Indian Antiquary Vol 16

Author(s): John Faithfull Fleet, Richard Carnac Temple
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032508/1

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN ARCHEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c. &c., EDITED BY JOHN FAITHFULL FLEET, C.I.E., BOMBAY CIVIL SERVICE, AND RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, CAPTAIN, BENGAL STAFF CORPS. VOL. XVI.-1887. Swati Publications Delhi 1984

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Published by Swati Publications, 34 Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS. The names of Contributors are arranged alphabetically . 141 ... 62 PAGE H. G. M. MURRAY-AYNSLEY - DISCURSIVE CONTRIBUTIONS TOWARDS THX Cox PARATIVE STUDY OF ASIATIC SYMBOLISM. No. 9. The Wild Huntaman of Northern Europe and his possible Asiatio Origin ... No. 10. Architectural and other Customs ... 10 No. 11. Spain or "Further Europe" ... 57 No. 12. Concluding remarks Rev. S. BEAL:SOXE REMARKS ON THE SUHRILLEKHA OR FRIENDLY COMMUNICATION OF NAGARJUNA BODHISATVA TO KING SHATOPOHANA .. ... 169 PROF. CECIL BENDALL : Bengali Literature and Nomenclature .... ... 312 PANDIT BHAGWANLAL INDRAJI, PH.D. :SIRPUR COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE MAHARAJA RUDRADASA ... .. ... ... ... .. 98 PROF. R. G. BHANDARKAR, PH.D. : THE MACRYA PASSAGE IN THE MAHABHASHTA.. 156 SUPPLEMENTARY NOTE ON THE MAURYA PABBAGE IN THE MAHABHARATA ... .. ... ..17 PROF. G. BUHLER, C.I.E.:-- THE VILLAGES MENTIONED IN THE GUJARAT RATHOR GRANTS, Nos. III. AND IV. ... S. J. A. CHURCHILL, Esq. : RASHID VATTAT ... ... ... ... GEO. F. D'PENHA :FOLKLORE IN SALBETTE : No. 1. Karne da Pequeno Joao... ... ... 327 8. B. DIKSHIT : THE METHOD OF CALCULATING THE WEEK-DAYS OF HINDU TITHIS AND THE CORRESPONDING ENGLISH DATES ... ... ... ... ... 118 THE LATE SIR WALTER ELLIOT, K.C.B.I., F.R.S.: The Importance of Early Dravidian Literature ... 158 J. F. FLEET, E89., Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. :BANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS No. 168. Kauthem Plates of Vikramaditya V. Saka-Samvat 880 ... ... ... No. 169. Parla-Kimedi Plates of the Maharaja Indravarman, the year 91 No. 170. Asni Inscription of Mahipala.(Vikrama)-Sauvat 974 ... ... ... ... ... 178 No. 171. Bhopal Plates of Udayavarman. - Vikrama-Samvat 1256 ... ... ... ... 252 PAGE A LUNAR FORTNIGAT OF THIRTEEN SOLAR DAYS. 81 THE SCHEME AND EQUATION OF THE YEARS OF THE GUPTA ERA ... ... ... .. THE DATE OF THE POET RAJABEKHARA ... SEKHARA ... ... 175 A SELECTION OF KANARESE BALLADS ; No. 3; The Bedas of Halagali A Note on the Date of Sankaracharya ... Calculations of Hindu Dates : No. 1.... No. 2 ... ... ... *** No. 3 ... ... No. 4 ... No. 5 ... No. 6 ... ... 197 REY. THOMAS FOULKES : TRE DAEHAN IN THE TIME OF GAUTAMA-BUDDHA, 1, 49 G. A. GRIERSON, Esq., B.C.S., M.R.A.S., eto (See also Mrs. G. A. GRIERSON.) GIPSIES IN ENGLAND AND IN INDIA .. . 85 ARABIC AND PERBIAN REFERENCES TO GIPSIES ... 257 Curiosities of Indian Literature... 46, 78, 199, 220, 256, 284, 315 Progress of European Scholarship (Germany and France) - No. 2 ... No. 8 ... - ... 110 No. 4 ... ... ... *** *** No. 6 ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 281 No. 7 ... ... 313 Hoornle's U varagadasao ... ... 78 The Language of the Magahiya Doms ... ... 284 Weber's Catalogues of the MSS. in the Royal Library at Berlin ... ... .. ... . . 310 MRS. G. A. GRIERSON : AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX ... ... ... 32, 69 GENL. A. HOUTUM-SCHINDLER : Dasht-i-Lat ... ... ... .. ... ...361 HENRY H. HOWORTH, Esq., M.P., F.S.A. : CHINGRIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS, Ch. XXXIII. -- (Conclusion) ... ... ... ... .. ... 192 LIEUT.-COL. G. A. JACOB :THE VABUDEVA AND GOPICHANDANA UPANISRADE .. . ** TAE MRITYULANGALA UPANISHAD... ... ... 287 Prof. HERMANN JACOBI :Godabole and Paraba's Abhijnana-Sakuntals of Kalidasa ... ... ... ... ... ... 344 ... 75 198

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CONTENTS. ... 81 ... 194 No.1 *** ** PAGE PROF. F. KIELHORN, C.I.E. - ON THE GRAXXAR OF SAKATAYANA ........ A GATA INSCRIPTION OF YAXSRAPALA ... .. 68 THREE CHANDELLA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS ...... 201 MOUNT ABUSTONE-INSCRIPTION OF SAMARA BIXHA.-Vikrama-Samvat 1342 ... ... ... 345 NOTES ON THE MAHABHABHYANo. 5. The Authorities on Grammar quoted in the Mahabhashya ... ... ... ... ... 101 No. 6. The Text of Panini's Sutras as given in the Kasika-Vritti compared with the Text known to Katyayana and Patanjali ... ... 179 No. 7. Some Devices of Indian Grammarians ... 24 Durgaprasada and Paraba's Kavyamala ... ... 48 Paraba's Siddhanta Kaumudi of Bhattojidikshita. 80 Dvivedi's Tarka-Kaumudi of Laughi Rhaakars. 112 CAPT. J. S. KING, Bo.S.O.:SOMALI AS A WRITTEN LANGUAGE: ** *** .. .. ... 942 No. 2 . ... ... 285 A Note on Doni, a name for a Dag-out Canoe .. 382 REV. J. HINTON KNOWLES, F.R.G.S., M.R.A.., ete. WAY THE FISH TALEED, a Kasmiri tale... ... 66 THE OGRESS QUEEN, a Kasmiri tale THE THREE PRINCES, & Kasmiri tale ... TRE TROUBLEBOME FRIEND, Kasmiri talo W. LOGAN, E89. The Date of Sankaracharya ... ... ... W. E. MORFILL, Esq. :Progreas of European Scholarship (Russia) : No. 5 .. No. 8 ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 341 R. D. M. (RAMABAT) :THE LEGEND OF TULABI AS TOLD IN SOUTHERN INDIA BY THE ORTHODOX ... ... AN ORTHODOX LEGEND ABOUT KALI, THE LORD OF THE KALIYUGA ... RECUING THE SUN AND MOON THE VIRTUE OY ABTIKA'S NAME ... ... E. REHATSEK, Esq. 1A LETTER OF THE EMPEROR AXBAR ARKING FOR THE CERISTIAN SCRIPTUREB ... ... . 185 THE REIGN OF ARYAD SHAH DURRANI ... 263, 298 A NOTICE OF TEE ZAFARNAXA-I-RANJIT SINGH OF KANHATYA LAL ... ... ... ... 803, 834 PAGE PANDIT S. M. NATESA SASTRI :FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA - No. 14. The Monkey with the tom-tom No. 16. Good will grow out of Good ... ... 107 No. 16. Pride goeth before a fall ... 130 No. 17. Light makes prosperity No. 18. The Five Caps ... ... 214 No. 20. The Satchel Bearer ... ... 229, 258 No. 21. The Brahmarakshass and the Hair ... 293 No. 22. The beggar and the five muffins ... 294 No. 83. The Brahman Priest who became an Amildar ... .. ... ... 296 No. 24. The Gardener's cunning wife... ... 320 THE LATE SIRDAR B. V. BASTRI :AN ASTROLOGICAL BANAD GRANTED BY GOVIND LAV GAIKWAD... ... ... ... ... ... 317 DR. AUREL STEIN, Ps.D. - The Now Asiatic Society of Italy ... ... ... 228 KAVIRAJ SYAMAL DAS, M.R.A.8., F.R.HIBT.3. - An Account of Aslm at the time of its Conquest by Mir Jumla ... .. ... ... .. .. 222 CAPTAIN R. C. TEMPLE, B.8.c., M.R.A.S., F.R.G.S., eto. AN ASTROLOGICAL SANAD GRANTED BY GOVINDRAV GAIKWAD... ... ... 817 Noto on the language of the Magahiya Doma Note on Dasht-i-Lat .. . Note on Doni ... ... .. D. H. WADIA, Esq. :AN ASTROLOGICAL BANAD GRANTED BY GOVIND BAV GAIKWAD... ... ... ... ... ... 817 PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA :FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA :No. 7. The Biter Bit, or the Rajn who sold his Bani ... ... .. .. No. 8. Rani Jhajhani ... ... ... No. 9. Lalpari and Kevraparl . .. No. 10. Prince Sabar ... PROF. A. WEBER :Hunter's Indian Empire... ... . 862 CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. A Note on the Date of Sath karachary, by J. F. An Account of Asfm at the time of its Conquest by Fleet .. Mir Jumla in A.D. 1683, by Kaviraj Syamal Das.. 222 Caloulations of Hindu Dates, by J. F. Fleet.., 42, 45, The New Asiatio Society of Italy, by Dr. A. Stein... 226 74, 100, 197 Progress of European Scholarship (Russia), by W. Curiosities of Indian Literature, by G. A. Grierson R. Morfill ... .. .. .. .. .. 274, 841 46, 78, 199, 226, 256, 284, 815 Language of the Magahiya Doms, by G. A. Grierson 284 Progress of European Scholarship (France and Ger Bengali Literature and Nomenclature, by Ceci) many) by G. A. Grierson... ... 75, 110, 198, 281, 813 Bendall .. . .. . . The Importance of Early Dravidian Literature, by Dasht-i-Lut, by A. Houtum-Schindler, with note by Sir Walter Elliot ... . ... . 158 R. C. Temple ... ... ... ... 361 The Date of Sankaracharya, by W. Logan ... ... 160 A note on Doni, a name for a Dug-out Canoe, by The Aryan . Section at the Seventh International JS. King, with noto by R. C. Templo .. ... Congress of Orientalists held at Vienna ... ... 161 Rashid Vatvat, by S. J. A. Churchill .. .. 312

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CONTENTS PAGE BOOK NOTICES. PAGE Kavyamala, a collection of old and rare Sanskrit The Sacred Books of China, the Texts of Con. Kavyas, etc., edited by Pandit Durgaprasada | fucianism ; translated by James Legge ... ... 140 and K. P. Paraba. By Prof. F. Kielhorn... ... 48 A Sanskrit Grammar for Beginners, by F. Max The Uvasagadasao, or the Religious Profession of Muller, edited by A. A. Macdonell ... .. ... 200 an Uvasaga, by Prof. R. Hoernle. By G. A. Catalogue of Bengali Printed Books in the Library Grierson ... ... ... .. of the British Museum, by J. F. Blumhardt ... 227 The Siddhanta-Kaumudi of Bhattojidikshita. By Hunter's Indian Empire. By Prof. A. Weber ... 228 Prof. F. Kielhorn ... ... ... 80 Catalogues of the MSS. in the Royal Library at The Tarka-Kaumudi of Laugakshi Bhaskara. By Berlin, by A. Weber. By G. A. Grierson... ... 316 Prof. F. Kielhorn ... 112 Abhijnana-Sakuntals of Kalidasa. By Prof. H. Vienna Oriental Journal ... ... ... 112 Jacobi .. ... ... ... ... ** ... ... ... 344 ILLUSTRATIONS. Church at Borgund, Norway ... ... ... ... 8 Nepali Temple at Benares . ... .. ... 9 Peasant's Store-House at Bredland, Thelmar. ken... ... ... ... ... 10 Sculptures from the cloisters of Tarragona Cathe dral ... ... Kauthem Platos of Vikramaditya V-Saka-Samvat 980 ... .. Sirpur Plate of the Maharaja Rudradasa ... Asni Inscription of Mahipala.-The Year 974 174 Nanyaura Plato of Dhangadeva. The year 1055 ... 202 Nanyaura Plate of Devavarmadeve The year 1107.. 206 Banda District Plate of Madanavarmadeva. The year 1190 ... ... ... ... 208 Bhopal Plates of Udayavarman.-Vikrama-Sazvat 1256.... * * . .. ... ... 254 An Astrological Sanad granted by Govindrav Gaik. wad... .. 318 Selection of Kanarese Ballads-Refrain of "The Bedas of Haligali" ... ... ... 369

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH. VOLUME XVI.-1887. THE DAKHAN IN THE TIME OF GAUTAMA-BUDDHA. BY THE REV. THOMAS FOULKES, CHAPLAIN OF COIMBATORE. to people occur frequently in the legends connected with the life and times of the founder of the Buddhist religion. Some of these legends are found in works which appear to belong to the second century before the Christian era, if they are not even earlier still; and most of those which are made use of in this paper are comparatively very old. All of them presumably give expression to the current written or unwritten traditions of their own age; and they necessarily point back to older forms than those which are petrified in the legends which have come down to us. The object of the present paper is to gather up these references, so far as they are accessible to me; and to collect from them what information they may afford of the condition of the Dakhan in the lifetime of Gautama Buddha. It may be regarded as a sequel to my previous contribution to this Journal, ante, Vol. VIII. p. 1ff. on "The Civilization of the Dakhan down to the sixth century. B.C."; and, while its matter substantially confirms the information which that paper gleaned out of the legends of both Brahmanical and Buddhist literature regarding those earlier times, it also advances the subject an important stage forwards, and thus helps to com This name is used throughout this paper in its largest meaning, including the whole of the peninsula south of the Vindhya Mountains. Turn., Introd. p. ii. Max Muller, in Buddhaghisha's foundation for the a of the subsequent periods of the history of the Dakhan. For three centuries after the great nirvana, the records show but little change here. Buddhist institutions then began to spread over this Southern region, reforming its religious condition, but still conserving, for both the near and distant future, all the material elements of the civilization which Buddha found already there, while superadding their own special contributions to them. The materials for this paper have been obtained out of the Buddhist literature of Ceylon, China, Burmah, Tibet, and India. I. The Ceylonese books from which I quote, are the following: 1. Upham's Sacred and Historical Books of Ceylon, published in 1883, containing i. The Mahawansa, written by Mahanama between A.D. 459 and 477:" ii. The Rajaratnakars, written after A.D. 1347 iii. The Rajavali, compiled at different periods from the 4th century A.D. downwards.* iv. Buddhist Tracts : This work is referred to for brevity in the following notes as Uph. 2. Turnour's Mahawamsa, 1837; quoted Parables, Introd. p. xi.-But, as regards the date, see ante, Vol. XV. pp. 3-17f, 357.-J. F. F. 3 Turn. Introd. p. ii. Turn. Introd. p. ii.

