text has Sakanripa-samvatsaram-arabhya.30 Instead of samvatsara the (poetical) word abda is used in No. 227 of S. 1141, where we have Saka-nripater-atita abdah (as well as in the spurious Western Chalukya date No. 10 of S. 411, which has Nakanrip-abdeshu vyatiteshu). Sake we find first, in verse, in the date No. 25 of S. 5981 from Cambodia, and afterwards in the prose dates No, 190 of S. 1096, No. 263 of S. 1193, and No. 372 of S. 1570; and, with jate, in No. 298 of 'S. 1313. Instead of it, we have Saka in Nos. 237 and 238 of S. 1157 and .1158, and (in a compound and in verse) in No. 317 of S. 1355; and Saku in No. 243 of S. 1162, No. 253 of 'S. 1182, No. 254 of S. 1183, No. 276 of S. 1222, and No. 277 of S. 1227 (here written Saku). Since, with the exception of No. 238, ert-Saka 1158 varshe, and No. 253, kri-Saku 1182 varshe, none of these dates contains any separate word for year, Sake, as well as Saka and Saku, can only be translated by in the Saka year.' Saka-samvat, 'in the Saka year,' occurs rarely, and is apparently foreign to the south of India.33 We find it in the dates Nos. 67 and 68 of S. 832 and 836, which are both from Gujarat; in No. 56 of S. 982 (not 782), from an inscription of the Silaras of the Northern Konkan; and in Nos. 126 and 166 of S. 991 and 1063 (for 1064), two dates of the Yadavas of Seunadesa. It is also used, when the date is repeated in figures, in the date No. 174 of S. 1078 of the Silara Mallikarjuna. Instead of it, we have Saka-samhvatu in the date No. 201 of S. 1109 of the Silara Aparaditya, and perhaps also in the date of the same king No. 199 of S. 1107. The fuller expression Saka-samvatsara would seem to occur only in the date No. 246 of S. 1171 of the Devagiri-Yadava Krishna. The expressions which remain occur almost exclusively in verse. The most common of them, in the order in which they appear first, are Sak-abde, Sake, Sak-abde, and Saka-vatsare. Sak-abde, in the year of the Saka (or Sakas),' we find, everywhere in verse, in the dates No. 19 of S. 548 from Cambodia, No. 152 of S. 1045, No. 161 of S. 1059, No. 399 of 'S. 1315, and No. 300 of 'S. 1317. In verse we also have Sakasy-abde in No. 310 of S. 1346, Sakabdabhaji samaye in No. 280 of S. 1236, and Sak-abdeshu gateshu in No. 376 of S. 1601; and in prose, Sak-abdeshvatiteshu in No. 245 of S. 1171, and Salsa)kam-a(a)bda in No. 97 of S. 928. Sake, in the Saka year,' occurs, in verse, in the dates No. 20 of S. 550 from Cambodia, No. 116 of S. 972, No. 156 of S. 1050, No. 192 of S. 1099, No. 234 of S. 1153, No. 294 of S. 1301, No. 306 of S. 1332, No. 319 of S. 1377, No. 333 of S. 1450, and No. 341 of S. 1461; and, in prose, in No. 219 of S. 1128 ( for 1129), and No. 226 of S. 1156. With the exception of the date No. 306 which has varshe, none of these dates contains a separate word for 'year.' 29 Seo ante, Vol. XX. p. 405. zo The meaning is the same as that of Saka-varshad-drabhya, given above. 31 This date shews that Sake is by no means a late expression; the same applies to the term Bike which will be given below. 52 The corresponding phrase Vikrama-saivat occurs in nine Chaulukya inscriptions. European scholars now generally speak of the Saka years as Saka-sahvat, a practice which I have followed myself; but there can be no doubt that Saka-varsha would be a more suitable expression.

Page #156
152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1897. Sak-abdo, in the Saka year, we have, in verse, in No. 133 of S. 999, No. 134 of S. 1001, No. 247 of S. 1172, No. 286 of S. 1278, and No. 292 of S. 1300; and, in prose, in No. 135 of S. 1003. In verse we also find Sake=bde in No. 313 of S. 1348, Sake=bdake in No. 301 of S. 1320, and Sale-abdandn in No. 159 of S. 1056; and in prose, Sak-abdeshr in No. 160 of S. 1057. Saka-vatoare, in the year of the Saka (or "Sakas), Occurs, everywhere in verse,33 in No. 353 of S. 1478, No. 361 of S. 1506, No. 364 of S. 1523, No. 400 of S. 1556, No. 368 of S. 1558, and No. 371 of S. 1566; and Saka-vatsareshu, in verse, in No. 104 of S. 944, and in prose, in No. 146 of S, 1040. Besides we find, in datey which are in verse, Sakendra-varsh, 'in the year of the Saka king (or kings),' in No. 18 of S. 526 and 546 from Cambodia; samasu sanatitasu Sakandm=api bhabhujam, 'when.years of the Saka kings had passed,' in No. 21 of 'S. 556; Sakapatisamay-abde, in the year of the time (or era) of the Saka king (or kings),' in No. 22 of S. 586 from Cambodia; Sakendre-tigate ... vatsare,' when the year... of the Saka king (or kings) had passed,' in No. 35 of S. 654 from Java ; -abda Saka-samaye, 'in the year ... in the time (or era) of the Saka (or Sakas),' in No. 78 of S. 867; varshanda Saka-prithivipateh, 'years of the Saka king,' in No. 228 of S. 1144; -saran-mite Saka-uripe, * when the time from the Saka king was measured by... years,' in No. 281 of S. 1235; and, in a componnd and without a word for year,' eri-Sakabhupati- in No. 316 of 8. 1353. And finally we have in prose, in the earliest genuine date of the list, No. 13 of S. 500, Sakansipatirajyabhisheka-sanoateareshv=atikranteshu, when... years had passed since the coronation of the Saka king.' . Where, after having been given in words, a date (or the number of years of a date) is repeated in figures, these figures are preceded by sarhvat in eight dates, the earliest of which is No. 37 of S. 675 and the latest No. 138 of S. 1016, and three of which are from inscriptions of the Stlaras of the Northern Konkan. Other terms, used in the same way, are sanih in the date No. 38 of S. 679, sasivatsarah in No. 95 of S. 922, saivatsaranain in No. 73 of 8. 855, saivatsarasah in No. 55 of S. 775 (for 773), saavatsara-satan 4 (followed by 735) in No. 50 of S. 735, Saku in No. 186 of S. 1008, Saka in No. 161 of S. 1059, Saka-sarivat in No. 174 of S. 1078 (from a Silkra inscription), and Saka-Darsha in No. 316 of S. 1353. In No. 61 of $. 799 and nine other dates the figures are not preceded by any word for year, and in the dates Nos. 264 and 267 of S. 1194 and 1199 the numeral figares precede the numerical words by which the year of the date is expressed. From the above we see that, ever since the earliest date of S. 500, the ers with which we are dealing has been uniformly described as that of the Saka or Sakas, or, what really is the same, 35 of the Saka king or kings, but that none of the phrases enumerated contains any suggestion as to who those Sakas were, or what particular Saka king or kings those, who first used 88 The corresponding phrase Vikrama-tatsare, also, is only used in verse. * With this samvatsara-satani, in which the word sata of course is superfinous, we may compare the expression samvatsara-atangal in dates which are in Kanarese, e.g. in No. 74 of 8. 856. Compare also, in Vikrams dates, samvatsara-sa(da)ta nata-salia)ta in Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 173, 11. 2 and 4, and p. 174, 11. 8 and 11, and the similarly redundant use of the word sahasra in arhvatsara sahasra 1049,' ibid. p. 81, L. 20. See, moreover, the date of the Naushet plates of the Chalukya Palakesirkja, sathwataar a-fata 400 90' (Vienna Or. Congress, Arian Section p. 234, 1. 48), with which we may compare the date of an unpublished inscription at Jcdhpur, which ha sashvachchhara-lattahs, followed by a numerical symbol for one of the hundreds (perhape 800). In my opinion, we have an abbreviation of this serbuatara sata in the samvat sa of the K A inscription of the Samanta Devadatta (ante, Vol. XIV. p. 45), the date of which I would read 'samoat ta 847 Magha-fudi 6. * The years of the MAlava-Vikrama era are described both as years 'according to the reckoning of the MAlavas' and a years of the Malava lorda's son ante, Vol. XX. p. 401. Some stress has been laid on the fact that in the date of B. 500 the coronation of the Bata king is spoken of, but I fail to see the particular value of, this expression. As the regal years of a king were his rdjyabhishka-sarhatara (as they are called 6. g. in the dato No. 17 of B. 534), it was only natural to describe the years of the Beka kipg's his nyabhishka-asateara.

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JUNE, 1897.] DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS. 153 terms like Sakan, ipa, were thinking of. It is true that in a considerable number of dates the earlier phrases by which the years of the era were denoted are preceded by the proper name Salivahana'; this name, however, occurring, as it does, in late dates only, would not be expected to reveal the true origin of the era, and its connection with the era has been jastly considered to be quite inappropriate. Under these circumstances, I can only draw attention to another peculiar feature in the wording of the given dates, by which, taken as a whole, they are clearly distinguished from the dates of other eras, and which may, at least, enable us to connect them with some of those earlier dates of inscriptions, the exact relation of which to the well-known eras is open to discussion. I refer to the frequency with which, in the given Saka dates, the term 'year is rendered by the word varsha. Down to S. 1200 we have about 150 genuine dates, in prose, and here we find the word for year' to be varsha in about 90 dates, and samvatsara in 60 dates.37 On the other hand, in the case of the Vikrama era the word varsha, down to V. 1200, appears in tliree dates only out of 123, and two at least 38 of those three dates are in verse; of 71 Gupta-Valabhi dates, down to the Gupta-Valabhi year 900, only four contain the word varsha, and all four are in verse ; 39 and in the dates of the Kalachuri-Chedi and Harsha eras varsha does not occur at all. The regalar, technical word for year' in the dates of these four eras is samvatsara or some abbreviation of it, and the great preponderance of the word varsha in the technical language of the "Saka dates must, no doubt, be regarded as a distingaishing feature of the Saka era. Now an even more pronounced difference in the use of the words sanvatsara and varslia (or their Prikrit equivalents) is noticeable in the earlier dates known to us. In the dates of the inscriptions of Kanishka, Huvishka and Vasudeva the word for year' everywhere is saritatsara, savatsara, or sash; and in those of the Satavahanas or Andhrabhsityas we have sarnvachhara, savachhara, or sava throughout.co But no such word appears in the inscriptions of the Western Kshatrapas. In an inscription of the son-in-law of Nahapana, (Archwol. Surv. of West. India, Vol. IV. p. 102, No. 9) we have vase 40 and vase 40 1 in one of a minister of his (ibid. p. 103, No. 11), vase 40 6; in the Junagadh rock inscription of Rudradaman (ante, Vol. VII. p. 259), varshe dvisaptatitame ; in the Gandi inscription of his son Radrasimha (Bhavnagar Inscr. p. 22), varshe triuttara-sate; in the Jasdhan (Gadba) inscription of his son Rudrasena (ibid.), varshe 100 20 7; and in the Nulavasara inscription of another Radrasena (ibid. p. 23), varshe 200 50(1) 2. In the dates of the Western Kshatrapas, therefore, and in them only, the word for year' everywhere is varsha (or its Praksit equivalent), and this circumstance seems to me to connect these dates in an unmistakeable manner with the dates which are distinctly referred to the Saka era, in which the word varsha decidedly predominates. In fact, the way in which Darsha is used both in the dates of the Western Kshatrapas and in the Saka dates universally so called, tends, in my opinion, to support the views of those scholars who have assigned the former to the Saka era, on historical grounds; and leads me to consider my list of dates as a continuation of the series of dates, from the year 41 to the year 810, which are furnished by the inscriptions and coins of the Western Kshatrapas. - This is all the information which I can derive from the Saka dates themselves. " It will be sufficient to refer the reader to Dr. Bhandarkar's Early History of the Dakkan, 2nd ed. p. 37. Above it has been already shewn that, among the usual technical phrases, Saka-varshishv-atiteshu precedes the phrase Sakanipa-kal-attta-samvatsara * I am doubtful about the date of the Bijayagadh pilar insoription of Vishnuvardhana of the year 428, Gupta Inscr. p. 253; the two other dates are those of the Dholpur inscription of Chandamah Asena of the year 898 (Zeitschr. Deutsch, Morg. Ges. Vol. XL. p. 89), and the Ghataykla inscription of the Pratihdra Kakkaks of the year 918 (Jour. Roy. As. Soc. 1895, p. 516). * The dates of the years 103, 188, 141 and 185, Gupta Inact. Pp. 258, 61, 67 and 89. Another difference between these dates and those of the Western Kshatrapas is this that the former (with the exception of one date which quotes a Macedonian month) are all sessou-dates, whereas the latter all quote the ordinary lunar months.

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154 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. BY R. C. TEMPLE. PREFACE. [JUNE, 1897. I HAVE kept by me for years the notes from which the articles on "Currency and Coinage among the Burmese" have been compiled in the hope of being able to complete them for publication; but I have found, as so many others have found before me, that advancement in the public service involves an ever-increasing official demand upon one's time, and I fear it is hopeless for me to even utilise the contents of the library I have specially purchased for the purpose of gathering together all the available information on the subject. But as my notes contain much that is, so far as I am able to ascertain, new to students and therefore worth publishing, I have determined to print the articles resulting from them for what they may be worth, incomplete as they are. My notes cover the following points, which I propose now to take up in separate chapters. I will first discuss currency amongst the peasantry, including that of chipped bullion, with its effects on the people and their methods of valuation. These will be followed by some remarks on the age of bullion currency in Burma, on the terms used for "coin," and on barter and exchange. In the Second Chapter I propose to remark on the bullion weights of the Far East, and in the Third to describe what I have called "lump currency," i. e., the use of the metals in mere lumps silver, gold, lead, tin, and spelter, and stamped lumps and irregular tokens. This will lead in the Fourth Chapter to a consideration of the coin of the realm introduced by Kings Bodop'aya, Mindon, and Thibo, with remarks on the Mandalay Mint and the effigies on the coins. In the Fifth. Chapter, I will discuss "coin" as distinguished from "coin of the realm," a very interesting point in Burma, as it involves a study of the tokens and spelter money used by the people, and of the carious taungbanni currency of Upper Burma. And, lastly, I will discuss in the Sixth Chapter the not unimportant points for numismatists of forgeries, "pagoda medals," jettons, and charms. CHAPTER I. DISSERTATION. 1. Preliminary Remarks.1 I found, soon after my arrival in Upper Burma in 1887, that great interest attached to the coinage and currency of the country, as no coinage, properly so called, had existed before 1861, I was therefore living among a people of considerable civilisation, who had but recently been introduced to the use of coins, who must consequently be familiar with methods of barter in bullion and of trade without coinage, and amongst whom must be many relics of pre-coinage days. My official duties were many and engrossing, and I had very little leisure to devote to coin collecting, or to the study of local customs; but I was so fortunate as to gather specimens of currency sufficient in number and complete enough to illustrate what may be called the whole evolution of coinage. These are now in the British Museum, to the authorities of which I am indebted for the careful production of the fine plates 1 Three letters published in the Academy for 1890, pp. 3221., 345 ff., 426 f., give a preliminary account of the subject now discussed. 2 See Yule, Ava, pp. 258, 844; Crawfurd, Ara, p. 433; Symes, Ava, p. 826; Sangermano, p. 166; Prinsep, Useful Tables, p. 30; Toung Pao, Vol. II. p. 41; Phayre, Int. Num. Or. Vol. III. Pt. I. p. 1; Hunter, Pegu, p. 85; Alexander, Travels, p. 21. Malcom, Travels, Vol. II. p. 74, writing in 1835, notices that coin was only beginning to be generally introduced into Tenasserim. See also Vol. II. p. 269 ff. "At Rangoon the Madras rupee circulates generally for a tickal; and along the rivers up to Prome, it is known, and will be received. But at the Capital and throughout the interior it is weighed, and deemed inferior silver. In Arracan and the Tenasserim Provinces, pice and pie now circulate as in Bengal, and money is scarcely ever weighed."

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JUNE, 1897.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 155 that accompany these pages. The value of the collection seems to me to lie in the fact that, so far as I know, it enables us to study, from specimens as to whose date there can be no sort of doubt, for the first time, the currency of a nation immediately before and immediately after the introduction of a system of regular coinage. Admirably as Evans, in his Coins of the Ancient Britons nearly forty years ago, as Keary, in his Morphology of Coins in 1886, as Prof. Ridgeway, in his Origin of Metallic Currency and Weight Standards, and as Terrien de la Couperie, in his Catalogue of Chinese Coins in the British Museum, and others, have illustrated by induction how currency must have preceded and led to coinage, no writer has, I believe, previously had the advantage of studying on the spot the whole proceedings of a people in the act of passing from one stage to the other. And I cannot but hope that the facts I am about to state in the following pages will lead to a better understanding of the true place in evolution of the many curious forms of currency which obtain in the Far East and elsewhere than would be otherwise possible. That future enquirers will not be obliged to grope quite so much in the dark as had those of a former generation, I may quote the following, for the period, acute observation of Mr. W. B. Dickenson, when exhibiting a Siamese tickal to the Numismatic Society on the 23rd March, 1848::-"The examination of the coin offered for inspection may not be without some little interest to the members of the Numismatic Society, and may tend to cast a possible light on the form of bullion money: an invention, which perhaps was not a sudden and complete change from weighed bullion to regular coin, but was preceded by steps which gradually led to coinage: steps of which no record has descended to us." It is just these very steps that I have had the good fortune to note and record as they were taken before my own eyes, as it were. No one can, however, be more fully aware than myself of the dangers that beset the path of the pioneer in such an enquiry as the present, and I cannot pretend to have done more than record the facts that have passed under my observation as they appeared to be correct to me, and must leave it to others who may come after me to sift the evidence now brought forward and the statements now made. I have also gathered, quantum valeat, what information I could relating to this subject from books about Further India and the neighbourhood, but this is necessarily incomplete, as in the East one has to trust to one's private library entirely for such information. The Burmese coinage was introduced by King Mindon about 1861, although some of his coins, after a fashion I have already noticed in this Journals as being common in India, -bear date 1852, which was the year of his accession. Previous to this the only "coins " of Burma excluding, of course, the Arakan and the so-called Pegu series of Phayre. that I have heard of, are the mysterious "fish coin" of 1781, and the coins or tokens brought to Ava from Calcutta by Cox in 1796.7 Sir Arthur Phayre had seen one of the former, and took it to be a token to be buried in the foundation chamber of a pagoda; but I have three more, found in Mandalay, which makes me think they are real coins of King Bodop'aya.8 The latter. were avowedly sacred tokens. The inference, therefore, is that any Burman, resident in The bullet money of Ridgeway, p. 29. See also Bock, Temples and Elephants, p. 141; J. A. S. B., Proc., for 1887, p. 149 f. Silver Coinage of Siam, p. 47. Coinage was not introduced into Siam until 1824, according to Sarat Chandra Das, J. A. 8. B., Proc., for 1887, p. 148 ff. Ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 278 n. 6 International Numismata Orientalia, Vol. III. Pt. I. A memorandum of 1664 on the Trade of India has, however, a curious aud no doubt erroneous reference to coined money in Pegu: "Many sorts of clothing are sent into Pegu, a Port in yt. Bay, which returnes Rubies and readie money, the coine or currant money of the place." Anderson, Siam, p. 95. See also p. 144, where it is stated that Burneby in 1678 hoped to give the authorities at Bantam an account "of the coynes currt. in yt. country" (Siam). Int. Num. Or. Vol. III. Pt. I. p. 33. Int. Num. Or. Vol. III. Pt. I. p. 35.

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156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1897. Upper Burma, who is, say, over fifty years of age, must have in his or her (for the women are the principal hucksters)10 youth habitually dealt in an uncoined currency. This uncoined currency my specimens prove to have been: - (1) lumps of metal whose fineness could only be known by actual rough assay or by appearance; (2) lumps of metal whose fineness, but not weight, was attested by a stamp or mark; (8) irregular tokens. Assay was, and is still, carried on by recognised jewellers and assay-masters in the usual Indian style with wax and touchstone, and by comparing the touch with that of pieces of recognised or ascertained standard. Value is estimated by reference to silver standards, i. e., a piece of gold or copper is said to weigh so many rupees and annas (strictly, tickals12 and mus, or tenths of a tickal), and its value is found by simple multiplication, with a deduction for alloy, or by division, as the case may be. However, for ordinary business purposes the main test for fineness was appearance, for it is not so difficult to tell fineness by the appearance of unworn lumps of metal as it would seem to be prima facie. A reference to Plate I. and to the descriptions of the figures in the letter-press explaining the Plate will prove this ocularly to the reader. The reason is as follows 13 : There are several methods of extracting silver from the ore, and each method leaves its own mark on the products; and I have found that after a while I could detect the quality of certain classes of silver myself without a reference to assay. Long practice makes dealers adepts in judging silver, worn and unworn, at sight; and I found that most of the old "bazaar" women could do so at once with fair accuracy. I have often tried their powers by saying that a worn lump of silver I have exhibited to them was of a certain class, and have been corrected at once by being told that it was of the class to which I had previously ascertained it to belong by assay. But, owing to the introduction, first of King Mindon's coins, and now of the British, this kind of practical knowledge is rapidly disappearing, and the younger women and girls, who have begun to trade since the general introduction of coinage, are no better judges of silver than European women are. They are not even so good as Indian women, as they never wear 10 Cf. Raffles, Java, 2nd Ed., Vol. I. p. 394, on Javan women as hucksters. 11 Pegolotti's Chapter XXXV. is on assays of gold and silver, and should be well worth while to study, if made accessible. See Yule's Cathay, Vol. II. p.307. Compare the origin of Roman Coinage, Poole, Coins and Medals, p. 42 f. 13 Huc's "ounces" used in Tibet (Nat. Ill. Library Ed., Vol. I. pp. 144, 146) were I presume the tael or quadruple tickal. With Huc's statements can be compared the statement of a writer in Toung Pao, Vol. II. p. 168, in an article entitled, Sur les moyens et les voies de communication des Provinces de la Chine avoisinant le Tongking. He gives throughout prices in "livres," and then adds a note: "The livre is of 16 ounces and the ounce is 37 gr. 24 centigr. The livre of silver was worth at the commencement of 1891, 1,650 sapeques." In Pegolotti's time (early 14th century A. D.) gold was bought by the saggio (3 ounce) in silver. Yule, Cathay, Vol. II. p. 297. So de Morga (Hakluyt Society's Ed. pp. 340, 341) says that in the Philippines in his time (1598-1609) the Chinese paid in silver and reals, for they do not like gold," and that the Japanese were paid "chiefly in reals, though they are not so set upon them as the Chinese, as they have silver in Japan." See also Two Years in Ava, p. 281; Anderson, Siam, pp. 61, 127. Maxwell, Journey on foot to the Patani Frontier, p. 48, however notes that in the neighbourhood of the Belong Gold Mines silver was scarce and that gold was the currency in 1875. Ridgeway, Origin of Currency, p. 3, explains the change of meaning in the denominations kyat, (tickal) ma and pe briefly and effectually thus: "The names of monetary units hold their ground long after they themselves have ceased to be in actual use, as we observe in such common expressions "bet a guinea" or worth a "groat," although these coins are no longer in circulation, and so the French sou has survived for a century in popular parlance and the Thaler has lived into the new German monetary system." 13 Prinsep, who assayed the Ava bullion sent over to India after the First Burmese War as indemnity, says, Useful Tables, p. 80, "The figures given by the action of the fire upon a thick brown coating of glaze (of the oxides of lead and antimony) answer in some degree the purpose of a die impression," Malcom, Travels, Vol. II. p. 269, says practically the same thing.

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JUNE, 1897.) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 157 silver jewellery, and hence have no need of the metal, except for currency. The art of testing weight by handling is still, howaver, common among the young and old of both sexes. Mandalay jewellers are of course good judges of silver, but they are also capital judges of the probable amount of silver in a lump of lead. Here is a case in point. In February, 1889, there occurred, in the poor Eastern portion of the town, one of those devastating fires so common there. It destroyed over 700 houses, and I have known worse fires both before and since in that lackless place. Being at that time officially responsible for the welfare of the burnt area, I procured, on this particular occasion, by subscription and otherwise, & sum of money sufficient to start the poorest of the sufferers in life again. Among the recipients of a dole was an old working jeweller, who had been completely ruined. He spent the small capital sapplied him in a speculation in lead. This was against all rules in those times of trouble (lead being valuable for bullets), but I permitted him to do it, to see what would happen. He proceeded to extract the silver that was in it and made a profit on the transaction that was almost what he told me beforehand he expected to get. The lead was subsequently properly disposed of. Lumps of metal stamped to show 'fineno88, but not waight, were in more or less common use. They were all, so far as I know, of foreign origin - either Chinese, Siamese, 0: Shan, being in fact sycee silver, tickals, or tanding silver, which are not properly Burmese carrency, and are only considered in detail later on, owing to the light their use throws on the present subject. Peasant Currenoy. The irregular tokens above spokon of were lumps of metal made into certain forms and used ag coins, though never intended for that purpose. Anything answers for currency to the petty dealer in an Upper Burma bazasr, provided she knows that it is of true metal and has a value by waight. I have had a copper button and a copper seal (Burmese) tendered to me in all good faith in payment of petty bazaar fees by Burmese women. The same observation is true, too, of most country places in India, as is proved by the existence of the Metal Tokens Act (Indian Act I. of 1889) of the Indian Legislature, the preamble of which is as follows: "Whereas it is expedient to prohibit the making or the possession for issue, or the issue, by private persons of pieces of metal for use as money." The Act then goes on to say (Section 3): - "No piece of copper or bronze or of any other metal or mixed metal, which, whether stamped or unstamped, is intended to be used as money, shall be made except by the authority of the Governor-General in Council." We thus see, despite the many centuries that have passed since the introduction of "coin of the realm" into India, that the use as currency of any lamp of metal of recognised quality is still so common as to repaire a special Act in our own days to repress it. Nothing seems to be able to overcome in fact the popularity of the Mansuri, Chachsauli, Gorakhpuri, Pandu, and Daballs paisas, chalans, et hoc genus omne, in the congurvative Indian village.16 I found a number of English early Nineteenth Century jettons, or brass card-counters, current at Patiala, Ambald, Hardwar, and elsewhere in 1890. They have turned up, too, in Rangoon, and have the appearance of farthings, but with such nonsense on them as the Prince of Wales's model half sov.." (sic), etc. They pase for what they are intrinsically worth, jast as do the metal tokens prohibited by the Act above-mentioned. 14 of the habits of the Chineso in this respect Terrien de la Couperio writes :-"A fiduciary coinage has never been willingly accepted in China, and the coins, whatever mark they bore, were never taken for more than their intrinsic value without great objection." Old Nainerals and the Swampan in China, p. 14 16 This is the English word "double." The "double pice" or hallands pieco is, however, a recognised legal coin under that name. See also Seca. 8, 9 and 14 of the Indian Coinage Act (XXII. of 1870). 16 For a collection of names of pice, soe Tennant's Catalogue of Coins in the Cabinet of Her Majesty's Mint, Cal cutta, 1883, p. 81 8. Compare the old Portuguese arco, Pyrard de Laval, Hak. Soo. Ed., Vol. II. p. 68.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. The copper seal above spoken of is an ordinary Burmese seal, badly cut, with the word myins un on it and so must have belonged to one of the cavalry regiments. It, as well as the copper button, was looked on as currency, because it was of true copper and weighed roughly a pice. 158 [JUNE, 1897. Besides the above, a third specimen of token currency, in the shape of a British quarteranna of 1887 with the obverse filed smooth, was tendered as a pice in payment of a ferry fee. Here there may have been swindling on the part of the person who filed down the coin, but the bona fules of the old woman who tendered it was never questioned. In her eyes it was currency because it was copper and weighed half a pice or thereabouts. The Tonkhal and Lahapa Nagas of the Manipur Territories act much in the same spirit, when they buy their brides for "Manipuri sel about the value of ten rupees." The sel is a small rude coin of bell-metal of very low value, and is the only currency recognised in those parts.17 In the same neighbourhood we have a curious instance of the British rupee being a token pure and simple in Woodthorpe's Lushai Expedition, 1871-1872, p. 182, where he says: "A cooly, having no use for his money and being no doubt utterly tired of his monotonous Commissariat fare, gave one rupee for a fowl, which thenceforth was established by the Lushais as the standard price,18 though of the actual value of the rupee they were entirely ignorant, appreciating more highly a few copper coins (but ? sel). A few sepoys, who had a supply of the latter, took advantage of it to buy back, at about a sixth of their value, the rupees which the Lushais had previously received from the officers." John Crisp in his " Account of the Inhabitants of the Poggy, or Nassau Islands, lying off Sumatra," confirms the proposition that, where coin is not the usual currency, any kind of coin will answer the purpose of currency for what it may be intrinsically worth. He says, writing in 1792, that the Nassau Islanders' " knowledge of metals is entirely derived from their communication with the inhabitants of Sumatra. They are still strangers to use of coin of any kind, and a metal coat-button would be of equal value in their est eem with a piece of gold or silver coin, either of which would be immediately be hung about the neck as an ornament." Their currency was a "sort of iron hatchet or hand-bill," a statement in itself interesting enough.20 Strettell (Ficus Elastica, p. 139) in 1876 found that the Kachins valued Burmese rupees only for their intrinsic worth in silver, and British rupees for making necklaces. Even when they took rupees in payment, they would only value them at a weight in lump-silver worth ten annas (p. 185). This notion was common in Lower Burma as late as 1825, for Alexander, Travels, p. 27, mentions that in the neighbourhood of Rangoon he found Spanish dollars used as a neck ornament by village children and pleased them greatly by adding "rupee-pieces." To carry this class of evidence down to 1893, I may note that in his Report on the Administration of the Northern Shan States for 1892-3, Mr. Scott tells us, p. 30, that "in the East of Hsi-Paw (Thibaw) an impression has fastened on the people that the rupee of the East. India Company's date with the impressions of George IV., William IV., and the rupee in which Her Majesty's head appears without the crown, are not valid tender and are worth no more than fourteen annas." 17 Soe Brown's Stastistical Account of the Native State of Manipur, pp. 40, 89. When this writer says (p. 31), that the Kansai Nagas sell slaves for money, paying Rs. 50, toks 70, for them, he no doubt meant payment in s. 18 I fear that so far the story must be apocryphal. 19 As. Res. Vol. VI. pp. 71-91, and Miscell. Papers on Indo-China, Vol. I. p. 71. 29 See post, Section on Barter and Non-metallic Currencies.

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JUNE, 1897.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 152 "I have posted up notices in the Bazaar," says Mr. Scott, "and have ordered all the Sawbwas to notify throughout their States that these rupees are as valid and current as the most recently minted coin, but without any effect whatever. Threats to punish them for refusin, legal tender are equally futile. They submit with an air of martyrdom. The eccentricities with regard to coined money are in fact endless. On the Chinese border two-anna pieces are all the rage.21 A man might scoff at the idea of selling a pony for Rs. 150, but if you offered him 300 two-anna bits, 39 the odds are that he would accept without further chaffering. In the WA States, on the contrary, they look on silver money of any kind with comparative notis chalance and impartiality. A two-anna piece is no more attractive than a rupee, and it is quite possible to get a hen's egg for either, but if you produce copper coin, the whole neigh. bourhoud is on the alert to sell everything it possesses from its wives downwards."23. Here we have a double influence at work :- distrust of an unaccustomed mark on the currency, together with a desire of sticking to what is known in preference to adopting what is unknown as currency, and the habit of using anything as currency which happens to be of & recognised metal 24 Perhaps the existing attitude of the Further Indian wilder tribes towards currency * may be best expressed in the words of Dr. Gardner, in describing the early Jewish coinage i:. Coins and Medals, p. 153: "It would seem that until the middle of the Second Century B. C., the Jews either weighed out gold and silver for the price of goods, or else used the money usually current among the surrounding peoples or among those who came into commercial contact with them." In a modified degree, owing to a closer acquaintai.e: with a civilised currency, this attitude is still characteristic of the Burmese peasant, and in: still more modified degree of the peasantry of India proper 25 This view is confirmed by what Barros, has said in his Decalas about cowries in ti Sixteenth Century28 :- "There is also a kind of shell-fish in the Maldives), as small as a srsti. hut diffrently shaped, with a hard, white, lustrous shell; some of them, however, being so highly polished and lustrous that, when made into buttons and set ip gold, the . 21 This was not Dr. Anderson's experience. Ses Mandalay to Momein, Pp. 91, 978. 22 Wrth Rs. 37). 23 Ridgeway's ingenious explanation of this class of fact is that certain coins used as currency by civilised) happen to be valued by certain savages or semi-savages as personal ornaments and hence the preference differeat tribes for different specific coins without reference to intrinsic worth. Origin of Currency. p. 56. In Parliamentary Return of the Lusbai Expedition (Parl. Papers, House of Commons, E.I., Cachar, 1872) we bay several io stances of the Lushais' view of money and the value they set on ornaments. Of these the best exam ut pp. 251 and 207, respectively, showing the terms for money and for ornaments to be synonymous. Page 251 :, "I he list of property which the Looshais say was taken from them by the sepoys does not agree with the propert: sent me by Colonel Stubbs. The following articles were missing : dios (knives) Re. 3, gold mohur of the perk Re. 1, Shotes (loin-cloth) Re. 1, markin cloth Rs. 2, silver bangles R,. 2, rupee of the neck Re. 1, rue (turba! Ro. 1, pakoor kookie (P) Rs. 2." Page 207: "Then Sookpilal's (Cbief's) muntrie (original form of mandari: Aee Yule, Hobson-Jobson, <<. v.) offered 50 metras (buffaloes), 10 guus, angchio (enuldrons), 20 gongs, and 20 grea. Necklaces for the captives, but to no purpose." 24 The same influence is apparently seen in the following extracts quoted by Anderson, Simon, p. 67 f. In 161 the English factors in Siam bought sa ppan-wood to send to Japan. Cocke was the agent in Japan. "The fact iu Siam in exchange for the sappen-wood and the rest of the cargo, wined a return I'rom Japan in a coin, il specim 1) Which William Eaton was to take back with him to show Cocka, who was told thnt if lic could send coin of the sameiescription it would tond very much to the employer's profit, provided it bu kept secret. Cocks' reply to thi. request w.. that he could not accede to it, as it was unlawful in Japan to stamp any coin, but that it was permissil to suelt si veriuto bars." Anderson then notes: "By 1690 the exportction of 'silver pluto' from Japan to Sia: 2.1035 har practically ceased, as Kaempfer relates that on liis visit to Ayutlia in that year all the inoncy of inn i coined from Dutch crowns, which were for this purposc coined in Holland and inported by tlie Dutch East Ini. Compaus at seven shillings the crown." 20 In view of actual facts in modern India and Further India, I cannot belp thinking that the true coinngo of: anciout Earopean and Avintio world could hardly have desceuded to the pousautry. Soo Nicolo Couti's statement : weat he found about 1430 in Tudia. India in the Fifteenth century, Vol. II. p. 30. * Qased in Gray's El. of Pyrard de Laval (Hak. Soc. 1., Vol. II. p. 131 f.).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1897. look like enamel. With these shells for ballast many ships are laden for Bengal and Siam, where they are used for money, just as we (Portuguese) use small copper money for buying things of little value. And even to this Kingdom of Portugal, in some years as much as two or three thousand quintals27 are brought by way of ballast. They are then exported to Guinea and the Kingdoms of Benin and Congo, where also they are used for money, the Gentiles (Heathen Natives) of the interior in those parts making their treasure of it." 160 The whole situation was accurately described by Pyrard de Laval, nearly three hundred years ago, when describing the currency of the Maldives: "The coin of the realm is silver only and of one sort. These are pieces of silver called larins (hook-money) of the value of eight sous or thereabouts of our (French) money, as I have said, as long as the finger and doubled down. The king has them struck in his Island and stamped with his name in Arabic characters. All other coins are foreign, and though they are current, they are only taken at their just value and weight, and they must be gold or silver; all others are rejected." And again at p. 235, he says: "They take no silver without weighing it and trying it in the fire to prove it: and every body has weights in his house for this purpose."29 3. Chipped Bullion. la using lumps of metal of indefinite size as currency the practice in Burma was, and is still, in places, as in China, to chop off the required weight from the lump and to tender the chip in exchange for the article wanted. In out-of-the-way places some dealers still keep a hammer and chisel for the purpose, and others either go to the local jeweller or assaymaster and get the lump chipped off for them, or borrow his hammer and chisel and do the needful themselves.30 If we may define a coin as a lump of metal stamped with recognised marks to indicate fineness and weight i. e., exchange value the collection shown on Plates I. and II. exhibits a complete history of the evolution of coinage. Thus : (1) the mere lump of metal whose fineness can only be tested by actual assay or outward appearance, and its weight only by actual weighment; (2) the lump of metal whose fineness is attested by a mark stamped thereon, but whose weight can only be ascertained by actual weighment; (3) the token whose appearance and apparent weight gives it an exchange value without further test; (4) the coin stamped by marks to indicate weight and fineness-i. e., exchange value; (5) the coin of the realm, or coin stamped with those marks which give it a forced currency within the realm and make it the legal medium of exchange. Huc, Nat. Ill. Library Ed., Vol. I. p. 146, has a very interesting note on the treatment of coins by cutting in Tibet, as if they were ingots of metal:-"The monetary 27 Equal to a weight of about 100 to 150 tons, the quintal or kentle being practically the British cut. 28 Hak. Soc. Ed., Vol. I. p. 282. 29 See Phayre, Int. Num. Or., Vol. III. Pt. I. p. 88; and Miss Corner's China, written for Bohn, Bell's Ed., p. 212; Pyrard de Laval, Hak, Soc. Ed., Vol. I. p. 285, Vol. II. p. 176; Malcom, Travels, Vol. II. p. 269. 30 Captain Younghusband informed me that in his travels in China he found it necessary to apply to working jewellers to chop pieces from the silver bars or ingots he carried as money, as it was a difficult and tedious operation in unpracticed hands. See also La Loubere, Siam, E. T., Vol. I. p. 72. Prinsep, Useful Tables, p. 30, says that the lumps of silver sent from Ava after the First Burmese War as indemnity weighed "20 to 30 tikals (30 to 40 tolas)," and so were obviously useless for currency except by chopping. Colquhoun, in his Across Chryse, Vol. I. p. 139, hae rather an interesting reference to lump currency when he tells us that sacrifices to the "Wealth God" by the Chinese consists of hares, eggs, game, fire. works and carp which for this occasion is called "silver-ingot fish."

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Ra Coll. R. C. Temple 51 FULL-SIZE Indian Antiquary. Plate i.

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Page #167
JUNE, 1897.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 161 system of the Tibetians consists entirely of silver coins, 91 which are somewhat larger, but not 80 thick as our francs. On one side they bear inscriptions in Tibetian Parsee (? for Persian) or Indian characters ; on the other, a crown composed of eight small round flowers. To facilitate commerce, these coins are cut in pieces, the number of flowers remaining on each piece determining its value. The entire coin is called Tchan-ka. A Tche-ptche is one half of the Tchan-ka; or in other words is a piece of four flowers only. The Cho-kan has five flowers, the Ka-gan three." This is the crescent money of Terrien de la Couperie, Catalogue of Chinese Coins, p. XX. He describes it as "the crescent money from Ancient Pegu" and of Tibet," and as resulting "from cuts of round money."33 It is quite possible that the coins Huc saw were in fact Nepalese, for Prinsept tells us that in 1833 the only coins current then at Lhasa were Nepalese silver molars, and that " as the Bhoteahs have no other currency they are compelled to cut them into halves, quarters and eighths." As regards China, Colquhoun, in 1882, took with him "Merican dollars, new and chopped for use on the (Sikiang) river."96 And to shew that the custom of chipping obtained in Burma a century ago, I may remark that the French Traveller, Flouest, in 1786, notes that small sums were paid in chips of lead off large lamps, and that large sams were similarly paid in silver.36 In a most interesting and graphic account of the wreck of the Corbin off the Maldives in 1602, Pyrard de Laval (Hak. Soc. Ed., Vol. I. p. 61) after explaining how they rescued some of the great mass of silver in the wreck and buried it, goes on to say :- " But at length, when our comrades, who were left at Pouladon, found that they got nothing to eat and were dying of hunger, they were constrained to unearth it and offer money for food, and the people gave them food for the silver. The mischief was that the smallest piece of money they had was the twenty sols piece of Spanish money, and the islanders, seeing our men's ignorance, never gave them change: so that for a thing of the value of two liargs7 they had to give one of these pieces, so that at this rate for five or six pieces a man sometimes hardly got a meal. Had our men had the cunning to do as they use at the Islands and all over India (where money of every kind and mint is accepted so long as it is good metal) - that is to chip it in small pieces and then to weigh it out when required their silver would have lasted them much longer. But, as I said, for the smallest commodity they gave a whole piece. So by this waste the silver lasted but a little while to most of those who had it; and to them the natives would give nothing except for money, so they endured all manner of discomforts." The whole passage is valuable in every way as exhibiting what currency in the East really was 300 years ago, and the aptitude for trade when opportunity offers, 80 strongly characteristic of the poverty-stricken peasantry throughout India and the Far East. It further exhibits that accurate appreciation of what passed before his eyes, which distinguishes Pyrard, and to which I have already bad occasion to allude. (To be continued.) 31 Company's rapees must have, however, been then current in Tibet to some small extent: vide Daka's Life of Csoma de Koros, PP. 78, 83, 87, 93, 105, 134, and lastly, when on his road to study at Lbasa Csona died at Darjeeling, there were found on him, "cash to the number of 224 rupees of various coinage, and & waist-belt containing 26 gold pieces, Dutch ducats I (Dr. Campbell) believe," p. 152. This last entry shews what this experienced traveller thought to be necessary for a journey in Tibet in 1842. There is probably valuable information on Tibetan currency in a MS, work in the Library A. 9. B., noted by Dr. Duke, p. 207 ff., for chapter 324 thereof gives " names of precious things, as jewels, gold, silver, etc." 31 Seo port, remarks on the token money from Tensseerim. # In Pegolotti's time (first half, Fourteenth century, A. D.) silver and gold ingots were apparently not cat in China, but exchanged for the paper money then in vogue. Yule, Cathay, Vol. II. p. 280. See aluo Ibn Batata's statement a little later in the same century. Op. cit., Vol. II. p. 480 f. 34 Antiquities, Thomas' Ed. Useful Tables, p. 32. See also Forrest, (Indian) State Papers, Foreign Department, Vol. I. p. 78; Vol. III. p. 1674. % Across Chryse, Vol. I. p. 31. Cf. also for the Shan States, Toung Pao, Vol. I. p. 51. * Tour Pao, Vol. II. p. 41. Fourteen to a sou, equal a pie and a half, so two liars or liarde equal a pice.

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1 897. THE ORIGIN OF THE TOWN OF AJMER AND OF ITS NAME. BY G, BUHLER. The statements regarding the antiquity and the name of the famous town of Ajmer or Ajmir, found in the various historical and descriptive accounts of Rajputana, are very conflicting. Colonel Tod tells us in the beginning of his Annals of Rajasthan, Vol. I. p. 10, note 1 (Madras edition), that Ajmer is the hill of Ajya" (sic) the "Invincible" hill - mer signifying in Sanskrit "a hill." But on p. 663 f. of the same volume he gives a different story and says that the town was built by, and derives its name from, a goat-herd of Pushkar, who was called Ajapal and was an ancestor of the Chohan king Busildeo (Visaladeva). Sir A. Cunningham, Archaeological Survey Reports, Vol. II. p. 252 ff., ascribes the foundation of Ajmer to the Chohan or Chabamana prince Ajayapala, whom he places - very properly rejecting the bardic story acccording to which he lived before the days of the Mahabharata - some time before Mimik Rae. Referring the traditional date of the latter king, Samvat 741 or 747, to the Saka era, he makes it equal to A. D. 819-825, and in order to prove the antiquity of the town, he appeals to Ferishta, who mentions "the king of Ajmer" in A. H. 63 (A. D. 684), 377 and 399, and asserts that Mahmud of Ghazni sacked Ajmer in A. H. 416 or A. D. 1025 on his expedition against Somnath. Farther, the Rajputana Gazetteer, Vol. II. p. 14, gives, according to traditional accounts, the year A. D. 145 as the date of the foundation of Ajmer and the name of its founder as Raja Aja, "a descendant of Anhal, the first Chohan." Finally, Prof. Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, Vol. III. p. 151, conjectures that the original name of the town was Ajamiaha, for which later Ajamira was substituted, and that it is mentioned by Ptolemy, ca A. D. 150, as Gagasmira. In addition there are two native works, not noticed by the European writers, which likewise assign a great antiquity to the town, giving at the same time its correct name. First, the Hammiramahakatya of Nayachandra (I. 52) states at the end of the description of Ajaya pala the third successor of Chahamana the heros eponymos of the Chohans, that this king "established the fort of Ajayameru, lovely with a beauty that surpasses the glory of heaven." Secondly, an anonymous list of the Chabamana kings, printed in the Bombay edition of the Prabandhachintamani, p. 52 ff., calls Ajayaraja, the fourth prince of the Chohan dynasty (the beginning of which is placed in Samvat 608) Ajayamerudurgakdrakah, the founder of the fort of Ajayameru." While all these authorities agree in attributing to Ajmer a considerable antiquity, the brief note from the Prithvirkjavijaya, inserted by Dr. J. Morison in his important article on the Genealogy of the Chahamanas (Vienna Or. Journal, Vol. VII. p. 191) under the twentieth king. Ajayaraja or Salhana, relegates its foundation to a very late period, as it calls this king the builder of Ajayameru. The passage, on which Dr. Morison's note is based, is a rather long one in Sarga V. of the poem. The inscription of Ajayaraja begins with verse 77 and continues through, perhaps, more than forty verses to the end of the Sarga. Verse 99, which has been lost with the exception of the last words of the commentary [cr]HT TT art, contained the statement of that Ajayaraja built a town. Then follows the inscription of its splendour and holiness in a long 1 Reprinted from the Vienna Or. Journal. Mr. J. N. Kirtane has printed in I. 41, erroneously HET ATT 74916: instead of TS 16, and has given also Jayapala in the Introduction, p. 14. * Here and in the sequel I make use of Dr. Morison's transcript which he has kindly placed at my disposal for my work in connection of the Grundriss. The state of the dilapidated original makes it impossible to give the numbers of the verses always exactly,

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JUNE, 1897.] ORIGIN OF THE TOWN OF AJMER AND OF ITS NAME. 163 row of stanzas, each of which contains a relative sentence connected with the word nagara in verse 99. The first two run as follows: bhavatyajayamerutvaM sAthai yasya suraalyH| na hi puNyaprabhAveNa tadastyeva na yaravet / / 10.. brajanti sthAnamAhAtmyAdadhamA avigItatAm / vezyAnAmapi yadyatra vAstavaM rAgamelakam / / 102 // "100. Whose appellation Ajayameru becomes appropriate through its dwellings of the gods; for, owing to its sanctity, nothing exists that is not found (there);" "101. Where through the peculiar efficacy of that sacred spot the lowest become blameless, since there even the courtesans unite (themselves) in real passion (with their lovers)." The end of the description is found in the verse which stands last bat one in the Sarga : evaMvidhAmajayamerugirI pratiSThAM kRtvA sakautuka ivAjayarAjadevaH / hosiMhatanayaM tanayaM vidhAya siMhAsane tridivamIkSitumucca[cAla || "Having made such a settlement on the Ajayameru hill, his majesty Ajayaraja went up full of curiosity as it were, to look at heaven, after he had placed on the throne his son, in .whom political wisdom was united with the strength of the arm." The next and concluding verge of the Sarga says that the name of this son was Arnoraja, whose reign is described in Sarga VI. and in a portion of Sarga VII. The time of this prince can be ascertained with tolerable accuracy from the statements of the Psithvirajavijaya, of the Gujarat chronicles and of Kumarapala's Chitorgadh inscription. From the Prithvirajavijaya (Sarga VII.) we learn that Arnoraja took as his second wife Kanchanadevi, a daughter of Jayasimha-Siddharaja of Gujarat, and consequently was a younger contemporary of tha: king, who ruled from A. D.1094-1148 (Vikrama Samvat 1150-1199). Further, the Gujarit chronicles, beginning with Hemachandra's Dvyasrayakosha, all describe the successful war which Jayasimha's successor Kamarapala waged against Arnoraja or Anaka, and the Chitorgadh inscription" proves that this war came to an end in, or shortly before, Vikrama Samvat 1207, which may correspond to A. D. 1149.50 or 1150-51. Finally, it appears from the date of the Ajmer inscription of Arnoraja's second son Vigraba IV. or Visaladeva, Vikrama Samvat 1210 or A. D. 1153, that he must have died between V. S. 1207 and 1210. From these dates it is plain that Arnoraja reigned in the second quarter of the twelfth century and his father between A. D. 1100 and 1125 or thereabouts, and that Ajayameru must * The text has bhajatyajaya", but JonarAja's commentary is: yaspa nagarasyAjayamerubhASA sArthako bhavati devtaavaasH| mehi devAvAsaH / etameva vizeSa sAmAnpena samarthayate / na yadbhavatatrAsti / katA / sarvameva bhavedityarthaH puNyaprabhAvAt / / * Jonarijals explanation is as follows: evaMvidhAmajayamerunagarasya pratiSThAM kRtvA svargadarzanArtha kautukIva / nagarAntaralabda [ndhA]ntara iti bhAva / bhujabalamilitanIti putraM siMhAsane kRtvocchlitH|| 6 The text of the most important verse has been lost, but JonarAja's commentary ays gUjarandrA jayAsahastasma yAM dattavAnsA kAcanadevI rAtrI ca dine ca somaM somezvarasaMzamajanayat / / " That Kafishanudevt, whom the king of Gujarat Jayasimha had given to him, bore him who was called Smavars and who (being an incarnation of Siva, wan) united day and night with UmA (Parvati)." Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II. p.422. .. Indian Antiquary, Vol.xx. p.201. The date is that of the incision of Vigraha's Harakelinataks. . According to the Prithvirujavijaya (S. VII.) Arnoraja was assassinated by the oldest son of his first wife, Sudhavd of Marvad: prathamaH sudhavAsutastadAnIM paricayA~ janakasya tAmakArSIt / pratipAya jalAli ghRNAye vidadhe yA bhagunandano jananyai // * Then the eldest aon of Sudhave did that service to his father, which the scion of Bhrigu (Parasurama) - offering a libation of water to Compassion - performed for his mother." Janeraja reads are as a compound and explains ghRNAyAM pratipAdyo jalAnaliyasyAM tAM nirdhAM yAM]pArecayau~ zira chedAtmikAM parazurAmo mAtuH kRtakastA paricaya pUjA speSThaH sudhavAputraH pituH kRtavAmpituH shirshchedmkaadityrthH||

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1897. have been built during this latter period. The testimony of the Prithvirajavijaya, of course, outweighs that of the modern tradition as well as that of the Hammiramahakavaya and of Ferishta, For the poem was composed during the reign of Prithviraja IL or in the last quarter of the twelfth century, while the Hammiramahakavya dates at the best from the end of the fourteenth century and Ferishta wrote two hundred years later towards the end of the sixteenth century. Moreover, the Prithvirajavijaya is ne only work, in which, as Dr. Morison has stated, the genealogy of the Chahamanas agree with that contained in their inscriptions, while those of the other Sanskrit sources do not even agree with each other and clearly contain anachronisms. With respect to one of Ferishta's statements, the sack of Ajmer by Mahmud of Ghazni, it must be pointed out that the older accounts of the expedition against Somnath do not name the town. Ibn Astr, the oldest author, merely says that after crossing the desert on his way from Multan to Aphilvad, Mahmud perceived "on one side a fort full of people, in which place there were wells," and that he took and sacked it.10 In Ferishta's other references the expression" the king of Ajmer" no doubt is meant to denote the Chahamanas (Chohans) of Sakambhari, who, to judge from the length of the list in the Prithvirajavijaya, seem to have ruled in Eastern Rajputana since the sixth century A. D. The fact that Ajmer was their capital at the time of the Mahommedan conquest explains Ferishta's mistake. It deserves to be noted also that the name of Ajmer does not occur in the Indian intineraries of the earlier Arab geographers, given in the first volume of Elliot's History of India, that only one of the Gujarat chronicles, the Prabhavakacharitra (XXII. 420), mentions it in connection. with Kumarapala's war against Arnoruja (when it did exist) and that the only Chahamane inscription, found at Ajmer, is that of the time of Vigraha IV., mentioned above. All these points, of course, speak in favour of the assertion of the Prithvirajavijaya, that Ajaya, the twentieth Chahamana king of Sakambharf, was its founder, and the late date for the town must be accepted as historical. As regards the name of Ajayameru, its meaning is no doubt, as the Prithvirajavijaya, v. 100, suggests, "the Meru made by Ajayaraja." Meru is primarily the name of the fabulous golden mountain (hemadri), the centre of Jambudvipa on which the gods dwell (suralaya) and it is figaratively applied in geographical names to any hill covered with splendid temples and palaces.!! Thus we have in Rajputana Jesalameru,12 "the Meru made by Jesala," which primarily denotes the hill-fort, rising with its temples and palace above the town of Jesalmer or Jesalmir in Marvad, Komalmer, properly Kumbhalameru, " the Meru built by Kumbhala or Kumbhakarna," which is the well-known hill-fort13 in Mevad, and Balmer or Barmer, properly Bahadameru, the Meru made by Bahada," a hill-fort in Mallani. In Kathiavad, there is Jhanjmer,15 properly Jhanjhameru, "the Meru made by Jhanjha," and in the Central Provinces there is another. Ajmirgarh, properly Ajayamerugadha," the fort, i. e., the Meru made by Ajaya." March 12th, 1897. 10 Elliot's History of India, Vol. II. p. 489.-This unnamed fort no doubt was erroneously converted into Ajmer by Ferishta or his informants. It is more probable that Mahmud took the straighter road to Aphilvad vid Mandor and Pli, and that one of these forts is meant by Ibn Asir. 11 Another figurative meaning of meru, derived from the notion that mount Mera is the home of the gods, is "a large temple with six towers, twelve stories and wonderful vaults" (Brihateamhita, lvi. 20). According to the Prabandhachintamani, p. 134 (see also p. 175 f.) king Karns of Gujarat constructed a building of this kind, called Karnamerub praddal, in Aphilvad. Similarly, the Prabhavakacharitra, XII. 402, mentions a Siva temple, called Siddhameru. 13 This form is still used by Pandits and Yatis, and occurs regularly in the colophons of the palm-leaf MSS., in the inscriptions and in the Jaina books. 18 In the Rajputana Gazetteer, Vol. III. p. 52, the fort is called Komalgarh, while Col. Tod gives Komalmer. The name Kumbhalameru occurs in the Jaina Pattavalis, see the description of the Kharatara Sripuj Jinabhadra, Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 249. 14. Rajputana Gazetteer, Vol. II. p. 271. The form Bahadamfru is used by the Jainas, see the description of the Kharatara Sripuj Jinasamudra, Ind. Ant, Vol. XI. p. 249. 18 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. VIII. p. 459.

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JUNE, 1897.) FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES OF INDIA ; No. 10. 165 FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES OF INDIA. BY M. N. VENKETSWAMI OF NAGPUR. No. 10. - Kuthuvelusu and Tongarelniku. : : Once on a time in a certain country there lived a Briliman, who had two very beautiful daughters. The eldest bore the name of Tungaveluku and her sister Kuthuveluku. The father had these girls married at an early age. In due time, Tungaveluku, who had been married in her seventh year, advanced towards womanhood, and tlie garbarasi, or garbalhar, ceremony bad been performed. Shortly afterwards Kuthuvelaku, too, attained to womanhood, but the sobanam ceremony could not be performed, for her husband, Deshudi Raja, was travelling in the East and West and North and South of Aryavarti.. Not having seen her sister, Tungavelaku, for a long time, Kutluyeluku, adorning herselt in ail her ornaments, went to visit her. Tungavelaku, on seeing her appear even more beautiful than when she had last seen her, wept bitterly, for she had heard of the death of Deshadi Raji. The younger sister asked the cause of her weeping, but she would not tell lier for a long time. As Kuthuveluku persisted, she yielded, and with tears in her eyes, said: - "My loving and ouly sister, Kuthuveluku, I wept because I thought of what you will do with your youth and loveliness, young and lovely as you are, for I have heard of the death of your husband in the course of his travels in Bharata varsha." Hearing this, Kuthuvelaku took leave of her sister and returned to her parents. Informing them of her misfortune with tears, she entreated her father to prepare a funeral pyre, so that she might burn herself in it and rejoin her husband in the next world. In due course the pyre was prepared. After distributing puskp, Turkuma, barnailu, santiisa and vastra' to the punya stris, and after making pranding to the asseinbled crowd, Kutiuvelaku, without swerving for one moment from the self-imposed ordeal, and calling upon heaven and earth to witness, notwithstanding the high flames leaping to thic skics, jumped upon the pyre. But an unusual heavy rain came down from the blue sky and not only extinguished the funeral pile, bat burst the banks of the rivers aboanding in the country and mai'o them overflow, and caused a general flood. One of these rivers, by the impetuosity of its flow, swept the immaculate victim of the burning fires along with it. On the morning of the next day the chaste young widow of Deshadi Raja, whom the fires refused to touch, carried by the benign carrent, found herself landed on the bank of a river in a strange country. A malalare in service of the king of the country saw her and was impressed with her extreme beauty. Pitying her forlorn condition, wetted and shivering as she was, he took the young lady home and told his wife to tend her as their child, as they had no children. Now it was the duty of the malakara every morning to make ready garlands and immortelles, guras and turas8 for the royal family. In this work he was relieved on one occasion by his adopted daughter. The queen observed the change, and so struck and pleased was sho with the artistic talent displayed in the arrangement of various flowers constituting the wreaths, eto., that she sent for the matakara and asked him who had made ready the malas that day. 1 Consumination of marriage. Pushpu, turmeric; kurkuna, a powdered substance, vermilion in colour, applied in the form of a circle to the forehead by Hindu women, barnailu, small caskets to hola kuikuma often made of wood santia, ornaments : rastra, cloths. sirnya stris, lit., meritorious ladies, or those ladies whose husbands ara slive as distinguished from widows, They ara allowed to wear the kuilenin marks on the forehead and to apply turmeric to their face, handa sud feet. * Salutations. * Lit.. maker of necklaces or nuls of flowers, nsanlly a mali. 6 Greras, small garlands of lovers for the hands; turas, small garlands of power: for the head, rather for the head-dress.

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166 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. "My daughter," was the reply. "Bring your daughter to me some day," said the mistress. [JUNE, 1897. Accordingly, the malakara took his adopted daughter to the palace one day, and she was at once, much to the regret of the foster father, taken into the service of the royal family as a suitable companion to the queen's daughter, who was of the same age. Now, on a certain occasion, the queen gave a ser of pearls to one of the maid-servants, telling her to string them. The malakara's adopted daughter, who happened to be present, said she would do the work, but her mistress would not trust her with it. However, she insisted, and in an inauspicious moment began the work. While thus occupied Kuthuveluku was shouted at and called several times for her noon-day meal. So she left the pearls in a temple to Gansesa attached to the palace, and went to her food. But what was her surprise on her return to find that the pearls had completely disappeared. The loss of the pearls was, in due course, brought to the notice of the queen. She was very wroth, and had the culpirt's head at once shaved? as a public insult. Besides this punishment the poor widow of Deshadi Raja was made to sweep the verandahs, granaries and stable-yards during the day, and at night to act as a lamp-stand at the latter place. Now, Deshadi Raja was alive, notwithstanding the rumours of his demise, and had arrived in this country from his extensive travels in the land of Bharata and of Kasyapa Muni, embosomed and nestling amidst the Yamulgiri Parvatam; for the queen was no other than his sister. Here, in the palace, he saw poor Kuthuveluku standing alone during the night. at the entrance to his chamber, for her position had been shifted to the palace from the stableyard since the Raja's stay in the palace. He was very much displeased with the inhuman treatment meted out to the maid-servant: and was anxious to know the cause of such a harsh treatment, but somehow or other he forgot to ask about it. During his stay with his brother-in-law and sister, Deshadi Raja asked that a mistress be provided for him. This, of course, could not be done without informing the queen. So she was informed, and said: "We had better send that girl who lost the lakh of rupees worth of pearls: she is beautiful. By this way at least the loss of the pearls will be recompensed." Accordingly, Kathuveluku was ordered to dress herself and go to the newly arrived brother of the queen in the palace during his stay. She understood the purpose and wept much, but obey she must. So, fervently praying to Isvara inwardly to preserve her chastity, she, on the first day, heaving deep sighs, approached the entrance of the chamber and stood weeping. On the second night also she approached the entrance of the chamber with a heavy heart and stood weeping. The third day, too, saw her standing and weeping at the entrance. The fourth day also marked the tears of Kuthuveluku, wetting the ground at the entrance to the chamber of the Raja. But on the fifth day, when she had begun weeping after approaching the entrance and taking her stand, the Raja, who had observed her behaviour for the last four days, and taking her to be no prostitute, asked her who she was and why she was weeping. Upon this Kuthuveluku with clasped hands unfolded her tale of woes. She told how she had been married to the unfortunate Deshadi Raja, who had died while making acquaintance with different countries, and in consequence how she had had a funeral pile prepared and jumped into it to rejoin her husband in the next world, but how an unusually heavy rain at that moment came down from the high heavens, as ill-luck would have it, and Shaving of the head, lopping of the ears, cutting of the noses of women and parading them in streets after making them sit on donkeys with their faces pointing to the tail of the animal, were old punishments inflicted on women for misconduct or infidelity to their husbands or other offences. s Kashmir. Himalaya Mountains.

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JONE, 1897.] MISCELLANEA. 167 extinguished the flames: how one of the several rivers which inundated the country in consequence, instead of accepting her sinful self as a sacrifice when refused by fire, swept her along only to lay her on the banks of river of a strange country, where a malakara taking compassion on her, adopted her as his danghter; how she was torn away from him by the queen to necome a companion for her daughter ; how she lost the pearls in the temple of Ganesa and had in consequence been punished. She went on to say: "I have been the lamp-post at the entrance to your chamber since yoar arrival (though I was in the stable-yard before), and now I am compelled to lead the life of a prostitute agaiust my will, when, as heaven and earth know it, I have laid the hem of my garment10 to Deshadi Raja, and to him alone. To save me from dishonour and allow me to die pure, when death overtakes me, is now within your power," said Kuthuveluku, prostrating herself at his feet with tears trickling down the pallid cheeks of her swollen face. Hearing her sorrowful story, and recognizing, from the narration in the poor, badly, treated servant sent to him, his own wife, Deshadi Raja took her to his side and wept bitterly, exclaiming that he was her husband. But Kuthuveluka would not believe that he was her husband, for had she not learnt from the lips of her sister that he died while travelling in the classic Aryabhumi, and were not women always being deceived by men by false persuasion ? However, Deshadi Raja sent for his brother-in-law the next day, and in high terms asked the cause of the maltreatment of his wife, and straightway made his way to the temple to Ganesa and beat the imagell in his anger with a ratan, stating that he was the root of the disappearance of the pearls for which his poor wife was so bitterly persecuted. Whereupon the god gave up the pearls! Deshadi Raja soon afterwards, leaving his cruel sister and brother-in-law, who were at a loss for an explanation of the maltreatment of his wife, reached his father-in-law's country, followed by his patient wife, Kuthuveluku. Here, to the great joy of Kuthuvelaku's father and sister, was very soon celebrated with great pomp and splendoar the marriage of Dishadi Raja with Kuthuveluku for the second time, for both had been reported dead and were alive. It need hardly be said that the pair lived happily afterwards, attaining a good old age. MISCELLANEA. + SOME NOTES ON THE FOLKLORE OF THE them calisman, which was to be carried on the TELUGUS. head. They were told to go in a northerly direction, By G. R. SUBRAMIAH PANTULU. and wherever the talisman fell from the head to dig there, and take whatever came to each per(Continued from p. 140.) son's lot. The four friends set out on their XXXIV. errand, and went & certain distance, when the AT Chatrapur lived four poor friends, who, talisman of the first person fell from his head. being in great distress and sorely puzzled how to When the spot was dug into, an enormous eke out a livelihood, met at a certain spot to quantity of copper was found. The first man saw devise means for bettering their condition. They the others, and said that he was quite content thereupon performed severe austerities to the KAli with his lot, and stopping there, he carried the of the place, who, being pleased with them, appear .copper home. After travelling a little more dised to them and asked them what they wanted. tance, the talisman of the second man fell from They asked her to confer riches and happiness his head. The spot was dug into, and an enoron them. The goddess thereupon gave each of mous quantity of silver was found. He followed 20 Konguvaitinanu in Telaga - laid the hem or that portion of the sdri gracefully coming over the head on the ground with a view to receive. 11 I. e., Ganesa vigraha - Pioty calls it so.

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168 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1897. the action of the first friend, and desisted from informed them, that there was a lake a few yards going any further. The other two travelled further off, which would never dry, and that it for some time longer, when the talisman on the would be a very happy refuge for the fish. The head of one of them fell off. When the spot was latter requested the former to take them up and dug into, an enormous quantity of gold was found. leave them there. The crane thereupon took Ho thereupon told the last friend not to proceed them up one by one and left them in the sun on any further, as, with the quantity of gold fomd, a mountain-top, and slowly devoured them. both of them could live happily. But he gave a Moral: - We should never, therefore. believe veut car to the advice, and went on for some time the words of our natural enemies. longer, till the talisman fell from his head. The spot was dug into and a quantity of irou was found. XXXVI. He was overcome with grief at his lot, and A fumine, in days long gone by, once devasregretting the neglect of his friend's advice he s et of his friend's advice he tated the whole of the southern country, and Tetraced his steps. But, alas, in this he was sorely there was not a drop of water visible in pond, disappointed, for he was not able to find his lako, well or tank. The elephants, very much friend. Thereupon immersed in grief he tried to troubled by thirst, went in search of a place where vet at the iron that had fallen to lis lot, but he they could satisfy it to their hearts' content, and was not able to find the iron. Very sorry for his found a tank called Chandrapushkarani. As lot, he came back to the town and lived once the tank was full to the brim, they rested there more by begging. E and quenched their thirst, and also found a habitMoral: -A porson wlio hear's not the advice ation in the woods adjacent, till the whole terdered by his most intimate friends will surely country was again green with verdure. But the come to grief. track of these elephants was full of hares, and they were smashed to pieces under their heavy XXXV. footsteps. The hares, seeing the calamity that Lake Vimalavati bas been occupied from had befallen them, and how they were greatly time immemorial by large numbers of fiais. Once reduced in numbers, met at a certain spot to upon a time, a crane, which happened to pass by, devise means for sending the elephants away to a conceived the idea of preying on them, and stood distant spot. One of them spid :-"Why fear the on the brink of the lake. But it saw the fish elephants? I have devised means to get rid of coing away from it shaking with fear, and so it them." said :-"I very mucb regret your going away from On a certain moon-light night, it climbed me in the belief that birds of my order make and sat on an adjacent mountain-top, and you their prey, and that I would do the same. said to the elephants who came by, as usual, But I have not come here with such an object in to drink from the tank:-"O, ye elephants, I have view. I, following others of my kind, have killed been deputed by Chandra (the moon), whose il good many fish, and become a sinner, but I am tank it is, to inform you that this tank has been now grown very old, and have renouneed the dug under his orders. That is the reason world. I am come here to perform penance. why it goes under the name of ChandrapushFear not any harm from me. You may roam any. karani(lit., the moon's tank). He comes here where you please." every night and dallies with his wives. For some The poor fish believed the wily words of the time past he has been interrupted in his pastime cranc, especially as the crane did not interfere by your advent and meddling with the waters. with them at all, though they approached it. He is therefore very angry with you. Quit After some time bad thus elapsed, the crane the tank instantly, or otherwise, he told me, appeared to be very much dejected and melan. he would smash you up ere dawn. If you choly. The fish approached it, and asked it what I want to see whether he is angry or not, just look the matter was. To which the crane replied :- into this tank and you will be satisfied." "What shall I say? A twelve years' famine will The elephants were wonder-struck, and seeing very shortly visit the land. Not a drop of water the reflection of the moon, agitated by the wind in will then remain in this lake. I am able to know the waters, mistook it for his wrath with them, this by second sight, and, as you are my close bowed to the moon, requested him to excuse them friends, I cannot resist the temptation of inform- as they bad come there in innocence, and desired ing you, lest you dic when the famine comes." the hare to intercede with the moon on their The fish were exceedingly joyed at the humane behalf. The elephants thereupon quitted the place nature of the crane, and requested it to save them instantly, and the hures from that time forwarde from the impending peril. The crane thereupon lived comfortably.

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JULY, 1897.] THE MANDUKYA UPANISHAD. THE MANDUKYA UPANISHAD. BY HERBERT BAYNES, M.R.A.S. The Mandukya-Upanishad. yom 7 . Z w.v. ___ satyam eva jayate Hirasmayena patrena satyasya ap:hitam Mukham Yah aska aditye parashah sali asaa aham Om! Kham! Brahma ! ! The Mandukya Upanishad. D ERHAPS no class of metaphysical literature is likely to exercise so great an influence on I future schools of thought in Europe as those mystical products of the Indian nind known as the U, anishads. No less an authority than Prof. Deussen does not hesitate to say: Whatever, with growing knowledge, may be the final form of these and other parallely, they at all events prove what penetrating questions have been raised and in their way answered by the Indians, and what a mistake it is to exclude the philosophy of the Hindus from the philosophical curriculum. In the course of time this state of things must and will be altered.' Professor Max Muller bas contributed two volumes of translation of these ancient treatises to the Clarendon Press series, and, to judge ulike from the friendly and the adverse criticisin of which they have been the subject, interest in these matters is likely to grow rather than to diminish. Now the Mindukya, which, in the opinion of competent pandits, best expresses in terse form the essential theosophy of India, does not form one of the aforesaid series. There is : short literal English translation of the work by Dr. Roer in the second volume of the Biblio theca Indica, a similar prose rondering into German in his Indische Studien by Prof. Albrecht Weber and into French by M. Regnaud. But hitherto, at all events in Europe, this Upanishat has not received the attention which it undoubtedly deserves. It bears its name from an ancient Rishi called Mandaka, the Frog, or from a school of Acharyas of that name, the Mandukya Sakha. Professor Weber has pointed out that we read in the Pratisakhya of a Mandikeya as one of the Rik grammariang. To fix the exact date of its composition seems quite impossible. It is certainly after that of the eleven classical Upanishads, but we know it must have been before Gaudspada, the teacher of Govinda, and before Sarkara, the latter's pupil, who both wrote a commentary on the work, which is attached to the Atharva Veda. For a true understanding of the doctrine and history of Brahman and as a preparation for the standpoint of the Upanishads the Atharva Vali is most important. In the fifth Mandala we have a description of the origin of man, of the Vedic student as an incarnation of Brahman and of Brahman as the Breath of Life, the World-Sapport and the Teleological Principle. Save the Chandagya (v. 18, 2): Of that Atharvana Veila the head is Sutejas, the eye Visvarupa, the breath prithagvart man, the trunk bahula, the bladder rayi, the feet the earth, the client the altar, the hairs the grass on the altar, the heart the yarhapalya fire, the mind the anviharys fire, the mouth the dhavaniya fire."

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170 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1897. The position taken up by the Mandukya may be described psychologically, cosmologically and theologically, the idea being that the macrocosin and the microcosm are involved and evolved in the same way, the whole process being symbolized by Om, the real Brahman. It is the doctrine of Atman trikdula or three-sheathed Soul. From psychological point of view we have a representation of the states known as the conscious, the sub-conscious and the super-conscious, here called vaisva, taijay and prajas corresponding to the three Kosas named annamaya, the sheath of nourishment, of the gross body; jagraurisana, the sheath of the subtle body; and anandamaya, the sheath of bliss, of unity and liberty. In later books the qualities tamas, rajas and sattva are similarly conceived and applied. According to Indian psychology ahosukara, individuality, consists of Sarira the solid frame, indriya the sensor nerves, manas the motor nerves, and Atman the subsuming and controlling Spirit, certain phases of Atman being sometimes distinguished as buddhi the faculty of decision and citta the faculty of ineniory. The Atma, represented by our Upanishad in three states, appears first of all as what metaphysicians of the older schools used to call bahishkarana; that is to say, the human spirit manifests itself through the physical temple in manifold activity of body and brain as Atma vaikvanara. The Atlantic cable and the telephone, the railroad and the ironelad, the Taj Mahal, the statues and chryselephantine products of Aegina, the Mahabharata and the Iliad, the Prometheus, Antigone and Hamlet, the Ninth Symphony and the Hymn of Praise; all the creations of genius, the highest achievements of science and of art come under this head. We have, in fact, the action and re-action of indriya and snanas, resulting in the many-colored activities of an ordered world. Pravritti of Purusha or Visva of Atman is thus the first modal expression of what Spinoza would call Natura naturans, the primary form of Natura naturata. In the second place we have Nivritti or Atman taijasa. This is the sab-conscious state, in which the soul withdraws from the outside world in order to pass in review the forms and, fancies of the Kosmos kuown to atma vaisvinara. It is antahkarana, the dream of the doer the Maya of the mind. In the words of the great poet of the Middle Age, it is U*' alma sola, che vive e sente e se in se rigira. The third phase is the super-conscious, in which the Atman prajna beholds, as it were, its own apotheosis, the Many is resolved into the One, trikosa is again Okakos, in the blissful state of samyasvastha. Cosmologically the theory is that the universe, when it comes out of the Absolute. manifests itself from finer to grosser states in three stages and goes into the Absolute in the opposite way, and he who knows this secret, which has been symbolized by the threefold Om and by the Atman, becomes master of his own different states of existence and knows the truth. Bat the theological, or rather theosophical, standpoint is the really important one, to which the other two are altogether subsidiary. "I pray Thee, tell me Thy name' is the prayer of che poet in all ages, struggling, like another Jacob, with the thought that is within him. About the same time that Rishi Manduka was whispering this rahasya, the old Persian prophet Zarathushtra exclaimed (Ormard Yasht, i. v.) : "Tell me Thy name, O holy Ahura Mazda, that name which is the greatest, the best, the most beautiful, the most efficacious, the strokes of which are the most victorious, which succours best, which best confounda the malice of demons and of men, that I may overcome both, and Yatug and Pairikas, so that none may destroy me."

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JULY, 1897.] THE MANDUKYA UPANISHAD. 171 After enumerating 19 names Ahura Mazda answered : mwlh. dhj d. dhyd. I am that I Am ! Amongst the Greeks, too, who can forget the chorus in the Agamemnon of Aischylos ? Zeus, Boris For coriv, ei rad au - to philon keklemeno, touto nin prosennepo, ouk ekho proseipasai, travr' (totapeperos plen Dios, ei to matan apo phrontidos akhthos khre bilein etegumos. Zeus if to The Unknown That name of many names seem goodZeus, upon thee, in utter need, I call. Through the mind's every road I passed, but vain are all Save that which names thee Zeas, the Highest One! Were it lent mine to cast away the load, The weary load that weighs my spirit down! Now, as regards the Mandakya, the whole treatise is primarily an exposition and expansion of the sacred Name. Hold the bow,' says the Mandaka the Upanishads proclaim; fit in it tbo sharp arrow of concentrated attention ; draw it with the whole mind of devotion, and forget not that the mark is the great Imperishable, Om, the great name of God, is the bow, the sonl the arrow, the mark the Supreme Being himself. Shoot it with all your enre and diligence As the arrow is held fast in the mark, so is the soul lodged in Divinity. In the Bhagavadgita Krishna says to Arjana (viii. 13): - OmityekAksharam Brahma vyharan mamanusmaran, Yah prayati tyajan deham sa yati paramaon gatin. Whoso pronounces the sacred Om, the one imperishable Brahma, thinking all the while of me, be, thus abandoning his body, treads the path sapremo ! And here we see the great difference between Aryan and Semitic religions feeling, Whereas to the Hebrew the Tetragram naton or Shem-ha-Meforush is too sacred to be by any means ever attered or even to be written in the way it occurs in the Bible, the Eldlesharam to the Hinda is a word not only to be written, but, by very reason of its sacredness, to be rocited before every reading of the Veda and to be brooded on day and night! But though this is true of the Jews at the time of the Upanishads we must not forget that it was not always so. It has long been known that in Hebrew history we must distinguish three periods in which names and words bore very different characters: In the first, when the people were called Hebrew, names stood for truths and words were tho symbols of realities. Of that early age simplicity and sincerity were the chief characteristics. Names were drawn either from the idea of the family or from that of the tribe ; from some prominent peculiarity of the individual or from the religious idea. It is quite true that, though in those days names were real, the conceptions expressed were not the most lofty. Thus the thought of Deity was not yet ry, the great secret of existence, but only 5N Might. vayikraA ya`akob SHem hamakvom pniyAel viyTSeb SHam mizbeHa vayikraA lvo Ael Aelohey yiSHraAl : Gen. xxxii, 30. Gen. Ixxiii. 20.

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1897. Unabated simplicity combined with emotion more fervently-religious characterizes the Israelites of the second epoch, which begins with the Exodus. And with intense feeling comes sublime thought. The soul within stretches out into the Infinite; the whole being expande into a mighty longing to utter the Unutterable. None has stated this more beautifully than Rev. F. W. Robertson. * The heart of the nation was big with mighty and new religious truth and the feelings with which the national heart was swelling found vent in the names which were given abundantly. God, under his name Jab, the noblest assemblage of spiritual traths yet conceived, became the adjunct to names of places and persons. Osbea's name is changed into Je-hoshua. Observe, moreover, that in this period there was no fastidious, over-refined chariness in the use of that name. Mon, conscious of deep and real reverence are not fearful of the appearance of irreverence. The word became a common word, as it always may, su long as it is all and awe is real. A mighty cedar was called a cedar of Jehovah a lofty mountain, a mountain of Jehovah. Human beauty even was praised by such an epithet. Moses was divinely fair. beautiful to God. The Eternal name became an adjunet. No beauty - no vreatness - no goodness, was conceivable, except as emanating from Him: therefore, His nume Was freely but most devoutly used.' Here words are not only real but are pregnant with deep religious truth, with thought profounder far than at the carlier stage. "What is His name p' says Moses, What shall I BAY unto them?' And the great answer came, as at last it came to the Iranian propbet : Aehyeh AaSHer Aehyeh . I Am that I am! It was only at the third period, which was at its zenith in the time of Christ, that na to the Jews became hollow and words lost their meaning. Then it was that the decay of national religions feeling began. For, whenever the debasement of a language takes place, it is a sare sign of the insincerity of a nation. To again quote the weighty words of Rev. J. W. Robertson : A nation may reach the state in which the Eternal Name can be used to point a sentence or adorn familiar conversation, and no longer shock the ear with the sound of blasphemy. because in good truth the Name no longer stands for the Highest, but for a meaner conception, an idol of the debased mind... . Yet in this period, exactly in proportion as the solemnity of the idea was gone, reverence wa seruuulously paid to the corpse-like word which remained and had once enclosed it. In tlust hollow, artificial age, the Jew would wipe his pen before he ventured to write the Name - he world leave out the vowels of the sacred Jehovah, and substitute those of the less acred Elohim. In that kind of age, too, men bow to the name of Jesus often just in that proportion in which they have ceased to recognise His true grandeur and majesty of character.' With the Arabs the recitation of the Name seems ever to have been a sacred duty, and no true follower of Islam fails to preface every undertaking with the words alle! Returning to the Upanishads we read in the second Prapathaka of the Chandorya (Ch. xxiii.) : Prajapati brooded on the worlds. From them, thus brooded on, the threefold knowledge issued. He brooded on it, and from it, thus brooded on, issned the three syllables Bhab. Blnvah, Svah. He brooded on them, and from them, thus brooded on, issued the Om. As all leaves are attached to a stalk, so is all speech attached to the Om. Om is all this, yea, all this is Om!'

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JULY, 1897.] THE MANDUKYA UPANISHAD. 173 Vyasa, too, commenting on the Yoga Darsana, says : The recitation of Om and the constant presentation to the mind of its signification : these are the two means of Upasana, of true worship. The Yogin who constantly does both, developes concentration, or, as has elsewhere been stated, the aforesaid recitation and realisa. tion develope concentration, and concentration facilitates realisation till, by the continual action and re-action of both, the light of the supreme divinity begins to fully shine in his heart.' Of such a Yogin or Sannyasin Mr. Rudyard Kipling has given us a most interesting and delightful picture in the story of Puran Bhagat. A man of world-wide culture, the prime minister of a Native State, who for many years had been par excellence a man of affairs, one day renounces all, and goes quietly forth with leopard-skin and almsbowl to dwell in the forest and to meditate on God. That day saw the end of Puran Bhagat's wanderings. He had come to the place appointed for him - the silence and the space. After this, time stopped, and he, sitting at the mouth of the shrine, could not tell whether he were alive or dead ; a man with control of his limbs, or a part of the hills, and the clouds, and the shifting rain, and sunlight. He would repeat a Name softly to himself a hundred hundred times, till at each repetition he secmed to move more and more out of his body, sweeping up to the doors of some tremendous discovery; but, just as the door was opening, his body would drag him back, and, with grief, he felt he was locked up again in the flesh and bones of Piran Bhagat. In all V&dic literature the most sacred mame is Om. Whereas other names of the Supreme also express or imply phenomena, or things that pass, this word alone indicates the Eternal, expresses the nou menon. But this is not all. The deepest and in truth the highest reason,' says the Vedantist, is that the signification of Om is the Key-note of the realisatsion of the Divine Spirit. The several letters of Om, with anparalleled exactness, mark the snccessive steps of meditation by which one rises to the realisation of the true nature of Divinity.'? This sacred syllable consists of three letters, A, U, M, and these by the Mandakya are made the model expressions of the First Cause, the means of the self-development of the Divine along the three planes of Vyavabara, Pratibhasa and Paramartha. #represents jagrat, the wakeful phase ; 3 gvapna, the dreaming ;'and sushupti, tho slamberiug.' In brooding over the meaning of the devotee has, in mind the Deity ng Framer of systeins and of worlds, as Brahma emerging from Brahman, a divine self-protection into infinite space, resulting in the music of the spheres and in Nature as the manifold manifestation of Mind. As regards motive for jagrat the Indian Yogi would probably agree with the Persian Sufi: I was a hidden treasure and I longed to be known, so I called forth Creation that I might be comprehended.' Reflection on 7 leads to a thought of the sapreme Being as tarning in upon Himself to review the results of His previous act of Creation. The exquisite play of light and shade, the full-toned tints and forms of star and tree and flower; all the high harmonics of this so solid. seeming world are seen and heard as in a dream, until, in that matchless line of Dante - Cio ch'io vedeva, mi sembrata un riso Dell' universo ! - or in the words of that surpassing poem - Genesis : ! God saw all that He had made, and lo! it was very good! The Deity viewed as Himself the embodiment of all idoas and principles is the meaning of Creation and contemplation are over. The objective world has ceased to be. It is sarvoparamatvat. The All again becomes the One. Behind and above all that appears is that which Is, das Werden is again das Sein. For is mitra, that which measures all, is - the Resort of all. The Chandogya tells us : 'that Self abides in the heart. And this is the > SGtras xxvii. and xxviii. * Gura Vidyarthi's Vidic Magazine, July, 1898.

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174 - THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1897. etymological explanation. The heart is called hridayam instead of hridyayam, 1. e., He who is in the heart. He who knows this, that He is in the heart, goes day by day when in deep sleep (sushupti) into heaven (svarga), i. e., into the Brahman of the heart.' Says the Katha Upanishad : Svapnantam jagaritintam cha ubhau yenanapasyati Mahintam vibhamatmanam matva dhiro na sochati 11 . That wise man sorrows not, who, awake or in a dream or in both, beholds the great and omnipresent Self!' It is from the Mandukya that Sadananda, the author of the Vedanta-sdra, seems to have drawn his inspiration. "A follower of Kumirila Bhatta," he says, " is of opinion that the soul is intellect conditioned by iguorance, according to Scriptore which saith : Soul which is fall of joy is also replete with knowledge' (M. U. v.), because in deep sleep light and darkness are #like really present, and because one is under the impression that one does not know oneself." The Satapatha-Brahmanan well says (x. iii. z. b) :. Yade vai parushah svapiti, pranu tarbi vagapi-eti, pranam chakshob, pranari manal, pranam srotram. Sa yada prabudhyate, pranad eva adhi-punar jayante. * When a man sleeps, speech is merged in life, eye in life, mind in life, ear in life. And wben be wakes they are reborn from life.' Professor Deussen has put this into modern metaphysical phraseology. The Will, as the objectification of which every man and every animal appears, is originally and essentially unconscious. It is only in a limited sphere of animal life, becoming narrower as we descend the scale, that it furnishes itself with consciousness. Nothing proves moro clearly the secondary and so to say borrowed nature of all conscious life than the necessity of sleep. In sleep, owing to the isolation of the brain from the motor and sensory nerves, consciousness is periodically extinguished, that is, the union between will and intellect is suspended, and the latter, for the sake of its (that is the brain's) nourishment, is merged completely in unconscious life, which, as the central and essential entity, unwearingly exercises its functions, whether we sleep or wake.' In two other Satras of the Pedanta-Sara (47, 57) we read : Sarvoparamatvat sushuptih 1 Since everything attains rest (or realises itself) in Him, He is deep sleep!' As regards the way in which the Mandukya deals with the three letters of the mystical syllable we can have no better commentary, whether by Gaudapada or Samkara, than the remarkablo words of Prasna Upanishad : The three letters of Om when daly contemplated and in their respective order set free the devotee from the troubles of this world. The contemplation of the first matra confers upon him the most exalted state of existence possible on this earth, that of the second fills him with the joys of the spiritual world, and the contemplation of the last blesses him with Moksha.' And here I may mention & very interesting fact in the theology of Islam. The first verse of the second Sura of the Kuran consists entirely of three letters - A, L, M. That is to say, the chapter begins: 'In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful - A, L, M; this is the Book, there can be no doubt about it!' Of these letters the explanations have been many and various, bat nearly all commentators agree that they refer to the Deity. A modern Vedantin goes so far as to hold that we have here simply another form of Om (i, e., A, U, M). Bat though I venture to think that no Semitic scholar would agree to this, we may certainly admit that such a form in Semitic divinity is sufficiently striking. * HAr Narayana : Vidic Philosophy, p. 74.

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JULY, 1897.] THE MANDUKYA UPANISHAD. 175 Lastly, we may notice how in Indian theology the number three prevails, as indeed, in many cases it seems to exhaust all that can be conceived of subject. God is Light : in Him is no darkness, and it is a remarkable fact that all the varieties in the composition of external light must be referred to mixtures of Red, Green and Violet, all differences of kue depending upon combinations in different proportions of these three primary colors. He is the Soul of sacred sound, the great Tone-Poet, and we must not forget that all harmony is based upon the common chord of tonic, mediant, dominant C, E, G. He who is. above Space, conceived as Length, Breadth, Height, and beyond Time, known to us as Past, Present, Future, is in popular thought Brahma-Vishnu-Sive; to the Vedantin Ho is Sat-ChitAnanda; in our Upanishad the imperishable Om is trikdusa, appears in three sheaths as jagrat, svapna, sushupti, whilst the Atma is similarly known as vaisvanara, taijasa and prajfia. Not less than three lines enclose a space, and, in this connexion it is interesting to remember that the Indians of the Western Continent represent the Infinite by a Triangle (Mikmak: A Nakskam God). Indeed, this colossal conception of Deity is deeply seated in the human breast, The prophet of Paradise, the master of mystic, unfathomable song,' sees all things in God as the different modes in the unity of the Spinoziau substance. Oar thoughts are born in God, not in the moment of time in which we think them, but exist in Him in that Eternity which is peculiar to mathematical truths. Here, then, we have the realisation and reconciliation of Adhibhuta, the separable natnre of Brahma, Adhidaiva the procreative principle in Nature, and Adhiyajta the meeting of the human and the divine. It is the unfolding of the infinite Spirit, whose face is hidden in the golden veil of Truth. The feeling after the Divine which we find in the Rig Veda : Ekam sat vipra bahudha vadanti is were merged in the beautiful thought bfidi-ayam He is in the Heart! For surely this is the tuleaning of the Jewel in the Lotus ' Om Mani Padme, the sacred name in the heart of man. And we of the West, to whom the sweet Galilean vision, the revelation of the Son of Man has come, know that the secret of union is the Sacred Name engraven on the heart, when we hear the farewell prayer: Holy, righteons Father, keep them in Thy name, which Thon hast given me, that they may be one, as we are one!' Translation. To Him, the one, imperishable Om, Who was, and is, and shall be; 'yond the foam And fret of Time, and man's and Nature's home! His name is Brahma, spirit, self and Soul, Four-fold in form, and yet, in essence whole ! O'er Nature's realm He watches, vision true Guards mind and matter, speech, thought, me and you ! And so, in second phase, He aye appears Worlds' dreamer and the Architect of years! As rest, self-folded, human souls in sleep, When ear and eye repose, no vigils keep; So He, in thought, in joy, knows slumber deep! Yea, this is He, awake or in a dream Within, without, o'er all things is supreme ! * Par. xvii. 13.

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1897. Not solely self-absorbed know Him to be, Nor yet as wholly lost in trackless space; As mind made manifest, as giving face To truth, ay, this and more: we cannot see The half, much less the whole of Him who lies Unseen, unsearchable ; His qualities No man can name. Within the soul, know this, An undivided Blessing and pure Bliss ! This matchless spirit present ev'rywhere The symbols A, U, M, can best declare. Of waking, watching find in A the sign, The first phase this of Being all-divine: O take this step and all desires are thine! And meditation doth the U proclaim, An ordered world, an architectural mind. Whoso has ta'en the second step will find His home rejoicing in the sacred Name! In M behold the silent Soul in sleep: Who grasp this truth, of world-thought measure keep. The fourth is Reconciliation sure, The last, the best, the measureless, the pnre, Awake, aware, asleep-life's thrill and ffush, The Soul supreme, the silence and the hush! om / mANDUkyopanipad / om / iti / etat / akSaram / idama / sarvam / tasya / upvyaakhyaanm| bhUtam / bhavat / bhaviSyat / iti / sarvam / oGkAraH / eva | yat / ca / anyat | trikAlAtItan / tat / api / oddaarH| eva // 1 // sarvam / hi / etat / brahma / ayam / AsmA / brahma | saH / ayam | yaatmaa| catuSpAt // 2 // jAgaritasthAnaH / bahiHprajJaH / sptaanggH| ekonaviMzatimukhaH sthUlabhuk / vaishvaanrH| prathamaH paadH||3|| svamasthAnaH / antaHprajJaH / sptaanggH| ekonaviMzatimukhaH / praviviktabhuk / tejsH| dvitIyaH / paadH||4|| yatra / sptH| na / kamtana | kAmam / kAmayate |n / kaJcana| svAm / pazyati / tat | suSuptam / sughusasthAnaH / ekIbhUtaH / prajJAnaghanaH / eva / aanndmyH| hi / Anandabhuk | cetomukhaH / praajnyH| tRtIyaH / pAdaH // 5 // essH| sarvezvaraH / essH| sarvajJaH / eSaH / antaryAmI / essH| yoniH / sarvasya / prbhvaapyyo| hi / bhUnAnAm // 6 // na | antaHprajJam |n| bahiHprajJam / na / ubhayataHprajJam / na / prajJAnaghanam / na / prajJam / na / aprajJam / adRSTam / avyavahAryam / agrAhyara / alakSaNama / acintyam / avyapadezyam | ekAtmapratyayasAram / prapaJcopazamam / / zAntam I zivam / avatam / catum / manyante / sH| AtmA / sH| vijJeyaH // 7 // sH| ayam / aatmaa| adhyakSaram | omkaarH| adhimAtram / paadaaH| maatraaH| maatraaH|| paadaaH| akaarH| ukaarH| mkaarH| iti // 8 // jAgaritasthAnaH / vaizvAnaraH / akaarH| prathamA / mAtrA / ApteH / AdimasvAt / vaa| Amoti / ha / vai / sarvAn / kAmAn / aAdiH / ca / bhavati / yH| evam / veva // // svabhAvasthAnaH / tejasaH / ukaarH| dvitIyA / mAtrA | utkarSAt / ubhayatvAt / thaa| uskarSati |h / / jJAnasantatim / smaanH| c| bhavati |na / asya / atrahmavit / kule / bhavati / yH| evam / veda // 10 // suSuptasthAna: / prAjJaH / mkaarH| vatIyA / mAvA / miteH / apItaH / vaa| minoti / / / evama / sarvam / apItiH / c| bhavati / yH| evam / veda / / 11 / / amAtraH / caturthaH | avyavahAryaH / prapaJcopazamaH shivH| advaitaH / evam / oDAraH / AtmA / eva / saMvizati / syAtmanA / AsmAnam / yH| evam / veda / yH| evam / veda // 12 // (To be continued.)

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JULY, 1897.) FESTAL DAYS OF THE HINDU LUNAR CALENDAR. 177 FESTAL DAYS OF THE HINDU LUNAR CALENDAR. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GOTTINGEN. Some years ago I compiled, chiefly from the Dharma-sindhu and a number of Native calendars, a list of the principal festivals and religious observances connected with the tithis of the Hindu lunar months, of the names and epithets of certain tithis, and generally of such items of information concerning individual tithis as seemed likely to be of use in the verification of Hindu dates. This brief list was not intended for publication. If, nevertheless, I now yield to the request of a friend to publish it, I do so, because something of the kind appears really to be wanted, and in the hope that I may induce others to correct, and improve on, what I can offer myself. What I should especially like to see treated by a competent Native scholar, is the question, how the tithis, for the purpose of the particular festivals or rites connected with them, are joined with the civil days. For my own use I have indeed translated most of the rules on this subject, given in the Dharma-sindhu ;3 bat some of these precepts are so intricate that I should be afraid of giving an authoritative version of them or of applying them in practice. In my list, therefore, I have only inserted, in square brackets, some very general hints. Thus, by the word purva-ridlha I have indicated that certain tithis, so far as regards the rites mentioned along with them, are liable to be joined with the days on which they commence. And more frequently I have given the time of the day or night during which a rite must be performed or a festival celebrated, statements from which it may sometimes be possible to ascertain with which day a tithi should be connected, because the particular time of the day or night, mentioned in the list, must generally be included in the tithi. But I know only too For a similar list seo Sir W. Jones's article on the lunar year of the Hindus, in the Asiatick Researches, Vol. III. P. 257 ff. ? In the case of rites, prescribod for a certain tithi, there can be no doubt as to the day on which the rite should be performed, when the tithi happens to last from sunrise to sunrise; and the same is moatly the case, when the tithi lasts from sunrise to sunset. But tithis often coinmence after sunrise of one day, and ond before anset of the following day, and the question therefore apines whether, for the purpose of particular rites, they should be joinod with the days on which they commence, or with the days on which they end. The general rules on the tithis, given in the Dharma-sindhu, have been translated by the Rev. A. Bourquin, in the Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. XV. A tithi ia parva-viddhd (in the sense in which this term is used hero), when it commences more than 4 ghafikis before sunset of one day and onds before sunset of the following day, and when auch is the case, it must be joined with the day on which it commences. Thus, when the first tithi of the bright half of Karttika commences 20 ghafikis after scorise (or 7 gh, before suneet) of Monday and ends 16 gh. after sunrise of Tuesday, the Bali-pija, prescribed for the first tithi of the bright half of Karttika, must be performed on the Monday (although in civil life that day is Aivina-vadi 15). When, on the other hand, the first tithi of the bright half of Karttika commences 41 gh. after sunrise of Monday, and ends 48 gh, after suurise of Tuesday, the same rite must be performed on the Tuesday (in civil life Kirttika-sudi 1). The day, from sunrise to sunset, is divided into the forenoon and afternoon. Bat it is also divided into five equal parts, each of about 6 ghatikis, called pratahkila (the early forenoon), saugava (the forenoon part), madhydhna (midday), aparihna (the afternoon part), and sydhna (the late afternoon part). The four ghatikis before sunrise are called arunidaya (the rise of the dawn), the six ghatikus after sunset pradisha (evening), and the two ghatikus in the middle of the night nistha (midnight). This may be shown by an example. The time which I have given for the Gandia-chaturthi of Chaitra.suklapaksha is midday (hatikda 13-18 after mean sunrise). If, then, the 4th tithi of the bright half of Chaitra commencer 43 gh, after sunrise of Sunday and ends 44 gh. after sunrise of Monday, the Ganesa-chaturthi must be joined with the Monday (Chaitra-sudi 4); but if the 4th tithi commences 5 gh, after sunrise of Sunday and ends 7 gh. after suprise of Monday, the Ganeja-chaturthi must be joined with the Sunday, and in calendars this Sunday will be described as Gaisfia-chaturthi, although in civil life it is Chaitra-sudi 3. - Now it is cloar that sometimes the 4th tithi of the bright half of Chaitra may occupy the whole or part of the midday portion of tro days (As would be the case, if it were to commence 13 gh. after sunrise of Sanday and to end 17 gh, after suarise of Monday), and that for such and similar cases we want special rules to guide us. In the present instance the specinl rule for all Ganesa-chaturthis is this, that, when the fourth tithi occupies, entirely or partly, the midday part of two days, or does not occupy the midday part of either day, it must be joined with the day on which it commonces (in the prenent case, with the Sunday). If there were similar conflict in the case of a Marvadi of a bright fortnight, for which the prescribed time in the forenoon, we should have to decide in favour of the day on which the tithi ends, provided the tithi were to occupy more than 6gh. after sunrise of that day ; bat if the tithi happened to occupy less than o gh. of the second day, we should have to join the Mand ldi with the first day. - There are many such special rules, which form an essential part of the Hindu calendar.

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178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [fuit, 1897. well that such and similar short remarks, by themselves, are not sufficient to solve the problem, even in cases which are not beset with any great difficulties. I add here some general notes on several of the tithis, which could not be given in the list: A fourth tithi is considered auspicious when it falls on Tuesday. Such a tithi of the bright half is called Sukha, and is most auspicious for moking donations. A fourth tithi of the dark half, which falls on Tuesday and continues till moonrise, is called Angaraki. A seventh tithi is considered auspicious when it falls on Sunday, particularly so, when it is joined with the nakshatra Revati. A seventh tithi of the bright half, which falls on Sunday, is called Vijaya,' and donations made on it secure great rewards. A seventh tithi of the bright half is called Bhadra, when it is joined with the first qnarter of the nakshatra Hasta. Moreover, & seventh tithi of the bright half is called Mahajaya, when a sankranti takes place on it, and for making donations such a lithi is said to be superior even to an eclipse. When the sixth and seventh tithis meet on a Sunday, this coincidence is called Padmaka. yoga, An eighth tithi is considered auspicious when it falls on Wednesday (Budh-Ashtami). An eleventh tithi of the bright half, which is joined with the nakshatra Punarvasu, is called Vijaya. Eight kinds of the twelfth tithi are called Mahi-dvadasi. Their special names are Unmilani, a 12th tithi which follows upon an 11th tithi that is current at sunrise on two days ; Vanjuli, a 12th tithi which itself is current at sonrise on two days; Trisparsa, a 12th tithi which commences after sunrise and ends before the next sunrise ; Pakshavardhini, a 12th tithi preceding a full-moon or new-moon tithi which is current at sunrise on two days ; Jaya, a 12th tithi joined with the nakshatra Pashya; Vijay,, a 12th tithi joined with the nakshatra Sravana ; Jayanti, a 12th tithi joined with the nakshatra Punarvasu ; and Papanakint, a 12th tithi joined with the nakshatra Robini. A fifteenth tithi of the dark half (i, e., the new-moon tithi) is regarded as very auspicious for making donations, when it falls on Monday (in which case it is called Somavati), or on Tuesday. - Concerning the 15th tithi, it may also be stated that a solar eclipse which takes place ou Sunday, and a lunar eclipse which takes place on Monday, are called chadamani, crest-jewel,' and that donations made at such eclipses are said to bear endless fruit. In the following list the Roman figures at the commencement of the lines give the numbers of the tithis of the half-months. I. - Chaitra-buklapaksha. 1.- Vatsar-arambha, commencement of the year. Navaratr-arambba, commencement of the vernal Navaratra. (For the autumnal Navaratra see the same tithi of Asvina-suklapaksha.) Kalpadi. [Forenoon.] III. - Gauri-tritiya. Matsya-jayanti, Vishnu's incarnation in the form of a fish. (Afternoon part.] Manvadi. (Forenoon.] IV. - Vainayaki or Ganesa-chaturthi, [Midday.) V. - Sri-panchami, according to some. (See the same tithi of Magha-suklapaksha.) Kalpadi. [Forenoon.] 1- This is the vijaya-saptame of the inscription, published in Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 54 ff. . For another meaning of Padmaka-yoga see below, under Karttika-buklapaksha XV.

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JULY, 1897.) FESTAL DAYS OF THE RINDU LUNAR CALENDAR. 179 VIII. - Durga- or Annapurna-ashtami." Bhavany-atpatti, birth of Bhavani.. Bathing in the morning during this tithi, when it falls on Wednesday and is joined with the nakshatra Panarvasa, is as meritorious as a vajapdya sacrifice. IX. - Rama-navami; Rama-jayanti, Vishnu's incarnation as Rama. [Midday.) XI. - KamadA ekadast. XII. - Madana-tray dakt; Anangapdjana-vrata, worship of the god of love. [Purva viddhd.] IV. - Hanumaj-jayanti, birth of Hanumat. (Only in calendara.) Manadi. [Forenoon.] Bathing, etc., during this tithi, when it falls on Sunday, Thursday, or Saturday, is as meritorious as an aivamedha sacrifice. Chaitra-Cor pornimanta Vaisakha-] krishnapaksha. IV. - Samkashta-chatarth1,10 (Moonrise.] VIII. - KAl-Ashtami. [Parva-viddhd.] XI. - Varathini Ekadasi. . XIII. -- (See the same tidhi of Phalguna [pdra. Chaitra-)krishnapaksha.) XIV. - Sivaratri. (Midnight.] Bathing (especially in the Ganges) near Siva during this tithi (according to some, when the tithi falls on Tuesday) prevents trouble from Pisachas or demoniac possession 11 II. - Vaisakha-suklapaksha. III. - Kalpadi. [Forenoon.] Tratayugadi. (Forenoon.] Akshaya-tritiya ; is highly auspicions, when it falls on Wednesday and is joined with the nakshatra Rohini. [Forenoon.] Paraburma-jayanti, Vishga's incarnation 2 Parasurama. (Midda, ; or, according to others, evening.] . IV. - Vainayakt or Ganesa-chaturthi. (Midday.] VII. - Gang-saptamt ; Gang-otpatti, birth of Gaiga. [Midday.] VIII, - Durga- or Annapurnd-ashtami. XI. - Mohint ekadast. XII. - When the 12th tithi of the bright half is joined with the wikshatra Hasta, while Jupiter And Mars are in the sign Simha, and the sun in Mesha, this coincidence is called Vyatipata. Donations made on such an occasion aro bighly meritorious. . Annapdrnd is an epithet of Durga. 16 According to Molesworth's Mordent and English Dictionary, on this tithi ceremonies are performed for the Averting of difficulties or troubles. Whon a Sankashta-chaturthi falls on Tuesday, it is oslled Angdraka-chaturthi, se above. 11 Compare the term Pitichf-chaturlait in Ep. Ind. Vel. L p. 187, line 3. 11 For other meanings of the term vyutipata see ante, Vol. XX. p. 292 1.

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180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI. (JULT, 1897. - XIV.-Nrisim ha-jayanti, Vishnu's incarnation as man-lion. (Sunset.] The tithi is highly auspicious, when it falls on Saturday and is joined with the nakshatra Svati. XV. - Karma-jayanti, Vishnu's incarnation in the form of a tortoise. [Late after. noon part.) Donations on this tithi are particularly enjoined. Vaibakha-Cor parnimanta Jyaishtha-jkrishnapaksha, IV. - Sankashta-chaturthi. [Moonrise.] VIII. - Kal-ashtami. [Purva-viddha.] XI.- A para ekadasi. XIV. - 'Sivaratri. (Midnight.] III. - Jyaishtha-buklapaksha. III. - Rambha-tritiya; Rambha-vrata, worship of Bhavani: [Parca-viddhd.] IV. - Vainayaki or Ganesa-chaturthi. (Midday.) VIII. - Dargi- or Annaparna-ashtami. X. - Dakahard ;1 Gang-avatara, descent of Ganga to the earth. [The choice of the day depends on the union, during the forenoon, of the greater number of certain occurrencos, sach as the tithi's falling on Wednesday (according to others, on Tuesday), the nakshatra being Hasta, the yoga Vyatipata, etc.] When Jyaishtha is intercalary, the Dasahara falls in the first (intercalated) Jyaishtha. XI. - Nirjala ekadast. XV. - Vata-parnima or Vata-savitri.14 [Purva-viddha.] Manvadi. [Forenoon.] When the moon and Japiter are in the nakshatra Jyeshtha, and the sun in Rohini, . the tithi is called Mahl-jyaishtht, and is most auspicious for making donations. Jyaishtha-Cor parnimanta Ashadha-)krishnapaksha. IV. - Samkashta-chaturthi. [Moonrise.] VIII. - Kal-ashtami. [Purva-viddha.] XI. -Yogint ekadast. XIV. - Sivaratri. [Midnight.) IV.- Ashadha-buklapaksha. II. - Bathayatra-dvitiya, Rama-rathotsava, Rama's car-festival. IV. - Vainayaki or Ganesa-chatarthi. (Midday.] VIII. - Durga- or AnnapurnA-ashtami. X.-Manvadi. [Forenoon.) XI. - Vishnubayan-Otsava ; Sayani or Vishoasayant ekadasl, on which Vishnu goes to sleep. This re is an epithet of Ganga, an' taking away ten sins.' 14 Molesworth explains Vafasavitri-urata to be a particular observance of women, vis, worship of the Ficus Indica, etc.

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JULY, 1897.] XII. XV. II. IV. VIII. XI. XIV. - XV. II. III. Chaturmasya-vrata commences on this tithi (or on the 11th). - Manvadi. [Forenoon.] Sivasayan-otsava. [Evening.] - - - FESTAL DAYS OF THE HINDU LUNAR CALENDAR. V. Bravana-buklapaksha. III. Called Madhusrava by the people of Gujarat. - Vainayaki or Ganesa-chaturthi. [Midday.] IV. V. Naga-panchami,16 on which the serpents are worshipped. [The day on which the tithi commences, if the fourth tithi ends less than 6 ghatikas after sunrise of that day, and the fifth tithi less than 6 ghatikas after sunrise of the following day.] Kalki-jayanti, Vishnu's incarnation in his last Avatara. [Sunset.] Durga- or Annapurna-ashtami. Putrada kadasi. - Kokila-vrata; Vyasa-puju. VI. VIII. XI. XII. - Vishnoh pavitraropanam. The pavitr-aropana is the ceremony of casting new threads around an idol that they may be sanctified, and of thence taking them to wear."' Ashadha-[or purnimanta Bravana-]krishnapaksha. Asunyasayana-vrata.15 [Moonrise.] Samkashta-chaturthi. [Moonrise.] Kal-Ashtami.. [Purva-viddha.] Kamada or Kamika ekadasi. Sivaratri. [Midnight.] - Rig-yajuh-bravant, for students of the Rigveda and Yajurveda the chief time of renewing the sacred thread (upakarman).17 [Purva-viddha.] 181 Raksha-bandhana, the tying of a piece of silk or string round the arm, as a preservative against evil spirits. In Marathi, the tithi therefore is called Rakhi-parnima. (In Marathi it is also called Narali-parnima, because cocoa-nuts are thrown into the sea, and the monsoon is declared to be broken up.) Hayagriva-jayanti, birth of Hayagriva. Sravana-[or purnimanta Bhadrapada-]krishnapaksha. Asunyasayana-vrata.18 [Moonrise.] - Kajjali-tritiya. 16 See the same tithi of Margaetreha-euklapaksha. 18 See the same tithi of the next three months. 17 In an inscription the tithi is described as Yajnupavita-parvan; see ante, Vol. XXV. p. 290. 18 See the same tithi of the preceding month.

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182 [JULY, 1897. IV. Samkashta-chaturthi ; commencement of the Samkashtachaturthi-vrata. [Moonrise.] Bahula-chaturthi; worship of cows. [Late afternoon part.] VI. VII. VIII. XI. III. - - XIV. Sivaratri. [Midnight.] XV. VII. VIII. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Hala-shashthi. Sitala-saptami; Sitala-vrata. [Purva-vid.ha.] Kal-ashtami. [Puurva-viddha.] Janm-Ashtami, Krishn-ashtami, dokul-ashtarai, or Krishna-jayanti, birth of Krishna; is very auspicious, when joined with the nakshatra Rohini, and also, though in a less degree, when it falls on Monday or Wednesday. [In general, midnight.) Manvadi. [Afternoon part.] Aju ekadasi. Pithori (only in some calendars. According to Molesworth) a name of this tithi on account of a particular observance, riz., 'the drawing with flour the figures of 64 Yoginis, and the worshipping of them.' Kusotpatini (only in some calendars). VI. - Bhadrapada-suklapaksha. - - Varaha-jayanti, Vishnu's incarnation in the form of a boar. [Afternoon part.] Haritalika; worship of Parvati. Manvadi. [Forenoon.] - IV. - Ganesa or Varada-chaturthi; especially auspicious, when it falls on Sunday or Tuesday. [Midday.) V. VI. Surya-shashthi. Skanda-shashthi (only in some calendars. See the same tithi of Margasirsha-suklapaksha). - According to the Bhavishyatpurana, called Siva. Rishi-panchami. [Midday; others differently.] According to the Bhavishyatpurana, called Aparajita. Durga- or Annapurna-ashtami. Darv-ashtami. [Purva-viddha.] Jyeshtha-Gauri-pujana-vrata, when the moon is in the nakshatra Jyeshtha (which) need not necessarily be the case during this particular tithi). Aduhkha-navami (only in some calendars). IX. XI. -- Vishnuparivartan-otsava; Parivartini ekadasi. On this tithi, or on the 12th, Vishnu, sleeping, turns on his side.

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SULY, 1897.) FESTAL DAYS OF THE HINDU LUNAR CALENDAR. 183 XII. - Is called Sravans-dvadaki (or Vijay?), when joined with the nakshatra Sravana; and is particularly auspicions, when it falls on Wednesday. (The union of the 11th and 12th tithis and the nakshatra Sravana is called Vishnu-bpin khala. Vamana-jayanti, Vishnu's incarnation in the form of a dwarf. (Midday.] XIV. - Ananta-chaturdasi, sacred to Vishoa. XV. - Praushthapadi purnima ; Praushthapadi-araddha. Bhadrapada-Cor parnimanta Asvina-)krishnapaksha.. I. - Mahklay-Arambha. Sraddhas are performed during the whole of this dark half. II. - Asunyasayana-vrata.16 [Moonrise.] IV. - Samkashta-chaturthi. (Moonrise.] VI. - Is called Kapila-shashthi, when it falls on Tuesday, and is joined with the nakshatra R@hini and the yoga Vyatipata ; and is particularly anspicious, when the pan, besides, is in the nakshatra Hasta 20 Donations on such an occasion secure great rewards. Chandra-shashthi. [Moonrise.] VIII. - Kal-ashtami. Mahalakshmi-vrata. [Purva-viddha.] AshtakA-sraddha. [Afternoon part.) IX. - Avidhavior Matri-navami (only in some calendars., According to Molesworth, offerings are made to the manes of women who have died unwidowed). XI. - Indira Ekadasi. XIII. - Kaliyugadi. (Afternoon part.] Is called MaghA-tray dakt, when joined with the nakshatra Maghi; and Gajach chhay, when the sun, besides, is in Hasta. XIV. - Sivaratri. [Midnight.) xv.- Sarvapitre amavasya (only in some calendars; so called, because Sraddhas are offered to all ancestors). Is called Gajachchhays, when the sun and the moon are both in the nakshatra Hasta. VII. - Asvina-suklapaksha. I. - Navaratr-arambha. (See the same tithi of Chaitra-suklapaksha.) IV. - Vainayaki or Ganesa-chaturthf. [Midday.] V. - Lalita-panchamt; Upangalalite-vrata, worship of Durga. (Afternoon part.] VIII. - Dar ga- or Annapurna-ashtami. Mahashtami; is especially auspicions, when it falls on Tuesday. . 1 See the same tithi of the two preceding months. * Molesworth esys that, because this synchronism is very rare, Kapilashashthfchd yiga, in Maratht, is applied to any astonishing and unhoped for combination of favourable circumstances. 11 Under the nakshatra Mols (on about the 7th tithi) of this hall Sarmvatt is worshipped.

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1897. krise. IX. - Maha-navami or Durga-navami. [Purva-viddha.] Manvadi. [Forenoon.] x: - Vijaya-dabami, anniversary of Rama's marching against Ravana; worship of Aparajita, desintara-yitra, etc.; (Dasra festival). Is very anspicious, when joined with the nakshatra Sravana. [Afternoon part or evening; special rales.) Buddha-jayanti, Vishnu's incarnation as Baddha. [Sunset.] xi. - Pasaukusa ekadasi. xv. - Kojagart purnima; Kojagara-vrata; the night is spent in worshipping Lakshmi and Indra, and in games of chance. [Midnight.] ' Navanna-purnima (only in some calendars. According to Molesworth, so ealled, because at this time people generally begin to dress the new corn of the year). Asvina-[or purnimanta Karttika-]kfishnapaksha. 1. - Asunyasayana-vrata.** [Moonrise.] IV. - Karaka-chaturthi (in some calendars called Sankashta-chaturthi). [Moonrise.] VIII. - Kal-ashtani. [Purva-viddha.] XI. - Rama ekadasi. XII. - Govatsa-dvadast (in Marachi also called Vasu-bi rasa), on which the cow and calf are worshipped. (Evening.) XIII. - Dhana-trayodakl, on which money-lenders and others worship money. XIV.- Sivaratri. [Midnight.] Naraka-chaturdast; bathing, etc., of people who are afraid of falling into hell. * [Moonrise.] xv. - This titki and the immediately preceding and following tithis are called Dipavali (Divatt)a festival with nocturnal illuminations, feasting, gambling, etc, in honour of Vishai and in propitiation of Lakshmi.' The principal day is the one on which the roon is in the nakshatra Svati. VIII. - Karttika-suklapaksha. I. - Bali-pratipada; Bali-puja, worship of the Daitya Bali. [Parva-viddhd.] II. - Yama- or Bhratfi-dvitiya (in Marathi, Bhau-bij). On this tithi Yama was entertained by his sister Yamuna; hence sisters (on this tithi) give entertainments to their brothers, who make presenta in return.' [The day on which the tithi commences, if the tithi occupies the afternoon part of that day only; otherwise the day on which the tithi ends ; others differently.] IV. - Vainayaki or Ganesa-chaturtht. (Midday.) VI. - When it falls on Tuesday, feeding of Brahmang, eto. VII. - Kalpadi, [Forenoon.) VIII. - Durg-or Annapurni-ashtami Gop-Ashtami ; worship of cows, IX. - Kpitayugadi. [Forenoon.] * See the same tithi of the three preceding months.

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JULY, 1897.] FESTAL DAYS OF THE HINDU LUNAR CALENDAR. XI. Prabodhini ekadast. (According to some, the Prabodh-otsava takes place on this tithi; see the following tithi.) Bhishmapanchaka-vrata commences. XII. XIV. - Vaikuntha-chaturdasi. [Midnight.] - - Prabodh-otsava, 'ceremonies for the purpose of awakening -Vishnu'; and Tulasi-vivaha, the marriage between an image of Vishnu and the Tulasi plant.' Manvadi [Forenoon.] (According to some, the Chaturmasys-vrata ends here. See below.) 21. XIV. XV. - Tripuri-parnima; Tripur-otsava, at which lamps are placed on the lamppillars in front of the temples. [Late afternoon and evening.] Manvadi. [Forenoon.] VI. Chaturmasya-vrata ends. (See the 12th tithi of this half, and of Ashadha fuklapaksha.) Donations on this tithi are particularly enjoined. IV. Samkashta-chaturthi, [Moonrise.] VIII. The tithi is very auspicious, when it is joined with the nakshatra Krittiki. It is called Maha-karttiki, when the moon is in the nakshatra Rohini; or when the moon and Jupiter both are in Krittiki. (When the moon is in the nakshatra Krittika, while the sun is in Visakha, this auspicious coincidence is called Padmaka-yoga). Karttika-[or purnimanta Margasirsha-]krishnapaksha. 185 Kal-Ashtami or (in purn. Margastraha) Krishn-Ashtami; as on this tithi Kalabhairava (a form of Siva) is worshipped, the tithi also is called Kalabhairav-Ashtami and Kalabhairava-jayanti. [Midday; others differently.] Utpatty-ekadasi. Sivaratri. [Midnight.] IX.-Margaliraha-buklapaksha. IV. - Vainayaki or Ganesa-chaturthi. [Midday.] V. -- Nagapuja- or Naga-panchami,* (in Marathi Naga-divali; according to Molesworth) 'a festival, on which serpents of flour, etc., are made and worshipped.' Champa-shashthi, 'on which there is a festival of Khandoba' (an incarnation of 'Siva). [In the choice of the day, the preference is given to the union of Sunday or Tuesday with the nakshatra Satabhishaj and the yoga Vaidhriti or to the occurrence of the greater number of the three.] Skanda-shashthi. According to the Bhavishyatpurana, called Maha-shashthi. [Purva-viddha.] VII. Surya-vrata, According to the Bhavishyatpurdna, called Nanda and Jayanti. VIII. - Durga- or Annapurna-ashtami. 28 In an inscription the tithi is described as the punya utthanz-dvddait-tithi; see ante, Vol. XXV. p. 290. 25 See the same tithi of Sravana-suklapaksha. 24 For another meaning of Padmaka-yoga see above. * See the same tithi of Bhadrapada-suklapaksha.

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186 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1997. IX. -- Kalpadi. [Forenoon.] XI. -- Mokshada ekadasi. XIV. - According to the Lingapurana, called Pashana-chaturdast. xv. - Dattatreya-or Datta-jayanti, birth of Dattatreya (an incarnation of Siva).. [Evening.) Donation of salt on this tithi, when it is joined with the nakshatra Mriga, secures beauty of person. Margairaha-[or parnimanta Pausha-]kfishoapaksha. IV. - Sankashta-chaturthi. [Moonrise.] VII. - KAl-Ashtami. [Purva-viddha.] Ashtaka-sraddha. [Afternoon part.] XI. - Saphala ekadast. XIV. - Sivaratri. [Midnight.] X. - Pausha-kuklapakaha. IV. - Vainkyakt or Ganesa-chaturthi. [Midday.) VIII. - Darga- or Annapurpa-ashtami.. When the tithi falls on Wednesday, bathing, feeding of Brahmans, etc., are very meritorious, especially when the moon is in the nakshatra Bharani. or, according to others, in Rohini and Ardra.*7 XI. - Patrada ekadast. Manvadi. (Forenoon.] * Pausha-Cor parpimanta Magha-Jkrishnapaksha. IV. - Sankashta chaturthi. [Moonrise.) VIII. - Kal-ashtami. [Pdrra-viddha.] Ashtaka-araddha. (Afternoon part.] XI. - Shattila ekadasi. XIV. - Sivaratri. [Midnight.] XV. - When during this tithi, on a Sunday in day-time, the nakshatra is Sravans and the yoga Vyatipata, this coincidence is called Ardhodaya. It is a most auspicious occasion for making donations. When one of the particulars enumerated is wanting, the coincidence of the rest is by some called Mahodaya. XI. - Magha-buklapaksha. IV. - Vainiyaki chaturthi, Ganesa-chaturthi, Ganesa-jayantl (these three only in calendars); or Tila-chaturthi. [Evening.) Kunda-ohaturthi; worship of Siva with jasmine flowers. (Evening.] According to the Bhavishyatpurena, called Banta. V. - Vasanta-panobami; worship of Rati and Kima. [The day on which the titki onds, if the tithi oooupies the foronoon of that day only; otherwise the day on which the titki commences.] Srl-panchamt, according to some. (See the same tithi of Chaitra-suklapaksha.) - I do not see how the moon can be in Rohipl and Ardrd on the above tithi; on Pausha-sudi 8 she generally is in Revatt and Abvint,

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JULY, 1897.) FESTAL DAYS OF THE HINDU LUNAR CALENDAR. 187 VII. - Ratha-saptamt (also called Maha-saptami). (Rise of the dawn.] Manvadi. [Forenoon.] VIII. - Durgil- or Annapurna-ashtami, Bhishm-Ashtami. [Midday.] XI. - Jaya e kadasi. XII. - Bhishma-dvadasi. [Purua-viddhd.] XIII. - Kalpadi. [Forenoon.] xv. - Donations on this tithi are particularly enjoined. When on this tithi the moon and Jupiter are both in the nakshatra Maghi, the tithi is called Mahi-maghi. Magha-(or parninanta Phalguna-]kfishnapaksha. IV. - Sankashta-chaturthi. [Moonrise.] VIII. - Kilashtami. [Parva-riddha.] Ashtaki-sraddha. [Afternoon part.] Birth of Rima's wife Sita. IX. - Ramad isa-navami (only in Bombay calendars)." XI. - Vijaya ekadast. XII. - When joined with the nakshatra Sravana, called Tila-dvadasi (or Vijaya). XIV. - Sivaratri or Msha-sivaratri; is very auspicious, when it falls on Sunday or Tuesday, and is joined with the yoga Siva (Midnight!] xv. - Dvaparayugadi. [Afternoon part.] The union of the nakshatra Satabhishaj or of Dhanishtha with this tihi is particularly auspicious for 'Sraddhus. XII. - Phalguna-baklapaksha. IV. - Vainiyaki or Gandia-chaturtht. [Midday.] VIII. - Darga- or Annap arsa-ashtami. XI. -Amalaki ekadasi. xv. - Holika or Hutabant purnima (in Marathi, 46!t). [The day of which the tithi occupies the evening ; but there are many special rules.] Manvadi. [Forenoon.] Phalguna-[or purpimanta Chlitra-]krishnapaksha. 1.- Vagantirambh-otsava or Vasant-otsava, spring festival. III. - Kalpadi. [Afternoon part.] IV. - Sankashta-chaturthf. (Moonrise.] V. Ranga-panchami,'on which people throw colour, etc., about'; only in cnlon lars). VIII. - Kal-Ashtami. [Parva-viddha.] Ashtaka-sraddha. [Afternoon part.] XI. - Papamochani ekadasi, XIII. - Is called Varunt, when joined with the nakshatra Satabhishaj (the deity of which is Varuna); Maha-varupi, when it falls on Saturday and is joineil with the naloshatra 'Satabhishaj; and Mahl-mahavarunt, when it is joined, besides, with the yoga Subha. Donations made on such occasions are as meritorious as those made at an eclipse, etc. XIV. - Sivaratri. [Midnight.] XV. - Manvadi. [Afternoon part.]

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1897. ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR. BY THE LATE KARL FRIEDRICH BURKHARD. * Translated and edited, with notes and additions, by G. A. Grierson, Ph.D., O.I.E., 1.0.8. (Continued from Vol. XXV. p. 216.) Aorist with Dative Sufix. 172. Subject, a noun. to me, to me. to thee, do 18. ,him m .h tms by me.. by thee ... by him ... ishoco me suzu - csoda, mo riduriono do me suBracos tami vusul piano tam sa scoaps tame widang tamis izostalo ani vtis - sivamani ass valorisation asi sithem.. is a timav pisao timav scisosas timar wiesos timao silsu-y? suzu-s? by as ..., u-y! by you ... - suu rus Suiza ausu-m suzta-y sugu-8 by me ... jy do me sizu gu-m-ayol *U-m-as by the ... - sako te susu-epe sa to top oa - Por eso za tsesus suth-ame Uuth-as It was sent by him ... by you ... LA tohi osiga da tohi oi-paisatai tohi by then... -- U-va suzu-va-m suru-va-8 nuquthu eta.m sitzu. m-ay| by thee ... j susu-t mywzth suguth am suzu. n-as siguth-us sugti. 71-a8 am n-ayl suzu-va ta-an wisa suzun parties and sisu - - rese esitate - | by them.. ossis suau-lo mas so niemie wahi sa stau la warisa ofere to tami, by her. Alsode -s do te kurut me. * Fem. coosma seza.m.ay; pis crozsa okas-m-ay, and 80 throughout; o. 9. comgur sizi-h-it (for wwozgu erksi-h-ao, they are sent by them to him. al h-as kurut me. 1

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JULT, 1897.] ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR. 189 tom, dvorani. - sono me as to you, tas tohi. to them, wa tima tek to mi sisu. Bizota mi vizu by mo... ta by thee ... by him ... . thm wsh | rama 'm shwz etiau wilo samu asi tamite gm shwzt | tamil thm wzw -asil si 'sh wztaik sa 'mh mwzwh ONZU-08 `ana -pal SEN suzu-m-ava It was sent elogo susum wznk -- auby you .. them.... isa ja timav timar al on ison gai timoulos timav og 3 timav Leone - - - by me ... p case de me ori me 64 24-1-ak ... viso to toe sa.evi co jim toe heig de tre sisusunt asil Ru-tk-ube by him ... by 18 ... by you ... gi A tohi sa-m i aj tohi - Desain da toki sisu-val suru-va asi zu-va-k by them... - by me ... sigui-m. aug ak by thee ... dans le cas su xu-t acil ok by him ... u- asi by as by you ... osso dusks colonies ou - woj dwu-pa: th-va asi suxu-k kasi avo ak II. - The Compound Tonnes. 178, In these the saffixes are attached to the Auxiliary verb: ..., 47, chkus-an puchhus, I am seeing him; y 1ye+ Aj do me toki chha-m-ang vonnut, by me to you it-has-been-by-me-to you said, I have said to you.11 no by her, and tami. 11 In the same way the Pluperfect II, eam also take the sumos; 6. 9., da me ta kory-14-cy, by me for you it had been made-by-me-for you. . | .a swzn sh ther.ca -earn shwzt 'sh . mwzhwr ar.k shwz hk | --

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190, THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (July, 1897. 174. The Causal is treated, in regard to the suffixes, in the same way as the simple verb: 176. Similarly, the suffixes are also added to Intransitive verbs:'.., tsati, 3rd pl. aor. of us an tsulun, to fee. combat tsali-s, they fee before him ; eosomw-k, he met them. So, also, we occasionally meet the Infinitive with a suffix appended : e. g., web's karun-wy (to thee). 178. The Verbs wys diun, etc., 11* with sufizes. Imperative. Singalar. Plural 3rd 2 f me, to me paigdiyin-ann pwm diyul20 thee cubo diginai to thee Givo ww di-> diy dywn him, her ... to him, to her... was diyin-ay. who diyin-an conto diyin.as (29 Byhts diyin-arg oko diyin-ak Same as the 3rd singular. was diydig you, to you... (them, to them... ogis diydi. . ... 2nd Respectful form. Singular. 2nd 3rd (me, to me pero ditam dnm aitan-am pois dito-m you ditan-at .. Be good enough to give -data dn to you ... aitan-ay him, her ... ditan-an (29 using diton to him, to her... ditan- a n gis dito-o you, to you ... ditan-ava them, to them... ai, dita-k as ditan-ali gus dito-k na See $ 20. nos dio gelzba diun, = to ergcity, with Aco. (Matth. xxvii. 22, 23.) 19 (Notdiyi-m as we should expect from $ 40 (c).)" Same as the 3rd singular, caso ditas

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JULY, 1897.] ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR. 191 177. Present Indefinite or Future. Singular. 2nd 3rd ame, by me... am dm digi-me thee ... dimat Odiyi-t dinary to thee. him, herl ... diging Will give W3 diman - dih-art diyi-uka to him, to her s dima-s dih-as diyis dys din-aro you, to you dik-uvo tyo diyi-va . them, to them diha-ke digik dyk Plural. lat 2nd Nu diyd me, by me theo ... " dimo- dimdy dmwy Will give to thee ... him, her18 to him, to her lm-dim6 dmrn juos dimos 'yl., you, to you... 8gyes dimbo dywr diga-bg i them, to them1 ... dim8k dmrk din-ak 13 Soo noto 1, 176. * Np. wylo macie, he slow him. 1 Bat dimit-avg, wo give-him-to-you (Double saff.). 16 We also meet in tas (Cf. Np., Matth. xxx. 19). .

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192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1897. 178. Aorist. to the to him, to her (1) by me... dyty ayutv-yi dystu-m-ay | (2) by thee ... (3) by him ... dyuta-th-am dyn(-n-am dyutu-pl? dyutu-m-as is dyut-th-ce dy utw-11-04 dyutu-p17 dyutu-n-ay wys dyutu-y17 (2) by you ... C(3) by them.. dyutw-ve-m 5 dyutum his dyutu- A-am sdyuta-ya? dyutu.h-ay dyws dyn dyat-pa - dyutv-al dyutu-h-as to w to you to them dyut*-vole dynmk dyatu-Al . dynth-txt-ava his dyuta-m-ak dyutu-th-ah dyutu-t asih dyute aris) dyutuva! dyk agueu-k10 al centro dyutun asid dyu'--aug dyate nak dynk dyuky-pale ouis dyatukio .j- >>aynue dytwt ... Dobes dyuew asik dyutuh-ave tedyumh-aika Many of the above forms are doubtful. THE ANDAMAN TOKENS. BY R. C. TEMPLE, The position of the Penal Settlement at Port Blair in the Andaman Islands is one of great isolation, even in this year of grace, 1897; and when it was first started, its isolation and the difficulty and uncertainty of communications with the gater world were extreme. Hence arose the Andaman tokens, to meet temporary difficulties us to local currency. 17 Words similarly spelled are to be distinggished by the pronouns in the Instrumental. >> Similarly for the Feminine, after the model of the Paradigm $ 133 ; *. 2. pas ditegum, from what houm, non neterm : ut des ani ditory, ut notory, by newn to you.

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JULY, 1897.] THE ANDAMAN TOKENS. 193 In September and October, 1860, Capt. J. C. Haughton, Superintendent of the Settlement, had to face a temporarily depleted treasury with many calls upon it for cash for current wants. He met his difficulties with skill and promptitude, though furnished with the slenderest of mechanical appliances for the parpose. First," with the aid of a punch and some card-board, tickets were cnt out, which, being duly sealed and signed, passed current for one Rapee." This then was the first token, and it was all in M8., there being no Press in the Islands at that time. Trouble with the card token began at once, for "some Burmese forgers speedily imitated the mintage, but were detected and punished. I have this month (writing on the 12th October, 1860, to the Government of India) made tickets of a more elaborate sort." Hero we have the second Ms. token. The Andaman tokens were, therefore, of card at first and were clearly introduced to overcome a temporary failure in currency. Six thousand were issued monthly. It was almost from the first perceived that the use of tokens in place of cash could be made to be of great advantage in a Settlement, consisting entirely of convicts and those in chargo of them, from a disciplinary point of view. It provided a local currency "not easily exchangeable by parties on board ships." And it was this consideration that made the Superintendent recommend the permanent continuance of a token currency for the Andamans. Ho asked that it might be in copper, because of the worry of preparing his cards and the danger of their being forged. The suggestion was for a first issue of 20,000 copper tokens, to bo struck at the Calcutta Mint " with any simple inscription such as, Andaman One Rupee Token, with the year on the reverse and a hole in the middle." As an alternative to a new die, Capt. Haughton suggested the use of the die of the double gold mohur or any coin or medal not in general use" for one side of the token, The Government of India fell in with Capt. Haughton's ideas, and at the suggestion of Col. Baird Smith, Mint Master, utilised the design of the Straits Settlements "whole cent" for the new token. And thus came into existence the third Andaman token bearing date, 1861. This token was in copper, the obverse being copied from the Straits Settlements Copper Cent, and the reverse bearing Capt. Haughton's inscription. Its full description is :Obv.: Crowned Head of Her Majesty to left, QUEEN VICTORIA. Rev.: In wreath, ONE RUPEE ; outside, ANDAMAN TOXEN 1861. Round hole through centre. Weight, 144 to 145 grs. Width, 1.15 in. Mr. Rodgers, Catalogue of the Coins in the Indian Museum, Pt. IV. 1896, p. 198, by mistake classes these tokens as silver, In 1861, 20,000 copper tokens were received at the Port Blair Treasury, and in 1866, 20,800 more were received, which bore date, 1888, on them, as can be proved from some forgeries (officially broken) cast in base metal in my possession, but I have been unable to fiud a genuine copper example. There were other remittances of these tokens in large numbers, and when they were all finally called in on the 28th April, 1870, it was calculated that 17,788 had not been returned to the Treasury. They are rare enough now! In 1887, the metal currency of the Settlement again became insufficient for the second time, and a card token was instituted temporarily between the 8th July, 1867, and the 26th October, 1867, by Col. B. Ford, Superintendent. This was done avowedly while waiting for "the arrival of a supply of 10,000 (copper) tokens indented for from the Calcutta Mint." It was called a "paper currency." The value of these tokens was one rupee and they were printed on both sides. Obv.: VALUE ONE RUPEE IN THE POET BLAIR TREASURY : below, the number in blae ink, Rev.: "this office (i. e., the Superintendent's) Royal Arms Stamp crossed by a facsimile of my signature (B. Ford) stamped." The copper tokens came to an end on the 23th April, 1870, by the orders of the Goverannt of India, and thoy were called in

Page #200
194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1897. 4tt, and before, that date by a Circular Notice issued by Col. H. Man, Superintendent, on the 28th March, 1570. Major Nelson Davies, Secretary to the Chief Commissioner of Britisha Barmah, during the brief period while the Settlement was placed under the orders of that Government, inspected it in 1867, and reported adversely on the token system as a disciplinary measure; because, while tokens were introduced, the silver coinage which they were to represent was also freely admitted (vide Inspection Report, Penal Settlement of Port Blair, 1867, Vol. I. pp. 18, 38,62; VOL. II. pp. 49, 153, 245). In this Report Major Davies, no doubt, bit upon a fatal error in the practical application of the token currency and hastened its extinction. There were, therefore, in use in the Andaman Islands between 1861 and 1870 at different periods token currencies issued in the following years : 1. - 1860 : card token, panebed. II. - 1860-1861 : improved card token, punched. 111. - 1861 : copper token, punched. IV. - 1866 : copper token, punched. V. - 1867 : card token. of these, the card tokens of 1860, and the copper tokens of 1861 and 1866, were forged to a. considerable extent. All the tokens are now rare, and beyond some genuine specimens of the copper token of 1861 and forged specimens of the copper token of 1866, I have never been able to come across them at all. A JAINA ACCOUNT OF THE END OF THE VAGHELAS OF GUJARAT. BY G, BUHLER, PA.D., LL.D, d. I. E. On going over the Tirthakalpa or Kalpapradips of Jinaprabha, one of Dr. Peterson's nequisitions for the Bombay Collections,' I find in the description of Satyapura, the modern saohor in south-western Marvad, "brief scoount of the conquest of Gujarat by the Mahommedans which, I think, deserves to be made known, though the text is rather corrupt.. For Jinaprabhs is a contemporary witness of the events, which he mentions. According to Dr. Peterson, Fourth Report, p. xxxvii,, his known dates range from (Vikrama) Survet 1349 to Sauvat 1369. But according to the last verses of the Satrunjayakalpa, this portion of the Tirtbakalpa was composed in V. S. 1384: prAraMbhapyasya rAjAdhirAjasAMgha [:] prsnvaan| ato rAjaprasAdAcyA kalpI jayatAdhira / / 151|| na[*]HIE [!] Ter ruat sarai age: fas [!] arga: 11 313 11 His account is, therefore, worth taking into consideration, especially as the dates of the Makommedan historians do not agree, some placing the conquest of Gujarat in A. D. 1300 and others, like the Mirat-i-Ahmadi and Ferishta three years earlier. What Jipaprabha says, 5 is as follows: bhaha terasasabachappanavikramavarise lAvadIpasaratAbassa kaNiho bhayA ukhAnanAmadhinI dillIpurAbho maMtimahivapario gujjaradharaM paDio cittakUDAhivaIsimarasIha daMDaM vArDa mevAddhaso tayA rakkhiI / tabhI The MS. used in No. 1956 of 1897-8, fols. 130. The MS. bas ME* Perbaps *19r . See H. Elliot's History of India, Vol. III. p. 74 * Fol. 39, 1. 6 f. of th: MS.

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JOLY, 1837.) FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES OF INDIA; No. 11. 195 hammIrajudarAbho baggadesaM muhama () savAI nayarANi va maMjiva bhAsAvallIe patto | kaNNadevarAoma nahI / somamAIca ghaNaghANa bhaMjittA ganuparoviUNa bIbI vAmaNathalIe ( gaMtuM ) maMDalikarANayaM iMDisA sorahe 'niyamANaM pahA[hA vittA bhAsAvAllIe bhAvAsibhI ATIJAT TO) "Then in the Vikrama year 1356 the youngest brother of Sultan Allavadin, called Uud Khan, started from the town of Dhilli for Gajarat, accompanied by the minister (Nusrat Khan] and nobles. The lord of Cittakada (Chitor), Samarasiha, then protected the Mecad country by paying a fine (?). Then the Yuvaraja Hammira, having ... tho Vagga country and having destroyed hundreds of towns reached Asavalli, and kirg Kannadeva (Karua II) fled. And having broken (the linga of Bomanatha with a strong blow ... hayiug punished, 10 Bana Mamdalikka of Vamanathall (Vanthlt) and established his authority iu Borath (Ulagh Khan) settling in A82valli, barnt the monasteries, palaces and temples. Jinaprabha then goes on to narrate a miracle, performed by the Yaksha Bambhasanti, who made the gongs in the tom ple of Satyapura ring, whereupon the army of the Mldelchhas filed and the Jaina temple was saved for a time. He, however, admits that later the temple was defiled and the sacred image of Mahavira was carried to Delhi in Vikratnasamvat 1366 by AllAvadina's order and made an dsdyanabhayanu... FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES OF INDIA. BY M. N. VERKETSWAMI OF NAGPUR. No. 11. - The Old Woman of the Sugar-cane Field. ONCE upon a time in a certain country there lived a king. One day he started on an expedition, and, preceding his army and retinue, he became cut off from them, and found himself in the heart of a dense forest. Feeling very thirsty, and not having a single attendant to fetela for him a lot of water, he entered a sugar-cane field hard by. The owner of the field was au old woman. He addressed her thus : "Mother, will you kindly give me to driuk? I feel very, very thirsty." "Sir," said the woman, "I have no water here, but there is a well a mile hence. You can go, mounted as you are on your horse, and slake your thirst there." "But," said the king, "I am exhausted and fatigued, and have not the strength to go 180 far, even on my charger." On this the old woman, who was of a compassionate nature, pierced with thorn one of the sugar-canes and extracted a lord-full of juice and offered it to the king. He drank it, and finding it refreshing asked for more. The woman repeated the process, and obtained another. This he drank also and asked for a third draught, so thirsty was he. This request also she complied with. Refreshed thus, the king, before leaving the field, asked the owner what rent she paid for the ground. He was informed "one rape," and the ungrateful king thought that the ground-rent levied was too little. * This passage is corrupt beyond restoration and matilated, but contains without doubt a referonce to th transportation of the idol to Delhi. -Elliot, op. cit. Vol. III. p. 41. "I suppose Una (Ulugh) Kh An is meant; the word J , loft untranslated, seems to be corrupt. * Asfval near AhmedAbad, whore according to this acoount the battle seems to have been fought, . See the note to the text. * Or "levied fine from." Narrated by Jairam Kunbl, a chupris in the Houorary Magistrate's Court, City, Nagpar.

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196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1897. On a future occasion circa mstances similar to the above brought the king to the same Bugar-cane field in the forest. He asked his old acquaintance for a drink. The obliging woman pierced with thorns ten sugar-canes, but all to no purpose ; for not one yielded any juico. Tho king asked of the cause of this. "Ah!" exclaimed the old woman, "do you not know it? This is caused by the perfidy of the king, for his mean heart has made the soil to lose its fertility." NOTES AND QUERIES. AN INSTANCE OF THE POWER OF INDIAN | city for holding water thus increased. This is VILLAGERS TO COMBINE FOR THE interesting as a simple example of the power of a COMMON GOOD.. village community to combine in a sustained The other day, in visiting an Ahir village in the course of action for the common good. Gurgaon district, I had occasion to pass through J. WILSON, in P. N. and Q. 1883. the dry bed of the village pond, accompanied by Beveral of the villagers, and noticed that each AN ORDEAL. man, as he passed along, stooped down to pick up A WRITER in Blackwood's Magazine (June 1883), a clod of earth, which he carried to the margin of reviewing Fitzjames Stephen's History of English the pond and threw down outside. On enquiring Criminal Law, says :-"In the 23rd Canto of Il the reason of this, I was told that it was a rule in Purgatorio Danto writes:-chi n'ha colpa ereda the villago, that no inhabitant should pass through che vendetta di Dio non teme suppe,'in allusion to the bed of the pond without doing a little in this an old superstition, acoording to which it will way to deepen it, and clear it of the sediment believed thnt if the murdorer ate a sop of bread that is washed into it every year in the rainy and wine on the grave of his (supposed P) season. victim within nine days of the murder, the In the Sirsa District, where owing to the great right of vengeance was forfeited. To guard depth of the wells and the general brackishness of this right the relations of the murdered man the water in them, the pond is more important watch bis tomb to prevent the ceremony from than usual to the comfort of the village, it is being accomplished." very common to find that a man is told off daily by rotation, among the different families of the This method of avoiding a blood-feud was village, whose daty it is to be present at the pond na evidently of the nature of an ordeal, it being in the morning when the women come to get assumed that if the man was the real murderer their daily supply of water for household pur and had killed the deceased worngfully the poses. He is provided with a spade and a basket Bop would choke him. The collooation of bread or two, and before a woman is allowed to fill her and wine is apparently connected with Holy Comjars with water from the pond, she must carry munion. Does any similar method of purging out a basketful of earth excavated by the man on one's self by ordeal from the aocusation of blood. duty from the bed of the pond and throw it down guiltiness, and so avoiding a blood-feud, exist outside. As this process goes on every day the among the races of our frontier P pond is deopened by slow degrees, and its capa. DEUXIL IBBETSON, in P. N. and Q. 1883, BOOK-NOTICE, THE SIDDHANTA DEEPIKA. great wealth of Tamil Literature, if it continues T#LIONT OF TRUTH OR SIDDHANTA DEEPIKA, as it has begun, by giving the texts with render. Monthly Journal devoted to Religion, Philosophy, ings of the greater specimens thereof. It is of Literntare, Science, etc. Madran, C. N. Press,4, value, for instance, to have a reproduction of such Guravappen Street, Black Town. Nos. 1 and 2. texts as the Siranana Siddhiyar of Aru! Nandi We must express our pleasnre at the appearance Sivacharya, even though the transliterations of of this Magazine, though it is, perbapa, some! the vernacular words are unsteady and not always what too much imbued with the perfervidum correct. ingenium that distinguishes the Dravidian We note also a memorandum by the veteran populations to altogether please the more Tamil scholar, Dr. G. U. Pore, on the Tirura. phlegmatic Englishman. But its aim is high chakam of Manika Vachakar, and an advertise. und its tone elevating, and there is no doubt ment stating that he will publish an Edition of it that it will do a great deal towards making better in full, if funds are forthcoming. Let us hope known, to the literary world at any rate, the that they will be forthcoming.

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AUGUST, 1897.1 CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 197 CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. BY R. C. TEMPLE. (Continued from p. 161.) The Effect of Bullion Currency. O the effacta commgrcially of the Burmese system of specie currency Yule makes the following pertinent remarks :-" Cariously enough our rupees were not merely not current as coin at Amarapoora, but the people were often unwilling to take them at all, except at a greatly depreciated value. So I have known a Scotch shopkeeper to decline " that small thing," a sovereign, preferring the well-thumbed indigenous one-pound note.39 In 1567, Caesar Frederick (Purchas, Vol. II. p. 1761) says: - If he (the merchant) bring money, he shall lose by it.' "In any case of shop-purchase, before arriving at a price, one is always asked to shew the money.co Then a new element of bargaining comes into every purchase ; the value of the money has to be ascertained, as well as the value of the goods; and in all mercantile tran830tions or other affairs involving considerable payment, en 1983yer or pwazi is employed, who receives one per cent. opon all sales. He is supposed, on this understanding, to be responsible for the quality of all gold and silver received in payment. These pro:zas profess to judge by inspection merely and to appraise in this way within half per cent of the ** Ava, pp. 358, 259. See alao p. 34. As an instance of how far wrong one on go in generalising without precise knowladge as to the effote on a people of coinmarcial relations novel to oneself, I would note the remarks of Mr. S. Davis, F. B. S. ( the hero of Benarea in 1798!, in his posthumous Paper on the Bhatias (J. R. A. N. Vol II. 1830), who says, p. 17, that "there was in his time.) no other coin than the 'Buhar' rupee," and that in very small quantities. He then proceeds to describe the people as living in a kind of Arcadian simplicitywithout money. But . perosal of these pages will show that it is the possession of money,' properly so oallod, that tends to induce commarcial honesty and simplicity in dealings rather than tho want of it. In the Mandalay District the debased taunganni copper currency, described later on, was in 1837, found to be preferred to the Royal Mint currenoy. See Sladen's experience in Bham, in 1837, aud Cooper's in Western Chins in 1838, detailed farther on in thesd articles. For the opp aito experience, whera British rapous woro current in the Sismose Shan States, when the local money was not, see Book, Temples and Elaphants, p. 159. Co.nparo with his statemnt Calquhoun's remark in Amongst ths Shans, p. 193:-"Da Curae found our rupoe was a redoubtable rival to the Biamese tical at Luang Prabang, and was acoaptad at the same value, although it is really worth sixpence less." In Bhamo and thereabouts, as far as Momien, aycee silver bas, I am told, disappeared from currency and its place taken by British rupees, and rupees are acceptad at muoh above their intrinsic value in exchange for sy oee. In 1838 Cuoma de Koros told Prinsep that rapoes were everywhere current in Western Tibet : Vorful Tables, Thomas Ed. p. 32. Maloom, Travels, Vol. II. p. 145, in 1835 found "Company rupees and pice" every. where curront in Arakan. In Tibet, Maomahon, Fur Cathay and Further India, P. 237, says :-"According to Mr. Baber, "Those (rupoes ) which boar Oruwned presentinant of Har M usty's bond are named Lama Tob-uu or Vagabond Lama, the crowa being mistaken for the head-gear of a religious mendicant." In 1863, an attempt by British officer to introduce a coppsr einnge into Manipur to displace the local bill.notal al entirely failed, The people would have none of it. Sya Browa's Statistical Account of Van pur, p. 89. u 1924, the Burmans at Prome at once melted down rapoos paid to them by the British Forces into local currency in ticals. See Tico Years in Ara, P. 280. M. Rocher, French Tongking official, after explaining that dollars are only acepted at 7% discount and then only in small quantities, gives this advice to travellers in Yunuan "Il y a donc tout avantage pour les negociants qui voudront faire lo voyaga, a se munir de lingots d'argent." Toung Pito, Vol. I. p. 51. The Chinese, in the early seventeenth Cantary, molted down all the foreiga sjlver they could get hold of, vide Pyrir 1 de Laval's statement (Hak. Soo. Ed., Vol. II. p. 174): "The Chinese, too, never let so much as a tastoon the modern 'tizxy,' worth in Henry VIIIth's raigu 61.) go out again, for thay malt all this silver into ingots and keep all their treasure in wilver, and not in gold, which is vastly common and cheap there." .0 Maloom's remarks on this point, Travels, Vol. II. p. 279 f, are worth quoting in full. "Silver, in passing from hand to hand, becomes more and more alloyed, so that, when a man is asked the price of a thing, he says, let me see your money.' He then regulates his charge by the quality of the silver, and a piece is chopped off to moet be bill; change, if any, being weighed in lond." C. Lockyer, Tra le in Inka, 1711, p. 39, as to the Malay Couutry: p 182, as to China.

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198 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1897. 1eal value. Colonel Symes says that in no instance did he bear of a breach of trust committed by one of these pwezus; 49 bat Col. Burney with longer and more accurate experience of them, calls them a sad nefarious set, quite unworthy of this high character. Their power of appraising is also much less than they profess. Burney found the valuations of some of those most esteemed as highly skilful to differ As much as ten per cent. among themselves. "Adding this percentage or brokerage to the loss of frequent melting, including doubtless considerable embezzlement by the operations, which is estimated at from one to two per cent. on each process; and considering that all the silver current in the country is believed to go through the melting-pot on the average twice a year, some idea may be formed of the cost and wastage of this system." 43 In Burmese times the puce 20 drove a thriving trade, for Phayre, Int. Vum. Or., Vol. III. Pt. I. p. 38, tells us that "at the time of the British occupation of Prome, & town having 20,000 inhabitants, there were in it not less than twenty pwerde, that is, brokers and assayers of silver. They had thier fornaces and crucibles in the corners of streets or under open sheds, like smithies, where they pursued their calling." Malcom, Travels, Vol. II. p. 244 f., says that he found in 1835 " the assayers of the precious metals expert and exact; and as money goes by weight, and is therefore constantly cut to pieces and alloyed, these persons are numerous." And at p. 270, he well explains the general attitude of the people towards currency. "The people are not anxions for coin, They cannot trust their rulers. They love higgling in bargains. They make a profit on their money, as well as goods, by increasing its alloy, and a numerous class of assayers, or brokers, called pwazaks (by foreigners poyzahs) subsist by melting up silver, to improve or deteriorate it, as they are desired. This they do before the owner's face, and have only the crucible and scorise for their trouble." Stretell, in hi: Ficus Elastica in Burma Proper, 1976, a book full of the most valuable information about Upper Barma and the ways of its inhabitants, is disappointing as to currency, as he always quotes transactions and values in rupees. However, he mentions the brokers of the Great Bazaar at Mandalay, the Zeje, and states that the rate of exchange from rupees into silver bits was four per cent, and into copper bits Rs. 3-2." The curious expression "silver bits" means, I gather, from pp. 76, 114, 155, 185, of the book, chips from lamps of silver. the smelting and adulterating of which for carrency the author found to be the chief emplos ment of the silver-smiths living north of Mandalay. Stretell talks of "legal" qualities of silver, going on Capt. Bower's Bhamo Exp.dition Report, 1868, but he states he did not think that the silver-smiths adhered to the standards and he uotes also the waste caused by the system "Buying and selling is both tedious and wasteful: not only do those unfamiliar with the quality of the metal suffer, bat great waste occurs in chopping off wee pieces from the ingot, to obtain the required weight at which the article purchased has been valued." Stretell had See my remarks ante on valuation by rough Bay. " See also Scott, The Burman, p. 290. ** See also McLeod's opinion in '1836 in his Journal (House of Commons, No. 420 of 1860, pp. 57, 60), when writing of Kiang Tung and Ava 4 8o doss the French traveller Plouest, who was in Pega in 1786. See Toung Pao, Vol. I. pp. 203, 215 f. : Vol. II. pp. 35, 32, 38, 40, 47, 392, 995. But fortuustoly he quotes (Vol. 1. p. 215). "735 tioals ou roupies de 25 pour cent." which shews is that he really maant tickals when he said "roupies." At p. 216 he talks of "roupies de 25 pour cant." Twice ho meritions "piastras, " i..., dollars, as currency, vix, at Vol. I. p. 203 and Vol. II. p. 41. Ander. HUD, Mandalay to Momien, also almost always states Payments in rupees, and sometimes even in pounds and whillings. Soo pp. 204, 293, 369. Colquhoun's Amongst the Shans is quite disfigured by this habit feo pp. 70, 180, 135, 192, 274, 290, etc. The idea, no doubt, is in "popular" works to bring prices home to Europeon readers, but it is apt to do the opposite : e. g., Colquhoan, op. cit. p. 253, in quoting a statement of Richardson's, says, "each household paid half a tical of coarse silver (18, 8d)." This is quito incorrect: hall Siamese tioal was in Richard. non's time worth roughly ls. Sd., when of standard silver, and was certainly worth nothing of the sort when of course wilver, a Richardson himself knew very well. One would also like to know exactly what was meant by the translator in the English version of the Voyage de Siam, published in 1988, when be writes (p. 122) of the "Chineses" of Batavia: -"Some of them are very rich, and we were told that one of them died lately, who left bebiud him a Million in coined Money."

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August, 1897.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 199 evidently no greater faith in the piceaz 18 than had Yule, and unless the "silver bits" ho bought with rupees at Mandalay at four per cent. exchange were of bo silver, which was exceedingly unlikely, he was swindled by the Bazaar pwerus of Mandalay. Yule also says that "bosidas th939 pwsz845 there is another class so oalled. They are brokers appointed by the Government, who conduct all purchases made by foreigners of produce for exportation, apparently with some notion of keeping a check on the exportation of precious metals. They receive a half per cent, from the seller in all wholesale transactions." This must be the tarega, of whom we hear so much from the oldest of the travellers, and is probably the pymon of Symes (Avu, p. 326), thongh Symes seems to have coufounded the Pymon (equal ? pw&non, i. e., Government bullion broker) with the pw.vis. Flouest, who was in Burma about ten years before Symes, writes thus: - "There is again in Rangoon a class of men very useful to the stranger. They are a species of broker or exchange agent, and are called professionally poiment (? podemon). They receive and pay for their constituents. In this way one avoids being cheated in the quality and weight of silver. It is necessary to take great care to record documents, and to do it in a manner that they cannot be counterfeited. Lis poiments' take one per cent. of all the sums in their charge and are responsible for their fall distribution, which they certify by receipts for the sums they have paid away." Flouest, then, evidently hala smell opinion of the honesty of the brokers. They nnturally always loomed large in the eyes of the old travellers. In 1796 we find Cox (Burnhinn Empire, p. 12) congratulating himself that, when he went to view the great payoda at Rangoon, he found that the "poyzah or sircar" had a house close by, and so gave him a good view of the place and people unmolested.<7 We hear of them from time to time when European merchants began trading in Barma and Pegu, and Yule's quotations in Hobson-Jobson, 8. v. Tarega, are so fully to the point in this connection, that I give them here in full: - "This (word tarega) represents a word for :: broker (or person analogous to the Hong merchants of Canton in former days) in Pegu, in the days of its prosperity. The word is from South Iulia. We have in Telugu, taraja "the occupation of a broker;" Tamil, taragini," a broker." "1588. --Sono in lega otto sonsari del Re che si cliainano Tarego li quali sono obligati di far vendete tutte le mercantie - per il prezzo corrente. - Ces. Folerici, in Romnio. iii. 395. "1583. - E se fosse alcano che tempo del pagamento per non pagar si absentasse dalla citta, o si asconlesse, il Tarreca e obligato pagar per lui. - I Tarrega cosi si domandano i Sensari. - G. Balli, f. 107, 108. "1587. -- There are in Pegu eight brokers, whom they call Tareghe, which are bound to sell your goods at the price they be woorth and you give them for their labour two in the hundred and they be bound to make your debt good, becanse you sell your marchandises upon their word. - R. Fitch in Hakluyt, ii. 393.948 45 They are roferred to in Two Years in Ava, in p. 280, as a particular class of silver-smiths. Something of the same systum must have existed in Portuguese India in the early Seventeenth century. Soo Pyrard de Laval's accounts of the cherijer (trafa). of Goa: Hak. Suc. El., Vol. II. pp. 37 ff. Part of the E. I. Company's ostablish mat at Mdr. in 1711 Way" two Essay Mastors, both at 120 l. per An." Lookyor, R. J. Trad, p. 14. 46 Town) Pao, Vol. II. p. 10 : 800 also Hunter, Pegi, p. 85, who was in Rangoon the year befo"e Flouost. AT Cox, or rather his son and editor, is one of the most perfect coiners of words among Iudo-European writers. Thun, poyzuhas above becomes poisah at p. 179, and "poixat or shroff " at p. 186. + There is a word tarr., constantly used by British merchauts in Siam and Burma in the Seventeenth century. bar aot explained in Yule, which seems to be counocted with turja. It meant a written license to trade, op * Hamou Gibbon quaintly puts it "tarras or irea Patants." See Auderson, Siam, PP. 54, 113, 117, 124, 125, 127.

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200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (AUGUST, 1897. There was evidently a castom of the same description prevalent in Siam antil quite lately, for in Sir Henry Parkes' "Agreement " consequent on Sir John Bowring's Treaty of 1685 with Siam, we find in the " Schedule of taxes on garden-ground, plantations, and other lands" the following Section : - "Sixty.cowries are levied per tical as expenses of testing the quality of the silver on all sums paid as taxes under the the long assessment. Taxes paid under the annual assessment are exempted from this charge." Again under " Customs Regulations" we find a Section : "The receiver of daties may take from the merchants two salungs per catty of eighty ticals for testing the money paid him as duties." Horace Browne, in his Account of the District of Thayet myo, a high authority on all matters connected with Barma and its people, however, (p. 96), agrees with Symes as to the honesty of the old brokers, for he writes :- " Produce brokers were licensed. They were to take one per cent. on the value of the goods sold from the seller and the same from the bayer, and one half of the amount reai sed by them they had to pay in as Government revenue. This Gorern. mental supervision of brokers was an institation well suited to the requirements of the country, and its abandonment on the British side of the frontier is one of the points in which our administration contrasts unfavourably in the eyes of the people with that of the Native Government. Under the Native Government dishonesty or peculation on the part of a broker was almost unknown, and on the raro occasions when it did occor was easily detected and punished. Under the British Government ignorant people from the interior are frequently victinised by men who set themselves up as brokers on the river-bank." It must be remembered, Irowever, that Burney got his information from personal experience and observation, whereas Symes spoke from slight experience and Browne perforce heard only the statements of persons, who were, as likely as not, laudatores temporis acti. The ways of Chinese money-changers and brokers in similar circumstances are well illostrated by Huc,60 who has no hesitation in setting them all down as rogues. According to their castomer, they cheated in weight if they valued fairly, and they cheated in value if they weigbed fairly; or they weighed fairly and valued fairly, but cheated the country bumpkin in calculating. But Hac does not lay it to their charge that they doctored the silver, as we shall see below that the Burmese did, though he tells us a story to shew that this was at any rate sometimes done. M. Rocher, a French Tongking official, writing in 1890,61 tells us much the same story of the Yunnan traders. He says that the silver tael is the currency of the country, but that the quality of the silver and the currency varies with each place. At "Mong-Tze" the tael weighs 0-037 grammes and is 3 per cent. higher in value than that of Yunnanfa, 10 per cent. better than that of Shanghai and about 1.45 less than that of Canton. Avd he then goes on to say that, "It is difficult to give a weight with mathematical exactness.62 Every dealer has two methods of weighing, according as he pays or receives. The difference between the two varies several points in the tael!" Gouger, in his own inimitable manner, gives a graphic, and for the present discussion instructive, account of his first dealings at the Burmese Court, at p. 41 of his Prisoner in Burmah. The date must have been sometime in 1832 or 1823. After explaining how the various ladies about the Court had each taken from his bales what, she fancied, he writes :"So far everything went on agreeably, but now came the painful duty of telling each of the fair purchasers bow much she had to pay, and the still more difficult one of assessing the value of the gold and silver she presented for payment. The king's command, however, must ** Bowring'a Birm, Vol. II. PP. 245, 247. e Nat. In. Library Ed., Vol. II. p. 114 ff. 31 Toung Pao, Vol. I. p. 51. 2 Dr. Vorderman, writing in 1890, on Chinese apothecaries' weights in Batavis, remarko, ter giving some valuable and remarkable instances, on the total want of uniformity in them, Towg Pao, VOL. I. p. 180.

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AUGUST, 1897.] be obeyed. Each lady must again be paraded in turn to make payment for what she had taken. His Majesty remained to see fair play and entered into the spirit of the trafficking, langhing heartily at every dispute which subsequently occurred. Scales and weights were now introduced, but this I could not stand. My amour propre rebelled against it. I insisted on making over this part of the play to Shwai-ee (Shwe 1, a Musalman servant with a Burmese name). I professed my ignorance of the touch of gold and the face of silver, an avowal that no doubt relieved the apprehensions of the ladies, who were looking for a grasping creditor, and who, with all their good-humoured smiles, were not free from a spice of avarice, or it might be only a love of bargaining. Never was a man so baited as the poor Malabaree (the servant). Whenever he gave his honest opinion of the value of the gold, he was instantly assailed, accused of cheating, threatened, coaxed, ballied and called very hard names. When I was appealed to, I always gave judgment in favour of the lady, for finding that the gentle creatures were, by their own unbiassed and voluntary assessment of prices, paying five and six times as much as the goods cost, I could well afford to be generous. The easy indifference I manifested in submitting to what they knew to be attempts at imposition gained me high favour, while it conferred also perhaps the character of a green-horn. With all their eagerness to take petty advantages, honesty was enforced in the main and no one was allowed to evade the payment of her debt. My factotum put up his gold and silver into bags."63 CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 201 Mr. Gouger's subsequent difficulty was that, having amassed thus a weight of silver and gold equal to about PS8,000, he could neither legally transport the metal itself, nor goods representing its value, out of the country, except by bribing officials, but he notes that the bribing, though heavy, was worth a merchant's while, considering the prices paid for goods imported (p. 611.). I must clinch my evidence by a passage from a book by a well known Burmese writer, Maung Bah Wah. It is in English and is entitled, The Outward Man and the Inward Man. At p. 55, the writer gives a reminiscence of his childhood, which is of the first importance for the present subject:- "I remember when I was a child, how I hoped to see my father come back from his trading tour, and my mother from the bazaar, where she went only once a week, or sometimes twice, and brought provisions sufficient for a week. We had no copper or silver coins then as you have now (writing for his grand-children), and with which the present-day children know how to buy and sell. In those days it was not every grown-up person that knew how to properly assay lumps of silver, which were more or less impure and which were then in current use. Some are preserved in the Phayre Museum55 here (Rangoon)." That travellers had to be habitually cautions as to receiving bullion, we have many instances, of which the following is a fair example. Dr. Richardson, in his Journal of a Fourth Mission to the Interior of the New Settlements in the Tenusserim Provinces, in 1836,56 writes of the Mone State; and says: "In the meantime he (the military commander) sent me for current expenses 48h ticals (called 50) of coarse silver, or Rupees 32." This shews 63 At p. 63 he says that the people "came with bags of silver and gold in bullion to pay for their purchases," 54 A remarkable book by a remarkable man. He was a leading member of an ardent sect of Christians in Rangoon, who have, with an independence of spirit and thought very notable in the conditions, worked out for them. selves, and formed without extraneous aid, a dogma and ritual of their own quite worth study. Maung Bah Wah very kindly presented me with the literature of the Sect, and I hope some day to give an account of it. The origin of the Sect is explained in "A Statement of the True Case," 1886, in English. Its ideas are contained in The Lord's Supper, Puedo, 1887; The Lord's Day, Obkne, 1885; The Fellowship of the Apostles, Thinspwejing, 1888; Hymns, 1885; New Spiritual Songs, 1887. All these books are in Burmese. 55 I have gathered in conversation with Maung Bah Wah that they were presented by himself and were specimens of ngwin, a species of silver currency to be described in its proper place later on, House of Commons, Parl. Papers, No. 240 of 1869, p. 124,

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202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. that this cautious traveller both weighed and valued the silver presented, as a matter of course.57 [AUGUST, 1897. Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither, Vol. I. p. clvi., incidentally proves that the difficulties created by a bullion currency are a very old story in Eastern lands, and has a most interesting quotation from Pliny, shewing that nearly two thousand years ago the more intelligent rulers of the Far East were quite alive to the value of an exact currency, though unable to secure it. "We had an opportunity of more correct information in the reign of Claudius, when ambassadors came from the Island (Ceylon). A freedman of Annius Plocamus, who had farmed the customs of the Red Sea from the Imperial Exchequer, after sailing round Arabia, was driven by storms past Carmania, and on the fifteenth day made the port of Hippuri (in Ceylon). Here he was entertained by the king with kindness and hospitality for six months; and when he learned to speak the language, in answer to the king's questions, told him all about Caesar and the Romans. Nothing that the king heard made such a wonderful impression on him as the opinion of the exactness of our (Roman) dealings, which he formed from seeing, in some Roman money that had been taken, that the coins were all of the same weight, though the heads upon them shewed that they had been struck by different princes." 58 In 1836, Dr. Bayfield, Assistant Resident at Ava, was sent on a journey from Ava to the Assam frontier, and the observations of this highly qualified observer give us a fair insight into the monetary system of a country having a lump silver currency of fluctuating intrinsic value. Throughout his Report59 he uses the tickal, to denominate a fixed weight of the metal and to estimate payments in cash. Thus we find him (p. 138) saying, "the monthly duties of the chokey (custom-house) average about seventy ticals, of which forty go to the Queen and the remaining thirty are divided amongst the customs officer and his followers,"co But that the quality of the silver entered vitally into all fiscal calculations, the quotations below will shew. (Page 158.) "This district was ordered to furnish 25 men for the Myowun's deputation, and was therefore called upon for 25 viss of silver (one viss equals 100 tickals), each man being supposed to receive one viss for his services. This sum is collected from the district at the rate of two or three ticals per house, more or less, until the amount is paid. Before the men get it, however, it is refined down to about 70 to 75 tickals, previously deteriorated to 50 per cent. money! The Government officers keep the remainder." I gather that the Government collection was in ywetni, or standard silver," and that by 50 per cent, silver is meant 50 per cent. of that standard. The next quotation supports this idea (p. 208 f.): "This evening an officer of the Wantho force, a poor old man, 61 years of age, applied to me for some cough medicine. He complained bitterly against the Myowun, who had struck him for presuming to intercede for his men against a demand for two 57 So Pegolotti, in advising travellers and merchants of his day (early XIVth Cent. A. D.), says: "You may reckon the sommo (ingot of silver) to be worth five golden florins (ducats)" and so on. He is always cautious:"you may reckon;" "you may calculate." See Yule, Cathay, Vol. II. p. 293 ff. Yule, op. cit., has a number of references to the use of gold and silver by weight in the XIIIth and XIVth Cent. A. D. all over the Asiatic Continent: Vol. I. pp. cxcix., cexix., clxx.: Vol. II. pp. 584, 586, 590. 18 The following note in the Athenaeum, No. 3442, Oct. 14, 1893, p. 515, shews that the working of the human mind has in this matter been everywhere and at all times the same :-The place called the "steelyard" (in London) derived its name undoubtedly from stiliard, a corruption (through stalier, stadiero, stadera, statera) of orarip, the standard coin. Just as the Easterlings introduced sterling money, so also they introduced the system of weighing by the statera, the sterling penny, the standard coin of specific value and definite weight." 59 See Bengal Gort. Selections: Hill Tracts between Assam and Burma, 1873, pp. 134-245. co This was the usual custom in his day. Thus, in 1835, Capt. Hannay, op. cit., p. 103, remarks that "the price of the common or mixed amber is 23 ticals a vis, or Rs. 4 per 14 seer.:" which must be taken to be merely a rough calculation of relative values. Bayfield, p. 143, values, in 1836, 120 tickals at Rs. 150. Watson, in 1865, had to weigh out 84 rupees as the equivalent of 6 tickals in the Shan States. Records, Govt. of India, Salween Survey, p. 22. cctai silver will be described under its appropriate head later on. 61

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August 1897.) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 203 tickals per man, which the Mye wan had this day ordered to be assessed. This is the third demand that has been made apon them, and considering the excessive price of provisions (4 to 5 tickals per basket (of rice)), it does seem, even for Burma, somewhat unjust. At Mogaang three tickals, at Maingk'un two, and here two, making from the whole force, say 1,500 who pay, out of the 2,000 men, 10,500 tickals. It is true, that with the money thus collected the troops are furnished with rice, but it is probably at the rate of 500 per cent, above what they themselves buy it at, and above what the Myowun actually pays for it. The peculiar beauty and refinement of the transaction is that the money is paid out of the sum each man received for his services on the present mission, and although they were paid in silver varying from 25 to 60 per cent. alloy, the Myowun's assessment must be made in ruetree (ywetni), nearly equal to rupee silver.''09 The ways of this exemplary Burman official ander the late dynasty are thus clearly explained to us. His escort received something under 40% of the pay collected for them in the first transaction. Of standard silver each man had received in fact 40 tickals at the outside and of this the Myowun had extracted from him before the journey was balf through 7 tickals for food, for which the Myowun had paid about 14 tickals. So that his personal profits at that stage had amounted to 65 % on the original transaction. It is hard to believe that any "paymaster-general" of forces could make such profits, were the facts not stated in the matter-offact diary of an eye-witness. As to the disastrous effect this particular official's exactions had locally on occasion, Bay. field tells us (p. 164) that the people of Yenke had to pawn their cattle in order to meet them. In estimating revenue, Bayfield usually states the sum simply in viss and occasionally in "viss of silver." The silver he meant was evidently ywelni, as he says . cit. p. 230) :-" The total amount of revenue received last year was 220 viss of silver, equal to about 25,000 rupees." This would make a tickel worth about one rapee and a seventh, shewing this estimate to be in terms of ywetni. Similarly, he estimates large payments in viss and " viss of silver:" thus, at p. 163, he puts the cost of a monastery at 95 viss, and at p. 224, part of the price of a Kachin Chief's bride at a "viss of silver." But when talking of commercial prices he is sometimes careful to state the quality as well as the weight of silver: thus, in Khyangdaung in 1836, rice sold at 50 tickals of 25 % to 30 % money per 100 baskets (p. 158), and paddy sold in the Bhamo market at 15 tickals of 10 % silver per 100 baskets (p. 230). These sums I take to be respectively worth in existing rupees about Rs. 39 and Rs. 13, the latter a price which would make a modern Rangoon rice-miller's fortune in a single year. Horace Browne, Account of the District of Thayetmyo, in giving (pp. 95 ff., 101 ff., 107, 111) a description of the revenue in Burmese times from 1783 to 1852, not only says that the revenue was paid in yetni, but gives several calculations of the value in rupees of revenue stated in viss of silver, and these calculations shew that it was paid in ywetni. And they, morcover, prove that the ways of Dr. Bayfield's Myowun were not confined to that official, as the following interesting quotation from Gen. Browne's observations (r. 103) will sufficientiy shew : The interference of the officials with the standard currency Gn King Pagan's time, 1846 to 1852), and weights of the country caused universal alarin and dissatisfaction. The revenue had always been paid in "rwelnee" (5 % alloy) silver. The standard now was raised and 20 to 30 per cent. extra was demanded on the plea of this silver being of too low a value. The revenue collectors, moreover, now claimed the right of attaching pieces of lead to the royal standard weights which were used in receiving revenue." * Ywet is 85 % of Burmese pure silver and modern rupee silver is 90% X. In Bayfield's time it was probably of less value. es Op.cit, pp. 104, 169, 176, 185 : and pp. 157, 230, So does Crawfurd, Sion, throughout his book, in cattles and piculs. See pp. 331, 579, etc. 04 This is a mistake: see later on under the description of getni. 6 Esther percentage would have raised the quality beyond the pureat silver the Burmese could make!

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204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Practises of this description seem to have been habitual with the Burmese, for Clement Williams, Through Burma to Western China, p. 86, tells the following tale: "I also learned from the Chinese (at Bhamo) that the mines in the Burman-Shan territory, which were formerly worked by the Chinese, who paid duty to the Burmans, had for some time been left unworked, in consequence of the oppression of the Burmese superintendents. These mines yield a rich argentiferous lead, from which silver can be readily extracted, and are said to be casy of access. For the same reason, gold was little sought after, - a fortunate find being always exaggerated and made an excuse for plunder by the officials. Even turning up the ground in the old city was not safe, if anything rare or valuable was found. An inhabitant of the old city of Pagan, for example, came upon five vessels of gold with twelve thousand rupees, for which an equivalent in the new gold was ordered to be given by the King; the money was sent from the treasury, but very little of it reached its proper owner, as the Myowoon, on various pretences, managed to secure the lion's share." - [AUGUST, 1897. Badly, however, as the Government officials behaved in the instances above quoted, the Chinese are shewn to have behaved worse not long previous to 1844; witness Huc's statement that the tributary Tartar princes had on one memorable occasion received their pensions payable in gold in ingots of copper gilt,65 5. Valuation by Weight. I have already had reason to refer to payments in tickals and viss, i. e., by weight, when discussing the effect of an uncoined currency on pecuniary transactions. I now propose to consider the point in greater detail. There is a distinct statement as to valuation by weight in the remarks of a writer who was in Rangoon in 1782 (Hunter, Pegu, p. 85):-"The principal money of this country is silver, which is not coined, but paid by weight. The smallest denomination is the Tycal: one hundred Tycals make one Viss; and these are used in weighing goods as well as money."67 In continuation of this evidence, we find that during the War of 1824, Burmese property was apparently valued by British officers and others in tickals: vide Wilson's Documents Illustrative of the Burmese War. Thus, in No. 85, describing the papers taken in the entrenched position of the Burmese on the 15th December, 1824, (p. 102 ff.), he gives all sorts of curious information about the Burmese General Mahi Bandula. Among other papers, a letter was found, addressed to him, which acknowledged the receipt of "1,000 tickals per order of Maha Bandula." A paper was also found describing a number of the general's private expenses. This paper is full of remarkable old Anglo-Indian words, and from amongst the items I select the following as interesting in many ways: "Leaves for choppering Bundoolah's house pawn for Bundoolah betel for do. a pot for Bundoolah to bath (sic) in saddle, bridle, etc.70 www Tickals 1 } 1 1 19 66 Nat. Ill. Library Ed., Vol. II. pp. 228, 229. 67 Malcom, Travels, Vol. II. p. 269, distinctly states the same thing in 1885. Three cyclists' going round the world wrote to the Calcutta Englishman (Oct. 13, 1897, p. 5) from across the Burmo-Chinese border:-"The manuer in which we proceeded was to have drafts on Chinese firms in various towns. From these firms we were able to obtain nuggets of silver. The nuggets we carried with us, and in every village we sold them by weight in exchange for 'cash." cs See also Two Years in Ava, pp. 195, 201, 245 f., and Alexander, Pravels, p. 21. Laurie, Pegu, p. 55, has a coufused reference to the same ideas in the War of 1852, when he writes of Rangoon :-" Juvenile money-changers, as they sat, gave a rupee an occasional ring, tossing it with the air of men well up in their business: they receive one pice or three pie the fourth of an ounce or three half-pence for changing a rupee." 69 For this title, see Phayre, Hist. of Burma, p. 233, and Bigandet, Life of Guudama, Vol. II. p. 80. 10 In a list on p. 104 of property captured, which had belonged to Bandula, we find:-"silver Talce 1, silver Kitorah 1, silver Peek Dawn 1, silver Pawn box 1, A red Ungurka, 4 or 5 plain Pucholes (p's), a broadcloth hudder, Check (? check) Pacholes, Dhooties."

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CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 205 AUGUST, 1897.] Again in No. 174 (B).- Deposition of John Laird, Esq. (a prisoner among the Burmese), we have (p. 223) a clear instance of money valued merely as weight;71 there being at that time no coinage whatever : "Q. Did you go up (to Ava) in chains ? A. No, I paid a bribe of 60 ticals to the commander of the war boat sent from Ava to convey me and was excused. Q. With what offence were you charged ? A. With none whatever that I am aware of. I was simply told that the King had called me. Fifty men came to my house to put me in irons. I said, Don't put me in irons. I will make you a present. They demanded 600 ticals, and were finally satisfied with 60." Mr. Laird also stated he never paid by retail more than one tical a viss for pickled tea, and describing the ransom paid by or for the prisoners he stated it all in ticals (pp. 226 ff.). Nevertheless in valuing Siamese sugar we find : "Q. What was the price of this sugar in the market of Ava ? A. From 30 to 36 sicca rupees72 the 100 viss, or 365 lbs. avoirdupoise (sic)" (p. 226). At p. 238 ff., is the deposition of "Agha Mahomed," a merchant, who (on p. 239) states that a bounty of 150 ticals was given to the Burmese Army because the King saw that the English paid their troops monthly and considered that this was the reason they fought so well.73" But few troops obtained" this bounty. In the Appendix to Wilson's work we find revenue and fines stated simply in ticals.74 E. g., Document No. 21, p. xlv., says: "The tax on the Karians (Karens in the Bassein District) was rated at about 18 ticals annually per plough or yoke of buffaloes, the total produce of this was about 45,000 ticals." On p. xlvi. it is stated that "the revenue on law proceedings was divided between the Government and the local authorities, and the latter not unfrequently were obliged to contract for their proportion. They sometimes had, however, to pay instead of receiving, and in case of robbery, where the offenders were not secured, the head men of the 11 There are several passages in De Morga's Philippine Islands shewing that the early Spanish merchants valued money by weight as often as by quantity of coin. E. g., "The galloon Santo Tomas, which was expected from New Spain, with the silver of two years belonging to the merchants of the kingdom." (Hak. Soc. Ed., p. 170). This was in 1578. On the 25th April in the next year the Spanish Captain, Francisco de Ibarro, when his ship, the Buer Jesus, was seized by the Dutch, threw all his specie overboard, and all that was taken by the Dutch was "in the pilot's hose, where there was a little bag with just a pound of gold" (p. 177). In 1603 Governor Pedro de Acunha, gave some mandarins from China "a few presents of silver and other articles" (p. 220). In describing the curious local custom of full, half, and quarter and joint slaves, De Morga says, p. 299, that "the common price of a (complete) slave usually is (c. 1609) at the most ten taels of fine gold, which are worth eighty dollars (Spanish)." At p. 302, he says that barter of one thing for another was the usual way of trade, and "sometimes a price intervened which was paid in gold according to the agreement made." Anderson, Siam, quotes many passages from English mercantile documents shewing that the English also in the Seventeenth Century valued money by weight:-e. g., p. 143 f., Capt. Barkin of the Patani Merchant, made a claim in 1678 of 1,100 ticals of ready money." In the same year Mr. Sanger, the factor in Siam, received an advance of "200 cattees of silver from the King" (p. 144). See also pp. 160 f., 280. 72 That the term "rupee" was an exceedingly vague one, is graphically pointed out by Mr. Gouger, Prisoner in Burma, p. 298, where he shews that a memorandum, attached to the Treaty of Yandaboo (1828), stating that the term "rupee" in the Treaty meant sicca, i. e., Bengal rupees, and not Madras rupees, was due to his advice, and made a difference of Rs. 70,000 on the whole agreement in favour of the East India Company, owing to the sicca rupee being worth 6 to 7 per cent, more than the Madras rupee. The mistake arose of omitting to define the term from the British officers drafting the Treaty coming from Bengal, whereas the only rupee known to the Burma Gov. ernment was the Madras rupee. I ought to remark, however, that the additional article to the Treaty says nothing about sicca or Madras rupees. See Wilson, Documents of the Burmese War, No. 170, p. 210. 13 Gouger, Prisoner in Burma, p. 270, says the amount was 100 tickals, equal PS12. 14 In Quedah (Kora or Kala) the Chinese found in 618-906 A. D., that "as taxes the people pay a little silver: " Indo-China, 2nd Series, Vol. I. p. 242. In Malacca, in 1116 A. D., tribute was paid in "taels of gold :" op. cit. p. 243. Cf. Govt. of India Records, Salween Survey, 1865, p. 7.

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206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1897. villages were punished by heavy fines, payable half to the State and half to the Viceroy. The chief punishment of all crimes was fine: as, 15 ticals for abuse without blows, 30 ticals for assault without bloodshed, 30 ticals for adultery, 20 per cent for debt denied, from 100 to 500 ticals for murder and gang robbery, although they were sometimes capitally punished," At p. lx. in Document No. 26 pearls in Tenaseerim are valued in tioals, whereas in Mergul we find that as early as 2nd March, 1828, an Officer reporting that the tical had boon superseded by the rupeo.76 In Document No. 83 is a long Account of money dealings with Biam in 1827 at p. lxxxiii. ff., from which we gather that "the Siamese tical, as assayed lately at the Calcutta Mint, is worth one sicca rupee and about three annas and a half. The sicca rapee is not current in Siam, but the Spanish dollar76 is very readily received at the usual market rate of six and half selungs." At the calculations given, dollars and ticals on these pages work out to 1.625 ticals to 1 dollar. But on p. lxxxvii. we have an exceedingly interesting note as to methods of dealing with a curronoy without coinage. Opium in Siam was contraband at that date, and the penalty of late years has been forfeiture of the opium, with a flne of eight times the weight in silver." 77 Mrs. Leonowens, authoress of those somewhat inflated books, Siamese Harem Life, and English Governess at the Siamese Court, and who was in Bangkok from 1862 to 1869, gives several instances, interesting because unconsciously introduced, of the way in wbich the curs rency was regarded in her time. In Harem Life we find, at p. 20, that "a reward of twenty caties (about 1,500 dollars)" is offered for a runaway girl, and at p. 40 that these "twenty caties'' had been expended in articles for the use of priests. Here we soo weight used for money, and by a chance note that the metal was silver.78 Dr. Anderson, Mandalay to Momien, p. 90, mentions that a Kachin Sobwa demanded "two bushels of rupees" as the price of an escort. At p. 432, he noticod that the only way of making a Kachiu Chief grasp the amount of silver in a sum of ten thousand rupees was by telling him that he would receive "three basketfuls of silver." Writing a few years previously, Clement Williams (Through Burma to Western China, p. 50) states that he found a man washing gold at Singu, near Mandalay, and the payment of this man by weight of silver comes out rather cariously : - "The digger, who was old, somewhat surly and not at all eager, said that he did not earn more than a moo (threepence) a day, and he only worked because the Governor wanted gold for presentation to his Majesty." A mu is one-tenth of a tickal, which Williams valued at half-a-crown in silver. ! In Scott's Administration Report nf the Northern Shan States for 1892-3, in the remarks, p. 16, on the North Hsen Wi (Theinni according to customary European spelling) State, there is a rough treaty of peace between the Chinese, Kachine and Shans, which well illustrates the mode of dealing with money and of valuing it. "It appears that there was a compact in Kun Long, drawn ap many jears ago, according to the terms of which the Chinese, 15 In 1843 the rupee seems to have been well understood, for Winter in his intelligent and well illustrated book. A Trip to Rangoon in 1845, says that the charge for a passage in a Burmese boat from Rangoon to Ava was then only about two rupees." 8 Being the money then current in Penang. Quedah, Singapore, eto. See Crawfurd, Siam and Cochin-China Chaps. I., II., and XIX. also in Cochin-China, see op. cit. pp. 225, 517. 189. The term dollar is used also in the great Treaty with China of 1842. See Herstlett's Treaties and Tarifs, China, p. 7. Taels are not mentioned in Trenties till 1858. See op. cit. pp 27, 31, and we seem to have again reverted to dollars in Treaties in 1885, op. cit. p. 109; and to have stuck to that denomination ever since. 11 So in Java at the time of the T'ang Dynasty of China (618-906 A. D.) the pay of troops and the price of girls in marriage was estimated in lump gold. See Indo-China, and Series, Vol. I. p. 143. 8 See also op. cit. pp. 61, 63, 259. At p. 103 a reference seems to be made clearly to "ticals of gold," there callea "pisces of gold," and to a ratio of 16 to 1 between gold and silver. See, too, Siamese Court, pp. 106 f., 108, 298.