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2 as Turn. It is a more scholarlike translation of the same Pali original as the first of Upham's three books. 3. Turnour's Articles in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. 4. Hardy's Eastern Monachism, 1850; quoted as E. Monach. 5. Hardy's Manual of Buddhism, 1853; quoted as Man. Bud. It is based upon the following indigenous works ; THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. i. Pansiya-panas-jataka-pota; ii. Wisudhi-margga-sanne; iii. Milinda-prasna; iv. Pujawaliya; v. Saddharmmalankare; vi. Saddharmmaratnakare; vii. Amawatura; viii. Thupawanse; ix. Rajawaliya; 1. Kayawirati-gita-sanne, xi. Kammawachan; xii. The sannes of various Satras." 6. Matu Coomara Swamy's Dathavarissa, by Dhammakitti Thera, A.D. 1197; quoted as Dath. 7. Fausboll's Sutta-Nipata, in the Sacred Books of the East, Vol. X. Part 2. 8. Ferguson's Dipavamsa; in this Journal, ante, Vol. XIII. p. 33ff. It is an older work than the Mahavansa. A work of this name is mentioned in the latter work (see Turn. 257), which Turnour supposed to be the Mahawashsa itself under another name." 9. Rhys Davids' and Oldenberg's Vinaya Texts, in Sacred Books of the East, Vols. XIII. XVII. and XX. II. The Chinese authorities from which I' have quoted are the following: 1. The Buddhist pilgrim Fa-Hian's travels in India between A.D. 399 and 415, contained in: [JANUARY, 1887. 2. Hiuen Tsiang's travels in India from A.D. 629 to 645, contained in: i. Julien's Memoires sur les contrees Occidentales, 1857; Man. Bud. 509ff. Dath. Introd. p. xviii. See furn. 257 note, and Introd. p. liv. Laidlay, 4, 365: Beal, Introd. p. xxiv. Si-yu-ki, Introd. p. xix. ii. Beal's Buddhist Records of the Western World, 1884. The references under Si-yu-ki in the following notes, are to the latter of these two translations. 3. Beal's Romantic History of Sakya Buddha, 1875; from the Chinese translation by Jnanagupta or Jnanaketa about A.D. 588;10 quoted as Rom. Hist. Bud. 4. Beal's Fo-sho-hing-tsan-king, in the Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XIX., 1883. It professes to be a translation of Asvaghosha's Buddhacharita made into Chinese by Dharmaraksha about A.D. 420.11 III. The Burmese legends are quoted from Bishop Bigandet's Life of Gaudama, 1866; quoted as Bigandet. IV. The Tibetan authorities are: 1. Csoma de Koros' Articles in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. XX. 2. His Grammar of the Tibetan Language, 1834; quoted as Tib. Gram. 3. Rockhill's Life of Buddha, 1884; quoted as Rock. V. The Indian authorities are: 1. Rajendralala Mitra's Lalitaristara, in the Bibliotheca Indica, 1877. It was written, according to the editor's argument, between 300 and 450 B.C.; quoted as Lal. vist. Text. 2. His translation of that work in the same collection, 1882-6; quoted as Lal. vist. 3. Kern's Saddharmapundarika in the Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXI. 1884. Account of the Dakhan. i. Remusat's Fo-Koue-Ki, 1836; The physical features of the interior of the Dakhan are but little mentioned in these legends. On the other hand, as might naturally be expected from the circumstance that most of the traditions belong to various seafaring peoples, they contain numerous direct and incidental references to maritime matters which imply an intimate knowledge of the sea ii. [Laidlay's] Pilgrimage of Fa-Hian, 1848; iii. Beal's Travels of Fah-Hian and Sung-yun, 1869. The references under Fa-Hian in the following and sea-coasts on each side of the peninsula. notes are to Mr. Beal's book. The mountains of the Dakhan are only 10 Rom. Hist. Bud. Introd. p. v.: Sacr. Bks. XIX. Introd. P. xxix. 11 Sacr. Bks. XIX. Introd. p. ix. 13 Lal. vist. Text, Introd. p. 56.

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JANUARY, 1887.) EARLY ACCOUNT OF THE DAKHAN. referred to in the most general terms; as when general terms: but there are abundant tradithe lair of the lion of the Vijayan legends is tions of the island of Ceylon, Lankadvipa," said to be in "a lone valley in the deep moun- Sirhaladvipa," Ratnadvipa," "the island of tains" of Lala," and the route taken by him in gems, '* " the country of the Rakshasis' or following the track of the fugitives in their "the island of the Rakshasas." There are flight towards the home of the princess, lay the "five hundred islands connected with the " through the mountains and valleys". The southern continent Jambudvipa,"8" which may only hills named in them are the Sachabadha be the Laocadives or the Maldives. In the hill" in the northern watershed of the Narmada, legend of the cargo of red-sanders,88 the termithe hill Mudugiri' on the sea-shore nearnation dvipa must be rendered by its wider Suppara ; Mailigiri," not far from Mudugiri, meaning of peninsular-continent, as in the inland ; and the mount Pandu or Pandagiri instance of the name Jambudvipa above. " in that southern region." The general name for the Dakhan in the Of its forests, we read of the Giwulu translations of these legends is the southern forest near the river Godavari ;1' the forest of region', the southern continent,'* "the red-sanders ;'' and the forest of Mulu in the south, South India,'* and Southern region of Suna parantaka:" and this last India." dwindles into a mere temple-grove in the name Southern India is naturally divided, both Muluarama' given to it in one of the Panna physically, and, in & well-marked general legends." manner, historically, into (1) the Northern and Some portion of the country on the banks (2) the Southern Dakhan, lying respectively to of the NarmadA was a sandy desert in the north and the south of the line of the main those days. We read also of a wilderness course of the river Ktishoi. The maritime in the land of LALA," and of the wilderness of portions of the Northern Dakhan known Tambapanni" in Ceylon. to these legends are (1) Orissa," and (2) The only rivers of the Dakhan mentioned Kalinga," in the upper portion of the Easby name are the Narmada," the Mahivati," tern coast; with (3) LAla, occupying both and the Godavart." banks of the estuary of the NarmadA and There are a few notices of the sea which running over into Kathillwad, and (4) "the washes the shores of the Dakban. That por- region of Sun¶ntaka," Aparanta, or tion of the Indian Ocean which lies a four- Aparantaka," in the upper portion of the months' voyage in a continuous course beyond western coast. To these may also for the prethe Five-hundred islands,' was called the sea sent purpose be added (5) Avanti" and (6) of the seven gems :'* and still farther onwards the Navabhuvana," both of which had in the same open sea was a portion which was communications through the Narmada with the "agitated by the flames proceeding from hell,"0 vea. which may probably refer to the volcanio re- On the eastern coast of the Southern gions of the Eastern Archipelago. Dakhan we have (7) the region of the red Other islands of this sea are spoken of in sanders tree, the very limited area within 13 Si-yu-ki, IT. 286. 1. Ibid. 237. 10 Uph. I. 7; II. 22 ; III. 113: Man. Bud. 210, 260. 11 Man. Bud. 260. 17 Man. Bud. 260. w Rom. Hist. Bud. 276. 10 Man: Bud. 53. 10 Ibid. 57. 11 Toid. 209. * Ibid. 260. 13 Man, Bud. 210. * Uph. I. 60, II. 27, 164: Turn. 48, 46: ante, XIII. 38 (forests). * Uph. I. 70: Turn. 50. >> Uph. I. 7; II. 22; III. 113: Man. Bud. 209. 31 Sacred Bks. XIX. 244. Man. Bud. 53, 334 : Sacr. Bks. X. (pt. 2), 184. * Man. Bud. 18. 20 Man. Bud. 18. 31 ante, Vol. XIII. 85. * Si-yu-kai, II. 285 : ante, Vol. XIII. 37. * Bi-yu-ki, II. 239. 3. Si-yu-ki, II. 240, 246. 45 Rom. Hist. Bud. 333. 3. Lal. vist. 232, 278. >> Man. Bud. 18: Inir. Ceyl. As. Soc. for 1858-59, p. 14. 28 Man. Bud. 57. 39 Rom. Hist. Bud. 276. 10 Man, Bud. 13. 1 Sacr. Bke. X. (pt. 2), 184. * Rom. Hist. Bud. 39, 275, 282. - Si-yu-ki, II. 58 : Rock. 44, 92. ** Si-vu-hi, II. 204f8. * See ante, VIII. 2ff. : As. Res., XX. 85, 317: Uph.I. 69; II. 168: Turn. 43: Jour. As. Soc. Beng. VII. 1014: Jour. Ceyl. As. Soc. II. 8, 8: E. Monach. 225: Man. Bud. 54, 55: Bigandet. 844Dath. 88: Rom. Hist. Bud. 43: Si yu-ki, II. 2071f.: Lal, vist., 115, 116: ante, XIII. 87: Sacr. Bks. XI. 25, 26, 135: Rock. 147. 6 Uph. II. 27, 164, 166 : Turn. 43, 46, 47: Jour. As. Soc. Beng. VI. 932: Arch. Suru. w. Ind. I. 80 and note, 284: arte, XIII. 34, 87, 88: Si-yu-ki, I. Introd. P. Ivi, oviii.; II. 286. 4 Turn. 71, 78: Uph. I. 7; II. 21 ; III. 112, 113: Man. Bud. 58, 209, 259, 260. (See ante, VII. 250 VIII. 140 XI. 286 : Arch. Suru. W. Ind. I. 129, 188.) 4 Turn. 16. Rom. Hist. Bud. 275. "Uph. III. 118. Man. Bud. 56, 260.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1887. which this valuable timber grows being the Pennar river, or southern Pink kini, down to district of Cuddapah and its immediate the northern boundary of the original Chola neighbourhood," (8) Dravida, and (9) the country.es Pandyan Country" at its lowest extremity, Several political states are mentioned as with (9) Malaya" at the corresponding ex- existing in the Dakhan at this time. On the tremity of the western coast. To these are northern shores of the Narmada, in the travel. also to be added (10) Mahindo,** (11) the ler's track from the Konkan to the Ganges, lay Naggadipo," and (12) the MahilArattha, the kingdom of the Nagaraja," visited by whose location is undetermined. Buddha on his return journey from the home The omission of the Chola coast, inter- of his disciple Punna to Srivasti, and which vening between Dravida and Pandya, in subsequently formed part of the Yon country" these early legends, is remarkable, seeing the of Graeco-Bactrian times. Upon the two banks prominent place which the Cholas occupy in of the estuary of that river, and to the westthe succeeding history of Ceylon. In the list wards of the Gulf of Cambay, we are now to of kingdoms in the Rajavali," Chola is placed look for the kingdom of LALA," celebrated amongst the non-Buddhist kingdoms of Jam. in the Vijayan legends, and forming in Budbudripa. There is a corresponding omission dha's time an outlying dependency of the of the middle portion of the Western Coast, kingdom of Vanga. Mention is also made of lying between the Koikans and Malaya, and the kingdom of Avanti" and of Ujjain," forming the nortbern section of the sacred land closely bordering on the northern watershed of of Parasn-Rama. With these two exceptions our the Narmada, if not also partly included in its legends have a more or less familiar acquaint- southern watershed, and doubtless exercising ance with the whole of the eastern and western much important influence upon its civilization. coasts of the Dakhan. Further south, in the upper basin of the In the interior the upper basin of the Godavari, were the two conterminous kingdoms Godavari, and some still larger portion of the of Assaka and Malaka," which are also north-western Dakhan, was known by the mentioned in the cave and other inscriptions of general name of the Dakkhin&patha," and a later age, the latter of them being perhaps its people as the Dakshinavatas" (sic). the Paaranic Maulika: and apon both banks Farther south in the north-eastern districts of of the delta of this river, extending consider. the Southern Dakhan "the region of the ably inland, lay the long lived kingdom of diamond fields" is to be located, presumably Kalinga," which was apparently the territory in the quadrangle containing the portion of of that "king of Southern India" whose the country from Cuddapah to the river daughter is the heroine of one of the Chinese Krishna, and westwards from Cuddapah to legends of Vijaya." Inland again, very probaGooty, and from Gooty northwards to the bly along the northern banks of the lower Krishna, and then down the left bank of that Krishoa and extending upwards into the counriver to complete the boundary. The Dra. try through Bidar into the basin of one of the vide country, whose const has already been affluents of the Godavari which still retains the mentioned, occupied the whole of the basin of name of 'Manjera' upon our maps, we may the Palar, or Kshiranadi, up to the foot or the look for the position of the Naga kingdom of crest of the Eastern Ghauts, and the northern Manjerika or Manjarika," whose king had watershed of the lower basin of the southern seen Buddha. In the Southern Dakhan the 61 Indian Forester, IX. 855, 356: ante, XIII. 88. 18 Rom. Hist. Bud. 68: Lal. vist. 183: Siyu-ki, II. 228. 33 Turn. 51ff. Daf. 62: Si-yu-ki, II. 232. 88 Turn. 46. 50 Turn. 4, 46: Man. Bud. 208: ante, XIII. 35. 87 ante, XIII. 35. Uph. II. 147. * Sacr. Bks. X. (pt. 2), 184; XVII. 15, 300; XX. 394, 9 Rom. Hint. Bud 68: Lil vist. 183. Rom. Hist. Bul. 287 12 These are the limits of the Goleonda region, which I conclude to be mennt here. The Bundelkhand mines are not in the Dakhan and the lesser fields could hardly come under the designation of the legend. 390 Salem Manual, ch. i. - Uph. I. 7; II. 21, 22, III. 113: Man. Bud. 209. 65 Man. Bud. 210. See note 16, p. 3, above. Turn. 44, 45 : ante, XIII. 37. Turn. 76; ante, II. 363 ; VII. 259Rom. Hist. Bud. 275: Sacr. Bk. XVII. 15; XX. 394, 395. " See Dha. 61 : Arch. Suru. W. Ind. I. 130, 133. 10 Man. Bud. 334: Sacr. 9. X. (pt. 2), 184. 11 Arch Surv. W. Ind. I. 133 : Early Hist. of the Dakhax, 14. * See note 45, p. 3, above. 73 Si-yu-ki, II. 236. * Turn. 27, 185 : Uph. I. 60, 137: Monach. 27 : Man. Bud. 172.