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Avaver, 1897.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 207 Kachins and Shans were to live in amity and unite against whichever party broke the peace. The penalty for failure to obey the terms of the agreement was to be a mule-load of money, one pannier full of gold and the other full of silver. The Kaching broke the treaty by fighting, the Shans by refusing to fight, and the Chinamen are equally indignant with both, all the more because there is not the remotest chance of recovering the fine from either Kachins or Shans," Further on, at p. 25, in the remarks on the Wild Was, the author states, with regard to the custom of these peoples of propitiating their spirits by offerings of human heads, that "heads may be bought by unlucky or indolent villages. The prices run from two rupees (no doubt tickals) weight of silver for the head of a Lem, who is as easily killed as a puppy-dog, to a couple of hundred for unusual or fashionable heads." In 1888 an exceedingly interesting and ethnologically valuable communication was received by the Burma Government from the 'Lutto so on the subject of the power of a Burman Buddhist to make a will. Eight cases of unquestionable wills were given, and from these I will now proceed to sbew how personalty in cash was stated. The oldest will quoted in point of date was that of Payataga Saya U Me, his titles of of Payataga (Pagoda-builder) and Saya (Doctor) shewing him to be a man of much consideration, and at any rate of some wealth. It is dated 7th waning first Wazo, 1185, (B. E.; July, 1823). His property was practically in land, estimated according to the baskets of rice that could be sown on it. Part of this he wished to have realized, and accordingly it was sold to his son. This sale is the only mention of currency in the will and runs thus :- "Therefore the rico-land mentioned above, together with the trees on the ridges of the said field, is sold to my sou Minsh wadaungnarabu (a title) for 30 ticals of tamatko: silvor."91 The second will quoted is dated 2nd waning Totalin, 1222, (B, E.; Sopt. 1860) and is that of an old lady, the widow of the Yejf Wun, an official. This will was upheld by both the civil and ecclesiastical authorities in the same year. It sets forth : -"I thorefore bequeath to my eldest daughter Mi Pu 1 viss of gold, 3 viss of silver ornaments, 1 necklace of large pearls worth 7 viss, and 1 ruby necklace worth 3 viss of silver ; to my son Maung Myat Miu, Ex-Sin Wandauk (official title), 1 viss of gold, 7 viss of silver ornaments, and l necklace of large pearls worth 5 viss of silver ; - to my youngest son, Maung P'd Shwe, 1 viss of gold and the .... fields bought with 10 viss of silver, and presented to Him, on the occasion of his ears being bored, during the lifetime of his father, the Yeji Wun." Taking the tickal at 2s.6d., and the gold value of silver at the period at 16 to 1, we get a total amount of PS925 as the value of the property thus left. It will be observed that the money is all reckoned by weight. The silver was probably meant to be ywetni in quality.82 The third will is dated 12th waxing Todalin, 1224, (B. E.; Sopt, 1862) and is that of the Mone Sitkejt (General). He declares his personal property to consist of "gold, silver, rings, badges, clothes, etc.," and proceeds to dispose of it without mentioning specific amounts. He also sets forth that my mother possesses property consisting of a piece of mayin paddyland called le padok, and an enclosure bought with her money." The words translated "bought with her money" are, however, in the original text, ami pissi: muo yu we dia, i. e., "bought with (my) mother's property." 11 This ronds very like the history of the treaty for the preservation of the integrity of Denmark in much more civilised times and places. # Council of State, maintained for a while after the annexation of Upper Barma. It is the Lotoo, Hlutdaw, etc., of writers on Burma. It is very disappointing that the Customary Law of the Chine, by Maung Tet Pyo, an old Government official, which was written in 1882, is useless in the present connection, because it states all money values in L. A. P. "I See post, where this quality of silver will be explained. The shares mantioned in the will wera very fair, being respectively 29 viss, 28 viss and 26 viss of silver.

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208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [August, 1897. Next comes & will drawn up in the 3rd waxing Wagaung, 1242, (B. E.; 8th August, 1880) by Sayeddji (high official title) Kyi Maung Gale, and in this we find rupees introduced. He says: - "The moneys (debts) owing to me shall be sued for, the costs being equally borne by the co-heirs. If any of them cannot afford to bear the costs, and if a decree for the said moneys (debts) is obtained by the remaining co-heirs, the party bearing the costs shall deduct 20 per cent. (ngue 100 'lyin 20 kya 'nok pyi: ma, deducting 20 in 100 silver) of the sum awarded, and the balance shall be equally divided amongst them all. The two diamond rings worth over rupees (ngwe, silver) 2,000 shall be sold, and the proceeds applied to the cost of copying palm-leaf MSS. at a cost of rupees (kyat) 272, and presenting them to the Majidd Sadd (Bishop), after having these MSS. gilt in a proper manner. The balance I bequeath as follows:- To Shwe Bu, Rs. 200, MI PA, Rs. 200, MI'Nin, Rs. 100, and Ma Minbd, Rs. 100. The remaining money (ngremyas) shall be devoted to my faneral expenses." There are two wills of 1884, that of the Pagan Minji (Minister) and of the widow of the Myinzuji Wun (official). The former is dated the 6th waning Wigaung, 1246, (B. E.; 12th Aug. 1884): - "On their (two little girls and a little boy) attaining their 17th year, my elder daughter shall give five pairs of gold wristlets, weighing 20 ticals, formerly worn by her, and 10 ticals of gold, 30 ticals in all, to Ma Kyidd, 20 ticals of gold to Sobwaji (the boy, a title), and 20 ticals of gold to Ma Ekyu, provided that the said legatees live with my daughters, Shin Ma Ji and Shin Me Pa and my younger brother, the Sayedojt an official). Should these children leave the household with their respective mothers, let them receive only 5 ticals of gold each - If the sum of Rupees (ngwe) 6,460, advanced by me to purchase commissariat stores for the Royal troops, is repaid,Rapees 100 each shall be given to Shwe Nyun and Shin Hinda (both wives). I have given to Shwe Din, Shwe Nyun and Shin Hindi ear-rings, necklaces, rings and money (ngwe-myas)." The latter is dated 5th waxing Tazaungmon, 1246, (B. E.; 4th Nov. 1884) and says:"My property, animate and inanimate, consisting of gold, silver, ornaments, clothes, rice, and garden lands and king-lands, still remains. On my death my eldest son the Letpetyedo ex-Won of Kale Donmyo, an official), shall retain in his possession - a diamond ring valued At Rupees (dinga, coins) 1,000.- He shall also receive Rupees (ng wedingu, silver coins) 3,000, as an equivalent for the viss of gold,85 the emerald ring valued at Bs. 600 and the ruby ring valued at Rs. 500, which were included in the presents. - To my gravd-daughter Kinkinji I bequeath 20 ticals of gold - to Me Dit 10 ticals of gold, - to my niece Myadaung. wanalo (wife of the Myadaung Wan) Me S8 Rupees (ng wedinga) 1,750 in Shwepankpin Vi age, and a paddy-field valued at Rs. 500 -; 50 ticals of gold - shall be equally divided between ! Of 1887 there are three wills quoted. First that of "Her Royal Highness, the wife of His Excellency, the Pak'an Minji," dated 2nd waxing Todalin, 1249, (B. E.; 19th Aug. 1887), who leaves everything to her adopted son Maung PO Kan. This conservative lady goes back to the old system and describes her personalty as consisting of gold, silver, diamonds, etc., and debts.86 # Described as "still young and will probably marry again." # This is a delicious reference to the uncertainty of Royal repayments under the Kings of Barma. # This is an exceedingly valuable statement, because it fizes the account rate of exchange between gold and sil. yer: thus :- o. 2,000 = 1 viss or 100 tioals of gold; 1 tical = lt rupee: therefore the ratio is 2,000 to 195 or 16 to 1. Hawer, I think by 1884 the kyat had come to signify the weight of the Burmese silver coin (di iga), which is a t814 and not a tickal so that what is meant is that exchange between go exchange between gold and silver was then 20 to 1, or somewhere about the real rate of exchange, as understood in Europe. In Lower Burma dingd has long meant rupee : vido Spearman's B. B. Gazetteer, 1870, Vol. I, p. 407: -"The rapee (dong.ga, lit., circular piece of metal, stamped, whether a coin or medal) is in universal un." W I paid this identical lady, on bebalf of the British Government, a large som in rupees on the Slot March, 1888. for some property situated bent what was then the East Gate of the Palace at Mandalay ; but quite lately I discovered in conversation that all knowledge of the old East Gate of the Palace itself bad disappeared, as far as the ordinary British residents were concerned, by 1896

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209 AUGUST, 1897.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. The other two are by the same person, "Her Royal Highness, Her Ladyship of the Western Palace, Queen of the Convener of the Fifth Synod (King Mindon)," who made two wills, dated, as a sign of the British supremacy, in dates A. D. and B. E. Both wills speak of rupees. The first is dated, "This day, the 12th February, 1887, of the Christian Era (K'ayit87 Dekkayit 1887 k'u Pep'oys la 12 yet) and 13th waning Tabodwe, 1249, B. E., and says:"The land now bequeathed measures 350 feet from east to west and 222 feet from north to south, and comprises masonry houses, kitchens, stables and trees situated thereon, the whole property being valued at about Rupees (nguedingas) 4,000." The second is dated, "This day, the 23rd December, 1887, of the Christian Era (K'ayit Dekkayit 1887 Dizimb1a la 23 yet) and the 10th waning Pyaro, 1249, B. E.," and says: "He (nephew) moreover gave me Rs. 315 (ngwe 315 kyat) to defray the costs of a suit in which I had to establish my proprietary rights over my enclosure and lands." 90 There is also a quantity of very valuable evidence on the valuation of property, etc., in later Burmese times of the same nature in Taw Sein Ko's Selections from the Records of the Hlutdaw, 1889, which is unfortunately still untranslated from the original Burmese. The following quotation from Crawfurd's Ava, Appx., p. 27, will further throw much light on the practical methods of valuing property among the Burmese in pre-currency days : "Registry and Conveyance of Land:- Year 1156, (1794 A. D.) 12th day of the increase of the moon Nat-dau, (Nado, December) the Governor of Akharaing (Ak'ayin, an old Burmese township in the Rangoon District) and wife say, the mortgage of our inheritance of, and rightful authority over, the town of Akharaing, from Moung Po Tan, let Meng Chau Dagorgnakyanten (a title) and wife receive according to the saying of Governor B'hodaukalo (a title) and wife Me Aong, the original mortgage of Moung Po To, amounting by weight of silver of 5 per cent, alloy, 650 ticals; also, law expenses in the redemption of the town, silver of ten per cent. alioy, 550 ticals. Also, in payment of old debts demanded, silver of 5 per cent. alloy, 185 ticals-on account of the Governor of the town Shwepyi Nantw'hathaongyan (? Prome) receives of silver, 25 per cent, alloy, by weight 308 ticals. Also an Atwengwun (Secretary of State) beneath the sole of the golden foot has a demand, to pay which, B'hodaukalo and Me Aong received silver, 25 per cent. alloy, weight 150 ticals:-the sums collectively amounting to 2,293 ticals:- the silver to B'hodaukalo and Me Aong, Meng Chau Dagongnakyanten and wife pay, and purchase the right of possession of the town Akharaing " The mortgagor in this transaction, grandiloquently described in the translation as "Governor," signs himself by the much humbler title of Myo-thugyi, or hereditary head of a township under a Governor, and it is clear from the deed that the mortgagee paid his 2,293 tickals in varying quantities of no less than three different standards of silver, differing so much as to contain 5 per cent., 10 per cent., and 25 per cent. alloy. Calculation will shew that the amount of pure silver paid over was 1,734 tickals:-this, taking the currency of the period to be ywetni silver of 10 per cent. alloy at half-a-crown a tickal, amounts to a payment of 88 February. 89 December. 37 Christian. As an addition to the interesting dates above quoted, I may add that the signature to the original document forwarding these wills runs thus:-Kingwun Minj 1888 k'u 11 Me la 14 yet 11 1250 11 Nayon lazan: 15 yet ne, Il i. e., Kinwan Minjt (Prime Minister), 14th May, 1888, 15th waxing Nayon, 1250 (B. E.). 91 See Horace Browne's Transliteration of Names of Places in British Burma, 1874, p. 22. 92 See Symes, Ava, pp. 826, 502: Crawfurd, Ava, p. 440. At p. 444, however, he values it at two shillings only. See also Crawfurd, Siam, pp. 108, 331. The author of Two Years in Ava, p. 90, makes the rupee go eight to the PS in 1824, which seems, however, to be a mistake, unless he means by "rapee" a "tickal of silver." But at p. 195 he says that 100 tickals equal PS12. And at p. 201, 150 tickals equal nearly PS20. At p. 280 he has another rate. Malcom, Travels, seems always to mix up the tickal and the rupee: Vol. II. pp. 99, 112, 137. A century earlier than Symes the tickal weighed half-a-crown and was worth three and threepence: Loubere, Siam, E. T., Vol. I. p. 72. Book in 1884 values the tickal at half-a-crown: Temples and Elephants, p. 4. Wilson, Documents, Appx., p. lxxxviii.. states that 1 tickal equals in sicca rupees about Rs. 2 as. 8 in 1827. Two Years in Ava, p. 280, makes 1 tickal equal sicca Rs. 2 as. 51, or 28. 8d. Clement Williams, Burma to Western China, 1864, p. 38, makes a tickal equal 2s. 6d.

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210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (AUGUST, 1897. PS238-2-0 sterling. Bat of course no Burman would think of making such a calculation as this. * In making presents, the quality of the silver was discreetly omitted, and merely the weight was given. Thus, in Symes, Ava, p. 493, we find the chief Queen of King Bodop'aya presenting the Governor-General with " a silver box weighing 90 tackall, and a silver cup of 114 tackall. Also another silver box weighing 44 tackall and another cup weighing 6 tackall, and two silver trays, one weighing 66 tackall, the other 77." The "tackall" on this occasion was "a little more than half an ounce," as Symes tells us. From the Kalyani (Pega) Inscriptions, dated 1476, A. D.,93 we have some very interesting evidence on this head, as it not only shews that at that time gold, silver and jewels were valued by weight, but also that the tickal of silver was then, as now, the standard of value.94 King Dhammachett of Pegu sent emissaries to Ceylon, and offered, among other things, to the Holy Tooth Relic, "& stone almsbowl, embellished with sapphires of great value and having for its cover a pyramidal covering made of gold weighing 50 phalas; an almsbowl with stand and cover complete made of gold weighing 60 phalas; a golden vase weighing 30 phalas; a duodecagonal betel-box made of gold weighing 30 phalas ; & golden relic-receptacle weighing 33 phalas." He also sent "for presentation to Bhuvanekabaha, King of Sinhaladipa (Ceylon) :-two sapphires valued at 200 phalas of silver ; two rabies valued at 430 phalas." Also "200 phalas of gold were given to the emissaries for the purpose of providing the 22 thoras (monks) and their disciples with the "four requisites." Now, the PAli phala is the Sanskrit pala, for which the modern Burmese equivalent is 16(1),a weight equal to 5 tickals (kyat), or 20 to the pekbu (vissa), i.e., 20 to the viss. The oli pala, however, as far as I can at present calculate, was about half the modern 66(1), or weight of 5 tickals. That the old priests of Burms intended to calculate weights in the old familiar Indian style of pala and tula, wbatever weights they may have meant by these denominations, is clear from the statement in the same Kalyani Inscriptions, that King Dhammachett presented to the chetiya at Tigampanagara, i.e., to the Shwedagon Pagoda at Rangoon, "a large bell made of brass, weighing 3,000 tulas:"97 Taking the tula at about 145 oz. troy, iie, about 10 lbs. av., we get the weight of this bell to be about 11 2/5 tons. A weight, I may Bay, more than doubled by the Mahaghanta, or Great Bell, of the same Pagoda, cast in 1842 by King Darawadi, and usually said to weigh over 25 tons; while King Bodop'aya's (1781-1819) bell at Myingun weighs about 80 tons. * Ante, Vol. XXII. p. 11. # In 1436 A, D. and 1618 A, D., we find the Chinese valuing gold coins by weight. Indo-China, 2nd Series, Vol. I. pp. 215, 222. * Latter's Burmese Grammar, p. 170. > Vis., 1.59 oz. av. against 2-92 os. Bat the point will be discussed later in its appropriate place. So the Siamese catty is double the Chinese catty. See Crawford, Biam, p. 381. OT Ante, Vol. XXII. p. 45, where tula is unfortunately miaprinted tola. >> Phayre, Hist. of Burma, p. 219. King Dhammacheti's bell, I am told by the Trustees of the Shwedagon Pagoda, never reached the Pagoda, having been dropped in the stream, Dear Raugoon, known as the Pazundsung Creek. It may be there nevertheless, as the second large bell in the North-West ogrner of the Pagoda platform was "the greut bell" of the War of 1824, and was then estimated to weigh 18,000 lbs., or about 8 tons. See Laurie, Second Burmese War, Rangoon, p. 126. There is a valuable note on the two great bells in Bigaodet's Life of Gaudanu, Or. Ser. Ed., Vol. I. p. 74. The Bishop makes the weight of the Mahaghants to be 94,682 lbs. plus 25% to be added for copper, gold and silver thrown into the mould by the devout, during the process of casting. This gives two weights of about 421 tons and 50 tons respectively. The Bishop also says that the Myingun Bell is supposed to exceed 200,000 lbs, in weight, i. ., to exceed 89 tons. The measurements he gives of the two bells shew that his statement of 42 tons for the weight of the Mahaghupta must be nearer the truth than the 25 tons. See also Yule, Ava,

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AUGUST, 1897.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 211 Evil of Bullion Currency. Enough has already been written and quoted to show that the actual monetary conditior of a country without a definite and settled ourronoy is not by any means of that desirable simplicity, which civilized man is so apt to attribute to savages and semiBevages. The truth appears to be the other way, viz., that simplicity in dealings can only exist, where money consists of a recognized coinage and where wealth is expressed in terms of that coinage. In fact, Ovid's famous line should, so far as regards accuracy, have properly ran: -- " Effodiuntur opes irritamenta bonorum." We have, however, such quaint testimony in an observer so acute as De Morga, as to what he considered the evil effects of an exchange of currency for barter in the case of Orientals, which he saw going on before his own eyes, (1598-1609), that I cannot forbear to quote it here : 100 - "The tributo which the natives pay to the collectors were fixed by the first Governor, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi (1571-1574) in the provinces of Bizayas and Pintados, and in the isles of Luzon and its neighbourhood, at a sum of eight reals as the whole yearly tribute of each tributary. This they paid in the produce which they possessed, gold, wrappers, cotton, rice, bells, fowls and the rest of what they possessed or gathered, a price being fixed and a certain value of each thing, in order that when making payment of the tribute with any one of these articles, or with all of them, it should not exceed the value of the eight reals. In this manner it has gone on till now, the Governors raising the prices fixed and valuations of the produce as has seemed expedient to them at different times. The tax collectors have derived very great profits from collecting in kind; because after the produce came into their possession, they used to sell it at a higher price, by which they largely increased their incomes and produce of their collectorates, until a few years previously (to 1609) when, at the petition of some monks, and the instances, which they made upon the subject to His Majesty, orders were issued that the natives should pay their tributes in whatever they chose, either in kind or in money, without being compelled to anything else: so that having given their eight reals they would have fulfilled their obligation. This has been carried out, and p. 171: Stretoll, Ficus Elastica, p. 48: Malcoin, Travels, Vol. II. p. 247. C. Colquhoun's mythical bell at Zimme, Among the Shans, p. 139, said to weigh 183 tons. As to the hopelessness of collecting local historical information acourately. I may mention that my attempts at finding out the history of the lost bell above-noticed have resulted in this! In 1468 Dhammacheti bad the bell cast at the Pagoda itself, but before he could put it up Maung Ziuga (Philippe de Brito) removed it in a steamer, when it got lost in the Pazandaung Creek. Dhammacheti flourished 1430-1491, A. D., and Maung Zingi was in Burma 1600-1613, A. D.! This point is further illustrated in Hesketh Biggs' Shw.dagon Pagoda, 1895, pp. 21, 29, 16, 53 ff., and in the controversy that his remarks on the bells on the platform thereof gave rise to in the Rangoon Gaxstte be. tween Feb. and May, 1896. I may add that Staunton's great bell of Pekin, Embassy, 1797, p. 450, works out to 53 tons in weight. " The Hakluyt Society's editor of De Morga constantly intrudes into the footnotes his firm belief in the vil. lainy that lies in gold, and is quite delighted when he finds (p. 284) that the natives of the Philippines hid their gold mines. "Et sic melius vitum quem terra celat," he exclaims. So writes Ovid also in the line following that mentioned in the text:-"Jamque nocens ferrum, ferroque nocentius aurum Prodierant." But such sentiments seem to me, however, to be the result of superficial observation, oraf incorrect reasoning from the facts observed. Captain Trant, the anonymous author of (nee Laurie, Pegu, p. 237) Two Years in Ava, obviously a thoughtful observer in many ways from his book, puts the result of the want of regalar money very well :-"Commerce caunot flourish without the extraneous aid of money : but in this country the precious metal is melted into bars and ingots and merely kept to look at; and the value of bullion is completely paralyzed" (p. 251). Also Dr. Anderson, Selungs of the Mergui Archipelajo, p. 4f., accounts for the poverty of the Selangs "by the system of barter, by which they dispose of their goods and which gave to dishonest traders the opportunity to fleece them. This state of things, however, is now much improved, but so long as the barter system exists - and it is still prevalent- and so long as their love of strong drink is pandered to, by the traders who deal with them, the Selungs will remain poor." See alao the remarks of the traveller Flouest as to the state of commercial affairs in Pega in 1786. Toung Pao, Yol. II. p. 41 1, also Ridgeway, Origin of Currency, pp. 11, 259. 100 Philippine Islands, Hak, soo. Ed., p. 324 f. .Eight Philippino reals were equal to one Spanish dollar.

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212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1897. experience has shewn that, though this appears to be a compassionate ordinance, and one favourable to the natives, it does them a great injury, because, being, as they are, of their natural disposition inimical to labour, they neither sow, nor weave, nor work the gold, nor rear fowls, or other provisions, as they used to do when they had to pay tribute in these things : and they easily, without so much labour, acquire the sum of money with which they acquit themselves of their tribute. From this it follows that the natives, from not working, possess less property and substance, and the country, which was very well supplied and abounding in everything, commences to feel a want and scarcity of them, and the holders of the collectorates, both His Majesty, as well as the individuals who held them, have experienced great loss and reduction in their value." 3 On the other hand, of the infinite trouble which the obligation to barter constantly brought on the old English merchants in the East, we have many instances in that very excellent book, Dr. Anderson's English Intercourse with Siam in the Seventeenth Century. E. g., at p. 136, a Mr. Sanger reports in 1676 of the tin in Siam, 6. e., Mergui, that the King's price was "op 88 (dollars). 50 p (per) Bah? of 8 Pec! in bart! of goods w" is possible w ready money may bee pehased at or about 45 p p Bah': and it is soe much y better if it can bee soe redaced w. goods in bart!" Here we have the barter value of goods clearly stated to be higher than the cash value. In 1678 the President and Council at Fort St. George objected to Burneby's invoice of goods from Siam. "He had 'invoiced the copper at three several prices, viz., at 12, 10, and at 8 tayle p. chest,' which they believed represented the rates he had received in barter for other goods and bought for ready money.' It was therefore difficult they said to know the losse or gains upon it bere'; therefore they presumed it would be a more plain way to charge it all at y ready money price, for otherwise the gaines is made upon y copper in the goods in wlich it is bartered, and soe in other goods received in Barter.'"6 In a Report on the Trade of Siam written in 1678, Anderson quotes, p. 421, the following: - "Copp(er) of them whose occasions necessitate an immediate sale to negociate their Returnes, may att first arrivall bee bought for :6: Taell :1: Tecall p. Pec! for Cash, but at y: same time tis curr for :8: Taell in Barter." Here again the barter value of goods differed from the cash valne. A little thought will shew how great the uncertainty and difficulty in making up acconuts of loss and gain must have been under such a system. There was a double appraising :of the goods to be bought and of the goods to be given in return. Then, the value of goods when bought by barter varied in an indeterminate manner from their value when bought for cash, i. e., apparently for coin, The quotations shew the variations to have been as 45 to 50, as 12 or 10 to 8, and as 6 to 8, almost in the same year. And lastly, in rendering accounts all these varying values had to be reduced down to a cash value. Truly one perceives what a blessing a fixed currency in coin of the realm really is, when one comes to realise the difficulties that beset our ancestors in the East only two hundred years ago. (To be continued.) The whole passage rends suspiciously like special pleading, but, if it be not, and given that the practical result of changing payment of taxes in kind to an optional payment in cash had actually the result of reducing the products of the country, it is odd that a trained lawyer like De Morgs should not have seen that his statements amount to this the collectors undervalued the payments in hind, which the people naturally looked on as unfair, and the tax in cash was so light that the people had not to work in order to pay it. * They used to barter with each other. In 1683 Potta at Ayuthia bartered a "chest of copper" for " batt of beer" with a Captain Heath. Anderson, Siam, p. 199. * Cf. also op. cit. p. 139. * Op. cit. p. 147. Cf. also p. 192.

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AUGUST, 1897.] THE VAJASANEYA UPANISHAD. 213 THE VAJASANEYA UPANISHAD. BY HERBERT BAYNES, M.R.A.S. VAjasandya or sa Upanishad. Vajasaneya Upanishad. This rahasya' of the Vajasaneyins, which is one of the shortest of these ancient treatises. forms the last chapter of the later collection of the Yajurveda called sukla, white,' and may be said to be the companion to the Katha Upanishad, which belongs to the earlier collection or the same Vela called Krishna, black. The Vajasaneya Sahitd is ascribed to Rishi Yajia. valkya and called Sakla because the Mantra portion is kept distinct from the Brahmana, whereas in the older Taittiriya-Sanhita of Vaisampayana the separation between the Mantras and the Brahmanas is greatly obscured, if not altogether lost. Hence its name Krishna. Like the Talavakira of the Sama Veda dur Upanishad is also known by the first word of the first Mantra, which in this case is lsa. There is great uncertainty about the text, not only as to the number, but also as to the order of the Mantras, and even as to the Santi-patha. The text I have used, and which I subjoin, is that of the Allahabad edition (Sawivat 1945). Of all the Upanishads the Vajasaneya is perhaps the most spiritaal. It has been more than once translated into English prose, but I venture to think that, excellent as these translations often are, notably those by Dr. Roer amd Prof. Max Muller, we shall never rightly appreciate such majestical Mantras of the aspiring Spirit until we strive to render them into verse. After invoking the divine blessing upon the reverent aspirations of both master and pupil, the Rishi begins by boldly stating the sublime truth, so familiar to us in the words of the Hebrew poet, that the earth is the Lord's, and the fulness thereof, the world and they that dwell therein.' This is all the more remarkable because the word used is not Brahman or Atman but the far more personal Isa. It is the very secret of Bhakti-jijnasa. A very similar thought, though with a more pantheistic tendency, is exquisitely expressed in the Gitd : Samam sarvoshu bhuteshu tishtautam Parameavaram Vinasyatsvavinasyantan yah pasyati sa pasyati. Samam pasyan hi sarvatra samavasthitamisvara Na hinastyatmanatmanam tato yati param gatim. In all things dwells the Lord supreme, Undying, when they cease to be. Whoso can look beyond the dream And know Him - he indeed can see: The Self within he cannot wrong But treads the Path serene and strong! Then we are told how the traveller on the Path must know the secret of vairagya, of action without attachment. Having once seen that the world is in the Lord, we must not set our affection upon things that pass, but rather strive after the Heart of things and find that He is our Pearl. Rishi and Suti agree in this, that Kullu Shejin halikun illa vajhu-hu, All things shall perish save His face;' and can exclaim together Tura si Kungara-i-arsh mi-sanand safir : Na danamat ki dar in Khakdan che uftadast. From God's high throne in love to thee they call, This dust-heap and thy goods abandon all!'

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214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1897. The Bhagavad Gita says that there are four classes of men who seek refuge in God: the oppressed, those who seek truth, such as are impelled by good and the wise. Of these, it says, the wise man who in uninterrupted devotion consecrates himself wholly to the One, is the best, for he loves God above everything, and God loves him. So here, the man who by atmasanyama yoga, poepa mach as Plotinus hath it, has found the vanity of this passing world, gives up wealth and earthly enjoyment for the deep, quiet gladness of a soul set free in God. With the great poet of the Middle Age he feels La sua voluntade e nostra pace, Cio ch'ella cria e che natura face ! His will having become one with the supreme Will, he discovers the Divine in all his fellows and can never again look with contempt upon any member of the human race. Indeed, to the true yogin it must ever be a matter of profound sorrow, that any of God's creatures should so put out the light that is in them, as to be fit for nothing but those depths of sunless gloom where dwell those of whom Dante used to say: non ragioniam di lor, ma guarda e passa! And so the seer passes from Parusha to Prana, from Skambha to Ucchishta until the goal is reached - Isa, Lord of all, in whom he lives and moves and has his being. He discovers the meaning of Creation and sees how, from the foundation of the world, the All-Father has been assigning to His children their stations and duties. But the materialists, who see nothing in the dawn upon Himala peaks, in the brooding blue of the star-strewn sky bot a chance. concatenation of a congeries of atoms; who can behold, unmoved, the abundance of Nature in the tropical forest at noonday, who can watch the flight of a swallow, the play of the breeze in the summer-grass or the dainty dance of a shiring sea and still proclaim: No God!' are of all most men miserable. We can almost hear the Rishi weep as he utters these sorrowful alokas ! And, indeed, if this were the last word of Indian wisdom we tou might shed the tear for Aryavarta. But it is not. As in the Kabbala the devout Hebrew finds Ant to be the secret name of God, so here the Rishi rests at last in the great Aham, and the Upanishad ends with the exquisite thonght of the unfolding of the infinite Spirit Om, Kham, Brahma - whose face is hidden in the golden veil of Truth! By Om protected may we be ; 'Mid all our study, till it cease, Be softly chanted : peace ! peace ! peace ! Illumined in serenity! O dweller 'neath these nether skies, To see how all things in accord Proclaim: the world is in the Lord' Abandon wealth and lift thine eyes! For life, if thine a hundred years, Must be naught else but faithful deed Without a thought of praise or meed, Escaping penitential tears! To sunless regions 'neath the ground, Where dark and lonesome spirits hide, Go slayers of the soul, who slide From depth to depth without a sound! More hidden, more soul-piercing far Than sight or hearing, taste or touch Is He, the great first Spirit, such As only sages know, fixed as the primal Star!

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AUGUST, 1897.) THE VAJASANEYA UPANISHAD. 215 He wandereth not, yet moves about, Is far, but still for ever near : The world within is His, and clear His traces in the world without! Beholding all things in the Soul, The Self in all the world around, We know no Sorrow, nor are found To look with scorn on Nature's scroll! He ev'rywhere is seen to be All-knowing Prophet, Poet pure, To each assigning, to endure, Reward of works eternally! Ah! truly to be pitied they Who worship what they do not know, But most of all are fuil of woe Who grope in darkness through the day. For wisdom's life is of the heart, But folly's ever one of sense ; So say the sages, and the whence To them is known : they live apart. And he who truly masters these, In ignorance sees naught but death, In knowledge life, ay, lasting breath That to the spirit leads with ease! Oye who find in atoms all The first and last of Nature's law, Ye worship blindly, and the awe Of things unseen - beyond your call! For spirit's life is of the heart, But that of matter one of sense : So say the sages, and the whence To them is known: they live apart. And he who realises this, Who dies to matter and who lives To spirit, he it is who gives Himself to everlasting bliss ! O Soul, sustained by ether free, Undying part of man's estate, Seed-Bower, thou, ere 'tis too late, Just think : what shall the harvest be? O Fire divine, by those fair ways That lead to good, as truly guide, And ward all evil from our side, That we may yield thee lasting praise! 0 Om, 0 Spirit infinite Whose face within the golden veil Of truth is hid: to thee all hail! Thou art our refuge, our delight!

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1897. om / vAjasaneyopaniSat / saha nAvavatu saha nau bhunakku saha vIryaM karavAvahai / tejasvinAvadhItamastu mAvidiSAvahai / om zAntiH * zAntiH zAntiH // IzA / vAsyam / idam / sarvam / bat / kima / ca / jagatyAm / jagat / tena / tyaktena / bhunyjiithaaH| mA / gRdhaH / kasya / svit / dhanam // 1 // / kurvan / eva / iha / kammANi / jijIviSet / zatam / samAH / evam / svayi / na / anyathA / itaH / asti / na / karma / lipyate / nare // 2 // amAH / nAma / te / laakaaH| andhena / tamasA / mAvRtAH / tAn / te / pretya | api / gacchanti / be|ke| ca / AtmahanaH / jnaaH||3|| anejat / ekam / mnsH| jviiyH| na / enat / devAH pAn / pUrvam / arpat / tas / dhAvataH canyAn / atyeti / tiSThat / tasmin / apH| mAtarizvA / dhAti // 4 // tat / ejati / tat / na / ejati / tat / dUre / tat / u | antike / sat / antH| asya / sarvasya / tat / u| sarvasya / asya / baahytH||5|| yH| tu / sarvANi / bhUtAni / pAtmani / eva / anu / pazyati / sarvabhUteSu / ca / pAtmAnam / ttH| na / vijugupsate // 6 // yasmin / sarvANi / bhUtAni / pAramA / eva |pbhuut / vijAnataH / tatra / kH| mohaH / kaH / zokaH / ekasvam / anupazyataH // 7 // sH| pari / agAt / zukamAyakAyam / patraNam / yastAviram / pukham / apApaviddham / kviH|mniissii| pri'bhuuH| svayambhUH / yaathaatthytH| arthAn / vi adhAta / shaashvtiibhyH| smaabhyH||8|| . andham / tamaH / pra / vizanti / ye / avidyAm / upAsate / tataH / bhUya iva |se| tamaH |ye| u / vidyAyAm / rasAH // 9 // anyat / eva / mAhuH / viyayA / anyat / mAhuH / aviyayA / iti| zubhuma / dhIrANAm / the|nHsn|vi| cacakSire // 10 // vidhAm / ca / paviyAm / c| yH| tat / veda / ubhayam / saha / avidyayA / mRtyum / tI viSayA / amasam / ajhute // 11 // andham / tmH| pravizanti / the| asambhUtim / upAsate | mataH / bhUva iva / te| samaH| ye / usambhUtvAm | rtaaH||12|| anyat / eva | mAhuH / sambhavAt / anyat | pAhuH asambhavAt / iti / zubhuma | dhIrANam / ye naH tat / di / cacalire // 13 // sambhUtim | ca vinAzam | ca | yaH / tat / veda / ubhayam / saha | binAzena / mRtyu | tIrkhA | sambhUtyA | amRtam / ajhute // 14 // vAyuH / anilam | amRtam / atha / idam / bhasmAntam / zarIram | mom / krato / smara / liye| smara / katam / smara // 15 // ane|ny / supthaa| rAye / asmAn / vizvAni / deva / babumAni / vidvAn / bubodhi| asmat / juharANam enH| bhUyiSThAm / te | nama uktimiti namaH uktim / vidhema / / 16 // hiraemayena / pAyeNa / satyasya / apihitam / mukham | yH| asau / mAditye / puruSaH / sH| asI / phm| mom / kham | anna // 17 //

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August, 1897.) NOTES ON THE NICOBARESE. 217 NOTES ON THE NICOBARESE. BY E, H, MAN, C. I. E. No. 1. Numerio System and Arithmetio. In consequence, no doubt, of the long-established trade in coconnuts and their acqanintance with foreign traders, the Nicobarese possess an adequate system of numeration, more than sufficient for their own requirements. Especially is this the case with the Car Nicobarese, who, having a word (vis., Idle, denoting 20,000 (really 10,00 pairs), are able to express any multiple of that number. Travellers tell us in reference to the art of counting," which is the foundation of science," that it is common to find the primitive method of counting by fingers and toes still in practical use, while in many languages some of the very terms employed in numeration are traceable to this peculiarity. That the Nicobarese system of numeration originated in the practice of counting by means of the fingers, is evidenced by the fact that, while tai and kane-tai denote the hand or finger); oal-tai the palm; ok-tai the back of the hand; we have tanas indicating 5; inai a score; and doktai 200 (also, in certain circumstances, 10). When, however, a modern Nicobarese counts he never make use of pebbles, cowries, grains, or other objects, and only occasionally, or for emphasis, of his fingers. Usually he names the nameral which he desires to express without any such aid. Bat, when a Nicobarese, possessing more than three or four children, brothers, sisters, etc., is asked their number, he will, before com. mitting himself to a reply, almost invariably enumerate them on his fingers by turning down the fingers of one hand with the fore-finger of the other, commencing with the little finger. In his transactions with ship-traders the Nicobarese keeps a tally of the quantity of cocoanuts promised or delivered, by means of strips of cane or bamboo, called lenkyk ngoat. At intervals of about one-third of an inch along these strips, nicks are made by bending the fibre over the thumb-nail, each nick thus formed representing a score (really 10 pairs) of nuts either dne or delivered. As this is the only system of keeping tally which they possess, they have no method of recording any lower numeral than & score of nuts. I have, too, known a Nicobarese in enumerating from memory the huts in a village employ a similar strip of cane, making a nick for each but he called to mind, and, on noting the last, count all the nicks he had made. It is hardly necessary to add that no figures or cyphers are in use. The Car Nicobarese also on certain occasions maintain a calendar of wood (styled kenrata), resembling in most cases a sword-blade, on which incisions are made, each of which signifies a day.? The Nicobarese system of numeration is that known as the vigesimal, the peculiarities and irregularities of which, are soon mastered. A striking peculiarity is that, in counting cocoanuts, money, and edible birds'-nests, the natives of the Central and Southern Groups (both coast and 1 It should be borne in mind that, except where otherwise stated, the remarks and Nicobarese words in those papers refer to the dialect spoken by the natives of the Central Group of islands (vix., Camorta, Nanoowry, Trinkut, and Katchal), where the Indian Government established a station in 1860. This is doubtless derived from the Malay laksa (10,000) which has its souroe in the Sanskrit laksha (100,000). The more extensive individual transactions in cocoanuts with ship-traders at Car Nicobar--the exports from which probably exceed the aggregate of the rest of the group - Acoounts for the employment at that island alone of a term of such magnitude. (Derivatives of laksha are common all over the Far East with senses varying between a thousand and a million. -ED.) There is no specifio word distinguishing the "hand" from the "Anger." Ante, Vol. XXIII. p. 109, * At Car Nicobar notchos are out in a stick in seta of five, each notoh indicating a score of nuts. This tally stick is styled linkal-kok, * Ante, Vol. XXIII. p. 133. 1 Another praction of reokoning time by days is to be observed in the use of the knotted cane strip, styled tinloala (ante, Vol. XXIII. p. 109).

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218 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1897. inland communities) reckon by pairs, scores, and four-hundreds, the corresponding terins employed bearing to some extent a family resemblance; while other objects (with a few exceptions shortly to be mentioned) are reckoned by scures. In the remaining three dialects the systems somewhat differ :-Car Nicobar reckons by pairs, scores, two-hundreds, four-hundreds, two-thousands, and twenty-thousands ; Chowra by pairs, scores, two-hundreds, two-thousands, and four-thousands; Teressa and Bompoka, by pairs, scores, two-hundreds and twothousands. Another point to note is that in the Central Group) the term doktaiwhen referring to cocoanuts, money, and edible birds'-nests signifies 200, but it can be employed only with momchiana signifying 400 : it cannot, therefore, be used in reference to the above objects for any less number than 600 (Ex. :-heang-momchiama-doktai=1 X 400 + 200). Employed, however, with other objects, e. g., men, huts, paddles, etc., doktai denotes 10 only; but, as in the former case it can be used only with momchiama, which then signifies 20, and therefore the lowest Dumber for which it can be employed is 30 (Ex.:- heang momchiama-doktai-yuang-paiyuhio=1 x 20 + 10 (lit., fruit)-men. Two only of the six dialects - and these the most widely apart - vit., the Car Nicobar and the Shom Pen (i. e., the inland tribe of the Great Nicobar) adopt the Malay system of counting from 11 to 19 inclusive, vix., 1 (and) 10,2 (and) 10, 3 (and) 10, etc., whereas the four other dialects have the Burmese system, vis., 10 (and) 1, 10 (and) 2, 10 (and) 3, etc. 11 None of the numerical terms employed in the dialect of the Central Group express a second meaning except tajual (6), which also signifies "pair, couple;" but when employed in the latter sense no confusion is possible, as it is invariably preceded by one or other of the numerals from heang (1) to heang-hata (9) inclusive. E... :-tafual-tafual-heang = 13 (lit., 6 pairs + 1). With the exception of the term lale, the only numeral which appears to be of foreign derivation is that denoting 7 (issat in the Central Group and sat at Car Nicobar), which resembles the corresponding equivalent in the Indian languages proper (sat), but this, doubtless, in the absence of any more satisfactory evidence, is a mere coincidence. In order to exhibit, by way of contrast, two of the somowhat diverse systems of numeration employed in these dialects the terms used in the Central Group and at Car Nicobar will now be. shewn in parallel columns. With reference to the foregoing explanations the terms preceded by (a) represent those that are employed in relation to cocoanuts, money, and edible birds'nests, while the terms preceded by (b) represent those that are used in speaking of other objects, c.g., men, animals, huts, canoes, baskets, spears, etc. Table of Comparative Numeration. CENTRAL GROUP. CAR NICOBAR. (a) beang ... ... . " (a) heng (b) heang ... (6) kahok (a) heang-tafual (lit., one pair) (a) heng-tahdl (lit., one pair) (6) au... ... ... (6) neat (a) beang-tafual-heang (lit., one pair (a) heng-tahdl-heng (lit., one pair (and) (and) one). 13 one) (6) loe (or lue) ... ... ... (6) lue es * This is due to the Nicobarono practice of tying two cocoanuts together by means of a strip of the husk of enah, the object being for convenience of carrying them on a pole over the shoulder, or of allowing a quantity to be carried together in either hand, This diverse use of the terms momchiama and doktai, when the context is knowu, causeb o confusion. (Per. haps the simplest explanation would be that doktai when used with momchiama signifies "half plus." - ED.) 10 The use of this and other numeral co-eficients will shortly be explained. 11 [This use of what have been called the direct and inverse methods of enumeration concurrently on one grcap of Islands is most interesting vide Knott, the Abacus, in Tranu. Anatic Soc. of Japan, Vol. XIV. p. 40.- Ep.]

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AUGUST, 1897.) NOTES ON THE NICOBARESE. 219 I.(a) CENTRAL GROUP. CAR NICOBAR. (a) an-tafual ... . ((a) neit-tahol *16) foan (6) lan (a) an-tafual-heang ... (a) neat-tahol-Leng (6) tanai ... (6) tani (a) loe-tafual... s(a) lue-tahol 1 (6) taftal ... (6) tafual loe-tafual-beang ... S (a) lie-tahol-heng issat ... lo) sat (a) foan-tafial (a) fan-lahol 1 (6) enfoan ... i(6) heo-hare foan-tafual-heang (a) fan-tahdl-Leng 1 (6) beang-hata maich ia-tare (a) tanai-tafual tani-tahol shom ... ... sam tanai-tafual-heang (a) tani-tahol-heng (6) shom-heang .. ... ... (6) kahok-sian (a) heang-hata-tafual-heang maichua-tare-tabol-heng (6) sbom-heang-hata maichia-tare-sian (a) heang-inai ... ... (a) heng-anai (also sam-tahol) 1 (1) heang-momchiama ... 1 (6) kahuk-michama (a) heang-inai-enfoan (-tafual)12 i (a) heng-anai-heo-hare(-tahol)12 hiang-momchiama-doktni-tafual 1 (0) kahok-michama-tafual-sian tanai-ipai-tafual (-tafual) (a) tani-anai-tafual(-tahol) tanai-monchiama-doktai-ka ... (6) tani-michama-neat-sian (a) shom-inai-heang (-tafual) (a) sam-anai-heng (-tahol); heng-ngong-13 heng-tahol (lit., 1 x 200 + one pair) (6) shom-momchiamaan ... ... (6) sam-michama-neat (a) heang-momchiama-doktai (a) lue-yong 600 (6) heang-inai-dektai-momchiama... 1 (6) heng-anai-tani-tahol-michama (a) tanai-momchiama ... ... (a) sam-mong; heng-kaine 2,000 16) tanai-inai-momchiama? ... (6) tani-anai-michama 40,000 (a) tanai-inai-momchiama ... ... (a) heng-anai-kaine ; neat-lak 100,000 (a) shom--inai-tanai-tefual-mom. (a) tani-lak chiama. 200,000 (a) heang-inai-tanai-tom-momchia- (a) sam-lak ma. When it is intended to convey the meaning that a round number is referred to, the term yuh-ngare (indicating "whole," or "no more and no less") is added. E.. :-on-momchiama. doktai tal rupia yule ngare, Exactly one thousand rapees.15 When the number referred to falls short by a little of some round number it is sometimes expressed by employing the word langla OOOOOOOOO SS33999 12 Where tafial and tail (indicating pair") are shewn within brackets it denotes that it is optional to express them 13 It is interesting to note, how, in the Car Nicobar dialect, from considerations of euphony, the term denoting "200"varies, as to its initial lettor, according to the last letter of the preceding numeral. Ex -200..hengongongi 400.. neat-tong; 600.. lue-yong : 800.. fannong : 1,000.. tani-yong ; 1200.. tatal-lony; and so on up to 2,000.. sam-mong. 14 Note that, for the reasons explained in the foregoing. the numeral used to denote 2,000 5 X 20 X 2 in referring to men, animals, huts, etc., is the same as that signifving 40.000 (lit.. 5 X 20 X 900) when referring cocoanuts, etc. 16 [Compare the Taungtha (Phno) numeral suffix pe, and the Shin numeral suffix ming or ling, which 18 written il. -Ed.]

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (AUGUST, 1897. (to reach), as follows:- loe tare tangla an-momchtama hen fii, 37 (lit., 3 more reach two-score) huts. From the foregoing examples it will be seen that no conjunctions are employed in expressing numbers involving the use of several numeral terms. By prefixing, infixing, or suffixing, the particles m', ma, em, am, or om to a numeral the sense of "only " such a number is conveyed. Ec. :- hemeang, only one; bima,' only two; lamue, only three; fomban, only four; tamanzi, only five; tamafual, only six; missat, only, seven; menfoan, only eight; hemeang.hata, only nine: shamom, only ten. The processes of addition and subtraction of simple quantities are accomplished on the fingers, or by means of the lenkok-ngoat. Supposing, for example, that A owed B 200 cocoanuts and incurred a further debt of 350 cocoanuts, he would express the fact by turning down, in the presence of B, one finger after another of each haud - commencing in each case with the little finger , and on reaching the thumb of the second hand he would close both fists and bringing the knuckles together, open both hands simultaneously, as though throwing something from each on to the ground, at the same time exclaiming "shom" (10) - the word "inai," indicating score," being understood thereby signifying 200, and adding the words "heangmomchiama" (400), i, e., by taking the previous debt of 200 into account. He would then recommence, and after counting the fingers of one hand and the little and third fingers of the second hand, he would say "sssat" (7), and, crossing the next i. e., middle) finger with one of the other hand, he would say "tanai" (5) - the word "tafuzl,' indicating "pair" being understood -, following this ap by again closing both hands, bringing the knuckles together and opening them simultaneously in a downward direction and exclaiming "heang-momchiama. issat-inai-tanais-tafual) which denotes 550. Multiplication and division are never attempted. They do not seem to experience the need for any such calculations, sufficiently at least to stimulate whatever faculty they possess for devising some practicable methods. The necessity for expressing fractional numbers or quantities is experienced to so slight an extent, that but few seem to agree as to the exact meaning of the few terms that are on rare occasions employed for the purpose. These terms are: heang-molkanla = one-half. heang-misheya = one-third (P also one-fifth, one-sixth, etc.). heang-s@i-to = one-fourth. ar-mishEya = two-thirds (? also two-fifths). loe-shei-to = three-fourths. heang-hoang-molkanla = one and one-half. an-heang-mishoya two and one-third (or thereabout). The terms denoting ordinals are very limited, and from the absence of uniformity in their use it is evident that they rarely have occasion to employ them. In order to express the order in a row of objects or in a race they cannot reckon beyond the 7th, the term denoting which also signifies the last." The two sets of terms in use are here given : (1st) oreh; ongeh; or moreh ... ... (1st) moreh (2nd) tanoe-ok ... ... ... (2nd) tanoe-ok-moreh (3rd) mong-yuang-tie ... (3rd) mong-yang-ne (4th) menyah ... ... (4th) tanoe-ok-mong-yuang-ne (5th) tanoe-ok-menyah ... ...(oth) menyah (6th) menyak-ka (6th) and menyah-ka, also (7th) mana (1)-nga-shian ... ... last S mana(l)-nga-shian 16 The word for 8 (onfoan) apparently composed of ds (2) * Foan (4), seems to be solitary instance of an attempt in this direction,

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AUGUST, 1897.] NOTES ON THE NICOBARESE. The only explanation such as it is given for this paucity of terms by those who have been questioned on the subject is that there are never more than 7 "moons" in a Nicobarese "year" (i. e., monsoon), and that, although they have specific names for each "moon," they associate each in their mind as either the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, etc., of the "year." In their canoeraces, moreover, there would rarely be so many as 7 competitors. In order to express a certain date since any event, such as the 9th, 15th, 23rd since new moon or since some one's arrival, departure, death, etc., the suffix "she" added to the cardinal, denoting the number of days, is all that is needed. Ex.:-linhen heang-momchiama-loe-she dam na leat kaiyinga, this is the 23rd night since his departure. Collective numbers. In order to indicate pairs or sets of four or more of certain objects the following terms are employed : tafual, in reference to a pair of cocoanuts, rupees, or edible birds'-nests. tak, in reference to a pair of bamboo utensils containing shell-lime. amok, in reference to two pairs of (i. e., 4) bamboo utensils containing shell-lime. amok, in reference to a pair of cooking-pots. kamintap, in reference to a set of four or five of the smallest size of cooking-pots.17 Hoang, in reference to a set of ten pieces of tortoiseshell. Ex.:- loe noang ok-kap three sets (i. e., 30) pieces of tortoiseshell. Such phrases as "by pairs," "by scores," "by four-hundreds" are rarely used, but would be expressed as follows: by pairs, heang-tafual-heang-tafual. by scores, heang-inai-heang-inai. by four-hundreds, heang-momchiama-heang-momchiama. 221 Recurrent time.Shua is the term most commonly employed as the equivalent for the English" times." Ex.:-tanai shua, five times; but several other terms are in use, each of which, however, in a restricted sense. Ex.: loe kota-tai, 3 times (in reference to hammering or other hand-work). an ko-chat, twice (in reference to jumping). foan ko-nga-lah, 4 times (in reference to going). tanai ko-ne-nge, 5 times (in reference to talking, singing, etc.). foan ko-shi-chaka, 4 times (in reference to eating, etc.). issat ko-shi-anha, 7 times (in reference to washing, etc.). Numeral co-efficients. One of the many proofs of the affinity existing between the Nicobarese and the Indo-Chinese races is the presence in full force in all their dialects including even that of the isolated and degraded inland tribe of Great Nicobar of the system, which necessitates, in the enumeration of objects, the employment of a term-known to grammarians as numeral co-efficients descriptive of the particular object referred to. - Contrary to the practice, generally (if not always) adopted in both Burmese and Malay, these co-efficients are invariably inserted between the numeral and the object designated and not after the latter. 19 (1) yuangle (fruit); koi (head); tat; tat-yuang; tat-koi are used in referring to human beings, e. g., foan yang Pigu (4 Burmese); an koi koan (two children); heang tat ilu (one bachelor); tanai tat-yang Malayu (five Malays). 17 Vide ante, Vol. XXIV. p. 111, item 103. 18 The Car Nicobarese equivalents of these are respectively as follows: (1) taka; (2) nong; (4) tak; (5) momii; (6) md; (7) nong; (8) kdhd; (9) lamniha and tum; (11) chumvi ; (14) milima. 19 Also to the carved wooden figures, called kareau (vide ante, Vol. XXIV. p 133).

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222 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1897. (2) noang (cylinder) is applied to animals, birds, fishes, insects, eggs, spears, boxes, baskets, ropes, legs, fingers, lips, nose, eyes, teeth, dhus, fish-hooks, rings, seeds, etc. Ex.:- Toe noang kaa (three fishes). (3) (noang-)yang20 is applied to fruits only, e. g., di inai (noang-)yuang oyau (40 cocoanuts). (4) tak (wide); in connection with flat objects, such as planks, paddles, coins, tortoiseshells, edible birds'-nests, finger-nails, leaves, feathers, cloth, clothes, thatch; also, however, cooking-pots and fishing-nets, e. g., foan tak powah (4 paddles). (5) hen,21 when referring to dwellings and other buildings, tanai hen ni (5 huts). (6) chanang, to trees, posts, hairs, etc., issat chanang onihan (7 trees). (?) danoi,31 to ships, boats, and canoes ; Toe danoi chong (3 ships). (8) hinle,31 to bamboo utensils containing shell-lime. (9) tom (bunch), to bunches of plantains, betel-nuts, Pandanus, etc., or to single pineapples and papayas. (10) manoal (also mokonha), to bundles of prepared Pandanus or Cycas paste. (11) pomak (bundle), to large bundles of split cane, also to the large trimmed bundles of imitation firewood offered by mourners at the grave. (12) mekuya, to small bundles of cane, ten of which equal one pomak. (13) minel (bundle), to small bundles of firewood. (14) lamem, to bundles of Chinese tobacco. (15) amoka,21 to books only. (16) chaminkaa,21 to ladders only. (17) shamanap,21 to pieces of, say, 40 yards (18) kamilang, to cords and fishing-lines. To the above may be added the following expressions for distance : : het-noang (used with ni-nau, green cocoanut) in order to express distance by sea, e. g., . loe het-noang ni-ndu he tang (we could arrive (there) in three green cocoanuts' time). kohot23 (used with maiya, take a betel-quid), in order to convey an idea of distance by land or time spent on a visit; e. g., foan kohot ina maiya tang (you two could reach (that place) in four betel-quids' time). MISCELLANEA. of calico, etc. DERIVATION OF SAPEQUE. Sapeque is the ordinary form in French writers of the commercial term "cash" now used for the lowest denomination of modern Chinese currency. Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s. v., could only guess at its derivation from a Malay word sapaku, but the following quotations settle the point, proving him to be right in his guess. 1039."It (caza, cash) hath a four-square hole through it, at which they string them on a Straw; a String of two hundred Caxaes, called Sata, is worth about three farthings sterling, and five Sstas tyed together make a Sapocon. The Javians, when this money came first amongst them, were so cheated with the Novelty, that they would give six bags of Pepper for ten Sapocons, 20 The bracket denotes that it is optional, though more correct, to express noang with yuang. 21 The original meaning of this term is not known to the present inbabitants, 22 The meaning of this is that Nicobarese invariably carry green (i. e., unripe) cocoanuts when going any distance, or when likely to be absent some time, in their canoes in order to refresh themselves when thirsty; one or more cocoanuts would be drunk by each person according to the distance travelled. 25 The practice of chewing betel-quids being universal among them the approximate time ordinarily occupied shewing one or more is well known and serves the purpose shewn in the text.

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AUGUST, 1897.] MISCELLANEA. 223 thirteen whereof amount to but a Crown. But they German Kreutzer." - Giles, Glossary of Referhave had leisure enough to see their error; for in | ence, p. 122, in Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8. v. sapeca. a short time, the Island was so filled with this 1880.-"He (Da Cunha) seems to imply that stuffo, that they were compelled to absolutely the smallest denomination of coin struck by prohibit all trading, which 80 disparaged this Albuquerque at Goa in 1510 wps called cepayqua, money, that at present two Sacks of Pepper will i, e., in the year before the capture of Malacca, scarce come for one hundred thousand Casaes." - and consequent familiarity with Malay terms. I Mandelslo, Voyages and Travels into the East do not trace his authority for this; the word is not Indies, E. T., 1639, p. 117. mentioned in the Commentaries of Albuquerque, 1703. -" This is the reason why the Caxas are and it is quite possible that the dinheiros, as these valued so little: they are punched in the middle, small copper coins were also called, only received and string'd with little twists of Straw, two the name copayqua at a later date, and some hundred in one Twist, which is called Sants, time after the occupation of Malacen." - Yule, and is worth nine Deniers. Five Santas tied Hobson-Jobson, 8 v. sapeca, commenting on together, make a thousand Csxas, or a Sapoon Da Cupha, Portuguese Numismatics, 1880, pp. 11, IP misprint for Sapocon)." Collection of Dutch 12, 22. Voyages, p. 199. This passage gires the same 1888. -"Sapeca, Sapeque. This word is used story as Mandelslo, interpolated, I gather, in the at Macao for what we call cash in Chinese curaccount of the first voyage, 1595-7, by the an. rency; and it is the word generally used by onymous editor. French writers for that coin .... We can hardly 1813. -- "The only currency of the country. doubt that the true origin of the term is that given (Cochin-China) is a sort of cash, called sap- in a note communicated by our friend Mr. E.O. pica, composed chiefly of tutenague, 600 muk. Baber: - "Very probably from Malay sa, one, ing a quan." - Milburn, Oriental Commerce, Ed. and paku, a string or file of the small coins called 1825, pp. 444-5, in Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8. v. pichis .... paku is written by Favre peku, sapeca. Yule adds that mace and sappica are (Dict. Malay-Francais, 1875-80) and is derived equally Malay words. by him from the Chinese pelo, cent." .... 1821. -" The proper coined money of Tonquin Sapeku would then properly be a string of 100 cash, but it is not difficult to perceive that it might and Cochin-China is called a Sapek, or Sapeque, and consisted formerly of brass, but now of zinc. through some misunderstanding....have been transferred to a single coin.". Yule, .... Sixty sapeks make a mas .... Six Hobson-Jobson, 8. v. sapecu. hundred sapeks, which make a kwan, are commonly strung upon a filament of ratan, and in 1890.- "Le tael d'argent est la monnaie this manner kept for use."- Crawfurd, Embassy courante du pays. La qualite et le cours varient to Siam, p. 517. selon les lieux. Les espeques en laiton ont aussi cours; le change moyen est de 1,500 pour 1830. - "The money current on Bali consists un tael." - Rocher, Notes sur un voyage au Yun. solely of Chinese pice with a hole in the centre, nan, in Toung Pao, Vol. I. p. 51. which have been introduced into Bali from time immemorial. They value them at half a cent, and 1899. - "This is a brief history of the expec 600 may be obtained for a silver dollar. They (more commonly known to us as the cash), the however put them up in hundreds and thousande; only native coin of China, and which is found two hundred are called satah, and are equal to everywhere from Malaysia to Japan." - Ridge one rupee copper, and a thousand called sspaku way, Origin of Currency, p. 157. are valued at five rupees." - Singapore Chronicle, 2. C. Temple. June, 1830, in Moor, Indian Archipelago, 1837, SOME NOTES ON THE FOLKLORE OF TIIE p. 94. TELUGUS. 1852. -- "PAku, a string or file of the small coins called pichis." - Crawfurd, Malay Dict., BY G. R. SUBRAMIAH PANTULU. 8. v. satu : in comp. sa, is "one" in Malay pichis (Continued from p. 168.) or pitis is a cash. XXXVII. 1876. -- "From sapek, a coin found in Ton. THERE was a king at Anantapur, Kunthibhoja quin and Cochin-China, and equal to about half a by name. While he was holding his darbar, pfenning (1/300 Thaler), or about one-sixth of a being seated on his throne, and surrounded by II. e., spelter. ? This should be a mistake - vide quotation from Crawfurd. It is not in Schlegel's "Chinese Loan-words in the Mainy Language," in Toung Pao, Vol. I. p. 391. ff.

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224 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1897. a host of pundits, ministers, and others, a archer, overcome with joy, sent his son home, Kshatriya came and bowed and said that he was and went to the king's palace. The king, who an expert in archery, and that he came there to witnessed incognito everything that had transserve the king as he was not able to get a living pired, quietly reached his palace, went upstairs, elsewhere. The king engaged his services at one und pretended to be usleep. The archer went to hundred rupees per month. From that day the king and said that a woman who had had a forwards he kept a vigilant watch over the king's quarrel with her husband was weeping bitterly, and palace. On a certain midnight, while the king that he had pacified her and sent her home. The was sleeping comfortably upstairs, he heard the king feeling grateful to the archer, raised him cries of a woman, called his attendant and asked to the rank of Commander-in-Chief of his forces. him what it was. The archer said that he, too, Moral Honest servants will not fail to risk had heard the same cries for ten days past, but their own lives when calamities befall their could not say why it was, but that he would make masters. enquiries, should the king command him to do so. XXXVIII. The king consented, and followed him incognito to see whither he went. He went outside the Three fish lived in the bed of a river. One of town, and there saw a woman with dishevelled hair, these perceived that the water would dry up in the . seated near the temple of Durga, crying at the ensuing summer, informed its other companions top of her voice. He asked her who she was and of the same, and said, further, how they would why she was crying. She replied that she was the run the risk of being carried off by the fishermen tutelary goddess of Kunthibhoja's kingdom, at the time, and that they should therefore seek a and that as the king was to breathe his last in habitation elsewhere. It wanted, therefore, that two or three days more, she was crying-for, who all of them should go into the current and settle would protect her then P The archer then asked in the sea or in the bed of another river. The her if there were any means by which the king's other two laughed at the words of their companion. life could be saved. Whereupon she said that it The clever fish, therefore, went and settled in the areber's son were offered as a sacrifice to another quarter unaccompanied. Not long after, Durg&, the king would live for a very long time. summer set in, and the waters of the river dried The archer thereupon consented to the proposal, up. A fisherman threw his net into the bed, went bome, and informed his son of what had caught the two fish and put them on the bank. transpired. The son asked him to perform the One of them was possessed of some sense and sacrifice instantly and save the life of the king, appeared to be dead, remaining motionless, for, by the king good many people lived. The while the other began to jump. The latter therearcher then took his son to the temple, drew his fore was dashed to the ground and smashed to sword from the scabbard, and was about to slay pieces. The former, perceiving the fisherman him, when DurgA appeared before them. and going away with his net, crawled unperceived and said that she was so pleased with his bravery that jumped into the waters and lived comfortably. he must desist, and said moreover that she Moral :- Whoever perceives coming events and would confer on him any boon he might ask. tries to avert danger shall surely be happy; and The aroher then requested Durg& to spare the person who tries to extricate himself from the life of king Kunthibhoja, and to bless him difficulties, even after they happen, may also with long life and prosperity. Durgi gave consider himself lucky, but the man who remains him the boon sought for and disappeared. The idle will surely come to grief. NOTES AND QUERIES. BEDSTEADS AS SPIRIT HAUNTS. HINDU TITLES OF MUSALMANS. Spirits are said to upset the bedstead (char. The Musalman Gakkhar family of Khanpur pae) of men sleeping in them, and to throw the in the Hazara district (held by Cunningham to be mortals on the ground. Many simple people have the ancient Taxila) still retain the Hinda title related stories to me of this, as a well ascertained of RAJA, - e. g., Raja Jahandad Khan, a leading fact. Brides and bridegrooms must not sleep on member of the family formerly an Extra Assistant chdrpdes for several days before and after mar. Commissioner in that district. The reason is, riage. The pumber of days fixed varies with their I believe, given in Wace's Handra Settlement tribe. This is doubtless done to avoid the evil Report. that might be worked through witchcraft. T.C. PLowden, in P. N. and Q. 1883. GURDYAL SINGH, in P. N. and Q. 1883. 1 [See Wace, pp. 26 and 67. -ED.]

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SEPTEMBER, 1897.] THE CASTLE OF LOHARA. 225 THE CASTLE OF LOHARA. BY M. A. STEIN, PH.D. The following notes on an ancient stronghold of the mountains enclosing Kasmir have been 1 prepared for my annotated translation of Kalhana's Rajatarangini now passing through the press.* Their publication in this place may be useful as supplying a specimen of the cominentary which accompanies that translation. They may also serve to illustrate the results which a closer study of the Chronicle and a series of antiquarian tours have furnished as regards the ancient topography of Kasmir and the adjacent territories. The whole of these results has been embodied in the detailed maps of Ancient Kasmir which with the assistance of the Asiatic Society of Bengal I have been able to prepare, as a supplement to my work, at the Survey of India Offices. I hope soon to pablish these maps with a separato memoir in the Asiatic Society's Journal. Until then I must refer for any of the topographical details discussed below to the maps shewing the modern topography of the territory, as contained in the "Atlas of India " and other publications of the Survey of India.t 81. Lohara or Loharakotta, the Castle of Lohara,' has played an important part in Kasnir history as the ancestral lome and stronghold of the dynasty whose narrative fills the last two cantos of Kalhana's Rajatarangini. In view of the very frequent references which Kalhana makes to this locality, its correct identification is essential for the full understanding of the events related in that portion of the Kasmir Chronicle. It may justly be doubted whether Wilson who first proposed to identify Lohara with Lahore (Essay on the Hindu History of Cashmir, p. 47), would have hazarded this suggestion if the text of Books vii. and viii. had then been accossible to him. Notwithstanding, however, the evident impossibility of making this assumed position of Lohara agree with the numerous passages in which Kalhana speaks of it as a hill-fortress and as situated in close proximity of Kasmir, Wilson's conjecture has been accepted with implicit faith by subseqnent interpreters. It has thus found its way too into numerous works not directly dealing with Kasmir. With some other topographical misunderstandings of this kind, it has helped to create greatly exaggerated notions as to the political power and territorial extent of the Kasmir kingdom at that late period. 2. The local indications furnished by the passages to be discussed below, had led me for some time back to look for Lohara in the mountain districts which adjoin Kasmir immediately to the south of the Pir Pantsal range. But it was only in the course of a tour specially undertaken in August, 1892, in search of this locality, that I was able to fix its position in the valley now called Lohrin, belonging to the territory of Prants (Parnotsa). A brief account of this identification has been given in the Anzeiger der philosophisch-historischen Klasse' of the Imperial Academy of Vienna, 14th December 1892, and in a paper read before the Royal Asiatic Society (see Academy, 1893, Nov. 24). $ 3. Referring for some further topographical and ethnographical details to the remarks given below, it will be sufficient to note here that Lohrin, marked Loran on the mape, comprises the well-populated and fertile mountain district formed by the valleys of the streams which drain the southern slopes of the Pir Pantsil range betwben the Tatakuti Ponk and the Tosmaidan pass. The Loh'rin River which is formed by these streams, receives at Mandi the stream of the Gagri Valley which adjoins Loh'rin to the N.W. Some eight miles further down it flows into the Suran River with which together it forms the Tohi (Taushi) of Prunts. * To be published in 1898 by Messrs. Constable & Co., London, in two volumes quarto. + See Allar of India," Sheets 28 and 29, scale four miles to one inch; also Map of Kashmir rith part of adjacent mountains urneyed during 1855-57, scale two miles to one 1 Comp. e. g. Rajat. vii, 140, 703, 862, 939 viii. 203, 379, 567, 759, 881, 1927, 1630, 1791 8qq., 1975 199., 1997, etc. * Comp. Troyer's note on iv. 177 and Vol. iii. p. 570: Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunds, iii. pp. 1042, 1119; also Dr. T. H. Thornton's excellent monograph " Lahore," 1976, p. 107.

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226 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1897. - The broadest and best-cultivated part of the Valley of Lohrin lies about 8 miles above Mandi, at ciro. 74deg 23' long. 33' 48' lat. The cluster of large villages situated here (distinguished after the tribal names of their inhabitants as T'untr'vand, Gey'vand, and Doivand) are jointly known by the name of Lokrin and may be regarded as the centre of the district. Through Loh'rin proper and then through a side-valley descending from the mountains on the N. leads the path to the Tosinaidan Pass which since early times to the present day has formed one of the most frequented and best routes from the Western Panjab to Kasmir. The importance of this route and the easy communication thereby established explains the close political relations of Lohara with Kasmir as well as the prevalence of a Kasmiri population in the present Loh rin. $1. In examining the main passages of the Rajataraigini bearing on Lohara with a view to proving it's identity with the modern Loh'rin, it will be most convenient to follow the order of Kalhana's narrative. The prominent place occupied by Lohara in the historical events related in Books vii and riii., is chiefly due to the close connection which the marriage of King Kshemagupta with Didda, the daughter of Simharaja of Lohara, established between the royal families of Kasmfr and Lolara. This union as well as the fact that Simharaja was himself married to a daughter of Bhima Sabi, the mighty ruler of Udabhanda (Vaihand) and Kabul, proves that the territory of the former could not have been restricted to the Lohorin Valley alone. It probably comprised also other neighbouring valleys to the south of the Pir Pantsal such as Bandi, Suran, Sadrun, perhaps also Prunts itself. Didda who after the death of Kshemagupta and after disposing of her son and grandsous ruled Kasnir in her own name (980-1005 A.-D.). adoptod as her successor Samgramaraja, the son of her brother Udayaraja. Lohara remained in the possession of her nephew Vigraharaja of whom we do not know whether he was a son of Udayaraja or another of Simharaja's numerous sons. 85. Vigraharaja had already in Didda's lifetime appeared as a pretender. After the death of Samgramaraja (A. D. 1038) he made a second unsuccessful attempt to seize the Kasmir throne. He marched from Lohara for Srinagar, burnt on the way the Kasmirian frontierstation (dvara), and appeared after two and a half days' hard marching before the capital where he was defeated and slain.? Vigraharaja's expedition took place soon after the death of Samgramaraja which fell at the commencement of the month Ashadla (June-July). At that season of the year the shortest route of the invader lay over the Tas maidan Pass. This, notwithstanding its height (circ. 13,500 feet above sea level), is open for traffic of all kinds from May till November. The practical possibility of covering the distance within the above time was tested by me in 1892 on the tour referred to. Leaving Loh'rin on the morning of the 19th Aagast with baggage animals and load-carrying coolies I reached without ditficulty on the evening of the following day the edge of the Tok#maidan plateau above the village of Drang (see note 7). From there half a day's marcha across the level Valley would suffice to bring one to Srinagar. Vigralaraja's son and successor Kshitiraja whom we find also mentioned as ruler of Lobara in Billana's Vikramaukadevacharita, resigned his throne in favor of Utkarsha, the grandson of King Ananta and younger brother of Harsha. When Utkarsha on Kalasa's death (A.D. 1089) was called to rule over Kasmir, he united with his new kingdom the territory of Lohara, 10 2 Comp. vi. 176 sqq. and my paper. Zur Geschichte der Canis von Kabul,' Festgruss an R. von Roth, pp. 200 yq. * See vi. 176 where Sinharaja is called durjanii Loharadinaris dsti; vii. 1300 aud viii. 914 894., where Parnotea (Print) seems to be referred to us within the confines of Lolarn territory, also viii. 1945, 2277. . Comp. vi. 355 ; vii, 1284. vi. 335 sqq. See vii, 110 sq. The duura referred to in this passage can be safely, identified with the dra nga or frontier watch-station which was situated on the Kasmir side of the To6 maidan Pass above the present village of Drang. It is meationed under the name Karkotadranja in viii, 1997, 2010. Compare my note op iii. 227. Comp. Vikramankad. xviii. 47, 67. * Comp. Fii, 251 sqq. 2Comp. vii. 703 sqq.

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SEPTEMBER, 1897.] THE CASTLE OF LOHARA. 227 which henceforth became the mountain fastness and place of safety for the Kasmir rulers in the troubled times of the succeeding reigns. $ 6. In the time of Harsha we hear of an expedition sent against Rajapuri, the modern Rajauri, which took the route vid Lohara, i.e., over the Tos maidan Pass. When, subsequently the pretender Uchchala, the descendant of a side branch of the house of Lohara, made his first irruption into Kasmir, from Rajauri, he led his small band of followers through the territory of the Governor of Lohara. After defenting the latter's forces ut Parnotsa, he surprised the commandant of the Doara and reached safely the rebel camp in Kramarajya, the western portion of the Valley,13 Kalhana's special reference to the consternation caused by the sudden appearance of the pretender is significant.13 It is clearly connected with the fact that Uchchala's invasion took place at the beginning of the month Vaisakha, i. e., in April, when the Tos maidan Pass, according to the information collected by me at Lob'rin, can be crossed only on foot and with some difficulty. $7. After the death of King Harsha, who to his own disadvantage had neglected the advice of his ministers councelling a timely retreat to the mountains of Lohara, the rule over Kasmir and Lohara was again divided. The latter and the adjoining territories16 fell to the share of Sussala, whereas Uchchala, his elder brother, took Kasmir. From Lohara Sussala made an attempt to oust his brother, but was defeated on the march to Srinagar near Selyapurale and forced to flee to the country of the Dards. From there he regained Lolara by difficult mountain tracks.? When Uchchala fell the victim of a conspiracy, his brother received the news within one and a half days, and started at once for Kasmir to secure the throne. The murder of Uchchal.. took place on the sixth day of the bright half of Pausa of the Laukika year 4187. This date corresponds to the 8th December A. D. 1111. So late in the year the Tosamaidan roate must have been closed by snow. It is therefore probable that Sussala marched by one of the more western and lower passes which lead from the valley of Sadrun to the valley of the Vitasta below Varahamula.19 It agrees fully with this supposition that we find subsequently Sussala encamped above Hushkapura (Ushkur) opposite Varahamuls which would be the natural goal for an invader using one of the above routes.20 Foiled in his endeavour on this occasion Sussala retreated with difficulty to Lohara orer paths on which the snow lay deep and under continual fighting with marauding Klasas 31 $ 8. Sussala some months later succeeded in wresting Kasmir from his half-brother Salhana, and subsequently used the stronghold of Lobara for the custody of his dangerons relatives and as the hoarding place of the treasures he accumulated by an oppressive rule, When threatened in the summer of 1120 A. D. by the rebel forces of the pretender Blikshichara he sent his son and family to Lohara for safety and followed them himself in the month of Margasirsha of that year via Hushka para 23 In the following spring the usurper Bhikshachara despatched a force via Rajapuri in order to attack Sassala in his mountain fastness. These troops on their advance from the south were met by Sussala at Parnotsa and there utterly routed. During the remainder of Sassala's reign we hear of Lohara only once more when Jiyasimha is brought back to Kasmir after three years' residence at Lohara and met by his father at Virahamula. 11 See vii. 939 sqq. 13 Comp. vii. 1298 sqq. 13 See vii. 1303. 14 vii, 1396, 1568, 1598. 16 See viii. 8, Lohara sambandhaih mandalontaram. 16 viii. 192 sqq. -Selyaptira is probably the present village of Bilpar in the Dants Pargana, situated on the direct route from Drang to Srinagar. 17 See viii. 207. See viii. 379. 19 To the present day the people of Loborin, when obliged to proceed to Kaimir during the winter months, nee the routos leading over the mountains from Sadran. Of these the Hajji Per Pass (8,500) is never closed entirely The Pija Pass, though somewhat higher, is certainly still open in December. A route leading from the latter along the lower ridges down to Ushkir is actually marked on the Survey maps, and this would have been the most convenient one for Sussala's expedition. 19 See viii. 390 n1 Comp. riii. 411. Comp. viii. 519, 437, 634. 11 viii. 717, 819 899 Comp. viii. 1227 899.

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228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1897. $ 9. Fuller details regarding the topography of Lobara are to be found in the narrative of the events which took place there during the rule of Jayasinha, i.e., in Kalhana's own time. Of the princes whom Sussala on his accession to the Kasmir throne had contined at Lohara, Lothana with five of his relatives was in A. D. 1130 still in captivity there. A conepiracy of some of the officers in charge of the Lohara garrison (kottabhritya) utilized the opportunity offered wlien Preman, the commandant of the castle, had gone down to the neighbouring Attalik& on basi. ness, and set free the prisoners in the night of the 10th Jyaishtha vati of that year.26 Lothana was proclaimed king, and before daybreak the stronghold and the treasures which Sussain had deposited there, were in luis possession. Preinan on receipt of the newe hurried back on the morning from Atcalika, but was met by the conspirators at the approach to the castle and forced to retreat. The expressions used by Kalhana in the passages recorded below make it clear that Attalika must be the name of a locality situated below Lohara and in comparative proximity of the castle 26 In view of this evidence and of what will be said below regarding the position of the force sent for the recapture of Lohara, I do not hesitate to recognize the name Atraliki in that of the present village Atoli, situated close to the point where the valley of Loh'rin meets that of Gagri, some eight miles below Lohrin proper. At the actual janction of the two valleys lies Mandi. This place consists entirely of shops, some eighty in number, and these account for its name, which means market'in Pahari as well as Panjabi. Mandi is now the commercial centre of the whole district and has probably occupied the same position in earlier centuries. I see a distinct reference to it in the passage viji. 1991 where Kalbana relates the looting of Affilikipana, i. en the market of Attilika (Attalika).' SS 10. The news of this rebellion was carried by a messenger to King Jayasimha and reached him on the following day at Vijayesvara (Vijobror).87 He at once despatched a force for the recovery of Lohars. The Kasmfrian leader took up his position at At-Alika from where he endeavoured to close all approaches to Lohara 28 While the besieging troops suffered from the great summer hent and the consequent fevers,29 Somapala, Raja of Rajapuri, who was instigated by Sajji, a disaffected minister of Jayasimha, approached from the south to attack them. The Kasmirians wished then to retreat to their own country, and finding the route by Sarambars closed by the enemy, were obliged to take to a difficult mountain pass called Kalengka, They started from Attalika on a path leading along the precipitous side of a defile and were followed on the opposite side by the enemy. The Kasmfrian troops and their followers reached that day without opposition a mountain village called Vanik&vasa and camped there and in the neighbouring hamlets, At midnight they were surprised by Sajji's force and thrown into confusion. In the general stampede which followed, the Kasmfr army are destroyed and its leaders captnred. The fugitives were plundered in the monntains by the Khasas.50 The situation of the Kasmirian troops at Attalika and the route taken by them on their disastrous retreat can be fully understood by a reference to the map. When threatened from the south by Sajji who advances from Parnotsa, the Kasmirians wish to regain their own territory, but cannot use the direct route over the Tomaidan Pass as it is blocked by the rebels at the Lohera castle. The other main route up the Gagri valley which would open to 25 Comp. viii, 1794 1831. + See viii, 831, 1819, 1994. I believe Affalka to be the correct form of the name: it is written thus by A in viii, 831, 1819, 1945. Attalika is found twice (viii, 1842, 1994) and Affiliki also twice (viii. 581, 1901) in that Coder. L agrees with these readings. 27 Comp. yiii. 1779, 1793-93. * Comp. viii, 1836, 1843. 20 See viii. 1835, 1873, 1889. - Mandt, which lies at an elevation of probably not much over 4000, is, as I found myself in August 1892, a hot place even in the rainy season. Its inhabitants suffer a good deal from the dangerons fevers to which all the lower valleys to the south of the Pir Pantall are subject at certain seasons ; comp. my notes on viii, 1878, 1632. Rice-cultivation flourishes about Mandi, whereas at Loh'rin, which lies at an altitude from six to seven thousand feet and consequently has a climate colder than the Kaimir Valley, rice does not grow and Indian corn in the cbief product. * Comp. viii, 1873-1906.

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SEPTEMBER, 1897.] THE CASTLE OF LOHARA. 229 them the approach to the Firozpur Pass or to any of the other passes leading over the rountains to N. W. of the Tosmaidin, is closed by the enemy stationed at Sarambara. This place I identify with the large village of Chembar situated about 5 miles above Mandi in the Gagri Valley.31 There remains thus for their escape only the route through the side valley which opens to the S. W. at the village of Palora, some three miles above Mandi on the way to Lohrin. A difficult path, marked on the larger Survey map, leads through this valley, past the village of Van to an alp called Kuliyan from which a valley leading down to Suran is gained. From the latter place the Kasmir force might have retired in safety over the Pir Pantsal Pass. Van I identify with Kalhana's Vanikavasa2 and Kuliyan with Kalenaka. The dangerous defile through which Jayasimha's troops retreat to Vanikavasa, is clearly the narrow gorge of the Loherin River which must be passed before reaching Palera. For about two miles the road leads there high above the river along precipitous clitfs, and in many places it appears to have been artificially cut into the face of the latter. $ 11. The conclusive evidence furnished by the above narrative as to the position of Lohara permits us to note more briefly the remaining references in the Chronicle. A temporary absence of Lothana from Lohara gave an opportunity to another pretender, Mallarjuna, to take possession of the stronghold33 and the territory attached to it. Lothana turned out of the Kottarajya' harassed his rival from Attalika and other places, 34 bat made subsequently peace with him and proceeded to invade Kasmir with the help of powerful allies among the rebellious Damaras. He crossed the mountains and took up a position at Karkocadranga, i. e, the modern Drang below the Tosmaidan plateau.35 Eventually Lohara was reoccupied by Jayasimha's troops and Mallarjana forced to flee 36 On the way he was plandered of the treasures carried away from Lohara and ultimately captured at the village of Savarnika. The latter is distinctly designated as belonging to the territory of Lohara and can hence be identified with the village of Suran in the Toht Valley already mentioned.37 Finally Kalhana relates to us the installation of Gulhana, Jayasimha's eldest son, as ruler of Lohara during the life-time of his father. 38 The references to Lohara in the later Chronicles are few and do not add to our knowledge regarding to its situation.39 As a stronghold it had evidently retained its importance for Kasmir only as long as the dynasty which had its home there, remained in power. That trade continued to pass through Lohara, can, however, be concluded from an allusion to the customs revenue levied there in the reign of Muhammad Shah about A. D. 1530.40 $ 12. Of far greater interest and importance are the references to the fortress of Lohara which we meet in Alboruni's Indica. We owe them indirectly to the unsuccessful expedition which Mahmud of Ghazna had led against Kasmir. Alberunt at the close of his account of Kasnir geographyfi mentions to the south of the capital the high peak 'Kularjak' resembling by its copula shape the mountain Dunbivand (Demavand). "The snow there never melts. It 51 Analogies in the phonetic conversion of other Kasmir local names which have been discussed by me in Dots i 100. viii. 176 and permit us to trace back the modern name Chambar to Sarambara through *(a) rumbara > *Srambar. Initial Skr. $ which otherwise is regularly replaced in Kaemiri by h, is preserved, as or ch, in ersey where this initial consonant was protected by immediate contact with a following consonant; comp., 6. 4., Ks. Chirath < skr. Srirashtra. 32 In Vanikapliga we have probably the simple name Vanika with the addition of Gyasa 'habitation,' see note viii. 1877. Van is the ks. form of the name which on the map is marked. Ban'nccording to the Pub&ri pronunciation. 33 Comp. viii. 1941 sqq. - Lohara is designated here and elsewhere (6.9., viii, 1631, 1966, 1969, 1971, 1994, 2008, 2022, 20:29) by the simple term Kotta, castle,' an abreviation for Lohara kofta. 54 Comp. viii. 1989 sqq. 35 Cop. viii. 1993 sqq., 1910, and above note 7. 56 viii. 2022. 07 See viii. 2275 sqq. with note viii, 2277. viii. 3301, 3372. > Seo Jonardja, 454 sqq.; Srivara, iii. 482 ; iv. 137; Fourth Chronicle, 131, 394 sqq. 4. See Fourth Chron. 294 sqq. 11 Comp. Alberuni's Indic... Vol. i. p. 207 81.

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230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1897. is always visible from the region of Takeshar and Lauhduar (Lahore). The distance between this peak and the plateau of Kashmir is two farsakh. The fortress Rajayiri lies south of it, and the fortress Lahar west of it, the two strongest places I have ever seen. The town Rajawari (Rajapuri) is three farsakh distant from the peak." It can scarcely be doubted that Alberuni refers here to Mount Tatakati which rises to an elevation of 15,524 feet in the central part of the Pir rantsil range and is the highest peak in the whole chain of mountains to the S. of Kasmir. Its bold form and isolated position make Mount Tatakuti most conspicuous, in particular for an observer from the south. It is surrounded by extensive snowfields which remain throughout the year, and bears on its S. face a small glacier. Mount Tatakuti has the shape described by Alberini and can be seen through the greatest part of the year from the districts of Sialkot and Gujranwala to the E. of the Chinab (Takeshar). Its snowy dome has occasionally in very clear weather been sighted by me even from Lahore.63 The position of the fortress Rajagiri (recte RAjagiri), which is referred to also by Kalhana, vii. 1270, as in possession of the Raja of Rajapari, must be looked for at some point of the upper Suran valley, i.e., to the south of the Mount Tatakufi. Finally the fortress Lahur' which Alberuni places west of Mount Kalarjak, can be no other than our Lohara. The entrance of the Loharin valley lies almost dae west of the Tatakuti, at a distance of about 13 miles as the crow flies. The identity of Alleruni's second fortress with Loharakotta is shewn yet more clearly by another passage of the Indica,45 where its name is given as Lauhur and its distance from the capital of Kasmir estimated at 56 miles,"half the way being rugged country, the other half plain." Without examining the question as to what measure is meant by the "miles" of the text, it may be noted that the actual length of the route from Loharin to Srinagar vit the Tosamaidan Pass can be put at about 60 English miles. Of these circ. 20 miles lie in the level plain of the Kasmir Valley. Adding to this distance that portion of the route which leads over the flat grassy slopes of the Tosamaidan plateau on the Kasmir side of the pass, and which is almost equally easy, we approach very closely to the proportion indicated by Alberuni. But Alberuni has left as yet another indication for testing the correctness of our identification. In the last quoted passage of the Indica he informs us that he had limself made an observation.of the latitude of the fortress Luhur,' and shews it there as 34deg 10'. In his Canon Masudicus, however, as Prof. Sachan's note ii., p. 341, informs us, the latitude of Lauhur is. given as 33deg 40'. Whichever figure we may adopt, the result of Alberuui's observation agrees closely enough with the actual latitude of Lob rin which is about 33deg 48' according to the Survey maps. 12 Compare Drew, Tummoo, p. 205, and the panoramic view of the Pir Pantall range in Dr. Neve's Guide to Kashmir. See also my accoant of an ascent of Tatakuti in Reisebriefe aus Kashmir, Munchener Allgem. Zeitung, Aug. 1889. 48 The Tikeshar of Alberunt corresponds to Kalbana's Pakkadafa, and Hiuen Tsiang's Tseh-kia (Takka); comp. my note on Rijat. v. 150. Cunningham, Anc. Geogr. p. 151, is certainly mistaken in identifying Alberuni's peak with the great Nanga Parvat (23,529 feet above the sea) which lies in Astor to the north of Kasmir. On account of the intervening ranges it is more than doubtful whether Nanga Parvat can ever be seen from any point of the Panjab plains. I am unable to explain the name Kularjak given to the peak by Alberuni. #Compare my note on vii, 1270. 45 See lulica, i. p. 317, and Prof. Sachau's note thereon, ii. p. 941, 46 The fair accuracy of the other Indian latitudes observed by Alberonl is shown by Prof. Sachau's comparative tablo, ii p. 341.- Inasmuch as the Canon Masudicus was written after the author's Indica and is preserved in more than one S., its figure, perhaps, deserves greater consideration. It must also be noted that Alberani in the same passage of the Indica gives the latitude of Kaimir from a Hindu antuority as 34deg 9. From his knowledge of the relative geographical position of the two localities he must have considered this observation as incorrect, if the latitude of Lau ir wis really taken by him as 31.0. Yet he makes no remark regarding this difference.

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SEPTEMBER, 1897.] THE CASTLE OF LOHARA. 231 $ 13. Alberani's personal acquaintance with the fortress Lauhur' can only date from the unsuccessful expedition which Mahmud of Ghazna undertook against Kasmir, The Muham. madan historians extracted by Elliott assign varying dates to this expedition, but agree in relating that Mahmud's invasion was brought to a standstill at the siege of the fort of Loh-Kot' which as Ferishta tells us," was remarkable on account of its height and strength." "After a while when the snow began to fall, and the season became intensely cold, and the enemy received reinforcements from Kasmir, the Sultan was obliged to abandon his design and to return to Ghazni." 17 The description here given agrees so well with what Alberuni says of Lauhur' (Lohara) and its position on the confines of Kasmir, that we cannot hesitate to recognize in L6.-Kot the Loharakotta of the Chronicle. Considering the endless corruptions to which Indian proper names are exposed in the works of Muhaminadan authors, we may rest satisfied with the form in which the name of a little-known locality bas in this instance been preserved for us. $14. In modern times it fell once more to the share of Lobarin to witness the failure of an invader. Ranjit Singh who in the summer of 1814 bad led in person a portion of the Sikh army into the Valley with the object of entering Kasmir by the Tosamaidan Pass, met here - with a reverse to which the natural difficulties of this mountain region had contributed quite as much as the resistance of his Pathin opponents. Similarly we may suppose that the ancient Loharakot a derived no small portion of its vaunted strength from the natural advantages of its situation. The valley of Lohariu from the defile of Palera upward offers a series of excellent defensive positions which would need but comparatively little fortification to be rendered almost impregnable for an enemy not possessed of guns. At several places cross ridges with precipitous cliffs descend into the Valley and reduce it to a gorge. Barriers are thus formed from which the route on either side of the river is completely commanded. $ 15. In Lohria proper distinct traditions of an ancient Killa' or fortress cling to the isolated ridge which projects, in the direction from N. W. to S. E., towards the right bank of the Lohrin River just above the village of Gegirand (shewn on the St vey map as Gajian'). At its S. E. extremity this ridge falls off abruptly with a rocky face. On the N. E. and S. W. sides its slopes descend with equal steepness to the beds of the streams which flow through the Tantr vand and Gegivand villages. The top of this ridge lies about 300 feet above the level of the Valley and forms a narrow plateau about a quarter of a mile long. At the S. E. end of this plateau rises a small hillock. This was pointed out to me by old villagers as the site of a fort which is supposed to have stood there long before the time of the Muhammadan Rajas of Prunts. 7 Comp. Elliott, History of India, il pp. 455, 460 sq. Firishta's account places the expedition in A. H. 406 (A. D. 1015); according to the Tablkft-i-Akbari it took place in A. H. 412 (A. D. 1021). As Alberuri's residence in India as an involuntary follower of Mahmud's court falls after the capture of Khwr'izm, A.D. 1017, the later dute would be preferable. The pious legend of the Lohorin people attributes the Mubaraja's defeat to the miraculous intervention of the Saint Saiyid Chanan' who lies burried near the village of Tantrivand in Lohrin proper. Mysterius noises and 'alarms' proceeding from his Ziarat are said to have thrown the Sikh army into confusion and to have brought about its precipitous flight. In reality Ranjit Singh's rotront was dvo to far more natural causes. His troops had suffered already great losses by sicknest and desertion on the advance to the Tomaidan plateau. When the litter was reached by bis advanccguard, the Silbe found themselves without supplies and confronted by a strongly posted force of Azfm Khiu, the Afghan Governor of Kasmir. After a few days spent in inaction Ranjit Singh received news of the defeat which his general Ram DyAl, sent with a second column by the Pir Pantaal Pass, had suffered before Supiy4n. Ranjit Singh then felt obligod to order a retreat. This developed into a complete deroute when the hillmen of the RAJA of Panch (Prunta) attacked the Sikhs from the mountains about Lohorin. On the 30th July 1914 Ranjit Singh himself had to flee to Mandi after the complete loss of his baggage and a great portion of his army. The boat account of this expedition I have been able to trace, is that given by Baron Hugel, Kaschmir und das Reich der Siekh, ii. Pp. 145 899.