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JANUARY, 1887.] EARLY ACCOUNT OF THE DAKHAN. only organised State mentioned in our earlier legends, ic the kingdom of Pandya," which comprised the area of the modern districts of Madura and Tinnevelly. In the neighbouring island of Ceylon we find the three Naga king doms and two Yaksha kingdoms in Buddha's earlier years, and the Naga kingdom of its off-lying island of Mani." Later legends, current in the seventh century A.D., describe personal visits of Buddha to Udra," Southern Kosala," Maharashtra," Andhra, and old Kalinga," in the Northern Dakhan, together with MAlava," and Bharukachchha," and in the Southern Dakhan to the kingdom of Dhanakataka," presuming this kingdom to lie south of the Ktishna, Chuliya," Dravida, with its ancient sacred capital Kanchipuram," the native-place of the Bodhisattva-Dharmapala," Malakata, and the still unidentified city and presumable capital of Konkanapura : but some of these names belong to later times, whatever older names of Buddha's days they may have replaced. The silence of these legends regarding the remaining old kingdoms of the interior may fairly be attri- buted to the absence of occasion to mention them. Doubtless a similar condition of affairs existed in them as in these recorded nations, Beeing that all the unmentioned States bordered upon some one or other of them. The cities, towns, and villages of the Dakhan mentioned in these legends are Sinhapura, Sthapura, Sinhanuvara, or Sinhabapuranavara, in the Lala country, Sagalanuvera, "Bharukachchhao (the modern Broach), Ujjeni or Ujjani, Alaka," Pratishthana, Oudyani," the villages of Ganganadi" and Monkey-food,'" the town or city of Supara, Sappara, or Supparaka," the village of Muloohooloomandrama or Mahulanam or Maluaramalol in the country of Sunaparanta, the cities of Assaka and Malaka, Mahis. sati, 10 Dantapura, 10* Kumbavati,os and the port of Adzeitta or Eedzeitha, in Kalinga, Kanchipura'' in Dravida, Konkanapura mentioned above, and the Southern Madhura10 surviving under the same name to the present day. These legends contain indications of several sea-routes traversed by the mercantile navy of Buddha's days in the Dakhan: (1). The port of Bharukachchha, mentioned above, was the point of embarkation of a sea-route southwards in still earlier times, and continued to be so down to a much later period when this name appears again in the inscriptions of the cave temples of Nasik and Jannar. 110 (2). In that neighbourhood we are also to look for the city of Sinhapura, mentioned above, at or near which was the place of departure of the ship which carried Vijaya and his retinue to Ceylon, and of the two ships which carried their wives and children to other destinations ; from which also," or from the city of sagala or Saugalnuwara by another tradition,"18 Vijaya's nephew started to take possession of his uncle'e vacant throne. Some light is thrown upon the direction of this route by the circumstance that both Vijaya's ship and his nephew's approached Ceylon from the southwards ;" * and this could hardly have been done if, as was supposed by the earlier investigators of the Vijayan legends, "" the voyage where Soulupolo - Sarapkra, Sarpkra (Sanskrit), Sap. para (Prakrit). See ante, I. 321 ; IV. 282; VII. 259; 1x. 44; XI. 236, 247, 293, 294; XII. 372, XIII. 35, 325 Encycl. Brit., 9th Edit. XVII. 728 art. 'Odoric') : Early Hist, Dakh. 9, 32, 34: Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. XV. 275, 291, 826, 328: Cave Temples, 349Arch. Suru. W. Ind. No. 10, p. 31, 32, 60; If. 46, 131; V. 64, 78, 82. See also page 6 below. _ 201 Uph. II. 7; II. 21. Man. Bud. 21. 103 See note 70, p. 4 above. 18 Man. Bud. 334. 10+ Uph. II. 146: E. Mon. 225: Dash. 88. See Bhilsa Topes, 30; and Turn. Index, p. 11. 20s Man. Bud. 56. I Bigandet, 101. 107 See abova. 109 Turn. 51. 200 Man. Bud. 13. 110 Jour. Bp. Br. R. As. Soc. VII. : Arch. Suru. W. Ind. No. 10, p. 49: Early Hist. Dakh. 18, 34. mu t'ph. 1. 69; II. 27, 28, 168 : Turn. 46, 47. : ante, XIII. 35. Uph. II. 28, 176: Turn. 54; ante, XIII. 36. 113 Uph. II. 176. 1. See Uph. II. 168, 176. 116 See Laidlay's Fa-Hian, 846, note: Turn. Introd. xliii; Index, 14, 23: Cunningham, Anc. Geog. Ind. 517, 518, 557: Uph. II. 167, note: Tennant, Ceylon, I. 830 ante, XII. 65: Lal. viet. 10. ** See note 53, page 4 above. ** Uph. I. 5; 11. 19, 22, 170; II. 63, 65, 92, 127; Turn. 3, 4, 5, 7, 46, 47, 49, 51; E. Monsch. 227 : Man. Bud. 208, 209, 210; Fa-Hian, 149, 150 : ante, XIII. 46: Si-yu-ki, 241, 243, 248: Rock. 59. 11 Si-yu-ki, II. 204. * Ibid. 200. 1 Ibid. 257. 10 Ibid. 218. Ibid. 207. . Ibid. 260. Ibid. 259. . Ibid. 221. * Ibid. 327. Ibid. 229, 230, 253. Toid. 228. * Tbid. 229. * Ibid. 239. Ibid. 253. * Uph. I. 69, 71; II. 27, 146, 167; Turn. 46, 54; Jour. As. Soc. Beng. VII. 932; ante, XIII. 34, 36, 38. See also Arch. Suru. W. Ind. I. 15, 81. * Uph. II. 176; E. Monach. 7, 16, 160, 293, 294, 295. See also Man. Bud. 210, 513. * See note 83 above: Man. Bud. 18: ante, XIII. 35. * Turn. 23, 76: Man. Bud. 834: Dath., 61: Sacr. Bks, X. (pt. 2), 188 * Sacr. Bk8. x. (pt. 2), 184, 188. See Man. Bud. 334. . Sacr. Bks, X. (pt. 2), 188. Rom. Hist. Bud. 276. Rom. Hist. Bud. 39. * Rom. Hist. Bud. 375. 2,00 Turn. 18. ante, XIII, 325: Sacr. Bks. XIX. 944,

Page #12
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1887. was made down the Bay of Bengal from some (7) According to the Janaka-jataka, a seapoint on the Ganges and intermediately from a route for large ships existed in pre-Buddhist port in Kalinga. The clue to the true direction times and presumably continued through of this route was included in Dr. Burgess' Buddha's life-time, which started from the discovery 16 that the port of Supara at which Ganges and terminated at a place called Vijaya touched on his way to Ceylon,"") was 'Caumavatoura, '151 (Kamavaturai). In the sitaated on the western coast of the Dakhan. termination 'turai' of this name, I recognize (3) This port of Supara or Supparaka, a Tamil word meaning sea-port,' 'harbour,' according to that identification, lay near the roadstead' and I would therefore place this modern Bassein. It is mentioned in the legends port of call somewhere on the sea-coast of the of Punna, and in the earlier legend of the Tamil country: and if & reference to the Supparaka Bodhisat.11. It was also the start- amorous reputation of the Pallava kings is to ing point of the voyage of Punna's brother to be detected in the adjectival Kamava, '199 a still the region of the red-sanders. 140 closer location may be found for it on the No other port on the western coast south of Pallava section of the Tamil Coast between the Supparaka is mentioned in any of these legends. mouths of the Northern and Southern Pennar (4) From some unnamed port in the south- rivers. ernmost section of the eastern coast, pro- (8) The voyage of the merchants of Sravasti bably in the neighbourhood of Tuticorin, in the Tibetan legend of the Singhalese princess ships sailed to the opposite coast of Ceylon. Ratnavali," who were driven down the By this route Vijaya's Paudyan bride and her Bay of Bengal by contrary winds, ran in the retinge were conveyed to their new home; his main in the track of Fa-Hisn's voyage from ambassadors having already come by it from the Ganges to Ceylon in the fifth century Ceylon to the Pandyan coast." A.D.180 Their subsequent voyage to Ceylon (5) Higher up in the northern section of the and back is described in terms wbich imply that eastern coast, apparently in Kalinga, lay the their course was the ordinary mariners' route. port of Adseitta mentioned in the Burmese A similar voyage by this route from Morelegends"" as the terminus of a sea-route across pur or Kimbulawat-pure on the Ganges the Bay of Bengal," at which the merchant to Ceylon was made in the generation which brothers Tapoosa and Palekat landed their succeeded Buddha's nirvana by the consort of goods on their way to Suvama in Magadha Vijaya's nephew and her companions, and (6) Underlying some of the Vijayan tradi- shortly afterwards by her six brothers :1" and tions there is a consciousness of a coasting route here we have the additional information that along the eastern coast from the mouth of the voyage occupied twelve days.153 the Ganges to Ceylon, having intermediate (9) In one of the Chinese legends of the points of communication in the Kalinga country, lion-prince Sinhala1sthe boat in which the and probably in the delta of the Krishna. daughter of the lion was cast away, was driven A landing place lower down this coast, some by the winds westwards into the Persian gull. where near the mouth of the Northern Pennar, where she landed and founded & colony in is-implied in the legend of the cargo of red- the Country of the Western Women.' sanders," and its counterpart-legend of the The tradition embodied in the Dipavainsa Bodhisat of Supparaka.1* Along this routes version of this legend 184 makes her land on an apparently, according to the Chinese version island which was afterwards called the of the tradition, the open boat in which the Kingdom of Women.' Underneath the parricide son of the lion was exposed, drifted legendary matter we may here trace the existfrom his mother's country of Southern India" ence of a sea-route between India and the to Ceylon, 196 Persian consts in the days of Buddha. 116 See ante, IV. 282 and note. 111 Turn. 46. 11 Bigandet, 415. 118 See p. above. 11. Man. Bud. 18. 1 One of the Pallava districts bore the name of Kame180 Uph. III. 118. Han. Bud. 57. kottam. Winslow, Tamil Dict., rub. voc. 11 Turn. 51. Bee Cph. 11. 840. 19 See page 5 above. 11. Rock. 59. 180 Fa-Hlian, 149. as Bigandet, 101 ; Man. Bud. 182. in Uph. I. 71; II. 177. Turn. 55. 1* See page 8 above. 181 Man. Bud, 18. 13 Uph. I. 72II. 177. 2 Si-yu-ki, II. 289. See note 78, page 1 above. 23. Si-yu-I, II. 240. 13ante, XIII. 35. * Turn. Bb.

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JANUARY, 1887.) EARLY ACCOUNT OF THE DAKHAN. (10) There are finally some general indica- cart-loads of their own goods, whatever tions of a route across the Arabian Sesother cargo there may have been in it. westward from Ceylon to two distant islands Smaller vessels are not mentioned; nor, with called The Solitary Island,' and 'Maharat- one exception, are boats: the parricide lionnadvipa,"136 which may possibly be Madagas- slayer and his sister, in the Chinese version of car and Socotra ; and of another vaguely the legend, were cast adrift in large open described route southwards to the island of boats. Narakira.15 The expressions, being "pushed by contrary The descriptions of these voyages imply that winds,"118 " driven over the sea,"150" driven by the vessels employed in them were ships the winds, overtaken by a storm and carried of large size; for, whatever the multiple of the along,"269 together with the more direct allusions legendary exaggeration may be, these ships to sails, and sailing, show that these vessels are said to have carried a large number of were sailing ships. Some of the voyages passengers. The ship in which Vijaya was alluded to may have been made from port to cast adrift carried seven hundred of his fol. port along the coast : but the rest were clearly lowers; 18 and each of the two ships in which made on long stretches of the ocean, needing their wives and children were exposed, 13held and therefore implying the existence of some a similar number. The ship in which Simhala considerable amount of scientific nautical skill. - sailed from some unknown port of Jambudvi. | That these seamen were usually dependant on pa to Ceylon contained five hundreds other favourable winds is implied in the circumstance merchants besides himself. The ship in which of their failure to make their intended destinaVijaya's Pandyan bride was brought over to tions when thwarted by contrary winds : and in Ceylon, accommodated eighteen officers of state, crossing the open sea, they evidently took advanseventy five menial servants, and a number of tage of the prevailing periodical winds. The slaves, in addition to the princess herself and the crews of these ships are but seldom referred seven hundred other virgins who accompa- to directly: but they appear to have been well nied her. The wrecked ship of the Janaku-jataka organized. 166 had a crew and other passengers of the favou- The merchandise with which these ships rite number of seven hundred, in addition to were freighted is not often mentioned. In Buddha himself in an earlier incarnation. So the Supparaka-Bodhisat's voyage, the meralso the ship in which Buddha in the Suppa. chants took up whatever "treasures were preraka-Bodhisat incarnation made his mercantile sented"101 along their route. The red-sanders voyage from Broach to the sea of the seven timber which one of them brought home, gems," held seven hundreds other merchants was qnite an accidental cargo in that instance, besides himself. There were five hundred though it was evidently not an unknown one ; rehants in the wrecked ship of the Clond for the high value of this wood, as well as horse-jataka; and the same numberTM were in that of the true sandal, is several times the ship of the Kesi version of that legend. referred to. The precious stones, and espePunna's brother was accompanied by three cially the pearls of Ceylon" are frequently hundred fellow-merchants in his voyage to the mentioned: but they were only valuable region of the red-sanders and there was still super-additions to the general cargo, though room left in their ship for the large cargo of that the chief object of some of the 'voyages was timber which they carried home. The ship in to obtain them. Some of these ships carried which the Burmese merchant-brothers crossed rice from the Dakha, to Ceylon; as is implied the Bay of Bengal, conveyed five hundred in the legend of Kuveni entertaining Vijaya 196 Si-yu-ki, II. 2+2, 258. 13' Ibid. 252. 156 See Rom. Hist. Bud. 837. Uph. II. 28, 168. Turn. 16, 47: ante, XIII. 35. 180 Man. Bud. 57. Rom. Hist. Bud. 889. 13* Turn. 46. 140 Si-yu-ki, II. 241. 201 Man. Bud. 13. 341 Turn. 81. 148 Bigandet, 415. 14 Uph. I. 7; II. 21, III. 71: Man. Bud. 67, 260: 243 Man. Bud. 18. 101 anto, XIII. 46. Sacr. Bkn. XIX. 23; XX. 78, XXL 378. Rom. Hist. Bud. 332. 1 Man. Bud. 57, 260. 10 Uph. 11.1175. Turn. 4, 53 : Dath. 38: Fa-Hian, 149: W Bigandet, 101. Si-yu-ki, II. 239. Rom. Hist. Bud. 276, 287, 332, 838 : Rock., 60 : 8i-yu-ki, W Rock. 59. 10 Bi-yu-k, II. 236, 240. Il. 289, 241, 243, 246, 248. Si-yu-ki, 243. Man. Bud. 57: ante, XIII. 85. 100 Rom. Hist. Bud. 332, 836: ante, XIIL 86: Shi-y

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1887. and his followers upon the rice which she had wood, 16* red-sanders, 16 incense, perfumery, lor obtained from ships161 wrecked on the island. medicines, les chank-shells, 160 gold, 140 iron, 1+1 One of these voyages was made to exchange and various articles made of these metals, home-produced articles for foreign goods:169 and cotton-stuffs, 1" linen goods, 17 curtains, *** many of the products incidentally mentioned and other similar articles of commercial throughout these legends were well suited for value. that purpose; namely, rice and paddy,108 sandal (To be continued.) IX. DISCURSIVE CONTRIBUTIONS TOWARDS THE STUDY OF ASIATIC SYMBOLISM. BY H. G. M. MURRAY-AYNSLEY. (Continued from Vol. XV. p. 328.) day. Relations being established with them The Wild Huntsman of Northern Europe it is easy to conceive that they were continued, and his possible Asiatic Origin. and that Buddhist doctors of religion afterGeneral Cunningham, in the Preface, page wards visited Scandinavia, and it is also not vii., of his Bhilsa Topes, 1854, expressed an impossible that the most illustrious of these opinion that the Welsh word Buddwas and the missionaries were called, if not Buddha,' at Sazon name Woden, are "but slightly altered least by some epithet derived from the same forms of the word Buddha. The fourth day of Sansksitroot budh, 'to know, to understand,'-as the week, Wednesday or Woden's-day was for example bodhin, 'making known, teaching, named Dies Mercurii by the Romans, and is revealing, or badhat, bodhant, the present parstill called Buddhwar by the Hindus. Maia ticiple of the verb;--and that from this appelwas the mother of the Greek Hermeias or lation the Scandinavians may have formed Hermes, and Maya was the mother of the Odin and the Germans Woden. The hypothesis, Indian Buddha. The connection between Her- which thus seeks to identify Odin with Buddha mes, Buddwas, Woden, and Buddha is evident; or with some of the missionaries of the Buddhist although it may be difficult, and perhaps nearly | faith, is at least a plausible one, if we accept impossible to make it apparent to the general the conjecture that in Hindustan the name for reader." Wednesday, or Woden's day, has in any way About 25 years ago, M. Holmhoe' endea- the meaning of Buddha's day. In Scandinavia voured to prove that the Scandinavian god it is Onsday, & contraction for Odin's day Odin, if not Buddha himself, was one of his | As one help towards giving Odin an Indian disciples. M. Holmhoe was of opinion that the origin, I would remark that his special symbol missions of the Buddhists did not stop in was the triskele or three-armed Sun-snake, Transoxiana and Upper Asia, but that they figured ante, Vol. XV. p. 66, on Plate I. fig. 12; pushed on still further through Persia to while the svastika, the emblem of fire and lightwards the Caucasus and from thence to the ning, was the symbol of Thor. homes of the ancestors of the present Scandi- It is true that in the Northern lands, Odin navians, when they were still in the countries is represented as a warrior, but the sword has East and North of the Russia of the present often accompanied religion. Odin may have 101 Turn. 49. 303 Rom. Hist. Bud, 832. 113 Tib. Gram. 164 : ante, XIII. 833 : Rock. 59. 183 Turn. 44, 49: ante, XIII. 46. Rom. Hist. Bud, 837. 17 A8. Res. XX. 85, 317 Turn. 48, 49, 50. 20. Uph. II. 21; III. 112, 118: Man. Bud. 209: Rom. 11. Turn. 49. Hist. Bud. 68: Sacr. Bks. XIX. 844 ; XX. 78: XXI. 50. (This is all based on a false etymology, Budha, not 116 &c. : Rock. 933: Lal, vist. 274, 284. Buddha, is the Sanskrit for Mercury or Hermes. The 105 Man. Bud. 56: Rom. Hist. Bud. 68: Sacr. Bls. meaning of Budha is wise, prudent, and that of Buddha XXI. 322. is perfectly enlightened. Budhwer, not Buddhwar, is 106 Turn. 44, 49 : ante, XIII. 46 : Dath. 98. Wednesday or Meroury's day to the Hindus, and it means 167 Dath. 39, 76: Si-yu-ki, II. 240, 241. Mercury's day and never Buddha's day to them. If there 10 Rock. 98. be anything to oonnoot Wednesday and Budhwer etymo100 Turn. 44, 58: Si-yu-ki, II. 238. logically, such derivation would connect Woden with 110 Turn. 3, 7, 44, 51 : Man. Bud. 209: Dath., 38, 77: Budha (Mercury), and not with Buddha. This and Rom. Hist. Bud. 275: ante, XIII. 37: Rock. 92. other portions of Bhilad Topes would probably be exten. 171 Uph. II. 173, 176; Turn. 48: Man. Bud. 208: sively recast if another edition were to be brought out. Fa-Hian, 149: Rom. Hist. Bud: 833, 334, 885, 888: 8i- -ED.] yu-ki, II. 288, 240, 241, 248, 246, 248. Buddhisme en Norvege.

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23 ASIATIC SYMBOLISM. W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH Plate 19. CHURCH AT "ORGUND. NORWAY.

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- Vent DI ASIATIC SYMBOLISM. Plate 20. W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH. NEPALI TEMPLE AT BANARAS.

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JANUARY, 1887.] ASIATIC SYMBOLISM been successful in his religious crusade, and man is unquestionably "sky-clad," and the have taken a place at first amongst the inferior dog may pass for a grey-hound, which was gods. Adam of Bremen, as quoted by | Odin's dog. In the German as well as in the Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie, is of opinion that Aryan mythology, the dog is an embodiment this was the case,' and that after a time of the wind," and the German name for a Odin came to be ranked amongst the superior grey-hound is wind-hund. gods. I would here draw attention to this type of In his capacity of superior god, Odin was brooch: fig. 2 of the same plate, though its the storm-god; and according to Kelly, Indo- subject is different, seems to belong to the same European Traditions and Folk-lore, the name period as fig. 1. This last was found in Woden or Wuotan denotes the stormy and an ancient grave near Bregenz on the Lake furious goer,'-Gothic, wods; Norwegian bdr, of Constance, and most probably dates like the 'enraged." The name must therefore be closely former from either the Later Bronze or the Earlier allied to the Lowland Scotch woud, mad or Iron Age of Scandinavia. The only way in furious.' A Jacobite song of 1745 says,-"The which we can reasonably account for the prewomen are al gone wud." There is also a sence of such objects, su far away from their Scotch proverb-"Dinna put a knife in a wud original home is, that, when the Swedes took man's hand." Odin, as the storm-god, may Bregenz by stratagem about two hundred well be supposed to have ridden like one that is years ago, Norwegian soldiers formed part wud. of their army and that some of these woro Now, Odin, the storm-god, has been consi- buried with their ornaments, as they fell. The dered to be the original of the Wild Horseman two specimens here mentioned must have of the German legends. So the legend of been either reproductions of the old forms, or the Erl King or Wild Huntsman probably have been preserved for generations as heircame from the same source as that of Odin's looms, Wild Hunt, which in some parts of Germany To return to Odin. In his Manual of Scandiis called the Hel-jagd, and in others the English navian Art, Dr. Hans Hildebrand gives an Hant.' illustration of a warrior on horseback with Kamer Herr Worsaee is of opinion that the sword and shield on an embossed bronze which inferior gods were always represented clothed, was found at Vendel in Sweden. He is of and those of a superior order naked, or with a opinion that this is no doubt a mythological girdlo only,' and if this be the invariable rule subject, and presumes that its ocrrect ez. it seems not impossible that the man on horse- planation is to be found not very far off. back in the brooch belonging to an early type "The horseman is Wodan, who, according to figured on Plate XVIII. fig. 1 (ante, Vol. XV. the Scandinavian legends, had a heavy spear, p. 333),' may have been intended for Odin and was, as here represented, attended by two himself, after he had been exalted to the highest ravens, which brought him news from all over grade in the Scandinavian Pantheon." The the world. The serpent attacking the borse Because in the temple of Ola Uprala in Sweden the statue of Thor oooupied the place of honour between Odin and Frey the Sun.god. * Or according to Grimm, old German, watan; Nor wegian, bada, go away. [There appears to be a serious flaw in this argument. If Odin is the same as Buddha, the root of the word is budh, 'to know but in order to show that Odin is the Wild Huntsman, and thus that the Wild Huntsman is of Agiatio origin, it seems to be necessary to show that Odin is derived from root meaning to be furious.' The two derivations are not compatible. Besides, the one root is Sanskrit and the other Soandinavian.-ED.) * Odin and his wifo Freyja, are fabled to have had two MONS, Baldr and Hermod. Freyja had made all created thing awon that they would never hurt Baldr, "that whitent and mont boloved of the gods." But there was one little shoot "that groweth East of Valhalla, so small alhalla, so small and delicate that she forgot to take its oath." It was the mistletoe, and with a branch of that feeble plant flung by the hand of the blind Hode, Baldr was struok dead. He then descended into the gloomy make-oovered Helheim, whither. Hermod made a violent but unsuccess ful ride from star-spangled Valhalla, mounted on his father's horse named Sleipner, in order to obtain hin brother's body. Both refer to the nether world. We have already seen, ante, Vol. XV., that Great Britain was formerly popularly supposed to be the Land of Departod souls. i Sky-cled, as the Jains of India term it. * The ornament is in my possession and was purchased in Norway. 10 Kamer Herr Woraaee thinks that the worship of Odin in Scandinavia dates from what is styled the Earlier Iron Age in those countries, which oooupied the first 450 years A.D., and that it extended to the Middle Iron Ace. i.e. to 700 A.D. And also an attendant on the dond. 13 Together with another brooch which is also of Norwegian character.

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10 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1887. . reminds us of the mythological Midguard's No. X. serpent, or the serpent encircling the central Architectural and Other Customs. world, the implacable enemy of the gods." In all, or nearly all, the houses in the more As to Odin, in his capacity of the Wild elevated Himalayan villages the cow-stall Huntsman, the following is worthy of considera- forms the ground floor of the house, and the tion. On landing at Christiania in the summer same style of building prevails amongst those of 1883, I remarked the extraordinary resem- who inhabit high or mountainous districts in blance of the horses in the ordinary street Europe. All the houses in the Engadine Valley carriages of that place to a certain breed of horses are built in this manner, partly for the purpose in Central Asia, called Yarkandis, from their of raising the sleeping and living rooms above home in Yarkand. I am well acquainted with the ground level and partly because the ascend the type, having possessed and ridden many of ing breath of the animals gives some addi. them in the Northern portion of the Himala- tional warmth to the rooms over them. Flights yas, and am, therefore, not likely to have been of steps, which are not anfrequently roofed mistaken in seeing the likeness. The Norwe- over, on either side of the door of the cow-stall gian horses have the same general form, the lead to the apartments of the family above, same head and neck, the same dark line down the inconvenience of passing through the stall. the spine, and the Zebra-like markings on being thus avoided. the legs peculiar to the Yarkandis, which facts The Norwegian peasant's store-house figured appear to prove that they, like the Yarkandis, in Plate XXI., might stand for an almost exact are of an unmixed race, and still retain reproduction of many of the superior native their aboriginal characteristics. When re- houses in Srinagar in Kasmir, and of those in marking to a Norwegian acquaintance on their the Lahaul Valley in the Himalayas. The wonderful similarity to the animal of Central Crawing in question is taken from one of the Asia, he replied--"The people in my part of best specimens of such store-houses still remainNorway say that Odin bronght these horses ing in Norway. Had I been shown the draw. from the HimAlayas." The courteous Director ing without being told whence it came, I of the Museum at Bergen observed when should have unbesitatingly referred it to Sr. told of this, that it was well known from nagar. The windows, or rather the shutters, certain records that the horse was intro- for there is no glass in them, open precisely duced into Norway about 2,000 years ago, or as in Kasmir, and the general construction is about the time when Odin is fabled to have the same. The likeness extends even to the arrived on the scene, but he did not credit the man and horse sculptured on the front gable, tradition that this hero brought them, or even and all the ornamentation of the rest of the. ever existed. As to the introduction of the building is similar in character. Both in Norway horse into Scandinavia, Dr. Blomberg, of the and in the Himalayas it would seem that, in Historical Museum in Stockholm, is of opinion order to form the walls of such stractares, logs that the horse was known in Sweden during the of wood are placed horizontally one above the Later Stone Age: but, when this period be other and dove-tailed in at the four corners, no gan, or when it ended, or when the Bronze Age nails being employed, and the interstices between (which spoceeded it) commenced, no one has the logs being filled in with dry moss. The roofs yet been able to determine ; though some seem of the better class of houses in Kasmir and also to think it probable that the Iron Age in in Norway, as will be seen from the drawing, Scandinavia dates from shortly before the Chris- consist merely of planks of wood; but the tian era. But, as regards those northern lands, smaller and poorer houses, especially those in we must keep in mind that their inhabitants mountainous districts, such as the LAhaul Valley were pagans down to the XItb century; and and the higher parts of Norway, are not so we may therefore perhaps put the commence- carefully finished as in the plate, a roofing of ment of the Iron Age at a later period than sods being substituted for the planks. It may that given above. be that, as wood is scarcer in such places than # The art in this example is very rude.