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232 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1897. No remains are now visible overground except traces of rough walls on the sides of this hillock and stone-heaps at various places. As the whole ridge has been used for a long time. back as a burial ground, many of the large stones placed over the tombs may have originally been carried away from the site of the Killa. A large treasure is believed to be buried there. The ridge itself is accessible only by a narrow neck which connects it on the north with the hill-side behind. The approach to this point appears to have been guarded by two smaller forts which the tradition of the Lohtrin people places on spurs projecting from the mountain, one to the west and the other to the north of the commencement of the ridge. Quite close to the latter point is a fine spring. SS 16. Though the traditions and scanty remains here indicated do not by themselves admit of any certain conclusion, it may be safely asserted that the ridge described would have afforded an excellent position for a hill castle designed for barring the route up the valley. The actual road leading to the Tosamaidan Pass winds round the foot of the ridge on the S. and E. On account of the proximity of the deeply cut river-bed the road could never have followed a different direction. On the left side of the valley and opposite to the ridge, a high mountain spur descends with rugged cliffs to the river-bed. The difficult path which leads along this bank towards the Nurpur Pass, is unfit for laden animals and could have been easily defended in case of any attempt to turn the ridge. In view of the topographical facts here indicated I am inclined to look upon the ridge in the centre of Loh'rin as the most likely site of Loharakotta. The absence of more conspicuous remains over-ground can scarcely be considered an argument against this assumption, if we keep in view the time-honored fashion in which forts are constructed in and about Kasmir. The walls are built of rough unhewn stones set in a framework of wooden beams and are liable to rapid decay, if once neglected.49 This fact is sufficiently illustrated by the wholly ruinous condition of many of the forts which the Sikhs erected on the routes to Kasmir in the early part of this century. Adding to this fact the destructive action of the heavy monsoon rains and the equally heavy snowfall to which the southern slopes of the Pir Pantsul are exposed, we cannot well feel surprised if a once famous stronghold can now, after seven centuries, be traced only in shapeless heaps of stones and a lingering tradition. CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. BY R. C. TEMPLE. (Continued from p. 212.) 7. Age of Bullion Currency in Burma, As to the age of metal currency in Burma, the oldest reference I can find is from the Han History, Chapter on the T'an (Barma) State, kindly supplied by Mr. E. H. Parker:"In the year A. D. 97, the king of T'an by name Yung Yu (unidentified as yet in Burmese) selected and sent interpreters to offer precious things from his country. The Emperor Ho rewarded him with a golden seal and a purple vest, adding money and clothes for the smaller chieftains." 49 For the description of a fort built on the above system see e. g. the accounts of the recent siege of the Chitral Fort (1895). SammudarAja, the reputed founder of the Sakkaraj Era, in Burma, lived traditionally at this time in Tagaang, or old Pagan. Crawfurd, Ava, Appx., p. 82: Phayre, Hist. of Burma, pp. 19, 278: B. B. Gazetteer, Vol. I. p. 239 f. 1 Parker, Burma, p. 9 f.

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SEPTEMBER, 1897.) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 293 What was actually meant by "money" at that period seems to be difficult to determine. According to Terrien de la Couperie, Catalogue of Chinese Coins, p. 25, the wu-tchat copper cash were current from B. C. 40 to 8. D. 1:0, but he shows at p. 393 ff, that there was great confusion in the currency after 4. D. 26, and again about A. D. 147. At any rate, he says that, after A. D. 25,"silk, clothes, metal in lumps, and corn were again resorted to (for currency), as in the olden time." He says, however, that in A. D. 40 "5-tchu cash were regularly brought into circulation." In any case, whatever this Tan " money" may have been, it was not indigenous; and as to the age of the uncoined currency of the Burmese, Parker, Burma Relations toith China, p. 11 ff., gives a very interesting fact. Quoting from the Annals of the Tang Dynasty he skews that the Piao (Pyu) Kingdom mentioned therein was undoubtedly Burma, and then goes on to quote : "gold and silver are nsed as money, the shape of which is crescent like?: it is called tengk'at'o and also truk-t'an-t'o." The period of the Tang Dynasty was 618 - 907 A. D. and the year referred to in the question was apparently 832 A. D. Professor Terrien de la Couperie, in his Catalogue of Chinese Coins in the British Museum, with his usual boldness, takes us, in describing similar currency in China itself, into periods usually held to be at best semi-historical, when dating the various kinds of it; but, as regards Burma until something older turns up we may take this date, 832 A. D., as the oldest known. Thence the story is carried on by Marco Polo and the many early European explorers of the regions of Further India, and, when the Burmose native annals shall have been well explored, probably more definite information will be forthcoming. But I may as well add here a couple of facts in support of the general statements from Chineso sources not usually accessible and supplied by Mr. E. H. Parker, In the year 1297, Kublai's successor gave Tih-lih-piu-wa-na-a-tih-t'iya a patent as King of Burma, and recognised his son Sin-hoh-pah-tih, as heir apparent. This Sin-hoh-pah-tih, or Sin hopadi, had been sent to congratulate the new Emperor (Ch'eng Tsung), who fixed the annual tribute (of Burma) at 2,500 ounces of silver, 1,000 silk sarangs, 20 tame elephants, 10,000 mensures of grain.10 In A. D. 1656, the Mang (Burmese) " chieftain" and the Chinese authorities in the Shan States had a quarrel, and the Chinese led the Burmese into a successful ambush at Kah-sa, which appears to be Kaths on the Irrawaddy. Here they starved the Burmese army, iu whose camp the famine was so great that "a gill of rice was sold for & pinch of gold."" This is referred to by de la Coupario in his Catalogue of China Coina, p. IX., the "crescent silver money of Ancient Pega." Unless there are specimens existing to prove the contrary, it may be pretty safely saamed that this "orescent silver" consisted in reality of chips from lampe of ytbetnf or dain, i. e., "Powered silver." These lumps, they come from the cracible, are generally flat and circular. * See Mayers, Chinese Reader's Manual, p. 338 ff. . Exceedingly valuable and interesting references on this point are to be found in Yale's Cathay and the Way Thither, Vol. I. pp. IXV., Ozovi., Ozoir., oo viii., 116 ff., 222, 224, 240 n. 10 In the present real confusion of names and dates in Burmese history, it is difficult to say positively who are meant by these titles, for the Chinese words are not equivalents for names. They represent the Skr. titlon Bripavanaditya and Sinhapati, and from the context we may take it that the Burmese King meant by the latter title is Nayabiha pade (Naruinapati), whose well-known nickname is Tayokpye, or "Fled from the Chinese." See de Morga's almost contemporary statement that, among the independent tribes of the Philippines, rough gold (i, e., unrefined gold just as found) was bartered for food. (Hak. Soc. Ed., p. 284.) I may add here that the Kados of Katha in Burma behave much in the same manner to the present day. Cf. Indo-China, Second Series, Vol. I. P. 398, Maxwell, Journey on foot to the Palani Frontier, p. 49, says that gold dust was the currency in 1675 at the Belong Gold Mine, Compare Pyrard do Laval's Acoount of Malacca, Hak. Soo, Ed.. Vol. II. p. 176. A very interest. ing and still earlier reference to the use of gold dust as currency occurs in Sarat Chandra Day' Indian Pandits in the Land of Snow, p. 70, where the death of Gyatson Senge, the Tibetan worthy, at Buddha Gayd, is attributed to failure to pay for a charan, thus:-"I learnt a mystic charm called the Nava Sandhi, or the Nine Conjunctions, from a certain black Tirthiks named Reha. In return for it I promised to remunerate him with an onnce of gold. I offered him gold dust of that weight, but he, thinking it was less by a small measure, wished me to bring the gold after melting it, which I did not do." Gyataon was a contemporary of Atta, = Dipankara Brijnana, who was born In A. D. 990. Cf. also Strat:ll, Picus Elastic, p. 133: Colquhoun, Amongst the Shans, p. 2.

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294 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1897. The story is carried on by a Burmese record quoted by Phayre, History of Burma, p. 137, who says that in 1658 the pseudo-emperor Yunbli, in his distress upon being driven out of Yunnan by the Manchus, desired refuge in Burma and offered one hundred viss of golda to the King. One can hardly expect in such a work as the Life and Legend of Gaudama to find any trustworthy evidence as to the use of money in the days of the Buddha; and, in any case, one would most likely come across the ideas of comparatively modern Burmese writers in statements as to money made therein. I therefore only note here that in five instances of payment I have found in Bishop Bigandet's version, is taken from a Barmese translation of 1773 A. D., every mention of payment or value is in " pieces of silver." Similarly, in the few instances in which Hinen Tsiang (629 A. D.) mentions money, he seems, in relating stories, to refer to the currency used according to his own ideas : e.g., Vikramaditya's and Manorhita's benefac. tions are stated in lakhs of gold coin;" professedly prohibitive fee for visiting a shrine is fixed at "a great gold piece ; "4"gold pieces" in greatly exaggerated amounts are several times mentioned. It is worth remarking, however, that he only once mentions silver as a currency or standard of value, and then only in describing Persia by hearsay. From this last statement, 15 "in commerce they use large silver pieces," one may gather that by "pieces" he generally meant ingots or lamps. Money and values are pretty frequently met with in the Jatakas, or Zats as they are called in Burmose, and it is interesting and historically useful to trace the forms and expressions employed for money in the stories, as the forerunners of the ancient and modern terms. From Rhys Davids' Buddhist Birth Stories, Vol. 1., I extract the fact that the following Jatok us contain references to pecuniary translations or values, Seri-vanija, Chullaka-atthi Nandi-visala, Nanda, Khadirangara. In the Nidanakatha, as given by Rhys Davids, there are also several mentions of money, 18 always in the same terms as in the Jatakas, but, as this last appears to be a comparatively later Sinhalese compilation, I need not farther notice it here. Now for the benefit of English readers Rhys Davids translates small sums by "half. penuies" and "pennies," and larger sums by "pieces" and sometimes simply by numbers, as "worth a hundred thousand," and also uses the expressions, "money" and "cash." However, in the original Pali text the expression in the Seri-vanija Jataka translated halfpenny" is addhamasako, 19 and in the Chullakaselthi Jataka the expression translated "penny" is kahapanan ; 20 while the expression in the Seri-vanija Jataka translated, 31 "the Bodisat gave them all the cash he had in hand (five hundred pieces) and all his stock-in-trade worth five hundred more," is in the text:- Bodhisatto tasmin khams hatthagat&ni pancha kaha. panasatani panchastagghanakan cha bhandai sabbai datvu. In the Chullaka sellhi Jataka, again, the word in the text for "farthing" in the translation is kakanika,23 As for the expression for "money," in the Nanda Jitaks it is simply dhanaill, which is also translated "treasure" in the same text, and elsewhere "property."23 13 Say PS25,000. 13 Or. Ser. Ed., Vol. 1. pp. 36, 197: Vol. II, pp. 78, 183, 344. 16 Boal, Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. I. PP. 103 f., 232, 232, in wbich laat instance Beal's translation would seem to be loose; Vol. II. pp. 3, 168, 167, and (7) 263. 16 Vol. II, p. 278. 16 Pages 165 1., 169 ff., 867 8., 822 1., 827, 381 f. 11 In the commentary only: ride Fausbull, Jataka, Vol. I. p. 226 ff. 18 Pagos 3, 87, 71, 91, 133, The Burmese Exministers, when quoting authorities for the making of willa by Bud. dbisty, gave an ancient reference to the use of lump currency in the following quotation from the " Khumbhagh. raka Vatthu Appamadavaga, 2nd Chapter of the Dhammapaditthakatha, commentary by Mahathera Buddhaginha on the Dhammapad, one of the books of the Khuddakanikaya" :-"Go to such and such a place, where we have bidden 40 kscta (crores) of treasure, which you may dig up and maintain yourself with." 1 Fausboll, Vol. I. p. 111 f. Op. cit. p. 180 f. 1 Op. cit. p. 112. Kahapanath is also on the same page translated "penny." 31 Op. cit. p. 120. >> Op. cit. p. 285 f., and p. 198, Nandivadla Jataka.

Page #241
SEPTEMBER, 1897.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 285 Now, as far as I can understand, the musako (Skr, mashaka) was a weight of gold, the kahapanam (Skr. karshapana) was a weight of various metals, i, e., a bullion weight, pure and simple, and the kakaniki (Skr. kakinika), was a very small weight, an atom. I would, therefore, take it that values were, when these Jatakas were put together, simply expressed by weight, leaving the audience to gather the metal referred to from the context or from their imagina. tions. Dinga and Tickal. In an enquiry of the present kind, the words dinge, a coin, and tiokal, the standard Alsoal weight, must necessarily be of frequent occurrence. Their origin is, therefore, point of importance, and it will be found on investigation to be exceedingly interesting in every way. I have, therefore, here collected most of the information regarding them that has come my way. The very numerous quotations which follow prove that the Burm980 word dinga, & ooin, and the Anglo-Indian word tiokal, the standerd weight, are, curiously enough. both direct descendants of the same Indian word, teiks, and have come to express respectively the two senses in which that word was used, viz., the standard weight and the coin which expressed that weight. In order to make good the above statement it will be necessary to trace, century by century, the history of the word dinga, and then the history of the word tickal in the same way. The great diffoulty in the identification of tiokal with taka = tanka lies in the final 1, and in order to shew how this letter came to be introduced into it, it will be necessary to consider the history of the many curious forms that the Burmese words sitkd and yongdo have assumed in the writings of Earopeans about the Far East. To proceed first to consider the derivation of dinga from lanka : DINGA. In my quotations I have followed the wide-spread word tanka, in its many forms, in over 100 quotations extending over 1,000 years and throughout the entire Eastern World from Russia and Hungary to China, through Persia, Turkestan, all India and Tibet and throagh the Indian Archipelego as far as the Moluocas, the Malay Peninsula, Burma and the Shan States. And there can be no doubt that the Burmese, in their word dinga, have merely adopted one forin of the universal tanka, & word of ancient Indian origin and usage for a weight and coin. There can also be little doubt that take and tanks are essentially the same word and often used to express the same meaning. Later on I will shew that take and tickal have the same deriva. tion, hence it follows that dinga and tiokal are but variant forms of one original word. With the Indian word tanka, in its forms of tank, dank, dangh and so on, have been confounded, naturally enough, another series of words of analogous sense and usage derived from the Arabic danag, a small weight; while at least one Prakritic word, tok or thdk, a measure of land, seems to have been confounded with take. c. 832. -"Gold and silver are used as money, the shape of which is crescent-like: it in called tong-k'a t'o and also tsah-tan-t'o." - list. of the Tang Dynasty in Purker, Burmu Relations with China, p. 15 1027-28.-Y.25 s. v. tanga. "In the Lathore coinage of Mahmul of Ghazni, A. H. 418-419, we find on the Skr. legend of the reverse the word tanks in correspondence with the dirham of the Arabic of the obverse." - Thomas, Pathan Kings, p. 49. * That is () previous to 350 B. C. By Y. is meant a reference to Yule's Hobson-Jobson.

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286 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1897. * 1201. -"That kind-hearted king awarded him from his treasure a large dish-full of gold and silver tankas worth about 10,000 silver tankas." -Tabakat-i-Nasiri in Elliot, Vol. II, p. 318. 1236. He (Ruknn'ddin Ftroz) would ride out drunk upon an elephant through the streets and bazaars, throwing tankas of red gold around him for the people to pick up and rejoice over." - Tabakat---Nasiri in Ellioi, Vol. II. p. 332. 1259.-"A silver tanka was offered for every head and two tankas for every man brought in alive." - Tabakat-i-Nasiri in Elliot, Vol. II. p. 381, 1802. - "On the following day, contrary to his expectation, the King (Alau'ddin Khilji) sent for the Kazy and received him with great kindness. He conferred on him a handsome gold embroidered vest, and a purse of 1,000 tunkas." - Briggs, Ferishta, Vol. I. p. 353. 1325.-"Nizamooddeen Ahmud Pukhshy surprised at the vast sums stated by historiang to have been lavished by this Prince (Muhammad Taghlaq) took the trouble to ascertain, from authentic records, that these tunkas were of the silver currency of the day, in which was amalgamated a great deal of alloy, so that each tunke only exchanged for 16 copper pice." - Briggs, Ferishta, Vol. I. p. 410. 1330.-Y. s.v. Bargany in Supplt. - "Thousands of men from various quarters, who, possessed thousands of these copper coins, now brought them to the treasury, and received in exchange gold tankas and silver tankas, shashgants and duganis, which they carried to their homes." - Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi in Elliot, Vol. III. p. 240 f. 1335.-Y. . v. tangas. -"According to what I have heard from Shaikh Mubarak, the red lak contains 300,000 golden tankans, and the white lak 100,000 (silver) tankahs. The golden tanka, called in this country the red tanka, is equivalent to three mithkals and the silver tanka is equivalerit to 8 hashtkani dirhams, this dirham being of the same weight as the silver dirham current in Egypt and Syria." - Masalil-al-Absar in Notices et Estraita, Vol. XIII. p. 211. c. 1347. - Y. 8. v. tanga. -"Then I returned home after sunset and found the money at my house. There were 3 bags containing in all 6,233 tankas, i.e., the equivalent of the 55,000 dinars (of silver), which was the amount of my debts, and of the 12,000, which the Sultan had previously ordered to be paid me, after deducting of course the tenth part according to Indian custom. The value of the piece called tanka is 2 dinars in gold of Barbary." ** - Ion Batuta, Vol. III. p. 426. c. 1350.- "Sultan Firoz issued several varieties of coins. There was the gold tanks and the silver tanka." --Tarikh-i-Firos Shahi in Elliot, Vol. III. p. 357 f. c. 1350. -- "When the Sultan had issued these many varieties of coins, it occurred to his benignant mind that a very poor person might bay an article in the market and a half or a quarter jital might be due to him in change, but, if the shopkeeper had no dange, no change could be givon .... so the Sultan accordingly gave directions for the issuing of A half jital, called adhi, and quarter jital called bikh." - Op. cit., loc. cit. 1404. - Y. . v. tanga. -- "yna sua moneda de plata que llaman tangaes." - Clavijo, f. 46 b. 1447.- Tirhut tribute of the Tirbuti Raja: 250,000 silver tankas and 2,750,000 black tankas." - Erskine, Baber and Humayun, Vol. II. p. 54, in Thomas, Pathan Kings, pp. 117, 387. 26 Yule adds," here the gold tanga ie spoken of."

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SEPTEMBER, 1897.1 CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 237 - --- c. 1470. -"Shabait, 37 on the Indian Sea, is a very large place; a tribute of one tenke a day is paid there to each Korosanee, big and small." - Nakitin in India in 15th Cent. Vol. III.. p. 20. c. 1470. - "The seaports of Cheen and Machines are also large. When a woman conceives a child by a stranger, the husband pays him a salary. If the child is born white, the stranger receives a duty of eighteen tenkas: if it is born black he gets nothing, but is welcome to what he ate and drank." -Nikitin in India in 15th Cent. Vol. III. p. 21. 1511. - "The Mirei complained that his losses amounted to six lakhs of tankahs of Gujarat currency, that tankah being worth eight Muradi tankahs - at the present time this tankah is still current in Khandesh and in the Dakhin." - Mirdt-i-Sikundari in Bayley, Gujarat, p. 246. 1516. - Y. a. v, tanga. -"A round coin like ours, and with Moorish letters on both sides and about the size of a fanon of Calicut .... and its worth 55 maravedis, they call these tanga, and they are of very fine silver." - Barbosa, p. 45. 1525.-Y. . v. T'incall in Supplt. -- "tymquall [borax) small, 60 tangas a maund." - Lembruncas, p. 50. 1525.-"2 fules = 1 dinar; 12 dinars = 1 tanga; 3 taugas 10 dinars = 1 new larin; 3 tangas 9 dinars = 1 old larin .... at Cambaye 1 tanga larin = 60 reis." - Lembrungas in Subsidios, Vol. III. pp. 38, 53. . 1535. - Y. &. v. copeck. - " It was on this that the grand Duchess Helena, mother of Evita Vassilievitch and regent in his minority, ordered, in 1535, that these Dengui should be melted down and new ones struck, at the rate of 300 dengui, or 3 roubles of Moscow a la grivenka, in kopeks. From that day accounts have continued to be kept in Roubles, Kopeks and Dengui." - Chaudoir, Apercu sur les Monusies Russes. c. 1541.- Y. 8. v. tanga. - "Todar....fixed first a golden ashrafi as the enormous remuneration for one stone, which induced the Gakkhars to flock to him in such numbers that afterwards a stone was paid with a rupee, and this pay gradually fell to 5 tankas,39 till the fortress (Rohtas) was completed." -Tarikh-i-Khun-Jahun-Lo, in Elliot, Vol. V. p. 115. 1551.-" The value of both of which is 35 rupees, 12 tangans." - Ain-:-Akbari, Blochmann's Trans. p. 37, 1551. -"The dim weighs 5 tanks, i.e., 1 tolah, 8 mashas and 7 surkhs; it is the fortieth part of a rupee. At first this coin' was called paisah (we may now add "and last"? and also Bahloli; now it is known under this name (dam)." -din--Akbari, Bluchmann's I'd. p. 31. 1551. -- "Fazil of Khajand [? 1059-1071) says thnt in former days dirhams had been of two kinds; first :- full ones of eight and six dangs (1 dang of his = 2 qirats; '1 qirit 2 tassuj; 1 tassuj = 2 habbah).... the dinar is a gold coin, weighing I misqil, i. e.. 1 3/7dirhams, as they put 1 misqal, == 0 dangs; 1 dang + tilssaj; 1 tassuj = 2 habbahs: 1 habbah = 2 jaus (barley-corns)." -- Ain-i-Akbari, Blochmann's bil, p. 36. 1554. "Nuner in his Tables does not mention these (cruxados or patacoes) by either name, but mentions pardaos, which represented 5 silver tangas or 300 reis." - Yule, Hobson-Jolson 3. t. pardao in Supplt. 1534 - Y.. v. bargany in Supplt. - "E as tamgas brancas que se recebem dos foros, sao de 4 barganis a tamga, e de 24 leaes o bargany." - 4. Nunez in Subsidios, p. 31. 11 Shabait Shabat Sandra, the Port of Sumatra : see Yule, Hobson-Jobson, . v., Sumatra, and Cathau. p. 323. 26 By the coast of Cheen and Macbin, Nikitin meant that of Siam, Cambodia and Cochiu China. % Meaning, says Yule, Bablait or Sikandarl tank is of copper.

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288 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1897. 1554. - Y. 8. v. Budgrook. - "Bagar'ucos at Maluco (Moluccas) 50 = 1 tanga, at 60 reis to the tanga, 5 tengas = 1 pardao." - A. Nunez, p. 41. 1554. - Y. 8. v. joetul. - "In Sunda, .... the cash (caixas) here go 120 to the tange of silver." - 4. Nunez, p. 42. 1554. - Y. 8. v. bargany in Supplt. - "Pay in land revenue according to ancient custom 36,474 white tanguas, 3 barguanis and 21 leals, at the tale of 3 barguanis to the tangua and 24 leals to the barguanim, the same thing as 24 bazarucos, amonnting to 14,066 pardaus, 1 tangus and 47 leals, making 4,201,916 2/5 reis." - Cotelhu, Tombo in Subsidios, p. 46 f. 1559. - Y.8.v. tanga.- The old Muscovite money is rot round, but oblong or egg-shaped, and is called donga 30 .. . 100 of these coins make a Hungarian gold piece :.6 dengas make an altin; 20 a grifna; 100 a poltina ; and 200 a ruble." - Herberstein in Ramusio, Vol. II. p. 158 v. 1571. - "Gujarati tankchahs at one hundred tankchahs to the rupee. At the present time the rupee is fixed at 40 dams .... As the current value of the tankchah of Pattan, etc., was less than that of Gajarat." - Mirat-s-Ahmadi in Bayley, Gujarat, pp. 6, 11. 1680. "We learn from Balbi that there were at Goa tangas, not only of good money worth 75 basarucchi, and of bad money worth 60 basarucchi, but also of another kind of bad money used in buying wood, worth only 50 basarucchi."-Yule, Hobson Jolson, 8. v. pardao in Supplt. 1580-1589. - "Later in the century, however, we learn, from Balbi (1580), Barrett (1584) and Linschoten (1583-1589), that the principal currency of Goa consisted of a silver coin called xerafin or pardao-xerafin, which was worth 5 tangas, each of 60 reis." - Yule, Hobson-Jobion, 6. v. pardao in Supplt. 1584. -- Y. .v. pardao in Supplt. - "This kind of money is called basaruchi and 15 of these make a vinton of naughty money, and 5 vintons make a tanga, and 4 vintenas make a tanga of base money ....and 5 tangas make & seraphine of gold,31 which in marchandize is worth 5 tangas good money; but if one would change them into basaruchie he may have 5 tangas and 16 bazaruchies, which matter they call carafaggio, and when the bargain of the pardaw is gold, each pardaw is meant to be 6 tangas good money." - W. Barrett in Hakluyt, Vol. II. p. 410. 1584.-Y. 8. v. pardao in Supplt. -- "The ducat of gold is worth 9 tangas and a halfe good money, and not stable in price, for that when ships depart from Goa to Cochin, they pay them at 9 tangas and three-fourth partes, and 10 tangas, and that is the most that they are worth." - W. Barrett in Hakluyl, Vol. II. p. 410. 1592-3. - "At the present, namely, A. H. 2002, Hindustan contains 3,200 towns, and upon each town are dependent 200, 500, 1,000 or 1,500 villages. The whole yields a revenue of 640 krors moradi tankas." -- Tabakat-i-Akbari in Elliot, Vol. V. p. 186. 1598.-Y. . v. tanga. - "There is also a kinde of reckoning of money which is called tangas, not that there is any such coined, but are so named only in telling, five tangas is one pardaw, or xeraphin badde money, for you must understande that in telling they have two kinds of money, good and badde, for foure tangas good money are as much as five tangas badde money." - Linschoten, ch. 35. 1598. - Y. 8. v. pardao in Supplt. - " They have a kind of money called pagodas which is of Gold of two or three sorts and are above 8 tangas in value.... There is yet another kind of golde called S. Thomas, because Saint Thomas is figured thereon and is worth about 30 This refers saga Yule to the copper tanka 51 Translating, however, from Balbi serafinino di argento.

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SEPTEMBER, 1897.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. .. 7 and 8 tangas For when they buy and sell pearls, stones, golde and silver and horses, they name but so many pardawes, and then you understand that one pardaw is sixe tangas bat in other ware, when you make not your bagain beforehand, but plainly name pardawes, they are pardawes xeraphins of 5 tangas the piece." - Linschoten, ch. 35. 1599-1602. Tankah Akbar Shahi struck at Bairatah, (year) Ilahi 44 (month) Amardad. .. Akbar Shahi one tanki, (year) Ilahi 47 (month) Tir, struck at Agrah Tankah Akbar Shahi 16th part, (year) Ilahi [?] (month) Khurdad." Moghuls, p. 54 f. [legends translated]. Lane-Poole, Coins of the 239 c. 1609. "So we could not get our money till next six days before we left the place; and for fear lest any should take it from us, we gave it to the goaler's wife to keep for us, my companion and I contracting with her to be fed for one tangue a day each. This tangue is worth seven sons and a half there (Goa) or five sous here (France).". Pyrard de Laval, E. T. Vol. II. p. 21. c. 1610. Y. . v. Budgrook." Il y en a de plusienrs sortes. La premiere est appellee bousuruques dont il en faut 75 pour une tangue. Il y a d'autre bousuruques vieilles, dont il en faut 105 pour le tangue." Pyrard de Laval, Vol. II. p. 39. c. 1610."The silver money of Goa is perdos, larins, tangues, the last named worth 7 sols 6 deniers a piece."- Pyrard de Laval, E. T., Vol. II. p. 69. the rest 1615. Y. 8. v. tanga. "Their moneys in Persia of silver are the of copper, like the tangas and pisos of India.". Richard Steele in Purchas, Vol. I. p. 543. * c. 1621. "Mirza Jani Beg Sultan [in Sind] made this agreement with his soldiers, that every one of them who should bring in an enemy's head should receive 500 gabars, every one of them worth 12 miris, called in the Mir's time postania, of which 72 went to one tanka.". Tarikh-i-Tahiri in Elliot, Vol. I. p. 287. 1636. The Mony of Muscovy The greatest piece is worth but a peny and is called a Copec or Denaing."32 Olearius, Travels, p. 97. 1638.Their [at Surat] ordinary way of accompting is by lacs, each of which is worth 100,000 ropias, and 100 lacs make a crou or carroa [karor], and ten carroas make an areb [arba]. A Theil of silver [? read gold] makes 11, 12 or 13 ropias, current money. A massas [masha] and a half make a Theil of silver, ten whereof make a Theil33 of gold. They call their brass and copper-money Tacques."- Mandelslo, Travels, p. 86. 1639,"[At Goa] they are made of Tinne and Latin [? of Spelter: latin being for brass French laiton] mixt together, and eight of these Basarucques make a ventin, whereof five make a tanghe... Five Tanghes make a serafin of silver and six Tanghes make a pardai. . They have also santemes [ = S. Thomas] of 16 Tanghes and Pagodes of 14, 15 and 16 Tanghes." - Mandelslo, Travels, p. 107. . 1653. Y. s. v. Xerafine in Supplt. "Monnoyes courantes a Goa. Sequin de Venise, 24 tangues . Reale d'Espagne, 12 tangues. Abassis de Perse, 3 tangues, Pardaux, 5 tangues. Scherephi, 6 tangues. Roupies du Mogol, 6 tangues. Tangue, 20 bousserouque." De la Boullaye-le-Gouz, p. 530. 1659.Professor Wilson gives a plate of some specimens of 397 larius found at Sangamesvara, in the Ratnagiri Collectorate, in 1846. ... read the legend of one side as Sultan Ali Aadal Shah' and of the other Zarb Lari Dangh Sikka,' i, e., 'Struck at Lari' (or rather a Larf' as Mr. Thomas suggests 'stamped tanga'), and of the date. A. H. 1071, i. e., A. D. 1659. Notwithstanding this legend, the probability is that the coins were struck at Bijapur."- Gray, Pyrard de Laval, Vol. I. p. 233 f. 31 This may, however, merely go to prove Yule's assertion in Hobson-Jobson, s. v. copeck, that the copeck dinar kapaki, the word denaing being taken as a misprint for denarij. 35 Theil here seems to be tola and may at last give a derivation for the much disputed tael.

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240 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (SEPTEMBER, 1997. c. 1675.-Y... v. Xerafine. - "Coins and weights in Goa ... The Crazado of gold, 12 Zeraphing. The Zeraphin, 5 Tangoes. The Tango, 5 Vinteens. The Vinteen, 5 Basrooks, whereof 75 make a Tango. And 60 Rees make a Tango." -- Fryer, p. 206. 1676.- Fryer's statement al eqaivalenta (1676) enables us to use the stability of the Venetian sequin as a gauge; we then find the tange gone down to 6 d. and the pardao or xeratin to 2 s. 6 d." - Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8. v. pardao in Supplt. 1688. - "They (the Siamese) are not more exact as to their weights; in general, they call them ding." - La Loubsre, p. 72. c. 1750-60.-Y. e. v. tanya. -" Throughout Malabar and Gon, thoy use tangas, vintins, and pardao xeraphin." - Grose, Vol. I. p. 283. 1760.-Y. s. v. brudgrook. "At Goa, the aera pbim is worth 240 Portugal reas, or about 16 d. sterling. 2 reas make a basaraco, 15 basaracos a vintin, 42 vintins a tanga, 4 tangas paru, 2 parues a pagoda of gold." - Grose, Vol. I. p. 282. 1805.-"1 hubba = 1 barleycorn .... 1 dang = 8 barleycorps; 1 dirbum = 48 barleycorns . . . . 1 dirbam = 6 dange. 1 dang=2 hubbas." - Majma'u'l Akhbar in Her klots, vi. 1815.- Y., v. tanga, - "One tungah .... a coin about the value of fivepence." - Malcolm, Hist. of Persia, Vol. II. p. 250. c. 1820. -"At the present day in Persia the tange seems to be worth only 6 d." - Fraser, Tour, p. 81. 1827. - "A silver tickal or dinga is nerrly the weight of a Madras rupee . . . . Rice Was abundant and cheap, thirty-six seers for a dinga." - Alezander, Trarels, pp. 21, 29. 1828. - "The-words in the original (for the form of assessment) are taka and hon [pagoda). These are names of coins that seem to have no connection with the tenure in question. They perhaps found their way in, instead of the less known toka and hunda, meaning lump or mass." - Campbell, Bom. Gazetteer, Vol. XIII., Thana, p. 565. 1829. - Making a tunkat worth only about 4 d. instead of 2 .. [in Muhammad Tughluq's time]." - Brigge, Ferishtd, Vol. I. p. 410. 1832. - Weights (apothecaries). From the Ulfas Udwiyeh (date?] N. B. (a) signifies Arabic, (p) Persian, (h) Hindoostanee .... masha (h), 8 Ratties; tola (h), 12 mashas; tang (b), 4 mashis; dang (h) dang (h) or danug (h) [?] 4 1/6 ratties; dirrom (p) or dirhum (a) 4 mashas and 1 rutty." - Herklots; Qanoon-e-Islani, vi. 1832. "Apothecary's weight from a respectable Musulman Practitioner . . . . 1 tola = 12 mishas, 1 tank = 4 mashas .... 1 diran or dirhum = 34 machas .... 1 dam = 4 mashas; dang = 6 rutties." - Herklots, Qanoon-e-Islam, vii. f. c. 1833. - "Coinage of Nepal ....1 takka 2 mobur 4 rooka =16 Anne80 pgsa 400 dam." - Prinsep, Useful Tables, Thomas' ed. p. 32,85 c. 1833. - "The ser at Bombay is divided into 3 PA's or 72 tanks, or 72 troy grains each . . . . Skr. tanka, tank, Mar. tank or tank." - Prinsep, Useful Tables, Thomas' ed. p. 107. c. 1833. - "The ser, being liable .... to vary in weight for every article sold, as well as for every market, is generally referred to the common unit in native mercantile dealings, as, "the ser of so many tolas (or sikkas, baris, takas, etc.). The standard or bazar ser being always 80 tolas." - Prinsey, Useful Tables, Thomas' ed. p. 96. # At p. 359 Briggs notes on the text "1st class of hors from 100 to 120 funkas" i, e., 160 rupees. He thrs makes a tanka 14 rupees a tiukal. * Dr. Wright's information in his History of Nepal, 1877. p. 267, f., differs covriderably from this.

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SEPTEMBER, 1897.) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 241 1833. "21 tungas tilla or 11 8. 9.097 d." - Bokhara Money Tables in J. A. S. Bengal, Vol. VII. p. 898. 1841. - "Coin, dinga .... medal, an ancient coin, let-haung-dinga .... medallion, haungthaw-dinga-gyi .... money, dinga, kye, ngwe . . . . rupee; chank-mu dinga." - Lane, Eng.-Bur. Dict. pp. 66, 267 f., 276, 358. 1843. - "The first princes used dinars and dirhems, like the califs. These were succeeded by tankhas, divided into dams and jitals. Shir Shah changed the name of tankha to that of rupeia or rupee which was adopted by Akbar. And the latter prince fixed the weight and relative valne of money, on a scale, which remained unaltered till the dissolution of the Mogul empire, and is the basis of that now in use." - Elphinstone, Hist. of India, Vol. I. p. 208. c. 1845. -- " The monetary system of the Tibetians consists entirely of silver coins, which are somewhat larger, but not so thick, as our francs .... The entire coin is called TchanKa." - Fuc, Travels, Ill. Lib. Ed... Vol. II. p. 146. 1847. - "Taka, coin, rupee." - Yate'. Bengali Grammar, p. 381. 1852. "Deenga, a circular piece of metal, stamped, whether for & coin or a medal." - Judson, Bur. Dict. p. 176.. . 1852. - "Tangga - & wedge or ingot of the precious metals .... ingot, mass of gold or silver, tangga." - Crawfurd, Malay Dict., 8.0. 1852. - "Tank, Persian, a weight of about two ounces, .... tanka, Persian, gold, money, a certain coin .... tanga, Persian, cash, gold or copper coin .... d&nak, danik, danak, da wanik, arabic, the sixth part of a dram or two carats, also a small silver coin ; (Persian) dink, the fourth part of a dam, (according to some) the fourth part of a miskal; danak, a small grain, the fourth part of dram, a sixth of anything." - Johnson, Pers.-Arab. Dict. pp. 300, 388, 389, 554. 1854. - Taka, two pice, a copper coin equal to two pice; in the plural it means also mouey in general." -- Ludhiana Dict. of Panjabi, p. 203. 1855. - "Tanks, in the forms take and tanga (for these are apparently identical in Grigin) 'is in all the dialects laxly used for money in general.'" - Wilson, Glossary, 8. v. in Yule, Hobson-Jobsor, 8. o. tanga. 1857. -"Faka, an aggregate of 16 Sivarai pice; also an aggregate of four pice, an ina; also as in Gajarat an aggregate of three pice. Money .... also used for a rupee, Sakda panch tako .... tank (Skr. tanka), a weight, according to some, of one told or the 72nd part of pakka ser: according to others, of nine mise; according to others of four mise... (poetry) a rupee or any silver coin." - Molesoortk, Marathi Dict. pp. 337, 338. 1857. - "The tankha appears to be the coin represented by the modern rapee, and, perhaps, when at its proper standard, was of about the same value .... Hence the value of one tenka at the latter part of the fifteenth century may be fixed at about two shillings." - Major, India in the 15th Cent. Vol. III. p. 20. 1858. -"Skr, tanka, tank, also Pers. tanka, gold, money, a particular species of coin." - Thomas, note to p. 22 of his ed. of Prinsep's Usuful Tables. 1860. - "Ttanga'h, a copper coin, money." - Raverty, Pukhto Dict. p. 294. 1865. -- "The great unit of nediaeval and modern times is the taka of not less than 145 grains, of which six make the chha-taka or chhatak, equal to 870 grains, or nearly two ounces; and 100 make the sataks or ser, the derivation being sat-taka or 100 takas .... Then 80 ratis or 145-832 was the weight of the tangka of copper." - Cunningham quoted in Thomas, Initial Coinage of Bengal, J. A. 8. B., 1867, p. 6.

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242 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1897. 1866. -- "The identity of Ibn Batuta's Indian dinar and the silver tengah will be seen to be beyond question when this note bas been read through." -- Yule, Cathay, p. 439. 1866.-"Tangah always means with Ibu Batuta a gold coin. Sometimes be calls it a gold dinar," - Yule, Cathay, ccxi.,.viii. 1869. - The dam in the Aiu-l-Akbari, and consequently in most revenue accounts, is considered to be the fortieth part of a rupee; bat to the common peeple it is known as the tiftieth part of a taku." - Beames, Memoirs on the Rices of the N.-W.P., Vol. II. p. 81. 1871. - "The most striking item disclosed by the details of the above table is the essens tially indigenous character of the divisional contents of the tankah, and its analogous fractional subdivisions, both of which follow the ancient Indian quaternary scale of numeration in all its integrity." - Thomas, Pathan Kings, p. 220. 1871. "Moreover, it may be seen distinctly that the Tankah was the accepted and recognized term in India, by the fact that the great Mahmud of Ghazni (c. 1000 A. D.), while continuing to make use of the ordinary mint designation of Dirham in the Kafic legend of his new Lahore mint of Mahmudpur,' admits the corresponding word taka or tanka in the Sansktit legend on the reverse." - Thomas, Pathan Kings, p. 49. 1871. - "The tengi of Khwarizm would appear to have been worth the fourth of a crown." - Astley's Voyages, Vol. IV. p. 484, in Thomas, Pathan Kings, p. 49. 1871. - "In Telugu, tankam is 'a coin formerly current, now used only in account, equal to four silver fanams. There was a gold tankam and a copper coin similarly named, both obsolete'.... The Russian, dengi." - Thomas, Pathan Kings, p. 49. 1871. - "At the exchange of 2 . per tankah, the jital would, therefore, correspond in valae to 1 farthings, or rather less, as the 2 s. is a very high rate of exchange for the old silver piece (of 1303-1315]." - Thomas, Pathan Kings, p. 161. 1872. - "Tanka, a spade, hoe, hatchet .... a weight of silver) equal to four mashas or 24 raktikis .... a stamped coin .. .. tankapati, the master of the mint .... tankasala, a mint .... tankaka, a stamped coin especiaily of silver, silver money .... tankakapati, the master of the mint or superintendent of the silver coin .... tan kaka-sala, a mint .... tanga, another form of tanka, a spade, a boe . . . . & weight of four mashas ...."Monier Williams, Sanskrit Dict. pp. 355, 356. 1872. - "Dhanaka, a weight of gold, a gold coin, part of a dinara.... dhanaka, a copper coin worth about two pence." -- Monier Williams, Sanskrit Dict. p. 453 f. 1873. *** One tangah (of Akbar) = 2 dams; now-a-days one tangah = 2 pais." - Blochmann, Ain-i-Albari, p. 37. 1873. - "A tank is valued at 4 mislias, but it must have weighed a little more." - Blochmann, Ain-i-Akbari, p. 16. 1874. - "Tangka, a coin." - Haswell, Peguan Language, p. 67. 6. 1876. - "The normal weight of the pagi, taking the reti seed at from 1.75 to 1.8 grains, was from 140 to 141 grains. Afterwards when coin was stamped the payi was called the-copper tangka, or stamped piece, a name which still survives in the modern takka, the double paisa." - Cunningham, Arch. Survey, Vol. X. p. 78. 1878. - "Tangah, a money of account used in Tarkisten consisting of 25 small copper cash (of Chinese make with square holes through them).... the value of the tungab varies constantly in the bazars according to the number of tangah that may be given for a kura (a Chinese silver ingot weighing about 2 lbs. and worth about Rs. 170). ..." - Shar, Eastern Turkestan in J. d. S. B. for 1878, p. 69 f.

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SEPTEMBER, 1897.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 1878."The Amir of Kashghar has lately supplied the lack of small silver coinage, by issuing silver coins worth a tangah each, and called ak-tangah (white tangahs) after the model of Rokhara and Khokand coins so called. They are current at a small premium . . . consequently a Khosan tangah is worth nearly twice as much as a Yarkand or Kashghar one.". Shaw, Eastern Turkestan, p. 70. 1880."The rupee (dengga, literally a circalar piece of metal, stamped, whether a coin or medal) is in universal use and the names given to fractions of a rapee are derived from the measures of weight." Spearman, B. B. Gazetteer, Vol. I. p. 407. 1881. "Tangka, a rapee as a coin." Cushing, Shan Dict, p. 226. 1882.This system (of assessment) was known under several names. . . . takbandi.. tokabandi.... tok, properly thok, is an un-Sanskrit Marathi word meaning lump or mass; taka, is doubtful; it is said to be Hindustani and to mean both a coin and a measure of land (12 bigha's). In this case takbandi, properly takibandi, would imply that the land had been measured. If so it has no place in this set of terms and must have been confused with or miswritten for tokabandi or thokabandi." Campbell, Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XIII., Thana, p. 550. 1882. "The rupee is kyat, sometimes also called dingga, that is, a circular piece of inetal, whether a coin or a medal." Scott, the Burman, Vol. II, p. 300. 1884. share... brokers)." 243 "Taak, Hindi [Pkr. takko, Skr. tankah], a weight of foar mashas. . . . Tang, Hindi [Skr. tangan], a fourth part, a quarter (in the language of Platts, Hindustani Dict. p. 355. 1884.Taka, Hindi [Pkr. takkao; Skr. tankah], a copper coin equal to two pice; two pie; (local) a rupee; money. ... taksal, Hindi [Skr. tanka-sala], a mint, assay office... tank, a weight equal to four mashas, ... a spade, hoe. ... a weight of silver put for a coin.... tankpati, a mint master; taik-eala, a mint." - Platts, Hindustani Dict. p. 357. 1884. "Dang (Skr. dhanaka), a small denomination of money, a sixth part of a dinar, a weight, the fourth part of a drachm, a sixth part of anything. . . . danaq, the arabicized form of dang." 36 Platts, Hindustani Dict. p. 503. danaq, pl. dawaniq, sixth (or fourth) part of a drachm." 1884. "Danaq, daniq, Steingass, Arabic Dict. p. 351. 1886. "Tanga, Mahratta tank, Turki tanga. A denomination which has been in uso over a vast extent of territory and has varied greatly in application. It is now chiefly used in Turkestan, where it is applied to a silver coin worth about 7 d." - Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s. v. 1886.The Goa tanga was worth (in 1750-60) 60 reis, that of Ormus 62 34/43 to 69 33/43 reis." Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s. v. -- 1886. "Tanga.... the obvious derivation is equal to 4 mashas . . . . a stamped coin'. . . ." the Skr. tanka, a weight (of silver) Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s. v. 1886. Tanka or tanga seems to have continued to be the popular name of the chief silver coin of the Delhi sovereigns during the 13th and 14th centuries, a coin which was substantially the same as the rupee of later days. And in fact this application of the word in the form taka is usual in Bengal down to our own time." Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s. v. tanga. 1886. "The salary of Ibn Batuta, when Judge of Delhi, about 1340, was 1,000 silver tankas, or dinars as he calls them (practically 1,000 rupees) a month, which was in addition to the assignment of villages bringing in 5,000 tankas a year. And yet he got into debt in a very few years to the tune of 55,000 tankas, say PS5,500!" Yule, Hobs-Jobson, Supplt., 8. v. Pardao. 36 I think that this is extremely unlikely.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 1886. "The jital of the Delhi coinage of Ali-ud-din was according to Mr. E. Thomas's calculations 1/64 of the silver tanga, the coin called in later days rapee. It was, therefore, just the equivalent of our modern pice." - Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s. v. jeetul. 1888. "Rupee, tangka-ngunkap, rupt." - Cushing, Shan Handbook, p. 218. "Money, tunka. . . . rupee, tunka." - Macnabb, Haka or Baurgshe Dialect 244 1891. of the Chins. 1892. "Here we have a primitive people [in Sierra Leone] with a weight system of their own, based on the Damba and Taku [these were beans] . . . . I learn from another source that 6 Takus = 1 ackie (2) ackies 1 ounce)... -Ridgeway, Origin of Coinage, p. 186.37 [SEPTEMBER, 1897. 1892. "The Patans introduced a gold and silver coinage of singular purity and equal weight in either metal (about 174 grains) with often identical inscriptions, called the Tankah, which the Moguls afterwards converted into the gold mohr and silver rupee." - Lane-Poole, Coins and Medals, p. 186. 1892. "The dam (paisa, falas, tankah) about 320 grs. coin) 640 grs. . . . . Tankah small (dam), 320 grs.... Lane-Poole, Coins of the Moghuls, xciv. ... Tankah large (donble Tanki, fifth of dam, 63 gra." - 1892. The fact that the Chin word for 'rupee,' tanka, is derived, like the Lushai, direct from the Hindustani and not through Burmese, points to the inference that, when first introduced to this coin, these Chins were probably living west of their present habitat; i. e., in. the Chittagong Hill Tracts, where the Lushais still reside." Houghton, Chin Language, in Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXII. p. 127. 1893. "The Bokharan unit of money is the tenga, equal to 20 kopeks in Russian, or about 3 d. in English, money." Peach, Geography of the Turkestan Country in J. U. S. I. of India, Vol. XXII. p. 258. - 1893. "It will be at once evident that a great deal of this descriptive account exactly corresponds with the Burma of our time. . . . use of the denga (still the Burmese word for. coined money), do being the Burmese sign of the plural." Parker, Burma Relations with China, p. 15.39 1893. "Dingas, a circular piece of metal stamped, whether for a coin or medal dinga:chen, weight in silver." Stevenson, Bur. Dict. p. 578. 1893."We are told that the coins used were called denga, which is still the Burmese for money.'" Parker in China Review, 1893, p. 42. 1893.Tunkam (tanka, San. ; tankah, Hind.). From (tank, San., to bind). Instrument. So a stamped coin or weight. (a) Chief silver coin of the Delhi sovereign, substantially the same as the rupee of the later days. 4 dubs 1 silver fanam; 4 silver fanams = 1 silver tunkam. There was also a gold tunkam coin and a copper. (6) Epithet applied to the finest gold or that of 10 touch. (c) Goldsmith's weight, 16 dubs 1 tunkam: 1 tankams 1 cutcha seer (niray). Approximate actual value, 1 tunkam = 7 oz. 4 dwts. Here a tunkam is the weight of the value in copper of a gold tunkam." Madras Manual of Administration, Vol. III. p. 933: see also Vol. I. p. 609: Vol. II. p. 512. 37 I merely quote this to show a possible spread of the dim and taka to West Africa. The ackie would appear to be the well known Turkish weight ackcheh, Professor Ridgeway quotes Pinkerton's Voyages, Vol. XVI. p. 374, to, shew that the dumba and tacos were bean weights of 2 grs, and, uncertainly of 4 grs, respectively. 58 Alluding to the quotation under c. 832, above. The suffix is, however, more likely the honorific to. The two words in that text tengk'at'o and tsuht'a nt'o being respectively the Burmese dingido, royal money, and sudando royal gift.

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SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. SEPTEMBER, 1897.] I will now pass on to the word tiokal, which has long puzzled philologists, belonging apparently to no known Oriental language and certainly not to any European language. The numerous quotations which follow, however, I think establish the fact that tickal is the Indian taka tanka, through the Talaing or Peguan t'ke (h'k, k'ki, h'ko).39 245 "Tickal" means primarily merely a certain fixed weight, and secondarily a coin (not in Burma however) of that weight. The difficulty, as already said, in identifying it with taka lies in the final 1, which is constant from its first appearance in 1554 to the present day. But in order to shew how it got there in a legitimate manner, I will give a series of quotations relating to two quite separate words, sitke and yongdo, which go to prove that Europeans have in other instances attempted the pronunciation of the to them difficult accentuated open vowels, like the final e of t'ke by the addition of a superfluous 1, 10 The pronunciation, as the quotations given below will shew, of tickal has always been two-fold, according as the accent has been placed on the first or last syllable. At present in Burma it is usual to pronounce it like tickle, and in Siam like tacawl.41 (To be continued.) NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. BY SIR J. M. CAMPBELL, K.C.I.E., I.C.S. (Continued from p. 183.) CLASSES OF SPIRITS. B. The mighty army of Hindu spirits is mainly recruited from the human souls whose life on earth has been blighted or maimed. Still-born children, unmarried men and women, women who have died in pregnancy monthly sickness or child-bed, and people who have been murdered drowned or slain by some other form of violent death, are supposed to become spirits.22 39 I give it as a hint of some importance to investigators into Far Eastern Indo-European terms, that the Talaing is the language to search for their origin. In the days of all the old travellers Pegu was the great city they went to see and trade in, and it was in Talaing and not Burmese hands until 1760 A. D. In fact they can, and do, all tell us a good deal of the Talaings (i. e., the Peguans) and very little about the Burmans, then an almost mythical race inhabiting the far interior. 40 Other words which I have come across, to which I has been suffixed to final open vowels by Europeans where none exists in the vernaculars, are candil and gndal. The Portuguese wrote candil and candiel for the weight candy (khan). Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s. v. candy, quotes Garcia, f. 55, 1563, and Linschoten, p. 69, 1599. is support. Mad. Man. Adm. Vol. III. p. 122, says the same thing, probably following Yule. For gandal (ganda), see Beames' Ed. of Elliot's Glossary, Vol. II. p. 315. 41 Bat A. Hamilton, Travels, 1727, Vol. II., App, pp. 8 and 9, spells tecul, and Stevens, Guide to E. I. Trade, 1775, p. 187, spells tekull for Siamese money; while Phayre, Int. Num. Or. Vol. III. p. 38, uses "kyat or tikil" for Burma. 22 Konkan Kunbls divide their spirits into two classes-gharch bhat or house spirits, mainly friendly, and biherche bhit or outside spirits, mainly hostile. So Sir Thomas Browne (A. D. 1660, Religio Medici, p. 37) draws a distinction between the wandering souls of men and the unquiet walks of devils. The Poona Kunbis believe that the ghosts of the murdered and the ill-used, and of all who hanker after house, wife or treasure, wander and are unfriendly to the living (Trans. By. Lit. Soc. Vol. III. p. 219). The Bijapur Lamenis believe that the ghosts of misers. creditors, and women who have left young children behind them, come back and give trouble (Bombay Gazetteer. Vol. XXIII. p. 208). The Kabligers or fishermen of Bijapur greatly fear the ghosts of young women who die in child-bed, of women who have left babies, of unmarried girls, of unmarried men, and of misers (op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 115). And the Bijapur Dasris say that people who die with unfulfilled wishes become ghosts and trouble the members of their family and even strangers (op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 185). The people of Kinara fear the spirits of the unmarried dead (Jour. Ethno. Soc. Vol. I. p. 116). The Shanars of Tinnevelly believe that any one dying a sudden, untimely or violent death haunts the place where his body lies or wanders as a demon (Caldwell in Balfour's Hindus, p. 519). The early Christians believed that magicians could call up spirits and that the most powerful spirits were those who died a violent death, most of all those who were killed before birth (Smith's Christian

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246 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1897. In the Bombay Presidency, the Konkan is the place which most abounds in spirits, and where spirit-worship, as well as the popular belief in the power of spirits to do evil, is strongest. So much is this the case that an account of Konkan spirits includes details of almost all the spirits that are worshipped in the Presidency. Konkan spirits may be grouped under five classes - spirits of the fire, air, earth, water and under-world. Fire Spirits.-Agni or Fire-spirits were familiar in early India. The Mahabharata tells how, out of the fire-sacrifice a spirit stepped and gavo Dasaratha the holy food which his wives ate and gave birth to Rama and his brothers. In the Konkan, fire-spirits, except Vija or Lightning, are mainly represented by Agya Vetal, Fiery Vetal. Agya is a higher form of the ordinary village Vetal. Where he is found he is treated as the minister, kar hari, of the Monkey-God Hanuman. He is lodged in Hanaman's shrine in a rough red stone, somewhat lower than the image of Hanuman. Agya dresses in green, rides a green horse, loves a green sward. His henchman is Mhaisasur, the buffaloe-spirit, and under the henchman is a large escort. The host marches at night, each spirit in the host carrying a torch. All can see the torch light: the initiated alone, the priestess and the medium, see the forms of the god and his attendants. This spiritual insight is not gained without weeks of laborious rites perforined before a human corpse hung head down from a branch. If the rites please Agya he enters the corpse and speaks. Agya's great day comes when a no-moon falls on a Tuesday. In Bombay, Agya's best known shrine is at the top of the Sidi Rasta or Ladder Road up the sonth-east face of Malabar Hill, close to the Ladies' Gymkhana. Ganga Bai, the priestess into whom the spirit of Agya at times comes, says that the loss of the green glade, now the Gymkhana, so wounded Agya that he now rarely possesses her. Air Spirits. - The sameness between airs and spirits, the strength, formlessness, and caprice of the wind, its angry howlings, its kindly rustlings have led mankind to agree that ,he broeze is a spirit, and that a spirit rides in the storm and dances in the whirlwind. The fifteenth century Swiss mystic Paracelsus said the autumn air is not so full of Aies as it is of spirits. In the Konkan, breath or breeze (wura) is almost as common a name for a ghost as bhit, that which has been, or as prela, that which has gone forth. So in cases of possession the patient or the medium is the jhudk or tree whose branches the spirit sways, and of whon, when he tosses the patient, the people say khelta, he plays. So his breath is one of the spirits that lives in a man. God breathed into Adam the breath of life. The Australian word for soul and for brenth is the same - rang.24 The German Goddess Perchta or Bert ha breathed on a girl and struck her dumb.25 The Norwegians had an illness called alrgust, elf-breath.20 At the tomb of the modern idiot saint, 'Ali-al-Bayri, people catch the air in their hands and thirst it into their bosoms and pockets.27 Under spirits of the air comes the astral or star-spirit, perhaps as old as Chaldean starworship (B. C. 4000-2004). These astral spirits were supposed to be of the same substance as the stars. They were mortal, returning to their essence after 300 to 1,000 years. Each man and each planet had a star-spirit. Other star-spirits were unattached, roaming as they pleased. These were the sweet or the angry influences, which the stars sent to earth, as they Antiquities, pp. 1383, 1384). The Polynesians and Red Indians believed in a soul, au airy substance in humon or animal form that rose from the body of the dying. The soul passed west beyond the sea or hovered over the tomb or wunk into the under-wo:ld (Rovillo's Les Religions der Perples Non-Cinilises, Vol. 11. p. 92). In England, vaubaptised children were believed to become ghosts. The noise mado in their south flight by the bean gecre (A, segelau)kuownas Gabriel's Hounds, is supposed to be the calling of the spirits of unbaptised children (Henderson's Full-Core, p. 131). The souls of tribesmen are friendly, the souls of hostile tribes unfriendly, and among tribesmen be souls of the unburied and of the bad are hostile (Spencer's Principles of Sociology, Vol. I. p. 196). 25 Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, p. 121. 2 Reville's Les Religions des Peuples Non-Civilin's, Vol. III. p. 157. 35 Grimm's Teutonic Mythology. Vol. I. p. 278. * Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 461. * Pool's Arabic Society in Middle Ages, p. 69.

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SEPTEMBER, 1897.j " DASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTUM. 247 were annoyed or as they were pleased. Another class of air-spirits was invented by the philosophers, who, in their fear of materialism, placed all secret powers of Nature, both outside of and in man, under the influence of souls or spirits. In the case of morality what was good was angelic, what was blameable satanic, according to the saying of the Prophet - "From goodness arises an angel, from badness a devil."30 The following examples show how widespread in area and in time is the belief that all spirits are air-spirits, and that a spirit lives in the breeze and rides in the storm. In Chaldea (B. C. 2000), the burning south-west wind blowing from the deserts of Arabia causes ruin. So the Sout-west wind is, or is the bearer of, a fiend, and an image is set at the door or window to house the fiend.30 Among Hindus is a sect of wind worshippers, Pavana Bhaktas, who believe that the substance of God is air, and that the intellectual soul also is air. 81 So with the Hebrews; in the Old Testament, Job (Chap. xxxii. v. 8) says: -- "There is a spirit in man and the inspiration or breath of the Almighty giveth him understanding." In the New Testament (St. John, Chap. iii. v. 8), Christ says :- "The spirit or wind bloweth where it listeth. Thou canst not tell whence it comes or whither it goes. So is every one that is born of the spirit or wind." Coleridge (1800) says:-"All forms of animated nature are but organic harpe, diversely framed, that tremble into thought as o'er them sweeps plastic and vast, one intellectual breeze at once the soul of each and God of all."32 Wordsworth lays stress on the still diviner quality in wind, namely, that it gives life to the dead :- "Dry holly-leaves in myriads jump and spring as if, with pipes and music rare, some Robin Goodfellow were there and all those leaves in festive glee were dancing to the minstrelsy."33 So the holiness of the Bull Roarer or wind-maker is widespread, and all winnowing and other fans are guardians because they are wind-makers.34 The Greek sacrificed to Boreas, the North-wind, and beat the Persian.35 The Chinese boatmen talk to Zeng, the Wind-spirit.36 In Cornwall, the moaning wind-spirit is a certain Treg-eagle, who sold himself to the devil.37 "The air," says Burton (1650), adopting the saying of Paracelsus (1450), "is not so full of flies in summer as it is at all times of invisible devils. They counterfeit suns and moons, and sit on ships' masts. They cause whirlwinds and tempestaous storms." 39 The commonness of seeing visions and apparitions in the air shews how widespread is the belief that the air is the great spirit-home. In Germany, girls see white maidens, and the history, even of Western Europe, is full of visions of armies fighting in the sky,39 Some authorities praise air-spirits for their goodwill to men. According to the poet Pope the gnomes or earth-spirits enjoy mischief, but the sylphis or air-spirits are the best conditioned creatures possible. These good air-spirits are the guardian breezes. The spirit of the storm has the featares of the earlier guardian. Odin, the Norse wind-god, sweeps the sky with a following of sonls. The gusts before a storm are the souls of women hanted by Odin. The Indian Maruts or storm-gods, the Skandinavian Ogres or Cloud-ships, Odin's wild huntsmen and crew are all wind-worshippings.2 In Russia, the wind-demon is attended by the souls of anbaptised children. In Rhenish Westphalia, when the wind throws a door open or whistles through the house, they say :-"Thero goes the old one of last year." 44 The Fins during the Middle Ages sold winds in knots. If you untied the knot 21 Scott's Discovery of Witchcraft, pp. 495, 509. 29 Introduction to Dabistan, Vol. I. p. elv. Coleridge (Note to Ancient Mariner) classes all spirits as air-spirite. He arranges them under the three heads of angels, human souls, and a third class found in all climates uud elements. 40 Lenormant's Challean Magic, p. 52. * Dabistan, Vol. II. p. 243. Al Lines composed at Cleveden. B3 Quoted in John's Forest Trees, Vol. II. p. 60. 5 Compare Lang's Custom and Myth, p. 36. 38 Bankett's Sea Legends, p. 88. s6 Folklore Record, Vol. IV. p. 90. * Bassett's Sea Legends, p. 42. * Quoted in Conway's Demonology and Devil-Lore, Vol. II. p. 210. - Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. pp. 913, 950 and 933-6b; also R. Scott's Discowry of Witchcraft, p. 511. + Introduction to the Rape of the Lock; Skeat'. Piera tho Ploughman, p. 110. 41 Bassett's Ses Legenda, p. 40. 12.Clodd's Myths and Dreams, p. 4. * Bassett's Sea Legends, p. 40. " Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. p. 1000.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1897. the spirit was loosened.45 In Gigha in Argyleshire in West Scotland, if a wind was wished, a sacred well was cleared of stones, and the water was thrown in the direction from which the wind was wished. Some words were said and the stones filled in. If the well had been left open there would have been a storm.48 The question, whether the Almighty or any guardian. can be made responsible for the weather, has always been a subject for dispute. The halfgnostic Christian sect of Priscillianists (Spain, A. D. 350) ascribed storms to the devil, thunder to his roaring, and rain to his sweat. The Manicheans (A. D. 300), many of whose opinions Priscillianus adopted, said thunderstorms were the rage of a chained devil. When a thunderstorm came the classic Greeks offered a black lamp, as storms were reckoned among the gods of the lower world.48 In Germany, Wustan's furious host was the storm wind. According to the Celts storms were stirred by the fays or fates, and according to the Swedes by the woodwife Skegora.50 Kali, the black cloud-bome of the Goddess of ruin, is the Hindu name for the blue-black almost violet cloud mass that hides the heavens before or after a thunderstorm. 248 More than the life of the breeze or the rage of the storm the strange and fantastic movements of the whirl-wind have carried conviction that the mighty shape is the form of a fiend. In old German, the whirlwind was known as wind's braut, the wind's bride. According to the Slay and the Pole an evil spirit dancing stirs the dust into a whirlwind.51 In France, the belief prevails that whirlwinds are caused by witches and wizards who travel in them. In the department of Orne the clergy cause storms and sweep on in the wind gusts. A man shot at a hailstorm and lamed a priest.53 In Germany, the devil is believed to be seated at the centre of every whirlwind.53 When Arabs see Zobsale, the Pillar of Dust, sweep across the desert, they call:-"Iron, Iron, thou unlucky," thus scaring the dust pillar, who stands in awe even of the name of iron. In India, in ordinary talk, a dust storm is a satan or devil. The breeze is a guardian. If unchecked it would flow so as to favour its worshippers. A calm is evil. A calm is the guardian overpowered and quenched by an unfriendly spirit.. In the west of Scotland (1885), when the wind is unfavourable, sailors whistle or kill a pig and point its head in the direction of the wished-for wind.55 The Italian traveller Nicolo Conti (1420-24) commanded a ship in the Indian seas. They were becalmed seven days; on the eighth, the sailors who were Arabs brought a table to the mast, performed rites and danced round the table and called on Mathia, their God. One of them became possessed with a demon and began to sing and run about the ship as if mad. He came to the table, ate some live coal, and called for a cock and sucked its blood. He asked the sailors what they wanted. The sailors said: "We want a wind." He told them the wind would come and warned them to take care. He fell half dead on the deck. When he came to his senses he had forgotten all he had done and said. The wind sprang up and they got to port.56 Not every calm is devil caused. Sleep is the air-walking Willie Winkie, Death's twin brother, the ghostly and guardian power that calms the stormiest. In the Konkan, the chief-air-spirits are (1) the Satkuvaris or Seven Maidens, and their male companion Govala Dada or Father Cowherd, (2) Vija or lightning, and (3) Epidemics. 46 Guthrie's Old Scottish Customs, p. 169. 48 Eber's Egyptian Princess, Vol. II. p. 229. 50 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 682. 45 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 610. 47 Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. p. 1000. 49 Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. II. p. 632. 51 Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. II. p. 632. st Conway's Demonology and Devil Lore, Vol. I. p. 105. of wizards, that is, of people endowed with a spirit specially 53 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 106. 55 MS. note, 26th August 1885. 66 Major, India in the Fifteenth Century, Vol. III. p. 26. The sense seems to be - God's wind is stopped by the devil's wind. The men dance till excited. The spirit of the hostile wind enters one of them, drinks the blood, is content and lets God's wind blow. These doings of priests belong to them in their character powerful both for good and for evil. 84 Lane Poole's Arabian Society in the Middle Ages, p. 37.

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SEPTEMBER, 1897.] SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. 249 (1) Satkuvaris. The Satkuvaris are the ghosts of seven sisters, or at least of seven maidens, who died unmarried. They are supposed to cause skin-diseases like mata or smallpox, govar or measles, and kanje or chicken pox, and they are always accompanied by a male companion called gooald or cowherd, probably the ghost of an unmarried cow-boy. These eight spirits live in the air, aud in the evening and at noon haunt caves, valleys, ponds, rivers and gardens. In the evening or at noon, when they make their rounds, a rattling or rumbling is heard in the air from the wheels of their chariot. At such a time if any woman comes in their way, or draws their attention by pointing a finger at them, or by staring at them in the air, they come down, take hold of her, outer her body, and make her their abode. They will then trouble her in various ways by causing melancholy or low spirits, paleness or discolouration of the body, and loss of appetite, until a bhagat or medium finds the secret and appeases them with an annual tribute of cocoanuts or fowls, or both. One of the most usual forms of injury done by the Seven Maidens is to make the offending woman barren. That the Seven Maidens are one of the causes of women's barrenness is a belief that is shared by many native physicians along with the Kunbis and Marathas of the Konkan. The head or queen of the Seven Sisters is Sitaladevi,67 the cold goddess, who is supposed both to cause and to cure small-pox. At Kelve, in the Thana district, a large image of Sftaladevi is famous for its power of curing small-pox, barrenness, and other spirit-diseases. Every year on the fall-moon of Vaisakh (April-May) a big festival is held in honour of Sitaladevi at Kolve, when hundreds come to fulfil vows or to pay their respects to the goddess. The persons who make vows to Sitaladevi are generally women, and they often make very strange vows. In some cases the woman who has made the vow comes with sandals or shoes on her head and stands in front of the temple; in other cases a boy or girl suffering from small-pox is made to lie across the threshold of the temple and the people are allowed to pass over the body. Again, the mother causes her hands and feet to be fastened with iron chains, and then moves round the temple of Sitaladevi, or she makes the boy or girl, who has been cured, move round the temple. (2) Vija or Lightnings is the spirit of the infant sister of the god Krishna, who was killed by Kansa, king of Mathura. The spirit of lightning is so much afraid of the leaves of the apta and shamieo trees, that when Konkan Kunbis and Kolis go out in the rainy season, they generally take apta leaves with them.61 (3) Epidemic Spirits include the spirit or goddess of cholera, locally called Jarimari, Mahamari, or Wakha. In the Kolaba and Ratnagiri districts, and to some extent in Thana, cholera is annually worshipped. When cholera appears in a Konkan village, the people explain her arrival by some defect in their annual offerings to the goddess. To propitiate her the villagers assemble and call a bhagat or medium, in whose body the goddess of cholera appears. They ask the medium what steps should be taken to please Jarimari. The medium tells them to make the goddess offerings of fruit, rice and goats, and to escort her with music 57 At Nasik, at about twenty feet from the temple of Ganpati, is a small broken image of Sitalfidevi. When a child has small-pox its mother pours water over this image for fourteen days, and on the fifteenth brings the child to the temple, weighs it against molasses or sweetmeats and distributes them among the people. The image was broken about ninety years ago by one Rambhat Ghirpure. His only son was sick with small-pox, and though he did all in his power to please the goddess, his son died. Enraged with his loss Rambhat went to the goddess and broke off her hands and feet. Though maimed, the people still trust this Sitaladevi, and during small-pox epidemics so much water is poured over her that it flows in a stream down the stone steps to the river (Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVI.). "The Romans believed lightning to be a spirit. They buried what was struck by lightning and surrounded the spot with a wall (Gibbon's Decline and Fall, Vol. I. p. 412). to Bauhinia tomentosa 60 Mimosa suma. 61 The worship of the apta and shami trees has probably its origin in the belief in the electric influence of their leaves. Compare the common belief in Europe in aerial devils who, if displeased, sent plagues, and if pleased did good (Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, pp. 120, 131).

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250 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1897. to the nearest village. For this parpose they fill a large flat bamboo basket with cooked rice. Over the rice they scatter red powder (gulki), and on the powder .set lemons and pins. They bring a goat, put garlands of flowers round its neck, daub its head with red powder, and taking it to the shrine of the goddess cut its throat and let the blood fall upon her. They then take the head and lay it in the bamboo basket. The medium or some other man holds the basket in his hands and goes to the nearest village followed by the villagers with music. On reaching the village boundary the party hand the basket to the patil or other member of the next vilia e and return home. The receiver of the basket assembles his villagers and buries.the head of the goat on the village boundary. The people sacrifice a goat, and carry its head in the basket to the boundary of village number three. At the border the head is buried by the people of village number three, and a fresh goat is sacrificed. This is repeated till the basket is carried through some ten villages, when it is believed the epidemic disappears. In the Dekhan, especially at Nasik, a few days after the outbreak of an epidemic of cholera the rich and well-to-do engage Brahmans to recite the Saptasati, or Seven Hundred texts, whose sound scares evil spirits. Brahmans are also engaged to recite the mantras, or hymns of the nine planets. The Sun's mantra is repeated 7,000 times, the Moon's 11,000 times, Mars' 10,000 times, Mercury's 4,000 times, Jupiter's 19,000 times, Venus' 16,000 times, Saturn's 23,000 times, Rahu's 18,000 times, and Keta's 17,000 times. To complete the readings requires ten to twelve days, the aggregate is called Satuchandi, the hundred repetitions of the Seven Hundred texts of the goddess Chandi. For these ceremonies the services of 1,000 Brahmans are required. When the necessary number of Brahmans is completed, they begin to perform the sacrifice in honour of Kali. A hole is dug according to directions laid down in the sastras, and sacred fire is kindled in it. For the sacrifice are required clarified butter, cooked rice, sesamum seeds, husked rice, as well as samidhas, or pieces of palas,63 pipal,04 vad,65 shami,66 umbar,67 aghada, 68 rui,69 darbha sacred grass, and durra bent grass. The Brahmans at the time of throwing offerings into the fire repeat sacred verses in a musical tone. After this, offerings of sweetmeats and of cooked rice are made to the goddess Kali. The offering of cooked rice is called bali, and for this a very large quantity of rice is cooked. A bullock-cart is brought, and the cooked rice or bali sis placed in it. Fire long flambeaux are fixed in the cooked rice, one at each corner of the cart and the fifth in the middle; kunku red powder, and briku scented powder, are scattered over the rice. A plantain stem is tied at each corner, and a sheep is fastened to one of the plantain stems. Smoking battis, or incense sticks, are also fixed in the rice. The cart is drawn by four bullocks. In front of the cart walk musicians playing on pipes and drams, and behind men, women and children, cheering and making a noise, escort the cart to a fixed spot, generally on the village or town boundary. In front of the cart, close behind the musicians, walks a woman of the Mang caste, who has been bathed in hot water and dressed in a green robe and blue bodice; her forehead is daubed with red powder, and her lap is filled with a cocoanut, a comb, a kunder-box, five betelnuts, five plantains, five pieces of turmeric root, and rice. Her face is veiled by the loose end of her robe. As she walks, her castemen wave lemons round her face, cut them into pieces, and throw the pieces away. At the appointed spot on the village border, generally where four roads meet, the cart is unloaded. The drivers and some others remain on this spot during the rest of that day and of the following night, and on the next day they go home after bathing in a river. When they reach their houses they wash their hands and feet. At Nasik the car of Kali is driven to a place about two miles from the shrine of Bhadrakali. Mhars or Mangs carry off the cartful of rice and the sheep for their own use. In some temple a great dinner of 100 to 1,000 Brahman guests completes the ceremony, the angry spirit or spirits of the Mother are housed and by housing are appeased, and the scourge is still. e Butea frondosa. +6 Minosa ma. e Calotropis gigantes. Fiens religiosa. 67 Ficus glomerata. 66 Ficus Indica. 68 Achyranthes aspora.

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SEPTEMBER, 1897.) SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. 251 Plague.- Hindus and Musalmans seem agreed that the Plague epidemic in Bombay in 1896-97 was the work of hostile air-spirits. They appeared to a Musalmam woman, whose eyes had been cleansed by a recent pilgrimage to Meoca, as four taell gaunt female forms with bloody fangs, and fleshless sinewy limbs sheeted in white. To scare or to trap these and other diseasespirits the Musalmans hung in their streets kite-like papers covered with holy words. The Hindus seemed to have no special service for the Plague Mother as they have for the Smallpox and the Cholera mothers. They thought, or some of them thought, the destruction was due to the anger of offended Siva and other guardians. They prayed their guardiaus to relent and withdraw the messengers of punishment. The general belief was that the plagne was sent by the guardian Siva because of an insnlt to one of his lings or homes. This ling had been in a shrine in the Dongri, or east quarter of the city, on land sold by a Vaishnava to a Musalinan. The Vaishnava declined to take care of the ling and the Musalman let it lie dishonoured in the street. Siva's wife, Chanda, sent dreams to two Brahmans, telling them that the plague had come because of this dishonour to the ling, and ordering them to have the liny cared for and set in some shrine. A meeting was called and the ling was laid in a palanquin and carried to the shrine of Agya Vetil, at the top of the Siri Road up Malabar Hill. Speeches were made and prayers offered, promising a temple if the plagne ceased. Unluckily a rascal ascetic, Bhurye Biwi, who has since been hanged for mordering a woman, hoping to secure a large reward for replacing it, stole the ling. The violence of the plague redoubled.70 In the Korikan, the continuance for several years of some peculiar sickness, of drought, or of failure of crops is, like the prevalence of cholera, attributed to the agency of epidemic spirits. A few years ago in Dugad, a village near Blindwi in the Thana District, after several years of sickness and poor crops, the villagers concluded that the sickness and failure of crops were due to epidemic spirits. To expel, or to propitiate, these spirits, the villagers collected about Rs. 100, and, after consnlting a Brahman astrologer, fixed a day for the ceremony. With the Rs. 100 ten sheep, fifty fowls, one hundred cocoanuts, and a supply of betel-nuts, sugar, clarified butter, frankinoense, red powder, turmeric and flowers were hought. The day before the beginning of the ceremony all the people of the village, taking their clothes, vessels, cattle and other moveables, left their houses, and, coming out of the village, encamped at the gate or boundary where a toran or triumphal arch had been erected and adorned with garlands of fiowers and mango leaves. Cocoanuts were hung from the arch, and the inango leaves were covered with red powder and turmeric. The villagers bathed, pnt on new clothes, and formed a procession. The veskur or village watchman walked in front, followed by the patil or village headman, the musthavi or village crier, and the principal men of the village. At the torms or triumphal arch the procession stopped. A hole was dug and in the hole the village watchman Inid the hond of a sheep, a cocoanut, betel nuts and leaves, and Rowers. Tho toran or arch was then worshipped by each of the villagers. The village watchman passed throngh the arch, and was followed by the villagers with music, cheering, and clapping of hands. The whole party then went to the village temple, bowed to the village god, and returned to their liomes. The blood of the ten sheep and fifty fowls was offered to the village gods, and the flesh was distributed among the villagers. The ceremony ended with a dinner to Brahmans. To the early unclad and unhoused man wind must have caused many diseases. Vara the Marathi and vayu the Gujarathi word for wind means rheumatism. In Middle Age and 50 With these plague rites and beliefs may be compared tbe story of the return by the Philistines of the plaguespreading Ark of the Jews (1. Kings, Chap. vi. v. 5). Before returning the Ark the priosts of the Philistines placed in the Ark golden likenesses of rat and of a bubo, the two lending characteristics of the opidomie, of which the Ark had seemed to be the centre, and therefore the two forms specially well known to the spirits of, or the spirits rent by. Javeh the Hebrew wargou to punish the Philistines. The pleasure of having golden shapes of their old homes 1. as well as the placing of them as guardians among the other guardians of Judaea wonld tempt all the plaque influences to settle in the Ark and with the Ark to pass from Philistia into Judies. The result established the efficacy of the rite.

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252 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1897. Modern Europe, air-spirits continued to be held unfriendly to man. One phase of Christianity inclined to transfer responsibility for drought, cold, floods and storm to the Prince of the Power of the Air, who was little, if at all, different from the devil. The sound of Christened Church bells drove away the storm-spirit. The Red Indians think of the Great Spirit as the wind, always invisible, but taking part in the festivals which men make in bis honour. It is the great spirit that blows like a blast through all present at a tribe meeting, filling each with the wind of sympathy and enthusiasm.72 That the storm and the whirlwind are spirits, or the abodes of spirits, is an almost universal belief. The Dyaks of Borneo think the wind is a spirit.73 The Bushmen say: "The wind was once a person, he became a bird."7 Reginald Scotts suggests that the air is believed to be the chief resort of spirits, because when spirits are seen they leave no trace. Had they been of water moistness would remain : had they been of fire something would have burned: had they been of earth, some trace would be left. The Jews believed that the souls of the evil dead wandered between the earth and the moon.76 (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. 30ME NOTES ON THE FOLKLORE OF THE TELUGUS. By G. R. SUBRAMIAH PANTULU. (Continued from p. 224.) XXXIX. IN days long gone by there lived on the banks of the Krishna, a crane on a silk-cotton tree. Once upon a time it beckoned a swan passing by and said:"Your body resembles mine in colour, but your beak and legs are red. I have not come across a bird of your kind till now. Who are you? What is your errand ?" Whereupon the swan gave the following answer:-"I am a swan, I am an inhabitant of Brahma's Manasasaras. I am coming thence." | The crane then asked what things were procurable there and what formed' the chief article of its food. To which the swan replied:-" As these things are made by angelic hands, it is beyond my comprehension to describe the grandeur of the place; but you may hear some of the important things procurable. In and around that region are found golden earth, ambrosia, gold lotuses, heaps of pearls, clouds of perfumes, and the tree of paradise. Every object thereof is a wonder:" HOLY STONES. IT has been stated that naturally perforated stones (possibly artificially enlarged) exist in parts of India, the neighbourhood of Bombay and Gujarat have been cited as localities, and that people who have passed through them are supposed. to have become new-borni. e., to receive a new When the swan informed the crane that it partook of the buds of such lotuses, the latter impatiently asked the former if any oysters were procurable there. On receiving a reply in the negative, the latter burst into a fit of laughter and said:"Why prattle of the exeellences of a place void of oysters? It is a pity you do not know the excellenees of oysters." Thus the crane put the swan to shame. Moral:-People will talk big about the meanest things if they like them, and disparagingly of the best things if they do not like them. NOTES AND QUERIES. birth of the soul. Can any one state exactly where such stones are to be found, and whether they are still in common use in such a sense, as, for instance, when the Maharaja of Travancore, a Nair by birth, is made a Brahman by passing through a golden cow? COSMOPOLITAN in P. N. and Q. 1883. 71 Gentleman's Magarine Library, "Popular Superstition," p. 107. 73 Reville's Les Religions des Peuples Non-Civilises, Vol. I. p. 218. 1 Straits Journal, December 1878, p. 127. 18 Reginald Scott's Discovery of Witchcraft, p. 43. 74 Lang's Custom and Myth, p. 55, Te Napier's Folklore, p. 11.

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OCTOBER, 1897.) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 253 CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. BY R. O. TEMPLE. (Continued from p. 245.) TICKAL. 1554. - Y.49 s. v. Macao (Kyaik-pakhaing near Pegu, not the place in China). - "The baar of Macao contains 120 bicas, each bica 100 tioals." - A. Nunes, p. 39. 1554. Y... v. Viss. - "The baar of Pegut contains 120 bicas; each bica weighs 40 ounces; the bica contains 100 ticals; the tical weighs 34 oitavas." - A. Nunes, p. 38. 1585. - Y. 8. v.-"Auuertendosi che vna bize di peso e per once Venetiane, e ogni bize e tecali cento, e vn gito val teccali 25, e vn abocco val teocali 12)." - G. Balbi, f. 108. 1636. - "The coinage of the country (Siam) is of very pure silver. The tical is worth 30 sols, the mace 7 sols, and the fonng 3 sols 9 deniers. They usually reckon by catties of silver ; each catty being worth 20 taels or 144 livres; for the tael is worth something more than. 7 francs." - Schouten, Oost-Indische Voyagie, p. 34. 1639. -- "The money of this country (Siam) is very good, by reason the King only has power to stamp and so prevents variation of the value; there are of it three sorts : Ticals, Mases and Foangs ....Four Ticals make a Tayl." - Mandelslo, Travels, E. T., Vol. II. p. 130. 1678. - "Hee raised it to 2 Tooalls vpon notice that y price was advanced in China." - Anderson, Siam, p. 423. 1688. - Y. 8. . - The proportion of the (Siamese) money to ours is, that their Tical, which weighs no more than half-a-crown, is yet worth three shillings and three half-pence." - La Loubere, E.T., p. 72. 1688. - "The Tical is a silver coin and is worth four mayons ... . All these names are not Siamese, bat common amongst the Europeans which are at Siam . . .. Tical and mayon are words the Origin of which I am ignorant of, and which the Siameses do call baat and seling." - La Loubere, E. T., p. 164. 1727.-Y... "Pegu Weight 1 Viece is 39 on. Troy, or 1 Viece is 100 teculs ; 140 viece is a Bahaar. The Bahaar is 3 Pecul China."- A. Hamilton, Vol. II. p. 317. c. 1759.- Y... 0.-"A dozen or 20 fowls may be bought for a Tioal (little more than a Crown)." - Dalrymple, Or. Repert., Vol. I. p. 121. 1775. - Y. s..-"Pegu weight: 100 moo - 1 Tual; 100 tual =] vis - 3 lbs. 5 oz. 5 dr. avr.; 150 vis = 1 candy. Siam : 80 tuals =1 catty ; 50 catties = 1 Pecul (tual is obviously a misprint for tical]." - Stevens, New and Complete Guide to E. I. Trade. 1782.- "The principal money of this country is silver.... the smallest denomi. nation is the Tycal." - Hunter, Pegu, p. 85. 1783.-Y., v. "The merchandise is sold for teecalls, a round piece of silver, stamped and weighing about one rupee and a quarter." - Forrest, Voyage to Vergui, p. vii. 1783.- "Lorsqu'on fait un marche (a Rangon) on traite par Tical et par Bize .... L'or se pese aussi et vaut 25 a 28 Ticals d'argent selon la rarete. Le tout se livre au poids. Il n'y a de monnoye proprement dite que les Piastres que l'on pese aussi. La Tical vaut 48 a 50 6. de France. La Bize vaat 100 Ticals. La Piastre vaut 2 Tioals ce qui fait environ 51. 12 a. de France." - Flouest in Toung Pao, Vol. II. p. 41. 12 y. in this connection refers to Yule's Hobson-Jobson, where the quotation in the text will be found. In addition to the words given ante, p. 216, n. 40, I have come across "candil or cradil." candil scandy; cradil (1) Xharf=khadi-khandt. Collection of Dutch Voyagea, 1709, Appi. to First Voyage, 1595-7, p. 247. Alen in De Morga, 1609, Hak. Eoc. Ed., p. 271, nipal tree occurs for nipa, no doubt through Part. ripar. See Yule, Hobcon-Jobson, , v.

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254 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1897. 1796. - "After dinner he offered me 100 ticals, which be informed mu he received from the looto (Elutdaw) by his Majesty's orders: and, that I was to have 100 every ten days." - Cox, Lurmlun Empire, p. 116. 1800.-" The first commission of theft does not incur the penalty of death, unless the amount stolen be above 800 kiat, or tackal, about PS100." - Symes, Ara, p. 306. 1800.- "What foreigners call a tackal, properly kiat, is the most general piece of silver in circulation; it weighs ten penny-weights ten grains and three-fourths; its subdivisions are, the tabbee, two of which make one moo; two moo one math; four math one tackal, and one hundred tackal coin pose one viss." - Symes, Ava, p. 326. 1300. - "A silver box weighing ninety tackall. A tackall weighs a little more than half an oance." - Eymes, dra, p. 493. 1800. - "Tackall, a piece of silver of about 2.. 6 d. value." - Eymes, Ava, p. 502. 18:1. - "In money at the above price 28 tacals 50 avas, or seven tecals twelve avasts each man per month." - Cow in As. Res. Vol. VI. p. 134. 1817. -"The tical, alluded in the following statement, contains ten in one hundred alloy [i. e., ywetni silver] Besides these, a sum of two ticals is paid to a person called the Aongdeng, and another of half of a tical to a person called the Athao-bo (as judicial fees) : officers whose duty it is to purchase and administer the "pickled tea" necessary to the ceremony of closing the transaction." - Crawfurd, dua, p. 410, quoting Alves, Report on Bassein. c. 1805. - Sometimes " a ticale of silver with a portion of alloy is equal to 200 ticali of lead, sometimes to a thousand and even more." - Sangermano, p. 167. 1821. - "The shop-tax is levied on the following rude and sommary principle. A dealer in cloth pays four tickals a year (and so on)." - Crawfurd, Siam, p. 379. 1826. - "The division of the Tical are, - 2 Tabbe = 1 Tammoo: 2 Tammoo = 1 Mat: 4 Mat = 1 Tical: 100 Tical - 1 Tabisa or Viss: lvo Tabisa = 1 Peiya or Ava Pical or 250 Penang Catties." - Wilson, Documents, lxi." 1827. - "They (Burmese Envoys) then offered to pay on the spot a money instalment of four lacs of tickals. Tickal, rather more than a rupee." - Snodgrass, Lurmese War, p. 267. 1828.-" The nominal currency of the Empire is the 'tical, which, when of flowered silver, is equivalent to 1 rupee, 5 annas, 4 pie, Sicca; and assuming the rupee at 2 8., equals 28. 85 d." - Trant, Two Years in Ava, p. 280. c. 1833. - "Vis, tikal and moo are the general terms used in the transaction of (Burmese) commerce and accounts .... 100 tikals are precisely equal to 140 tolas...."Prinsep, Useful Tables, p. 130. c. 1835. -"The price of the common or mixed amber is 21 ticals a vis, or Rs. 4 per one and a half seer." - Hannay in Hill Tracts between Assam and Burmah, p. 103. 1835.-" The price now, including the pots, is about a tical for 2 vis, or about 2 s. sterling for ten pounds." - Malcom, Travels, Vol. II. p. 199. 1836. -"Ken-lay is the military post dividing the proper Barman from the Shan (Myelat) territory, where & duty of a quarter of a tickal is levied on each bullock." - Richardson's Journal in Parl. Papere, East India, 10th August 1869, p. 144. i 1836. - "I halted on the bank of a small stream in thick jungle, near the village called Ban-sa-to; it has only been inhabited three years by these people, who are Shans of Mok-mai, * Ava I take to mean yurd or rati. It is a curious way of reckoning for Burma, but then Cox is always carious, The use of the numeral ta (one) as an integral portion of the words for weights is instructivo.