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ta ASIATIC SYMBOLISM. Plate 21. PEASANTS STORE-HOUSE AT BREDLAND THELMARKEN, NORWAY.

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SCULPTURES FROM THE CLOISTERS OF TARRAGONA CATHEDRAL A A . KAS FROM THE BASE OF A PILLAR IN THE SOUTH-WEST CORNER, 2 RO VE ASIATIC SYMBOLISM. FROM THE CAPITAL OF A COLUMN. EXUA FROM THE CAPITAL OF A COLUMN. Plate 22.

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ASIATIC SYMBOLISM. JANUARY, 1887.] in the lower valleys, less is used, the deficiency being supplied by a thick layer of sods, which in time bears a luxuriant crop of wild flowers during the summer, and not unfrequently several young trees also. So much for secular architecture; let us now turn our attention for a while to sacred buildings. We find the same type of religious structure existing all over the Himalayas, in Nepal, in Kulla, and in Kasmir; a type which, strangely enough, corresponds with the old wooden church architecture of Norway. The Nepali temple at Benares, figured in Plate XX., will be sufficient to show the general form and construction of these buildings. This temple overlooks the Ganges, and was erected in honour of Siva by a Maharaja of Nepal about two hundred years ago. It is a large square wooden building, elevated on a platform about four feet in height. A small flight of steps forms the approach to the principal entrance, on either side of which is a lion carved in stone. On the right, between the steps and the lion is a stone bust of Siva in alto-relievo. The hair is arranged below the ears in a double row of curls, standing out like the rays of the sun, and round the neck are coiled most life-like snakes. The temple has four doors, with a window on either side of each. These doors, as well as the shutters of the windows, are richly carved, and over each is a segment of a pointed arch, surmounted by the well known chhatri, or umbrella of royalty. Sloping eaves, about six feet wide and roofed with small tiles, project all round the lower story, supported by wooden brackets. Above rises a square upper story of smaller dimensions, furnished with similarly sloping eaves, along the outer edge of which are small bells hung in a row at short distances from each other, so as to tinkle at the slightest breath of wind. Above this again is a kind of kiosk, having a high pinnacled roof and smaller kiosks of the same form occupying the four corners of its platform. A large bell is suspended from an iron rod at the summit of the whole. A trisul or trident, one of the emblems of Siva, is attached to this kiosk. This trident and the 14 Several persons, unacquainted with India, on being shown the drawing of the Norwegian church, and asked to what country it belonged, at once exclaimed that it resembled a Chinese pagoda, a form familiar to them on objects coming from that country. [Compare Fergusson, 11 roofs of all the kiosks are gilt. The building, represented in the plate as adjoining the temple, is a dharmeala, or house of rest, where pilgrims of good caste receive board and lodging gratis for a certain fixed period. It was erected by the Maharaja who built the temple. I would it were possible to give drawings of other examples of the same style of architecture, such as the temple at Manali in the Kulla Valley, situated in the midst of a forest of debdars, or of one of the mosques in Srinagar in Kasmir, which are, of course, Muhammadan structures; but it must suffice to say, from personal knowledge, that the type is the same as that of the temple just described. Let us now turn to Plate XIX., which is a representation of the wooden church at Borgund in the Laerdal, one of the oldest in Norway." The drawing is taken from the north side, with the west door and the apse shown in profile. Taken by themselves the details of the exterior of this Norwegian wooden church, which was built in the XIth Century, i.e. soon after the introduction of Christianity into Norway, would make the student look upon it as most singular that any race of people, inhabiting almost the extreme north of Europe, should have built thus; but, if the hypothesis be admitted that the remote ancestors of the builders came from Asia, it becomes very easy to imagine that in constructing the church they adopted forms which had been preserved amongst them by tradition. How can we otherwise account for the circumstance that, though living in such a high latitude, their chief object seems to have been to try and exclude both sun and light, by making a deep verandah all round, the exterior after the fashion of European and native builders in India ? The building is placed upon slabs of stone having a uniform height of about eight inches, on which the wooden uprights and cross pieces rest: a fact to which it owes its preservation. Starting from the base of the exterior, a row of sloping eaves forms the roof of a verandah, History of Indian Architecture, p. 270ff. on the Dravidian Temples at Mudbidri in Kanara and p. 298. on those in the Himalayas. Compare especially his figs. 150, 154, 172, 173.-ED.]

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12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1887. which encircles the basement; & second protects interior of the building immediately beneath the walls of the lower half of the church; a the large cupola is an altar soven or eight feet third forms the roof of the nave; a fourth the long, and six feet in width, which has two roof of the belfry; a fifth and a sixth seem also small flights of steps serving as predellas (seats to have been used for the sake of giving for the priests), and covered with a beautiful symmetry to the whole. The quaint objects on carpet, which is sometimes of gold stuff and the gables of the third and fourth roofs are sometimes of silk, according to the solemnity dragons' heads with projecting tongues; an of the day or festival. ornament that forcibly recalls that on Oriental "The altars (of the Hindus generaHy) are and Chinese buildings. covered with gold or silver brocade, or with The following description of a temple by some lovely painted material. The altar in this Tavernier, which existed in his day at Benares, Pagoda is so arranged that it, and the idols but was afterwards destroyed by Aurangzeb, which are upon it, can be seen from without the is worth transcribing here. He says"_"The entrance door; because neither women nor Pagoda at Banarus" is the most famous in young girls are permitted to enter nor (even) all India after that of Jagannath. They the men of one of their tribes (castes ?), but may be called almost equal, and are both have to pay their devotions outside. Amongst situated near the banks of the river Ganges in the idols, which stand on the altar there is one the respective cities whence they derive their which is five or six feet high; its body, arms, names. From the door of the Pagoda at and legs are not visible, but only the head Banaras one descends by steps down to the and neck, all the rest being covered with a river, on which are at intervals small plat- robe which trails down to the ground. Someforms with very dark little rooms, in some of times this idol wears a rich gold chain round which the Brahmans live. Others they use as its throat, or an ornament of rabies or pearls or kitchens in which to prepare their food; because emeralds. The idol was made in remembrance these idolaters after having washed them- and in the likeness of Bainmada (P Balarama), selves, said their prayers, and made their offer- whom they consider to have been & very ings in the Pagoda, prepare their food them- great personage ;- saint, whose name they selves, fearing lest another not in a condition of are constantly invoking. On the left hand of ceremonial purity should touch it. But above the altar is a figure of an animal, or rather all they drink with much devotion of the of some mythological creature, partly elewater of the Ganges, imagining that by so phant, partly horse, and partly mule. It is of doing they will be freed from all stain of sin. massive gold, and is called by them Goru, To return to the Pagoda, which is built in (Garuda P) which no one but a Brahman is the form of a cross, as are all the other ever allowed to approach. Near the entrance temples. In the centre of the exterior rises an to the Pagoda, between the great door and the immensely high cupola, constructed somewhat high altar (above described) one sees a smaller like a high tower, which has many sides to it, altar on the left hand, upon which is an idol in and terminates in a point. At each of the four black marble, seated with its legs crossed, and ends of the cross is a small tower into which about two feet in height. When I entered, a one can ascend from the exterior. Before reach- boy was standing on the left hand of it. the son ing the top, there are several balconion and of the chief priest, who kept touching the idol niches, which give exit into the open air, and with pieces of silk and embroidered cloths of the around are sculptured figures consisting of shape of handkerchiefs, which he afterwards every kind of mis-shapen animal. In the returned to those who gave them to him for * It is foreign to the scope of these papers to give a in 1600. In the passage I am about to quote I description of the interior, but it is well worth studying, have endeavoured to adhere uolosely as possible to and it is gratifying to be able to add that this most the text, but the Italian is very old fashioned, and interesting monument has been purchased by an some of the expressions made wi of are quaint and do Aropological Society, who have restored it and intend not admit of a litera) translation, to keep it carefully in repair. It is kept looked, but the 1 Viaggio nella Turchia, Pornia key is to be had at a small farmhouse a short distance India, Dk. IV. oh. from the modern church now in use, and only a few yards 18, p. 598. distant from the old one. * This is Tavernier's spelling of this name. I do not POS ONS Tavernier's work in the original, but " (This is, of course, not correct, the Jagannath I have an Italian translation of it published at Bologna temple being situated at Part in Orica-Ed.]

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JANUARY, 1887.] ASIATIC SYMBOLISM. 13 this purpose. Some of the people also gave the idol might not be incommoded by them. this lad chains made of beads, which looked like This driving away of the flies with music lasted the stones of some fruit and had a very sweet half an hour, or until the two chief Brahmans odour others what looked like rosaries made made a very great noise with bells at three of coral and amber; and some chains of flowers. distinct intervals; after which they tapped the The idolaters wear these chains round their door with a mallet. On this being done, the necks, or say their prayers over these beads. door was immediately opened by six Brahmans The idol on the small altar is called Morli Ram who were within the Pagoda. In the interior, (Muralidhar, he. Krishna) that is, the god and about six or eight paces distant from Morli," who they say is the brother of the one the entrance, was an altar on which was a on the high altar." female idol, called by them Ram Kam," who In the above description the plan of the was the sister of Morli Ram. She had on temple which has the form of a cross, as have her right hand & boy like a Cupid, called the all the other Pagodas"; the image, of which god Lakemin (Lakshmana), and on her left arm only the head is visible, the rest of the body she carried an image of a female child, called being enveloped in a rich robe; the presenta- the goddess Sita (Sita)." The door of the temple tion of flowers, strings of beads, or other objects being opened, and the curtain drawn back, to the image, that they may be sanctified by the people, as soon as they saw the idol, all procontact with it,-recall much that is familiar strated themselves three times with their faces to us in modern European Christianity. to the ground, putting their hands above The same traveller speaks" of another fine their heads; and when they stood up again they building nearthis Pagoda,-a College,-built by presented (as in the other Pagoda) bunches of the then Raja, in which some of his own song, flowers and strings of beads, in order that they and other lads of good caste were receiving might be made to touch the idol. In front of education at the hands of the resident Brahmans. the altar stood an old Brahman who held in his On the left hand, at the entrance to the hands a lamp with nine lighted wicks, on which College, the Raja had erected a Pagoda, which he, from time to time, dropped a species of was closed at the time of Tavernier's visit; but, incense, putting the lamp close to the idol." as he much wished to see the interior, he made This last point leads me to remark on the inquiries, and was told that, in order to do so, common use of incense in religious worship he most present himself at the door before sun- in India, amongst both Hindus and Jains. rise on the following morning, which he accord- When staying on Mount Abu in Rajputani, ingly did. On his arrival there he found an I watched at least 50 Jain pilgrims,-men, immense concourse of men, women, and children women and children,-performing a part of awaiting the opening of the door; and he must their devotions, after they had made their give his own account of what he witnessed on offerings in the innermost shrine of one of the tbis occasion. At the hour fixed eight Brah- Jain buildings there, whither, of course, I could mans advanced, four on each side of the door not follow them. They all seated themselves of the Pagoda, each having a thurible in his in the mantapa, or porch thereof, and were there hands. There were also many other Brahmans, censed by the attendant priest. The forms of who made a great noise with drums and other the censer and its chains were precisely that instruments. The two oldest amongst them which may be seen in any Roman Catholic sang one of their own hymns, the people join- Church. ing in, all having in their hands a peacock's tail, Again, it will be seen from the following or some other kind of fan, to chase away the flies, account, that the Qalmak (Calmuck) Tatars, so that when the door of the Pagoda was opened who are Buddhists, also use inoense in their 11 [Prudrakshas.-Ed.). 20 The translation of Morli Ram' by the god Morli' is very interesting, as showing that in Tavernier's time, as at the present day, the name Rama is employed frequently by Hindus to mean rod, irrespeotive of the particular 'god' meant.-ED.) op. cit. p. 601. * This must be meant for Ramachandra, a male and not a female deity and mythologically relative (bhoi, Also brother'), of Muralidhar or Krishna : perhaps his invariable representation 48 & young hairless boy misled Tavernier.-ED.] This settles the identity of Ram Kam, with Ramachandra, as male deities are usnally represented as having their wives, represented on a much smaller scale than themselves, sented on their thighs.-ED.)

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14 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1887. worship. Their chief priest is styled the Ku- seems to me that the modern custom in Bavaria tuchta, and in former days was subjeet to and in other parts of Germany, amongst the the Dalai Lama, but in course of time schisms higher as well as the lower classes, of dressing arose, and he established himself on an equal their young infants very lightly,-usually with footing with his superior. The Kutachta only one cotton garment, and placing it on its never exposes himself to public gaze except on back on a large pillow which is folded over certain particular days, when with much pomp the body, leaving the head alone visible" is a and ceremony he is carried in procession to survival of the ancient cradle-board.' a tent covered with velvet, where he sits In the matter of shoes, too, there is much cross-legged on a throne, with the Lamas on similarity sometimes between the East and the cushions around him, and a figure on each side West. Mr. A. Mitchell in a most interesting representing the divine essence. The whole work" says-"I once met a funeral procession assembly then prostrate themselves on the in the Highlands (of Scotland), in which one of ground, and burst out into loud acclamations the men, who carried the coffin wore shoes made in praise of the Deity, and lofty eulogiums of the nntanned bide of the ox, with the hair upon the Kutuchta. The Lamas next throw still on it. Such shoes are known as rivilins, odoriferous herbs into their censers, with and are described in books of costumes as the which they perfume the figures, the pontiff and shoes of the ancient Britons. They are corthe whole congregation. rectly so described, and have properly a place Cow-dung, as we all know, is a sacred' in collections of antiquities, and yet it happens object in India, and, in very ancient days at that there are thousands of people in Scotland least, it seems to have been so formerly in who wear this shoe at this hour. It is in Europe; for Winckelmann, who wrote in the most common use in Shetland, where thoulast century, mentions in his History of Ancient sands of pairs could, at this moment, be purArt, that Pampbos, one of the most ancient chased, and likewise in the Hebrides. There Greek poets, describes a statue of Zeus as being is probably no older form of shoe known. It covered with cow-dung. The German savant is nothing but a piece of untanned hide folded imagined this to indicate that the presence of when fresh, or moistened, and placed up the the divinity extends to all objects, even the sides of the foot and over the toes, and then most abject. No such error could be committed stitched or closed at the heel and toes with a now, since India is so much better known piece of twine or a thong of the hide, and then than it was in his day, and all who have been secured to the foot, more or less like a sandal." in that country, are aware that cow-dung is A similar species of foot-covering can be seen commonly employed by the natives as a sacred | also on the borders of Central Asia, where purifier. Such a purification, for instance, shoes on the model of the rivilins above deswould be necessary should a man, who possesses cribed are worn by the Ladakis of both sexes. caste,' desire to drink out of a cup or glass The climate of Ladak being a more inclement which had been used by Europeans, or by one one than that of the Scottish Isles, the Ladakis not of his own caste. make for themselves a legging of pattu, a Passing from sacred to familiar personal fabric made of the undyed wool of the white customs I would notice that of the cradle- sheep: they then take a piece of raw hide, let board' system of nursing children. From dis- it dry to the shape of the foot, cut it to the coveries made at various times in the graves, required size, and stitch it firmly round the barrows and cysts of different prehistoric foot on to the legging. In very cold weather, peoples, it has been gathered that the practice when about to take a journey, they put as much of nursing a child while carrying it about on flour as they can inside this covering, with the a flat cradle-board' prevailed in Britain and double purpose of keeping their feet warm and the North of Europe, and it is considered very of having with them an additional supply of probable that the same custom was in use at food in case of need. In certain districts in one time over a great part of the world. It Italy, a shoe of the same kind is still worn by * The pillow is tied together in two or three places " The Past in the Present-1880. with tapes or bows of coloured ribbon.