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OCTOBER, 1897.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. from which they were driven by the heavy taxation of the Burman Government; 40, 50 and even 60 tickals of coarse silver being often demanded from one house during the year. Whilst here, under Pha-pho, the whole village, which consists of eight or ten houses, by making a small present of five or six tickals value, are free from all demands, and even this small present seems voluntary." Richardson's Journal in op. cit. p. 112. 255 183,"He complained bitterly against the Myo-woon, who had struck him for presuming to intercede for his men against a demand for two Tickals (sic) per man, which the Myo-woon had that day ordered to be assessed. This is the third demand that has been upon them, and considering the excessive price of provisions, four and five Ticals (sic) per basket, it does seem, even for Burmah, somewhat unjust."- Bayfield in Hill Tracts between Assam and Burmah, p. 208 f. 1837. "The rupee is current here (Zimme) as well as the Siamese tical (the round coin), but the money most in circulation is coarse silver of about 8) per cent, alloy, I believe, melted into a circular form one hundred ticals are given for 45 Madras rupees, but these are only equal to 75 Burmese ticals." McLeod's Journal in Parl. Pupers, East India, 10th August 1869, p. 37. 1845. "The weight of a kyat or Tickal is 272-75 grains troy exactly."- Latter, Burmese Grammar, p. 170, quoting Col. Low. - 1843. "The examination of the coin offered for inspection, [a takal or tickal on 23rd March 1848] may not be without some little interest to the members of the Numismatic Society?" Dickenson, Silver Coinage of Siam, J. Num. Soc. p. 47. 1850.The Siamese Government," says Dr. Morton, "have several hundred men permanently occupied, each of whom, it is said, is expected to deliver one tickal (about one rupee and a quarter) weight of gold-dust per annum." Mason, Nat. Productions of Burmah, p. 37. 1852."Kyap, a kyat or tickal, a weight equal to four mats."- Judson, Bur. Dict., s. v. 1855. Y. s. v viss."The king last year purchased 890,000 viss of lead, at five ticals for 100 viss, and sold it at twenty tickals.". Yule, Ava, p. 256. 1855. "Tikal is no more Burmese than viss, but its origin is more obscure. The true Burniese name is kyat. Tikal is applied by foreigners also to the Siamese bat, a coin nearly equal in value to a kyat of silver. Perhaps it may be a corruption of the word Taka, which is applied in different parts of India to different coins: in some places to a pice, in some to a rupee. Major Phayre, moreover, believes Tikal to be a conception of Takyat, one kyat."Yule, Ava, p. 144. 1855. "The money that circulates in Siam consists principally of ticals or bats of the value of 28. 6d. sterling. . . . There is a double tical, a half tical tical." Bowring, Siam, Vol. I. p. 257. a quarter 1864. "My informants, in reference to weight of the articles and weight of silver paid for them, used the Barman unit of a tickal. A tickal is about 1-28th of a pound. A tickal of silver is worth two shillings and sixpence. A viss is 100 tickals, or exatly 3.652 lbs."- Clement Williams, Burmah to Western China, p. 33. 1868.I then proceeded with the expedition, and when I finally returned to Bhamo I found that my wife had been imprisoned for two days and had to pay 10 ticals of silver." Sladen, Bhamo Route, in Parl. Papers, 17th April 1871, p. 143. 1874. "In weight one hundred kyats (sic) make a Pietha (vis) which equals 365 lbs. avoirdupois. Four Mats make one Kyap (sic).... This weight is always called a Tickal by foreigners: a corruption probably of Ta-kyap, one kyap." Browne, Thayetmyo, p. 60.

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256 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (OCTOBER, 1897. 1874. - Y. 8. v. Tuoka. - "How much did my father pay for her ? He paid only ten takas. I may state here that the word rapeya, or as it is commonly written rupee or rupi, is unknown to the peasantry of Bengal, at least to the Bengali Hiodu peasants, the word they invariably use is taka." - Govinda Samanta, Vol. I. p. 209. 1874. - "T'ki (apelt dakov), a weight a little less than half an ounce. The hundredth part of a viss." - Haswell, Peguan Language, p. 76. 1877. - "Tickal, akyat." - Judson, English-Bur. Dict., 5.1. 1879,- "The Tical is a Chinese weight of about 44 ounces and the viss an Indian of about 3 lbs." - Laurie, Our Burmese Wars, p. 372. [This information is, of course, wrong.) 1879. - "The basis of the Burnese weights is the Tickal (kyat) which equals 252 grains troy, or exactly one cubic inch of distilled water at the temperature of 60deg." - Cooke, British Burma Manual, p. 735. 1883. - "Tikal or Takol from Arakan." - Catalogue of Calcutta Mint Cabinet, p. 65. 1884. - "Each of the six Laos States is called upon to pay tribute to Siam, - curious representation of trees in gold and silver, about eight feet high, each with four branches, from which again four twigs with a single leaf at the end of each depend. The gold trees are valned at 1,080 ticals (1351.) each, and the silver ones 120 ticals (15l.) each." - Lock, Temples and Elephants, p. 156. 1886.-"Tical. This (tikal) is a word which has long been used by foreign traders to Burma, for the quasi-standard weight of (uncoined) current silver. The origin of the word tikal is doubtful. Sir A. Pbayre suggests that possibly it is a conception of the Burmese words ta-kyat .... on the other band perhaps it is more probable that the word may have represented the India taka." - Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8. v. Tical. 1886. - "Tucka. Histdi, taka ; Bengali taka. This the word commonly ased among Bengalis for a ropee. But in other parts of India it (or at least taka) is used differently; as for aggregates of 4, or of 2 pice, e. g. pasich takd paisa, five takd of pice, generally in N.-W. P.= 20 pice, and for Skr. Janka, a stamped coin." -- Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8. v.15 1886. - "Note that while the gyat, tikal, tolah and ropee are called the same in weight, the pettha, or vise, is 142 tolabs in weight and merchandise is not weighed to the same. standards as silver money." - Gordon, Companion to Handbook of Colloquial Burmese, p. 105. 1890. "The Mat Game .... we will suppose that there are but four playing, and that each places a tical on a different number." - Holt-Hallett, Thousand Miles on an Elephant, p. 235. 1892. - "Tickal, jap mi." - Symington, Kachin Vocabulary, 8. v. 1893. - "Kyat, a kyat or tical, & weight equal to four mats; before capital numerals akyat .... (2) kyat bong: dingas, current (rupees) coin of the realm....kyat-chen .... weight by tical, weight estimated in ticals." - Stevenson, Bur. Diet., p. 217 f. 1895. - "La livre siamoise que les Khmers appellent balance est une monnaie de compte valant 80 ticaux.... On en donne 10 pour un tical." -Aymonier, Voyage dans le Laos, Vol. I. pp. 19, 22. SITKE. This word means literally "a chief in war,"46 bat has been used to denote an officer of varying functions and standing by the Barmese. The great variation of form which it has assumed in the works of foreign writers is due to attempts to pronounce the final difficult open e of the word and the initial palatal s. The presence of a superfluous final l in some forms will be remarked, and also the pronunciation of e as O, reversing the evidence under Yongdo, where o has become sometimes e or e. 45 I may remark that panch takd paisl=1 Rupee and quarter=1 tickal. Compare with this the statement in Hunter, Pegro, p. 85:- ono tycal of 35 per cent. silver is esteemed equal in value to the Bengal Siosa Ropce. 18 S however, the quotation under "1898," infra.

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OCTOBER, 1897.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 257 1782. - "The man to whom she (a ship] had formerly belonged, laid claim to her, and on application to one of the Magistrates (I believe the Ohsakaw) procured an order to stop from working .... the third officer is the Cheekaw, of whose peculiar department, if he has any distinct from his seat in Council, I know nothing." - Hunter, Pegu, pp. 47, 53. 1783. - "Il envoya un bateau avect un Chikail pour aller de sa part reclamer les naufrages." - Flouest in Toung Pao, Vol. I. p. 206. c. 1795. - "To all Commanders of Garrisons and Governors of seaports, in like Virtue as to the Maywoon of Henza wuddy, (Pegu).... Commander of the Troops, whose title is Chekey." - Eymes, Ava, p. 494. 1796. -"A Chekoy also came on board much about the same time, in a common boat: he is in the war department, and is superior to the other two." - Cox, Burmhan Empire, p. 3. c. 1805. This (Court) is composed of a Governor - a Zicche, or military commander." - Sangermano, p. 65. c. 1824, "He was standing, he said, near his Tsekkai, an officer of rank, when a huge ball of iron came singing tsek, tsels, which he distinctly heard in its flight, when, true to its mission, it burst upon the very man it was calling out for, the unfortunate Taekkai." - Gouger, Prisoner in Burmah, p. 220. 1825. - "A letter from .... Talien (Talaing) chieftnins, dated about the 20th of December 1824, addressed to the following men.... Chakay (Major) Oupan, chief of Lamaing." - Wilson, Documents, p. 142. 1833. "He questioned me as to what I wanted here and wishod to know why I liad not brought letters to the Tsetkay, etc." - Richarison's Journal, in Parl. Papers, East India, 10th August 1869, p. 120. 1836. - "The Myowoon had deputed the Mogoung Tsikal, a relative of his own, to await my arrival here and to furnish me with anything I might require." - Bayfield in Bill Tracts between Assam and Burmah, p. 140. 1836. - "The present Government of Mogoung consists of a Myowoon, or Governor ; a tsekke, or military commander; eight Shan amats, or inferior officers, writers, etc." - Bayfield in op. cit. p. 183. 1836.-" The amats have compelled the Sekke to deliver over to their custody the whole of the serpentine mine revenue at present collected." - Buytield in op. cit. p. 233. 1837.- Received a letter from Dr. Richardson at Mone, dated 6th of March. It was brought by some of the Tseitke's people." - McL od'Journal in Parl. Papers, East India, 10th Aug. 1869, p. 86. 1852. - "Taitkai, - Lieutenant-General." - Judson's Hur. Dict., 8. v. 1853. - "Two of the chief oficers belonging to Kyouk-ghee, with two Tesekaye or assistants to Moungbwa, ex-Governor of Martaban, were brought in." - Laurie, Peyu, p. 509. 1853. "Let this Royal proclamation be distributed among all the hereditary chieftains of Palaces and Umbrellas, the Teaubwas .... Tsitkos (Judges)." - Yule, Ava, p. 366. 1854. - "Within the Royal Kingdom all those that are under my Royal authority, .... governors of provinces, Tsitkes or lieutenants, and heads of divisions or circles, etc." -- Yule, Ara, p. 367. 1864. -- " Received a visit from the Taostkai and officials." - Watson, Salween Eep dition, in Select Foreign D.partment R cords, G. of I., No. alio. of 1865, p. 6. 1864.-" The town of Ye-me-then or rather Ye-me-zin, as the Tsikee of the district writes it." - Fedden, Salween E.cpellition, in op. cit. p. 31.

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258 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1997. 1867.-" The Menhla Tseetkay has wide jurisdiction over the whole valley of the Irrawaddy below Maudalay." - Fytche in Parl. Papers, British Burma, 8th June 1869, p. 39. 1867. - "The Tsootkay, or Governor of the district, came down somu miles with several pulling boats to meet as." - Pytche in op. cit. p. 41. 1868.-"The Troetkay . . . . official of Bhamo, sent me .... with letters," - Sladen, Bhamo Route, Parl. Papers, East India, 17th April 1871, p. 143. 1868. - "Tsitkay, Burmese official (under a Governor)." - Slatlen, Dhamo Route, Parl. Papers, East India, 17th April 1871, p. 144. 1871.- "The Tsoekay of the place, a very stout man, came on board." - Tulboys Wheeler, Mandalay to Bhamo, p. 99. 1876.-"A tsakai can only move diagonally one move at a time, backward or forward (in Burmese Chess)." - Strettell, l'icus Elastica, p. 57. [In the illustration to p. 58 the word is spelt sakay.] 1879. - "The police report that Moang Salmeh [? Salweh), the Sithoh [misprint for Sitkeh] of Minhla, has been ordered to collect 700 boatmen and arms there with muskets." - Parl. Pupers, Burinah (1886), [c. 4,614), p. 66. 1882, - "The pieces are as follows (in Burmese chess) :- Min =one king; Si'ke = one Lieutenant-General .... Si'ke can move diagonally in advance or retrograde one square at a time." - Scott, the Burman, p. 72 f. 1885. - "If they have to settle timber accounts to have lenve to come up to Mandalay with the Thitkyeitkyee Tseekai .... The Thithyeitkyee Sit-kai has therefore been sent to call you all to give evidence in this case according to your knowledge and without fear." Parl. Papers, Burmah, (1886), (c. 4,614) p. 183 f. 1885. -- " In order to attain this object they hired Nga Moungyee, the previous Tsit-kai of Thit Saikgyee (Thitkyeitkyee of the last quotation as their advocate .... Thitkyeitkyee Tseekai, Ko Moung Gyee told again." - Parl. Papers, Burmal, (1886), (c. 4,614], pp. 185, 195. 1886. - "The aconsed Maung Gyi and Maung Laut were respectively Myook of Taungnyo and Sitke of Thiteheikgyi (yet another form ! ] in the Ningyan district." - Purl. Papers, Burmal, No. 1, (1887), p. 160. 1889.-" (Letter) to Mobye Sitko directing him to proceed to Ngwedaung and superintend the working of the silver mines ....From Sitke of Kale-Teinnyin-Yazagyo reporting the suppression of the disturbances at Mognung .... From Mone Sitkegyi praying that the authority exercised by him as Military Saperintendent of Mone be net divided .... From Theinni Sawbwa stating that he is administering his State in consultation with Sitke Nemyominhlayannaing appointed by His Majesty." -- Taw Sein Ko, Hlutduro Records, pp. 4, 5, 6. 1893. - "Sitke, a lieutenant.general .... a sitke is now a judicial officer of the subordinate judicial service. In the Burmese times a sitke in Upper Burma ranked next to a wun. There were two sitkes at a wan's head-quarters." - Stevenson, Bur. Dict. p. 367.7 Yongdo. The wide divergence in the form which this word has assumed in the works of various writers is due, firstly to its being composed of two separate parts, Yong, a court or office, and 47 There seem to be two separate radicale sit in Burmese : the one meaning "war, battle": the other meaning "to examine judicially." Henco probably the double, civil and military, senses in which the word sitkd is used. See Stevenson's remarks under ritkyo, etc., on p. 809. ** The Government recognised spelling is Yondaw. In this Journal I have adopted i to representar

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OCTOBER, 1897.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 259 the honorific suffix to; secondly to the word Yong being in the vernacular spelt run:. It will be perceived that the, to most languages, difficult final open vowel o, as in awful, has been pronounced and written ai and that this ai (=e) has also had a final superfluous l. added to it. 1698. - Y. 8. v. Ovidore in Supplt. -"(At Syriam) Ovidores (persons appointed to take notice of all passages in the Bunday [office of administration) and advise them to Ava) .... Three Ovidores that always attend the Runday, and are sent to the King, upon errands, as occasion obliges." - Fleetwood's Diary in Dalrymple, Or. Rep. Vol. I. pp. 335, 360. 1739. -- "There are no Fees, but what the Town contributes for the Maintenance of that Coart, which in their Language is called the Rounday, and those contributions are very small." - A. Hamilton, Kast Indies, Vol. II. p. 49. 1781. - "Veha cio nonostante nella Citta reale on Senato, che in lor linguaggio Rondai si chiama, nel quale si diffiniscono le controversie, che avvengono tra i privati." - Griffini, Per. coto, p. 80. 1783.-"Le lendemain nous fumes au Rondail pour certifier nos declarations ; par respect pour ce lieu il faut se dechausser. Personne n'est exempt de cette humiliation." - Flouest in T'oung Fao, Vol. I. p. 190. 1783.-"Le Conseil fat assemble an Rondail, les Brames (devins), y furent appeles pour etre consultes." - Flouest in Touny Pao, Vol. I. p. 194. 1795. -"He 'met several masters of merchant ships, who informed him that they had receivel an order from the Bhoom, or public court, in which the council of Government assembled." - Symes, Ava, p. 146. C: 1805. -- "The Lutte in the capital, and the Ion or Rondai of the provincial cities, then exact, from the heads of the different places under their jurisdiction, not only the number of men ordered by the Emperor, but also a certain quantity more." - Sangermano, p. 77. 1817. - "An old Burmese woman, in the service of an European gentleman, was cited before the Rung-d'hau, or court of justice at Rangoon." - Crawford, Ava, p. 407. c. 1824. -". They will be of no use to you,' urged the considerate guardsmen; they are going to carry you to the Letma-Yoon Toung' - the Death Prison!" - Gouyer, Prisoner in Burma, p. 143. c. 1824, -" There was another Court of Justice in the city called the Yoong-dau, presided over by the Myowoon, or Governor of the town, answering to our police-courts." --Gouger, Prisoner in Burma, p. 57. 1826. - " Kaulen Mengyi came forward and avowed that he was not present, but that he hal gone as far as the Bung-d'hau, or Town-hall, to give the necessary instructions upon the occasion." - Crawfurd, Ava, p. 287. 1826. - "Bandula replied - In eight days I will take my dinner in the Rungdau, or public hall, of Rangoon and afterwards return thanks at the Shwedagong Pagoda.'" - Crawfurd, Ari, Appa., p. 69. i 1826. -"About eleven o'clock we had a summons to proceed to the Raundaw." - Wilson, Documents, p. 217. 1827. -"An elephant was appropriated to each of the English gentlemen, and the procession moved on until arriving at the Ringdau, or hall of justice, which is to the east sido of the Palace." -- Wilson, Documents, xxxviii. 1827.-"Only two wooden houses existed much superior to the rest, and these were the Palace of the Muy woon and the Bondaye, or Hall of Justice." - Trant, Two years in Ava, p. 27. 1811. -- "Hall of Justice, Yon-daw." - Lane, Eng.-Bur. Dict., s. v. Court. 1845. -- "The Burmese cannot pronouncer but as y. Thus Roong, Boon, and Room and Yoong, Yoon and Yoom, a hall of justice' are found interchangeably written." - Latter, Bur. Grammar, p. 178.

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240 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1897. 1851. - "Yong, a court louse, place where justice is administered, seldom used singly." - Judson, Bur. Dict., 8. v. 1855. - No investigation shall take place, or decision be given, in civil suits at the inner or upper or Royal Conrts (Royal Criminal Court) or at the Yoom-dau; all such cases should be made over to the Tara-Yoom (or Civil Court).... All criminal cases shall be inquired into and decided at the Eastern Hall of Justice (Yoom-dau)." - Yule, Ava, p. 364. 1855. -"Within the Royal Kingdom all those that are under my Royal authority, the Hlwotdau (Sopreme Court), Yoom-dau (Inferior Court), Tsua bwas,...." - Yule, Ara, p. 367. 1870.-" The authorities inonr immediate vicinity are the Yoons of Zimmay." -- Coryton, Letter, To China through Moulmein, Apps. 5. 1882.-" Civil appeal cases sent from the Yohndaw or Criminal Court, where the Myowoons (city-burdens), usually two in number, sit daily : from the layah-Yohn, the Civil Court." Scott, the Burman, p. 243 f. 1893. -"Yong, n., & coart-house, place where justice is administered: v. to collect, assemble, gather together, (see) su; seldom used singly." - Stevenson, Bur. Dict. p. 936. 9. Barter and Non-metallio Currenoy. To enter on a disquisition on the steps made by mankind from barter to non-metallic currency, and thence on to metallic currency and coinage would be necessarily to take up & subject as wide as the world, and it is not my intention in these pages to go further than to discuss it only so far as it concerns the Burmese and their neighbou18. A good and short state. ment of the whole question is to be found in Ridgeway's Origin of Currency, p. 10 ff. A good many references have perforce been already made to barter in its varions forms, and it will be sufficient here to point out how far and in what shape it exists in Barma now, or has existed, so far as the materials at my command permit ine. In doing this an opportunity will present itself of slewing to what extent the customs of the Burmese illustrate the general subject. Professor Terrien de la Cooperie in the introduction to his Catalogue of Chinese Coins, p. xx. f., gives an elaborate table of the "shapes of currency from barter to money," in which he enumerates 31 different descriptions of currency, beginning with gems and winding up with "the recent octagonal money of Belgium." He divides his 81 kinds of currency into three chief heads - natural, commercial, indnstrial; but he leaves out of account the preliminary step of barter of general produce, which has always existed and does still exist among the more primitive races of mankind. Of this tirst step we bave an exceedingly quaint and withal typical description in its earliest forms in Olearius, Voyages and Travels of the Ainbassa. dors to Muscovy, Turtury, Persia, etc., p. 73, of Davies' Translation (1652). After telling us (p. 699, that the Author, who hath made one digression, to speak of the Samojedes, though not falling ander the Subject of his Travels, thinks he may make another, to say somewhat of Groenland," goes on to state :-"There is no money in the Countrey, being so happy as not to know the value of Gold and Silver, Iron and Steel they most esteem, and prefer a Sword or a Hatchet before a Golden Cap, a Nail before a Crown piece, and a pair of Cisers, or & Knife, before a Jacobus. Their trucking is thus; they pat all they have to sell together, and having picked out among the Commodities that are brought to them, what they like best, they put them also together, and suffer those they deal with to add or diminish till such time ag they are content with the bargain."

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OCTOBER, 1897.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. For my present purpose I cannot follow de la Couperie in his classification, and it will be more convenient to consider the many points that will present themselves in the following order :-- I. II. Barter generally. Natural produce:(1) Rice. (2) Salt. (3) Cotton. (4) Mulberries. (5) Cocoanuts. (6) Livestock. III. Manufactured Articles : (1) Tea-bricks. (2) Skins. (3) Cloth. (4) Drums. (5) Glass jars. (6) Pottery. (7) Ingot iron and articles of iron. (8) Gold and silver trees. 261 IV. Conventional Currency: (1) Cowries. (2) Paper. I.. Barter generally. Now, although de la Couperie says nothing as to general barter in China in his Chinese Coins, as above shewn, he has, at p. 13 f. of his Old Numerals and the Swanpan (Abacus) in China, an interesting, and in the present connection instructive, outline account of the history of barter in China. "Barter, in China, as every where else, preceded coinage. Gold, silver, copper, silk-cloth, tortoise-shell, precious stones, grains and shells of some kind, were used for that purpose, according to certain regulations afterwards introduced for the measures and equivalents of weight. Various sorts of small implements or tools in bronze, more convenient to pass from hand to hand, were soon preferred to the other materials. Tradition attributes the casting of that kind of objects in ancient times only for the sake of the people impoverished by droughts or otherwise. Small spades, adzes and knives, improper for the work for which their shape was intended, and later on, flat rings, were multiplied and entered into currency. Trustworthy statements are, however, scanty. Strict regulations for the barter were issued after the establishment of the Tchen Dynasty (Eleventh Century B. C.).49 At the beginning of the Sixth Century Tchwang, King of Tsu (one of the States of the Chinese Confederation), attempted, without success, to make all this differently sized bullion exchangeable, indiscriminately, regardless of its weight. It was the first attempt in China of a fiduciary money." In Burma proper, habits of general barter have been noticed by many travellers. A typical instance is to be found among the Kachins in Anderson's Mandalay to Momien, p. 419"The tsawbwa-gadan (chief's wife) of Woonkoh duly arrived with her gift of fowls, eggs and aheroo (Kachin beer), and received broadcloth and other presents, with which she speedily disappeared, not without grumbling that she had not been paid in money for her fowls." Again at p. 374, he talks of the Kachins "coming down to barter their goods for salt and ngape (fish condiment)." 49 One can hardly help taking these very early dates quantum valeant

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262 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. This was in 1875, and in the following year, Strettell (Ficus Elastica, p. 125 f.), journeying among the Pwons, found that they took slaked lime to Bhamo, which they bartered for cloth or articles of food. "The late Mr. Graham, agent of the firm of Sutherland and Mackenzie, joined me here. He was hurrying up the river in a loung (canoe) to establish a bartering system of trade with the people, which he seemed to think would prove a most remunerative business. He had with him a good supply of Manchester piece-goods, twist, thread, etc., which he intended advancing as he went along on promise of ivory, amber, etc., etc." Strettell (p. 165) found also that while the Burman of the plains paid tribute to the King in Rupees (scil., tickals), the Kachins of the hills paid in slaves, amber and ivory. At p. 187, he tells us he met a party of Kachins (Singhphos) from the amber mines with their yearly tribute:"four pairs of elephant tusks, a pair of amber idols, five spears, and two golden cocks (phenats)." [OCTOBER, 1897. Turning to a wild people at the other extremity of Barma, we find the following statement in Wilson's Documents of the Burmese War, p. lx., quoting from the Government Gazette, March 2, 1826, about the Selungs, there called "Chalones and Pase":"They scarcely know the value of money, and are, therefore, losers in the bartering trade with the Chinese and others who visit them. Perhaps they think themselves the greater gainers, since they give products of no use to them for others of vital importance, and are, thereby, enabled to maintain a degree of wild independence."50 Of this unequal commerce Dr. Anderson in his Selungs of the Mergui Archipelago, pp. 23, 27, etc., gives a graphic account. "These poor creatures gather "black coral," eagle-wood and so on, which they exchange for a little cloth, paddy, tobacco, and perhaps the smell of opium' now and then, valued at not a fifth of what they give in exchange."51 Among the wild tribes of the Chin Hills and the difficult country between the Burmese and Assamese low-land tracts barter is of course the rule, and innumerable instances could be culled from the big bluebook on the Lashai Expeditions of 1872,52 but for the present purpose it will be sufficient to quote the following statements from other sources. In a memoir on the Eastern Frontier of Sylhet by Lieut. T. Fisher, to be found in Wilson's Documents, 1827, at p. xxv., we find that the "Pytoo Kookies, who settled near the South-East Frontier of Sylhet, export yearly a quantity of strong cotton cloth called kase, which is manufactured by their women. This they exchange for raw cotton, tobacco, copper and iron."53 In the Government Papers entitled Hill Tracts between Assam and Burmah, p. 103, we find Capt. Hannay in 1836 noting that in return for amber "the Chinese sometimes pay in silver, but they also bring with them warm jackets, carpets, straw-hats, copper pots and opium, which they give in exchange. They also barter their merchandise for ivory and gold dust, but only in small quantities... I understand that within the last few years several of them have gone to Assam with gold dust, ivory and a little silver, for which they receive in return muskets, cloth, spirits and opium." The people, however, who thus dealt in general barter were "Singfos," i. e., Kachins. But in regarding these "middle mountaineers," as the Burmese call them, Dr. Brown in his Statistical Account of Manipur, p. 89, oddly remarks in 1873, "besides coin, bartering articles in the bazar is quite common." And lastly Woodthorpe in his Account of the Lushai Expedition in 1871-2, tells us, p. 182, "we were frequently visited by large numbers of Lushais from Chepni and Tingridum, bringing in fowls, yams, and eggs for barter, se This is no doubt the proper view to tako of the matter. What so many writers seem to forget is, that the savage or semi-savage may not take the same view of a bargain as they do, and that a bargain that seems to be all on the side of the civilised man may in the eyes of the savage be all on the side of the savage. A good many adverse criticisms as to the dealings of civilised traders with savages are based on this misconception. 61 In the opinion of the civilised traders, be it remembered. 12 House of Commons, Est Intia, Cachar, Papers Relative to the Looshai Raids, 28 May, 1872. st On this same page we have an account of these people's method of killing a "tyger": a spelling probably worth following up.

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OCTOBER, 1897.) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 263 the articles most coveted in exchange being cloth and salt."54 This last quotation brings us close to conventional barter, a stage beyond a general exchange of articles as convenience prompts, and so leaving the matter here as regards the Western frontier of Burma, let 19 return to the Eastern. In Colquhoun's Amongst the Shans we find, p. 51, that the villagers of Zimme paid taxes in cloth, chillies and safflower: taxes being a pretty sure indication of barter values. At p. 60 we are told that the small tribe of the Kakuis" are said to pay no taxes, but make presents of mats, cloths and other articles to the Chiefs and supply them with rice when they travel, as well as carry their baggage." In the Appendix to Vol. II. of Across Chryse there is an interesting translation of a Chinese MS. account of the Kwei-Chan Miao-tzu datod about 1730. It is practically an acconnt of various Shan tribes, and throughout it are allusions to barter values in various forms, which the following will sufficiently indicate. A tribe, therein called the Kau-erh Lang-Kia (p. 369), "after the spring-time stick a small tree in a field, which they call the Demon-stick.'55 There is a gathering around this stick and a dance, and then engagements are made and they go away. If a young woman afterwards wishes to break off her engagement she has to redeem herself by giving an ox and a horse. After this she has to use a go-between." Again, at p. 374, we are told that the Chu-si Keh-lao "always have their revenge on an enemy. If they are not strong enough they engage some one to assist them by the bribe of an ox or some wine." Although to continue the quotation is a little beyond our present point, it is so quaint that I cannot forbear: - "Those who have strength will first eat some meat and drink some wine, and then they do not mind if they are killed in the revengeful act. Those in the district of Tsing-ping are better : they have entered into an agreement with the Chinese!" That in Siam two hundred years ago everything could be procured by barter we have interesting evidence from a complaint, noticed by Anderson, in English Intercourse toith Siam, p. 170, from the East India Company's Inspectors that copper and tin could not be bartered for in Ayathia in 1681 because of a royal monopoly in those articles. At p. 421 ff, of his excellent book Dr. Anderson gives as much as he could read of a "Report on the Trade of Siam" written in 1678 and attributed to the factor, George White, and from this we have a confirms. tion of the general nature of the barter system then prevalent in Ayathia. At p. 425, this valuable document states : -" The ships from Suratt -and Cormandell, bring cargoes of ser': sorts of Callicoes propp for y: vse of y: Countrey and Exportacou to Jepan, China and Manillali, w: they barter for Tyon, Copp., Tutinague, and Porcellaine." In 1822 Crawfurd found the Siamese poll tax paid " in some parts of the country by a commutation in certain of the rude produce peculiar to each province, as sapan-wood, wood, of aloes, saltpetre, ivory and peltry."56 Going further East we find that acute observer, De Morga, stating (Hak. Soc. Ed. pp. 302, 324) that, among the Philipine Islanders in the later 10th Century, "their usual way of trade was by barter of one thing for another, in provisions, cloths, cattle, fowls, lands, houses, crops in the ground and slaves; also fisheries, palms, nipa trees and woods," and again that tribute was paid "in the produce which they possessed, gold, wrappers, cotton, rice, bells, fowls and the rest of what they possessed or gathered." Lastly to shew that precisely the same ideas and customs flourish to the present day among Asiatic peoples, when circumstances and civilization permit, I quote a Russian account of Turkestan as it now is : "From this cursory examination of the natural prodactions of the ch 84 The fines inflicted by the Expedition were, as usual, in terms of the looal currency or exchango : e. g., rice, metros (cattle), pigs, goats, and fowls (pp. 233, 299); and in the Pori, Papers on the subject passim. 65 A "sowing custom," worth reading by the Folk-lo e Society, and also as a primitive form of svonya-wvara. 56 Embassy to Siam and Cochin-China, p. 375. M. Aymonier, Voyage dans le Laos, Vol. I. p. 330, found taxes being paid in lac in 1882-3.

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264 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1897. Khivan oasis we find that the inhabitants export to Russia and Bokhara, cotton, silks, fruits, hides, fish, wool and woollen mapafactures, carpets and rugs. With the nomads they barter wheat, rice, barley and articles of dress for cattle, and wool; with Bokhara they exchange their horses for green tea and tobacco; from Russia they receive manufactured articles, irou ware and sugar." 67 Instances and quotations might be gathered to an indefinite extent from the observations of travellers and residents in the East, and I have merely endeavoured to shew in the above cases that the inhabitants of Burma have acted, or still act, in the matter of general barier after the manner of their neighbours, and that where barter of general produce obtains without the mediam of a recognised currency the scale of civilization is very low." Perhaps one of the most important observations yet made on the effect of a general system of exchange by barter on the administration of a country is to be found in Soppitt's Account of the Kuchari Tribes, p. 19, which I will here quote in fall, owing to the very valuable light it throws on the subject under discussion. Mr. Soppitt says: "Among a people with no coinage of their own and situated for a nuinber of years in a part of the country (North Cachar) far removed from centres of trade and means of communication with civilized people, money was naturally scarce, and it was necessary to accept fines and revenues, paid in kind, as equivalent to the payment in actual coin. A small store of money was kept at the Court, but little was current among the ordinary villagers. A regular scale for fines and revenue was, therefore, drawn up, shewing the value of the various domesticated animals kept by the people, with price of liquor, etc. The following was the scale :A big pig... ... ... Rs. 100 A cock and two small hens.. 4 big hens and 4 small... 100 Pigeons (each) ... ... ,, 010 Ducks (each) ... .. ... .. 0 8 0 Liquor (per lao)... *** ...> 0 4 0 A big conch shell ... >> 10 0 0 A ball mithen (bos frontalis) 0 0 to Rs. 15 A cow mithen ... 10 0 0 to 15 A big buffalo ... 10 0 0 to , 16 A be-goat * ... 1 0 0 A she-goat ... 1 0 0 A dog ... In the following pages Mr. Soppitt gives some extremely interesting instances of prices in terms of the above artioles, and further shews the extent to which similar valuations were, and are still, carried on, by quoting instances to prove that a " year's labour has risen in scale value from Rs, 15 to Rs. 60." Also in Mry. Wylie's Gospel in Burma, at p. 382 f., there is a very interesting quotation from a letter of Dr. Mason, dated 1958, showing how public affairs are managed by a people but partially introduoed to a fixed ourrency. The letter gives an aocoant of the commencement of the now flourishing Karen sohools in Toungoo, and it describes how the necessary buildings came to be erected by public subsoription. The form that the subscriptions took is thus described. "For These the Karens contributed : 070 Rapees in cash, 1 Elephant, 3 Goats, 4 Pigs, 07 Geography of Turkestan, translated from the Russian by Staff. Lieut, Peach in J. U. 8. I. of India, Vol. XXII. P. 262.

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OCTOBER, 1897.] NOTES ON THE NICOBARESE. 265 170 Fowls, 200 Eggs, 65 Mats, 15 Baskets, 12 Large chopping knives, 150 Long ratans, 10 Large bundles of bark rope, 1,580 Large bamboos, 2,000 Small bamboos, 1 Boat." Maleon, the American Missionary traveller, tells us that in Lower Burma about the time of the War of 1824, the Native Government constantly levied fines on the value of the human body, and p. 261 of his Travels, Vol. II., he gives the scale of valuation :" A new-born male child ... 4 tickals A new-born female child ... A boy ... ... ... ... ... ... 10 A girl ... ... ... ... ... ... 7 A young man .. . . .. .. 30 >> A young woman ... ... ... ... .. 35 . Of rich persons twice there prices are exacted; and of principal officers still larger sumns, rapidly increasing in proportion to rank." To the above I can add a little evidence of my own from the Nicobar Islands. In 1896, I had occasion to purchase a piece of land, measuring about 8 acres, from the Chief of Mus in Car Nicobar, on behalf of the Government of India, for a meteorological station and Government agency. For this piece of land I paid the Chief on the 21st March, 1896 12 Suits of black cloth, 1 Piece of red cloth, 6 Bags of rice, 20 Packets of China tobacco, 19 Bottles of Commissariat rum.58 (To be continued.) NOTES ON THE NICOBARESE. BY K. H. MAN, C.I.E. (Continued from p. 222.) No. 2. Bark Cloth. No attempt has yet been made by the Nicobarese to weave cloth. This may be explained by the fact that, in conseqnence of the equable nature of their climate, their absolute requiremnents in this respect are, to say the least, limited; and their needs have for generations past been supplied by traders from the neighbouring continents, who here barter calico and colored handkerchiefs, as well as other articles, for cargoes of cocoanute. Moreover, while in the southern portion of the Nicobar Islands it has been customary from reinote times, both among the coast and inland communities, to manufacture bark-cloth for purposes of clothing 24 it has been the practice among the women of Chowra, Teressa and Bompoka - where foreign trade has heretofore been slack - to wear thick fringe-like skirts of split cocoanut-leaves, called hinong (ante, Vol. XXIV. p. 47). 3 Extremely valued by these people as a medicine and doled out by the Chief in small dones. Rum, to be good " medicine," must be Commissariat rum. Andaman and Nicobar Garette, Supplt., 1896, p. 20. 24 Fontann's remark that in his day (1778) the women wore "a bit of cloth made with the threads of the bark of the cocoanut-tree" possibly refers to this material, as it so newhat resembles the ochrea or fibrous sheath which envolupen the uppor portion of connut tree stems. It may be, however, that the hinong is the garment to which he allulos, Asiatic Researches, Vol. III., Artiolo VII.

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266 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1897. The use of bark-cloth for clothing is now-a-days almost entirely confined to women - and to those only of the Southern group - when in mourning, this being the result of the greater facility now afforded the inhabitants of Great Nicobar and the adjacent islands for procuring calico direct from trading-vessels, a larger number of which now visit the islands in consequence both of the extension of the cocoanut plantations and of the immunity from the risks experienced in former years from disputes or misunderstandings with the natives. This bark-cloth, which goes by the name of ok-ho, is of a somewhat similar character to that manufactured by the inland tribes of the Malayan peninsula and Sumatra, bat, being of a darker shade, more nearly resembles coarse, newly-tanned leather. It is sufficiently flexible and durable to be used for purposes of clothing, sleeping.mats, pillow-covers and the like for a considerable time (ante, Vol. XXIV. p. 134). It is only occasionally that the men engage in the work of preparing this material, in the manufacture of which women, therefore, usually excel. The tree which provides the necessary substance is believed to be the Ficus brevicuspis. The size of the pieces of bark taken from the tree depends of course on the requirements of the manufacturers. A large strip, say, 7 to 8 feet long by about 3 to 4 feet wide, is apparently generally pre. ferred. This is carefully removed by means of a da and, while still fresh, green and pliant, the outer skin is with little difficulty stripped off with the edge of the same implement without injary to the inner bark, which is then ready for the next process. This consists in beating the inner bark on a large flat stone with the edge of a small paddle-shaped mallet, first diagonally in one direction, and then transversely, the work being subsequently repeated on the other side of the bark, the object of course being to thoroughly disintegrate the pulpy substance adhering to tlo fibres, and thereby to render the material flexible and suitable for the purposes above-mentioned. When a large piece of bark is being prepared, this part of the process proves tedious and fatiguing, as may be judged from the fact that a small piece about 18 inches square, which I saw dealt with, was still insufficiently beaten after some 20 minutes of hard work. When the bark is sufficiently dressed, the now pliant material is conveyed to a pool of fresh water, where it is left to soak for about half-an-hour, after which time it is removed and again spread apon a large smooth stone by the operator, who proceeds to express all moisture by means of a suitable cylindrical stone. When this is accomplished to her (or his) satisfaction the material is hung up to dry in the sun, and is ready for use in a few hours. No attempt is made to ornament the substance thas produced. Specimens are sometimes sought as curiosities or as barter by the natives of the Contral Group, who also occasionally use this material for sleeping.mats, pillows and fighting-hats; but they do not - and, from all accounts, never did - as has been incorrectly asserted, apply it for purposes of clothing 25 The Nicobarese have no knowledge of the art of knitting, and no plaited fringes or other articles of personal clothing or ornament are manufactured by them of cord or fibre of any description. No. 3. Cannibalism. Almost incredible as it may appear to those at all acquainted with these Islanders, there is reason to believe, both from their own statements and those of the Swedish traveller Keoping (1647), that at least a small section of their community was addicted to cannibalism 80 recently as in the 17th, if not the 18th, Century A. D. According to Fontana26 (1778), Keoping wrote as follows regarding his visit to the Nicobars : - "Having sent a boat on shore with five men, who did not return at night as expected, the day following a larger boat was sent, well manned, in quest of their companions, 15 Spacimens of bark cloth have been supplied to the following Museums among others: - British Museum, South Kensington Museum, Kew Herbarium, University Museums at Oxford and Cambridge, Maidstone Museum, the Ethnological Museums at Florence, Paris, Leipsig, and Leyden, the Iinperial & Royal Museum of the Court at Viongs, and the Indian Museum at Calcutta. * Asiatic Resourches, Vol. III., Artiole VII.

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267 OCTOBER, 1897.] NOTES ON THE NICOBARESE. who, it was supposed, had been devoured by the savages, their bones having been found strewed on the shore, the boat taken to pieces, and the iron of it carried away." The statements made to me many years ago by the natives of Nancowry Harbour, as noted down at the time, are to the effect that, on a portion of the site of the former Indiau Government Settlement near the south-eastern extremity of Camorta Island and in the vicinity of the small British grave-yard, there stood a village called Chayiha, the remains of which were seen by those living about ninety years ago. The inhabitants of this village, although of the same race as their neighbours, were alone anthropophagi, preying upon such individuals of the other villages as they succeeded in surprising, and presumably also upon such strangers as ventured near their portion of the Harbour. It having at length been decided that something must be done to put a stop to this evil, a menliana (i. e., a shaman) of Oal-ta-menk village (Malacca) one day collected a quantity of wasps (tdo) in a leaf-wrapper which he took, with some fish, to Chayiha, where he found a lad, who told him that all the villagers were absent, working in their gardens. The menluana thereupon instructed the lad to give them the fish on their return and, when all the party were assembled, to divide amongst them the contents of the parcel. The result of course was that the wasps, on being released, attacked everybody present, one only of whom a youth, who had the sense to cover his head with a cooking-pot escaped by swimming across the Harbour to Itoe village. It is added that none of those stung by the wasps recovered from their injuries. This alleged incident, at any rate, is credited with having been the means of ridding the people of their objectionable neighbours. The lad who escaped is described as having prolonged his life only by a few days, as he excited the suspicions of a woman, in whose hut he had taken refuge, by licking her back, after wiping off, at her request, the perspiration which streamed from her while engaged in preparing Pandanus paste. On this strange conduct being reported to the woman's husband he resolved to put a stop to it, and he accordingly procured a poisonous fish, known by the name of toich, which was cooked and introduced into the boy's food, causing his death. Another version has it that two lads escaped from the wasps to Itoe where, in consequence of their manifesting a predilection for human flesh, they were beaten to death. In connection with the foregoing, the following passage from the letters of the Moravian missionary, J. G. Haensel, who resided between 1779-87 principally at Nancowry and close to the village of Oal-ta-meak, would seem to possess some significance: "They insisted that they were good by nature, and never did anything wrong, as we well knew. When we replied, that we knew that they had but lately murdered some people, and afterwards abused the dead bodies, each thrusting his spear into them, mutilating them in the most wanton manner, and at last cutting them to pieces, and asked them whether this was a proof of their natural goodness, their answer wasThat you do not understand; those were people not fit to live, they were gomoy, cannibals!" " In view of these statements it is curious that, so far as I know, no hint of the existence of cannibalism at the Nicobars should be found in the accounts of other writers, and that, supposing the practice to have been continued even no later than a time within the memory of some living during Haensel's stay, no reference is made to it in his published writings. No. 4. Swimming. As compared with the Andamanese and the majority of other maritime races within the tropics, the Nicobarese are by no means distinguished for skill either in the art of swimming or of diving. They are, therefore, far from meriting the extravagant praise which, in all apparent seriousness and good faith, has been bestowed upon their achievements in this respect by an accomplished writer, who paid a short visit to the various islands of the group about 25 years ago. The passage referred to occurs in Stray Feathers and makes mention of a well-known character still the head-man of one of the principal villages in Nancowry Harbour - whom the

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268 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1897. writer describes as seen by him "stark naked and looking the veriest savage imaginable, darting head-foremost from his canoe, and catching the fish with his hands, as only these islanders can. According to their ideas any fool can plunge into the water and seize a single passing fish, but what does require skill is to plunge and come up with two large fish, the forefinger and thumb of each hand firmly fixed in the eye-sockets of a different fish. This, the Nicobarese hold to be something like fishing, and in still water you can hardly keep a Nicobarese in the canoe if he chances to spy two good-sized fishes passing below in such relative positions as to render this feat practicable." It may safely be asserted that it has never entered the imagination of a Nicobarese even to meditate, much less attempt, the performance of such a feat as that described with such vraisemblance. From the fact that, with the exception of the Shom-Pei, tribe, the villages of the Nicobarese are situated either on the coast or in close proximity thereto, their children as might naturally be supposed, frequently disport themselves in the shallow water in front of their huts, thereby gradually acquiring a certain degree of confidence and learning to swim and dive without actual instruction from their seniors. In the absence, however, of any necessity or other incentive to attain excellence in the art, there exists in this easy-going, indolent race little or no spirit of emulation, such as might prompt them at least to strive to acquire a reputation for skill. No swimming races, or games in which swimming enters, are practised amongst them. From their statements it seems that they are chiefly deterred from frequent swimming and diving by their dread of sharks which have, though on rare occasions, been known to attack and wound some unfortunate of their acquaintance. As a result it is found that but few among them will venture to swim further than about a quarter of a mile, and then only owing to some emergency or for some coveted prize; and, if any greater distance were attempted, the man would be deemed foolhardy, who omitted to provide himself with a small buoyant log such as a billet of Sterculia alata37 wherewith to assist him in keeping himself afloat. They never attempt to remain under water a long time, and the idea of competing with others in doing this would scarcely suggest itself to any of them. Thongh swimming on the breast, on the side, and on the back are methods known and prac tised by some, the most common mode of progression is the hand-over-hand stroke. The only known occasion on which a member of the inland tribe of Great Nicobar (Shom-Pen) was seen to swim and that for a few yards only - he shewed himself to be a complete novice in the art by imitating the action of a dog in the water. Even among the coastmen there are some who neglect to acquire the art or, having acquired it in their youth, rarely (if ever) practise it in later years. As may be supposed, among the women the accomplishment is possessed in a still less degree, due presumably to the fact that in their case the need of its exercise is rarely experienced. When a Nicobarese has occasion to dive to a depth of ten feet or less, he jumps into the water feet foremost, but on the comparatively rare occasions that some among them dive to such a depth as three or four fathoms as when desirous of securing a Tridacna which they have espied, or of recovering a da or other valued object, which has fallen overboard - they take a header. On no occasions do they take weights in order to assist them in descending more rapidly and easily. No. 5. Astronomy. In writing about the Nicobarese, Fontana28 (cir. 1778) expressed his belief that "the idea of years and months and days is unknown to them, as they reckon by moons only, of which they number fourteen, seven to each monsoon." This statement, however, requires some modification. 27 Of this wood the outriggers of their ca.1oes are constructed, 28 Asiatic Researches, Yol. III., Art. VII.

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OCTOBER, 1897.] 1. Divisions of the Year. The greater divisions of time are reckoned by monsoons (shom-en-yuh, or shom-cn-yuh). As each monsoon lasts six months, more or less, two successive shom-en-yuhs represent approximately one solar year. Roughly speaking, the South-West monsoon (sho-hong) continue from May to October inclusive, and the North-East monsoon (ful) from November to April. In order, therefore, to denote a period equivalent to our solar year the Nicobarese describe it either as an (two) shom-en-yuh or as heang (one) ful heang sho-hong. Sheh Hammua . Channi....... Daneh-poah.......... Mana(k)-nga-pooh Lanenli and, or, Lah-meluh The monsoons are subdivided into lunar months (kahe) and, as the change of monsoon may take place during the course of the "moon" in April-May and of that in OctoberNovember, fourteen terms are in use for the purpose of indicating the possible number of lunations, or fractions thereof, which can occur in the two monsoons. The terms are as follow, the first five in each monsoon invariably occurring in the order given: S.-W. Monsoon (Sho-hong). N.-E. Monsoon (Ful). Kaka-tok.... Tu-it Hamak Mitosh...... Mokheak Dana-kapa and, or... March-Ape) Kaba-chui(j) ************ *********** Ilue..... ......... ********* NOTES ON THE NICOBARESE. T (,, *********** (about April-May) ( >> May-June) ( June-July) 99 (" ( ...... ***.** July-Aug.) Aug.-Sept.) Sept, Oct.) 39 If, at the termination of the Mana(k)-nga-poah Moon, the weather prove stormy the new moon is called Laneih, but if the weather be mild and indicative of an early change of monsoon it is called Luh-meluh. Similarly, at the corresponding period in the N.-E. monsoon, the sixth Moon is called Danah-kapa, if there appears to be no likelihood of an early change in the direction of the wind, and Kaba-chui(j) in the contrary case. 33 *******... When the change of monsoon occurs, the name of the "moon" then running is changed to that of the first" moon" of the new monsoon; hence it generally happens that Sheh and Kakatok continue only for a fraction of a "moon," viz., for the unexpired period of the "moon" during which the change in the direction of the wind occurred. By this means the error which arises from adopting the lunar year of thirteen complete lunar months is avoided. The chief point for the stranger to bear in mind is that the reckoning is by halfyears, and not years, so that in referring to a period of 7 shom-en-yuhs 3 solar years. (approximately) would be meant. In like manner at Car Nicobar they have the following fourteen terms to denote the possible number of lunations or fractions thereof in the course of the two monsoons:S.-W. Monsoon (Mes-sunga). N.-E. Monsoon (Komfuata). (about April-May) *Penyai-nong-makek -( May-June 30 Ra-nanga.................... ( June-July) *Tenlon-long-kun ta July-Aug.) *Kenrui (d)-ngaran-kamop.( Aug.-Sept.) *Cha-nul-ne and, or,..... *Ka-nai(t)-el-ta-oka ..(" Sept.-Oct.) ********* ....... Ta-sela 269 (about Oct-Nov.) (,, Nov.-Dec.) (,, Dec.-Jan.) Jan.-Feb.) Feb.-March) (" (" 39 (about Oct.-Nov.) Teng-tak-ken-chuta. ( Nov.-Dec.) *Ka-run-ngarit ( Dec.-Jan.) *Inoka-ta-wie ********. ******... ( Jan.-Feb.) Feb.-March) Kenchut-tang-kong... ( Kenchut-miringa and, or, LA-nen-nga-el-kui-ta-iawa 37 33 } (,, March-Apl.) 29 A period equal to a lunation is styled kama-henua (from kahe, moon, and hen, time), hence, for example, the period from the full-moon in Sheh to the full-moon in Channi would be spoken of as an kama-henwa (not an kihe) two lunar months. se At this island (Car Nicobar) custom prescribes a day of rest (called andi-ila) on the 7th day of the moon, at full-moon, and on the 22nd day of the moon, but only in those "moons" marked. From their long intercourse with Burman traders and seamen there can be little doubt that the practice is traceable to the Burmese institution of "worship-days" (bik-n), which, in addition to those above-mentioned, include the last day of the month, thereby numbering four in all.

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270 The principal, if not the only, seasons which are recognized as such are (1) gonga-rai, or dai, the time when deciduous trees shed their foliage (March-April); (2) dai-tata-yal, the time when young leaves (dai or rai) are formed on the same trees (May-June); (3) shama-haun, which occurs in the first few weeks of the rainy season, when planting and cultivation are mostly attended to in the gardens; (4) komoruak, the season during which memorial-feasts (koruak) are held, viz., Nov.-April; (5) koi-kapa; and (6) koi-ilue, the calm seasons in April and October respectively when trafficking is chiefly carried on between the various islands. There is no method of indicating divisions or periods of time by crops. 1st day, 2nd Not only do the Nicobarese possess terms to denote the chief phases of each lunation, such as, the "first-quarter," "fall-moon," and "last-quarter," but, as will be seen from the following Table, they are able to indicate any particular day in a lunation as clearly as we could ourselves. 3rd 4th 5th 6th 7th 8th 16th 17th 18th 19th "" 20th 21st 22nd 23rd 24th 39 9th 10th " 11th 12th 13th 14th 15th 39 39 33 "2 33 33 33 39 " "" 25th 26th 27th 28th 29th 30th 31st " 23 dw THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 33 39 [OCTOBER, 1897. Terms employed for each day and phase of a lunation. 1st Quarter, hang-la.33 fong-yuang-kahe, also Full-moon, hokngaka(-kahe), or fwian-oal-kahe. heang-she-kahe. an-she-kahe. loe-she-kahe. foan-she-kahe. tanai-she-kahe. tafual-she-kahe. issat-she-kahe. enfuan-she-kahe. heanghata-she-kahe. shom-she-kahe. hoang-yhm-kiho ai-yam-kahe. le-ym-kib. foan-yam-kahe. tanai-yam-kahe. tafual-yam-kahe. issat-yam-kahe. enfuan-yam-kahe. heanghata-yam-kahe (also shom-heinghata-tUm-ykm). heang-momchiama-yam-kahe enfoan-tat-langa. issat-tat-langa. tafual-tat-langa. tanai-tat-langa. foan-tat-langa. ongawa. hinai. hinlain. manut.33 kanat.32 kanat.32 Last Quarter, kaneal.34 Waxing moon, hen-neni-oal-kahe. Waning moon, tennyuoa-na-oal-kahe. 31 This refers to the first day of the new moon, provided she is visible. 82 Moonless nights. Kanat is employed on the 30th day if the moon be not then visible, and nightly after that should the moon be hidden by clouds or mist. It may thus be the 3rd or 4th day of the moon when she is first seen. 33 Lit., "one piece" (as said in reference to a fruit or vegetable). 34 This word also signifies" boar's-tusk," in obvious allusion to its crescent form,

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OCTOBER, 1897.] The corresponding terms employed at Car Nicobar are as follows: (a) Yanihi-chingeat (waxing-moon). 1st day, kahok-chingeat. 2nd, aneat-chingeat, 2 days'-old moon, kanel-haun (lit., pig's-tusk). 3rd lue-chingeat. 4th fan-chingeat. 5th tani-chingeat. 6th ,, tafual-chingeat. 7th sat-chingeat. 8th 9th 10th 33 " 39 39 39 33 "" NOTES ON THE NICOBARESE. "9 11th day, kahok-sian-chingeat. 12th,, aneat-sian-chingeat, 13th, lue-sian-chingeat or soho-chingeat (day before full-moon). heohare-chingeat, 1st Quarter, tut-la-al. 14th fan-sian-chingeat or chawi (or komtopla)-chingeat (full-moon). 15th 16th "3 maichuatare-chingeat. chamanga-chingeat. (b) Roka-chingeat (whole or greater portion of moon). 30 17th day, kahok-dronga-chingeat. 18th aneat-dronga-chingeat. 29 19th, lue-dronga-ching eat. 20th fan-dronga-chingeit. 21st >>, tani-dronga-chingeat. tani-sian-chingeat or andi(ch)-chingeat) days immediately following fulltafual-sian-chingeat or chukyea-chingeat moon. (c) Dronga-chingeat (waning-moon). 22nd tafual-dronga-chingeat, Last Quarter, drongte-chingeat. 23rd sit-dringa-chingent, 24th heohare-dronga-chingeat. 25th, maichuatare-dronga-chingeat. 26th,, sam-dronga-chingeat. (d) Salnowa-chingeat (disappearing moon). 271 27th day, kahok-salnowa-chingeat. 28th,, aneat-salnowa-chingeat. 29th >> lue-salnowa-chingeat. 30th fan-sklnown-chingent. "? The period between the last appearance of the old moon and the first appearance of the new moon is called aiya-ap-chingeat. It, therefore, corresponds to the term kanat in the dialect of the Central Group. 2. Division of the Day and Night. The varying position of the sun at the same hour at different seasons is accounted for in a somewhat singular and ingenious manner. It is thought that the rising of the sun north of

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272 [OCTOBER, 1897. the cast during the heavy squally weather of May, June, July and August is attributable to the violence of the S.-W. gales driving it towards that position (!); while the fact of its appearing south of the east during the rest of the year is, on the same principle, ascribed to the force of the N.-E. winds, then prevailing, which prevent the dawn from breaking uniformly in the same point of the horizon. The property of the sun-dial is unknown to the Nicobarese. From the following list of terms used by them to indicate the various hours of the day and night it will be seen that their day is divided with regard to the position of the sun at different hours until sunset, while the period between sunset and sunrise is in like manner divided in reference to increasing darkness, supper-time, approach of midnight, midnight, deep sleep, approach of dawn, and dawn: (1) Forenoon, Sun-rise, danakla-heng; hen-nela-heng,) About 7 a. m., enhla-koi-hindoaha, koi-hindoaha-ka, koi-hindiaha-chong. enhla-kamheng. 8 "" 33 33 33 33 29 About noon, kam-heng. 9 "" 101 or 11 93 5 5-30 ,, 19 39 33 39 17 33 33 19 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 1 p. m., shariala-heng (or shadiaha-heng). 2 3 3-30 4 Sunset, shup-heng. 99 shortly after, ladiaya. Twilight, enhshe-puyue. Dusk, payue. dw 39 (2) Afternoon,-la-hanga-heng. chin-faicha-chong, chin-faicha-ka. (4) Night. About 7 p. m., payue-tuchul; puyue-pot; also faneamla-kamoish (roosting time). 7-30 ** hen-mokngok (supper-time). hei-mokngok-ka. hen-mokngok-chiyau. Midnight, yuang-hatom. 99 Abont 1 a, m., hen-chatnga. 2 3 4 - la-hala-heng. chin-faicha-enhshe. heng-imat-mitus. heng-imat-enhshe; also heng-kamot (tari-tapping time). enhshe-shup-heng. (3) Evening. 8 9 33 10 and 11 p. m., enhshe-yuang-hatom. oal-haki (morning). ha-haka-chiyaa. ha-hoaka-ka. ha-hoaka. Dawn, shortly before, enhla-puyu. Dawn, puyu. Sunrise, shortly before, chang-i-oal. In order to particularise a certain hour of the day to an alien unacquainted with their terms, a native will, by protruding his lips or by stretching out his hand, point to the position of the sun at the hour in question, and say, "dahtare heng, thither sun."

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OCTOBER, 1897.) NOTES ON THE NICOBARESE. 273 At Car Nicobar the terms used are as follows: Sun-rise, manat-la-ta-wue ;35 puhu. Morning, ko-ta-nen'-puhu. Forenoon, ti ran'-puhu. Noon, sa-kam'. About 3 p. m., ta-ran'-harap. >> 5 >> ko-ta-nen'-harap. Sunset, minat-ta-ta-wue.36 Evening, harap. Dusk, parue-yamat. About 9 p. m., aru-harap. 11, kua-meng' a-hare. midnight, chyual-hatam. 3 . m., chinriui-ta-pu. >> 4 , ro-haiyam (lit., "cock-crow"). 4-30, al.kua-pu. Dawn, muaka. Sunrise, shortly before, ta-pu. There is an alternative method for indicating periods of time on moonlight nights, viz., by applying the terms used for daylight-hours with the substitution of kahe (moon) for heng (sun), and by adding kahe to those terms which are complete without the prefix or suffix of heny: e. g., danakla-kahe, moon-rise; kim-kihe, the meridian altitude of the moon; chin-faichachong-kahe, two hours later (i. e., than kam-kahe), etc. It will thus be apparent that the entire list of terms from dandkla-kahe to shup-kehe can be employed only at full-moon; and, as the equivalent clock-time of such of the terms as can be used on other nights during the lunation - both before and after fall-moon - necessarily differs to the extent of some 50 minutes from that of the next preceding or succeeding night, it is necessary to note the exact phase of the lunation in order to determine whether the term employed refers to some hour before or after midnight. The practice of reckoning length of time by nights (rdin or dam) instead of by days is usual but not universal. Ex.:- enfoan hinga ram na kapah, he died 8 days (lit., nights) ago; again, shon-loe hala ram sh 01-n jare chong-heo, the Steamer will retorn (soatb waris) 13 days (lit., nights) hence. In these examples shinkim (day) might be employed in place of ram. 3. Time and Distance. In order to express any short period of time or to indicate the distance of some village or spot on the same island, the Nicobarese would say that it was one (or more, as the caso might be) "betel-quid-taking-time," so that a halt or visit occupying some 15 minutes, or a walk of about a mile, would be described as "one betel-quid-taking period." Ex:an lohot he maiya leat tang, we all reached it - some place about 2 miles distant - in two betel-quids' time. Similarly, a walk of about 4 miles would be considered and described as equivalent to "4 betel-quids," and so on. But in order to convey an approximate idea of some distance by sea in a canoe (say, from 2 to 20 miles between one island and another) they say that it is one (or more)" young-cocoanut-drinks" distant. Thus a canoe trip of less than two miles would be spoken of as less than one young-cocoanut-drink," while a trip from Nancowry Harbour to Chowra would perhaps be regarded by the majority as one of 6 "young-cocoanat # The substitution of t fort is all that distinguishes the word for "guneet" from that for "sunrise."

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274 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1897. drinks," and so on, relatively, between any two other places according to distance.36 Experience, however, shews that just as the capacity for absorbing fluids and chewing betelquids varies considerably in different individuals, so also do terms of this nature, when used by them, differ not a little in significance; as however, there is no great call for exactitude, either in regard to time or space, in connection with their movements these rough methods of determining distance are ordinarily sufficient for all their requirements. The explanation of the use of these terms is, as may be supposed to be found in the fact that the Nicobarese invariably carry young cocoanuts in their canoes when making a trip of some duration, in order to assuage their thirst; while betel-chewing is a practice universally observed among them. The following may here be added as further examples of the same nature: beang kola-hoisha ................ a few moments, lit., one holding-of-the-breath. heang hat-doh-na-yolnga-heng... about one hour of the day only), lit., less-than-one stage-in-the-san's-passage-across-the-sky. hoang mishaya-heng .............. about three hours (of the day only). hoang molkanla-heng ............ about six hours of the day only), lit., one-half of a day. heang muydia-onh .................. about three hours (of the night only), lit., the time taken in burning one small bundle of firewood. hoang bat-pomak dah .............. about six hours (of the night only). lit., the time taken in burning one large bandle of firewood. 4. Points of the Compass. The Nicobarese possess terms descriptive of the points of the compass, vis., ta7-ngile, North; tam-ngange, South; ta37-ng ahao, East; ta37-ngaiche, West; and are in the habit of making more use of their knowledge in this respect in the daily affairs of life than is deemed at all necessary among civilized communities. For instance, there is in all their dialects a very extensive list of words expressing "motion " or "direction," which require severally the special suffix appropriate to its class, implying whether the direction or motion be northward, southward, eastward, westward or ..... towards the landing-places' (ta97-ngaine). The result of this seemingly pedantic mode of expression is that most careful observance of the rules on the subject is at all times necessary, not only to convey a correct meaning, but in order to avoid conveying the directly opposite impression to that intended; while by inadvertently employing & suffix appertaining to another class the certain risk is incurred of being to a greater or less degree unintelligible. The words indicating the four cardinal points are not derived from prevalent winds, nor is it possible at the present day to decide definitely as to their origin. No trace can be discovered of the derivation of the terms denoting " south" (ngange)" or "east" (ngahae), but the word for "north" (ngale)40 signifies also " above," and that for "west" (ngaiche) means also "below"; the latter would thus appear to be associated in the minds of these Islanders with some idea of the position of the setting-sun. se Ez, :-foan het-nang tiinan ind leat tang it, you two arrived here in 4"young-cocoanut-driuk time." 97 In construction the particle ta is dropped. * As from the very nature of their mode of life they have frequent occasion to visit the laughing place of this respective villages, special provision to meet this want is thus made. * Where the speaker is in doubt as to the direction he wishes to indicate, or where exactitude of expressiou immaterial, he employs a sufix which denotes direction or motion without reference to any particular point of the compass. These terms, therefore, aro in most common use, especially among the loss intelligent. As a suggestion it may here be noted that in the same dialect "hala" denotes "house" (in the future), and "hanga" expresses "ago" (past time), while their traditions speak of their having originally come from the south.

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OCTOBER, 1897.] NOTES ON THE NICOBARESE. 275 Table of certain common verbs and adverbs having suffixes indicating direction or motion. North (also Above) ta-ngale South ta-ngange East ta-ngahne 1 West (also Below) ta-ngaiche Landing-place ta-ngaige (of some object in a 11ortherly direction) shiri ngale Like that (of some (of some object in & object in an southerly easterly direction) direction) shiri ugauge shiri ng&hae (of some object in a nvesterly direction) shiri ngaiche (of somn object without reference to its direction) shiri ane (of some object in direation of landing place) shiri ngaine northwards southwards eastwards westwards towards the in any landing place direction af-al GO Ascend a hill Ascend a hill af-al o-le o-le Go Arrive tang-la chiat-la Climb a tree Bring Ascend a ladder af-ang af-ahat af-aich af-ain af-at af-aich (descend a hill) 0-she (descend a hill) 7-nge 5-he 7-she 7-te o-te tang-nga tang-hat tang-she tang-re tang-ta chiat-she (descend a tree) kai-hanga kai-hahat kai-hashe kai-haine kai-hata chuak-shire 12 (descend a ludder) kai-ngare kai-hare kai-shire kai-wire kai-tare oid-ngare did bare oid-shire did-nire did-tare dah-ngare dah-hare dab-shire dah-nire dah-tare Come kai-hala chuak-lare kai-lare did-lare dah-lare Hither Thither 5. Steering Courses by Sun and Stars. The acquaintance of the Nicobarese with the heavenly bodies is very limited, and such little knowledge as they possess is confined to the more intelligent of the elder members of the various communities who are able to identify a few of the more striking of the constellations, planets and stars, to wit, the Pleiades, Orion's Belt, the Southern Cross, Ursa Major, and Venus. When travelling by night which usually is only done in the calm weather breaks (koi-kapa and koi-ilue), occurring respectively in April and October - they take advantage of such knowledge as they possess of the position of certain stars in reference to the situation of the neighbouring islands, to steer their course thereby. The islands thoy are in the habit of visiting most frequently are in no case more than 48 miles distant - in other cases ranging from 8 to 35 miles and as care is taken to arrange sach trips, whenever possible, only while calm weather is assured and daring neap tides - in order to escape strong currents and dangerous tide-rips, their dependence on the stars for guidance is limited to the firyt half of the longest voyages, after which intervening islets or lofty bills, which then loom in view, are naturally preferred as sarer indications of the correctness of the course. In these night voyages the polar-star is chosen as & guide by the natives of the Central and Southern Groups when visiting Chowra and Nancowry respectively, and by the natives of Chowra when steering for. Car Nicobar; while the Southern Cross directs the Car Nicobarese voyagers in their expeditions to Chowra, and also the natives of the Central Group in their trips to Little 11 It should be mentioned that one but the elderly members of the community venture to betray any know edge of this subject, it being among their superstitions that acquaintance or familiarity with such matters tends to shorten their lives, or at the least to age them in some mysterious manner. It is consequently only from certain of the more intelligent of the old people that any trustworthy information on these points can be gathered.

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276 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1897. Nicobar. Sometimes they stoer their course by keeping one or other of these stars directly stern of the canoe. Save to this limited extent no attempt is made to utilize their observations of the movements of tbe planetary bodies. 6. The Winds and Clouds. I give here a diagram of the various terms used in order to denote the different winds. It should be mentioned that the term (mahai-chiam) applied in the diagram to the N. N.-W. and S. S.-E. winds implies "straight," by reason of their proceeding direct from these two points where lie adjacent inhabited islands, i.e., Chowra, Teressa, and Bompoka on the one hand, and the Southern Group on the other ; so that, making their voyages thitherwards during the prevalence of either of these winds, they know that on one course or the other they can make sure of being driven straight to their destination. With regard to the clouds, the Nicobarese lave but one word to express the different formations of cirrus, cumulus, and stratus, viz., mifainya, while to denote nimbus they merely say mifainya-ta-al, lit., a black cloud. Diagram showing the terms used to denote the direction of the various winds. A Z KAPA-MAHAI-CHIAM. Z KAPA (OR KABA) KAPA-FUL NNE NAS NNW N APA-SHOHONG NW NE 4 WNW ENE ENE 8 w WSW SE SHO-HONG V LOHNGA-FUL SW SE SHOHONG-TA LOHNGA-SHOHONG C LOHNGA. LOHNGA-MAHAI-CHIAMI

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OCTOR, 1397.) SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. 277 v >> Explanation, a denotes the direction of the wind at the close of the N.-E. monsoon, and >> S.-W. >> When these veer to the opposite direction by way of the north, they are both included in the terms kainusl-riala-kapa (lit., wind turning north). C denotes the direction of the wind at the close of the N.-E. monsoon, and D , S.-W. When these veer to the opposite direction by way of the south, they are both included in the term haish-winlu-lonja (lit., wind turaing south). The kansk-fael, when blowing almost continuously from the N.-E. (say, from February to April), is described as ha ish-ful-ia. Similarly, the bansk-shuhong, when blowing continuously from the S.-W. (say, froin June to September), is styled haish-shohong-ta. In naming any of the winds mentioned in the accompanying diagram the word "haish" (wind) is prefixed. (To be continued.) NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM BY SIR J. M. CAMPBELL, K.C.I.E., I.C.S. (Continued from p. 262.) Earth Spirits. Most of the bhuts or have beens of the Konkan are supposed to live on the earth. Of the noble army of Konkan bkits that live on the carth, perbaps the best known are Alvantin, Athvar, Bahiri or. Blairoba, Brahmapurush, Bapdev, Babaris, Cheda, Chandkai, Chondi, Dakin, Firangi, Jakhai, Janai, Jokhai, Kaphri, Khavis, Kalimba, Kalkais Mhaskoba, Mahavir, Munja, Navlai, Pir, Sambandh, VetAland Zoting. Vetal is considered the lord or raja of earth spirits. Vetal is made in the image of a man, except that his hands and feet turn backwards. His eye-balls are of a tawny green, and the hair of his head stands on end. He wears a green dress, and holds a cane in his right hand and a conch-shell in his left. He also holds in his left hand a rosary of twenty-one rulraksh beads, 7 a piece of pressed cow-dung ashes, and a bracelet of his favourite ruil flowers which he usually wears round his right wrist. Generally, at midnight, Vetal starts on a royal progress, seated in a palanquin or riding a borse, and with a mighty escort of spirits before and after him, yelling frantically and waving lighted torches,79 Vaal is said to spend his time in serving the god Siva. His usual abode is a mountain, a wood thickly set with small trees and shrubs, or the bank of a river. His aspect is cruel and terrible. He has no body, and lives on wind. Only when Vetal sets out on his royal progress, or when he has business of the god Siva to perform, does he assume a body. Siva has made Vetal chief of spirits because Siva could find no spirit that excelled Vetal in learning, wisdom, talent, or strength. In the Konkan, Vetil is often represented by a large rough stone set under a tree and smeared with oil and red lead. Whenever any one is saddenly taken ill, or is possessed by an evil spirit, the Konkan, villagers worship the stone of Vetal, and make vows to it for the recovery of the sick. Every 17 Eleocarpus lanceolatus. 15 Calotropis gigantea. 19 With Vetal and his troop compare the European Hellequin or air-contending spirits in France, in Spain the Old Army, and in England King Arthur's Hunt. Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. pp. 941, 942.

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278 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI. (OCTOBER, 1897. year in the month of Magh (February) the stone of Vetal is worshipped with flowers and red powder, and each villager takes a bundle of lighted straw, and dances round the stone, yelling and howling Brahmapurush, the Brahman man or Brahmarakshas, the Brahman fiend, comes next in importance to Vetal. Brahmapurush is believed to be the ghost of a marrjed Brahman who during his lifetime was a miser, whom death overtook when his mind was uneasy with unaccomplished schemes. He seldom attacks. But when he does, it is extremely difficult to get rid of him. According to the sastris and pandits of the Maharashtra, Bhattoji Dikshit, the well-known expounder of the Siddhanta Kuumuuli, an elaborate treatise on Sanskrit grammar, after his death, became a Brahmapurush, so great was his longing to teach the Kaumudi. His spectre was so often seen in his mansion in Banaras that the mansion was set apart for the spirit's use. After a time a Brahman boy, of twelve or thirteen, came to Banaras to gain a knowledge of Sanskrit grammar. In Banaras, as a joke, the haunted mansion was shewn to the lad as the dwelling of the greatest teacher of grammar. The lad entered the house and saw an elderly Brahman performing his sandhya or morning prayer. The boy humbly saluted the Brahman and told him the object of his visit, The Brahman told him that he would make him conversant with Sauskpit ginimar in twelve months, on condition that means while the boy would, on no account, leave the mansion. As for the boy's feeding the Brahman said that he would be daily served at the proper time with a well-dressed dish. The boy consented, and remained for twelve months, during which he mastered Sanskrit grammar. One day, after the year was over, he forgot his agreement, and left the house to enjoy the nir. As he was walking one of the men who had recommended him to live in Dikshit's house, met the boy and expressed surprise at his escape from the haunted mansion. He told the pupil that his teacher was a Brahmapurush, and that when they advised him to go into the house he and his friends never expected the pupil to come out alive. The student, though greatly alarmed, resolved to go back to the mansion. The ghost, seeing that the boy was much frightened, told him not to fear, and ordered the boy to take his bones to Gaya, and perform rites to free the soul of Dikshit. From the day the rites were performed the ghost disappeared from the pansion. Bhairoba. - When Bhairoba is shewn as a standing male figure with a trident in his left hand and a damaru or drum in his right, he is called Kala-Bhairav. But he is generally represented by a rough stone covered with oil and red lend. His nature is terrible, and when offended he is difficult to appease. By some he is believed to be an incarnation of Siva, others class him as a spirit who is in favour with Siva. He is also consulted as an oracle. In consulting Bhairav as an oracle a betel nut is set on each breast of the rude figure and the god is asked, if the consulter's wish is to be granted, to let the right or the left ant drop first. Bhairav is not subordinate to Vetil. When he makes his nightly rounds he rides a black horse, and is accompanied by a black dog. Choda, the Lad, is believed to be the ghost of a shepherd hoy who died unmarried.91 He is widely known in the Konkan and is feared by the people. He is short and ugly. He is dressed in a langt or loin cloth and a blanket, and holds a long pole with jangling bells. Over almost the whole Konkan, and particularly in Thani, every village has its ( hoda, a stone set in some conspicuous place in the village. Whenever a cow calves, her owner offers the first milk to Cheda by pouring it over Cheda's stone. If the offering is withheld Cheda will either spoil . So In the KonkAn and to a less extent in the Dakhan, spirits like V AI, Bhairoba, Mhaskoba and Sitala levi Aro considerod demigods or something more than demigods. They are worshipped, not only by the early tribes, but oven by Brahmar and other high classes. Although Koukan Brehmans look down upon Kunbis for worshipping spirits like Chida, they themselves worship Viti), Bhuiruba and Maskoba, aud sometimes oven Choda and Manja. #1 Amcaz Ratnagiri Marahls and Karhadi Brahmans the word Cheda moans a boy or lad.

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OCTOBER, 1897.] SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. 279 or lessen the yield of milk.82 Cheda also, when displeased, takes the form of a tiger, and eats the vallage cattle. To avoid this, annual offerings of fowls and cocoanuts are made to his stone. Cheda is sometimes called Choda-mama or Uncle Choda. Uncle Cheda is either a divine watchman or a bully according as his powers are used for defence or for attack. Ramji, a barber of Junnar in North Poona, had been in low spirits. An enemy had blighted him with the help of a spell. Ramji started for the Konkan to bay a Cheda to keep his rival's spell from again entering his house. At Bhiwndi, in Ihani, he was sent to a Thakur who dealt in Chedas. Ramji promised the Chieda, if he would come with him to Junnar, that the Cheda would get an egg daily, a fowl every Sanday, and mutton and liquor twice a month on full moon and on new-moon days. Under these terms Uncle Cheda agreed to go with Ramji and guard his house in Junnar from charms. The Thikur made Cheda a little image to live in and Ramji carried him to Jannar. Rimji set Cheda on Lakshman, the local oilman, whose spells had blighted Ramji's health. Lakshman died and Ramji was greatly feared. "He has a Konkan Cheda in his house, take care you do not anger him." Ramji became religious and joined the Varkoris or time-keepers, the strictest sect of the followers of Vithoba of Pandharpur. Now he could eat no flesh and drink no liquor. He explained the change to Cheda. At first Cheda sulked. Then he admitted that as his master had given up liquor and flesh he could not be expected to go on giving him these luxuries, So Cheda kept friendly. Excess of devotion, or some other cause, made Ramji weak and nervous. His doctor said : It is wind stroke or vayu. Eggs are the thing, strengthening food, eat eggs and you will soon be well. Ramji ate eggs but forgot Cheda. Cheda was furious and was more than once heard to say he would have Ramji's life. Ramji called in Vithoba. Vithoba came, smelt the eggs, and left. Ramji was alono with Uncle Cheda and Uncle Cheda killed him. Ramji's mother abused Cheda for killing her son, took his image and threw it into the middle of a river. As Cheda cannot cross running water he is still at the bottom of the river and keeps quiet. Jakhri, Jokhai, Mukai and Navlai are the ghosts of women who died in child-birth or unmarried, or with some other desire unfulfilled. They cause great mischief by bringing disease, destroying corn, and occasionally waylaying and teasing travellers. Kaphri, the spectre of an African who was murdered by robbers, has eyes at the back of his head, toes near bis ankles, and is generally like a human being with the chief parts of his body reversed. Mhasoba, Mhaskoba or Mhaishasur, who is generally represented by a large stone placed under a tree, is the spirit of vengeance, and is specially worshipped by those who wish to injure or take revenge on others. He roams at night in the form of a big buffalo, and gores any one who may chance to meet him. Munja is the ghost of a Brahman boy who died after his thread ceremony and before his marriage.83 Manja generally lives in the Pipal tree. The chief objects of the Munja's attack are women whom he teases cruelly. Many stories are told of Koukan houses set on fire by Monja, and of women tormented by fire, by having their eyes picked with thorns, or by barrenness. To appease Munja, persons aftlicted or possessed by lim perform the Munja thread.girding ceremony of the pipil tree and raise an embankment or por around the tree. Many such embankments can be seen in the Konkin, even in the town of Bombay. (To be contin neil.) 2 Compare the German dwarfs and elves who were believed to draw milk from the udders of kine (Grimm's Teutonic Myti.ology, Vol. III. p. 1072). 8 No class of spirits is more feared or more generally worshipped than the spirits of Brahmana, especially the fpirit of an unmarried Bribmap. The Gonds worship munjul under the form of a little cone of red lead, 14 inches high, which rises of itself in a platform in the house as a shrine for the unmarried dead (Hislop's Aboriginal Triber of the Cendral Prorinces, App. I. p. 1). Iu Bengal, a case is recorded in wbieb a Brahman's land was taken from him by a chief, and, as he got no redress, the Brihinan killed himself and became the village deity (Ty.or's Primitive Cultura, V... TI p. 118). So in Gujarat, the Bhets and Cherans grained high abnetty train their known readiness tu sommit suit ide, and from the belief that their spirits would haunt the man who had made them commit suicide.

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280 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI. (OCTOBER, 1897. MISCELLANEA. A MORALTIY FROM THE CENTRAL who knows but that they may have hearts that PROVINCES. commend themselves to Paramesvara. M. N. VENKETSWAMI. Once upon a time in a certain country there lived a pious king. One day, having bathed and DERIVATION OF SATELEER. applied the filaku to his forehead, he started, This is the form which a word for a small coin followed by his minister, to go to a temple to of the Malays assumes in a general table of worship. To reach the temple there was a river Oriental coins and weights given by Stevens at to be crossed. p. 128 of his New and Complete Guide to the East Now Isvara, with a view to test the prety of the India Trade. The following quotations will shew king, assumed the form of a mangy dog, and that its derivation is precisely that of sopique appeared at the river precisely at the moment given ante, p 222 ff., and that it meant originally when the king and the minister were about to the same thing, viz., a string of pitis or cash cross it. In this repulsive disguise the god It is, in fact, made up of the Malay sa, one, + approached the king repeatedly with a mnte tali,'a string, just as sapeque represeutssa, one,+ appeal to be taken to the temple on the other side; puku, a string of pitis. but he kept himself from coming in contact with 1775. - "Coins of Siam, Pegu, Malacca, Camwhat appeared to be a low cur. Yet tbe animal per- ! bodia. Sumatra, Java, Borneo, etc.. sisted in going up to the king, howling piteously. Crown=8 Sateleers = 58..... A Bateleer 125 Fettees = 74d." - Stevens, Guide, p. 129. The minister, on seeing this, said to his Fettee stands for pitis. master:-"I see, sir, that this creature wisbes to he taken across the river." So saying he took the 1776 - "Batavia. 3 Cash are 1 Satallie. 6 dog into his arms, notwithstanding the mange, Cesh, or 2 Satallie, are 1 Sooka. 9 Cash are and began fording the river after the king. 1 Scoka Satallie... 39 Cash, or 13 Sa. tallies, or Skillings, are 1 Ducatoon." - Stevens, The river was not easily forded, and so, when Guide, p. 121. Sooka is for suku, a quarter piece the water reached up the armpits of the minister, (of #dollar, etc.). The Cash here is the copper he put the dog on his shoulders, and when the coin worth a string of pitis. water reached his shoulders be put it on his head, 1862. -"Tali -- a rope, a string, a cord.... the king observing him all the time. And by the Name of a small silver coin, equal in value to an time the king and the minister reached the temple eighth of a Spanish dollar, and consequently to the former found to his great horror that he had about 13 English pence. It is probable that the been smitten with the mange of the dog, this being word is derived from the last, and has reference the punishment inflicted by the god, because, not to the practice of filing a certain number of small withstanding his reputed piety, he was not, when coins on a string, which, judging by the hole in passed tbrough the orucible of experience, found the centre of all ancient Javanese coing, appears richt in bis heart. On the other hand the to have prevailed in the Archipelago as well as in minister who had bandied the mangy dog from China." - Crawfurd, Malay Dict., 8.1. first to last was untouched, for his heart was 1881.-"12 duit (oent) = 1 tali (12) cents). approved by the god. 9 tali = I suku (25 cents)."-Swettenlam, Ma. The mornl is thnt we are not to look down upon lay Vocab. Vol. II., Appx. on Currency. the poor for their poverty or external defecte; for R. C. TEMPLE. NOTES AND QUERIES. A POINT IN INDIAN MARTYROLOGY. martyr, and one of the main contentions raised It would be interesting to enquire into the against the genuineness of his dying declaration ceremonies prevalent in the Perbawar District was the fact of such mode of burial having taken with regard to the burial of martyrs, and into place. the qualifications which entitle a deceased person It was said that no man is deemed a martyr to rank as a martyr. who speaks after receiving his death-stroke, and I remember a case in which a man was murder- this man having received a martyr's burial, the ed. Previous to his death he was said to have dying declaration was not likely to have been made a declaration naming his assassin. made. The murdered man received burial as a The late C. SPITTA in P. N. and Q. 1883.

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NOVEMBER, 1897.) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 281 CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. BY R. C. TEMPLE. (Continued from p. 235.) II. I WILL now pass on to facts of perhaps still greater interest concerning the use of special 1 articles as intermediaries in barter or exchange. Natural Produce. - It will have been observed that, in the instances quoted, the observers who noted them have been careful to state the articles by name they saw used in trade by barter. As a matter of fact, even the naked Kukis would not take everything, but restricted the articles they accepted in exchange for their own produce to certain customary things, of which they were habitually in great need. From this first glimmering of the idea of wealth represented by a conventional currency to such a currency itself in terms of natural produce is but a short, though an important step. (1) Bice. - Yale potes in his Embassy to Ava, p. 259, that "rice is often used in petty transactions among villagers." 59 It is still used in some parts of Upper Burma, but the rice so nsed is not food-rice, nor seed-rice, but useless, broken rice. It is in fact a conventional currency, like the imitation hoes, hatchets, knives, etc., of the Chinese and other races in the world. As this use of rice in Barma throws an important light on the subject before us, I may as well describe it in greater detail. Rice has been so used elsewhere in the East, as the following facts will shew. Mr. E. H. Parker informs me that, in Annals of the T'ang Dynasty of China, a book a thousand years old, it is stated that the Shans of old paid a tax of two measures of rice a year for each man who worked a plough, and it took three men to keep a plough going, one to drive, one to lead and one to poke up the ox! As I have observed already, taxes are pretty sure guide to barter values. Rice, again, formed an important part of the fines inflicted on the Lushais in the Expedition of 1871-2, as Wood thorpe informs us in his Lushai Experlition, p. 223, and elsewhere. Friar Odoric, in the early XIVth Century, in describing & rich man of Manzi in China, says - "Now this man hath a revenue of xxx tuman of tagars (Turki and Persian, taghdr = sack) of rice. And each tuman is ten thousand and each tagar is the amount of a heavy ass-load." On this text Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither, p. 153, remarks: - "Revenues continued to be estimated in China in sacks of rice until lately, if they are not so still (1866). In Burma they are always estimated in baskets of rice." In the XVIth Century we find in the Ain Akbari, Gladwin's Ed., Vol. II. p. 156, that, it Kashmir, "every coin and even manufactures are estimated in kharwars of rice." Even in the remote, but by no means uncivilised, Maldives, Pyrard de Laval found, in the early XVIIth Century (Hak. Soc. Ed., Vol. II. p. 473) that "these islands are a great emporium for all parts and the Moors of India frequent them, bartering their salt and earthenware, which are not made at the islands, and also rice and silver." (2) Salt. - Holt Hallett, Thousand Miles on an Elephant, p. 164, states :- "Dr. M'Gilvary said that up to 1874 salt was used as currency for purchases in Zimme Market," and we thus find ourselves started in the neighbourhood of Burma on another conventional article of barter. In the XIIIth Centary, Marco Polo found that the people of the "Province of Tebet " ased "salt instead of money," and in the Province of Caindu" "the small change again is made in this way. They have salt which they boil and set in a mould (flat below and round above), and every piece from the mould weighs about half a pound. Now 80 moulds of this 5 Cox, Burhan Empire, p. 811, remarks in his diary on July 21, 1797, that the people of Ava had to tse rice in place of lead for small purchases, in consequence of the pranks that King B'Oddp'ay played with his currency. C. Raffles, Java, Vol. II. p. li. So cloves, the staple produce, were used as currency in the Moluccas-in 1596 - Dutek Voyages, 1708, p. 292. In 1820 the people of Palo Seruni carried fish to fairs "in barter for rice and salt." Malayan Miscell., Vol. I., Bencoolen, 1820, in Moor's Indian Archipelago, Appx., p. 2.. * Aymonier, Voyage dans le Laos, Vol. I. pp. 75, 111, 132, 159, alludes to barter in salt.

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282 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1897. salt are worth one saggio of fine gold, which is a weight so called.586 So this salt serves them for small change." Such statements as these naturally set Yule talking in his own invaluable way, and accordingly we find, in Vol. II. p. 36 f., that Ramusio enlarged on the text to the extent of stating that "on the money so made the Prince's mark is printed and no one is allowed to make it except the royal officers": - a statement which gives us coin of the realm in salt! And he adds, what is more to the point just now, that in Lieut, Bower's Account of Sladen's Mission (p. 120), it is stated that at Momien the salt, which is a government monopoly is "made up in rolls of one or two viss and stamped." Yule also quotes a private note from Garnier tending to shew a wide-spread currency of salt in Yunan and the Burmese Shan States in modern times. Going back beyond Marco Polo's time, Mr. Parker tells me that in the Trang History it is chronicled that a treaty was made with the Ai-laos, under which each poll of the population had to pay two garments (with a hole in for the head to go through) and a measure of salt as tribute to the Chinese); while Scott (Shway Yoe) tells us in his Report of the Northern Shan States of 1893 that the Was sell walnuts to the Chinese in exchange for salt, thus carrying the salt currency of the Shan tribes down to our own times. The evidence above collected is strengthened by Colquhoun (Across Chryse, p. 263), who tells us that in the last war in Yunnan the scarcity of salt was so great that it rose to nearly worth its weight in silver. This statement is comparable with one of Valentyn's quoted in Yale's Ava, p. 377:**Salt was so valuable in Laos in 1641) that they gave for a maas of salt a maas of gold, which they could well do, as there was much gold both in the river and in the mountains above Namnoy." Of the custom of the Kachins, Mr. G. W. Shaw gives similar evidence in 1890. Speaking of the Burman Shans of the Upper Irrawaddy and the manner in which the Kachins treat them he says : - "The Kachins' exactions are little more than nominal. At Naungtalaw they came to about two viss of salt (value eight andas per annum); at Ywadaw five viss occasionally," He then tells us the story of one San Maing. "San Maing in his complaint says :- 'I went to Talawgyi and told the Kayaingyok to endeavour to get me back my wife and child, or I should report the matter to the Deputy Commissioner. The Talawgyi Kayaingok said :* Very well, I will do so: do not report yet.' So he sent to do it. But the thugyi of our village, Sangi, had already redeemed them for a gong and 100 viss of salt. The thugyi redeemed them because it would not do for the affair to be known to. Government." 60 Wilcox in his Survey of Assam, in Asiatic Researches, Vol. XVII., notes that the Khamtis and Sing-Pho (Kachins) dealt in salt. This was in 1825-8. Similarly Brown, Account of Manipur, notes (p. 43) that the Tonkhuls and Luhapas bring "daos, spears, cloths, etc., to Manipur, taking salt in exchange, and at p. 53, he tells us that the trade of the Khougjais is limited to the occasional barter of cloth for iron and salt, while some of the enterprising among them get so far as to take iron from the Manipar Valley or barter it for pebbles, guns and cloth with tho Lushai or Kamhow Tribe." Similarly in Soppitt's Account of the Kachari Tribes, p. 20, we find slaves valued in conch shells, salt and dogs. And lastly in Woodthorpe's Lushai Expedition, p. 319, we have a capital illustration of salt currency and the use made of it by civilised man to the apparent detriment of the savage. "A large number of Lushais had accompanied us as far as Tipai Mukh and were busily employed in driving a few last bargains. They brought down large quantities of India-rubber, which they eagerly exchanged for salt, equal weights, and as the value of the rubber was more than four times that of the salt, any individuals who could com. mand a large sapply of the latter had an excellent opportunity of a little profitable business." The profit, however, was not altogether that of the civilised man on this occasion, i the matter be looked at from the savage's point of view. For Mr. Burland has & note on the Lushais at this very period, which puts the matter in quite a different light. He writes (Parl Papers, Cachar, 1872, p. 132):-"In former times these tribes made all the salt they ... One-sixth oz. Venetian and meant probably for the old liquor Chineee (liang) of the present day. See also Marco Pole, Vol. II. p. 29. 60 Burma Govt. Reporta, No. 1222, 1890: Notes on a Visit to the Upper Irrawaddy from the 1st to the 12th June, 1890, P. 2.

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NOVEMBER, 1897.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 283 required for their own consumption from salt springs, and they say that to make enough salt for the requirements of an ordinary family, a man's labour was required for three months. A man can now colloct sufficient India-rubber in one month to exchange with Bengalee traders for more than enough salt to last him and his family for a year.61 So that a man who chooses to occupy himself three months in collecting India-rubber will, by bartering the same for salt, have a large surplus of that article, with which to trade with the Southern Tribes, who, they say, are willing to give one maund of rubber for a quarter maand of salt." Writing in 1696, Ovington, Voyage to Suratt, p. 563, says of the Island of Sundiva" (Sarandip) that "it affords such vast quantities of Salt, that it needs no other Commodities to give in Exchange for any of those of the Neighbouring Countrie, being able with it alone to lade two Hundred Vessels every Year," This shews that barter with salt as a medium is a widespread and long-established custom in the parts about Burma. (3) Cotton. - The interest in the curiosities of currency by no means diminishes in examining so unpromising an instance as that afforded by this product. In the IXth Century A. D. the Chinese reported that the people of Piao (obviously the Barmese) used among other things cotton for barter with the neighbouring States, 62 and in turning to the British Burma Gazetteer (Vol. L p. 473) we have an account of barter in cotton up to and after 1824, which was apparently a survival of a very old practice." In the Burmese times the only article of export from Arakan into Burma was ngapee or fish paste, which was bartered for cotton, the usual rate of exchange being two viss of cotton for every viss of ngapee. From twenty to twenty-five men started together from Arakan, each man taking with him the nga pes which he intended to barter, and the cotton was brought back in the same way." After the First Burmese War trade generally began to increase and by 1830 it was considerable, and other goods were soon added to ngapee and cotton." During the War itself it was noticed that the Kukis were in the habit of bartering raw cotton for their wants ;63 while from Colquhoun's Amongst the Shans, p. 51, we find that though in Zimme rough iron in various forms was evidently the staple currency," where iron is not worked in the other villages in the province of Zimme, each household pays annually to Government a tax of ten viss of cotton, the same weight of chillies and five of safflower." (4) Mulberries,64 - These are not, of course, a Burmese or Further Indian product, but I give a valuable quotation shewing that in Turkestan at the present day this fruit is used as currency, because of the light it throws on the use of natural products for that parpose. "The inliabitants of Darwaz (Bokhara) plant mulberry trees, and the mulberry is almost their sole means of subsistence. In summer they eat it raw, and in winter in a dried state, in the form of flour, out of which they make a kind of chupali. Their dress they obtain by bartering the mulberry for rough matting and sheepskins, and even their taxes are paid with the mulberry. In fact the mulberry is the measure tubeteiku, - the currency of Darwaz, and many Darwazis never know the taste of bread all their lives- long.... The grain measure is the batman = 45 tubsteikas." 65 (5) Cocoanuts. There is a neat reference (p. ix.) in Hunter's Account of Pegu, 1785, to a barter trade in cocoanuts between Burma and the Nicobars in the last Century. "Any man, who could find money enough to purchase a small vessel on the coast of Coromandel might, by carrying a little tobacco, some blue cloth and a few iron nails to the Island of Carnicobar, get, in exchange for those articles, which had cost him almost nothing, a ship-load of cocoanuts. 61 Soppitt, Account of the KickiLushait, p. 23, tells us the same thing, thg barter for salt being, however, in "wax, gathered in the jungle and a maund of cotton." "2 Parker, Burma Relations with China, p. 13. 65 Wilson, Documents, p. xxv. " With these may be compared Tavernier's almonds, which were used as currency, apparently because they were so bitter that they were not likely to be used as food! Almonds were 60 to a pice in Surat in 1898; Ovington, Voyage, p. 219. Cf. Voyages of Dutch E: 1. Coy. 1708, p. 249. They ran 32 to a pioe in 1739A. Hamilton, East Irulies, Vol. II. Appx, p. 65 Lieut. Poach, translating from the Russian in J. U. 8. I. of India, Vol. XXII. p. 258.

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284 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1897. For these, he could procure at Pegu a cargo of wood, which he afterwards sold to great advantage either on the coast or in Bengal." Here we learn two things: the Nicobar trade currency was in cocoanuts and it was necessary in bartering to exchange for the cocoanuts certain fixed articles of a specified kind; and as to the apparent unfairness of the bargain, cocoanuts in the Nicobars have no marketable value at all as regards internal trade. In 1896 the Government Agent at Mus in Car Nicobar gave me the following table of exchange values in terms of cocoanuts 66: -- Soup ladle, nickel silver Long spoon, nickel silver Dessert spoon and fork, nickel silver Table spoon and fork, nickel silver Tea spoon and small fork, nickel silver Mustard spoon, nickel silver Tumblers Decanters Plates and soup plates, white Bowls, white... Enamelled plates, white Enamelled cups, white Matches, a bundle of 12 boxes Needles, a dozen Balls, thread, a dozen China tobacco, one packet Tobacco, one bundle Red cloth, salu, one piece Red cloth, Turkey, one piece Calico, white, one piece Calico, black, one piece Madras handkerchiefs, one piece Fancy coloured chintz and saris Fancy Bombay handkerchiefs Rice, Calcutta, 2 mds, in bag Rice, Burma, 3 mds. in bag Chattis and pots American knives ... American knives, folding Burmese dus Table knives... Wooden clothes-box Tin clothes-box Looking-glass Sugar Camphor Epsom salts... Eno's Fruit Salt Turpentine ... Castor-oil ... ... nuts 500 500 ... .. 39 ... "3 "5 33 33 33 33 39 33 39 27 39 33 12 40 100 33 >> 1,200 1,600 800 33 33 ... as per bargain. 33 33 33 39 nuts 300 to 500 500 to 600 10 to 40 80 to 120 20 to 60 40 to 160 33 99 .. 500 300 120 200 20 to 40 as per size. 60 to 80 as per bargain. 39 33 40 to 80 40 to 80 40 to 80 40 to 80 24 32 12 39 600 800 to 2,0:0 nuts 33 16 100 33 33 33 Cabin biscuits Fishing nets Two-anna pieces, coin Rupees, coin ec Andaman and Nicobar Gazette, Supplt., 1896, p. 41. Cf. Sonnerat's statement, Voyage, Vol. II. p. 51. "3 39 39

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NOVEMBER, 1897.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 285 (6) Livestock. - Livestock of all sorts have been used for barter and to express wealth all the world over and from the earliest times, so much so that Prof. Ridgeway in his Origin vf Currency makes this fact the basis of his argument as to how the names and forms for words expressing cur.ency arose. It will not be necessary here, therefore, to give more than one or two typical cases of their use in the East and Far East. An interesting instance is recorded from the Maldives by Ibn Batuta in the XIV th Century." The natives buy with chickens any pottery which may be brought. A pot fetches five or six chickens."67 Another important instance is quoted by Yule in his notes to Marco Polo's text (Vol. II. p. 37) :- M. Desgodins, a missionary in this part of Tibet, gives some curious details of the way in which the civilized traders still prey upon the simple hillfolks of that quarter, exactly as the Hindu Banyas prey upon the simple forest tribes of India. He states one case in which the account for a pig had with interest run up to 2,127 bushels of corn!" Again we find from Max Muller, Ohips, Vol. I. p. 193, that "a copy of the Kanjur was bartered for 7,000 oxen by the Buriates, and the same tribe paid 1,200 silver roubles for a complete copy of the Kanjur and Tanjor together." Now the Kanjur is about half the Tanjur, so we can now get n curious expression of oxen in terms of silver. The 7,000 oxen would be thus worth about one-third of the 1,200 roubles, or 400 roubles, or, roughly, an ox was then only worth half a rouble, which gives a very low value in cash for such animals when used as currency.68 Mr. C. A. Soppitt, Short Account of the Kuki-Lushai Tribes, p. 23, gives an instance of direct valuation in terms of cattle :- " The price of a full-grown 'withen' (hos frontalis) varies from 40 to 80 rupees. Among the people the value of property is often spoken of as so many * neithean'; in this case a mithun ' being equivalent to 40 rupees. A Raja, for example, will suy he gave so many mitkuns ' for his wife, meaning so many 40 rupees." Compare with the above the followiny extract from Macpherson's Memorials, p. 64:The use of money with the exception of cowries was until recently (1865) nearly unknown to the Maliah Khonds, and the valne of all property is estimated by them in 'lives.' a measure which requires some adjustment every time it is applied : a bullock, u buffalo, i poat, a pig or i fowl, a bag of grain, or a set of brass pots, being each, with anything that may be agreed mpon, a "life." hundred lives on an average may be taken to consist of 10 bullocks, 10 buffaloes, 10 sacks of corn, 10 sets of brass prots, 20 sheep, 10 pigs and 30 fowls." III. Manufactured articles. - From the nse of raw or rough produce its currency to that of articles manufactured for the purpose is no doubt a distinct ascent, but the earlier steps in it sre hardly to be distinguished from the use of the raw produce itself. It has been seen that salt in currency has been artificially made for such a use into cakes and rolls, and that mulberries have been caked into measures.69 Tea, though distinctly a mannfactured article, has long been and is still used in precisely the same way all about the border's of Burma. Some sorts of ten, e. g., Paesh tea, are very valuable even now, and tea generally, if we are to credit the earlier European travellers who mention it, seems to have been an exceedingly valuable article only a few centuries ago, and in the form of cakes may well lave passed into a kind of cnrrency. (1) Tea. - Terrien de la Couperie, Chinese Coins, p. xx., mentions "ten in bricks,70 on the borders of Tibet" as a form of non-metallic enitency, and, in his Across Chryse, Colquhoun, who seems to have been considerably troubled by the presents made him in consequence of the 67 Pyrard de Laval, Hak. Soc. Ed., Vol. II. p. 443. See Ridgeway, Origin of Currency, p. 124 f, See Yale, Cathay, P. coxvi., where Le quotes Ramusio, c. 1550. Sago in caker was currency at Ternate in 1596: Dutch Voyages, 1703, p. 285. To Macmahon, Far Cathay, p. 237, alludes to these tea-bricks, quoting an unacknowledged passage from Baber, which again seems to have been copied from Huc, TH. Nat. Lib. Ed., Vol. I. p. 146, terbalim.

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286 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1897. returns expected, mentions that he was constantly plied with tea in cakes, 71 and, e. 9., som etimes to his great discornfiture. But the best and most instructive instance of tea currency. which has come under my observation, is from Scott's Report on the Northern Shan States for 1893, which describes an interchange of rice and ten, much on the principle of that of cotton and fish condiments already noticed between Burma and Arakan. It seems that the Sawbwa of Tawng Peng, a State next to the Ruby Mines District of Burma, got into heavy arrears of tribute in 1892 as estimated in cash, and this is how Mr. Scott describes the situation (p. 11): - "The balance he pleaded to be allowed to pay into the treasury at Mandalay on the ground that there is very little ready money available in Tawng Peng itself, where barter is much commoner than payment in rupees. The State does not grow anything approaching the quantity of rice which the people require for food. There is, therefore, an ancient rule that no caravan is allowed to enter the country for purposes of trade, which does not bring with it an amount of rice proportioned to the number of pack-animals brought up. This is exchanged for tea. Piece goods and betel come on the same terms, and the Sawbwa himself receives the great bulk of his revente in produce."72 Clement Williams, Through Burma to Western China, 1864, p. 34, has a note on tea which seems to refer to a currency in cakes of tea :--" The only kinds apparently known in the market at Bamo are the flat discs of China tea and the balls of Shan tea. The discs weigh 20 tickals each ; seven piled together make a packet which used to sell at 14 tickal and 2 ticks (sic)." (2) Skins, in some stage or other of manufacture, are mentioned by de la Couperie (op. cit., loc. cit.) as used for currency m North America and Ancient Russia, probably alluding to the same evidence as that adduced by Ridgeway, Origin of Currency, p. 12 f. Parker, 73 in quoting the Tang History of China, thinks that the note by the Chinese writer of the 'porpoise,". as a barter currency of the Burmese a thousand years ago, probably meant porpoise skins. This skin currency is qnite a different thing to the leather money introduced in 1241 at Faenza by the Emperor Frederic 11.74 His leather pieces were tokens pure and simple, and their currency was based on credit, which argues a state of civilisation far beyond the ideas of savages and semi-civilised beings using a natural non-metallic mediam of exchange. (3) Cloth. - We have already seen that cloth of various kinds is used in barter by the wild Hill Tribes between Assam and Burma.75 Now, in 1775, Mr. John Jesse wrote a letter to the Court of Directors, dated July 20th, from "Borneo Proper," passages in which give us a clear and definite reference to a currency stated in cloth. "I was informed the quantity (of pepper) that year (1774) was 4,000 pecals, cultivated solely by a Colony of Chinese settled here, and sold to the junks at the rate of 172 Spanish dollars per pecul, in China cloth called congongs, which, for want of any other specie, are become the standard for regulating the price of all commercial commodities at this Port."76 A little further on he hopes to induce the hill 11 See Vol. II. p. 97, ato. In Stevenson's Bur. Dict. p. 994, there is an entry which is a curious commentary on Colquhoun's experience.. "Lab'et-tok, a small package of pickled tea, such as accompanies an invitation to an entertainment. The receipt of such a package is nowadays considered equivalent to a polite demand from the giver of a feast for a subscription.)" Colquhoun would also have appreciated the quaint remark made in a Report on the Tracle of Siam in 1678, quoted in Anderson's Siam, p. 428:-"Copp of thom whose occasions necessitate an imediate sale to negociate their Returnes, may att first arrivall bee bought for : 6: Taell: 1. Tecall p. Pec: for Cash, but at y: same time tis carr: for:8: Taell in Barter." I would here note for the benefit of etymologists that Lane, Eng. Bur. Dict., 1841, spells the word for toalp'ak, and not lakp'ak, like his successors. The tea used was a coarse tes .... under the name of lapech (le'pet)." Sangermano, p. 169. 11 There is an enormous amount of information on the subject of tea in Watt's Dict. of Economic Products under "Camellia" and "Tea." A good note on the origin of brick-tea will be found in Vol. II. p. 75. Perbape after all the best evidence of the use of tea-bricks as money is in Baber's Report (1879) on the Chinese Tea Trade with Tibet in J. R. G. S., Supplt. Papers, 1882, p. 198:-"A brick of ordinary tea is not merely worth a rapee, but, in a certain sense, is a rupee." 13 Burma Relations with China, p. 13. 74 See Yule, Marco Polo, Vol. I. p. 384. 15 See also Soppitt, Account of the Kachari Tribes, p. 12. 16 Dalrymple, Oriental Repertory, Vol. II. p. 1 ff. : Indo-China, 1st Series, Vol. I. pp. 91 f., 25.

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NOVEMBER, 1897.) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 287 = = people to plant pepper, if they receive "cloth as the price of the industry;" and then he proceeds to relate how, with the help of two "noquedahs (ni klula) and the Captain of the Chinese," he succeeded in building and launching a jouk. "The entire cost and outfit amonnted, as I have been informed by the contracting parties, to no more than 8,500 Spanish dollars; which, after allowing for a profit on their congongs, is not more than 4,500 Spanish dollars." This seems to shew that "they " had been up to a little sharp practise with their congongs." It is a far cry from the Burmese border and Borneo to Angola, but a little bit of evidence from Pyrard de Laval (Vol. II. p. 219) is well worth recording here." As for the small money of Angola, it consists only of little shells, somewhat like those of the Maldives (i. e., cowries), and little pieces of cloth made of a certain herb. These pieces are an ell in length, more or less, according to the price. And when they go to market to buy their goods they carry no other money." Here we have as perfect a specimen of a conventional cloth currency as we could wish for. (4) Drums.- Of a most interesting value put npon an article of peculiar manufacture and of its possession as an indication of wealth, we have an instance amongst the Karennis or Red Karens. It is not quite unique, however, as a reference to de Morga will shew later on. Macmahon, in his slovenly and discursive Karens of the Golden Chersonese, p. 279 ff., says:-" Among the most valued possessions of the Hill Karens is the kyce-ree, consisting of a eopper or spelter cylinder of about a quarter of an inch in thickness, averaging about two feet in length and of somewhat greater diameter at one end, which is closed with the same kind of metal, the smaller end being left open. They are ornamented in a rude style with figures of animals, birds and fish, and according to size and volume of sound, are valued at from PS5 to PS50 (P 50 to 500 tickals). On the outer circle are four frogs. They have distinctive names for ten different kinds, which they pretend to distinguish by the sound. In the settlement of their quarrels, and in the redemption of their captives, the indemnification always takes the shape of a kyee-zee or more, with, perhaps, a few buffaloes or pigs us make-weights. To such an extent does the passion for the possession of these instrnments predominate among the more secluded tribes, that it is said instances are by no means rare of their having bartered their children and relations for them. The possession of kyee-sees is what constitutes a rich Karen. No one is considered rich without them, whatever may be his other possessions. Every one who has money endeavours to turn it into ky ee-sees, and a village that has many of them is the envy of other villages, and is often the cause of wars to obtain their possession."77 Now, de Morga gives us something of a parallel to this instructive information from the Philippine Islanders of the XVIth Century. After explaining that the usual way of trade was in general barter, he says (Hak. Soc. Ed., p. 303) "sometimes a price intervened, which was paid in gold, according to the agreement made ; also in metal belle brought from China, which they value as precious ornaments. They are like large pans and are very soorous, and they strike upon them at their feasts and carry them in the vessels to the wars instead of drums or other instruments." (5) Glass Jars and Bottles. - Some equally interesting facts are forthcoming regarding glass jars and bottles, which the Chinese noticed a thousand years ago as used by the Burmese 11 The authorities for a good deal of this are Mason, J. 4. 8. B. Vol. XXXVII., Pt. II., p. 128 f., and O'Riley, J. Ind. Arch. Vol. II, No. 4, noto 57. I would like to remark that kyins, spelt kritchart, is a Burmese word, the Karen word being probably something quite different, and means a flat gong, whether circular or triangular. The components, according to the orthodox spelling, would be kyel, copper, and af, a drum or cask; but the pronunciation is word kyl (kyar), with the meaning of a tube closed at one end, and it seems to me possible that kylxl is really composed of two words spoken together and having the same meaning. Such duplications are common in Burmese and in Oriental languages generally. If this is right, the conventional form kyat is a case of false etymology of the clerical sort. See Stevenson, Bur. Dict. pp. 216, 245, 369. In his Far Cathay and Further India, a work irritating in its slovenliness, p. 237, Macmahon repeats some of the above information, with the addition that the kyizf of the Karens is similar to the drum of the "Miantzis of China."

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288 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (NOVEMBER, 1897. "in trading with the neighbouring States of their class." A propos of this. Strettell, Fious Elastica, p. 135, tells us that on the 18th January, 1874, he met some Palaungs on the Nansha Chaung, a branch of the Mogaung River, who had come from some distance further South, and of them he remarks as follows: "Wat money could not secure, empty pint lock bottles clid. For foar of these I got eleven egys and a brood of jungle-fowl chickens." A short time before this, Talboys Wheeler, in diandalay to Bhamo, p. 64 f., went up the Irrawaddy, and in his Journal, under date 26th November, 1870, we find that at Male the people, seemingly, but certainly not from the context, Shans, placed, so Wheeler was informed, "an inordinate value upon empty bottles. Those which had contained any kind of liquor were highly appreciated, but the passion for soda-water bottles is still stronger, whilst there is, if possible, a deeper yearning for the dnrk red bottles, which have contained hock. As we had a considerable number of empty bottles on board, due perhaps to the genialty of our party since leaving Mandalay, a few were thrown into the water as an experiment, and then commeneed one of the most amusing scrambles that can possibly be imagined. Boys and girls threw off their carments and dived or swam impetuously after the bottles; cot throwing out their arms leisurely, Like European swimmers, but paddling like dogs, only much more noisily. Meantime mothers, wives, and sweethearts were urging on the coinpetition for the bottles, and carrying them It way in triumph immediately they were brought on shore, or safely landed in one or other of the numerous canoes that were plying about the steainer. Mr. Marks gave away some religious books and tracts, but they were regarded as things of small value in comparison with the bottles." Talboys Wheeler evidently looked on the whole thing as a joke, but a tribal or national passion for the possession of a particular article is never due to insanity or eccentricity, and the sober explanation of the scene is that the bottles were currency, or of value for purposes connected with worship or superstition. The other evidence available points to the former.79 (8) Earthenware. - It is possible that the great trade, once world-famous, in the Martabana, or Pegu Jars, 80 which I have elsewhere traced to the IXth Century A. D., caused these valuable articles to be used as currency or standard of barter, but I have no proof of it. However, at the Maldives, where the matabans have been known for centuries, we have a parallel from *Abdu'rrazaq in the XVth Century, who tells us that the Moors of India frequented these Islands in his day, '* bartering the salt and earthenware, which are not made at the islands,"82 . (7) Ingot Iron and Articles of Iron. - Colquhoun, Amongst the Shans, p. 51, tells os that the Lawas we saw at Baw were not agriculturists, but iron-workers and manufacturers. The metal is fonud in a hill lying about half a day's journey to the North-West of the village, is a red oxide of iron, and is worked solely by the women. It is brought to the village on elephants and is smelted in such a rough way that it yields only 50 per cent. of metal. The principal tax paid by the villagers to the Zimme Chief consists of elephant chains, spearheads, cooking pots and other iron-ware. At p. 315, there is an illustration of currencies amongst the Shans, but apparently no description beyond the note to the Plate. Of the illustrations, No. 1 is "iron money, made by the Kuys or Khmerdom, in use at Stung Treng on the Mekong River." The illnstration shews a diamond shaped ingot of iron, I presume it to be small in size, but there is no scale. I should record that Mr. W. Boxall, the orchid-hunter, has at my suggestion enquired everywhere in his travels in the Shan States as to this iron currency, and could get no trace 75 The Tang History in Parker, Huwma, p. 13. Bowring snya, Siam, Vol. 1. p. 2657, that stamped glass and enamel were used for money, but I think he really refers to the procelain gambling tokons common in Siam, about which I will discourse at length under the head of jettoon later on. The Dutch found glass bottles of use as currency at Amboyna and Tornato in 1596: Dutch Voyages, 1703, pp. 283, 286. cf. Ling Roth, Sarawak, Vol. II. p. 285, n. 3, where ouriously enough al reference to Pegu and Martaban as a possible origin for Borneo Jars is omitted: see also Yol. L p. 419. C. Ridgeway, Origin of Currency, p. 165: Aymonier, Voyage dans le Laos. Vol. I. pp. 134, 215. See ante, Vol. XXJI., p. 384. Vide Pyrard de Laval, Hal. Soc. Ed., Vol. I. p. 259. Pyrard de Laval, Vol. II. p. 473.

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NOVEMBER, 1897.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 289 of it. But it is quite possible that its issue is strictly local and unless he happened to visit the actual locality of use, he might easily be unable to procure any information about it.82 The use of rough iron for barter currency among the wild tribes about Burma is confirmed by a note of Dr. Brown, Manipur, p. 53, who says that "the trade of the Khongjai Tribe is very limited, and only occasionally cloth is brought to the Manipur Valley and exchanged for iron, salt, etc." Hatchets, knives, hoes, etc., are of course, well known as articles of standard value in many parts of the world, and it is hardly necessary here to do more than merely notice one or two instances of their use as such in Further India. Wilcox in Asiatic Researches, Vol. XVII. p. 314 ff., notices that "the Khamti and Sing-Pho (Kachins) were supplied by the Kha-Nung with salt and thin iron dhas, the latter forming the currency of the district."83 John Crisp, in his Account of the Poggy or Nassau Islands, found, in 1792, that there a sort of iron hatchet or handbill, called parang, is in much esteem with them, and serves as a standard for the value of various commodities, such as cocoanuts, coolit coys,84 poultry, etc."88 (8) Gold and Silver Trees. - Bock, Temples and Elephants, p. 146, has a curious reference to this point: - "Each of the six Lao States is called upon to pay tribute to Siam. This is paid triennially, and takes the form of gold and silver betel-boxes, vases and necklaces, each enriched with four rabies of the size of a lotus-seed, and a hundred of the size of a grain of Indian cern. Besides these are curious representations of trees in gold and silver, about eight feet high, each with four branches, from which again four twigs, with a single leaf at the end of each, depend. The gold trees are valued at 1,080 ticals each, and the silver ones at 120 ticals each." I have further noted a traveller's remark, the exact reference to which I have unfortunately mislaid, that similar trees were paid as revenue or tribute to the Malay States below Mergui, and that they had become a standard of value.96 A complete parallel to the Laos State tribute is to be found in Browne's Thayetmyo, p. 95, who tells us that it is recorded that about 1819, in addition to the taxes on that district, the greater officials sent annual presents to the Court at Ava of a silver bowl each and some broad cotton cloth and the lesser officials smaller bowls and less cloth," which, of course, came out of the pockets of the tax-payers." The old travellers to China found out that the "tribute" or gift for the European was & fixed a mount in kind, and hence was started a kind of standard of tribute much on the lines of that just quoted.87 In China the custom led to a curious series of false embassies made by mercantile adventurers under forged credentials. "Their presents to the European always consisted of 1,000 arrobas, or 1,333 Italian pounds, of jade, 300 being of the very finest quality; 340 horses ; 300 very small diamonds; about 100 pounds of fine ultramarine; 600 knives ; 600 files. This was the old prescriptive detail, which none might change. The cost price of the whole might be some 7,000 crowns, but the Emperor's return present was worth 50,000. These sham embassies, disguising trading expeditions, were of old standing in China, going back at least to the days of the Sung Emperors." No wonder that Goes (1595-1603) remarked that no one paid more for his marble" than the Emperor ! . I have quite lately found in M. Aymonier's new book (1895) Voyage dans le Laos, Vol. I. pp. 22, 27, 140, . complete and good account of the lingots de fer," which I regret I cannot further notice for want of space. + Citing this quotation, Terrien de la Couperie, Ou Numerals and the Swanpan in China, p. 14, remarks that the dha is "obviously connected with the Chinese tao, the name of the knife-money." On this I would note that in Burmese d'a is spelt t'4. See Stevenson, Bur. Dict. p. 558, and other similar works. I may note also that at Khabna in Eastern Bengal I procured a curious knife in the bar there, called du, in 1890. * This word is Malay, kulit kayu, and is a material used by Europeans for matting houses and as dunnage for pepper cargoes, See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, &. . coolicoy; to the quotations given there under that word this one is a * Indo-China, 1st Series, Vol. I. p.71 f. * Maloom, Travels, Vol. II. p. 119, alludes to these gold and silver trees as being paid as tribute by the people of Quedah, first to Ligor, then to the Barmese, and then to the Siamese. He quotes Grieg's Report to Sir S. Rafios, as his authority. Cf. gold and silver flowers in the Shan States: Yule, Ava, p. 308. In Perak, Wilson, Documents, APPI. p. IX. Cf. Bowring, Siam, Vol. I. p. 3: Anderson, Siam, p. 45. They are called bunga-n in the Malay States, Swettenham, Malay Vocab., Vol. I. p. 230 . 57 Yule, Par Cathay, Vol. II. pp. 564,589 f.

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290 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (NOVEMBER, 1897. IV. Conventional Currency. (1) Cowries. - The last main point for consideration is that of a true conventional corrency, non-metallic in its nature. The most primitive and perhaps most typical article that is not of metal and that has been widely used for money is the cowrie shell. It has for ages been used all round Burma; but it is not now, and all writers seem to be agreed that it has never been, used among the Burmese, which is rather a curious fact in the circumstances.88 It is, indeed, almost inexplicable that the currency of cowries should never have spread into Borma, Centuries ago it was common in Yunnan, Siam,oo Shan States," Silhet," and Kachar, doubtfully among the Kachins and Lolos, es in Java, the Maldives, which are the chief Cowry source, and the Philippines ; 96 while Bengal97 Proper is, and always has been for centuries, the great home of the Cowry Currency. Again Cowries still are, or were until quite lately, common in the Shan States, * Siam and Manipur.100 There is in Manipur one of the most interesting of survivals of the former universal use of cowries, in the denominations of the exsisting bell-metal small change or sel of that country. In Primrose's Manipuri Grammar, 1888, p. 30, is recorded the "system of calculating the sel or cowrie." The author tells us that "all fractions of a rupee are expressed in sels, the only national coin in use. Pice are not current in the bazar. The sel is a small round coin made of bell-metal." Now the word for 8 sels is chand, which means literally " 100." So 16 sels are called chani, literally "200"; 24 sdls are called chahim, literally "300"; 80 s6ls are called lising-ama, literally "1,000." Five lisings, or 400 sels, go to a ropee, the word being lising-manga, or "5,000." One to seven sele are expressed by words representing the appropriate fractions of 100; thus 4 s@ls are called yankhai, literally " 50." And so on. The interesting part of this nomenclature is that 5,000 cowries to the rupee was the approximate ruling rate of exchange in Silbet and the adjoining parts of Bengal between rupees and cowries, when the latter formed practically the sole cariency of that part of India. The authoritative evidence on the point is in the Lives of the Lindsays, Vol. III. p. 169 f. When the Hon. Robert Lindsay was Resident and Collector of Silhet in 1778, cowries constituted nearly the whole currency of the country. The yearly revenue amounted to Rs. 2,50,000, and this was entirely paid in cowries at the rate of 5,120 to the rupee. # Yale, Ava, p. 269: Pbayre, Int. Num. Or. Vol. III, Pt. I. p. 38: and excluding an exceedingly doubtful reference to cowries in Pegu by Masu'di ; see Yule, Cathay, P. OLIIV. f. >> Yule, Marco Polo, Vol. II. p. 44 f. >> Yule, Marco Polo, Vol. II. p. 222: Bock, Temples and Elephants, p. 390 : La Loubere, p. 72 f.: Anderson, Siam, p. 207: Pyrard de Laval, Vol. II, p. 484. 91 Colquhoun, Amongst the Shans, p. 220. Yule, Marco Polo, Vol. IL p. 44: Soppitt, Account of the Kachari Tribes, p. 20. Yule, Marco Polo, Vol. II. p. 45, read with pp. 56, 85. Yule, Marco Polo, Vol. II. p. 319. >> Anderson, Siam, p. 95: Yule, Cathay, p. 828: Pyrard de Laval, Vol. I. p. 237 ff., where Gray has capital notes on the subject; Vol. II. pp. 481, 443, 479, 484: Malcom, Travels, Vol. II. p. 184. * De Morgs, p. 285:-"In some of these islands, on the coasts, a quantity of small white snails are found, which they call signey : the nativos collect them and sell them by measure to the Siamese, Cambodians, Pantan men and other nations of the mainland, where they serve as coin," Bowring, Siam, Vol. II. p. 185, mentions these signey in 1718, quoting from Historia General de las Filipinas, Vol. XIV., withont knowing what they were. La Loubere, Siam, p. 72, Ed. 1698, knew, however, that "coris" were the same as "segnejes." Elliot, Hist. of India, Vol. II. p. 308. Lives of the Lindsays, Vol. III. p. 169 1. J. 4.8. B. 1855, p. 121, and many other books. # Holt-Hallett, Thousand Miles on an Elephant, p. 164. Bock, Temples and Elephants, p. 141. Orawfurd, Siam, pp. 881, 382 : Bowring, Siam, Vol. I. pp. 244, 237. 100 Brown, Manipur, p. 41. 1 After the manner of all savages or somi-savages, the Manipurls have devined an exceedingly complicated method of expressing their fractions : a detail of which is given by Mr. Primrose, loc. cit. * See Yule, Marco Polo, Vol. II. p. 44. The whole question will be found olaborately discussed later on in Chapter II., Section on Mapipuri Weights.

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NOVEMBER, 1897.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. In Siam, where cowries have been largely used for centuries, the exchange was about 5,000 to the rupee up to the middle of this Century. The evidence is as follows: 1636. 291 Van Schouten, quoted by Bowring, Siam, Vol. I. p. 244: 6,400 to 7,200 to the tickal, = 4,800 to 5,400 to the rupee. La Loubere, Siam, p. 73: same rate as above. 1688. 1823. 1855. 1884. Crawfurd, Siam, p. 133; same rate. Bowring, Siam, p. 257: 9,600 to the tickal, = 7,200 to the rupee. Bock, Temples and Elephants, p. 141: same rates. Cowries have of course varied enormously in value in different places at different times. E. g., we learn from Gray's notes to Pyrard de Laval, Vol. I. p. 239, that in Bengal Proper, c. 1800, they ran 3,840 to the rupee, and in 1820, as much as 6,000 to the rupee: while at the Maldives, their great source, they were, c. 1800, 12,000 to the rupee. However, to such a people as the Manipuris 5,000 cowries to the rupee must have long been the established rate. We thus have the curious spectacle of a people, who have exchanged the actual use of the cowry for a bell-metal piece of 12 times its value, still calculating the new currency in terms of the old. (2) Paper. Paper currency, being based on national credit, and arguing a high state of civilisation, has no connection with those above described except in being non-metallic. Despite the misuse to which it has been put in the Far East, the principles upon which it should be based have long been understood, in China at any rate. Ma Twan-lin, whose work was published in 1319,3 is quoted by Yule to the following effect:"Paper should never be money. It should be only employed as a representative of value existing in metals or produce, which can be thus readily exchanged for paper, and the cost of its transport avoided. At first this was the mode in which paper currency was actually used among merchants. The Government, borowing the invention from private individuals, wished to make real money of paper, and thus the original contrivance was perverted." How exactly the situation was grasped by these medieval merchants of China may be seen by a reference to the Indian Paper Currency Act (XX. of 1882). Sections 19, 20, 21, and 22 run to the following effect:-"(19) The whole amount of the coin and bullion received under this Act ... for currency notes, shall be retained and secured as a reserve to pay those notes, with the exception of.... an amount not exceeding sixty millions of rupees (20) The amount (so excepted) shall be invested in securities of the Government of India. (21) The said coin, bullion and securities shall be appropriated and set apart to provide for the satisfaction and discharge of the said notes; and the said notes shall be deemed to have been issued on the security of the said coin, bullion and securities, as well as on the general credit of the Government of India ... .. (22) The securities purchased. . . . shall be held by the Head Commissioner and the Master of the Mint at Calcutta, in trust for the Secretary of State for India in Council." Paper currency prevailed in China for a long while, apparently in every part of the Empire, and at least from the IXth to the XVth Centuries, A. D. At any rate we can gather as much from Marco Polo, Hayton the Armenian, Friar Odoric and other Missionary Friars, Pegolotti, Ibn Batuta, Toscanelli, Barbaro, and Shah Rukh's Ambassadors. But, excepting in two. doubtful reports in Bock and Bowring from Siam, I have never heard of the Chinese paper currency spreading South, though it spread East into Japan. The kings and rulers of the Southern Kingdoms must, however, in any case have long been familiar with it, for, from the History of 2 In 1873 in Manipur cowries ran in account 5,000 to the Re., in cash 5,250 to 5,800. In 1778 in Silbet they ran 5,120. In Northern India they ran in 1740, 2,400; in 1756, 2,560; in 1869, 6,500. See Brown, Manipur, p. 89: Lives of the Lindsays, Vol. III. p. 169 f.; Beames' Elliot's Glossary, Vol. II. p. 316. Mayers, Chinese Reader's Manual, p. 149: Cathay, Vol. I. p. 290. The places actually mentioned by these European and Asiatic travellers as those in which they found a paper currency are:-XIIIth Cent., all over the Empire; XIVth Cent., Hangchenfu to Pekin, Canton, and Chinchau; XVth Cent., Pekin, Chingtungfu. See Yule, Cathay, Vol. I. pp. cxcvi., cxcix., ccviii., 115, 245; Vol. II. pp. 287, 480 Marco Polo, Vol. II. p. 380.

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292 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1897. the Ming Dynasty, Bk. 325, we find that " King Maraja Kala of Puni" (West Coast of Borneo) went to Fukien in 1408, and seems to have died there. He was succeeded by his son HiaWang (Chinese title), and to him on his departure was given paper money amongst other things. Again in 1411 the King of Malacca, situated at the South of Champa (Cambodia)," visited the Emperor, and " on the moment of starting" back again, he received, among other things, "400,000 kwan of paper money."5 The above and other similar quotations, which might be extracted from the Chinese annals, may explain an otherwise inexplicable statement in Bock, Temples and Elephants, p. 399, who there tells us, in his description of the Siamese Exhibition held at Bangkok in 1882, that there was a "show of ancient coins, some flat and some spherical, solid bars of silver and gold with a stamp at one end, side by side with old paper currency, lead, crockery and porcelain tokens, and cowries." It may, however, be possible that a paper currency has been long established in Siam, for we read in Bowring, Siam, Vol. I. p. 257:-"The Government issues (in 1855) promissory notes of various amounts, even to one-eighth of a tical. They do not seem to be extensively current, and, I believe, have not experienced any depreciation." I must conclude this long disquisition on barter and the like by a quotation from Nicolo Conti, who travelled in the East between 1419 and 1444. In answer to Poggio's questions, as recorded in the Historia de Varietate Fortvnae, he gave, among other things, a remarkable account of the currencies he encountered "in India"; but in reality he must have spoken also from what he had heard or seen in China and Indo-China, for he had, in the course of his many peregrinations, "arrived at a river larger than the Ganges, which is called by the inhabitants Dava" and "at a city more noble than all the others, called Ava, the circumference of which is fifteen miles." In his account he wanders over the whole range of civilised currency, as he found it in the East, in a confused and discursive, but withal most quaint and instructive manner." "Some regions have no money, but use instead stones which we call cats' eyes. In other parts their money consists of pieces of iron, worked into the form of large needles. In others the medium of exchange consists of cards inscribed with the name of the king. In some parts again of interior India, Venetian ducats are in circulation. Some have golden coins, weighing more than double of our (Italian) florin, and also less, and, moreover, silver and brass money." To shew, however, that he mixed up India, China and Indo-China in this account, he follows it up in the same paragraph by saying: :-"They do not write as we or the Jews do, from left to right or right to left, but perpendicularly, carrying the line from the top to the bottom of the page (Chinese). There are many languages and dialects in use among the Indians. They have a vast number of slaves, and the debtor who is insolvent is everywhere adjudged to be the property of his creditor (Siam)." 8 (To be continued.) Indo-China, 2nd Series, Voi. I. pp. 233, 249. For an account of Chinese intercourse with Siam, see Bowring, Siam, Vol. I. p. 172 ff. India in XVth Century, Vol. II. p. 11. For the River Dava read d'Ava. Op. cit. p. 30 f. There are two exceedingly interesting cases of paper money introduced, one temporarily by a British official, and one by a private Englishman, in modern times among the Oriental Islands. In 1861 there was introduced into the Andaman Islands a token currency in copper, which lasted till 1870, being abandoned as a failure, chiefly on the Inspection Report of Nelson Davies of 1867; vide Vol. Lpp. 18, 28, 62: Vol. II. pp. 49, 245. The communications between the Andamans and India was then intermittent and infrequent, and in 1867 there was introduced temporarily on 8th July, 1867, a paper card token by Col. Ford, the Superintendent of the Penal Settlement at Port Blair, owing to the supply of copper tokens running short, while waiting for the fresh supply ordered from Calcutta. These card tokens ran till the 26th October, 1867. They were printed on both sides as follows:- Obv.-"Superintendent's Office. 1 Royal Arms, as then used in the Settlement, crossed diagonally by signature in facsimile B. Ford.' 1 Port Blair." I Rev. "Value one rupee in the Port Blair Treasury. I Number in blue ink." In the Cocos-Keeling Islands, the property of the Ross family, the currency "is a parchment currency, convertible at a fixed ratio into rupees or dollars, when an Islander makes a rare visit to Batavia or Singapore, or when a Bantanese cooly leaves the Islands to return home." Sat. Review, 29th May, 1897, p. 599, quoting a blue-book Papers Relating to the Cocos-Keeling and Christmas Islands.

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November, 1397.] SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM 293 NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. BY SIR J. M. CAMPBELL, K.C.I.E., I.C.S. (Continued from p. 279.) Zoting is the ghost of a man who dies unmarried, leaving no relation. He seizes and annoys people without provocation. He lives in an old empty house, or in some burning or burial ground. He is the most obstinate and faithless of spirits. His promises and oaths have to be received with caution. He extorts offerings of kids, chickens, cooked rice and clothes which he demands at most inconvenient times, and even after getting what he asks he will come again and demand a fresh offering. Many are the pranks and tricks played by Zoting. Water-Spirits. The most important and widely known of Konkan water-spirits are Asras, Bapdev, Gira, and Hadal or Hedali.84 Asras are the ghosts of young women, who, after giving birth to one or more children, commit suicide by drowning. They live in water, and attack any one who comes near them, especially at noon, in the evening, and at midnight. When Asras make their rounds they generally go in groups of three to seven. Their chief objects of attack are young women. When a woman is attacked by the Asras a female exorcist is called to get rid of them. Their favourite offerings are cooked rice, turmeric, red powder, and green-bodice cloths. Bapder is the ghost of a drowned sailor. He is much feared by mariners, who please him with offerings of fruit and cocoanuts. Gira is the spectre of a man who has either left money or has been drowned in a well, tank, channel, or river, or in the sea. His feet are turned backwards. Whoever Gira attacks, the feet of that person become crooked. He is said to allure travellers by calling them by their names. He sometimes offers to guide lonely travellers, and taking them into deep water drowns them, thus making them members of his clan. The Gira is supposed to fear the sight' of knives and scissors. Should any person happen to cut the shendi or top-knot of the Gira he will come to him at night to ask for the top-knot, and in return will do any work the person may require of him. Hadal or Hedalt is supposed to be the spectre of a married woman who has been drowned in a well, tank, or river. She wears a yellow robe and bodice and green bangles, and lets her hair fall loose down her back. She is said to be plump in front, and a skeleton behind.85 She generally attacks women. A woman who is attacked by a Hedali lets her hair fall loose, shakes all over, and shrieks. The Hedali is said to be much afraid of the Brahmanical thread. 84 Compare: The Romans worshipped water nymphs (Smith's Classical Dictionary). The Greeks believed that water-nymphs inspired men. The Swedes believe that drowned meu, whose bodies are not found, have been drawn into the dwelling of the water-spirits (Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. II. p. 497). The Germans had water-spirits called Nichus and Nix (op. cit. Vol. II. p. 489). Scott (Border Minstrelsy, p. 411) mentions a class of water-spirits, called Dracae who tempted women and children under water by shewing them floating gold. The water-spirit was greatly feared in Mexico (Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 422). The Nix or water-man was also greatly feared in Middle-Age Europe Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. I. pp. 108, 109, 131 ; Vol. II. p. 209). Heywood quoted in Scott's Border Minstrelsy, (Vol. II. p. 122, Edn. 1810, says: . . . . . . . . another sort Ready to cramp their joints who swim for sport. One kind of these the Italians Fate named, Fee the French, we Sibyls, and the same Others white nymphs, and those that have them seen, Night ladies some, of which Habandia queen." The water-spirit was also known as the Kelpi. It appeared in the form of a horse, a ball, or a man, and deceived people by sending dancing lights or will-o'-the-wisps (Leslie's Early Races of Scotland, Vol. II. p. 437 ; Scott's Border Minstrelsy, p. 540). Some Kelpis live in the sea, where they cause whirlpools and shipwrecks (Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, p. 124; Scott's Border Minstreloy, pp. 507, 509). In China, the great flood-land, Confucins (B. C. 500) found water-spirits overflowing and surrounding worshippers. Though unseen and unheard the water-spirita entered into all things, nothing was without them. Doctrine of the Mean, Vol. XVI. p. 3. Compare : - In Denmark, the popular belief pictures the Ellekone as captivating to look at in front, but hollow at the back like a kneading trough (Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. II. p. 440).

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294 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1897. Underground Spirits. In the Konkar, it is believed that all buried treasure, all mines" of gold, silver and precious stones, all caves, and all ruined fortresses are guarded by underground spirits in the shape of hairy serpents or frogs. These spirits never leave their place, and they attack or injure those only who come to remove the things they are guarding. Fear of spirits and belief in their doings are not peculiar to the Konkan. The Bijapur Gaolis of Marathi origin, perhaps because their lives are spent with cows, are said not to believe in witchcraft, because no Gaeli ever becomes a ghost.87 It has been held that, as they leave their dead behind them, wanderers are not troubled by the thought of spirits. It has been specially alleged that the Scythians were so stout and warlike that they saw neither sights nor spirits. The correctness of this view, especially in the case of the Tartars, is doubtful. Details of the doings and position of the ardmans or spirit-mediums shew a general and extreme fear of spirits among the peoples of Central Asia.59 Similarly, the Arabs, the other great nomads, are rich in spirits of special fierceness and cruelty. From very early times (P. C. 4000) the Chaldeans have had hosts of spirits or angels in heaven, on the earth, and in the under-world, and other spirits, partly evil, partly good.20 Gujarat Musalmans, besides the great army of fire-sprung Jins, dread Bhiensasuris, Churails, and Jhimpdis, the ghosts of the damned, of the unclean, and of the murdered. In Kumaon in the Himalayas, in 1823, the mountaineers believed in the existence of various tribes of ghosts, evil spirits, demons, goblins, fairies and elves.92 The wild Orious of East Bengal fear Charail, the spirit of a woman who has died in child-bed. She lives anong tombs, is fair in front and black behind, and has her feet turned backwards. She catches passers. If the passer has his wits about him, Charail can do him no harm; if he has been drinking, she will make him senseless.93 The Gonds people hills valleys and trees with Gond spirits; the Bhutias of Bhutan believe in a countless host of spirits; 95 and the Karens have a spirit in every object.98 In the Karnatak and Mysore, the spirits called Munis are worshipped, and are considered demons of the first magnitude. The local Brahmaus do not worship them openly, but send offerings secretly.97 The Baydarus of Mysore pray to Marima, the goddess of small-pox, and offer her flesh,98 In Mysore, during an epidemic, the head-man and leading villagers collect pigs, fowls, rice, cocoanuts, bread and plantains, and start from the village to the village boundary with a basket in their hand. As the party passes each house the family throw a handful of rice into the basket, in the hope that the evil spirit of the epidemic may go in the rice. The basket is carried to the boundary and left there.99 In rural Mysore, the object of universal worship is Amma, the Mother. She corresponds to Durga, Kali, or Chamundi, and like them sends small-pox and measles. Human victims were formerly offered to Amma: now she is satisfied with a yearly buffalo.100 Munis or destructive male spirits are much worshipped in Koimbator. Unless a Brahman reads texts, the dying Koimbator weaver believes that he is likely to become a Muni. Even a Brahman becomes a Muni if he meets with a violent death. The Tulus, and also the Karens of Burma, consider the Rainbow a spirit. The Kurgs stand in special dread of evil spirits called Kutilo, 86 Compare the European Middle-Age belief in the spirits Getuli and Cobali, who guarded mines and caused earthquakes (Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, p. 126). 87 From MS. Note. 88 Scott's Discovery of Witchcraft, p. 122. * Compare the Shaman among the Tungus of Central Siberia (Baring Gould's Strange Survivals, pp. 153, 154). Napier's Folk-Lore, p. 8. Coleridge's classification of spirits (Note on Ancient Mariner) into human, angelic and a third sort found in every climate and element probably goes as far back as the Chaldeans. 91 Information from Mr. Fazal Latfullah. In Kashmere, in 1840, the traveller Vigne recorded Jins, Deyns (cannibal giants), Yech (satyrs), Dyut (house-spirits), Bram-bram-chuk (Will o' the wisps), Whop (cat-shaped), Mushran (old men), Ghor (the same as yech, a feeder on dead bodies), Rantus (tralls), and Rihs (non-descript female fairies). (Travels, Vol. I. pp. 328, 329.) 92 Asiatic Researches, Vol. XVI. p. 220. Hislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, 15 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 97. 97 Buchanan's Mysore, Vol. II. p. 168. 99 Rice's Mysore, Vol. III. p. 265. 1 Buchanan's Mysore, Vol. II. p. 265. 93 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 258. p. 4. se Op. cit. p. 117. 18 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 359. 100 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 365. 2 Black's Folk-Lore Medioine, p. 11.

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SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. NOVEMBER, 1897.] to please whom dances or masks are held. Bhairav Devaru, the god of the Kurubars, is an unfriendly male spirit. The Parias of Malabar believe that, after death, good men become gods and bad men evil spirits. The Telugu Baydarns or Bedars, who, according to Buchanan, are the true husbandmen of Telangana, believe that, after death, wicked men become devils and good men are reborn as men. The Kad Kumbarns, a wild Mysore tribe, believe that the spirits of the dead come to the aged, and tell them to make offerings to the hill goddess. The following male spirits Pishachas, Gudghakas, Siddhas, Bhutas, and Charans live with the gods, especially with Shiv, as servants; and the following female spirits Yoginis, Dakinis, Kakinis, Shikhinis, Bhutinis and Pretinis attend on Durga, the wife of Shiv. According to the Chinese traveller Hinen Tsiang (A. D. 620), the reason for abandoning the convent at Dharnakot, near the mouth of the Krishna, was that the spirit of the hill changed itself. It became a wolf or an ape and frightened travellers." In Ceylon, in 1820, the people were slaves to the belief in the influence of evil spirits. The people sang and danced all night, made offerings, and carried away charms, to keep off disease and evil,10 The evil spirits belonged to two main divisions those approaching to the nature of gods, wise, powerful, and not merciless, living in the upper regions of the sky, in magnificent palaces decorated with gold, silver and precious stones, enjoying an amount of happiness little inferior to that of the gods themselves, and some times called dewatawas; and those who with wild, savage, gross, beast-like natures pass their time near the surface of the earth, revelling in scenes of blood and misery, bringing disease and death on men, and in return receiving offerings of rice, meat, and blood.11 To the second division belonged four classes: - Balli-caama, lovers of bali, or coooked rice offerings; Billi-caama, lovers of live offerings; Ratti-caama, lovers of music, dancing, and other such pleasures; Hantn-caama, lovers of death.12 The names of the leading spirits were Recri Yakseya (demon of blood), Calloo Yakseya (black demon), Sauny Yakseya (the great demon of fatal diseases), Maha Sohon Yakseya (great graveyard demon), Calloo Cumare Dewatawa (the black prince), and Hooniyan Yakseya (sorcery demon). The other spirits were Athemana Yakseya, Tota Yakseya, Bahirawa Yakseya, Madana Yakseynio (female demons of lust), Morottoo Yaka (demon of Morottoo or Rata Yaka, that is, foreign demon), Gopolu Yakseya (demon of cattle), Anjenam_Dewi, Baddracali, Riddhi Yakseniyo, Uda Yakseyo, Curumbera Yakseyo, Hanuma, Gara Yaka, Gewal Yakseya, Bodrima, and Pretayo.13 The chief of all Ceylon demons was Wahala Bandara Dewiyo. The usual haunts of these demons were trees, roads, wells, woods, old deserted houses, temples of gods, and graves and graveyards. They frightened people not by actually seizing them but by other means quite as effectual by throwing sand or stones handful after handful, by appearing as a dark-featured man or like the passing shadow of a man, followed immediately by a loud crashing noise as if a number of elephants were forcing their way through the jungle, and sometimes appearing in the disguise of an old man or of a young woman with a child in her arms.14 Rice's Mysore, Vol. III. p. 261. Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 493. Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 128. -- The Parsis had a half-man, half-spirit class, who were incarnate devils.15 And among the Persian spirits were Yatus, Pairikas, Cathras, Koyas and Karafnas.16 Chengiz Khan (1162) was visited by spirits and made revelations.17 When the Turk finishes his prayers he bows to the right and left, saluting the spirits of good and evil. 18 Arab tradition mentions forty troops 9 Julien's Hiuen Thsang, Vol. III. p. 3. 10 Journal of the Ceylon Asiatic Society, 1885, p. 10; 11 Journal of the Ceylon Asiatic Society, 1835, p. 14. 13 Cp. cit. pp. 21-43. 16 Eleek's Vendidad, p. 81. Dabiston, Vol. III. p. 113. 295 Buchanan's Mysore, Vol. II. p. 141. Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 359. 8 Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. I. p. 192. Marshall's Diseases of Ceylon, p. 26. 12 Op. cit. p. 16. 14 Op. cit. pp. 45, 16. 16 Bleek's Yaina, Vol. IX. pp. 52-56. 18 Lenormant's Chaldean Magic, p. 144.

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296 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1897 of jins, each troop 6,00,000 strong. Some are land-spirits, some sea-spirits, some air-spirits ;. some fly, some lodge in animals, some lodge in men.19 Arabs believe that bad smells are caused by spirits, who they think get into the body through the nose, and affect the health. The Bedouins seldom go into a town because of the smells. If they do, they stop their noses with a cloth.20 "The Arabian desert," says Mr. H. Spencer, "is so thick with spirits that no one can throw anything without striking a spirit."21 The prophet mentions five classes of Arab spirits: Jans, Junus Efrits, Mauds, and Shaitans.22 Other accounts add: Dulhan, an ostrich-riding sea-spirit; Ghaddar, a Yemen man-torturer; Ghul, a female cannibal; Nesnas, a half man cut lengthwise; Saalah, a man-eating forest spirit; Shikk, a man cut lengthwise.23 The Arab Ghul (a female man-eater) belongs to the order of Shaitans or Evil-Jins. Some authors describe the Ghul as an enchanter that appears in human or in animal form or in some monstrous guise. The Ghul haunts burial-grounds, lonely places, deserts, and wastes, and allures and eats travellers. Another opinion is that when the devils (Shaitans) attempt to overhear some of the heavenly words of power on the skirts of the lowest heaven they are driven out by falling stars. Of the fugitives some are burnt, some fall into the sea as crocodiles, others fall on land and become Ghuls. The male of the Ghul class of spirits is by most writers called Kutrnb. Mas'udi25 (A. D. 930) says:-"The Arabs have many accounts of Ghuls assuming different shapes. They believe that Ghuls appear in lonely places, and Arabs. say they have often entertained Ghuls as guests." Arab poetry is rich in allusions to Ghuls. The Arab poet, known as Ta-abbata Sharran (the carrier of evil under his arm), says : "The black one whose pavilion I entered as readily As the high-bosomed maiden enters her corset Her at morn when I awoke I found to be a Ghul. Alas! for one whose companion is so hideous. I asked her for my dole. She discovered herself In a monstrous face and changing form. Tell him who wishes to ask for my fair comrade, She pitches her tent at the edge of a winding desert." " The Arabs believe that the Ghul is cloven-footed. When they meet in the desert a person whom they suspect of being a Ghul they say: "Oh cloven-foot, bleat me news Whether thou hast come along a way or path." If the form is a Ghul it will disappear; otherwise in the dusk the traveller might take the form for a woman and follow her to destruction, for Ghuls lure men with songs and bon-fires. Some of the companions of the Prophet (on whom be peace) have related stories of Ghuls. The Khalifa 'Umr (A. D. 630) tells how, on a journey to Syria, he struck a Ghul with his sword, and she disappeared. Two classes of female spirits, the Kirab and the Kidar, roughly correspond to Succubus, the female, and Incubus, the male, nightmare, not mentioned by Lane-Poole, are described by Mas'udi. Mas'udi says:- "The Kirab and the Kidar have connection with men and women with a result generally fatal to the human lover. The Kirab hides itself and frightens people 19 Arabian Lije in the Middle Ages, p. 34. 20 Burkhardt's Arabia, Vol. II. p. 85. Compare the merchant in the Thousand and One Nights who killed a jinni by throwing away a date stone (Lane's Arabian Life in the Middle Ages, p. 223). 21 Spencer's Principles of Sociology, Vol. I. p. 236. 22 Arabian Life in the Middle Ages, p. 27. All of these are Jinus. The Persians call good Jinns Paris, and evil Jinns Narah, literally male. 24 Arab Society in the Middle Ages, pp. 42, 43. 23 Op. cit. pp. 41, 45. 25 Prairies d' Or, Arabic text, Vol. IV. pp. 113-120.

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NOVEMBER, 1897.] SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. 297 shouting - Art thou one who was married or frightened?' If the answer is, Married,' the friends despair of curing the person affected. If the reply is, Frightened,' they console him and assuage his fear, and be often recovers." As regards the Jins, Wahhab, son of Munabbih, the son of Ishak, has written that God created the Jin out of smokeless fire, and made him a wife out of the Jin's own body, as God created Hawwa (Eve) out of Adam's rib. His wife bore Jin thirty-one eggs. The first lodger to crack his shell was Kutrub the male Ghul as well as the kitten-shaped female Ghul or Kutrubah. One of the next eggs to crack shewed Iblis, whose home is Mesopotamia. Other eggs gave forth other classes of spirits, the Saalats who live in baths and dungbills. The Hawams or Hamanis in shape like winged serpents, and the Hawatif wandering formless voice, airy tongues that syllable men's names in sands and wastes and desert wildernesses. Indian Musalmans believe that a hundred-years old cobra developes a tumid knot, at its tail and every century adds a knot. A cobra with six knots becomes a Nas-nas and gains the power of assuming any shape. A prince married a Nas-nas whom he met on his way from hunting in the form of a beautiful woman in deep distress. His married life weakened the prince till at last he could hardly walk. One night he awoke and saw the lamp at the end of the room flamy. As be conld hardly walk he asked his bride to trim the lamp. She stretched an arm that lengthened down the room and put right the lamp. The prince told his father that his bride was a witch. The father called his soothsayers, and the Nas-nas was burned alive, abusing the idiotey and the ingratitude of mankind. The Muslims of Egypt hold that the Afrit and the Marid are the most powerful and malicious of spirits.26 The Burmans have good spirits and bad spirits, as the butterfly soul and the true soul. They have guardian nats or house-spirits, twelve in number, six male and six female.27 The Barmans believe that some nats have regular houses or abodes; and that others live away from houses and villages.28 Some spirits live in tree-tops, as the Akakasohs; some in tree-trunks, as the Shakkasohs; some in roots, as the Boomasohs. The presence of spirits in trees can be known by the quivering and trembling of the leaves when other leaves are still.2 The ranks of Burman spirits are recruited from men who die a violent death, or who have been executed for bad deeds.30 Burmah is supposed to be plagued with bilus, creatures in human guise who devour men.31 The Burmans wash the head once a month. The Pegu people believe that frequent washing destroys and irritates the genius who dwells in the head, and protects man,32 For the comfort of the house-spirits the tops of all the posts in the house are covered with a hood of cotton cloth wherein the spirits live. The house-spirit Eling-Soung Nat lives in a cotton night-cap or hood on the top of a pillar.34 The spirit Moung Inn Gyee was feared all round Rangoon as far as Pegu. He is said to live in water and to cause death. A yearly festival is held in his honour.35 At the boat races the Burmans offer plantains to the water-spirits.36 The Burmans have so great a fear of water-spirits that they dare not rescue a victim from drowning. The Buddhist Burmans, who never kill even an insect, will stand by and Bee a man drown without helping him.87 The Chinese have an extreme fear of spirita,38 The Chinese refrain from saving a drowning man, because it is a spirit that drags him down. A similar idea used to be prevalent in England and Scotland. The Chinese believe that their waters are full of angry spirits anxious to drown men. To prevent this they put up pillars on the bank to Fat-Pee, the coming Buddha; and offer white horses.co In China, women who commit suicide, children who die in infancy, unmarried women, and beggars who die at street corners become spirits. 26 Arabian Life in the Middle Ager, p. 224. 2* Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 284. > Op.cit. Vol. I. p. 286. 22 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 92. * Op. cit. Vol. L p. 281. * Op.cit. Vol. IL p. 59. *Mrs. Gray's Fourteen Months in Canton, p. 42. * Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 35. 11 Shway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. I. p. 280. >> Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 286. Op. cit, Vol. II. p. 100. 53 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 281. * Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 285. 17 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 151. Gray's China, Vol. II, p. 84. 61 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 18.

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298 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOVEMBER, 1897. The Australians suppose that thickets, pools and rocks swarm with spirits.42 They believe that white men are the ghosts of dead Australians, and that the Kinir-Kinir or spirits of the departed. wander over the earth. The Australians have crowds of spirits called Ingoas, who worry and trouble men. They throw heated stones and sit apon men as nightmares.45 The Australians believed in innumerable evil spirits. The ghosts of hostile or unburied dead filled heaven and earth and caused evil. Australians hated to name the dead, to go near a grave, or to dream. They did not attempt to propitiate with charms the spirits. The object of their rites was to counteract the power of the unfriendly spirits.46 The Dayaks of Borneo and the Papuans of Now Guinea believe in evil spirits of the clouds, the sea, the rocks, and the forests.47 Before cutting down a tree the Dayaks are careful to please Pulang Gana, the place-spirit. The Philippine Islanders see phantoms, called tibalong, on the tree-tops. Children are carried off by their dead mothers who are vastly tall, with long hair, little feet, long wings, painted bodies and a peculiar smell. The Islanders shew the ghost-mothers to the Spaniards, but the Spaniards cannot see them,49 The Motus of New Guinea believe that the departed sometimes appear on earth. Children will run into the house and tell their widowed mother that their father has come back to see them; she goes to the door, and true enough sees her husband standing with his feet in the ground, as if he had risen out of it. She tries to catch hold of him, but he sinks back into the earth. The people do not cite these experiences as narsery tales. They firmly believe them, and in confirmation of these appearances appeal to the evidence of their own eyes. They also believe that when a person dies, the spirit of some departed friend comes to carry the spirit away.50 The health and lives of the Shoas and Gallas of North-East Africa are in the hands of a class of demons called Zar to whom tobacco smoke is as incense.61 In Madagascar, the spirits of the dead are supposed to dwell on lofty mountains,62 In the Lovale country, in the west of South Central Africa, inland from the Kongo River, men dress as sham devils and clear the wood of real spirits.53 In South Central Africa, one of the natives came close to Captain Cameron, and after a good look covered bis face with his hands, and yelled. He had never seen a white man, and took Cameron for a devil.54 The Bongos of the White Nile and other negroes hold that no good ever came from a spirit. The only thing they know about spirits is that they do harm.56 In Kulongo, near the White Nile, a great cavern is supposed to be full of spirits. Really it is full of bats and porcupines.56 Kafirs refuse to save a drowning man. They think the water-spirit has dragged him in.67 In Mexico, women who die in child-bed are feared and honoured. After death they become spirits, and act as guardians or attendants of the sun. Formerly young men tried to cut off the hair of such women, and wizards to cut off the left arm.68 The Mexicans deified all women who died in child-birth. Shrines decked with paper images were raised to their honour in every ward that had two streets. Once a year all persons sentenced to death were slain in honour of the goddess, that is, of the spirits of dead women. The spirits of these women moved throagh the air, and entered into people. They made children sick, sending paralysis and other sudden diseases. Their favourite haunt on earth was cross-roads, and on certain days of the year people would not go out of the house for fear of them. They were propitiated by offerings of bread and roasted maize. The wild tribes of Brazil live in constant fear of spirits. However brave in + Spencer's Principles of Sociology, Vol. I. p. 236. Wallace's Australasia, p. 100. ** Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. VII. p. 250. 45 Reville's Les Religions des Peuples Non-Civilizee, Vol. II. p. 154. 46 Descriptive Sociology, 3 Table 4. 47 Trans. By. Geog. Soc. April 1884, p. 210. 48 Straits Journal, June 1881, p. 147. 19 Careri in Churchill, Vol. IV. p. 430. 50 Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. VII. Pp. 485, 198. 61 Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 391. 12 Sibree's Madagascar, p. 312. u Cameron's Across Africa, Vol. II. p. 189. u Op.cit. Vol. II. p. 146. os Schweinfurth's Heart of Africa, Vol. I. p. 306. 16 Op. cit. Vol. I. pp. 233-235. 67 Cunningham's South Africa, p. 325. 18 Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 364. 69 Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 363.

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NOVEMBER, 1897.1 SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. 299 war, a Brazilian rarely goes out alone at night. They have numbers of spirits unconnected with material objects. The chief of these are Gourouperas (ill-natured spirits), who come under many forms and stir disputes among men; Yanchons like dwarfs or big dogs whose barking is heard in the storm, like the German and French wild chase, and Spanpiaras (sea spirits), who entice sailors on to the rocks 60 Several American tribes people earth, air, and sea with good and evil spirits 61 The Alaskas, or North American Eskimos, believe that as in life the mass counts little the mass of spirits do little good and little harm. They shew their presence only by a slight whizzing. Robust spirits make the ears to tingle with their demands for food. The still stardier take their abode in some human body. The sturdiest, who when alive have been sorcerers, suicides or murderers, enter into bodies and so affect the owner of the body as to drive him mad or witless.62 The Zaparo Indians of South America fear that a woman who dies in child-bed comes back longing for her child ; they, therefore, bury the live child with the dead mother.63 The Americans thought Will-o-the Wisp # very dangerous spirit.64 In British Guiana, the Kenaimas, spirits who cause sickness, are much feared. They are driven ont by healers or peaiman, who in proof take a caterpillar out of the patient.65 Among the ancients the Accadians or early Chaldeans (B. C. 4000-2000) had five classes of ill-wishing spirits : utugo second class spirits, alals destroyers, geyuns (?) unknown, telals warriors, and maskin snarers.66 The Assyrians (B. C. 1200-800) and the Babylonians (B. C. 800-530) believed that the world was swarming with bad little spirits who might be swallowed and cause disease.67 The Persians (B. C. 580-330) developed a system of guardian angels 50 elaborate as to give rise to the saying - "An Angel falls in every raindrop." 64 This theory of spirit-rule was adopted both for men and for countries by the Jews and to some extent by the New Testament. The Christian elaborated the idea. The poet Spencer (A. D. 1600) saw bright squadrons of golden-pinioned angels planted round men to guard them against foul fionds; and in later times (d. 1711) Bishop Ken has passed on the doctrine of the individual guardian.69 Among the Greeks, the Stoics believed in countless immortal spirits that abounded in the air.70 The Romans had chimney spirits.71 The Roman Lars, or nobles in the original Etruscan, were supposed to guard crossways and to watch houses. They were of two classes, public and private.72 The Roman Lemures73 were spirits either of all dead or of bad dead, generally of bad dead.74 Among the Middle-Age Europe (1493-1541) spirits were Dases, spirits of wood; Enur, spirits of stones; Gnomes, under-ground spirits ; Lemures, water-spirits; Penates, fire-spirits; Sylphs, dwarfs; and Travames, ghosts.75 The Germans believed in dwarf spirits called Kobold, Goblin and Bogie, also in Pottergeist, the knocking or death-watch spirits. According to one acconnt (Conway's, Demonology and Devil-lore, Vol. II. p. 318) the Pottergeist are unwashed children whom Eve kept out of 60 R ville's Les Religions des Peuples Non-Civilises, Vol. I. pp. 366, 370. 61 Bancroft. Vol. III. pp. 112, 481. 62 Reclus" Prim. Folklore, p. 82. 68 Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. VII. p. 507. 64 Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 540.. 65 St. James's Buriget, 7th December 1883, 86 Lenormant's Chaldean Magic, pp. 26, 144. 67 Black's Folklore Medicine. p. 8. * Dabistan, Vol. III. p. 144. 6 Seafield's Dreams, Vol. I. p. 47. 70 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 139. 71 Pliny's Natural History, Book xxxvi. Chap. 27. 72 Riley's Trans, of Ovid's Fasti, p. 74. According to Douce (Dance of Death, p. 3) the Larvoe or Lares, unless cared for, were apt to become unfriendly. T1 Festivals in honour of the Lemures, or evil dead, were held in Rome on the 9th, 11th and 18th May. The details illustrate the fear of spirits. The temples of the gods were shut to keep out the spirits; no marriage took place for fear of their unfriendly influence. In the festival the people walked bare foot, because spirits would be enraged by leather, washed bands three times, and threw black beans, which spirits disliked. . 74 Cunningham's Classical Dictonary. T5 Frigwell's Varia, p. 183. Reginald Soott's Discovery of Witchcraft, p. 415 : Notes and queries, Fifth Series, Vol. VII. p. 78. Jamieson (Scottish Dictionary, 8. u. "Elfmill ") gives the following classes of Sazon spirits munt elfen (hill elves), wunder elfen (field elves), wylde elfen (moor elves), dun elfen (hill elves), water elfen (water elves), sae elfen (sea elves). Compare Scott's Border Minstrelsy, Vol. II. p. 110, 1810 Edn.

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300 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1897. God's sight.70 The Skandinavians believed in spirits called Duergar who lived in hiils.77 Among the Fins and among the Samoiedes of North-West Siberia every object is full of small spirits called Maahinen, that is, earth-spirits. These spirits have power over everything. Under their influence crops grow, cows yield milk, and milk yields butter.78 In return milk and other good things are set apart for the Maahinen. Dolls also are made for them, because when the Maahinen go into any object and feel at home in it, they are kindly, and act as guardians.70 In Russia, the worship of the great spirit of cold, of which trace remains in the English Jack Frost, continues.90 The Croatians believe in spirits called Vilas, who float about and make storm and food. In North and North-East Earope, the belief in the forest spirit Rusialki, the wicked souls of unbaptised girls, is general. The Slavs pray: "Oh Rusialki, touch not our crowns." 82 But the terror of Rasialki pales before the Vampire, which is believed to be the spirit of a wizard or heretic, who, from his lodging in some corpse, steals in at night and sucks the blood of the living. The corpse in which the Vampire lodges should be taken out of the grave, a white thorn stake driven through the corpse at a single stroke, and the corpse burnt.83 Another leading Russian spirit is Domovoi, the house-spirit, who, though he bears the blame of any domestic mishap, is of the guardian or helpful class like the English Brownie or Robin Goodfellow.84 In Brittany, in West France, in 1825, a class of tiny spirits called Gawrics danced and made passers dance among the standing stones, which were known as the Giant's Dance.85 The fairy spirits of the Irish were Shefro, Chericaune, Banshee, Phooka, Merrow, Dullahan, and Fir-darrig. The name Shefro was a generic name for the elves who lived in troops or communities, and were popularly supposed to own castles or mansions. The Chericaune was distinguished by his solitary habits. The Banshee, an attendant fairy or spirit, mourned the death of any member of a family to which she attached herself. The Phooka appears to be a modification of Robin Goodfellow or Pack. The Merrow was a mermaid. The Dullalian was a malicious sullen spirit or goblin, and the Fir-darrig a little merry red man.86 Old England (1000-1400) was full of fairies. Among them were Lade, Radiant Boys, Silky, Pick-tree Brag, Padfoot, Barguest, and Powries and Dunkers who inhabit forts.89 In the twelfth century, Gervase of Tilbury found in England, Portuni, goblins who leaped on horses and set the riders astray, Follets who were harmless, and Incubus which was the Roman Fawn. In 1290, a cavern in a castle of Lord Gifford was called Boh, that is, Hobgoblin, Hall.90 The English catechism of the fifteenth century states that some of the angels who 76 Scott's Demonolgy and Witcherast, p. 121. Tylor (Primitive Culture, Vol. I. p. 144) giver six classes, in Middle-Age Europe - fire, air, earth, water, under-earth, light-flyers. 11 Scott's Border Minstrelay, p. 4+1. 76 Compare Coleridge on the functions of the higher nature-spirite: "Some nurse the infant diamond in the mine, Some roll the genial juices through the oak; Some drive the mutinous clouds to clash in air, And rushing on the storm with whirlwind speed, Yoke the red lightnings to their volleying car." - Reville's Les Religions des Peuples Nori-Civiliaes, Vol. II. p. 214. These are notable instances of the two laws: (n) a doll is an idol; (b) & guardian is a squared or housed fiend. 80 Ralston's Russian Folktales, p. 214. 81 Victor Tissot's Unknown Hungary, Vol. I. p. 287. 12 Folklore Record, Vol. IV. p. 56. # Student's Ency., "Vampire." The union of two experiences compels the belief in the Vampire. (1st) The common grief for a young man or woman wanting in consumption as if the blood which is the life was sucked ont of them. (2nd) The oceasional unearthing of a long dead corpse from which when cut fresh blood flows. The sense seems to be the guardian white-thorn stake prisons the Vampire, and with the corpse the Vampire's power is consumed. In Bulgaria, it is believed that any one may become Vampire over whom a cat or boy jumps or & bird flies: that is, when they are above him an evil spirit may pass from the boy or the cat or the bird into the person overleapt, and so the spirit may become a Vampire. M Ralston's Russian Songs, P. 124; English woman in Russia, p. 161. 85 Hone's Every Day Book, Vol. II. p. 981. * Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. II. P. 608. # Leslie's Early Races of Scotland, VOL. I. p. 106. # Henderson's Foll-Lore, pp. 256, 267-274. 89 Tyrwhitt's Chaucer, p. 189. >> Sharpe's Witchoraft, p. 24.

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NOVEMBER, 1897.] SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM 301 were cast out of heaven were sent into hell, some reigned in the sky, some in the earth, some in the waters, and some in the woods.1 The Rosicrusians (A. D. 160) ?) peopled the air with Sylphs, the earth with Gnomes, the fire with Salamanders, and the water with Nymphs. Boh or Hobgoblin was afterwards, or at least was better, known as Puck or as Robiu Good-fellow. Shakespeare (1600) describes Robin as a shrewd and a knavish sprite, wlio frights the maidens of the villagers and skims milk. He sometimes labonus with the quern or hand-mill, makes the churning of the breathless housewife useless, works the drink so that it bears no barm, and misleads night wanderers, langbing at the harm.93 In England, aboat 1620, the lending spirits were genii, fanns, satyrs, wood nymphs, foliots, fairies, robin good-fellows, and trulls. The bigger kind of spirits were hob-goblins, who ground corn, cut wood and mended iron. In Welsh mines, in 1750, fairies were often heard at work. They were friendly and guided the human miners to rich veins. In 1800, a demon called Barguest, haunted Yorkshire lanes and forboded death.87 In 1830, bogles (bug a scare crow) drove all traffic from the Gallows Lane at Lincoln. During the last three hundred years English poets hare maintained the belief in countless spirits. According to Milton (1660):-" Millions of spiritual creatures walk the earth anseen, both when we wako and when we sleep."999 And two hundred and fifty years later, in spite of the desolation of progress, the poet eye of Coleridge had the same vision as Milton : "Oh ye numberless and rapid travellers, what car instunned, what sense unmad. dened, might bear up against the rushing of your congregatel wings?"100 So many forms of the devil do the seventeenth century witch-trials show that it seems the vlevil might alone people the earth. Man in many forms, beautiful women, yonths, priests, and black men: of animals the cat, toad, rabbit, pig, rat, dog, deer, ass, and snake: of birds the crow, kite, chicken, magpie, goosc, and duck: of insects the bee, fly, and flea: of other shapes a winged child, a ball, a bay-stack, a tree-trunk, and a coach wheel. These secm a collection of the leading objects which in former times were believed to be spirit-liomes. In seventeenth century Scotland, among the noble army of spirits held in respect and constantly seen were devils, bull.beggars, witches, elves, hags, faeries, Satyrs, Pans, Fawns, Sylvans, Kit with the Canstic, Tritons, centanrs, dwarfs, giants, imps, calcars (+), conjurers, nymphs, changlings Incubus, Robin Good-fellow, the man in the oak, the hell wnine, the fire-drake, the pickle, Tom Thumb, Hob-Goblin, Tom Tombler, Boneless, and others. In Scotland, in 1670, the common people called familiars white Devils. They were the same as the usefal spirits formerly known as Brownie and Robin Good-fellow. They passed as human beings. Sharpe tells of a lady who had a little old serving man, Ethert, who was really a familiar. Beaumont, about the same time, had two familiars to wait on him, brown women three feet high in black net-work gowns and white caps with lace. In Europe, at this time (1650), were seven good and seven bad familiars or evil genii. The good genji adapted themselves to the character of each person's soul. They suggested good, but if the soul preferred evil the seven good genii gare place to their seven evil companions. In Scotland, in the county of Kircudbright, in 1730, people firmly believed in ghosta, hob-goblins, fairies, elves, witches, and wizards. The ghosts and spirits often appeared at night. The people used many charms and incantations to preserve themselves, their cattle and houses from the malevolence of witches, wizards and evil spirits, and believed in the beneficial effects of these charms. They frequently saw the devil, who made wicked attacks upon them when they were engaged in their religions exercises. They believed in benevolent - Skent's Piers the Ploughman, p. 110. 92 Op.cit. p. 110.. Midsummer Night's Dream, Act II, Scene I. p. 99. Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy. p. 125. * Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, p. 124. * Gentleman'. Magazine Library, "Popular Superstitions," pp. 152-154. >> Hone's Everyday Book, Vol. II. . 557 : Demonoloyyarul Witcheraft, p. 38. * Gentleman's Magazine Library. Manners and Customs," p. 32. Paradise Lost, Book iv. line 677. 1Tragedy of Remors, Act I, Scene 2. 1 Compare Notes and Queries, Vol. V. pp. 421.423. Fifth Series.. * Reginald Scott's Discovery of Vitchcraft, p. 192. * Sharpe's Witcheraft in Scotland, p. 142. * Op. cit. p. 218. * Reginald Scott's Discovery of Witchcraft, p. 496.

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302 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOVEMBER, 1897. spirits, whom they termed Brownics, who went about at night and performed for them some part of their domestic labour, such as threshing and winnowir; their corn, spinning, and churning, They fixed branches of the mountain ash or the narrow-leaved service tree above the stalls of their cattle to preserve them from the evil effects of elves and witches. In the Highlands of Scotland, there was a Inke called Lochn-an-Spoiradan, the Loch of Spirits. In the lake two spirits frequently made their appearance - the horse and the water-bull. The mermaid was apother spirit. Before the rivers were swelled by heavy rains she was often seen, and was considered a fore-sight of drowning. Celtic mythology added a fourth spirit. When water is agitated by violent currents of wind, and spray is swept from its surface and driven before the blast, or whirled in circling eddies high in the air, the people consider the spindrift the child of the angry blast and call it Mariach Shine, the Kider of the Storm. Suffolk people believe in mermaids who live in ponds, and mothers use the name mermaid to frighten their children. Waldron heard the following mermaid story from an Isle of Man fisherman : -"During the time that Oliver Cromwell usurped the governinent of England few ships resorted to this island, which gave the mermen and mermaids frequent opportunities of visiting the shore. On moonlight nights they have been seen combing their hair, but as soon as any one came near they jumped into the water. Some people, who lived near the shore, spread nets and watched for their approach, only one was taken, who proved to be a female. She was very lovely; above the waist she resembled a fine young woman, and below all was fish with fins and a spreading tail. She was carried to a house and used tenderly; but, although they set before her the best of provisions, she could not be prevailed on to eat or drink, neither could they get a word from her. They kept her three days; but, perceiving that she began to look very ill and fearing that some calamity would befall the island if they kept her till she died, they opened the door, when she raised lierself on her tail and glided with incredible swiftness to the sea-side. Her keeper followed her at a distance, and saw her plunge into the water. It is customary in Yorkshire for people to sit and watch in the church porch on St. Mark's Eve, April 25th, from eleven o'clock at night till one in the morning. The third year (for this watch must be kept thrice) the watchers are supposed to see the ghosts of all who are to die the next year pass into the church, infants and young children not able to walk roll along the pavement.10 In 1800, Sir Walter Scott noticed that the belief in spirits who inhabited the air and the water was still general in Scotland. In England, the Gypsies keep alive the belief in spirit swarms. Gipsy boys at dawn see little men and carriages sitting in oak branches, beautifully dressed in green, white and other colours.13 In connection with the numbers and swarms of spirits it is to be noted that instead of the six or seven spirits which in modern Europe are supposed to lodge in the human body, namely, life, wind, soul, spirit, conscience, genius, and heredity, acccrding to earlier ideas, spirits or at least the greater spirits include swarms of distinct beings. The experience of conscience, or the voice of conscience, has been accepted as one of the strongest grounds for believing in more than one indwelling spirit. The Christian poet, Herrick (1660, Poems, Ed. 1869, Vol. I. p. 159), makes conscience a God in man, agreeing with the saying in the Emperor Akbar's (A.D.1600) religion :"Deep in our soul lives the true agent God without equal who raises a stormy strife to stir us to the search of truth."13 The Arab who has heard the voice describes it as the voice of Hatif the crier, a species of jinn. The Hindu has a strong sense of the divisibility of spirit.15 * Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. I. p. xvi. 7 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 377. * Chamber's Book of Lays, p. 678. Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. III. p. 413. 10 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 198. 11 Note M to Lay of the Last Minstrel. 12 Groome's In Gipsy Tonts, p. 256. 13 Tabistan, Vol. III. p. 130. 14 Arabian Life in the Middle Ages, p. 45. 16 This law is not so clear to the fishery of Nairne in Scotland, who (Guthrie's Old Scotch Customs, p. 96) object to more than one couple being married at the same time, as there would be a struggle who would be first to leave * tho church, because the first to leave would carry a way the blessing.

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NOVEMBER, 1897.] SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. 303 In a Hindu temple some of the spirits, or some of the spirit of the object worshipped, passes into every portion of the sweetmeats which are handed to the worshippers. So an epidemic is a spirit which can divide itself endlessly and pass into the bodies of the whole population of a city or country. Compare, among the Jews, in the Old Testament (Numbers, xiv. 25): - "The Lord took the spirit that was on Moses and put it upon the seventy elders and they prophesied." And in the New Testament (St. Luke, viii. 27; St. Marl, v. 9): two thousand devils pass out of a man who is described as having only one devil. The experience of the spirit that suddenly sways a gathering of men, of cattle, or of other animals, makes easy the belief in the divisibility of spirit. A large gathering may be possessed by the guardian spirit, and yet the spirit in the guardian be undiminished. Part of a witch's familiar or house-spirit may go and worry some one and still not forsake its black cat or other everyday home. A similar experience explains such phrases16 as "the Spirit or Genius of the Age," which seems a trace of the belief that like every planet each age is under the influence of some special spirit. Another case of spirit divided and yet unlessened is Glamour. "Glamour," says Napier, 18 " is a witch-power which makes the people see whatever the witch wishes them to see." The spirit of the witch passes into each of the crowd, and looking through their eyes makes them see as the witch wishes, the witch's spirit being all the time nnlessened in the -witch's body. Again, among the Hindus, swarms of spirits constantly pass into the great Gods or Guardians. The Almighty is the home of spirits; Ganpati, the leader of the hosts, has a host in himself; Mahadev has his 1,000 names. His worshippers welcome Khandoba with the sbont "yelkot, seven crores." The experience in the death of a man - the fading of the warmth, the ceasing of the pulse, the failure of breath, the disappearance of the image from the eyeball, seem to imply the departure of a set of distinct sprits.19 Two other classes - strangers and enemies - have added to the hosts of evil spirits. In inost countries and at most times, as in Germany, where fiend means foe, enemies have been considered either devils or devil-possessed. The Chinese call all strangers devils; the Tartar retorts by speaking of the Chinaman as a dev or magician.20 Mr. Conway21 finds in the demons, in which men have believed, a catalogue of the obstacles in the fight of life. He holds that the number of survivals or custom traces of a demon pretty faithfully shew the degree to which the special evil the devil represents affected the early man. Conway arranges his demons or early unfriendly forces under twelve heads :- hunger, heat, cold, physical convulsions, destructive animals, human enemies, barrenness, obstacles, river or hill, illusion, darkness, disease, death. This grouping of early spirits seems artificial. The early inan dreads not the head of a class of spirits: he dreads the attacks of individual spirits, generally ancestral. The un-moral demon who rules a class of facts corresponds to the un-moral guardians, the gods of the Vedas or of Greece and Rome. So the immoral devil belongs to the same later stage as the moral God or guardian of the Jew and Christian. With the teaching of universal experience the whole world became spirit-ruled and spirit-explained. Again, as knowledge and power grow spirits retire. In one branch after another spirit is replaced by law. Spirit fades from plant and animal : it stays in man because man's consciousness seems to imply at least a two-fold nature - body and mind. Even in the thought of man the domain of spirit keeps shrinking. Disease, even madness, is physical, dreams are children of the body, passions are not prompted from without, sin is not spirit-possession, desire is not a fiend's hint, humour is not a demon's chuckle, neither freshness nor skill is genius-caused. In spite of this steady drawing in of the borders of 16 Browa's Christian Morals, Vol. I. p. 26. 11 Henry Vaughan (1660), Poems, Ed. 1889, p. 7. 18 Napier's Folk-Lore, p. 192. 19 Hindu doctors (Wise's Hindu Medicine, p. 2(8) consider the pulue a spirit, because it is a test of life. Fuller roference to this subject comes more suitably under " Funeral Rites." * Shea's Early Kings of Persin, P. 53, note 1. The idea that the stranger is a spirit appears in the wide-spread belief that, at the skirts of traffio, fartravelled traders deal with spirita. Compare Do Chuignes Huns, Vol. I. p. 139. 21 Moncure Conway's Demonology and Devil-Lore, Vol. I. p. 35.

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304 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. NOVEMBER, 1997. spirit-land the belief remains that, unlike other animals, man has a two-fold nature - body and mind. The earliness of the belief, that there is one or many spirits in man, suggests that this experience is the base of all belief in spirit. Before you have the idea of a disembodied spirit you must have the idea of an embodied spirit. But the early man's idea of himself is probably a spirit haunt. He knows the spirits in life pushing him to pleasure, to sin, to passion, haunting him with strange ideas. He sees them in life, the image in the eye, the warmth, the breath, the pulse in the breast, wrist and heel. He sees proofs of them at death when the eye grows glassy, the warmth cools, the pulse flutters and ceases. The conclusion seems to be : the idea of an embodied spirit starts earlier and will last longer than the idea of a disembodied spirit. In the development of spirit ideas the relation between the spirit in a man and the spirit in an animal has undergone one important change. The spirit in man is now supposed to be distinct from the spirit in animals. Among Hindus an old-fashioned groom keeps talking to his horse, apparently never doubting that the horse understands. So the Bakhtyari or South Persian highlander talks to a lion as he would talk to a human foe: "O cat of Ali, I am the servant of Ali, pass by my house by the head of Ali." 22 (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. SOME NOTES ON THE FOLKLORE OF THE the king himself sat in one of the pans, when TELUGUS. the scales were rendered equal. Whereupon the By G. R. SUBRAMIAH PANTULU. hawk and the dove thoaght very highly of the king, assumed their own forms, stood before the (Continued from p. 252.) king, praised him, conferred certain boons on him XL. and went to their respective worlds. By far the best of monarchs that wielded sway Moral :- Good men will even forego their lives over the Nishada country was King Bibi, who in order to protect those who trust in them. was the type of virtue, a well-wisher of his sub XLI. jects. He would even forego his life to protect the refugee. Once upon a time the Gandarvas Narada, the greatest of Rishis, was once upon began praising his talents and virtuous qualities a time, while on a visit to Nandikesvara, requestat the Court of their king Devendra, who heard ed by him to narrate any important news he had them, and, coming to a resolve to pirt them to of the lokas ( worlds ), whereupon he informed test, assumed the form of a hawk and called upon him of the stories told by the two and thirty his friend Agni to take the form of a dove. The images on the throne of Vikramarka. hawk, then, pursuing the dove, reached the earth. In Vedanarayanapura Agrabara there lived The dove came to King Sibi and said: "O King! a Brahman, Vishnusarmn by name, who had four there comes a hawk to put an end to me, and sons, Yajnanarayana, Vedaniriyana, Viranaramake me its prey. Shield me." So saying, he yana, and Chandrasarma. The first three were took refuge. Not long after, the hawk approach- thoroughly conversant with Vedio literature and ed the king and said :-"It is unfair of you to all the blistras, and displayed their learning at the protect my prey, for that will lead to my certain courts of various kings, receiving very valuable death. Refrain, therefore, from protecting the presents ; while the fourth, as he was not in. dove." To which the king replied that he would structed in any of the sciences, acted as their give the dove's weight of flesh from his body, servant. Matters went on thus for some time, instead of the dove itself. The hawk consented till the fourth son became disgusted with to the proposal. The king thereupon brought his lot and resolving to visit foreign parts for scales, put the dove on one pan and his flesh the purpose of becoming educated, left his on the other, and seeing that even a great quantity home at dead of night without telling any. of his flesh did not equally balance the dove's, I one. The next evening he reached the bank of Layard's Early Adventures, P. 445. * [It may be taken a certain that this is a translation from a local Mahatmya or some such M8.- ED.)