Page #25
KAUTHEM GRANT OF VIKRAMADITYA V. JANUARY, 1887.] the people; and it is not an uncommon sight to see peasants walking about Rome and in the Campagna with foot-coverings of the same nature as those of the Scottish Isles and of Western Tibet; all being equally rude in formevidently made on the foot and fastened with twine or thongs of hide. As a very curious instance of the development of European and Asiatic ideas in the same direction, and also to illustrate the wisdom of the oid adage that "there is nothing new under the sun," I may mention that the ordinary telephone (not the electric one of course) has been known and used in India for many generations. A friend (since retired from public service in India) had, when I was staying with him at Dehli, a native servant who had been many years in his employ. When any new or interesting discovery was made in Europe, his master was in the habit of telling SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. By J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.B.A.S., C.I.E. (Continued from Vol. XV. p. 359.) No. 168.-KAUTHEM PLATES OF VIKRAMA-DITYA V.-SAKA-SAMVAT 930. This inscription, now published for the first time, is from some copper-plates which came to notice in 1884, through Mr. Ramchandra Rajaram, Karbhari of Miraj. I edit it from the original plates, which I obtained, for examination, through the kindness of Lieut.-Col. H. N. Reeves, Bo. S. C., Political Agent, Kolapur and S. M. C., from the possession of Ananda Urf Appa Bin Raghu Khade of Kauthem, the chief town of the Kauthem Peta or Sub-Division of the Miraj State in the Southern Maratha Country. The present owner of the plates is a Jain, and therefore not a descendant of the original grantee. No information is forthcoming as to the circumstances under which his ancestors discovered, or obtained possession of them. The plates, of which the first and last are inscribed on the outer side only, are three in number, each measuring about 1' 2" by 81" at the ends, and a little less in the middle. The edges of them were fashioned somewhat The Kowteh' of the Indian Atlas, Sheet, No. 40; Lat. 16deg 59' N.; Long. 74deg 41' E.; about twelve miles almost due north of Miraj. Kauthem (kauthemh, or kawathem; also kawanth, and kawanthi; from the Sanskrit kapittha, the elephant or wood-apple tree, Feronia Elephantum') is a common name in that part of 15 him about it. On the telephone being first spoken of, this gentleman mentioned it to this native, enlarging upon what might eventually be its use, when to his amazement the man. replied:-"Oh, Sahib, we natives have known of such things for a long time. My father and my grandfather used one, I know; and I am every day in the habit of talking with a fellowservant across Sahib's compound in this manner!" On being requested to produce his instrument, the servant went out and speedily returned with two pieces of bamboo each about eight inches in length and an inch or an inch and a half in diameter. One end of each tube was covered with a bit of parchment through which a string from 60 to 100 feet long was passed and thus connected them. It perfectly answered the purpose of communication from one side of the compound to the other! thicker than the inscribed surfaces, with corresponding depressions inside them, so as to serve as rims to protect the writing. The surfaces are in some places a good deal corroded by rust; and towards the top of the first side of the second plate there are two or three flaws in the copper, which prevented the perfect formation of the letters at those places. The inscription, however, is in a state of excellent preservation throughout. The plates are thick; and the letters, though deep, do not shew through on the reverse sides of them at all. The engraving is fairly good; but, as usual, the interiors of the letters shew in many places marks of the working of the engraver's tool. Towards the left side of each plate, there is a hole for a ring to connect them. The ring is circular, about 1" thick and 3 in diameter; it had not been cut, or otherwise opened, when the grant came into my hands. The seal, in the lower part of which the ends of the ring are secured, is rec the country. The present Kanthem is also called, by way of distinction, Kauthem-Yekand, and BirhaSiddhachem Kauthem; and most of the other 'Kowtas and Kowtehs' of the map similarly have second distinctive appellations.

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16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1887. tangalar, about 21" by 3'. It has, in slight scriptions was prepared.-In respect of orthorelief on a deep countersunk surface, inside a graphy, we have to notice (1) the constant rim from th' to broad, -in the centre, & use, as in the modern vernaculars, of the anusboar, couchant to the proper right; immedi- vara, instead of the proper nasal, e.g. in akaately above the boar, a sankic-shell; in the lanka for akalanka, line 4, kusida for kanda, proper right and left upper corners, the sun line 3, visranta for visranta, line 1, kadasiva and moon respectively; and, behind the boar, for kadamva or kadamba, line 9, and even udvaeither an elephant-goad or an ox-goad. Below hari for udvahan, line 28, which is altogether the boar there are some very faint indications, unjustifiable; the proper nasal occurs, however, suggestive of a legend in two lines; but, if in saundarya, line 51, and voinda, line 54; (2) there was a legend in the matrix, the casting the doubling of dh, in conjunction with of it was very imperfect, and it is quite illegi- following y, once, in ayoddhyam, line 11; (3) ble. The emblems are in such slight relief, the doubling of d, in conjunction with a followand the ground, on which they are, is so deep, ingr, once, in bhupalddd - rashtra, line 44; and that it was impossible to obtain either a photo (4) the use of v for b throughout, e.g. in lavdha graph or an ink-impression of them for line 6(twice), vala, line 10, vibharasi-vabhtivuh, lithography.-The weight of the three plates line 12, vabhara, line 16, and vasidhair, line 22. is 522 tolas, and of the ring and seal, 97 tolas; The inscription commences with two invototal, 619 tolas.-The average size of the cations of the god Vishan, in the form of the letters is about it. The characters are Boar. And these are followed by a verse askthose of the South Indian Nagari alphabet oting for a benediction upon a king who is menthe period. They include the separate signstioned under the biruda of Akalankacharita for the lingual d, e.g. in kroda, line 2, kadamua, (1.4). On the analogy of the Miraj grant line 9, and shodasa, line 11 ; and for the lingual and the Yewur inscription, which, being records dh, in prarudha, line 48, and mudha, line 50. of respectively Jayasimha III. and Vikram - The virdma occurs distinctly, separate from ditya VI., introduce in this place the birudas and below the letter, in asit, line 45, and pildt of Jagadekamalla and Tribhuvanamalla, beand samajijanat, line 46, and perhaps as part longing respectively to those two kings, of the letter in (a)bhut, line 22; but it Akalankacharita ought to denote the reigning is omitted in (a)bhut, line 52, haran, line monarch Vikramaditya V. But, if the copies 15, and prakisayan, line 47. The decimal are correct, an inscription, dated Saka-Samvat signs for 3, 9, and 0, occur in line 61.-The 926, at Tambigi in the INdi Taluka of the language is Sanskrit throughout. Except Bijapur District,' and another, dated in the for & few connecting words in prose, the following year, at Kanneswar in the Hangal inscription is in verse as far as line 58; and Alak of the Dhirwad District, shew that some of the customary benedictive and im- this biruda belonged to Satyapraya II., the precatory verses are introduced in lines 69 to uncle and predecessor of Vikramaditya V. In 72. As far as line 46, the draft of this inscrip- that case, the inference from the present tion is an earlier specimen of the form from passage seems to be, that Satyasraya II. was which were prepared the Miraj grant of Jaya- still alive on the date of this inscription, but simba III., dated Saka-Samvat 946, and the had made over the sovereignty to his nephew. Yehur or Ybwur inscription of Vikramaditya And, in support of this inference, we may VI., dated Saka-Samvat 999, edited by me in quote the fact that the present inscription this Journal, ante, Vol. VIII. p. 10ff., and the does not include & certain verse (see note 20 Alur inscription of Vikramaditya VI., dated below) which is given in the Miraj grant, and Saka-Samyat 1013 and 1046, noticed by me, which speaks of the succession of Vikramaditya id. p. 21ff.; and it clears up, so far, almost all v. after Satyasraya II. Vikramaditya V. had the points left doubtful by the materials from the birudas of Tribhuvanamalla and Vallabhanawhich my version of the Miraj and Yewar in-rendra, as recorded in lines 59 and 73 below. * Eliot MS. Collection, Vol. I. p. 32f. tion his proper name. It does not seem to occur in any * id. Vol. I. p. 84.-This biruda oucurs also in two of the inscriptions, in the Collection, belonging to of the remaining three inscriptions, in the same Collec- Vikramiditya V. tion, attributed to Satyasraya II. ; but they do not men

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JANUARY, 1887.) KAUTHEM GRANT OF VIKRAMADITYA V. 17 The inscription then introduces the Chalu- His son was Ranaraga (1. 17). His, again, kya* lineage (1. 10), which appropriated the was Pulakesin, or Pulikesin I., the lord of the hard-to-be-conquered power of the goddess of city of Vatapi. And his was Kirttivarman the fortunes of the Nalas (1.9), who had been I. (1. 21), who again overthrew the Nalas swallowed as a mouthful by it; which destroyed (1. 20), the Mauryas, and the Kadambas. the arrogance of the mighty Kacambas; After him there reigned his younger brother which conquered the Mauryas; which uprooted Mangallba (. 24), who with bridges of boats the Rashtrakatas with the abundance of its crossed the ocean and conquered the island of strength of arm; which laid waste the glory of Revati (1. 23), and forcibly possessed himself the Kalachuris ; and which was the source of the royal fortunes of the Kalachchuris.' of jewels of kings, who belonged to the He, however, was only the regent during the Manavya gotra (1. 5.) and were Haritiputras | minority of his elder brother's son (1. 24); and or descendants of an original ancestress of the he ultimately handed over the kingdom to his Harita gotra; who acquired the white umbrella nephew SatyAbraya I. (1. 25), known in other (1. 6 ) and other tokens of sovereignty, through inscriptions as Pulikesin II., the conqueror of the favour of the goddess Kausiki; who were the great king Harsha (1. 26). preserved by the Seven Mothers; who acquired The son of Pulikesin II., according to the the banners bearing representations of a pea- present inscription, was Nedamari (1. 28); and cock's tail and a spear, through the favour of the his son, again, was Adityavarman (1. 29). god Karttikeya; who had the territories of these two generations, however, are not suphostile kings made subject to them on the ported by the earlier inscriptions; and the instant at the sight of the excellent vardhaldn- interpolation seems to be based partly on the chhana or crest of the Boar (1. 7), which they fact that Pulikesin II. had a son named acquired through the favour of the holy god Adityavarman, and partly on some confused Narayana; and who had the special titles of reminiscence of the three confederate kings, asylum of the universe,' refuge of all man who interrupted the Western Chalukya rule, kind' (1.8), and the special names of Vishnu- between Palikesin II. and Vikramaditya I. vardhana and Vijayaditya, and other similar The son of Adityavarman, according to the distinguishing appellations. present inscription, but in reality of Pulikesin Fifty-nine kings of that lineage reigned at II., Wus Vikramaditya I. (I. 29). He was the city of Ayodhya (1. 11), and passed away; succeeded by his son Yuddhamalla (1. 30), and, after that, sixteen governed the dakshi- whose proper name, as given in the earlier inndpatha, or region of the south. . scriptions, was Vinayaditya. His son was Vija Then for a time the fortunes of the Chalukya yaditya, whose son, again, was Vikramafamily were impeded by wicked people (1. 12). ditys II. (1. 31). The latter, again, was But then, again, there was a king, Jaya- followed by his son Kirttivarman II., "ander simhavallabha, or Jayasimha I. (1. 14), born whom the regal fortunes of the Chalukyas in the Chalukya lineage, who conquered the became impeded on the earth" (1. 32). This R4shtrakata king Indra (1. 15), the son of record refers to the historical fact that the Krisi pa, possessed of an army of eight hundred Rashtrakuta king Dantidurga dispossessed the elephants, and, destroying five hundred other Western Chalukyas about the middle of the kings, established again the royal fortunes of seventh century A.D., and established his own the sovereigns of the Chalukya family (1. 16). family in the place of them. * This form of the name, with the long vowel & in the first syllable, belongs properly only to Trila II, and his AUCOebsors and immediate ancestors, by whom the dynasty was restored. The original family name, in use down to the time of Kirttivarman II., was Chalukya, Chalikya, and Chalkya, with the short vowel a in the first syllable. The first of these three forms, Chalukya, is used for metrionl purposes, in line 16 below. See my Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, pp. 178., 41; and compare the damos of Kadamba and Kadamba. id. This name is usually written with the dental d in the necond syllable; as, for instance, in line 21 below. But a few other instances occur, in which it is written with the linguald, as here. * canchhana ; see ante, Vol. XV. p. 226, note 35. i.e. the Kalachuris of line 10 above. The prosent form of the name is only for metrical purposes. In the unpublished MahAkut pillar inscription of Mangulisa, the name is Sanskritised as Kalatsuri. See his inscription, ante, Vol. XI. p. 668., and Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. xvi. p. 238ff. See my, "Note in connection with the Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya L.," ante, Vol. X. p. 132ff. See also ante, Vol. VI. p. 75., and Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 26, note 8. p. 84.