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NOVEMBER, 1897.] MISCELLANEA.. 305 a river near an agrahra, performed his daily now go on a visit to Banaras to rid myself of ablutions in it, and came out to perform the the curse. Chandrasarma then took a different japa alone. route, as he had forgotten the way by which A Brahmarakshasa, dwelling in an adjacent he came to the pipal-tree, and while going pipal-tree, assumed the form of a Brahman, through the palace street of Ujayini, saw the descended from the tree and stood before Chan- house of a public woman and mistook it for a drasarma, and enquired who he was; whereupon Brahman's quarters, and as he was very tired, Chandrasarma, thinking him to be a Brahman having had neither sleep nor food for six months of the adjacent agrdhdra, told him his errand past, went in, spread his upper garment on the and his story. The Brahmarakshasa then verandah and quietly went to sleep. Not long said :-"Well then, you are intent upon learn after the house-owner's daughter came out, ing." Chandrasarma, right glad of the turn perceived the sleeping person, and thinking that events had taken, consented to receive instruc. he would be a fit husband for herself went in tion from the supposed Brahman, who thereupon and informed her mother of the fact with appeared to him in his true colours and asked him great glee. not to be afraid of him. But for all that Sarma? | The mother, intent upon appropriating the shook with fear, and shut his eyes, and so the new.comer's money, came out to see if he were Brahmarakshaba immediately resumed the form a wealthy man, and perceiving him to be a poor of a Brahman, consoled Chandrasarma, took Brahman, became enraged at her daughter. But him up to the top of the pipal-tree, taught the daughter gave a deaf ear to her mother's him without a moment's stop, without sleep words, and insisted on possessing the Brahman. or food for six months, and then informed him The mother consented, as she was unable to win her that he was rid of his curse. He himself would | daughter over to her arguments. The Brahman now go on a visit to Banaras, but Sarma was at did not rise the next morning, nor did he move perfect liberty to go home, being completely a muscle. This made the mother inform the trained in all the sciences, and ere long king of what bad transpired, who immediately would rise to a very prominent position, and sent the palace doctors to the spot. They felt he further blessed him with four very intelligent the pulse of the sleeping person, and went sons. Chandrasarma thereupon enquired of his and informed the king that ae, for some reason or preceptor the circumstances under which he other, he had bad neither food nor sleep for six became a Brahmarakshasa, and why he had to go months past, his body should be smeared all over on a visit to Banfras. To which the latter re- with boiled rice for some time, and if this were plied :-"I was living sometime ago at Sarasvati. repeated for a time, he would enjoy the honey. pura, on the banks of the Krishna, and learnt the heavy dew of slumber and would rise. After six various sciences. While there, a Brahman papil months' tending, according to the doctors' visited the place and requested me to instruct him advioe, Chandrasarma rose one fine morning in some of the sciences, which I refused to do, just as an ordinary person would, who had feeling very proud of my learning, and so my enjoyed a very refreshing sleep. Then he began would be pupil became very much infuriated and to think :-"Whose house is this? Who is this said :-- Reserve your learning to yourself, you girl P What brought me here! But what care need not teach me at all. I shall learn from I for all this?" He was preparing to go his some other person,' and cursed me to become a own way, when the girl taking hold of the Brahmarakshasa Quaking with fear, I re- hem of his garment asked him "Are you quested him to inform me how best I could going to quit me? I have been eagerly waiting be relieved of the curse. And he replied: for you and tending you for these six months. * After some time, Chandrasarma, a Brahman, You are my husband: I am your wife. On intent upon learning, will visit foreign parts. hearing this, the Brahman replied:-"I am a You will accidentally meet him on the bank of Brahman and you a Sidra, this sort of talk a river. He will learn the various sciences is, therefore, unfair of you. What have I to do from you, and if you will then visit Banaras and with you P" So saying, he rose, but the girl bathe in the sacred waters of the Ganges, you accompanied him closely wheresoever he went. will be relieved of your curse and become a The matter was reported by the townsfolk to the Brahman once more.' I therefore became a king, who summoned the Brahman and the Sadra Brahmarakshasa and took up my abode in yonder girl before him, and as he was not able to effect a pipal-tree, eagerly awaiting your arrival. As compromise between them, he invited a certain I have instructed you in all the sciences, I shall number of the best pandits and requested them II. e., Chandrasarma,

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306 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOVEMBER, 1897. to judge of the affair, who pacified Chandra- portion of it, a large number of diamonds fell sarma by saying that a Brahman is at liberty to out of the fruit. The king was wonderstruck marry from among all the four castes. and called upon the steward to produce the fruit entrusted to him. On their being produced The king then married Chandrasarma first to and broken open, the king found to his utter his purohit's daughter, then to his own daughter, amazement an additional number of diamonds. thirdly to the daughter of the wealthiest mer. The king, feeling very pleased with the sannydrin, chant of the locality, and lastly to the girl enquired of his errand, when the latter inin question. As the king had no male issue, formed him that he was intent upon performing a he transferred one-half of his kingdom with the great tapas, that he needed therefore the king's necessary army to Chandraserma, retained him! help and that he would tell him the business, at his own place and lived happily. Chandra should he (the king) come to bis abode on the sarma had four lodgings prepared for his four fifteenth day from that date at dead of night. wives, kept each of them in a separate house, He would then help him, for his tapas would performed his daily ablutions in the house of be fulfilled. The king consented and dressed his Brahman wife, and lived happily, not swerving himself like a warrior, and, with sword in from tho injunctione laid down in the Sastras. hand, went to the spot, appeared respectfully beSometime after the king died and as he had left fore the sannydain and asked him what he wanted no sons, Chandrasarma was installed king of him to do. The sannydsin said: "O king! you the whole realm by the ministers, purohits, and do not fail to abide by your promise. I am the people. He had by his Brahman wife & son very glad you have come here. Whenever I named Varuruchi; by the second, Vikramarka; intend to perform a tapas, one Bethala throws by the third, Bhatti; and by the fourth, Hari. as many obstacles as he can in the way, and All the four sons were well educated. Chandra- never allows it to reach completion. As you sarma being very much pleased with the noble are the strongest and bravest of men, if you will qualities of Vikramarka, and as he was moreover bring Bethala here, tied hand and foot, there the collateral grandson of the late monarch, will be no one to throw obstacles in the way of installed him king and made Bhatti his premier. my tapas. If you talk to Bethala while bringing Vikramarka then prayed to the goddess, Kali, him here, he will assuredly run away. You should who, being greatly pleased with his severe austeri. therefore not talk to him at all." Vikramarka ties, appeared before him and granted him a boon, then enquired the whereabouts of Bethala, that he would rule for one thousand years, that went and tied him up and carried bim on his neither gods, spirite, demons nor giants should back. Bethala said to him that he would put be able to vanquish him, and that he would him a question which if he knowingly failed to meet his death by the hand of a child, born to a answer, would break his bead into a thousand girl thirteen months old. Vikramarka then came pieces :home and informed Bbatti of what bad transpired, lingIn dave long cone by there lived & when the latter said that he would extend the king named Yasakethu, who held sway over period of the life of Vikramarka by an additional gobhavatipura according to the dharmas laid one thousand years. On his questioning the down in the Sastras. Close to the town was former how he was able to grant the boon, Bhatti a temple of the goddess Kali, to whom the townsreplied :-"The goddess Kali has blessed you that folk were in the habit of performing jatras year you should rule for one thousand years. Rule after year. Once, while the women of the town over the kingdom for six months and travel over were bathing in the temple tank, Dhavala, a the world for the other six months, so that by the washerman of another town, while going to time you have ruled for one thousand years, Sobhavatipura on business, passed through the you will practically live for two thousand years." Vikramarka was greatly pleased with temple and saw the women bathing. He fell in love with one of them, and hid himself in a certhe tactics of Bhatti and did as directed. He tain quarter, and not being able to bear the finelybecame afterwards one of the world's best pointed darts of Cupid, followed her to a little rulers. distance from her home, promising, meanwhile, Once upon a time a samydain came to Vikra- to offer the goddess kalf his head a fow days marka, blessed him and gave him a fruit. The after the accomplishment of his cherished object. same thing was repeated day after day and the He was terribly love-sick, and did not go to king used to give it over to his steward. On a Sobhavatipura at all, but went home and became certain day the fruit was given by the king to a more and more emaciated day by day. His parents, monkey standing near, and when the latter bit a who learnt the whole affair, enquired of their son of

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NOVEMBER, 1897.) MISCELLANEA. 807 the whereabouts of the girl, went and negotiated was wrecked and all the people perished. Karwith the girl's parents and effected a marriage pataka alone, while swimming with the greatest between the two. A few days after this the girl's difficulty, caught hold of a twig which carried parents sent her to her mother-in-law. Some him to Nagaloka, where he saw a temple to Durga, time afterwards, they sent their son to informat which he rested. He there saw a number the boy's parents and bring his brother-in-law and of Naga girls visiting the temple, worshipping the rister to their honse. Dhavala's parents were goddess, and dancing and singing. He conceived very glad, and sent their son and daughter-in-law a passion for one among the number, and commu. with the new.comer. They set out, and while nicated it to her maid-servants, who in turn resting themselves a little on the way near the informed the lady. The lady seemed to agree temple of the goddess Kali, Dhavala went in to the proposal and wanted Karpataka to bathe and offered his head as a sacrifice to the goddess, in a tank near by. No sooner was that done as he had promised, and died. The new- than he found himself, to his utter amazeoomer, who was eagerly awaiting the arrival of ment, floating in the tank of Mallikapura. He his brother-in-law, not seeing him come out, then informed the king of what had transpired. went into the temple, and to his utter disappoint- The king thereupon wanted Karpataka to shew ment and sorrow saw his brother-in-law lying him the woman. The whole route was re-traversed there dead, and died himself. The girl, amazed and the woman in the temple to Durg& was shewn. at both her husband and her brother not coming The girl with whom Karpataka had fallen in love, out for so long a time, went into the temple, and fell in love with the king, and told him that she Was wholly immersed in sorrow and was about to would supply him with everything, if he should slay herself, when the goddess Kali appeared fulfil her cherished object. The king thereupon before her and said that she was pleased with her told her that Karpataka was his son, a fair-lookchastity, and that it was unfair of her to venture ing, intelligent young man, a person who would on suicide, and said further that if the two heads act up to his promise, cost whatever it might, and of the slain be brought and attached to the other that she should marry and live comfortably with parts of the bodies, they would once more come him, to which she consented. The king took hold to life. In her hasto she brought the head of her of Karpataka's hand, and saying that the union husband and attached it to the body of her bro. effected between the latter and the Naga girl was ther and vice vered, and they both rose up. She equal to one of the amalakas given him, and was now on the horns of a dilemma, and did that he should do some service for the other pruit, not know what to do." Bethala then asked went and immersed himself in the waters of the Vikramarka who should be taken to husband tank, and reached his capital safe. Karpataka by the girl. Vikramarka replied that, as the then lived happily with the girl." Bethala head is the most essential part of the whole then asked Vikramarka : "Which of them did body, to whatsoever body the head of her husband the greatest good " To which Vikramarka was attached, that man should become her replied that it is but natural for a servant to do husband. Bethala upon this immediately disap- good to his master, but the master repaid him peared. the good, thinking very highly of the servant's Bethala, however, was once more fetched, and services that must be considered the greatest. he again began to tell a story. "There remained Bethala, on hearing this, once more disappeared. with Sakataasinga, king of Mallikapura, with- Bethala wis again brought, and again began to out a moment's severance, his attendant, Kar- narrate a story." In days long gone by there lived pataka by name. Once upon a time, the king at Vijayanagara a king named Danduvakosa. set out on a hunting excursion with his large who married Satyavrata, and was so wholly army to a wood, mounted a horse, went with immersed in the luxuries of her charms that Karpataka to an uninhabited place a great dis- he was practically dead to the outer world. tance off, and being very much fatigued, rested Tirthadarsi, his minister, was then guiding the under the leafy spreading branches of a huge barh helm of the State. It was rumoured abroad, tree, when Karpataka brought and gave him two however, that the minister had appropriated the fruits of the emblic myrobalan (amalaka). The State to himself, and he, not being able to king then went home, and sometime after in. endure the calumny, went away to a foreign place. formed Karpataka that he had conceived a The king then entrusted his government to passion for the daughter of the king of Simha. another minister of his, and pursued his old habits. ladvipa (Ceylon), and wanted him to arrange After wandering through various countries, for a marriage between them. Karpataka set Tirthadarsi reached a port, contracted friendail in a merchant vessel, which unfortunately ship with a merchant there, and remained always

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308 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. with him. One day the merchant informed him that he was about to set sail to an island afar off, and asked him to look after his affairs till he returned. The minister thereupon said that he would accompany the merchant, as he could not endure the pangs of separation. They both went on board the vessel, and saw a very beautiful woman on an island. On being questioned by the minister who she was, the merchant replied that he did not know, but that he saw her every time he crossed that way. As soon as their business was finished, both of them reached home safely. Sometime afterwards the minister took leave of the merchant, went to his own place, was received very cordially by the king, who enquired of him why he had left him. To which the minister replied: You were wholly immersed in female charms, and as I guided the State, numerous scandals were spread abroad that I had misused my authority, and so I went away to a foreign place. I then made friendship with a merchant, and went on board his vessel to a far off island and there saw near the temple of the goddess Kali a large bark tree, underneath whose umbrageous branches was a woman, the very type of perfect womanhood.' On hearing this the king was very much astonished, and wanted to see the girl, and having received instructions from the minister, reached the island, saw the girl and thought that the minister was an unusually self-controlled man, for every [NOVEMBER, 1897. man who had seen her had conceived a passion for her. Thus he praised the minister, and went and prostrated himself before the goddess Kali, and then approached the girl, who turned her back on him. The king then took hold of the hem of her garment and asked her not to treat him with contempt. The girl, understanding that he was the greatest of kings, did according to his wishes. Sometime after, the girl went to bathe in the waters of a tank for the observance of a vrata, when she was unfortunately devoured by a rakshasa. The king, on seeing this, immediately drew his sword and slew the rakshasa and drew the girl out of his body. The girl then informed the king why she was devoured by the rakshasa, and lived happily with the king as usual. The king then took her to his capital and remained there more than ever addicted to female allurements. The minister then poisoned himself and died." Vikramarka was then questioned by Bethala:- "Why did the minister die? For the king's return? For the king's marrying the girl whom he (the minister) had fallen in love with?" To which Vikramarka replied that the minister poisoned himself because he foolishly communicated to the king the excellence of the girl in question, being fully aware of the king's previous conduct. Be thala once more disappeared. Thus did Bethala abscond twenty-four times,, and thus was he fetched again and again by Vikramarka. (To be continued.) NOTES AND QUERIES. DAYS OF REST. TO-DAY (29th November 1883) in passing through the Jat and Ahir villages in Rohtak, I noticed that no work was being done at the wells or in the fields, and that the peasants, usually so hard at work, were idling in the village homestead. On enquiring the reason, I was told that to-day was the amawas, the last day of the moon, and that on this day of the month the bullocks are always given a rest. The men themselves do any work that is to be done without using the cattle, but no one yokes his bullocks in the plough or at the well, or, if he can help it, in the cart. I noticed that some of the peasants were busy making thornfences, or doing other light work, but no bullocks were at work anywhere, and as there is little to be done at this season without their help, the custom practically gave the men a rest also, and the unusual idleness gave the villages a sort of Sunday look. The bullocks are given this rest once a month, on the last day of the moon, and also on the Makar ka Sankrant, which comes about January, when the sun enters into the sign of Capricorn (Makar), and on the Diwall and Gordhan (the day after the Diwali) in the middle of Kartik (October). Except on these fifteen days it is lawful for a man to yoke his cattle on all other days of the year, but these particular days are strictly a Sabbath for the cattle, and no one thinks of yoking them on these days. If any one did it would be a sin (pap), and his fellows would at once stop him. There is no such Sabbath for man, and it is not thought wrong (pap) for a man to work on any day of the year, though, of course, there are many holidays (teohar) on which very little work of any kind is done. On the Makar ka Sankrant the cows are not milked, and the calves are allowed to suck the whole of the milk, and on the amawas of every month the milk is not allowed to curdle, but is consumed while still sweet. J. WILSON in P. N. and Q., 1883.

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DECEMBER, 1897.) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 309 CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. BY R. C. TEMPLE. (Continued from p. 292.) 10. Exchange. CXCHANGE between the metals used for currency has always varied greatly in the Far East from time to time and from place to place, being governed by local supply and the facilities for transport: while a third highly disturbing element occurs in the statements of travellers and writers, vit., the quality of the metals mentioned by them. This last consideration renders the subject a specially difficult one to discass with any degree of certainty. Yule, however, in his invaluable works, never misses an opportunity of going ino this point, and to his researches we are indebted for much of the available information upon it. From his Marco Polo, Vol. II. p. 59, we learn that in Yunan, the great traveller foond, in the XIIIth Century, that, as one travelled Westwards, gold was to silver at first as 8 to 1, then as 6 to 1, then as 5 to 1 on approaching the Burmese borders. Here the silver mines of the Shan States, and the gold washing of Yunan, coupled with the difficulties of transport, must have come into play. It has done so elsewhere ; for in, the then isolated, Japan gold was to silver as 3 to 1, when the country was first opened up. In Orissa, Babu M. M. Chakravari (J. 4. S. B., for 1892, Part I, p. 43) shews that, at the latter part of the XIIth Century A. D., gold was to silver as 5 to 1, a fact which seems to have prevented the use of silver for coinage. Orissa was then, as it is to a certain extent now, & gold producing land, whereas communications with North India, where silver has always been plentiful, were difficult and precarious. Then there is the well-known case of the gold treasure-find made in the Dakhan by 'Alau'ddin Khilji and Malik Kafur in the early part of the XIV th Century, which reduced the ratio of gold to silver in North India from 10 to 1 to 8 to 1, and then to 7 to 1. As one instance, of many others that I might quote, of the extreme difficulty of ascertaining precisely what writers mean by their statements of values, the following may be cited. Browne, in his, to local officers, invaluable work on the Thayetmyo District, gives a series of tables shewing local revenues reduced to rupees. I have taken the tronble to work out the value of the tickal of silver as shewn in several of these tables, and the following is the startling result, especially considering the dates given : 1783 : value Re. 1 as. 7; pp. 94, 101, 107. 1825: yalne Re. 1 as. 7; p. 111, 1840, value Re. O as, 8; p. 96. Most other writers, where they do not mix ap the rupee with the tickal, a value the tickal of this period between Re. 1 as. 3, and Re. 1 as. 4. Symes, Ava, p. 317, puts the confusion of ratios very neatly for us:-"300 tackal in money, about PS40 or PS45." If PS40, then the "tackal = Re. 1 as. 3: if PS45, then it = Re. 1 as. 5. It was of no consequence! In the above value of the tickal at as. 8, in 1825, I rather gather, but am not sure, that Browne means to infer that the silver was bad. of the general rate of exchange between silver and gold all over civilised Asia, Yulo has much to tell us, and arrives at the conclusion that in the Middle Ages down to the XVIIth Century it stood in China and in Central Asia at 10 to 1, while in Earope at that time it stood at 12 to 1,19 The relatively higher European rate seems, however, afterwards to have become reversed, and the rate in the Far East to have relatively risen; e.g., Yule shews that while the European Chakravarti, op. cit. p. 46; Thomas, Chronicles, p. 285; and several other works. In 1556, under Akbar it was Ot to 1: Prinsep, Unbul Tables, pp. 5, 72. See also ante, Vol. XI. p. 818. It is a very old mistake: "Siam weighta; 1 Tekull, is 12 or 13 Fanams Madras, or Rupoe." Stevena, Guido to the E. I. Trado, 1776 p. 88. Finlayson, Siam, 1826, pats the tical at nearly Bo. 11, p. 187. 30 Cathay, Vol. I. p. ccl.; Vol. II. p. 442.

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310 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1897. rates varied between 15 and 16 to 1 in the early half of this Century the Chinese rates stood as high as 17 and 18 to 1, and I myself found in the Mindalay bazars in 1889 that, when in British India rapees were exchangeable at 17 to the sovereign, the exchange there was at 20 to the sovereign. Turning to such references as I have been able to ak e as to definite relations between gold and silver at definite dates in Burma and its neighbourhood, the following statements are elicited. c, 1788.-25 up to 28 to 1 at Rangoon : Flouest in T"oung Pao, Vol. II. p. 41 :- "L'or se pose aussi et vant 25 a 28 Ticals d'argent selon la rarete." c. 1824. - 13 and 3} to 1 at Rangoon : Trant, Two Years in Ara, p. 90:-"Eight rupees = PS1; sixteen rupees = PS2;" again, p. 201, "150 Ticals = nearly PS20." c. 1829. - 17 to 1 at Ava: Crawford, Ava, p. 433 : -"Gold is generally held to be about 17 times more valuable than silver." o. 1835. - 18 to 1: Malcom, Travels, Vol. II. p. 270:-"By Burman estimate, gold is eighteen times the value of silver. It often rises to 20 or more, when the people are compelled to obtain it at any price, to pay their tax toward the gilding of some pagoda." c. 1852.-17 to 1: Phayre, Int. Num. Or. Vol. III. Pt. I. p. 38:- "Gold is generally held to be 17 times more valuable than silver."11 c. 1855. - 19 and 20 to lat Ava: Yale, Ava, p. 259:- "The best gold commonly fetches Learly 20 times its weight in silver." Again: p. 344:-"The gold as imported (from China) is remarkably pure. Its price, in 1855, was 19 times in weight of yeutni silver."'13 c. 1884. - 20 to 1 at Mandalay : vide the Burmese will quoted ante, p. 208. In the Chinoso Shan States we find that in 1888 the ratio was 13 to 1: Bower's Conmercial Report on Sladen's Mission, p. 122, which is quoted by Yule, Marco Polo, Vol. II. p. 59. For Siam we have the following evidence : - . 1687. - 13 to 1: Anderson, Siam, p. 326 : -"On acc: of above 65,000EUR Sterl. w: is upwards of rup: 500,000." o. 1688. - 12 to 1: La Loubere, Siam, E. T., p. 72: "Gold is a Merchandize amongst them, and is twelve times the value of Silver, the parity being supposed equal in both metals." c. 1884. - 16 to 18 to 1: Bock, Temples and Elephants, p. 141: - "Gold coins are rarely seen: the value of the few that exist is calculated at 16 times their weight in silver." Again, p. 398:- Gold of the first two grades realises in value from 16 to 18 times its weight in silver." Lastly for Cochin-China we have the evidence of Crawfurd, Siam, in 1822, when the ratio was 17 to 1.124 It has always been important in Burma, owing to the common use of a lead currency, to note the ratio of silver to lead, On this point I have the following evidence to offer : c. 1783. - 1,000 to 1: Browne, Thayetmyo, p. 102: - "(1783) One tickal of silver was considered to be equal to ten viss of lead." c. 1819. - 1,000 to 1: Sangermano, p. 167: _"Sometimes a ticale of silver .... is equal to .... a thousand (ticale of lead) and even more." c. 1829. - 500 to 1: Crawfurd, Ava, p. 433 : - "Lead .... in reference to silver may be commonly estimated in the proportion of 500 to 1." 11 This reads like a quotation from Crawfurd. 12 This might be read to increase the ratio by 10 %, i. e., to make it about 21 to 1. 12. By indirect evidence at p. 1608. of Ridgewuy's Origin of Currency we get 12, 16, 168 to 1 as the modern ratio of gold to silver in Cambodia, and the onrious modern rate of 4 to 1 in parts of the Eastern Shan States. This is coifirmed by Aymonier, Voyage dans le Laos, Vol. I. pp. 135 and 301 f., where the exchango is given as 12 to 16 to 1. ch

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DECEMBER, 1897.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. c. 1850. 2,000 to 1: Yule, Ava, p. 346: "Previously to the last war, it (lead) was not allowed to be exported, and the price then was five tikals per hundred viss, a price little more than sufficient to pay the carriage from the mines." c. 1852.500 to 1: Phayre, Int. Num. Or. Vol. III, Pt. I. p. 38:"Lead in reference to silver may be commonly estimated in the proportion of 500 to 1."13 311 c. 1855.1,650 to 1: Yule, Ava, p. 259:"The price when we were at Amarapoora, was 100 viss of lead for six and a half tikals of the best silver." Again, at p. 346: "The price now (1855) is eight tikals." It is to be noted that this last statement yields a ratio of 1,250 to 1. The above quotations point to impossible variations in exchange value, and are explicable only upon the supposition that the various writers referred to silver of greatly changeable quality, and this is the fact. They are all careful to state "the best silver," "ywetni silver," and so on, while Sangermano expressly states that the quality of the silver entered into the calculation, for the full quotation from him should run as follows, p. 167: "The inferior money of Amarapura and Rangoon is lead. Its value is not by any means fixed, but varies according to its abundance or scarcity. Sometines a ticale of silver with a portion of alloy is equal to 200 ticali of lead, sometimes to 1,000 or or even more." Yule, however, with his usual perspicacity gets to the bottom of the question, and shews us that the old trouble of royal monopolies had something to say to valuations, and in this case the action of these monopolies accounts for the violent fluctuations above quoted. Thus, he says (Ava, p. 346): "The price now (1855) is eight tikals, for lead to be used in the capital and neighbourhood (1,250 to 1), but, if required for exportation, it can only be purchased from the King who has monopolised the trade and at the rate of 20 tikals Yuwetni silver (500 to 1)." That very observant writer Malcom, however, as usual settles the point. Vol. II. p. 70, he writes: "Small payments are made in lead. Each vendor in the bazaar has a basket full of this lead. Its general reference to silver is about 500 to 1. It varies exceedingly, however, in its proportion. Sometimes 15 viss of lead is given for a tical (500 to 1), and sometimes only seven or eight at Ava (700 and 800 to 1). In distant parts of the country, where the silver is most alloyed, three or four viss are given for a tical (300 and 400 to 1)." Tin, in various forms, has been used for currency in Southern Burma for centuries, and as to its ratio to silver there are two interesting statements. c. 1530.480 to 1: "In trading they (of Malacca) use tin as their currency. Three caties of this metal are about equal to one mace of silver." -Groenveldt's Researches into Chinese Geographical Literature, in Indo-China, 2nd Series, Vol. I. p. 246. c. 1820. 100 to 1: "The metal was at that period selling in the bazaar at 109 ticals of silver for 100 viss of tin." Tremenheere's Second Report on the Tin of Mergui, in IndoChina, 1st Series, Vol. I. p. 265. Of ancient, or supposed ancient, ratios between gold and silver and silver and lead, there is an indication in Sangermano's book (p. 221), where he gives some extracts from the "Damasat," i. e., the Burmese version of the Dharmasastra: "A rupee of gold is equal to twenty-five of silver; and a rupee of silver to fifty of lead." 11. Additional Notes on Barter. The subject of barter is naturally one that could fill many volumes, and notes on it regarding Burma and the Far East could be added to what has been already written in this Chapter to an indefinite extent. The temptation to add as one reads further and further 15 Here again Phayre seems to have followed Crawfurd verbatim.

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312 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (DECEMBER, 1897. Knives ... .. 10 , among records and travellers tales is one that has to be resisted, but the following notes are of such interest and value in the present connection that there is some excuse for inserting them here. Alexander Hamilton, writing about 1710 of Borneo, Travels,134 Vol. II. p. 149, says: "Sambas is the next Country of Commerce to the Northward of Succadaana. It produces but very little Pepper, but some Gold, Pearls, and Boes-wax, which makes it well frequented by the Chinese, who carry Surat Piece-goods from Malacca and Jahore, and barter to very good Purpose for the aforesaid Commodities. Bees-wax is the current Cash in that country. It is melted but not refined, and cast in moulds of an oblong Square, the Breadth about twoThirds of the Length, and the Thickness Half of the Breadth, and a Rattan Witby to lift them by, cast in the Wax. A Piece weighs a Quarter of a Pecul which comes to in English Weight, 34 Pound, and a Pecul is valued in Payments at 10 Masscies, or 40 Shillings Sterl. They have also for smaller Payments Pieces of Eight to a Pecul and Sixteenths, and for smaller Money they have Couries." On the 5th of April 1896 the people of Mus in Car Nicobar had occasion to buy a large canoe from the people of Chowra Island, which was valued at 35,000 Cocoanuts, but after valning it in cocoanuts they paid for it in other articles. This shews the use of cocoanuts as money of account, payment in kind being accepted in lieu. The following things were paid in exchange for the canoe :Red cloth ... 5 pieces. ... ..6 No. Big spoons ... 2 pairs. Baskets ... .. Two-anna bits ... ... 20 No. Pigs ... . Silver wire ... ... 3 strands. Fowls ... Silver rings ... ... 10 No. Chisels ... White long-cloth ... 5 pieces. Big chisels Spoons and forks ... 10 pairs. Big dds (knives) Beads ... ... ... a quantity. Small das Fishing hooks ... ... 12 No. Rupees... ... Fishing lines ... ... 3 . Axes ... . Carpenters' axes ... 6 Big, iron spikes ... Small iron spikes ... 6 Miscellanea ... ... ad lib. In addition to the evidence giveti ante, p. 264 f., as to the fixing by savages and semi-savages without a cash currency of a definito money value on articles of barter, there is a valuable note et p, 4 of Maung Tet Pyo's Customary Law of the Chins, 1884, on the point: - "Hitherto there has been no scalo of valuation of articles given as fine or compensation by the Chins. Consequently much confusion used to be caused when matters of this description were brought into Court. The Chin pasans, or learned men, have been consulted on this point and the following scale of valuation has been laid down : - Articles. Valae. (a) For presents : Rs. &. 5 calabash holding kaung (liquor) 1 full-grown hog ... ... 10 0 1 cowrie-embroidered bag... 1 chwe bya ... ... 08 1 small dd ... ... 04 1 forked dd ... ... ... 08 1 bullock ... ... 300 1 Chin spear ... ... 0 14 CV. Stevens, Guide, p. 108, as to barter with Madagascar in 1775 and provippely. ... 28

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DECEMBER, 1897.) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 313 ... 28 GOOOOOOOO Articles. Value. (6) For compensation and fines :1 gong a cubit in diameter ... 300 1 pair cymbals ... 1 silk sash ... ... 1 male silk jacket ... 1 male head-dress ... 1 mantle ... ... ... ... ... 1 slave ... ... ... ... 300 1 female jacket ... 1 female head-dress *** ... ... ... ... 1 1 female petticoat ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 8 CHAP. II. BULLION WEIGHTS. Preliminary Remarks. Before proceeding further with these enquiries, it is necessary to go into the vast and vexed question of Indo-Oriental bullion weights, so far as it affects Burmese Currency. I have found my notes to be much more extensive than I had at first apprehended, but as they contain matter that is, I think, new to most Western students and illustrate several subjects of interest to searchers into things Eastern and Far Eastern generaliy, perhaps the length of my remarks is not to be regretted. I commence at the very beginning of the subject with a short enquiry into the practical nses to which the seeds of the Abrus precatorius and the Adenanthera pavonina have been put as the lower standard of weight. I then pass on to a consideration of the Burmese Troy weight system, discussing the points at which it can be connected with the Indian and Far Eastern systems. The consideration of these points leads to an enquiry into the far larger and more difficult subject of the Siamese and Shan system of weights and its fundamental identity with that of the Burmese. I next give such consideration as is possible, from the information at my command, regarding the Chinese ponderary system, both ancient and modern, and its bear. ings on, and in my view its identity with, that of the whole Par-Eastern Continental Countries. This diseassion carries one necessarily on to the weight system of the Malayan Islands and its descendant, the existing Fer-Eastern General Commercial System, - an enquiry that has led me to the opinion that it is virtually that of India and the Far East generally. I then discuss the weights of Southern India, and their connection with those of Northern India, - a most complicated question, - shewing the points as to which they differ and coincide with each other and with the weights further East. Passing from the general subject, I next discuss what I have gathered as to the Pali and old Burmese weights and the official Burmese standards. And, because of the manner in which they illustrate the details of the general subject, I have paid much attention to the ponderary notions of the peoples speaking the Minor Tongues current in Burma and the neighbourhood. This has obliged me to make notes and remarks on these languages that may be of interest to others than students of Oriental numismatics. The languages thus illustrated, frequently from notes made directly by myself, are the Karen, the Talaing and the Manipuri,14 and those of the Kachin-Naga and the Chin-Lashai Groups of Languages. As illustrating the language of the Kachins of Burma proper, I have made enquiries, - sometimes at first hand, -into those of the Singphos and of the Lhota, Ao, Angami, Miri-Abor and other Nagas. As regards the Chin dialects, the notes extend also to those of the Kaki Lushais, An essentially Naga language.

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314 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1897. the Kachcha Nagas, the Hill-Tipperas, the Kacharis (Bodo) and the Garos, frequently in extension, from my own vid voce notes, of the information I have found in books. Lastly with a view to assisting future students in the study of the older writers and the pranks they have played with terms and names, I have introduced a section on terminology. 1. Seeds of the Abrus and the Adenanthers. There are to be found used in Burma and in Barmese documents two sets of denominations for weights and measures : -- the Pali and what may be termed tbe Vernacular. It is with this last that we are in these pages principally concerned.15 As so much depends on the seeds of the Abrus Precatorius and of the Adenanthera Pavonina in Oriental weight systems, I will make first an enquiry into the point, merely pausing to regret that these long and not very intelligible Latin names are probably too well established now to be superseded by the more practicable English ones of Crab's-eyele and Indian Liquorice seed for the former, and of Redwood seed and Red Sandalwood seed17 for the latter. Both are known in Burma as yw 6,18 and they are constantly mixed up in consequence, though more precisely to be differentiated by the terms ywegwe and chinywe for the abrus seed and yweji or great yw for the adenanthera seed. Popularly, however, two abrus seeds equal one adenanthera seed. Both will also, I think, be found on examination to be mixed up, in native Indian writings, under the names of rati, ruktiki, gunja, krishnala, and so on, a fact which, if correct, goes far to explain the confusion of rati and "double rati" in discussions on this subject. To enquire first what these plants are and where they grow I turn to the chief original authority on such matters, Watt's Dictionary of the Economic Pruducts of India, s.v.3. Abrus and Adenanthera. Of the abrus creeper there are three closely allied varieties now known as precatorius, pulchellus, fructiculosus. It is the precatorius which is so celebrated. Its roots, seeds and leaves are very widely used as medicinal specifics for a great variety of common disorders and physical troubles : its seeds as a food when boiled and as a poisonous. injection when raw by criminals; and also as personal and household ornaments, and for rosaries, whence its name. The seeds have several varieties of colour: the ordinary varieties being red with black eye, black with white eye, and white. They are at times also black, yellow and rosy. It is the red and black variety that is used usually as the type of a weight.19 15 In putting forward my ideas on this subject, I cannot help feeling strongly the limits of the Library I am able to consult in the circumstances in which I have to write. It may be that I am morely flogging a dead horse, but it is necessary for the present purpose to be as clear as possible on the matter now under discussion, and my remarks may in that sense be of real use in any case. They are made at great length, because, if, as I apprehend, I am here breaking new ground, it is better to let the argument work itself out for others, as it has for myself, than to present it for the first time as Ruccinctly as one would an argument which is finally settled. 16 The plant is growing freely in my own garden as I write, and is visited by the European and Eurasian children of the place, who know the bright scarlet and black seeds well as King Charles's Tears, just as their little brothers and sisters in Burma know the hard, bright seeds of the wild Coix lacryma, so much used by the Kareps us dress ornaments, as Job's Tears. See Watt, Dict, of Economic Products, 2,0, Theobald's El. of Mason's Products, Vol. II, p. 107: Ridgeway's Origin of Coinage, p. 186 n. 11 It is not the Red Sandalwood, Red Sanderswood, Red Sappanwood, of Commerce, which is Pterocarpus sa stalim, allied to the padauk, or Andaman Redwood, of Burma and the Andamans. 15 One specimen of the Adenanthera pavonina seed was given to me as the seed of the mahnya, but this must have been a mistake as the mahdyd or pen-mahaya is the Colocasia orlora, a medicinal plant: Theobald's Ed. of Mason's Burma, Vol. II. p. 131. The seed, in question, besides being a weight, was said to cure snake bite. 19 Equal in the Panjab to about 8 grs. of bannalti rice. Op. cit., loc. cit.

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DECEMBER, 1897.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 315 The Adenanthera pavoning, unlike the beautiful creeper abrus, is a large deciduous tree; bat, like the abrus, it is extremely well known for its many uses. It yields a gum, a dye and an oil. Its leaves, seeds and wood yield remedies for many common disorders. Its wood is also well known in the building and furniture trades. The bright scarlet seeds again are nsed as personal ornaments and as a domestic cement. And finally out of its wood is made the paste for the universal tilak marks of India. It is the seeds, when black with age, that are the typical weights, stated to be equal to 4 grs, or 2 of the Abrus. The Abrus precatorius is found in the Himalayas up to 3,000 ft. and all over India, Ceylon and Siam. The Adenanthera paronina is found in South India, Bengal and Burma. Both are, in their various forms, universal in the Asiatic tropics, but the Adenanthera appears to be more strictly confined to the actual tropics than the Abrus, which may account for translators of Sanskrit works referring the sense of such words as raktika to the seeds of the Abrus precatorius alone, to their own consequent confusion, when they come to find the weight thereof to be technically double of the reality. As a weight, the weight of the Abrus precatorius seed, the rate of the races of Hindustan, is taken at 1:75 grs., based on the calculation of Edward Thomas in the Numismatic Chronicle, N. S., Vol. IV. p. 131. According to Prinsep, Useful Tables, p. 97 n., it is 1.875 grs., or 122 grammes,20 and to Edward Thomas' note to Prinsep's Tables, in his Edition thereof, p. 22, 1.93 grs. Colebrooke, Essays, Vol. II. p. 529, says it is 1 5/16 grs. = 1.3125 grs., based on weighments of the seed by Sir William Jones. All these variations are merely such as may be expected in the circumstances, when basing & scale on a natural production, and Thomas has pertinently remarked, Initial Coinage of Bengal, Pt. II. p. 6, that erratic as a test the growth of the seed of the guhja-creeper under the varied incidents of soil and climate may be, it has nevertheless bad the remarkable faculty of securing a uniform average throughout the entire continent of India." Going further afield into regions beyond the Indian borders, it will be seen from what follows in this Chapter, that equivalents of the rali are still the basis of weight denominations, and that Thomas' remark in the main applies for practical parposes, assuming, as he also should have done apparently, that the term rati itself denotes a conventional weight. Mason, an original observer, in his Natural Productions of Burina, Ed. 1850, p. 196, states that "the jewel. lers use the seed of a species of Abrus (precatorius), red with a black eye or black with a white eye, for small weigbts. It is a popular belief that they uniformly weigh exactly one grain Troy, but I have weighed many and found them to vary from one to two grains. The Burmese use them within a fraction for two-grain weights." Then under Adenanthera (pavonina) he says "another seed which the books represent as usually four grains, is in common use by the Burmese, as equivalent to two of the preceding, which is about two grains. The seeds, however, have to be selooted for the purpose: many of them not weighing more than two or three grains each." Just so: we should probably assume that this was always done as to both classes of seeds at all times, ancient and modern. The view that we cannot accept the rati, whether as the name of the Abrus goed alone, or jointly as the seed of the Abrus or Adenanthera, As anything but a conventional weight is confirmed by a remark in Theobald's huge edition of Mason's work, 1882-3, Vol. II. p. 540, under Adenanthera. He tells us of variant names, vis., Entada Arborea, Griff., and Adenan. thra Gersenu, Scheff., and then says: - "Var. a genuina: seeds half inch in diam. Var. B microsperita : seeds half the size. Var. a in Tropical forests all over Barma and the adjacent islands up to 3,000 ft. Great Nicobar." It would be impossible in such conditions to do anything but use selected soods as standard weights, and I take it that the case with the Abrus It is 128 grammes according to Ridgeway, Origin of Coinage, p. 194.

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316 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1897. seed is much the same. But selection involves a convention, whether applied to a natural product or to its manufactured equivalent. In support of the above conclusions there is the evidence of Marsden from Sumatra 21 : "Various seeds are used as gold weights, but more especially these two: the one called rakat or saga-timbangan (Glycing abrus, L., or Abrus maculatus of the Batavian Transactions), being the well known scarlet pea with a black spot. The other called saga-puku and kondoribatang (Adenanthera pavonia, L.), a scarlet, or rather coral, bean, much larger than the former and without the black spot. It is the candarin weight of the Chinese, of which 100 make a tail, and equal, according to the tables published by Stevens, to 5 7984 grs. T. vy, but the average weight of those in my possession is 10-50 Troy grains." 23 I quote now the remarks of Rumphius, Herbarium Amboinensis, Vol. V. p. 58 ff. folio ed., 1741, in the original Latin and in the Dutch where necessary, for the sake of the valuable light they throw on the history and meaning of the terms, as we can now understand them, used in connection with the rati. Under " Abrus frutesc, 24 Zaga," 35 he remarks as follows: "Nomen. Latine Abrus frutex, & simpliciter Abrus sive Abrus Alpini...Malaice Zaga ejusque ossicula Bidji26 Zaga. Aliis Condori seu Condorin parvum, veri enim Condori sunt semina Corallariae parvifolie. Belgice Coraal-kruyd. Ternatice Ide Ide Malacco, h. e. oculi Sturnorum a forma ossiculorum. Amboinice Aylaru Pidjar, h. e. granula obturationi inserventia ad distinctiouem Aylaru Pohon, quod est supra memorata Corallaria. In Hitoa Aylalum, Banda Caju Lale. Sina Tsjontsjo sev Tsjontsjii, sen uti Germani scribunt ac legunt Zongzi, h. e. pupilla oculi, licet Sinensium granala paulo sint minora." In the Dutch text, which is given in parallel columns, the essential words are: - "By andere Condori of Condorin, het Kleene, want de regte Condorin zyn zaden van de Corallaria parvifolia. In't Daitsch Coraal-kruyd. Ternataans Ide Ide Malacco, dat is Spreeuwen ogen, van de gedaante des Korls. Amboinsch Aylara Pidjar, dat is Soldeer Koris." 29 In describing the many uses to which the plant is put, Rumphius says (p. 59) what is rather important for us: - " Defecta verorum Condoriorum, que semina sunt Corallariae parvifolice, atque in paucis crescant regionibus, haec Zagle ossicula in usum vocari possunt, que hinc quoque Condoria parva vocantur, non autem adeo equale habent pondus quam Condoria genuina, quorum decem unicum Maas constituunt, ac decem Maas unum Tay120 sen decem cirtiter Drachmas Hollandicas continent, contra viginti quatuor, sique majora sunt, viginti & unam Zage ossicala unum Maas ponderant, quod pondus circiter est nummi aurei Hollandici ducaat dicti." 30 . 21 History of Sumatra, 1811, p. 171, in Ridgeway, op. cit. p. 187. 22 Scil. pavonina. 23 This is a mistaken reference, because Stevens, Guide, pp. 105 ff., especially refers to Canton weight of money, in which candareens are merely collections of 10 cash. The whole of Stevens' elaborate tables are based on an assumption that 100 "tales Canton weight" equal 120 oz. 16 dwts. Troy. His calculations are purely matters of account, and are not meant, nor could they be used, for actual weights. * In his Inox Universalis, Vol. VI., Rumphius gives the synonym Glycine abru, L. 25 1. e., the Malay word sayi, which properly uncompounded means rice : but is also used commercially for the seed of the Abrus precatorius. 26 Bidji is for Malay biji, i. 6., common Indian lij, seed. 27 Starling's eyes. The Persian form is Chashm-l-khurls, Cock's eye: Biochmann, Ain Akbarl, p. 16 n. Solder seeds. 29 This form of calculation is Chinese : 10 candareens aro 1 mace; 10 mece are 1 tael. Cf. A. Hamilton, East Indies, 1739, Vol. II. Appz. p. 16: -' 10 Condereens to a Macie and 10 Macies to a Tayol." 30 Later on the same page, Rumphius tells us that about 1675 these seeds were in great request as female dress ornamonts in Europe, and also as necklaces and bracelets, alone or mixed with pearls; just as children in India wear them nowadays for their beauty and hardness, Cf. also Rumphius, Vol. III. p. 174: cf. Blochmann, Ain Akbari, p. 18 n.

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DECEMBER, 1897.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. That Rumphius meant in the above extracts the plant now known chiefly as Abrus precatorius is beyond doubt from the description and from the Plate (XXXII.) attached to p. 60, on which some former owner of my copy has written in faded ink, "Abrus precatorius:" also because in the Index (in Vol. VI.) Rumphius gives as a synonym for the "Corallaria parvifolia, which he has described as affording the genuine "Condorium or Condoryn," the name Adenanthera pavonina, L.31 317 At Vol. III. p. 174, after telling us that the Corallaria parvifolia is the Malay Zaga-pohon and the Dutch Kleinbladige Coraal-Boom, and that young women (or? daughters of the people, muliercula) bore the seeds and wear them in amulets, and that boys wear them round their necks in place of coral, Rumphius goes on to say: "Chinensis Condorius seu Tschonsidji in Australibus partibus Chamchia, Hayting, & insule Aymyu crescens ossicula gerit rotundiora. duriora, solidiora & graviora Amboinensi, quae proprie argenti ponderi inserviunt, eo quod aequalem habeant gravitatem. Colliguntur ibi quoque ex altis arboribus, quae siliquas gerunt breviores Amboinensi, non ultra digitum longas, sed semper incurvas instar acinacis. Decem talia Condori ossicula librae momentum constituunt decemque momenta anum Tayl seu sectiunculum forte. quae apud nos decem sunt drachmae, nostrorum vero Amboinensium osriculorum quindecim unum Maas seu momentum constituunt, & centum & quinquaginta unui Tayl sen decem drach mas, ita ut in aliis regionibus sint graviora & majora forte. In Malabara aliisque Indostana regionibus quoque crescunt, atque Portugallice ibi vocantur Gondjo seu Gonzo Chapete, h.. plana grana, ad distinctionem Zage ossicalorum, quee Gonho Cabeca Preta vocant. In Java tam haec quam Zage ossicula ad pecuniae librationem adhibentur atque utraque vocantur Zaga seu Zoga." This edition of Rumphius is that of Burmannus, who states that Rumphins by way of appendix added: Malabarice vocantur Mantsjadi, Portugallico Mangelin, Belgice Weekbomen35 . Javani hujus ossicula itidem Zaga vocant, a quibus etiam adhibentur ad auri & argenti librationem." As to the names for the tree Rumphius says: "Latine Corallaria parvifolia, h. e. Corallodendrum ab ossiculorum colore. Malaice Zaga-pohon, Amboinice Aylaru & Aylalu, utraque nomina a similitudine parvae Zage & Alara, qui sarmentosus est frutex. Veri Malayenses haec ossicula vocaut Condori seu Condorin, a Chinenses Tschongsidji." 1138 Part of the Dutch text is here remarkable:- Van zulke Condorins 10 maken een Maas, en 10 Maas een Tayl,30 't welk by ons 10 Drachma zyn; doch van onze Amboinsche kors gan 5 in een Maas, en 151 op een Tayl, zo datze in andere landen wat grooter of swaarden moeten zyn." Now if there are three points more prominent than any others to be observed in the clabe rate descriptions by Rumphius of these two plants, Abrus and Adenanthera, they are that th names for the seeds are popularly mixed up, that the seeds themselves are uncertainly used by the populace as weight standards, and that the only way of getting practical standards, from either is by assuming the selection of the seeds used, and therefore their" conventionalisation.40 81 As I write, two pretty samples of this tree are visible from the windows. 52 They are still held to be good for scorpion stings in Upper Burma. 33 In the Dutch text Condorius, a misprint for Condorins. 34 Maas in the Dutch text. 38 Dutch text has Weekbocmen. 87 Dutch, Aylaru. 26 Dutch text, Coraal-boom. On Plate 109, attached to p. 174, the hand above noted has written in faded ink, "Adenanthera pavonina." 39 Chinese calculation again. 40 There is a correct description of the Adenanthera seed and of its use for weighing gold and silver in the Diary of the First Dutch Voyage, 1595-7, at p. 221 of Collection of Dutch Voyages, 1703: but at p. 199 it is mixed up with the Abrus seed. It is in both places called Conduri and "Saga in Java." Its use is noted in the Malay Archipelago an China.

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318 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1897. Colebrooke remarks (Essays, Vol. II. p. 529) that "factitious ratis in common use should be double of the gunja-seed: however they weigh less than two grains and a quarter, or, as he says on the same page, 3 3/16 = 2.1875 grs. Again, p. 532, he quotes the tables in Gladwin's Ayeen Akbaree, Vol. III. p. 94, where "six jeweller's rattis are equal to eight double rattis as used by the goldsmiths." It seems to me to be a fair inference to make, that here, too, there is a reference to a double sense of the word rati, according as it originally referred to a latural weight based on the Alrus or the Adenanthera seed. Prinsep and Tuomas, Useful Tables, Vol. II. p. 110, were able to discard ail reference to ancient Indian weights, merely referring the reader to Colebrooke; but as the Indian standards probably spread Eastward at a period reaching centuries back, I cannot afford to do so in the present pages. Colebrooke remarks on his tables of bullion weights, that not only did the commentators on Sanskrit works differ as to the application of the several terms but that they were also used to describe other weights. He points out that the masha was made to consist of 2, 4, 5, 10, 12, and 16 raktikas, and the jeweller's masha of 6 and 8 double ratis. One is therefore forced to make a selection of some kind for the present parpose, and with reference to what follows I select here the tables given by Colebrooke as being on the authority of Manu, Yajnavalkya and Narada." Weights of Gold. 5 raktikas (krishnalas) are 1 masba (masbaka, mashika) 16 mashas , 1 karsha (aksha, tolaka, savarna) 4 karshas >> 1 pala (nishka) 10 palas >> 1 dharana Weights of Silver. 2 raktikas are 1 mashaks 16 mashakas >> 1 dharana (purana) 10 dharanas 1 pala (satamana) Weights of Copper. 80 raktikas are 1 pana (karshipana) In the gold and silver weights, the tables both work out to the fact that 920 raktikas are 1 pala, of capital importance in tracing the connection of the weight tables of the Far East with those of India. Bhaskaricharya's Lildvati (Colebrooke's T., ed. by Banerji, p. 2) gives a table of precisely sunilar import for general use : - 5 gunjas are 1 masha 16 mashas, 1 karsha (suvarna) 4 karshas, 1 pala That is 320 raktikas = 1 pala for ordinary purposes. Burmese Weights. Having thas considered what the rati (raktika, krishnala, and what not) actually is. or rather, to speak more cautiously and safely, what it is likely to be in reality; having also See Asiatic Researches, Vol. V. p. 93 I., where the spelling of the Indian words is far more picturesque, if not 40 accurate, as the above.

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DECEMBER, 1897.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 819 seen that whatever was meant by that Indian term is also meant by the corresponding Burmese term yroe; and laving selected a standard of Indian weights, to compare with Burmese and Further Indian weights, I will pass at once to the consideration of the Burmese weights themselves. Js is the case all the world over, where no arbitrary legal standards exist, current bul. lion weights in Burma have always differed with time and place; a fact that must ever be borne in mind, when talking of a Barmese weight being equivalent to such and such a known English or European weight. It also accounts for the variations to be found in the statements of authorities on the subject. The writers that I am able to consult here as to Bormese weights are those whose state. ments I compare below, and whose spellings or representations of the veruacular terms they have used I have collected at the end of this Chapter. For one of the difficulties of the subject to the enquirer is the wildness of the guesses of travellers and authors at the sounds and forms of the words they have been obliged to reduce to writing in Roman characters. In the following comparative statements I have adopted the system of verbal representation followed by myseif throughout these pages, without reference to the forms employed by the writers quoted. An examination of the authorities will shew the enquirer that the source of most of the modern writings on this point is to be found in the elaborate statements of Latter in his Burmese Grammar of 1845, and I will here give them for that reason, but in mine, and not in his, transcription, on the grouuda just explained. At pp. 169 ff. of his great work. Latter's list of Burmese weights runs thus: - Measures of Weight. (1) 36 paramanumyu are 1 anumyu (2) 36 anumyu I myu 36 'mu (? myu) , 1 s'mun. 36 'mun ,, 1 kanitche: (5) 7 kanitche: >> 1 banokk'aung: (6) 7 banokk'aung , 1 monninoze. (7) 3 monninoze. >> 1 'nanze. (8) 4 'nanze, - 1 sanze. (9) 4 saize, >> 1 chinywe: (10) 2 chiny we: >> 1 yweji: (11) 4 yweji: 1 pe: (12) 2 pe: >> 1 ma: (13) 2 mu: , 1 mat (14) 4 mat , 1 kyat (15) 5 kyat 1 bo(1) (16) 20 bo(1), or 100 kyat , 1 pekba In the above sixteen denominations, the enquirer does not reach to practical matters until he gets to the ninth on the list, the chinywd, which is, as will have been seen already, the familiar Indian rati or seed of the Abrus precatorius. Those which precede it are only useful to note for the purpose of clinching the derivation of the Burmese denominations of weight from an Indian source. For they are merely the 47 CJ. Colebrooke, Essays, Vol. II. p. 530 f.

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320 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, [DECEMBER, 1897. usual infinitesimal subdivisions, generally without meaning or use, so dear to the Indian mind. Therefore, for the present purpose we need only consider from the chinywe onwards. We thus get, from Latter be it assumed, a set of weights : 2 chinywe (rati: seed of Abrus precatorius) or small ywe are 1 yweji (seed of Adenanthera pavonins) or great ywd. 4 yweji are 1 pe 2 pe 1 mu 2 mu ,, 1 mat 4 mat i kyat or tickal 100 kyat >> 1 pekbi" or visg65 We are now in a position to follow up the question in a manner that can produce some practical results. Thus, Latter tolls us, following Col. James Low, c. 1833, that the tickal is 252.75 grs. Troy exactly, 46 and goes on to tell us how the indigenous weight denominations had come to be applied to the Anglo-Indian money introduced by the British Government after the War of 182-5. "The Burmese in the English doninions also use the term ywe:47 to express pice; and pe: to express anna;...was to express two annas; mat to express a four-anna piece." He further makes a statement of great consequence to the present enquiry, as explanatory, of many apparent discrepancies in statements relating to Barmese currency: - "The mus and pe: in the above table severally equal 1/8th and 1/16th of a Tickal. But another denomination of these weights, called the smaller or lesser ma: and pe: severally are the 1/10th and 1/20th of a Tickal." Practically both are in equally common use, and so much is this the case, that ngam, i. e., 5 w (not 4 mu) is the general expression for "half a rupee" or eight annas. In ordinary parlance also no signs of differentiation exist between the greater (i. e., on the quaternary scale) and the lesser (i. e., on the deoimal scale) mil and pe, either in speech, calculations or documents. For clearness I here give a comparative table of these concurrent systems of reckoning, which must be always borne in mind for the proper comprehension of these pages : Comparative Tables of the concurrent ordinary Weight Denominations.49 Quaternary Scale of Ma. Decimal Scale of Ma, 8 ywe are 1 pe 2 pe , 1 mu 2 mu, 1 mat 4 mat >> I kyat 100 kyat ,, 1 pekba 6 ywete are 1 pe 2 pel mu 2, mu 1 mat 4 mat 1 kyat 200 kyat 1 pekba 43 Though not always : see Beames, Memoirs of the N..W.P., Vol. II. p. 816. " This is merely the current pronunciation of a word written properly vissa, and concurrently biasd or pisal. 48 Tbe intermediate 5'(_), 5 tickais or 1/20th of a viss, given by Latter, is not, I think, in practical use. It is most important, however, to get at a relative value for it with the Indian pala or phala. See later on in the text. 16 Mason, Nat. Prod. of Burma, Ed. 1850, p. 196, says on the same authority, 258.75 grs. Troy. 47 of the practice in this respect nowadays, aoo later on: the modern terms are pyd, piece, for pice, and matpy is for pie. * On the quaternary scale 128 yw 1 kyat : on the decimal scale 120 yiod -1 kyat. Soo Mason, Nat. Prod. of Burma, Ed. 1850, p. 196. ** I.., v wijt. In this scale it is common also to state 12 yw', scil, small ywe, - I pe.

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DECEMBER, 1897.) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 821 The following Table50 will show precisely how the ideas of the two systems are mixed up in every day parlance and dealings of the people in British-Indian money : Table of ordinary Bazar Expressions for Parts of the Kyat or Rupee. Burmese Terminology. English Senge of the Burmese Terms Scale of me to which the Burmese denominations belong. Terminology. Transcribed. Transliterated. annas 4 ... Tabe Tape: 1 pe .. ... quaternary Tama Tama: 1 ma (1) Dongbe... Sunpe: 3 po (2) Tamatpedin .. Tamatpetan: 1 mat less a pe ... (1) 'Na'ma ... .. Nachmi: ... 2 mg (2) Tamat ... ... Tamat ... 1 mat ... ... properly quat., but in pratice mixed quat, and dec. Tamatleywe... Tamatlerwei ... 1 mat 4 ywe ... quaternary Ngabe. ... ... Nasper. ... 5 pe:.. (1) Dongmu... Sun.md: 3 ma .. (2) Chat'pe Kyokpe ... 6 pe (1) Dongmatabe Sungmdstape: 3 ma 1 pe ... (2) K'oni'pa ... Kwannachpe: 7 po... ... (3) Ngimupedin Nasmu:pestand: 5 ma less a pe decimal Ngama ta . Nagma;... 5 mai (1) Kobe ... Koepe: ... 9 pe .... quaternary . (2) Ngamatabe Namatape.... ... 5 ma 1 pe ... ... mixed quat. and dec. see next. ... Chaukma .. ..Kyokmds ... .. 6 ma mixed quat. and dec. : lit, 1 ma quat. more than 5 mu dec. ... (1) Chaukmdtabe ... K'yokmastape: ... 6 mg 1 pe ... ... See above. (2) S'etabe ... ... Chantape: ... ... 11 pe ... quaternary (3) DOngmatpedin ... Sungmatpestan... 3 mat less a pd ... See next. (1) Dongmat ... Sun mat ... ... 3 mat ... ... See tamat. (2) Taja'mattin ... Takyapmattan: ... 1 kyat leas a mat...quat. (1) Dongmattabe ... Sungmattape: 3 mat 1 pe... ... > (2) Sebongbe: ... Ch'ansun pe: ... 13 pe . .. >> Taja'madin ... Takyapmustan: ... 1 kyat less a mu..., ... (1) S'engabe ... Ch'annaape.... ...15 pe ... .. (2) Taja'pedin ... Takyappetan, ... 1 kyat less a pd , Some of the readers of these pages will be aware that it is impracticable to render Burmese words by transliteration, as that nation has adapted an Indian form of Alphabet to express its alien language, and has forced that Alphabet to its purpose by the ingenious, but by no means unique, device of writing in syllables and making the final consonant govern the sound of the vowel in the syllable: e.g., in India they write k + ng = kang (9), but in Burma k+ng=kin, finalay being pronounced in always. Sok+k( ) is in India kak, in Burma ket. ing like this table is Gordon's Companion to Handbook of Colloquial Purmese, 1886, p. 104, which confuses six and ten annas and calls both chaukmu, and wrongly gives bondBm for seven annas. 61 In common use in Maulmain, to express the British Indian half anna piece, or two pice. Leywn, or 4 yrs.=, pe, quaternary scale, is the ordinary expression for half an anna; thus, tamatlyro =2) annas.

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322 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1897. So ko + L ( 6) is in India kok, in Barma kaik, and so on through the Alphabet. Then again, ligatures are given arbitrary sounds, e. g., hr is sh; thus hrve is shwe (gold), so also hly is often sh. Again r is usually y; thus we is yre; prang by the rules just explained is pronounced pyin. So again ch (a) is 8 and ; () is . Another point worth bearing in mind is that a kind of external sandhi exists in spoken, though not in written, Burmese, 52 by which an initial surd in the syllables of a compound expression or word is softened by a preceding final sonant or open vowel, and rice versa: e. ., lut + to is lutto; run + to is yongdo; ta + po is tale; L'yok + pe is cha 'po. The Burmese heavy accent: and light accont (staccato), though of great consequence to the reader of the vernacular, can safely be dieregarded in renderings into foreign characters. In the system of writing Burmese words adopted in this work his rendered by, and the surd and sonant sounds of the Burmese 8 (8), as in the English thing and this by D and X. 'I also write the unusual Oriental, but common Burmese, sounds of aw in awful as e, and of ai as in pair as e. Under the conditions above explained, the Burmese script is pratically phonetio : i. e. final ng is always in; final ch () is always it; 8 + le is ail: i ch is ek.59 But to be intelligible the script requires to be transcribed when expressed in Roman characters, and cannot be usefully transliterated.5 Still for the history of the words it is often desirable to know what they are as written, and for this reason a column has been added to the above Table shewing the spelling 89 well as the spoken forms of the Burmese terms, and similarly the correct spelling of the terms, used in the text is often given in footnotes or text,55 The adaptation of Burmese terms to the British Indian copper coinage is quite as instractive as that to the silver. When speaking at length, the term used for the copper coin known to the English as a pice (paisu in the Indian vernacular) is pai'san-taby 1,56 1. e., "paisa, one piece." Shortly, in the bazars the pice is known pyd, piece, and is treated as the eighth part of a mu (two annas), not as the fourth part of a pa57 (one anna). Thus: 1 pice is tabya or 1 piece 2 , are 'na'pya 2 pieces 3 >> >> Dongoya , 3 ,, 4 lebya ngabya , chau'pya 7 >> k'oni'pya, 7 , > tamu 1 mu Now the recognised British Indian copper denominations go down to the pie, or 1/3 pice, or 12 to the anna. Bat the Barman has been no moro at a loss to adapt his own phraseology here, when in a real difficulty, than he has proved himself to have been in numberless other instances. Witness his mi-yet* (fire-chariot) for a railway train, and his use of bimbo (ship) as SACOS 12 It is the nigori of the Japanese. See Chamberlain, Japanese Grammar, p. 3 f.: Parker, in Transactions, 4. 8. Japan, Vol. XXI. p. 145. 68 There are in Burmese, as in all tongues, sporadic eccentricities of pronunciation : 6.9., RwAtong is Yetaung rata (Skr. and Pali, cart) is yet'a : Okrf is bajt: wrin is mens : and so on. An in initial syllables is often a, as tankuan is tagrein, etc. Mrammi or Mranma (a Burman) is Dama. For an "swful example of the results of transliteration, see Capt. Towers on the Alphabetical System of the Language of Ava aad Rachsin (Arakan), Asiatic Remarches, Vol. V. pp. 143 ff. : c. also Leyden':' " Languages of Indo-Chinese Nations, A8. Res. Vol. X, 1808. Few could recognise Pyinting in Latter's pegnytseng, Gram. p. 90; a strong instance of setting up a form of transliteration and adhering to it pedactically. * There is a very good note for the period, 1827, on the Burmese Alphabet in Orawfurd's Ava, Appx., p. 77: though he sometimes makes muddles of his words, a Bortwang, p. 414, for Bodwin, where he half transcribes and half transliterates the word. 86 Spelt pokch'di (lapra. 57 It must be noted, however, that Lazar bucksters in India often calculate up to 8 pice, precisely as do the Borinans,

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DECEMBER, 1897.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 323 a prefis denoting "seaborne." So he has taken his indigenous term for one-fourth and used it for one-third in this instance from motivos of obvious convenience. And thus he has called the pie mat-pya, or quarter-piece, which it is not in reality. Having done this, he uses the term mit-pyd to differentiate the pie and the pice (rya): tbus: -Tabyd is one-pice, but matpyi tabya is one-pie, Pies are enumerated, as in India, up to twelve to the anna, i, e., up to 11 pie. As might be expected, there are, however, variant ways of expressing British Indian copper money. Thus, Gordon, Companion to Hand-boole of Colloquial Burmese, 1886, p. 104, gives us, "one pie, tabaing," and a table : 3 baing 1 pai'san 4 pai'san 1 pe 16 pe 1 kyat Again, Slack, Manual of Burmese, 1888, givee, p. 10 : 1 pie tabaik 1 anna tabe 3 pie bongbaik 12 pie s'ena'paik 16 annas s'echaa'pe I may here note an interesting and in every way valuable fact for our present parpose from the copper coinage of King Mindon.59 He adapted his coinage to that of British India, and made his copper pieces, or pice, one-fourth of a pe, trrating the pe as an anna, which as a con it was not in reality, being the 20th and not the 16th part of his dinga or rapee. As he used the decimal system of mit in his coinage, (6 yweji or) 12 y we went to the pe, and thus he managed to make his yw correspond to the Indian pie. This is proved by the inscription on Mindon's "peacock" copper coins :="1 pa bong di nga 4 4 bo * talon, coin current as onefourth part of 1 p!:"and condirmed by the "lion" copper coins of his snccessor King Thibo, who inscribed them thus: - *1 3.21 bing dingd 8 pin tabon, coin current as one-eighth part of 1 m;" equal to one-fourth part of 1 pe. The chief authorities, after Latter on this subject are Judson's Grammar, 1852,89 and Ed. 1888 ; Spearman's British Burma Gazetteer, 1870; Browne's Thayetmyo District, 1872, and Cooke's British Burma Manual, 1879: the last three being official publications.cu Judson (p. xxxiv. of the 1852 Ed. and pp. 60-61 of the 1888 Ed.) produces for ns the following table : 2 chinywe are 1 ywejt 3 ywejt i pe 4 >> 1 peji 4 peji >> 1 mat 5 pd >> 1 >> 4 mat 1 kyat 100 kyat 1 pokba 10 (or more tens) pekba are counted as so many (a)k'wet 88 To be described at leugtha later on. 50 The edition of 1863 omits all reference to weights, measures and money. It is to be regretted that missionary books so often do this. Reflection will shew, that however far removed from their avowed work in life, money mat. ters must occupy the attention of all honest men, in so far, at any rate, as the necessary daily buying and selling is concerned, and are therefore worthy of a place in all books on language. 40 Yule, Apa, only incidentally mentions bullion weights and measures at p. 259, and says 160 yuda - 1 tickal: 20 ns 1 tickal ; calling yte the seed of the Abrus procatorius. He thus mixes up the scales, probably through a inisunderstanding.

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324 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1897. mat Judson also gives us : 2 pejt are 1 mujisi 8 muji >> I kyat 2 pe , 1 mu 10 mu 1 kyat Spearman, Vol. I. p. 406, gives us a table on the same lines as Judson, but adds that the Tiss is 3.652 lbs. &v.;62 and goes on to say that the " names given to fractions of a rupee are derived from the measures of weight": - po i s 1 anna mu i s 2 annas 4 annas ngan183 ,, 8 , Dongma t4 , 12 , kyatmudin65 , 14 ) kyat 1 rupee Colonel Spearman then goes on, under measures of capacity, to make a statement of some value in the present connection:-"An endeavour has been made to introduce a standard " basket" (tin) containing 2,218.19 cub. in., but it has not been very successful for want of legislative authority, and the disturbance to trade that would be caused by any enforced alteration in the customary uses has prevented any application to the Legislature. The differences in the various local uses seriously interfere with statistical enquiries, except to those conversant with these differences. The Akyab basket contains about 23 lbs, of rice in the husk, the Maulmain basket 48 lbs., the Bassein about 51 lbs., and the Rangoon basket from 48 lbs, to abont 50 lbs." A glance at App. xc. to Vol. II., Madras Manual of Administration, pp. 505-520, on "local varieties of weights and measures," would farther illustrate the hopelessness of attaining uniformity in the East in such matters. Browne, who may be looked upon as an independent investigator, in his Historical Account of the Thayetmyo District, 1872, gives us the same general information, but in a footnote to p. 60 says, and wrongly, that the yreji is the "red and black seed of the Abrus precatorius," affording a fine example of the mixing up the rati and the double rati. Cooke, Vol. I. p. 735, says "the basis of the Burmese weight is the tickal (kyat), which equals 252 grs. Troy, and exactly one cubic inch of distilled water at the temperature of 60deg One hundred tickals make a viss: one viss equals 3.85 lbs. av. or 140 British Indian tolas exactly."7 In a footnote, giving the fractions of tho kyat, he follows Browne in the mistake of making the yweji equal the seed of the dbrus precatorins. The above writers are those who may be looked on as the authorities par excellence on the subject, but there is a popular book, which to the public generally is the anthority on most things Burmese, viz., " The Burman, his Life and Notions," by Shway Yoe (J. G. Scott) 1882, and as at Vol. II. p. 298 ff., this book goes into weights and measures, I will briefly notice Mr. Scott's remarks here. In this work Mr. Scott does what is natural enough in a popular book, though annoying to investigators, i. e., he follows, or rather takes his ideas bodily from, all the authori. ties in this as in many other similar matters, and tells us nothing in addition to what they can tell us, except that 4 pekba are 1 tula 4,000 tula , 1 tapon or tasu 61 Ji, spelt kr2, means great. Gordon, Companion, p. 105, gives the concurrent tables clearly and correctly, bu without recognising their nature. c2 At p. 34 u., be says, however, that 100 viss are exactly 360 lbs. Other writers are no more careful, for Tremenbeere, in his Reports on the tin of Mergai about 1842, says (Indo-China, Vol. I. p. 264), that the visa is 363 lbs., and 02 p. 299, 3'55 lbs. GS I. e., 5 mda. I. 6., 3 mats. 661, ., a rupee less a mo (two annas). 60 See also Browne, Thayelmyo, p. 60: Yule, Ava, p. 254: Scott, The Burman, Vol. II. p. 298, who seems to have followed the Gazetteer. 07 But my recollection is that in Rangoon dealers in money made 142 toids go to the visa of silver. By tolis scil. here rupees. Crawfurd, Ara, makes the rics equal to 3'85 lbs., writing in 1826; p. 445. Gordon, Companion to Handbook of Colloquial Burmere, p. 104, and Slack, Manual of Burmese, p. 10, both give 142 tlds to the viss.

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DECEMBER, 1997.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 325 and that the ngami or half kyat is also called k'we: 68 and a piece of money tabya:. What he precisely means by "1 tula," or "1 toolah " as he writes it, and "1 tapon" and " 1 tasu " I have not discovered, unless he means by tula the Pali and Sanskrit tula, the weight denomination equal to 100 palas or phalas. As Mr. Scott's tula is equal to 80 of Latter's 66(1): (palas), it may be the same thing. Bat his tapon and tasu are a puzzle :- combined or singly they might mean simply " a hoard." 89 It will have been seen that in all the tables for Indian gold and silver weights, selected for comparison, the scales worked out to 320 jeweller's raktik&s,70 i. e., twice that number of seeds of the Abrus precatorius, or 640 seeds, to the pala. In Burma of course it is the quaternary scalo that we must use for the purpose of comparison, and we find that it runs thus, according to the chief authority, Latter - 8 ywe are 1 pe 2 pe l' mu 2 mu, 1 mat 4 mat , 1 kyet 5 kyat , 1 bo(1) Therefore there are 840 ywd, or seeds of the Abrus procatorius to the bo(1), which consequently represents the pala in practice, and I propose now to show that bo(1) equals pala by etymology. Therefore also the Burmese scale can be stated in terms of the ordinary Indian scale on the assumption of a common origin. Bo(l) may be stated to be merely a modern pronunciation of the Sanskrit pala, Pali phala, on the following grounds. The Burmese, in adopting Sanskrit and Pali words into their language for every day use, clip them sufficiently to make them fit in with their ideas of pbonetics, and during this process the long Sanskrit and Pali forms nearly always lose all or some part of their final syllables. Thus, the first step towards adopting pala into Burmese would be the docking of the final a and leaving a monosyllable pal. The final l is silent in Burmese pronun. ciation, though in such a case it would be retained in the script. The matter, therefore, to concern us is the change of a into 0. In Vols. XXI., XXII., and XXIII. of the Indian Antiquary, there took place a controversy on Sanskrit words in Burmese, in which the present writer took a small part. In the course of that controversy the following facts were disclosed - Burmese. Sanskrit. Pali. Form, Sound. Jo .. (iroh Graha ... Gaba Mikkaso Mye"kabo ... Mrigasiras ... Migasira Saugroh Dinjo . ... Saugraha ... Sangaha Sisakrom Wibajo Visvakarma Vissakamma Mogh Mo ... . Megha ... .. Megha Mor M6 ... ... Meru ... ... Meru Rajagro ... ... Yazajo ... .. Rajagliha ... ... Rajaghara 8 Properly " half more," like the Indian ard: e. 9., 'na'cha' k'wes, 2 kyat and a hall, On applying to Mr. Scott, he courteously informed me that he could not, in 1897, remember where he got the information he recorded in 1881. OP If, however, Mr. Scott's informant should have told him " 4 kyat = 1 tull and 4,000 kyat-1 tapon," then the ta becomes the catty and the tapon the picul (Siamese), and the expressions become intelligible, hecause in that case the full would equal the chany, and both words mean "a balance;" also the weighta thus arrived at would take their proper place in the general scale for the Far East. See next section on "Siamese Weights." 10 Browne, Thayetmyo, p. 60, already quoted, is very distinct on this point for he says "two moo-gyees one mat: four pai-gyees make ono moo-gyee, and four rwe-gyees make one moo-gyee," using thus the "double" wcale throughout, 11 Vol. XXI. pp. 91 ff., 193 f., Vol. XXII. pp. 24 ff., 162 4.; Vol. XXIII. pp. 135 ff., 193.

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326 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (DECEMBER, 1897. If then we find graha and gaha becoming groh: kras and sira becoming so: karman and kamma becoming krom: megha becoming mogh : meru becoming mor: griha and ghart becoming gro: -- and the final consonants h, T, m, gh, dropped altogether in pronunciation :it is fair to say that pala is bol, pronounced bo,72 especially as I may quote the Burmese Sibol, pronounced biho, for Simhala, Ceylon. Dink'o, for Singhala, is also common in Burmese. As to the initial b for p, that presents no difficulty, the following instances from Stevenson's Dictionary being sufficient to settle the point : Form. Sound. Form. Sound. palA77 pa'syu: poi bi patk'an. ... ... batkan pran by&n74 pandukampala bandukanbala75 patokpagach batauk bayit pattamra: ... buddamya 76 paron paran bayong bayin pardkparat ... bayauk bayat bala paldspatan bash u878 pale patan bale, badin ... pahan bahan pale pat'an pichat bizat pinnan bennyin: ... pilon bilong pila sa nu ... bilagbanu pila:... bila: pun polao ... bongbilao ... pokp'at bankp'at baungibi ... pok ... baik pyan'lwa: ... byin'lwa: ... ... pra:lok bya laik prichcha ... bye'sa70 ... .. prin mrat ... byenemyat pruk... ... byok... ... pran pran ... byong byin: prutprak-prutprat.. byokhyet-byokbyat.. pran prun: ... byongobyong ... proi:&pran: ... byaung byan: prokprok80 ... ... byaikbyaik ... ... pwak buk It will thus be seen that there is some justification etymologically for using the Burmese bol for purposes of comparison in these pages as equivalent to the Sanskrit pala. We may now pass on to the perhaps more interesting subject of the ideas of the older writers, with something like a proper equipment for an examination of them. Crawford, Ava, 1829, p. 383 f., anticipates generally with his usual accuracy and perspicacity the conclusions drawn from the present enquiry, His table is as follows: 2 small ywe are 1 large ywe 4 large yw8 , 1 pe 2 pd , 4 mu 2 mu 1 mat 4 mat 1 kyat 100 kyat , 1 pekba 12 It is once more to be observed that the Sanskrit and not the Pali form is that adopted into the language. Of the same nature as those in the text are the Burmese amrit (amyaik) for amrita, and Sansakarit (hanbagayaik) for Sarlskrita : though according to Stevenson the last word is also written Sansa karat and also pronounced banbagarail. 18 This author can be accepted on all points connected with the sounds of Burmese words, for & greater master of colloquial Burmese it would be difficult to find * The Patam Abyan was the "honors "examination in Upper Burma in Buddhist Literature. Patamkbyan Wa also the " degree" for passing it. King Thibd (as a monk) was accounted a Putamabyan. For a note on the revival of these examinations under the British Government see Bird, Wanderinge in Burma, p. 284 ff. 78 Tbe throne of bajA = Sakrs Indrs the Angel of Life in modern Burmese belief. To The ruby. 17 This word means naked. 78 A Malay : Stevenson writes the pron, in Burmese characters pahri.' Scorpio in the Zodiac. 50 Though Stevenson does not give the pronunciation, a wora wellknown in Upper Burma Pitakat (for Pal Pitakattayam, the Scriptures) is usually pronounced there Bida gat. It is usually written Bedegat (pp. 74, 76 268), but Bidigat at p. 351, in Bird's Wanderings in Burma.

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DECEMBER, 1897.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 327 This table he follows up with remarks so much to the present point that I here give them in full in his spelling of the vernacular words :-." The small rwe (ywe) here is named the Arbrus (sic) precatorius, and the larger bean that of the Adenanthera pavonina. The kyat is the weight which we have called the tical, and the paiktha is our vis. I believe both words are corruptions borrowed from the Mohammedan merchants of India, sojoarning in the Burman country. The origin of the word tical I have not been able to ascertain. That of the other is sufficiently curious. The p and v are commutable consonants. The Mohammedan sojourners cannot pronounco the th of the Burmese, and always substitute an s for it. The k is mute even in the Barman pronunciation, and the final a is omitted by Europeans only. Thus we have the word paiktha (pekb) commuted into vis. This measure is equal to 3.65 lbs. A voirdupois.' Except that vis (viss) is the origin of pekbd and not vice versa, Crawford has exactly hit apon the mutual connection of the two words. From the American Missionary, Malcom's Travels, Vol. I. p. 275, 1839, we find that he was a precursor of Latter, and I think that Latter has read his book. Ho gives us the following useful little table :-- 2 ywe are 1 yweji, or 1 pice 4 yweji, i pe or yweal , 1 anna 2 pd ,,1 mu ,, 2 annas 2 mu , 1 mat , 4 annas 4 mat , I kyat , 1 tickal 100 kyat ., 1 pokba , 1 viss He also tells us that the small ywa" is the seed of the Abrus precatorius, "called in America, crab's eye," and the yweji the seed of the Adenanthera pavonina; and that the mat is 62) gra. Troy, and the viss 3.65 lbs. Av. Farther he says thnt "the late experiments at the Calcutta Mint32 determined the tickal to be 252 grs, Troy and "to weigh exactly one cubie inch of distilled water at the temperature of 90deg,193 This last remark takes as to Prinsep and the famous assay of the Ava bullion of 1826. Prinsep's table, given by Burney from Ava, is on the decimal scale : 4 2 po are 1 mu 24 mu , 1 mat 2 mat, a k'w485 2 k'wes, 1 kyat or tickal 100 kyat , 1 pekba or viss, or precisely 140 talas. At p. 98 of his Useful Tables, Prinsep quotes Kelly's Cambist, p. 222, that the "Pegu tickal" equals 1.138 tslas, which hardly agrees with the statement just given, as it would make the viss equal 113 4/5 tolas. As to times before accurate knowledge was possible we find in Alexander Hamilton's "Table of Weights, etc.," attached to his East Indies, Vol. II. Appx., p. 8, the following information regarding "Pegu Weight": "1 Viece is 39 Oa. Troy, or 1 Viece 10C Teculs 140 Viece a Bahaar The Bahaar , 3 Peculs China" 81 Here is a further confusion in the use of the term yw : 800 Latter's statement, ante, p. 320. 82 H. H, Wilson's. See Prinsep's Useful Tables, p. 36 85 Cooke says 60, vide p. 324, rupra. #4 Page 34, Useful Tables, Thomas' Ed. # See ante, p. 325, used really for "a half more," but not as "a hillf" in this nense, though we is used for "half a tin (basket)." #6 This is not a correct statement idiomatically,

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328 THE INDIAN ANTIQUART. [DECEMBER, 1897. The above practically accurate statement was put forward about 35 years before Stevens' formal Guide to the East India Trade was published in 1775, and gives us, as will be seen, a much better and more intelligible idea of the currency of those days in Pegu. Stevens' table. for Pegu is as follows: 100 moo are 1 tual 100 tual, 1 vis or 3 lbs. 5 ozs. 5 drs. Av. 150 vis, 1 candy87 or 500 lbs. There is a considerable mixing up of matters here. In the first place tual is obviously a misprint for "tical," and I fancy "100 mi 1 tual" should be read, therefore, 10 mu. There can be no doubt as to the misprint of tual for tical, because lower down on the same page Stevens has, with other misprints or misreadings, for Siamese weights "80 tual are 1 catty, 50 catties 1 pecul," and later on in this Chapter it will be shewn that the Siamese and Burmese tickals are the same thing, 80 Siamese tickals going to the Siamese catty and 50 Siamese catties to the picul. At p. 88 of the same work, we find "1 Rix dollar is 480 Copper Pegue Pettys," a statement which is at first sight a great puzzle, because in Stevens' time there was no copper money or currency in Burma proper or in Pegu. But from p. 129 we can get at an explanation. Here Stevens gives a general table of the "Sterling value of Asiatic Coins," and for "Siam, Pegu, Malacca, Cambodia, Sumatra, Java, Borneo, etc.," gives a queer commercial mixture of Indo-European coined currency, Spanish, French, Dutch, Malay, and what not. In the course of this table, he says "a rial 2 Ticals 5s. a Tutalss 500 Fettees 2s. 6d." As will be seen later on, Malay terms were constantly applied by travellers in describing Siamese commercial matters, and fettee and petty are no doubt meant for pitis or pichis, the small copper, brass or tin money of Java and the Malays, when first seen by Europeans.99 Cox, in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. VI. p. 134, in an "Account of the Petroleum Wells90 of the Burmha Dominion, extracted from the Journal of a Voyage from Ranghong (Rangoon). up the River Erai-Wuddy (Irrawaddy) to Amarapoorah, 1797," gives us in his own unique manner a new form for a Burmese weight. First, p. 133, he tells us that the price of the oil at the wells was "at the rate of one and a quarter tecals per hundred viss," and then, p. 134, that the four workmen's share at each well" will be 2,250 viss per month of thirty days, or in money at the above price, 28 tecals 50 avas, or 7 tecals 12 avas each man per month." One is nearly certain that by ava is meant ywe, as 120 to 128 ywes go to the tickal and no other denomination could go as far as 50 to the tickal, as in Cox's statement; but one cannot prove the fact by calculations, as the figures are too loosely stated. Thus, 7 t. 12 a. are not a quarter of 28 t. 50 a., as Cox gives the figures, and the sam 2,250 viss at 11. per 100 viss results in 28 1/8 tickals; therefore, if 50 avas = 1/8 tickal, one tickal must equal 400 avas, which is impossible if avas are really ywes. ,91 and Symes, Ava, p. 326, gives us for the weight of the tickal or "kiat" 10 dwts. 10 grs., 9: the now familiar quaternary scale of 16 pe and 8 mu to the tickal. But he comes to grief over the name of the pe, for he writes it "tubbee," i. e., tab or "one pe." But Wilson, Documents of the Burmese War, quoting in the Appx. p. lxi., the Government Gazette, March 2, 1826, comes to much farther grief in the same direction, though his quaternary scale is right enough. His table is worth giving here verbatim : 87 I. e., khindi, see Prinsep's Useful Tables, p. 115. 88 A misprint, one is almost certain, for "tical," as a tical was then always valued at 2s. 6d. 69 Crawford, Malay Dict., 8.v. The word travelled far, for Stevens, Guide, p. 125, mentions that Chinese cash are called petties"; cf. also Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 141. Alexander Hamilton, East Indies, Vol. II., Appx.. 1. 10. 99 At Rainanghong, i. e., Yenanjaung. 91 Alexander, Travels, speaking loosely of Rangoon, in 1825-6, calls the tickal, or dinga, nearly the weight of a Madras rupee.

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DECEMBER, 1897.] SELECTED DATES FROM THE EPIGRAPHIA CARNATACA. 329 The divisions of the Tickal are 2 Tabbe are 1 Tammoo 2 Tammoo , 1 Mat 4 Mat >> 1 Tical 100 Tical 1 Tabisa or Viss 200 Tabisa , 1 Peiya or Ava Pecal, or 250 Penang Catties." Now Tabbe tabe, i.e., 1 po: Tammoo = tamu, s. e., 1 mu: Tabisa = tabakba, probably pronounced tabissu in Mergai whence the information came, = 1 bissa or viss. The last denomination peiya is an apparently unique piece of information, and I cannot account for it, except as a misprint for toiya, at which word we can guess from the curious table which follows on the same page : 2 Nechi Teden are 1 Tendaum 100 Tendaum 1 Teiya or Coyano For tendaum read tindaung, or tin, the well known "basket" grain-measure of Burma, equal usually to 16 viss. For nechi teden read 'nak'we tadin, i. e., "two ('na) halves (k'we) (are) one (ta) basket (tin)." We can now see what tho pioneer reporting officer did through his interpreter. He was told that two halves, the ke'we or half (a basket) being a recognised measure, made one basket, and he heard the people mention 100 baskets as tay, i. c., lit. 100; and straightway made out his statement of measures. No doubt also he heard 100 viss spoken of as taya (100), and knew that these equalled a local picul, or 250 Penang catties, and straightway wrote down Teiya as a weight denomination, which subsequently got misread or misprinted Peiya. (To be continued.) SELECTED DATES FROM THE EPIGRAPHIA CARNATACA. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GOTTINGEN. BEFORE I published my remarks on the dates of the Saka era, ante, Vol. XXV. p. 266 ff., I examined the dates of many inscriptions in Part I. of Mr. Rice's Epigraphia Carnataca. Of some of the earlier dates in that collection I have already treated in the Epigraphia Indica. Here I give 19 other dates from my list, which, on account of the details mentioned in them, are porhaps of more general interest. The dates Nos. 1-7 quote eclipses which were all visible in that part of India where the inscriptions come from. Nos. 8.13 are dates with Samkrintis. Nos. 14 and 15 give instances of intercalary months, the month of No. 14 being described as prathama-Bhadrapadu, and that of the quite modern date No. 15 as nija-Jyeshtha. No. 16 quotes a repeated tithi (pruthamaikadasi), and the tithi of No. 17 also is shewn to be a repeated one. And Nos. 18 and 19, in addition to the weekdays, give the karanas, nakshatras and yoyas of tbe dates. In twelve of these dates the given Saka year was an expired year, and in four (Nos. 2, 11, 13 and 14, of S. 1118, 1395, 1396 and 1456) a current year. In No. 18 the year 1568 is wrongly 2 Practically all Burmese weight tables stop at the viss, and the capacity tables at the tin or basket. I have never come across anything like this statement of the "Ava pecul" except in Prinsep's Useful Tables, c. 1833, p. 120, where we are told that the Pegu, Birma khandi (candy), 150 vis, is reckonod 600 lbs. av.," and the "Rangoon khandi, of 150 vis, is reckoned at 550 lbs, av." The standard Indian candy or khandi is a weight of 20 man or mds.. i. e., about 1,600 lbs, av. But I find loc. cit. that it was c. 892 lbs. at Baroda, 530 and c. 538 lbs. at Bombay, 495 lbs. at Goa, c, 483 lbs, at Indor (min), 500 lbs, at Madras and c. 500 and c. 597 lbs, in Travancor. See also Stevens, Guide, p. 86. 93 The highest Malay measure, usually 10 or 30 piculs. Crawfurd, Malay Dict, 3.V.: Stevens' Guide, p. 87, who spells the word Quoyane : Crawfurd, Indian Archipelago, Vol. I. p. 271: Swetenham, Vocab. Malay, Vol. II. App. on Currency : Maxwell, Malay Manual, p. 141. 1 I have selected only regalar dates. My private list contains many dates from the Epigraphia Carnataca, which are quite incorrect.

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330 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1897. quoted instead of 1569 (expired); and in No. 8 the published text of the inscription gives, in words, the year 1062, while both the concurrent Jovian year and my calculation prove the year of the date to be 1082 (current). One date (No. 3) gives the Jovian year only, without the corresponding Saka year; and the other dates, in addition to the Saka years, quote the corresponding Jovian years, in every case in accordance with the southern luni-solar system. - Special terms, to which I may draw attention here, are Yaksha-tadige (?) in No. 2, and Vaishnava-tithi in No. 17. The date No. 1 of 'S. 899 is from an inscription of the Western Ganga Satyavakya Konguoivarman Permanadi; three dates (Nos. 8, 9 and 2) are from inscriptions of the Hoysalas Narasimha I. and Vira-Ballala; eleven from the inscriptions of the Vijayanagara kings Harihara II. (No. 10), Virupaksha I. (Nos. 14 and 11), Narasa (No. 3), Krishuuraya (Nos. 16, 4 and 12), Achyutariya (Nos. 5 and 13), Sadasivaraya (No. 6), and Ramadeva (No. 7); three (Nos. 17-19) from those of the rulers of Maisur; and one, No. 15, is from a private inscription. 1.- S. 899. - Page 212, No. 183. Dodda-Homma inscription of the Western Gangaa Satyavakya Kongunivarman Permanadi: Sakansipa-kal-atita-samvatsara-satanga! entu-nu ra-tombhatt-ombhattaisya Isvara-samvatsaram pravarttisutt-ire ... Ashadha-musada punpamiyum Angaravarad-andu somagrahanadol kalam. S. 899 expired = Isvara : Tuesday, 3rd July A. D. 977; & lunar eclipse, visible in India, 14 h. 27 m. after mean sunrise. 2.-8. 1118*. - Page 146, No. 31. Tadi-Malingi inscription of the Hoysala ViraBallala : Saka-varsada 1118neya Rakshasa-samvatsarada Yaksha-tadige! (P) Bihavara suryyagrahanadalu. 8. 1118 current = Rakshasa : Thursday, 5th October A. D. 1195, the day of the new mnoon tithi of the month Asyina ; & solar eclipse, visible in India, 5 h. 27 m, after mean sunrise. S. - (S. 1420.) - Page 186, No. 16. - Date of the time of Narasa of Vijayanagara, in the Nanjangud plates of his son Krishnaraya : Vatsare Kalayukty-akhye Margasirshaka-masi cha suryoparaga-samaye pange darsa-samanvite li Kalayukta = S. 1420 expired : 13th December A. D. 1498; a solar eclipse, visible in India, 4 h. 10 m. after mean sunrise. 4.- S. 1448. - Page 151, No. 49. Hemmige inscription of Krishnaraya of Vijayanagara : Sri-jayabhyudaya-Salivahana- sakavarasha 1448 sanda varttamanavada Vyaya-samvatsarada Sravana-su 5 lu ... tat-samvatsarada Ashadha-suddha-paurnnamiyu chandrdparagaponyakaladalli. S. 1448 expired = Vyaya : 24th June A. D. 1526; a lunar eclipse, visible in India, from 11 h. 39 m. to 15 h. 21 m. after mean sunrise. 5. - 8. 1452. - Page 133, No. 105. Kodagahalli inscription of Achyutaraya of Vijayanagara : ? The date of the last Ganga inscription' in Mr. Rice's volume (p. 101, No. 78, of 8. 944) is quite incorrect and is, in fact, an impossible date. With Yakshi.tadige, which I cannot explain, compare the Sanskrit Yaksha-ratri, another name of the festival venerally called Depavali (Diva); see above, p. 184, Asvina-krishyapaksha XV. See below, No. 16.

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DECEMBER, 1897.] SELECTED DATES FROM THE EPIGRAPHIA CARNATACA. 331 Sri-vijayabhyudaya-Salivahana sakavarsha 1452 sanda varttamanavada Vikritu-samvatsarada... Guruvaradalu... chandragrahana-punyakaladalli. SS. 1452 expired Vikrita: Thursday, 6th October A. D. 1530, the day of full-moon of the mouth Asvina; a lunar eclipse, visible in India, 21 h. 49 m, after mean sunrise.5 6.3. 1478.- Page 174, No. 108. Tambala inscription of Sadasivaraya of Vijayanagara : 'Sri-jay Abhyudaya-Salivahana-sakavarusha sa 1478 sanda vartamanavada.. samvatsarada Kartika-ba 30 Chandra vara suryoparaga-panyakaladalu. 8. 1478 expired [= Anala]: Monday, 2nd November A. D. 1556; a solar eclipse, visible in India, 6 h. 15 m. after mean sunrise. 7. S. 1542.- Page 33, No. 36. Anevala inscription of Ramadeva of Vijayanagara :-- Sri-vijayabhyudaya-Salivahana-sakavarushangalu 1542ya Baudri-samvatsarada Marggasira-su 15 lu... chandragrahana-punyakaladali. S. 1542 expired Raudra: 29th November A. D. 1620; a lunar eclipse, visible in India, 16 h. 20 m. after mean sunrise. 8.-S. 1062 (for 1082*). - Page 38, No. 60. Tondanur inscription of the Hoysala Narasimha I.: 'Saka-varisham sasirad- aravatt-eradaneya Pramathi-samvatsarada Asvayuja-sudda-trayodasi-Adivara Uttara-Bhadrapada Tulaya (na)-sankramanad-andu. = Pramathin S. 1082 (not 1062) current, and for that year the date regularly corresponds to Sunday, 27th September A. D. 1159. On this day the 13th tithi of the bright half ended 3 h. 58 m., and the Tula-(vishuva-)samkranti took place 17 h. 30 m., after mean sunrise; and the nakshatra was Uttara Bhadrapada about the whole day. 9. 8. 1102. Page 173, No. 106. Tumbala inscription of the Hoysala Vira-Ballala:Saka-varusha sasirada nura-eradaneya Sarvvari-samvatsarada Pushya-suddha ashtami Brihavarad uttarayana-sankramanadalu. 8. 1102 expired Sarvari: Thursday, 25th December A. D. 1180; the 8th tithi of the bright half ended 6 h. 12 m. after, and the Uttarayana-samkranti took place 0 h. 4 m. before mean sunrise (during the tithi of the date). - 10. S. 1319. Page 160, No. 64. Narasipura plates of the reign of Harihara II. of Vijayanagara, recording a grant which was made by Narayanadev-Odeyar, the son of the Mahamandalesvara Mallapp-Odeyar (Mallinatha) who was a brother of Harihara II. : Saka-varusha 1319... Isvara-samvatsarada Sravana-suddha 5 Adivara Simhasankranti-punyakaladalu. S. 1319 expired Isvara: Sunday, 29th July A. D. 1397; the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 15 h. 12 m., and the Simha-samkranti took place 19 h. 21 m., after mean sunrise. 11. S. 1396*. - Page 155, No. 121. Sujjalura plates of Virupaksha I. of Vijayanagara : Salivahana-nirnita-right sakavarsh[e*] kram-agate | ritu-randhra-gupair-yukte vidhuna yuta-vatsare || Vijay-akbye tatha mase Pushye pakshe viseshatah | sukle cha dasami-yukte vare ch-Angi(nga)ra-sanjoite || Sankrantyam Makar-akhyate punya-kale. In S. 1452 expired there was only one other lunar eclipse, which took place on Tuesday, 12th Apri A, D. 1530,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1897. S. 1396 current Vijaya: Tuesday, 28th December A. D. 1473; the 10th tithi of the bright half commenced 0 h. 51 m. after, and the Makara-(Uttarayana-)samkranti took place 4 h. 29 m. before, mean sunrise. 12. S. 1450,- Page 14, No. 2. Seringapatam inscription of Krishnaraya of Vijaya nagara: 332 Salivahana-sakavarshe 'bhr-eshu-veda-sasi-sankhye varshe 'tha Sarvadharini punyatamayam Kulira-sankrantau || Asbadhe sukla-pakshe... Si(si)tarochisho vare... Ashadhasudda 12 Somavara Karkatakasankranti-punyakaladalli. S. 1450 expired = Sarvadharin: Monday, 29th June A. D. 1528; the 12th tithi of the bright half ended 8 h. 9 m., and the Karkataka-(Dakshinayana-)samkranti took place 7 h. 49 m., after mean sunrise. 13.-S. 1456*. - Page 95, No. 55. Huragalavadi plates of Achyutaraya of Vijayanagara : Sak-abde Salivahasya sahasrena chatus-sataih | panchasata cha sankbyate shad-abhyadhikaya kramat | Vikrame (? Vijaye) vatsare Pushya-sukla-pakshe 'rka-vasare | dvadasyam ch-aiva Rohinyam... bhavye Makarasankranti-punyakale. S. 1456 current = Vijaya (not Vikrama): Sunday, 28th December A. D. 1533; the 12th tithi of the bright half ended 9 h. 8 m., the Makara-(Uttarayana-)samkranti took place 8 h. 7 m. (during the tithi of the date), and the nakshatra was Bohini for about 8 hours, after mean sunrise. 14.-S. 1390*. - Page 77, No. 139. Sitapura inscription of Virupaksha I. of Vijaya nagara Salivahana-sakavarsha 1390 ttaneya Sarvajit- samvatsara prathama-Bhadrapa[da]-ba 8 Sani Rohini-nakshatradalu. In S. 1890 current = Sarvajit Bhadrapada was intercalary, and the 8th tithi of the dark half of the first Bhadrapada ended 20 h. 33 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, 22nd August A. D. 1467, when the nakshatra was Rohini for 11 h. 10 m. after mean sunrise." 15. S. 1769.- Page 100, No. 67. Mandya inscription of Tirukudi Srinivasa-Ravu :Sri-vijayabhyudaya-Salivahana-sakabda 1769 ne sanda vartamanavada Plavanga-samvatsarada nija-Jyeshtha-suddha 15 somavarada. = In S. 1769 expired Plavanga Jyeshtha was intercalary, and the 15th tithi of the bright half of the nija (or second) Jyeshtha ended 12 h. 20 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, 28th June A. D. 1847. 16. S. 1435.- Page 186, No. 16. Nanjangud plates of Krishnaraya of Vijayanagara: Salivahana-nirnite sak-abde sa-chatussataih | panchatriat-samyuktais-saakbyte dalabhi-latai | Vatsare Srimukh-abhikhye masi ch-Ashadha-namani | sukla-pakshe cha punyayam pratham-aikadasi-tithau || In S. 1435 expired = Srimukha the 11th tithi of the bright half of Ashadha commenced about 30 m. before sunrise of the 13th June, and ended about 20 m. after sunrise of the 14th Jane, A. D. 1513. Accordingly, in a calendar both these days would be numbered '11,' and The same inscription contains an earlier date, of the year Parthiva (= $. 1387 expired), the weekday of which is incorrect.

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DECEMBER, 1897.] SELECTED DATES FROM THE EPIGRAPHIA CARNATACA. 333 the 13th June A. D. 1513, the first of these two ekadasis, is the proper equivalent of the date.7 17. S. 1585.- Page 143, No. 23. Talakadu plates of Devaraja of Maisur : - Sri-Salivahana-sake sara-nanga-bang sitamsu-sammita-saratsu gatasv-amushmin varshe tu Bobhakriti masi Suchau valakshe pakshe 'tha Vaishnava-tith&v=Amritambu-vare || In S. 1585 expired= Sobhakrit (Sobhana) the Vaishnavi (i. e., here, 12th) tithis of the bright half of Suchi (Ashadha) commenced 1 h. 21 m. before mean sunrise of Monday, the 6th July, and ended 26 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, the 7th July, A. D. 1663. Here, again, in a calendar both the Monday and the Tuesday would be numbered 12,' and the day of the date, Monday, the 6th July A. D. 1663, would be properly described by the term prathama dvadass. 18.-S. 1588 (for 1509). - Page 66, No. 103. Melakote plates of Kanthirava Narasaraja of Maisur: - Naga-rtu-bana-vasudha-yuji Salivahan akhye fake saradi Sarvajid-thvayayam Vaisakha-masi Mrigasirsha-samahvaya-rkshe punye tath-Akshayatritiya-dine cha Bhaume II Vare Sukarma-yuji sat-karane cha bhadre (?) san-mangale sakaladharmada-punyakale | In Sarvajit S. 1569 (not 1568) expired the Akshaya-tritiya or third tithi of the bright half of Vaisakha and the karana Gara ended 13 h. 6 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, 27th April A. D. 1647, when the nakshatra was Mrigasiraha for 16 h. 25 m., and the yoga Sukarman for 12 h. 50 m., after mean sunrise. Page 156, No. 63. Narasipura plates of the time of Krishnaraja of 19.3. 1671. Maisur : Salivahana-nirgite sak-abde dasabhis-sataih | samanvit-aikasaptatya shat-satair-api vatsaraih || Bukl-Akhye vatsare masi Vaisakhe Bhauma-vasare | dvadasyam sukla-pakshasya chandra-tara-bal-anvite I Hasta-rkshe Harshane yege karape Balav-abhidhe I SS. 1671 expired Sukla: Tuesday, 18th April A, D. 1749; the 12th tithi of the bright half and the karana Balava ended 9 h. 25 m., the nakshatra was Hasta from 2 h. 38 m., and the yoga Harshana for 15 h. 17 m., after mean sunrise. In Ep. Carn. p. 16, No. 6, there is a similar date, which at the same time would furnish an instance of an Unmilant Maha-dvddait (see ante, p. 178); but that date is quite incorrect. * Compare Hemadri's Chaturvarga-chintamani, Vol. III Part II. p. 885, 1. 11: duddasi Chakrinas-tatha.-- In other dates the 11th tithi is described as Hari-dina. As the text stands, the word bhadre would be taken as the name of a karana, but, so far as I know, Bhadra is not synonymous with Gara. According to the Rev. F. Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary, bhadre in Kanarese denotes the seventh astrological division of the day' (vishti, which would be out of place here).

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834 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1897. PADA, THE WRITER OF ASOKA'S SIDDAPUR EDICTS. BY G. BUHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E. In my article on Asoka's edicts from Siddapur (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. III. p. 134 ff.) I bave omitted to give an explanation of the name of the writer, which once occurred in all the three copies and in every case was accompanied by the official title lipikara in Khardsht characters, the final sentence being, or having been, Padena likhitani narekapili. Ag M. Sylvain Levil of late has tried to do away with the mention of the writer and to put A very different construction on this passage, it is perhaps advisable to fill up the lacuna which I have left in my former paper, and to shew that at all events pada is a word, suited for a proper name. The explanation, of course, cannot be categorical, as according to the orthography of Asoka's clerks pada may be meant to express three different words, which the more accurate spelling of the Pandits would carefully distinguish. It may be intended (1) for pada, or (2) as single consonants are used instead of double ones, for padda, or (3) on the analogy of magala for mangala and of similar forms, also for paridu. Among these three forms the first will do only on the supposition, that, as sometimes happens in the Prakrit dialects, its da is a substitute for ra, and that pada stands for para. For Para occurs, either by itself or coupled with other words, as a royal name. In the Brahmanas there is the king Para Ainara and kings, simply called Para, appear in the Mahabharata and the Harivainsa. Among the other two forms Panda is found in the slightly enlarged Pandaka, the name of a son of the third Manu, and Padda, though not traceable as a N. Pr., is a Desi term, equivalent to chanala, which word is very commonly used even in the present day for the formation of proper names. In Sanskrit we have Dhavala or Dhavalaka, Dhavalachandra and so forth, and in the modern Prakrits Dhold, Dhavalchand or Dholchand, and Dhavalsingh or Dhalsingh. And it may be noted that all these names are used by members of the writer castes of modern India. It thus appears that with all the three interpretations, which may be put on the syllables pada, a word will come out which is suitable for a proper name, and the choice becomes rather difficult. The least probable among the three possible explanations, it seems to me, is that which involves the assumption that Pada is meant for Panda. More probable would be the explanation of Pada by the royal name Para, as the writer castes of historical India, the KAyasthas, Brahmakshatriyas and Prabhus claim kinship with the Kshatriya families and commonly adopt the names, borne by persons of princely or noble rank, notably those ending in singh (sirka). But then it is necessary to assume that da represents ra. As the third possibility presents absolutely no difficulties, and does not necessitate the assumption of any phonetic or graphic irregularity, I am inclined to fall back on that, and to take Pada, or with the full spelling, Padda, as an ancient popular, or Desi, equivaient of the Sanskrit Dhavala and the modern Dhola, with which the Vedic name Sveta and the Epic Pandu or Pandu may be fitly compared. In connection with this explanation, I will add a few remarks on the point, which seems to have been the chief cause of M. Levi's unwillingness to accept for the concluding sentence of the Siddapur inscriptions the translation, "Written by the scribe Pada," which undoubtedly at first sight appears to be the natural one, and state the reason, why I cannot agree to his translation. As regards the first point, M. Levi remarks that writers' names do not occur in other early epigraphic documents, and hence he infers that it is not probable that an individual scribe should be mentioned in an Asoka edict. His statement of the facts is correct, as far as the third and second centuries are concerned. For, the earliest indisputable occurrences of writers' 1 Jour. Asiatique, 1896. See the larger Petersburg Dictionary, sub voce TC. Homachandra, Dosinamamala, vi. 1, paddan dhavalam.

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DECEMBER, 1897.] MISCELLANEA. 335 names are found on the Taxila copper-plate of Samvat 78 of the great king Moga, which belongs to the first century B. C. or A. D., and in the land grants of the Andhra king Gotami. puta Satakani (Nasik inscrs. Nos. 11 a-b) from the beginning of the second century A. D. But I doubt very much that the facts warrant the inference, which M. Levi draws from them. The great majority of the epigraphic documents of the third and second centuries B. C., like those on the Sanchi and Bharahut Stapas, in the Barabar, Nagarjuni, and Katak hill cave and on the various relic vessels, consists of short dedicatory or votive inscriptions, which in India never, not even in late times, bear the writer's name. If those are deducted, -as certainly must be done there remain for the third century twenty-three Asoka inscriptions, two of which, the Girnar and Mansehra versions of the Rock Edicts, are mutilated at the end and the Sohgauri copper-plate. For the second century B. C. there are only two documents, Kharavela's Hathigumphe inscription and the Andhra inscription from the Nanaghat, which latter again is mutilated at the end. It seems to me inadmissible to conclude that, because the twenty-three complete inscriptions of the third and second centuries do not shew writers' names, the sentences in three others, apparently containing such a name, must be interpreted differently in order to eliminate it. In my opinion the basis of facts is much too narrow for the inference. And its precariousness becomes still more apparent, if it is borne in mind that only one among the twenty-three inscriptions, Kharavela's, belongs to the class of the Prasastis, in which later the writer's name is mentioned very frequently, though by no means invariably. Later edicts, like those of Asoka, have not yet been found, and it is impossible to say what the later practice may have been in such cases. I can, therefore, not see any necessity to demur to the translation, "Written by the scribe Pada," and it seems to me that in the early inscriptions the insertion of writers' names was irregular, jast as the use of Maugalas, of which a trace is found only in the two separate Edicts of Jaugada, and the use of signs of interpunctuation. The greater regularity in these and other respects begins only, when the Brahman schoolmen obtained a stronger influence in the royal offices. With respect to M. Levi's own interpretation, "Written in the pada-script by the writer," I must point out that the texts of both the versions, where the important word is preserved either fully or in part, read according to the impressions and the perfectly trustworthy facsimiles very distinctly padena, which cannot be an equivalent of padena. M. Levi may have been misled by a remark of mine in my first notice of the Siddapur edicts, where I stated that one of the versions reads [pajdena. The error was caused by the indistinctness of the photograph according to which I worked, and it has been corrected in my edition in the Epigraphia Indica. MISCELLANEA. DOUBLE KEY. Stevens' informant thought the word to be "key" A WELL-KNOWN Netherlands Indian coin turns of which the coin in question was the double. up under this extraordinary perversion of the 1775. - "Batavia. 8 Doits make 1 Casl, or real word in Stevens, Guide to East Indian Trade. Doublekye." - Stevens, Guide, p. 124. It is sufficient to say that it representa dubbeltje, 1775. "Malacca. The Money, most current through the established commercial corruption in the Shops and Bazaars, is Rupees, Schillings, thereof, doubleky. Doublokyes, and Doits." -Stevens, Guide, 1711.-"Malacca. Skillings, Double-kees, and p. 127. Stivers, are the currant Money. Two Stivers, 1805. - "The Memorandum of 1805 by Lieu. or Pence, are one Doublekee, three Doublokees tenant-Governor Farquhar (J. Ind. Arch. Vol. V. one Skilling, and 8 Skillings one Rix Dollar." - p. 418) speaks of doublekies or cuprings, the Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 69. doubleky being the Dutch coin of 2 stuyvers, or 1775.-Malacca. A Tangoe is 6 Stivers, or 10 doits." - Chalmers, Colonial Currency, 1893, 3 double Keys, or 3 Cash." - Stevens, Guide, p. 382 n. p. 87. The peculiar presentation of the expression 1814. "10 doits or 2 stivers and a half are << double Key," considering the use of capitals in 1 dubbeltjo." - Raffles, Java, Vol. II. Apps., English printing at the period, shews that p. clxvii.

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836 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1897. 1825.-"As to Malacca . . . . Kelly (Cambist) | supplementary to and corrective of my list above. states. ... the principal current coins are rupees, mentioned. Premising that the Burmese add the Dutch schillings, Dubbeltjes, 2 stiver pieces, and suffix ku, a cave, to all names of caves, which is doits." - Chalmers, Colonial Currency, p. 383. here omitted, the list runs as follows. R. O. TEMPLE. My recollection is that General Horace Browne was the author of this official list, and he adds a CAVES OF THE AMHERST DISTRICT, BURMA. note that the caves are "generally named after the nearest village or place of note in their im. Ante, Vol. XXII. p. 337 ff., I gave a general mediate vicinity." This was also my experience. account of the caves about Maulinain. I have since come across a list of them, which is worth List of Caves. publishing, in a Government publication entitled P'Abu. Sadaik. Ambyan. Transliteration into Roman Characters of Names T'aingiaik. Taingmalwe. Kyau'ket. of Places in British Burma, 1874." The publica K'ayon. Saddan. D'ammaba. tion itself has now no interest beyond the acade. Kayon-ng&. P'Agat. Kogun. mio one of showing the history of the existing Yabebyan. B`inji. Webyan. system of official transcription into Roman! Mizaing. Tankaya. Paung. characters, for it is not a transliteration, of Bur- Pakavat P'Alin. PAbya. mese words. But at p. 59 ff. the booklet gives a P'ebaung Ma'chitaung. list in the vernacular of the Caves of the Amherst Distriet, which I here transcribe as R. C. TEMPLE BOOK-NOTICE INDISCHE PALEOGRAPRIE. By G. Buhler. Strassburg, The same mistake may have been committed 1896. Pages 96, and portfolio of Plates. by the author of the die of the Bran coin. HITHERTO the only book on the history of Indian Space does not permit to give an epitome of alphabets was the late Dr. Burnell's South Indian Professor Buhler's work, and I would only direct Palaeography, the second edition of which appear. attention to the chapter on the Khardshthi, where ed as far back as 1878, and which confined itself to this difficult alphabet is fully analysed for the the South Indian alphabets. Professor Buhler's first time; to the ingenious way in which the new work is the first which embraces the whole co-existence of Grantha with Tamil and Vatteluttu subject of Indian Palaeography. Coming as it and the derivation of the two last are explained does from such an eminent authority, I need and to the chapter on numerical symbols, which hardly say that it contains a lucid and up-to-date supersedes the late Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji's exposition of its theme and that it teems with paper in Vol. VI. of this Journal. Among the fresh discoveries. As regards one of the leading designations of alphabets I notice the erroneous and most difficult questions - the derivation of form Kanara, for which read Kannada or Karnata, the Indian Brahmi alphabet, Professor Buhler literally the black country. This is the indi. arrives at the conclusion that the latter is an genous name of the 'black cotton soil' districts adaptation of a Northern Semitic alphabet, im- and of their language; see Hobson-Jobson, p. 117, ported about B. O. 800. This important result is and Kittel's Dictionary, articles Kannada and so well supported with facts that it cannot fail to Karndta. Two other transliterations which apineet with general acceptance. There is only one pear misleading are Cicacole for Chicacole (Srisubordinate link in the chain of arguments where kakula) and Kooin for Cochin (the Portuguese I am unable to agree with the author uncondi. form of Kochchi). tionally. He considers the Eran coin, on which A most invaluable and indispensable addition the letters run from right to left, as a proof that are nine photographic Plates of letters (i. Khathe Brahmt was derived from a Semitic alphabet. roshth; ii. and iii. Brahmi; iv. to vi, Northern But it is a known fact that Indian engravers alphabets; vii. and viii. Southern alphabets; often forget that the letters have to be reversed ix. numerical symbols), which were prepared with on the die in order to appear in their positive the assistance of Dr. Cartellieri. It will be good forms on the coin itself. A quite modern instance news to many that an English edition of the is a coin of the Holkar of [Vikrama-Samvat] 1943, work is in preparation. where the words eka pAva pAnA / iMcAre are reversed. I E. HULTZSCH,

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DECEMBER, 1897.] FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE. 337 FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE, BY GEO. F. D'PENHA. No. 19. - The Story of Bharo. THERE once lived an old woman with a daughter of a marriageable age. The girl was 1 old enough to help her mother in earning a livelihood, but she was too lazy - indeed, so lazy as not even to rise a little early in the morning and look after the kitchen work. The old woman, therefore, would get up early, and do the cooking. At sunrise she would call out to ber daughter, thus: - "O! g8 Bharo, pal palai, dis gele mandpar, Rise, Bhard, it is dawn, the sun has risen in the sky." To this the daughter would reply: - " Dis mand pasia gele te zaunde, cin sita vin phanii visini gunthin ani dambrinanim raz larin, If the sun is risen in the sky, let him do so, without thread and without a comb I will dress my hair, and I will live on one dambri." After some hesitation she would rise, arrange her toilet, and eat and drink. In this way some time past, till one day the king's son was going to school, and his way led past the old woman's hut. As he was just opposite the hut, these words fell upon his ears : -"! go Bharo, pal pdlan, dis gele mandpani, Rise, Bbaro, it is dawn, the sun has risen in the sky." And while he was still within hearing, Bharo replied: -"Dis gele mandpar te zaundo, vin suta vin phanisi vinin gunthin ani dambrimanin raz karin, If the sun is risen in the sky, let him do so, without thread and without a comb I will dress my hair, and I will live on one dambre." Having heard this the prince went to school, but the last words of Bharo's reply - " dambrimanii ras karin, I will live on one dambri" - made such an impression upon him, that he made up his mind to get married to Bhard with the view to test how she could live on such an insignificant sum of one-twenty-fourth of an anna. In the evening, when school was over, he began to think how to obtain her in marriage, and considering it rather difficult, because of their respective social positions, he went and threw himself down in his father's stables, through sheer grief, while all the palace was searching for him in all directions. Towards dusk the king's batkini came into the stables, with bags of gram, to feed the horses. And what did they do? They threw the husks of the gram to the horses, eating the gram themselves. The prince, who saw this from his hiding place, could contain his anger no longer, and shouted out: - "Ahan, chane chane tumia khata ani salari salari ghorianan ghata nahin ? Tavans & fumii disan dis masat challids ani manje ghore sukat challian," Ab ha ! you are eating the gram yourselves, throwing only the husks to the horses? No wonder you are growing fatter and fatter every day, while my horses are getting lean." The bathinis, however, did not mind the prince's reproach, but only said : -- " Raju Sahib, Raja Sahib,5 athild ka karta? Tumche sathi saru gara soditan, Raja Sahib, Raja Sahib, what are you doing here? The whole country is being searched on your account." The prince, who saw that he was discovered by the baykinis, threatened them with a severe thrashing if they went and acquainted the king, his father, with his hiding-place. But the batlinis cared not for the prince's threats, but ran to the king in great haste and with joyful hearts, for they knew that their trouble would not go unrewarded, and addressed him thus: 1 The literal meaning of this would be: - Get up, Bharo, it is dawn, day is gone to the mandap. A madap may be taken to mean a shamiing. ? Literally, if the day is gone to the mandap, let it go, without thread, without comb I will entanglo my hair, and on one dambri I shall reign queen. A dambri is half & pie, or one-twenty-fourth part of an anna. 3 Maid-servants, * Translated literally, it would mean : - Ah ha! the gram you are eating and the skins you are putting to the horses, no ? Then only it is that you are fattouing day after day and my horses are becoming dry. Meaning the prince.

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338 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1897. "Raja Sahil, Raja Sahib, ek sanguin kasi don sangun, Raja Sahib, Raja Sahib, shall we tell you one or shall we tell you two ? " To which the king, who was sorrowing for his son's absence without his knowledge, frowningly retorted: - "Tumi khatus ha ani rartus ha, tumula ked hii, mansa put gold to nahin, You are always eating and still you keep crying; what do you care ? I am thinking of my son who is gone." But the batkinis, nothing daunted, replied :- Raja Sahib, Raja Sahib, dikal ta bari gost hdi, Raja Sahib, Raja Sahib, if you will listen, it is good news." - Die Upon this the king said :-"Ek sanga lani don sanga pin ka sangavachan hai te begin sanga, You may tell me one or you may tell me two, but say quickly whatever you may have to say." The baskinis then told the king that, as they went to the stables, as was their wont, to feed the horses, they saw the prince lying there, apparently in great grief. The king, thereapon, went to the stables in great haste, and, having found the prince, thus spoke to him: - "Tui atlila kar? Ka zhdilarh tula ? ka kon ni kelari tula ? sang mala : kinih hat tukilasel tuvar, tiachd hat jhen; konu painn tukilasel tuvar, tiacha pairi jhen; koninh dola kelasel tula, tiacha dla jhen, kan ka khitlasbl tuld, sang mala, min paidani karin,? Why are you here? What is the matter with you ? Has any one injured you? Tell me : has any one lifted his hand against you, I shall cut off his hand; has any one lifted his leg against you, I shall cut off his leg; has any one used his eyes against you, I shall remove his eye; or if you lack anything, say so, and I shall see that you get it." To which the prince replied: - "Mald kain shailah nahin; nahiji lesnis hat takila, nahin Izonis pdish tukila, kasi nahin konii dala lela morar, tari pun mald kaink khulani nahin: mula ek ghur parldi - mala fulan dolriche sokristh varadlari paije, Nothing is the matter with me; nobody has lifted his hand, nobody has lifted his leg, neither has anybody made eyes at me, nor do I lack anything : one thought troubles me- I must get married to such and such an old woman's daughter." "Oh, is that all you want ? You shall have your desire fulfilled. In the meanwhile, cheer up, and come and take your meal." At this the prince left the stables and followed his father, and was soon himself again. Before negotiating with the old woman for her daughter's hand, the king protested the best way he could with the son to change his mind, pointing out to him that he, the prince, was a king's son, who would some day himself become a king, and that, as such, it illbecame him to form an alliance with a girl who was next door to a beggar. But no remonstrances, however reasonable, would avail with the prince, who said ho must marry that girl, or put an end to himself. The king now saw that there was no chance of making the prince desist from his determination, and so, one morning, sent a simpaio to call the old woman to the palace. When the sepoy put in his appearance at the old woman's door, and delivered the king's order, she begau to wonder at it. What had she done, she thought. Had she, or, perhaps, her daughter, offended the king in any way ? She could remember nothing. Then, why did the king send for her? However, whether she had done anything or not, it was the king's order to her to come to the palace, and go she must. So, with fear in her heart, the old woman presented 6 Literally this would mean :- You are continually eating and continually crying, what is it to you? My son is gone, that is nothing. The literal meaning of this would be :- Why are you here P What has come to you? What has any one done to you? Tell me: if any one has lifted his hand upon you, I shall take his hand; if any one has lifted his leg upon you, I shall take his log; if any one has made an eye at you, I shall take his eye; or if anything is wanting to you, tell me, I shall produce it. & By the eye, the Evil Eye is evidently meant here.. Simpas =a sipahi sepoy.

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DECEMBER, 1897.) FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE. 339 herself before the king, and bowed down low at his feet. The king beckoned her to a chair, but the old woman modestly refused it, and was about to squat on the floor, saying that she was too poor to seat herself in a chair ; -- also that she had never sat on one. But the king kindly held her by the hand and seated her in a chair. Preliminaries over, the king said to the old woman :" Amchi khai hdi ge tumefi soirik karfiri; timchi sileri Amche sokridla diavi, It is our desire to form an alliance with you ; you must give your daughter to our son." The old woman replied :-" Kan, Raja Sahib, mala distei tumiti manji maskari karta; tumia kon, min kon, ani aisan kaisan ho17,Why, Raja Sahib, surely you are jesting; what is your position and what is mine? How can such a thing be?" The king, however, soon persuaded her that he meant no joke, that the prince wished it so, and that, therefore, he was in earnest. The old woman could not reconcile the idea of a king's son asking for the hand of a beggar's daughter, and, without saying aye or nay, walked away home, and lying down on a cot, covered herself with a quilt. When her daughter, Bharo, saw that her mother had taken to her bed, which was an unusual thing with her, she came and inquired what was the matter, - if she was unwell. The old woman told her to go away and not to bother her head about her. In spite of this the girl insisted upon knowing what was the matter with her mother; so her mother told her that the king had sent for her and had asked for her daughter's hand, and not knowing how to act in the matter, her mind was much troubled, and that was the reason why she had taken to her bed. Bharo was only too glad to learn that the king's son had proposed for her, and told her mother not to fear on that account, but to go over to the palace and inform the king that his proposal was accepted. The old woman was again at her wit's end about the affair, but at the entreaty of her daugther she went and told the king that she was willing to give Bharo in marriage to the prince, who was duly informed about it by the king his father. The prince received this news with the greatest gladness. They also then and there appointed an early day for the happy occasion. The king now began preparations on a very large scale to celebrate the marriage with befitting pomp. The old woman, of course, was too poor to make any show, and so she did what little she could by way of a small entertainment for friends and relations of her social position. The day soon came, and the marriage was celebrated with great eclat by the bridegroom. A month or two passed after the wedding, and the prince bethought of Bharo's saying - "dambrimanisi ras karin, I will live on a dambri." So he determined to put her to the test at once. He asked the king to build him & ship, as he wished to go to trade in foreign lands. The king told him there was no need for him to do any business, since he was getting old and he would have to give up the reins of government, which would naturally fall into the hands of the prince, for which he must prepare himself. The prince, however, said he must go for a few inonths at least, and therefore he must have a ship. So the king at once issued orders for the building of the ship. And what did he lack ? Men and money were all at his service, and a job that would have taken months to finish he got completed in days, and the ship was soon placed at the disposal of the prince, completely manned with a kaptanll and fandel, 12 The prince had now only to store in the ship provisions for the journey, but of these he took only a limited quantity. Finally he asked his wife, Bharo, whether she would not like to accompany him on his voyage. Little thinking of the real object of her husband's wish to take her with him, she said nothing could give her greater pleasure than being in his company, whether for good or for bad. Everything was now settled, and the ship set sail under a very favorable breeze. When after many days, they had reached an out-of-the-way country, the prince ordered the anchor to be cast. There they stopped for a day or two, and as soon as the provisions were quite 19 Literally, Why, Raj Sahib, it seems to me you are making fun of me; who are you who am I? and ho can such a thing be P 11 Kaptan osptain. 12 Tanda -tindal or tindals, petty officers,

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340 [DECEMBER, 1897. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Enished, the prince conceived the idea of leaving Bharo alone in the ship. He, therefore, told Bharo that she would have to stay in the ship alone for a few days, as he was going on land on some business, and taking the captain and all the crew the prince landed and was soon out of sight. He had, however, taken the precaution of tying to an end of Bharo's sari one coina tindambri,13 without her knowledge. Taking a land route, the prince went back with all the other men to his own country. A few hours after the prince's departure, Bhard felt hungry. So she went to where the provisions were stored, but what was her disappointment to find that there was nothing left! That day and night she went without food. The following day she was thinking over what to do to appease her hunger, when she felt something tied to her sar. She unfastened the knot and found a tindambre; but what was she to do with the tindambri? As she was thus thinking, she caught sight of an old fisherman, who had come to fish. She called out to him, addressing him as kuka. The old fisherman was quite surprised to hear himself addressed thus there, and more surprised was he to find that it was a young woman, apparently alone, who called him out. He came to the ship, and Bharo threw the tindambri to the old man, and begged of him to fetch her chana kurmur 15 The old man had not the heart to refuse her. So he went and brought tindambri worth of chana kurmuri, which he brought and handed over to Bharo, after which he went about his business. As soon as the old man was gone, Bhard took the chana kurmuri and was going to eat them eagerly, when, misfortune of misfortunes, all the chana kurmuri fell out of her hands into the water. She was about to burst out crying, when her eyes fell upon hundreds of magalmashe1s coming and swallowing all the chanu kurmuri. The magalmashe, after eating up all the chana kurmuri, went up on dry ground and threw up heaps upon heaps of soniachia mori.16 This was a cause of great surprise and no less joy to our heroine. She collected all the mors, which nearly filled the ship. Another day of starvation passed, and on the following day, when the fisherman came to fish, she called to him, and giving him one mori, asked him to buy for her a number of different articles of food, and for his trouble she paid him one mori. She then told him to come there on the next day too, and the fisherman, who was not over-rich, was only too glad to come, in the hope of getting, perhaps, another mari. Bharo had now plenty of food, and she ate to her satisfaction. On the following day the old fisherman was commissioned to buy a plot of ground; on the day after that, to buy timber, stones, and other things necessary to build a very large house. Bharo next wished to supervise the building herself; so she got the old man to erect a hut near where the house was being erected. As she did not wish it to be known that she was a woman, she asked the old man to buy her a complete set of a man's clothes, and, thus disguised, she landed and went to the hut, having in the first instance ordered the removal of all the moris. In this way passed a month or two. Bharo's husband, the prince, now remembered her, and wished to see how she was faring, or what had become of her. So he engaged another vessel and set sail early. He reached in due time, and, right enough, he saw the ship in which he had left his wife, but his wife gone, or, rather, as he thought, dead. He, therefore, wished to go back to his country, when his attention was drawn to a palatial building, fairly on its way to completion, and he wished to ascertain to whom it belonged. So he landed and went to the spot, and enquired who was building the house, and determined that, if any workman was required, he would offer his services. He was shewn the mukadam, the old fisherman, who in turn took him to Bharo, who was still in a man's disguise, which prevented the prince from recognising his wife. Bharo, however, knew who had come to her for work, but not wishing to discover herself so soon, pretended ignorance, and acted as she would towards a stranger, at the time. 15 Tindambrt three dambris or half a pice, or one-eighth of an anna.. 14 Kaka means paternal uncle, but all men, about the age of one's father, are thus addressed. 15 Parched gram and rice. 16 Magalmashe are large fish, supposed to be whales. The singular is magalmasa. 16 Gold mohars are evidently meant.

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DECEMBER, 1897.) FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE. 341 The prince's services were engaged, but she had not the heart to make him do any hard work, and, therefore, he was asked to supervise the building. He was also allowed to live at his supposed master's boase. At meal time Bhare would order her servant to serve the prince first at her own table. The prince would modestly refuse to eat before his master, but Bhare would insist upon his eating first, and then he would do so. In this way some time passed, till the house was complete. Bharo then gave orders for furnishing the house completely, the old fishermar and the prince being commissioned to do the task. The prince had great taste in furniture, and so bought the best available, and when it was arranged in the house, also under the prince's supervision, the house looked simply beautiful. Bharo now paid all the workmen their respective wages, and dismissed them. The prince also asked for his wages, saying he, too, wished to go away, but he was told to remain for a few days, after which he would get leave to go home. Now, when they were almost by themselves Bhard one day asked the prince to enter her chamber, and, having thrown off her disguise, she donned herself in a rich sdriand all her beautiful ornaments, and presented herself before the prince. The prince was simply struck dumb at seeing Bharo, his wife, standing before bim, and could not for the world of him understand what it all meant. Was he, perhaps, dreaming, or was the person he saw really his wife? When he had recovered speech, he asked her to explain to him everything. Bhard then told him, how, after he had gone, she had, in the first place, to remain without food for a day or two; how, later on, she found the tindambri tied to her siri, for which she could not account, as she herself had never tied it there; how she gave the tindambri to the old fisherman, who had come to fish, and asked him to buy her chaud kurmari, which, when bought and given her, all fell in the water as she was about to eat them; how, when the chana kurmuri fell in the water, magalmashe came and swallowed them, after which the anagalmashe, going on dry land, threw up heaps upon heaps of sinichia mori, which she collected, and which enabled her to live comfortably and to build that large house, in furnishing which he had displayed so much taste. Here the prince interposed, and told Bharo what had led him to bring her and leave her alone in that land, and that he was now quite satisfied, that what she was wont to say to her mother before their marriage she had been enabled to carry out, namely, " vin sita vin phaniii rinin gunthin ani dambremanin ruz karin, without thread, without comb, I will dress my hair and live on one dambri." After this they disposed of the building, and taking the proceeds as well as the heaps of mor, they returned to their native country, where they lived in happiness to an old age. NOTES AND QUERIES. CHELA. trained by him, and had no other home than his Here is a note from a paper in J.R.A.S., 1896, camp. They were recruited chiefly from children p. 517, on "the Army of the Indian Moghuls," by taken in war or bought from their parents in Mr. W. Irvine, which will throw useful additional time of famine. The great majority were of light on my previous investigations into this Hindu origin, but all were made Mahomedans interesting word (ante, Vol. XXV. pp. 199, 228): - when received into the body of chelas. These goe Chole A s a counterpoige to the cholas were the only troops on which a man mercenaries in their employ, over whom they bad could place entire reliance as being ready to a very loose hold, commanders were in the habit follow his fortunes in both foul and fair weather. of getting together, as the kernel of their force, Muhammad Khan Bungash's system of chelas is a body of personal dependents or slaves, who had described by me in J. 4. S. Bengal, Part I., 1878. no one to look to except their master. Such p. 340. -- Irvine, Army of the Indian Moghuls, troops were known by the Hindi name of chela J.R. A. S., 1896, p: 517. (a slave). They were fed, clothed, and lodged by their employer, had mostly been brought up and R. C. TENPLE.

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342 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY DECEMBER, 1897. THE VARAKKAL TEMPLE AND ITS FESTIVAL, An interesting Hindu ceremony is annually observed at Varakkal of the New Moon day in the Malayalim month of Tulain (October-November). Varakkal is about two miles to the north of Calicut, and is within a short distance of the Easthill Barracks. The temple stands on a prominent position on a bit of high ground upon the shore of a very shallow backwater. Despite its hoary and desolate appearance, on close inspection it looks bright and beautiful enough when seen rising into sight against a clear blue sky on the summit of the eminence on which it stands. A turn from the main road, pa handsome flight of stone steps, takes the visitor directly to the doorway fronting the inner shrine. The promiscuous pile of huge globular rocks on which the ancient temple is built, the dreariness and solitude of the site, and the many romantic, dark, and solemn caves within its preciucts, render it in some degree like the celebrated and much larger rock-cut cave-temples of Ellora or Elephanta. In the rainy season, it presents # strangely picturesque sight, for, surrounded with water on all sides owing to inundations from the sea, it forms a little sea-girt isle. There are two large tanks in front which are said to be connected with the sea by subterraneous outlets. The Varrakkal Temple is of ancient origin, and tradition ascribes its foundation to Parasurama, the soldier, sage, and colonizer, of whom it is recorded :-" Thrice seven times did he clear the earth of the Kshatriya caste." It is dedicated to Durga, and in her honor the Dasabra Festival is celebrated in great style annually. The foundation legend is that the Kirala country was reclaimed from the ocean by Parasurama, who built temples therein and settled it with immigrants. His mother Renuka, sinned and fell from perfection, and thereupon his father, the holy Jamadagni, was exceeding wrath and commanded his sons to put her to death. None of them heeded this behest, however, until the youngest, Rama, took his axe and slew her Subsequently, Kartavirya, king of the Haiheyas, visited Jamadagni's hermitage. This monarch, with his thousand arms and wonderful golden chariot, that flew in the air and sped wheresoever he bade it go, was, with due respect, entertained, in Jamadagni's absence, by his wife. But the wicked Karta virya, inflated with the pride of valour, and in utter violation of the laws of hos. pitality, carried off the sage's sacred cow, Kama. dhenu, and felled the tall trees that stood in the hermitage-garder. For this reason, and also because to one of this accursed race his mother owed her fall, Rama forthwith attacked and overthrew the robber-king, and finally extirpated the whole race of Kshatriyas. His mother's death aud the destruction of so many brave men, however, weighed heavily on his heart, and the slayer of hostile heroes was greatly distressed. To expiate these sins he determined to create a new land and to offer it to the Brahmans. Accordingly, Kirala (Malabar) was created, whicha, being upportioned into sixty-four lots or grimas, was given away to as many Brahman townships. Temples and devalayas (houses of worship of all sorts soun sprang up in the new country. Only a few of them, however, were set up by Parasizrama himself, and one of these was the temple at Varakkal. Last year (1895), on the New Moon day (varu) of Tulam, I joined a multitude proceeding to this famous shrine. The great number of carriages that took pilgrims, the multifarious character of the people congregated, the utter confusion on all sides, the swimming, running, bathing, jumping, shouting populace made a profound impression on my mind. Numberless men, women, and children of every caste thronged the usually deserted temple; and from one end to another there was a long array of surging human beings, bathing and playing in the sea and tanks. It is supposed that on this day the sea, submissive to the deity, becomes calm, and that an underground tirtha near the temple spouts forth holy water. In honour of the occasion, oblations of karuka grass and boiled rice are thrown on the sea-waves to departed ancestors. Another reason for the importance of the Varakkal vavu, given in the neighbourhood, refers to a quaint local custom, and has almost passed into a proverb. Marriage connections are held to be at an end and all relationship to have been terminated, if a bandhu (kinsman fails to put in his appearance in a tarawad or family-house, on the vivu day. This odd social canon is still tenaciously clung to by all good folk at Varakkal. U. BALAKRISHNAN NAIR. INITIAL L AND N. LATELY, in a case before me, a native of Bengal, a convict in Port Blair, was indifferently named Nadhia Chand and Ladhia Chand. He is recorded in the list of convicts as Ludhia Chand. R. C. TEMPLE. . 1 [There is a brief note on this temple in Logan's to be dedicated to Bhagavati, Ganapati, Ayyappan, and Malabir, Yol. II, p. cccxlvi., where, however, it is stated i Dakshinamurtti.- ED.]

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INDEX. a6 in Sanskrit derivatives in Burmese. 325 ff. 4 in Om represents jagrat A, U, M Om, explained 173 173 **********... abrus enquiry into the plant, 314 ff.; Rumphius on the plant, 316 ff.:- the precatorius, varieties of, explained, 314; colors. of the seed, 314; black and red variety is the type of weight, 314; seed, names for, 314; Burmese names for, 314; old Chines rames for, 316; Dutch names for, 316; old German names for, 316; Malay names for, discussed, 316 ff.; -as a weight standard, discussion on, 314 ff.; is practically a conventional weight, 315; as standard of weight must be conventional, 317; popular weight of, 2 grs. Troy, 315; actual weights of, discussed, 315; half adenan. thera seed popularly, 314; confused with adenanthera pavonina Achyutaraya of Vijayanagara, a date of, 341 ff. noted... adenanthera, enquiry into the plant, 314 ff.; seeds Rumphius on the plant, 316 ff.:described, 315; names for, 314; Burmese names for, 314; old Chinese names for, 316 f.; old Dutch names for, 316; Malay names for, discussed, 316 ff.; old Portuguese names for, 317;- as a weight standard, discussion on, 314 ff.; is practically a conventional weight 315; as standard of weight must be conventionalised, 317; popular weight of, 4 grs. Troy, 315; two abrus seeds popularly, 314; confused with abrus precatorius, 314 ff.; mistaken for mahuya seed 814 n. adhibhuta, the meaning of ........................ 175 adhidaiva, the meaning of Adhiyajna, the meaning of. ..................................................... 175 Aeng Route, the first account of the..... 41 Air-spirits, 246 ff.; in the Konkan ............. 248 Ajmer, origin of the name, 161 ff.; origin of 161 ff. 323 94 283 **************** 175 ***********... the town (a) 'wet, a ten of viss ********** alcohol, a spirit home almonds as an article of barter ******************* *************** *********...................... mese.......................... b initial p in Sanskrit derivatives in Bur.............. 326 Badarasiddhi identified with the modern Borsad .....330 f., 332 32 34 *****....... bahishkarana, the psychological meaning of. 170 Bahunda, a woman of the Pulindas Baindavi, a former name for Vanavasi, 33; = Vanavasi 78 303 f. Baitul Pachist, a folktale version of 105 Bala, an evil spirit...... **************** ****** Banaausi Vanavasi 781. ************ 331 Alur, a village in Travancore..................... 146 anala S. 1478 expired Andaman Tokens, the, 192 ff.: the first dated 1860 in MS., 193; the second dated 1860 in MS., 193; the third dated 1861 in copper, 193; the fourth dated 1866 in copper, 193; the fifth dated 1867 on card, 193: forgeries of ***********....... 194 178 angaraki, the fourth tithi of the dark half antahkarana, the term explained................ 170 Asavalli Asaval near Ahmadabad, 195; the name discussed atma vaisvanara, the psychological meaning of..... ***************** ***************** 170 ************* atman, the psychological meaning of ......... 170 atman prajna, the term explained ............... 170 atman taijasanivritti, the term explained. 170 Attalika Atoli 228 Attic salta derivation for the expression... 10 328 ava=== ywe...... aylalum abrus precatorius seed .......... 316. aylaru pidjar: abrus precatorius seed aylaru-pohon abrus precatorius seed ***************** ************* = 316 316 .......... ************* bark cloth in the Nicobars, 265 f.; only used by the women, 266; made of split cocoanut leaves 39 *********... ... 265 46 ******************* Baroda, the name discussed Barudra = Baroda Barter, generally, discussed, 261 ff.: in the Far East, discussed, 260 ff.:- in natural produce, discussed, 281 ff.; in manufactured articles, discussed, 285 ff.:- values stated. in cash, 264 f.: articles of, as money of account, among the Chins, 312 f. troubles of trade by, explained, 212-in almonds, 283; in cattle, 285; in cloth, 286 f.; in cocoanuts, 283 ff.; cotton used in, 283; in drums, 287; in earthenware, 288; in glass bottles, 287 f.; in glass jars, 287 f.; in gold and silver trees, 289 f.; in lives,' 285; in livestock, 285; in mulberries, 283; in oxen, 285; in rice, 281 f.; in skins, 286 f.; in tea bricks, 285 f. additional notes 311. bees' wax as a form of currency in Borneo... 312 'betel-quid-taking-time' ............................................ 273 Bethala Vetal....... -- on 303 178 bhadra, the seventh tithi of the dark half 40

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344 INDEX .............. . Bhairuba = Kala-Bhairav, an earth-spirit ... 278caju-lale = abrus precatorius seed............... 516 bhakti-jijndea, the term explained ................ 213 calendar of wood, the, among the Nicobarese. 217 Bharo, story of .............. .................... 837 ff. Cambodian dates in the Saka Era ............... 148 Bhata, Panjurli spoken of as a new, 61: candareen, the origin of the term explained, the form of a big, is the form of a big 816; variants of the word, 314 ff.; conm an ................................................... 49 dorin condori, 315 f.; = mangelin...... 317 Bhata.worship, a man to represent the candarin candureen ........... ...................... 316 Bhata'............... 67 candiel Ichindl ................................... 345 n. Bhutas wandering in the form of the wind ... 61 candil - khandi ............................... 246 n. bidji-zaga = saga ............... 316 candy = khandt ............. ............ 528 n., 329 n. hirds, the language of, 27; in folktales......... 134 cannibalism in the Nicobars.................. 266 f. birth customs in Malabar .................. 84 Car-Nicobar, variations of terms from the bissa =vissa ............................................320 n. I other Nicobar Islands ........................ 269 ff. blood, mixing, with rice, as a cure ........... 25 cattle as an article of barter ..................... 285 bo(), & Burmese weight, 319: -=320 Caves in the Amherst District, Burma, a list raktikde = pala, 825; - pronounced be, of .................................................. .......... 336 326 : -=pala by etymology ............ 325 ff. cama, casaes cash, the Chinese coin............ 222 Boradri BoridrPS .................................. cepayqua = sapeque ................................... 223 Boridra, the proper form of Barodra............. 40 chakwd and chakui, in folk-tales ............ 134 1. Borivadraka = Barudra ........................ 49 Chalukyas of Badami, Western, date in Saka Borsadas = Borsidhas, a sept of Brahmans... 39 Era, 146; -of Kalyana, Western, date in Borsidh = Borsad................ 39 Saka Era, 146; - Chalukyas, Eastern, Borsidhis, a sept of Brahmans .................. 39 date in Saka Era ................................. 147 hottles, glass, as an article of barter ........ 287 f. Chandika, a heroine of the Vanavasi Legend. 33 Brahina described as Narayana's servant ... 48 Chandrasarma, a Brahman, hero of a folk. Brahmanioal thread as a spirit-scarer ......... 129 tale .............................. .............. 304 Brahmapurush, an earth-spirit ................ 278 Chandrapushkarani, a tirtha ........................ 168 Brahmarakshas, an earth-spirit, 278 :- charity' in folktules................................. 54 story of a................ .............................. 305 chashm-i-khurteabrua precatorius seed..316 n. Browne, Horace, an authority on Burmese Cheda, an earth-spirit ............................ 278 f. weights................................................. 323 f. Cheda-amar Uncle Cheda = Cheda......... 279 Budh-ashtami, the eighth tithi on a Wed. cheekaw sitke............. ........... 257 nesday .............. ..................... 178 chela, additional note on the word ............. 341 bulion, fineness of, in Burma, told by appear- chekey = sitke ....................... ..... 257 ance, 156: weight of, art of testing the, chelcoy = sitke .................... .......... 157 :-in Burina, referred to silver stand. Cheraman Perumal, his connection with the ards, 156:- currency in Burma, age of, dis. Kollam Era................... ................... 116 cussed, 982 ff.;. in China, referenoe to, chikail = sitke ................ .............. 257 233; the effeota of, 137 ff.; the evil of a, chinyroe = abrus procatorius seed ..........314, 319 discussed, 211 ff.; caution of travellers as Chittakada = Chitor .............. .............. 195 to, 201 f.:- money explained,=uncoined Chola-Keralapuram Koftar ...................... 146 currency, 155; stamped, common in Burma, Cholas, three doubtful dates in Saka Era...... 147 157 :-use of chipped, as currency, 160 ff.; chronograms in Tamil literature.................. 109 use of, in Tibet ................................... 160 f. chudumani, eclipses on certain days ............ 178 Barma, musket that exploded without cloth as an article of barter..................... 286 f. gun-powder belonging to the King of, cock's-eyes = abrus precatorius seeds ...... 316 n. explained ................ .................. 40 cocoanuts as an article of barter, 283 ff.; a Burma, coinage, introduced by King Mindon, table of exchange values in, 284; as money 155; represents the whole evolution of of account ....... coinage, 154; began 1861 A. D................ 154 coin, definition of the term, 160: coins as Burmese, script, note on, 322 :- translitera. tokens, 158:- ohipped as if bullion, in the tion, 321 f.; accents explained, 322: Maldives, 161; in Tibet, 160 f. -explanaweights, discussed in detail, 318 ff.; terms tion of the South Indian term pon............ 19 for Indian copper money, 322 .-Sanskrit ooinage in Burma began 1861 A. D., 134: words in ............. .... ................. 325 f. recent date of, 201:- the whole evolution Burmese War of 1824, an unpublished docu. of coinage represented by, 154; steps in ment regarding the ........ 40 ff. the evolution of ............ ............... 160 257 ** ......... 312

Page #351
INDEX. 345 ..... 316 colar == kuld = a stranger in Burmese ..... 43 Dates of the Harsha Era, 29 ff. :- of the common labour in Indian villages ............... 196 Saka Era in Inscriptions, 146 ff., 329 ff.: compass, points of the, among the Nico. -- Irregular, 7: - in bright fort. barese ............................................ 274 . nights, 2 ff. : - amanta, 5 ff. :-purni. condori =adenanthera (corollaria) seed, 316 :- manta, 5 ff.: -in current years, 2; in expired = candareen ............... 316 years, 2 f., 5, 7; in Southern expired years, condori parvum = candareen. 316 31., 6; in Northern expired years, 5 f. ; in condorin = condori (candareen).................... 316 Northern expired or Southern current condorium candareen .......................**** years, 3:- of the Vikrama Era from Palm. condoryn=candareen ............................... 317 leaf MSS., 1; Irregular Dates, 2 ff.; Regular conduri candareen = adenanthera pavo. Dates ......................................... ............ 1 nina ............. ............317 n. day, divisions of the, among the NicoCooke, an authority on Burmese weights ... 323 f. barese ......... ......... 271 t. Coorg, Kings of, date in Saka Era ............. 148 days of the week in Inscriptions, Sukra, 32; copper money, Indian, Burmese terms for... 322 f. Sunday, 331 f. ; Monday, 331 ff. ; Tuesday, Coraal-koruyd adonanthera pavonina ...... 316 330, 332 1.; Thursday, 330 f.; Saturday...... 332 corollaria parvifolia = adenanthera pavo. days of the week in MS. dates, Aditya, nina ..................... Sunday, 2; bhauma, 5 f.; bbaumav (sic) cotton as an article of barter ...................... 283 (Tuesday), budha, 3; guru, 3; ravi, 2 ff.; Council on a Oot, explanation of the phrase... 18 - Bani, 4, 6; 80 (soma), 3; soma, 2, 4 1., 7; counters, brass card-, used as currency......... 157 sukra................. cowries as currency discussed, 290f.:-an days, festal, of the Hindu Lunar Calendar, early notice of their use as currency, 160; 177 ff. :- Diwali, 308; Gordhan, 308; an early description of, 1594. : -as per Makar-ka-Sankrant .............. ................. 308 Bonal ornamente, 159 f.:- Bhavani- ...... 91 deenga = tanka ...................................... 241 Coyan, the Malay measure ..................... 329 n. denaing=taika........................................ 239 Cox, Hiram, on Barmese weights ............... 328 denga = tarika .............................. 238, 244 Crab's-eye = abrus precutorius seed...... 314, 327 dengga = tankre..................................... 213 cradil = khand through khart (1).............2450. 'dengi = taika................................ 242 Crawfurd on Burmese weights................... 326 f. dengui = tanka ........................................... 237 crescent money," explained.............. 161, 233 Deva-pushkarani, a 'tank' for the Bhatas ... 50 currency vs. barter, examined, 211 2.:-un. Devaraja of Maisar, a date of, noted ............. 333 coined, explained, 155; in Burma, lateness Dovendra, King of the Gandarvas,' a story of, 155 f. :-without coinage, methods of of ...............* *********** dealing in, 206 f. :- instance of an ancient devil-dancer, choice of a .............. ruler's knowledge of the value of an exact, Devil-Worship of the Tuluvas, Mr. Manner's 202:- non-metallic, in the Far East, dis. Variants of Burnell's tales ........................ cussed, 260 ff. : - conventional, discussed, dbanaka (= ? dinaq)..................................... 290 f.:- bullion-, value and weight must Dhimanta, a folk-hero ....... ............ 28 both be stated in, 203: - use of lump, of Didda, daughter of Simharaja of Lohara...... 226 fluctuating intrinsic value, 202 :-token., in ding = tarika .............. 240 the Maldives, 161 :-among the peasantry dinga, derivation of ................................. 235 ff. in the East, 157 f. -origin of, suspicion as dinga means 'a coin,' 233 :- used for rupee,' to, among peasantry, 159:- notions as to, 208: = tanka, 240:- and tickal are both among the ancient Jews, 159:- dealings at descendants of tanka............ ............. 235 the Burmese Court in 1822-3............... 200 f. dingga = tanka .......... .......... 243 disease, the demon origin of ............... 50 daker = tickal ......... ................. 256 Divasarma, a Brahman of Gannavara, a hero danaq confounded with tanka .................... 235 of folktales .......................................... 139 danaq, various forms of ...................... 241, 243 Diwali, the, a day of rest.............................. 308 Dandaka Forest, the, in folktales 27 duktai, half-plus, the term explained............ 218 Danduvakesa, a king of Vijayanagara ......... 307 donkey-riding as a punishment ........ 56 dung = dinug, 240:- = tanka ............... 240 Double-key, a note on the term, 336 f. :dang = taska .. ......... 236 doubleky = dubbeltje, 335; = doublekees, dangh = taika...................................... 335: = doublekye .................................. 835 dangh = tanka .............................. ...... dreams in folktales ................................... 133 dank = tanka ..................... 235 drums as an article of barter ...................... 287 .............. 67 H W H. . . . . . . . . . . . .. . .. .. . 239 235 .................

Page #352
346 INDEX. drunkenness-origin of ceremonial, 94 f. :among the early tribes of the Central Provinces...................................!!!**** ................ 95 dubbeltje, the coin ..................................335 f. dung as a cure, in folktales ...................... 134 Durbuddhi, a folktale hero .......................... 55 Durdama, the fisherman, a hero of Vanavasi.. 75 Durga as a tutelary goddess ..................... 224 Durgatha, a Brahman hero of folktales ...... 138 Durnaya = Durdama .................................. 77 Dwijakirtti, 'king of Cholamandala'........... 109 Godra, the name discussed ........................ gold, a 'pinch' of, in 1556 A. D. ......... gondjo = adenanthera paronina seed ........ gonho cabeca preta = gondjo ...................... 317 gonzo chapete = goudjo............ ............... 317 Govattana identified with the modern Kotna ............ to.............. 39 Gordhan, the day after the Diwali............... 308 Grammar, Kasmiri, notes on ..................188 ff, Guga, Guru, as a snake god ..................... 84 gunja = rati ............................................ 314 Guttas of Guttal, date in Saka Era ........... carthenware as an article of barter ......... 288 carth-spirits, list of the best known .........277 ff. eclipses visible in Southern India noted in dates ........ .. ekadabis in dates ............. ekakoba, the term explained...................... 170 Era, Saka, discussed at length, 146 ff.: nomenclature of, discussed at length, 148 ff. : - locality of, discussed, 146 ff.; territorial spread of, 148:--dates of the, 329 ff. Eras, Kollam, discussed, 113 ff.; Saptar. sbi, discussed, 118; Sastrasamvatsara = Saptarshi, 118; Travancore, the three...... 113 f. Erunda Muni, a folk-hero ........................... 25 Exchange, general notes on the variation of, in Far East, 309: - mistakes as to calculating, in books, 309: - note on ancient ratios of, 311:- between silver and gold in XII, XIII, XIV Centuries A. D., 309; up to XVII Century A.D. in the East, 309 f. ; in Cochin-China, S10; in Chinese Shan States, 310; in Siam, 310; definite rates of, in Burma, 310:- between silver and lead in Burma, 310 f. : -between silver and tin in Southern Burma ......... ................ 311 Hadal, a water-spirit............................... Haimantaka, a folk-hero ...................... Hamilton, Alexander, on Burmese weights ... 327 hanging as a punishment in folktales ......... 105 Harihara II. of Vijayanagara, a date of, noted ..................................................... 331 Harsha of Kasmir ........................................... 927 Harsba Era, Dates of the..................... 29 ff. Hedali = Hadal ..... 293 Hinda titles for Musalmans, instances of ... 224 hinong = bark cloth............................... 265 Holy Stones ............................................... Hopkinson, Col., of the First Burmese War, notes on ............ Hoysalas, dates of the, noted, 330 .: - of Dorasa-mudra, date in Saka Era ......... 147 hridi ayan, the term explained .................. Hunda, the Pulinda hunter, a hero of the Vanavasi Legend .......... Hushkapura = Ushkur ...... ...... ..... fate, part played by, in folktales ............... 138feathers, use of, in folktales 107 fettees = pitis ....................... 328 Fire-legend, the Andaman, 14 ff.; its likeness to the Prometheus Legend........................ 16 Fire-spirits ............................... ............ 246 .... Folktales in the Central Provinces, 54, 104 ff., 133, 165 ff., 195 f., 280:- in Southern India, 81 f.; in Salsette .................... 337 ff. on . ..... ..... Ide Ide Malacco = abrus precatorins ........ Ilias (Mehtar), bis connection with Lal Beg... 83 Indian liquorice = abrus precatorius seed ... 814 Indische Palaeographie, Buhler's, noticed ... 336 indriya, the meaning of ............................ 170 Indumukhi, a courtesan of the Vijayanagar Court ............................ .................. 20 inscriptions, their value to history, 57; valne of the Asoka, 57:- Travancore, a note ..113 ff. Inscriptions, edited : in the Harsha-Sarvat from the Panjab... 29 f. Khajuraho of Harsba-Samvat............... 30 f. Kottar, 392 M. E. ..............................148 ff. Kottar, 392 M. E., dated in the reign of Sri-Vira-Raman Keralavarman ......... 145 Kottar, 396 M. E................................145 f. Kottar, 396 M. E., dated in the reign of Sri-Vira-Raman Keralavarman ......... 146 Panjaur of Harsha-Samvat ................ 29 Puruvari, 335 M. E. ....................... 141 f. Puruvari, 335 M. E., dated in the reign of Vira-Rarivarman .......... ............ 143 Gana Vidya Saljivini, a modern Treatise on Hindu Music, noticed ............................ 56 qandal = gandd .................................... 245 n. Gangas, Eastern, of Kalinganagara, date in Saka Era, 147:- Western, dates in S&ka Era, 147, 330 : -- of Gangavadi = Western Gangus ................................................ 147 God, the secret' names of .................. 214 Godbra = Godra ......... ****......... 401

Page #353
INDEX. 347 .. 139 173 .... 18 ion = yongdo .................. ............ 259 Kesava Bhat, the hero of a South-Indian iron, ingots, as an article of barter............ 288 f. Folktale ......................... .................. 18 f. iron-ware as an article of barter ............... 288 f. ketaki flower, the story of the, at Vanavasi... 71 Isara Ballal, a hero of the Pafijurli Legend ... 3 Kharf River, name discussed .................... 40 Isukathakkidigadu of Yachavara, a hero of King Charles' Tears = abrus precatorinis folktales ......... ......... seed ...... ...***** . .***** *** .................. 314 n. isvara = S. 899 expired, 330: = $. 1319 ...... 331 KishmAksha, the father of Suda.................. 72 Kochchi = Cochin, has the same root as jagrat, the term explained ... Korkai and Kollam, 114: = Kolachcbai ... 115 Jakhai = Jokhai, an earth-spirit .............. 279 kol = royal town, 115:- in Kollam, Korkai Jarawa, the name of Andaman Tribe - its (kol + kai) and Kochchi = Kolachchai, probable origin ....................... means seaport, harbour ............... Jarimari, an epidemic spirit......................... 249 kollam, various explanations of the word, jars, glass, as an article of barter ........... 287 f. 115f.; a territorial term, 114:- = KoJavan dates in the Saka Era .................... 148 lamba, 115:- has the same root 48 jaya, the twelfth tithi .............................. 178 Kocbehi = Cochin, 114 ; as Korkai ......... 114 Jaya and Vijaya, the watchmen guarding Kollam Era, a note on, 113 :: explained, the god Narayana ............ ................ 47 114 ff. : the event it is intended to comJayachchandra, a story of ....................... 111 memorate discussed.................................116 f. JAyasratha of Panchala, a folktale about...... 137 kondorim candareen ................................ 316 jayanti, the twelfth tithi ............................... 178 *Kondori-batang = adonanthera pavonina seed. 316 Jayant, a former name for Vanavasi.........33, 78 korava, a birth custom in Malabar ............ 84 Jayantipura = Vanavasi ............................ 79 Korkai, the oldest known capital of the Jayasimha of Kasmir ........ ................. 278 Pandyas, 114: = kol + kai, 114: has the jettons used as currency ........................... 157 same root as Kochchi = Cochin, 114; as Job's Tears == seed of coix lacryma .........314 n. Kollam .................................................. 114 Joki Jakhai ....................................... 279 Kottar, names for, 146 1.: Chola-KeralaJudson, an authority on Burmese weights... 323 f. puram, 144: Mummadi-Chojanallar...... 142 krishnala =rati................. ................ 314 Kadambas of Hingal, date in Saka Era ...... 147 Krishnarija of Maisar, a date of, noted ...... 333 Kafri, an earth-spirit............................ 279 Krishnaraya of Vijayanagara, a date of, Kaitabha, son of Suda ............................. noted ............... ............... 330, 332 f. Kaitabhesvara = Kaitabha ................... 75 Kshatrapas, the Western, their terms for Kakatiyas of Worangal, date in Saka Era ... 147 year' ............. KAla-Bhairav = Bhairoba ......................... 278 Kshemagupta of Kasmir, his marriage with Kalachuryas of Kalyana, date in Saka Era ... 146 Didda .............. 226 kilayukta = $. 1420 expired ................... 330 Kshitiraja, son of Vigraharaja of Lohara ... 226 Kalenaka = Kuliyan........................... 228 PS. Kularjak of Alberdni = Tatakati ............ 229 f. Kali, a storm goddess ........................... 248 Kumudra, a sacred stream in the Dharwar Kali Era, a note on the use of, in Travancore 113 f. District ................. ............ 71 Kalinga, the King of, in folktales ............. 28 Kumbhanda, a Pulinda .... Kalyanapura, in folktales...... ***......... 27 Kuntibhoja, 'King of Anantapur ................ Kandaler in folktales representa Rajpatana... 25 n. Kurunkudi = Tirukkurunkudi in TinneKanthirava Narasaraja of Maisur, a date of, velly ................................. ........ 142 noted .............................. .................. 333 Kuthuveluku, heroine of a folktale ............ 165 Kannadeva = Karna II............. ............... 195 kyat, a Burmese weight, 319:= tickal, 320; Karaga, a hero of the Paljurli Legend ...... 63 = rupee, 321: table of ordinary bazar karanas in inscriptions ....... 333 expressions for parts of the ................ 321 Karkotadranga = Drang ... Karpataka, hero of a folktale ............... Kasadraha = Kasandra ............... land n, initial............................................ 342 Kasandra, the name discussed .............. 40 Lahur of Alberuni is Lohara ............... Kasmir, ancient topography of ................ 225 Lal Beg, etymology of ..................... Kathay Salones = Selungs ..... 86 ! Idlan, the term explained...................... Kattil Subhadar, see Subhadar of the Cot ... 20 land measurement system of Tanjore er. Kaumudi, a former name for Vanavasi .......33, 78 plained .............. ................. 143 kaviraj, as a Musalman title ..................... 28 | Latter, an authority on Burmese weights...319 ff. 73 **..... 153 ***.. 36 223 229 ... 107

Page #354
318 INDEX. 285 173 co Lauh&war = Lahore ............ 230 martyrology, a point in Indian .................. 280 Lauhdr of Alberuni is Lohara ..................... 230 Maruts, storm-gods ................................... 247 life-index-instance of ...................****** 108 mat-pyd = pie ....................................... 323 lives as an article of barter .................... 285 Maung Bah Wah, the Burmese writer, a note livestock as an article of barter .................. on his writings........... ..................201 n. Loh Kot = Lohara ........ ........... 231 Metal Tokens Act, Indian, its bearing on Lobara, the Castle of, 225 ff.: its importance currency ............................................. 157 in Kasmir History, 225is in the Lohrin metamorphosis in folktales - hero into a fly.. 107 Valley in Punchh, 226; now totally ruined, metem psychosis, an instance of rooted 232: referred to in Albertini's Indica......229 f. Indian belief in ............ .....................133 n. Loharakotta Lohara ........................... 225 Mhaiebebur, an earth-spirit Bu, ab earth-spirit ................... 279 Loh rin Valley, the ................................. 225 f. Mhasoba = Mbaishasur ............................. 279 Loran = Lohfrin .................................... 225 Mhaskoba Mhai hasur ........................... 279 lamp silver, use of, as currency .................. 201 Mindon, King of Burma, introduced the lunations, terms for the, in the Nicobars ...... 270 coinage ...............*** ............... 155 miracles, supplies of food in folktales ......... 340 moles, lucky 128 M in Om representa sushupti ................... money, Anglo-Indian denominations for, Nadhu, son of Suda .................................. 73 adaptation of, in Burma, 320: Indian Madhuka, the linga at Vapavisi................. copper, Burmese terms for, 322 f. :-freMadhuka, a name for VanavAsi................. quently mentioned in the Jatakas or Zats, Madhukesvara, the god of the Yarada 234; expressions used for, in the Jatakas River, 34; = Madhuka, 71: -- the story of, are all weights................ .......... 234 35 f. : -- the origin of the name ............... 72 months in MS. Dates: - mahadradafi, the eight kinds of the twelfth Asbadha ................... ...........................3, 5, 332 tithi ............... ................. 178 bhadrapada ................ mahajayd, the seventh tithi of the bright bhadrapada......................... half ............ ....................... 178 bhadrava ............ .**** Mahamari, an epidemic spirit .................... 249 bhadrara .....................**.**** Mahavira, a folktale king of " Kandabar" ... 25 chaitra ........................................ Mahmud of Ghazni, his connection with jyeshtha ................ Lohare ........ ..................... 231 laukika-kartika .................................. Mahmad Shah, a common royal' name in kartika ........................................... the Dakhan ........................................ 27 magha .. ......................................... mahiyd seed mistaken for adenanthera pavo. maha (magha)................................... nina seed ................ ...........................814 n. margao ...................... ...... Mairavi, a cave near Vanavasi ................" 73 pausha ............. Maisar, Kings of, date in Saka Era...... 148, 333 f. phalguna ..................................... Makar-ka-Sankrant, a day of rest ...............S08 phalguna .................................... Makara (Uttarayana)-sankranti.................. 332 prathama jyeshtba ..................... Malcom on Burmese weighte .................... 327 srava.na...********* Malla, a king of Vanavasf, 36:- his defeat vaisakha ..................3, 333 by Hunda......................******* ....................69 f. months in Inscriptions: Mall&rjuna of Lohara, a pretender ........... 229 bh&drapada intercalary........................ 332 manas, the meaning of ............................ 170 jyaishtha ........................................ 32 Manasasaras, a story of the Lake ......... 112, 252 jyeshtha intercalary ............. 332 Mandt Valley in the Pir Pantsal Range ...... 228 months, lunar, in the Nicobars, names of ...269 f. Mandukya Upanishad ............................ 169 mu, a Burmese weight, 319; small, explained, mangelin = candareen............................. 317 320 :- decimal scale of, explained, 320; mantsjadi = mangelin .............................. 317 quaternary scale of, explained ................ 320 manus gun, the term explained ............... 107 n. mudrds, the Buddhist, explained ................ 24 f. marks, sect., as a spirit-scarer, 127: skin, mulberries as an article of barter ............ 283 lucky.............................. ............... 128 Makdi Jakhdi ......................................... 279 marriage custom, in Malabar, 342:- in the Mummudi-Cholanallar ................................. 142 Panjab ................................................ 140 Munja, an earth-spirit ............................. 279 Martanda, a Brahman, a hero of the Vana vasi Legend........... ........... 33 n and , initial............ .............. . . .. O : ONNO : 342

Page #355
INDEX. 349 ... 266 833 184 nakshatras in Inscriptions: ol-ho = bark-cloth Hasta.............................*** Om, the term explained, 173:- the meaning Mrigasirsha...................... 333 of the symbol, 170:- the Vedic view of Rohini .......................................... 332 | the term, 173:- = trikanba.. .............. 175 Uttara-Bhadrapada ......................... 331 Om mani padme, the sense of the expression nakshatras in MS. Dates: - explained .............. .............. 175 Hasta................... ordeal, an, in the Panjab.... name, the forbidden, in folktales ............... oxen as an article of barter .......................... 205 names, opprobrious, a note on ............ Nandana, King of Malabar' ............ 26 Pada, the writer of Agoka's Siddapur inscripNarasa of Vijayanagara, a date of, noted...... 330 tione .... ......................................384 1. Narasimha I., the Hoysala, a date of, noted... 331 padmakayoga, a meeting of the sixth and nats in Burma ...... ................ 297 seventh tithis on a Sunday ...................... 178 Navakoti Narayara Septi, hero of a South pai'sdi-tabyd = a pice ............................... 322 Indian folktale ...... 18 pakshavardhini, the twelfth tithi ............... 178 Navldi Jakhai ......... 279 pala, the ancient Indian copper standard Troy Nayakas of Velur, a date in Saka Era......... 148 weight, 318:- importance of the, 48 a ngwe, silver,' used also for 'rupee'............ 208 standard weight, 318 : = 320 raktikas, im. ngwedinga, 'silver coin,' used also for portance of the proportion thus observed, rupee ............................................. 208 1. 318:=b6(1) =320 raktikus, 325; = b ) by Nicobarese, notes on the, 265 ff. : - numera etymology ............................................ 325 f. tion, origin of, 217; use both the direct and Paujurli, origin of the Bhuta, 47 ff.: - "esinverse methods of numeration, 218; tablishment" of, 66:- 28 a great boar born numeration on the fingers, 217; reckon by from the perspiration of Narayana, 48:the score (vigesimal system), 217: a the name given ..................................... 50 score,' the lowest number of coconuts papandsins, the twelfth tithi ..................... 178 enumerated by the, 217; their expressions paper as currency discussed, 291 f. :-in the for collective numbers, 221; their notions Andaman Islands, 292 n. :-in the Cocosof expressing fractions, 220: numerals and Keeling Islands ............ ..................... 292 n. arithmetic, 217: their methods of addition Paraburma, a variant of the legend of ...... 342 and subtraction, 220: never attempt mul Parnotsa - Prants ................................... 225 tiplication or division, 220 : wwe of numeral parthiva - S. 1887 expired .......................332 n. coefficients, among the, 221 f.: - divisions Parana Bhaktas, Wind worshippers ............. 247 of the day and night, 271 ff.; their expres. phala, a weight of silver = pala................. 210 sions for recurrent time, 221 : mode of pe, a Burmese weight, 319: - small, explainreckoning time and distance, 273 ff. : their ed ............ ...................................... 320 method of expressing distance, 222:- peiya = teiya -tayd explained............... 329 points of the compass, 274f.; steering by pekba, a Burmese weight, 319:- = viss ... 320 n. the sun and stars, 278 f.; winds and pettye = pitie, 328:- Pegue copper ......... 328 clouds, 276 f.: astronomy in the, 268 f.; pice = pai'sds-tabya in Burmese .............. 823 divisions of the year, 269 f.:- bark-cloth pichis = pitis............... ** ................. 328 in the, 265 f.:-cannibalism, 266 f. :- pie = mat-pya in Burmese ....................... 323 swimming ............................................267 1. Pir-i-Dastagir, his connection with Lal Beg... 83 night, divisions of the, among the Nioo. pissa vissa ..................... ... .......... 320 n. barese, 271 ff.; divisions of time on moon pitis, small brass, copper or tin money light, among the Nicobarese, 273: among the Malays...... process of reckoning time by, among the plavanga = $. 1769 expired Nicobarese .............................................. 273 pon, a small gold coin in Tanjore ................ nigori in Burmese explained ................ 322 n. posseeign by Bhata, an instance of ............ nivritti dtman taijasa, the term explain prdjfia, the meaning of ................................ ed ........... ............... 170 premdthin = S. 1082 current .................. Ndrzana, a courtesan of Delhi in folktales : pravritti of purusha, the term explained ... 170 Pa corruption of Nor Jahan ................ 20 Prinsep's account of the assay of the Ava Bullion, 1826... .......... ............... 327 oculi sturnorum = abrus preoatorius seed... 316 Prometheus Legend, its likeness to the ogres, properties of, in folktales................. 106 Andaman Fire-legend ......... ointment as a spirit-scarer .......................... ................. 10 1. Pronts = Punchh ....... 225 331

Page #356
350 INDEX. ..... 316 151 *** . .. 151 Palikasi, a woman of the Pulindas ............ 34 saga-timbangan = rakat .......... Palindas, the tribe, mentioned .................. 34 Saka Era, discussed at length, 116 ff.:-no. werd, the term explained ......................... 1971 menclature of, discussed at length, 148 ff.; puerds of Burma, business of the ............ 197 f. - a note on the use of, in Travancore, 1mon, the term explained ....................... 199 113 f.: - dates of the ........................ 329 ff. Saka-kala Saka Era ................................ 149 quoyane = coyan .............. 329 n. Saka-Sarhvat = Saka Era ...................... Suka-Vaz'sha = Saka Era ............ Rajapuri = Rajauri ............. Sukn-varskoshv-atiteslu = Saka Era ......... rejas, the meaning of ............................. 170 Sak-Abde = Saka Exa ................ vokat = rati abrue precatorius seed......... 316 Sak-abde - Saka Era .......................... rokoshasa = $. 1118 current....................... 330 Saka-vatsare = Saka Era ......................... raktika =rati, 314: -run 320 to the pala, Sakansipa-kAl-&tita-Samvatsara = Saka Era. in ancient Indian standard weights ......... 318 Sakansipa-Samvatsara baka Era .............. Ramadova of Vijayanagara, a date of, noted... 381 Snkastasringa, King of Mallikapura'......... Rana Mandalikka of Vamanathali (Vanthli)... 195 sakay = sitke ................ Ranasinganallur = Erneil Taluka............... 146 Sake - Saka Ern ......................................... Ranijit Singh, his connection with Lohara ... 231 Sako Saka Era .......... Rashtraktas of Malkhod, date in Saka Era... 146 Salivaha = Salivahana................................ rati, the term conveys a conventional weight, Salivahana occurring in Saka Date ............ 150 315; = abrus seed, 314 ff.; = by confusion Salones - Selunge ............ .................... 85 also adenanthera seed, 314 tf.: and double salt, a widely worshipped guardian, 9:- as rati, confusion of, explained, 314; double, a spirit-scarer, 9: - consecrated, its uses, explained ................... 13: - over the left shoulder, throwing, Rattas of Saundatti, date in Saka Era ...... 147 explained............................................... 12 raudra = $. 1542 expired ....................... 831Samarasiha, lord of Chittakuda (Chitor) ...... 195 raundar y ongdu ................................... 259 Sambarani, a note on ................................ 60 red-hand, the, stamped at Tilokpur Temple... 84 Satkaracharya, his date still doubtful......... 117 Red Sappanwood = Red Sandalwood.........314 1. Sankrantis in dates ............... 330 ff. Red Sandalwood, term explained, 314 n.: - sumyusvatha, the term explained ...... ...... 7 seed = adenanthera pavonina..................... 314 sandhi in Burmese noted .......................... 329 Red Sanderswood -- Red Sandalwood ......314 n. Sanskrit words in Burmese .................... 325 f. Redwood seed = adenanthera pavonina ...... 314 santa = sata ...... ................ 225 hoan = tong do ..................... .......... 259 sapek = sapeque............ ............... 223 2. ribbons, a spirit-scarer ......... ........... 7 sapeque, derivation of the word, 222 ff. : from rice as an article of barter ......................281 f. Malay sapaku ....................... ***************. ............... 122 ring as a means of recognition, in folktales... 135 sapocon = sapeque ................................ 22 ringdar = yongdo....... sapoon = supocon = sapeque ...................... 23 rondai = yongdo ................ .............. 259 sappica = sapeque ........... .............. 23 rondailyongdo .............. ................ 289 Saptarshi Era, remarks on the ................. 118 rondaye yongdo ................. ***.... ..... 259 Sarada Alphabet used in an inscription ...... 29 rubies, tears turning into, in folktales ......... 108 Sarambara - Chambar ....................... 228 f. Rumphius on the plants abrus and adenan- Sarasvatipurs on the banks of the Krishna, a thera ........... ........................ 316 ff. story of .................. ............. 305 run, forms of, 259:= yung=yongdo........... 259 tarira, the psychological meaning of ......... 170 runday = yongdo .................................... 259 sarvadharin S. 1450 expired ................ 332 punyd'hau = yongdd ................................... 259 sarvajit S. 1390 current ...................... 332 f. rupee = kyat, 321: - as token.................. Sarvari = $. 1102 expired ......................... 331 rretnee = ywetni ........................ sardoparamatvat, the term explained............ 173 sarvoparamatvat suskupti, the expression Sacramentum Catechumenorum explained ... 11 explained ................ Sadasivariya of Vijayanagara, a date of, Sastrasanvatsara - Saptarshi Era ............ noted................................ ****...... 331 sata, a string of 200 cash ....................... saga = abrus precatorius seed, 316 h.: in sateleer, derivation of ....................... 290 Java = candareen=adenanthera pavonina satallie = sateleer ..................................... 200 seed ............................................. 317 n. Satkuvaris, the, are air-spirits .......... 249 saga-puku - adenanthera pavonina seed ... 316 sattoa, the meaning of ............................. 179 ...... 174 292

Page #357
INDEX. 351 ... 83 .... .. *** .... 91 ................... ........... .... . 109 Satyapura - the modern Sachor ............... 194 Satyavakya Kongunivarman Permanadi, the Western Ganga, a date of, noted Satyavrata, wife of Danduvakesa .............. sarage life, not simple ............................. Savarnika = Saran ................................ 229 Sayyid 'Abdu'l-Qadir Jilani - Pir-i-Dasta gir ......... Scott, J. G., an authority on Burmese weights ................. ....................... 324 f. sekke =sitled ........................................... 257 Selungs of Mergui, the.................. 85 ff., 119 ff. Setupatis of Ramnad, date in Saku Era ...... 148 shells as spirit-scarers Siamese money in 1827....... .................. 206 Sibi, King of the Nishada Country,' a story of ................................................ 304 Siddhanta Deepika, the, noticed ............... 196 Siharakkhi identified with the modern Serkhi. 39 S h ara = Silara .............................. .... 147 Silard = Silara ...................................... 14 Silgras, date in Saka Era ............................ 147 silver as currency, 160:- use of lump as currency, 201: silver bits, 198:silver' (ngrod) translated by "rupees,' 208 : the 'legal' qualities of, 198; quality of, its bearing on trade, 202: - the 'face' of, 201 f.: - the standard of currency in Burma, 156 : -ounces of, in 1297 A. D. ... 233 Simharaja of Lohara, father of Didda ......... 226 Simha-samkrinti .............. ............. 331 Sinda, date in Saka Era ...... 147 Sitala, worship of, in Calcutta..................... eitheh kitkeh =sitle................................. 258 sitke, history of the word......................... 256 ff. sitke, the object of giving the derivatives of the Burmese word ........... ............... 235 sitke, final l present in derivatives of ......... 245 Sivaratri festival, origin of the, at Vanavasi ........................ 71 skins is an article of barter......................... 286 small-por, a superstition as to, in Calcutta ... 112 dobhakrit S. 1585 expired ..................... 333 subhana = 68bhakrit.............. .......... 333 soldeer korls = adenanthera pavonina seeds... 316 solder seeds = adenanthera pavonina seeds. 316 n. sumavati, the fifteenth tithi of the dark half on a Monday ............ ............ 178 Sonda, a note on **....... 79 f. sonicchia mort .............. 340 sons, procuring, in folktales ..................... 73 Spearman, an authority on Burmese weights, 323 f. spell, breaking a, in folktales ...................... 134 spirit-origin of the term, 94; - origin of the application of the term to alcohol 94 ; - origin of the application of the term to liquor ..... ........ 90 spirits, base of belief in, 304: among the Hindu, are the souls of injured persons, 245 : - fear of spread of in India, 294 ff. : - must not touch the ground, 140:- in Ceylon, 295:- classes of, 245: - Air, 246 ff.; Earth, 277 ff.; Epidemic, 249 ff. ; Fire, 246; Plague, 251; Underground, 294; Water, 293 ff. : - evil, enemies are, S0S; evil, strangers are ............ ......... 303 spirit-haunts, bedsteads ....................... 224 spirit-scarers: Brahmanical thread ......................... moles .......... ointment ............. ribbons ...... ............. salt sect-marks ........................ . shells skin-marks ............................................. spittle .................................................... sugar ************** ******** ** sulphur............ ........ . .... .. ***** .......... tattooing ........................................... 126 threads ....................................... 12 umbrella ....................................... 129 f. spittle - its origin as a spirit-scarer, 97; as a spirit-scarer, 97; as a guardian, 97: horror and honour of, origin pf, 97:- of a holy man, properties of the ..................... 97 fremukha = S. 1435 expired ...................... 332 stuna (to a Bhata), choosing the site, 62; space required for .................................... 62 Starling's-eyes = abrus precatorius seeds... 316 11. stars, steering by the, among the Nicobarese, 275 f. steering by sun and stars, among the Nicobarese ................ 273 f. Stevens, 1775, on Burmese weights ............ 328 Subhadar of the Cot, explanation of the phrase ................ Subramanya, a god ........... Subuddhi, a fokltale hero ............ Suda, an Asura ............ suffixes, Nicobarese, indicating direction and motion ............................................. 275 sugar as a spirit-scarer.................................. 102 sukha, the fourth tithi of the bright half..... sukla = S. 1671 expired sulphur as a spirit-scarer ......... .............. 103 sun, steering by the, among the Nicobarese ........................ ............. 275 f. Sussala of Lohara .............. ................. 227 Symes on Burmese weights ..................... 32 112 atese . ...... * ** ** 178 tackal = tickal ........................ tacque = taka............ taijas, the meaning of taka = tarika ............... ..... 23) 170 235 .

Page #358
352 INDEX . . . . ...... .... 255 . ......... .. . ... .. ... 239 242 ....... takal = tickal................ ...................... 255 takel = tickal........... 256 takku = taka .................... 240 takyap = tickal ....................................... 255 takyat = tickal ......... tali, a string of cash ......... 280 talisman, carried on the head, a folktale about a ............................................... 167 f. tally-sticks among the Nicobarese............... 217 tamas, the meaning of ....... ............... 170 tamatke silver 207 tamga = tanka .............. 237 tring = tanka .............. 240 tanga = tarka ............ 236 tangga = tanka ..................................... 241 tanghe = tanka ............ tingkit = tanka ........ tango = anika ..................................... 240 tangua = tanka ..................................... 238 tangue = taula ............ ............... 239 tank, a version of the tale of the tank that won't fill ......... tank = dana......... a = (anika ........... tanka, history of the modern forms of, 235 ff.:-the origin of both tickal and dinga, 235:- oonfounded with danaq, 235; with thok ........... .............. 235 tankam = tanka ...... tankha = tarika ................. ............. 241 tanki = taika ............... ............... 299 tarega, the term explained, 199: the history of the word ........................................199 f. tattooing, origin of, 126:-root-object is to secure luck, 128:- not originally ornamental, 128 :- general object a spirit-home, 129; as a spirit-soarer, 196:- antiquity of.. 127 tchanka = tanka...................... ................ 241 tea-bricks as an article of barter..............285 f. tears turning into rubies, in folktales ......... 108 tecale = tickal ........ ........... 253 tecali = tickal ...... ............... 253 tocul = tiokal .............................. 245 n., 253 tokull tickal ........................................ 245 n. tenga = tanla ........................................ 244 tengkd = tarka ....................................... 243 tingkaro =dinga (dingddo) 235 tenka = tanka.... 237 thieves, testing the intelligence in folktales... 136 thok confounded with taka .......................... 235 threads, as spirit-scarer ............................... 129 tical tickal........................................... tiokal is the standard fiscal weight, 235:- of silver, the, the standard of value, 210 : confusion as to the value of, 809: - valuation of money and property in, 204 ff.; super seded by the rupee in places in 1826, 206 ; =kyat, 320: - derivation of, 235 ff. derived through Talaing ke, hiki, h'ko, 245; from tanka through taka, 235: - and dingd are both descendants of tarika, 235 : --- history of the word, 253 ff. :-pronunciat ion of, 245:- the final l in, discussed...... 235 tikal = tickal ......................................... 254 time, mode of reckoning, among the Nicobarese.............. ................ 273 f. Tirukkurunkadi = Kurunkkudi in Tinne velly .................................................. 142 Tirukudi Srinivasa Revu, a date of, noted ... 332 tithi - vaishnavi, noted .................333 and n. tithis, a list of the, 178 ff.:-on festal days, the fourth, 178; the seventh, 178; the eighth, 178; the eleventh, 178; the twelfth, 178; eight kinds of the twelfth, 178; the fifteenth ........................................... 178 t'ke = tickal .............................. ..... 256 tok = thok ............................................ 235 tokd = taka ............... ............ 240 tokens, irregular, as currency, explained, 157:-notes on the Andaman, 192 ff.; card, in the Andamans, 193; copper, in the Andamans ............................................. 193 Tosamaidan Pass in Kasnir ...................... 226 transliteration, Burmese, explained ......... 321 f. Trant's Two Years in Ava described............ 41 trees, gold, as an article of barter, 289 f. ; Bilver, as an article of barter....................289 f. trikoka, the term explained ...................... 170 trisparba, the twelfth tithi ........................ 178 tsakai = sitke .............. 258 tseekay = sitke ..................................... treetkai s itko ...................................... tseitke = sitke............... tsekkai =sitke ............ 257 tsekke = sitke ............................. tsetkay sitke........... tsikal = sitke ............................. tsikee = sitke .......... tsitkai sitke............... tsitkay =sitke tsjontajii = tajontejo ................. ........ tsjontejo = abrus precatorius seed............. 316 ttanga'h = tarka .......... tual = tickal .................................... 253, 328 tubbee explained........................................ 328 tucka = taka ........... ***............ 256 tula, a weight of silver, 209:- a note on Mr. J. G. Scott's use of the term................... 325 f. tuld-(vishuva)-sankranti ...... 331 tunga = tanka.............. Tungaveluku, heroine of a folktale ........... 165 tunika =tanka ..... 236 ***... 242 257 257 .. .*** * 257 ..... 257 241 .... 241

Page #359
INDEX. 353 -... 173 . . anaval .. .. ........... 78 - 209 tunkum=tunika.......... ................ 244 | Vikramacbolapandiya-puram = Alor .......... 146 tutenague = spelter .......... .......... 223 n. Vikramarka, a story of the throne of .........304 f. tycal = tickal.................. .............. 204, 253 Vikramarka, a story of............. .......... 306 Dikrita = S. 1478 expired .............. ..... 331 Vimalavati, a folktale about Lake........ u in Omn represents sapna ........... Vinnagar Ajvar of Puravari, a god ........... 142 Uchchala of Lohara, the Pretender and Vira-Ballkla, the Hoysala, a date of, noted...330 f. Usurper ............................................... 227 Vireda, a Brahman, a hero of the Vanavisi Ulla Khan, 4 nickname of Alinkedin ......... 195 Legend ......... .............. 34 umbrella, the religious element in the...... 130 ff. Virapeksha of Vijayanagara, a date of, umbrella, a survival of solar-worship, 131: noted .......................... ..................331 f. a spirit home, 129f; as a spirit-scarer ...129 f. viss, the Burmese weight, 203 : = pekba, unmilani, the twelfth tithi .......................... 178 320 n.; = vissa 320 n.:- of gold in 1658 updsand, the term explained .................... 173 A. D., 234; of silver as a statement of Utkarsha of Kasmir and Lohara................ 226 f. value ..................................................... 203 uttartiyana sankranti ............................... 331 vissa = viss ..............................................320 n. Uttara-Bhadrapada nakshatra mentioned ... 331 visna of atman, the term explained ............ 170 Voriradraka = Barodra ............. ...... 40 vyaya =$. 1448 expired ........................... 330 Vagh@las of Gujarat, a Jaina account of the end of the.............. ..................194 ff. Vijayanti = Vanavisi......... Wakha, an epidemic spirit ....................... 249 Vaishnava tithi ......................................... 330 water-spirits ............... ............... 293 1. odisnu, the meaning of............................. 170 weekboomen = candareen ......................... 311 Vajasaneya Upanishad .......................... 213 weight, its value where there is a lump or valuation of property in Burma in pre-cur. bullion currency, 203 ; money reckoned by, rency days ............................ 207; valuation of money by, 204 ff.; Vanavani, a note on the history of ............78 f. valuation by, in Burma in 1476 A. D., 210 ; Vanavasi-Mahatmya, the, translated......... 33 ff. money paid by, in Burma in 1782, 204 : Vanik&vasa = Van = Ban..................... 228 f. 'weight' synonymous with 'money,' 206; vanjult, the twelfth tithi .............................. 178 = money in the Jatakas, 234 ; paying Varadi, efficacy of bathing in the ................... 76 fines by, 206 : weight of silver as a stateVaraham la = Barsmall..... ......... 227 ment of price, 207; - basketfuls' of Varak ka! Temple, its dedication, 342 and n. : rapees, 206 ;- bushels' of rupees, 206; - - a note on a festival at the .................. 342 a'mule-load' of money (gold and silver)... 207 parshut = 'year' frequently in Saka Dates... 153 weigh te, Oriental bullion, system of enquiry Vasanthayaji, a Brahman of Sriramapura on into, explained, 313 f. ; vastness of subject, the Timraparni, a hero of folktales ......138.f. 313 : -- Burmese, discussed in detail, 318; Vodenerayanapura, name of a village in a authorities on, 323 ff.: Hiram Cox on, 328; folktale.......................................... Crawfurd on, 326 f.; Alexander Hamilton Vehichcha, a former name for the Khari on, 327 ; standard, Latter's list, 319; Malcom River ................................................ 40 on, 327; Stevens, 1775, on, 328; Symes on, Vejayanti - Vanavasi .............................. 78 328; Wilson on, 328 f.:-Burmese scale can Vetal, an earth-spirit .......... ......... 277 ff. be stated in terms of Indian scale, 325; has Vigraha, a king mentioned in an inscription same origin as Indian scale, 325; denomiin the Harsha Era ... ............. 29 nations, Burmese, concurrent systems of, Vigraharaja of Lohara, nephew of Didda...... 226 320 ff. ; applied to Anglo-Indian money, Vija (Lightning), an air-spirit .................. 249 320 :- current standards in Burma, have Dijaya = S. 1396, 332; = S. 1456 current, always differed, 319 :-quaternary scale 332: - mistaken for vikrama .................. 332 of mu explained, 320; decimal scale of mu vijaya, the seventh tithi of bright half, 178; explained, 320 :-- Indian scale can be stated the eleventh tithi ........... ......... 178 in terms of Burmese scale, 325; has game Vijayanagara, kings of, date in Saka Era... origin As Burmese scale, 325:- ancient 148, 330 ff. standard in India, of gold, 318; of silver, Vijaye vara = Vijabror = Bijbihara ......... 228 318; of copper........ vikram a mistaken for vijaya ....................... 332 ......................... 318 wife, testing the, in folktales ..................... 339 Vikrania Era Dates from Palm-leaf MSS. ... 1 Wilson on Burmese weights .................... 328

Page #360
354 INDEX. .... ... witch-trials, a note on ........ ....... 301 f. yoomdau = yongdo .............. ............... 260 Yadavas of Devagiri, date in Saka Era, voom suongdo 259 f. 147:- of Seuna, date in Saka Era ......... 147 yoongdau = yongdo ......... ...... 259 Yaksna-tadige ............. .......... 330 'young.cocoanut-drink' distance ............ 273 ' year,' terms for, among the Western ywe = abrus prccatorius and adenanthera Kshatrapas, 153:= frequently varsha in pavonina ............................................. 314 Saka Dates, 153: - division of the, by ywe = ava, 328 : - great, = adenanthera monsoons, in the Nicolars, 269 f.; half., pavonina seed, 320; small, = abrus precareckoning by, in the Nicobars, 269 ff. : torius seed .............. .............. 320, 327 names for the Saka, noted .................. 330 ff. ywegre = abras precatorius .................... 314 yogas in Inscriptions : ywifi = adenanthera pavonina seed ...... 314, 327 Harshana .................... yvetni, or standard, silver ..................... 202 f. Sukurman ... Johnhap = gomgdo .............. yong = gongdo ............ goda = gong do ...... Dongdo, history of the word, 958 f:- the | saga = saga... ....................................... 316 object of giving the derivatives of the zicche = sitke................ Burmese word, : final 1 present in songzi = abrus precatorius seed.................. derivatives of ...... ....... 245 | Zoting, au earth-spirit................................ 293 ...... 259 257 316