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1887 The Chalukya power was not restored till fixed, his Wokkaleri grant shews that in the time of Taila II., A.D. 973-74. For the A.D. 757-58 he had been reigning for eleven intervening period, the present inscription gives years. According to the present inscription, the following continuation of the genealogy. Kirttivarman III. was of the same generation The verse in line 32f. tells us that "there with him. And this leaves an interval of over was) a brother of king Vikramaditya (II.), two hundred years, for which we have no conof terrible prowess; to his son was Kirttivar. temporaneous historical records of the Chalaman (III.) (1, 32), wlio afflicted wicked people kyas themselves; and, to fill which, we have by scattering earth over them to purify them." only the five names of Taila I., Vikramaditya His son was Tails I. (1. 33). His, again, was III., Bhima, Ayyana I., and Vikramaditya IV. Vikramaditya III. And his, again, was This gives for each generation an average of Bhima. Bhima's son was the noble Ayyana more than forty years, or nearly double of I. (1. 34), who appears to have united the what experience has shewn to be admissible. fortunes of his own lineage with those of the It is clear, therefore, that the genealogy is not Rashtrakutas, by marrying & daughter of altogether reliable here, and that some steps Krishna. Their son was Vikramaditya IV. are wanting. Now, it is probable that the (1.35), who married Bonthadevi (1. 36), the family would have preserved correct records ornament of the family of the lords of Chedi, for at any rate two or three generations immeand the daughter of king Lakshmana. And diately before Taila II. And there are two the son of Vikramaditya IV. and Bonthadevi points here in support of this. At the rate of was Taila II. (1. 37), "who easily cat asunder twenty-five years to a generation, the period of in the field of battle the two pillars of war his father, Vikramaditya IV., would be from of Karkara (1.41), connected with the about A.D. 945 to 970; which agrees with sovereignty of the family of the Rashtra- the record that he married Bonthadovi, a katas, which were, as it were, evidently the daughter of Lakshmana, of the family of two feet of the evil deity) Kali stretched out the kings of Chodi, i.e. Lakshmana of the with vigour in the act of striding, and which Kalachuri dynasty of Tripura or Tewar.' were, as it were, shoots, formidable, of compact whom General Cunningham places between substance, and having enmity against spiritual A.D. 950 and 975. And, in the same way, the preceptors for their young sprouts, of the creeper, period of his grandfather, Ayyana I., would be now at length cut down after the lapse of a long from about A.D. 920 to 945 ; which agrees time, of the fortunes of the Rashtrakata with the record that he married a daughter family;" and by whom Utpala" (1. 42), -who of a certain Krishna, i.e. Krishna III. of had destroyed the lives of the Hunas, and had the Rashtrakata dynasty of Manyakhota caused the Maravas!' to tremble at his approach, or Malkhed, who came" somewhere in the and had cut off the Chaidyas," and had per- period between A.D. 911 and 933. There is, in fected his intellect by policy combined with fact, no substantial objection to accepting the conquest of the whole world, -was cast into list of names as correct, as far back as Taila prison. I., and to placing the break in the direct snecesWith regard to this part of the genealogy, sion just before him. That this is the real I have to remark that the later inscriptions point at which the record fails, is shewn, I fix the acuession of Taila II. in A.D. 973- think, by the way in which, immediately after 74; and that, though the termination of the the mention of Vikramaditya II. and his son reign of Kirttivarman II. has not yet been Kirttivarman II. in line 31, the same names 10 Or" who possessed prowess equal to that of Bhima." the PachAlas, whom, according to other inscriptions, This expression ay perhaps be intended to indicate Tails IL decapitated in battle; see, for instance, ante, that his name was Bhima, which ooours in the family, Vol. XII. p. 270. nooording to the present inscription, four generations 13 The people of Maru or Marubhmi, the modern later; and, to dosling with the Miraj grant, I gave it * Marwar. this interpretation. But I feel more doubtfal about it now. The people of Chedi, the kingdom of the Kalachuris 11 See the instance of two ra nastambhas, and the way of Tripura. ante, Vol. VIII. p. 234. in which one of them was out asunder, described ante, 16 Archwol. Surv. Ind. Vol. IX. p. 85.. Vol. XV. pp. 2538. 17 See the genealogy in Dywuation of the Kanarose Die 11 I have not obtained any other mention of this kingtricte, p. 32, and ante, Vol. XI. p. 109. by name. But he is perhaps the Plachala, or leader of

Page #29
JANUARY, 1887.) KAUTHEM GRANT OF VIKRAMADITYA V. 19 are introduced again in line 32, in the state. The name of Yasovarman is rather a peculiar ment that there was a brother of Vikrama- one; inasmuch as the Miraj grant, which is an ditya, whose son again was Kirttivarman. It inscription of Jayasimha III., another son of the is most improbable that the family archives, if same person, gives his name as Dasavarman; otherwise continuous and correct, should fail so does the Yewur inscription; and also all only in respect of the name of the brother of the other records, known to me, which inVikramaditya II. It is also unlikely that two clude this part of the genealogy and do not brothers should each have a son named Kirtti- pass him over without mention. Now, the varman. The true explanation seems to be dates of Satyasraya II. and Vikramaditya V. that the drafter of some earlier record, pro- indicate that Yasdvarman, or Dasavarman, did bably of the time of Taila II., who first applied not actually reign; and this explains what himself to making out one continuous succes- was, at the time, rather a puzzling expression sion, had, on the one side, authentic informa- in the Miraj grant,* in a verse not included in tion up to the time of Taila I., and was able the present inscription, which describes Vikraon the other side, to make out the correct maditya V. as supporting the earth "behind succession down to Kirttivarman II., from the the back, or in the absence," i.e. in succession still earlier charters. He probably knew that after the death, of his "elder father," i.e. his Taila I. was at any rate not a son of Kirtti- father's elder brother, Satyasraya II. Again, varman II. But he sought to somehow or if the copy is correct, one of the inscriptions of other connect the two lines. And, failing to Vikramaditya V. himself," speaks of him devise any other expedient, he did this, clum- distinctly as the son of Satyasraya II.; and sily enough, by repeating the name of Kirtti- several of the subsequent inscriptions pass varman,-which, it may be noted, does not over Yasdvarman, or Dasavarman, without any occur again in the later succession, and thus mention, though they do not go so far as to invented Kirttivarman III. as the father of distinctly adopt the above statement regarding Taila II. And then, wishing for some reason the birth of Vikramaditya V. And, again, or other not to identify this Kirttivarman III. the next verse, applied in the present inscripwith Kirttivarman II., in whose time, he knew, tion to Yasdvarman, is in the Miraj grant as shewn by the latter half of the verse in applied to Satyasraya II. These facte, put line 31f., the Western Chalukya power had together, seem to indicate that Vikramaditva suffered some serious reverse, he introduced, V. really was the son by birth of Yasdvarman, as his father, a conveniently unnamed brother but, in addition to being the successor of of a king Vikramaditya, whom he undoubtedly Satyakraya II., was adopted by him. As intended to be identified with the genuine king regards the two forms of his father's name it Vikramaditya II. ; and so he completed the is difficult to imagine how such & variation, direct genealogical connection that he had in and much more any actual mistake, should view. occur within so short & time. I can only Tails II. married Jakavys (1. 44), a daughter point out that, in the Miraj grant, the metre" of king Bhammaha," the Ratta," the orna- requires the reading Dasavarman'; o also, I ment of the family of the Rashtrakatas. Their think, in all the other inscriptions that give bons were satyAsraya II. (1. 46), and his the name in that form. In the present younger brother Yakovarman, Yasovarman's inscription, on the other hand, the text is wife was Bhagyavati (1.51). And their son altogether different; and, though the metre" was the reigning monarch, Vikramaditya V. does not absolutely require the reading Yaso(1. 53.) varman, yet these are the syllables which, in This is evidently a Prakrit word.-If it is proper original rendering, on imperfect materials, of the Miraj name, it may be compared with Khottiga, the only other grant and the Ylwar inscription, I can find no grounds name in the Rahtrakata genealogy that is not known for specifying Kakka III. as the father of JAkavv.. also in its Sanskrit form. And, in this case, the position 11.. BAshtrak Qta of Bhammahn in the genealogy has still to be determined. so ante. Vol. VIII. p. 17-asau nija-jyeahtha-pituh Others of the names also had Prikrit forms; thus, paroksharh babhara drrasi-vritar dharitrim. Dhruva is also mentioned as Dhora ; and Govinda V. * At Alar in the Gadag Taluk of the Dharw lind. Die as Gojjiga.-If it is only an epithet or biruda, it probably denotos the last Rashtrakuta king, Kakka or trict; Elliot MS. Collection, Vol. I. p. 88ff. Karka III., who is montioned under the name of Kar. Upajati of Indravajru and Upendravajri. karn in line 41 above.-Apart from this and from my sika (Anushtubb).

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20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1887. accordance with the most approved scheme of exclamations, following the statement that this the Sloka, are most suited to their position in is a grant of the glorious Vikramaditya V., the verse. Possibly Yasovarman was regarded otherwise called the glorious Tribhuvanaas a person of so little consequence that the composer of the Miraj grant, when deviating All the places mentioned in this inscription, from the present draft, held himself at in comection with the details of the grant, are liberty to alter the name to suit his own capable of identification, in the Indian Atlas, convenience. If, on the other hand, this Sheet No. 40. Koll&pura, of course, is the person really had both names, then they modern Kolapur," the chief town of the furnish the first instance of a variation in the Native State of the same name in the so-called first or really distinctive part of a proper Southern Maratha Country, and Kotitirtha is name;" the instance, however, can hardly the name of a holy place still existing at this be considered & satisfactory one, without fur- town. Alatage, the chief town of a Seventher evidence to support it. hundred district named after it, in the Kundi The inscription goes on (1. 58) to record that desa,--the Kuhundi and Kundi Three-thousand the Maharajadhiraja, Paramesvara, and Para- of other inscriptions,-is the modern Alter," wabhaldraka Vikramaditya V., here men- the chief town of a Sub-Division of the same tioned under his birudas of Tribhuvanamalla name in the Kolapur State, thirteen miles east and Vallabhanarondra (1.59), issues by north of Kolapor. Koddast, the village command to the Rashtrapati, Vishayapati, granted, is the modern Kuchi or Kochi," Gramakutaka, Ayuktaka, Niyuktaka, Adhi-six and a half miles almost due dorth of Altem, karika, Mahattara, and other officials (1. 60), to close to the right bank of the river Warna. the effect that, the Saks year nine hundred on the same side of the river we have the and thirty, or in figures 930, having expired modern Watar or Wathar, answering to (1. 61), in the Sanmya samvatsare," on an the ancient Vattara, one and a half miles unspecified full-moon day, and at the time of south of Kuchi; and Bhendawadem, the an eclipse of the moon,-at the sacred place ancient Bhendevada, two miles south-west called Kotitirtha, at the town of Kollapura of Kuchi; and, on the other side, Bagni, the (1. 62),-the village of Koddast (1. 65), in ancient Vangi," and Dudhgamw, the ancient the Alatage Seven-hundred in the Kandi Duddhigrama, respectively two and a half lesa (I. 64), is given by him to the Bhatta miles north, and two miles north-east, of Kuchi: Devevisottara, belonging to a kakha of the As regards the date, which is expressed Yajurveda, and a member of the Prathama- fully in words and partly in decimal figures, A treya gotra (1. 63), the son of the Bhatta the principal record is that the grant was made Donekramayita, and the son's son of the when Saka-Samvat 930 had expired, and conBhatta Devanakramayita. The boundaries of sequently when the year 931 was current; and this village are, on the east, Duddhigrama in the Saumya saravatsara ; and, according to (1. 65); on the south, Vattara (1. 66); on the Tables, Saka-Samvat 931 (A.D. 1009-10) the west, Bhendevada ; and on the north, was the Saumya samvatsara, as indicated. The Vangi. only detail available for computation, is the Lines 66 to 68 define the rights attached to lunar eclipse, on an unspecified fall-moon day. the grant. Lines 68 to 72 contain an injunc- By the Tables, the choice lies between Tuestion that the grant should be continued by day, the 12th April, and Thursday, the 6th future kings; followed by three of the custom- October, A.D. 1009. But, according to others ary benedictive and imprecatory verses. And of the same Tables, these dates answer prima the inscription ends in line 73, with auspicious facie, by the southern system, to the fourteenth * See my remarks, ante, Vol. XIV. p. 344. "The Ulteh' of the map. Lat. 16deg 46' N.; Long. 1 According to the Tables, Saka-Samvat 931 was the 74deg 28' E.. Saumys saivataara, as indicated. Saka-Samvat 930 was *This and the following places are entered in the map the Kilaka ashuateara. Kochee, Watar, Bhendowreh, Barnee, and Doodgaon.' 0 It in difoult to explain the transposition and change * The 'Kolapoor, Kolhapoor, and Kolhapur,' of mapa, of the neal in this word. The suggestion has been &c.-The last two forms owe their origin to a perfectly made to me that the reason is that the original name mistaken idea that the first two syllables are the Mars sounded too much like bhang, 'a sweeper." thi word k'Iha, 'a jackal.' >> Cunningham's Indian Eras, p. 214.

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JANUARY, 1887.7 KAUTHEM GRANT OF VIKRAMADITYA V. 21 tithi of the bright fortnight of respectively the expunction of a tithi, so as to bring the fifteenth months Vaisakha (April-May) and Asvina or full-moon tithi, onto the English date; and (September October); i.e., in each case, to the an examination of the tithis of Vaisakha and tithi before that on which the eclipse must have Asvina would probably suffice to shew which occurred, vis. the fifteonth, or fall-moon tithi. of the two eclipses mentioned above is the one This difference will have to be adjusted by the that is referred to. TEXT.31 First Plate. 1 Om" [11] Jayatyos=avishktitam Vishnor=vvarabam. kshobhit-arnnavam dakshin Ondata-danshtr-&gra-viararta-bhuvanan vapuh ll. Sri2 yam -apaharatad-vah Sri-patih kroda-rapo vikata-visada-danshtra-pranta-vierarti bhajam avabad-adaya3 dasht-Akrishta-vispashta-karda-pratand-visa-jat-agra-gramthivad=yo dharitrim 11 Karios. makara-makarik-amkita-ja4 lanidhi-rasanam vasikardtv-avani-vadhu Akalamkacharita-bhupatir-akalanka yas8-mya(ba)rasi-valayita-bhuvanah 5 | Gadyan" 11 Svasti Samasta-bhuvana-samstuyamana-Manavyasagotranam HArttiputranam Kausiki-vara-prasada-la6 odha(dha)-kvotata patr-Adi-rajyachihnanam sapta-matrika-parirakshitan Karttikeya Vara-prasada-lavdha(bdha)-mayorapinchhao-kunta7 dhvajanm bhagavan-Narayana-pras&d-&sadita-vara-vardhalamchhan-ekshana-kshana-vast kpit-Arkti-raja-mandalann samasta8 bhavanasraya-sarvvalokasraya-Vishnuvarddhana-Vijayadity-adi-vibesha-namnam raja ratnanam-tadbhava-bha. 9 mih | Vtittan" | Kavalita"-Nala-lakshmi-durjjayo-eurjitya-hari vihata-prithu Kadarv(b)-Adamva(ba)rd Maurya(ryya)-nirjjit nije - bhuja - va(a)la - bhumn=otpatayan = Rashtrakatan - khilita - Kalachurih-brir*1 = asti VA(oba)lukye-vamsah 1 Taj"-jeshu ra11 jyam-anapalya gatishu rAjasv-kan-na shashti-gapandshu purwadhy-Ayoddhyam" 1 tad-varia-jAsetad=anu shodaba bhamipalah kshmam da12 kshin&patha-jusham vi(bi)bharan-va(be)bhuvah 11 Dusht-Avashtapcha(bdhayam cha katipaya-purusharatar-AristaritAyam Chalukya-kula-sampadi bhuyas-Cha13 lukya-vamsya dva 11(1) KandA" kirtti-lat-ankarasya kamalam Lakshmi-vilas ispadam vajram vairi-mahfbhritAm pratinidhir=deva14 sya daitya-druhah raj-asij=Jayasinhavallabha iti khyatas=charitrair=nnijair=yyd reje chiram-di-raja-charit-kshatka)mthah 15 prajank harana(n) II Y8 Rashtrakata-kulam-Imdra iti prasiddham Krishn. Ahvayasya sutam-ashta-kat-ebha-sainyam nirjjitya dagdha-ni16 pa-pamcha-bato va(ba)bhra b hyas-Chalukya-kula-vallabha-rajalakshmin 11 Chatula"-ripu-taraga-patu-bhata karati-ghata-koti-gha17 tita-rana-ragah sukrita-Hara-charana-ragas=tanayo=bhat-tasya Ranaragah 11 Tat tanayah Pulakek Kesinishuda18 na-samd-bhavad=raja. Vatapi-puri-vara-patir-akalita-khala-Kali-kalanka-kalah 11 Vayamsepi Pulakebl. kshmapac >> From the original platen, _ Wathen read lakshmfr-durjay, in the Miraj grant. * This word is expressed by a symbol; not in writing. The reading of the Yewur inscription seems to agree * Metre, sloks (Anushtabh). with that of the present grant.. # Metre, MAlint. 41 Read kalachuri-frir. Metre, Vasantatilaka, Metre, Ary Agtti. i..." Pasage in prose, not metrioul, yet framed * The reading, which was altogether doubtful in the in accordance with harmony, The characteristics of the versions available to me of the Miraj and Yewar inscrippresent passage are, partly the alliteration, e.g. Svasti tions, is here quite satisfactory and intelligible. samasta, sarat dyamana.Mdravy, prandd-daddita ; and * Prose (Gadya.). "Metre, Sard Alavikridita. partly the rhyming genitive terminations. 46 Metre, Vasantatilaka. >> Lead pichchha. * Metre, Ary; and in the next verse. #1, "metre." ** Metre, MAlin. * Metre, Mblint; and in the next verse.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1887. A Second Plate; First Side. 19 tiin var nayantah pulaka-kalita-dehih pasyat-adyapi samtah sahi turaga gajendra-grima-sa ram sahasra-dvaya-pa20 rimitam-ritvik-sich-chakar-avameva(dhe) | Tat-tanayah 11(1) Nala-nilaya-vilopt Mauryya-niryyana-h[@]tuh prathi. 21 ta-prithu-Kadamva(63)-stava(ba)-bhedi katharahi bhuvana-bhavana-bhag-apuran arambha-bhara-vyavasita-sita-kirttih Kirttiva22 rma nipo=bhuta(t) | Tad=anu tasy=knujah 11 () Sarvva"-dvip-akramana-mahaso ma(ya)sya nau-seta-va(ba)indhair=ullamghy=avdhi(bdhi)i vyadhita pri23 tana Revati dvipa-to(18 ?)pamo rijya-srinam hatha-patir-asu(bbu)d=yas=cha Kalachchhurinam va(ba)bhri bhumim saha sa sakalair-mamgalai.' 24 r=Mangalisah 1 Jepthao bhratuh sati suta-vare=py=arbhakatvad-asakte yasmin= imemnyor-aksita hi dharam Mangalisah prithivyam(h) 25 tasmin=pratyarpipad-atha mahim yuni Satyasraye=sau Chalukyanam kayiva" hi path) dharmy=atah prachyaveta Jeturddisam 26 vijiti-Harsha mabonsipasya ditur-manoratha-sat-adhikam=artthayadbhyal saty-idi sarvva-guna-ratn.gu(ga) - karasya satyasraya27 tram=upalakshanain=eva yasya i Adamarikrita-digvalay-odita-dvid-amari-parigita-ma hi-yasah Mrioamari28 pta(shta)-kritam manas=odvaham (n) Nedamacin kshitipo=jani tat-satah | Satas" tadiye guna-ratna-mall bhu-valiabh 29 su(bhu)d=bhuja-viry ya-sali Adityavarm=(8)rjita-panya-karma tejobhir=aditya samana-dharma" || Tato-suto Vikra30 madityo vikram-Akrarata-bhutalab tato=pi Yuddhamall-Akhy0 yuddh8 Yamasamo nsipah | Taj-( janma Chi(vi)jayadityo viran-kar31 ga-samgare chaturna[m] madalanim-apyrajayad-Vijay-Opamah Tad-bhavo Vikramadityah Kirttivarma tad-atmajah yena Chalu. 32 kya-rajyasrireantarayinywabhud=bhuvi | Vikramaditya-bhdpala-bhrata bhima parakramah tat-sanah Kirttivarm=abhan-mit-pra83 B-irdita-durjanah 11 Taila-bhupas-tato jatah Vikramaditya-bhupatib tat-sudur abhavat-tasmad-Bhima-rajo-ri-bbikarah [li] 34 Ayyan-Aryyas-tato jajoe yad-vamsasya Sriyam svaka pripayann-iva vamsam sali" vavrite Krishna-nahdani [m] | Abhavat"-tayog-tang35 jo vijaya-vibhasi virddhi-vidhvamsi tejo-viji(t)-Adityah satya-dhano Vikram dityah | Ched(r)-isa-vamsa-tilakan 36 Lakshmana-rajasya nandanin nuta-bilam Vo(bo)mthadevim vidhi-vat parininy8 Vikramadityah | Sutam"-iva Vasudevad-DS37 vaki Vasudevam Guham-iva Girijimih" devam-Arddhendumaulehajanayad-atha Vo(bo)mthedevy-atas-Taila-bhu par vibha ** Metre, MandAkrant; and in the next verse. 0 In both the Miraj grant and the Yewur inscription, the reading appears to be Upan. * Read jyishtha. Read atmany. 13 Read ka iva. * Metre, Vasantatilaka. * Metre, Drutavilambita. The influence of Kanerese poetry is observable in the alliteration, or adi-prdea, of the second, third, and fourth syllables of each pida. " Metre, Upajati of IndravajrA and Upendravarja Here again the influence of Kanarese poetry is obsery. able in the rhyming ends, or antyn-prad, of the first with the second plda, and the third with the fourth. " dharman; see ante, Vol. XIV. p. 255, note 6. "Metre, Sloka (Anushtubh); and in the next first five veraes. 30 Read act. 0 Metre, AryA. 1 The metre of this verse is peculiar. Either it must be treated as Ary, with two short syllables in excess in the second pida. Or else it is an Upajiti of Ary Agiti in the first two pidus, and either Arya or Upagiti in the second two. But mixtures of the Arya class of metres seem to be very rare, if they are allowable at all. 03 Metre, MAlinl. es The usual name of the goddess Parvati, as the danghter of the mountain Himalaya, ia Girija. Monier Williams, in his Sanskrit Dictionary, gives jami as (1), a feminine base, in the sense of a sister, & virtuous and respectable woman : (more properly) a female relative of the head of a family, a daughter-in-law' and (2), a neuter base, in the sense of blood-relationship, the relation of brother and sister, relation in general, descent. But it 15 not a word of at all frequent use.

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Kauthem Plates of Vikramaditya V.-Saka-Samvat 930. kase tAbadAmAta lAina vinA lahasusAlakAvilA aba kitanA ho to batAyAta kAya tI kAgadAvA barA kAzI kaca dAta svAmI rako silikA alaravInAlAla ANTONDA navIyavahepulakakA labAdA THEtraka panimA DA minatavAra di. mAtaziddha lAmA nimittama vikAkA nae kAratUna vadI kuvAna kA khoja pAhana disatasA mAnA hI pAka marA meM sone sanI se ucI va lipA ke vAsina milI jamAva satisutadane pahisaka pAvalI va tyAzivAlikA nadi pUnama malIna praviti kAjavatI kI pAla palAnA padaka pratibhA yAca kAlAsAharA badada misAha se pakAlAmAla / samayatApidina mahInAmasatAnA to cAna kI rAtri dAdipa ghadhitiSa kA detA kAraka gavAha ta ha miTyAkaprasAdA umamA pacava nAkAma pachAratAlA vinAzAlA palaka rAmavayumA DamanITatadinAla TrayAdita vikAvI pAkitI ta mahAvatamAma nika paDhatamUka sAdara meM dAma pani polArasatAnAca vimAna niti kA tavA vi.kamA kAnAtalA tatApiyuma lAgyo yudhamanamA mAnisamA tArA jiulonAilAmAna kiyA vighApama (navo viki sAditAvA tivamA tasA mAtAlA kamAnIlane mAthi paNa bahu vibhAvikamAditAAyAlayAtA hI bhAvanA kama ta bhAnu pratI ti mahilA sAdita dukAna lA paTavatA lAtavika mAditA pati na lAe ra hAtamA sImajAjI nijI mAyA kA yavato tyA hattI tAliyA kApApa yAbvavanA savata ke devatA navina bATo hAlA vijayAvihAM sI cino vidhivaTItajoditivoditA satA vanAvikA da to Ara TI kI vadAtila ko| maukA pAka kA kalatI lAcA-cAdavI ci vitarapani tiko vika nArikA Asana kina suhavAhI kI vAyuvetamA sovijJAna ra te kAya kAmoli mana kA kelA na pA vAhanAya na volapAtakA yI hujI yAmAhA mAsAni pojanAba IF.FLEET,Rocs SCALE .50 W. GRIGGS, FHCTO-LITH.

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38 1 . vati jn] jnnikramAditA mAmU Ani kujita rupamA zuddhaH kaMdhAra jatiH sh| javala spanivaM vAla kI vahA sArA kiMvA nATaka manasenaM viddhi bhAIcA vivajana litAsa kA kalekA mata jAnA vahInI nAkA guphA kA prakopAviva kAlA saMvedanA TrakkaTakakulajI valli jAtA jAtA nAyaka sukhe ka ka na lIna ejIpAla tApada hama yAnAvasabhAvAvila mAjhama baMgu kabI kAlaHyekAnA sAyadarzi navalapAryAmAdaya: kAnAmiveti kavi vA vayati dAruva pAlAddA sulaTa kulatilakAtAla bhI nivasalila kitI jAtI hai yA keA bAlukA va sAvana somAlI zrItile rupA laupAya tayAlA kA dadyAdyoga vaidikArya sanivAsI tu tena nami pAlA nahIM jA ka dyA. sa me jInata grIma sAmU divAvakA divasAnu au sAvamA samaya vadbha va vividhtaa| to banAyikA laya adhiv|| yasA pratApa hAla meM madagupnotI vA jAdA khAvAvaliHpaThAuna jAla kAlpe dimAM upasi vivizvAta vana asA vijita mAnA vana mAvi sa va saMti kisAnale manaH sAta mRgA ~va vaikAdhiSimAMta nAtigA prasana valaya ra nijakAtrA // tara piyA kI vanautikA mAdravala bhavimAna va sAthI pAsa gupatA patA nAgIya 52 kA vAsa // umeva sevAkA mudA sarvanAmaya ghAsalA sAsUsasura va cIna va pAMgavikramAditAkA mAna vikamA kAnadUtale tADitAsAmane bla maddiSaa lAbhA ye vAsukilA mizana sIneSu dusA kRtiH kAla somasamAse niyuvAko bAdazahA niHkIrtiryasya ta' zubhAvita ki (grAkAni kitIsA saghanI malA samaye vAstavi 40 42 44 46 48 50 54 56 iib 88888 vilI vanagmAlA dinI sitopiyaJcAkako dvaprati SadA kiMya kI viruvA pratikriya pApilo kamalakIyadyAta doghasA siddhArA gyAmanikamA sarvatAzayaH prabhA kA kAha dayA 58 misemA kalasa mISadesa unI ghI baila samatA yA jJAnamADa mA pAmarudvArA kahata -maya kulatilaka dAlu kArU zrImaruvaka malladeva jI mahatvahamanameva kutAlIsa ghola b " ghAsa va 9 mAna kA nA hU. pativiSayapani gAnai vATa kA yuvA ke ki yuvA kA (ve kA cika madana nAdIzamAdi mRtA yuvaH saviditayA mahinA kaMpakAlA tIna saMvata ekta suruGgAdavi ke nAteSu 30 pavanamA kAsI mAsa vai zuna pArTImA saMgasogagRhapatiko llA puna kATatIjana yAjakAdiSada kinavArya vedavedAMga para ramAyacIyAM prAya yadevala kumayita sahAya pAya do kama citarudvamudevI sonU hAya kariva nAkAta meM alaMta gaisa pramalA kausI mAma grAmoda taiH||saanaapottiiH|| pUrvataH // dvIgA mI kAma grAmra // daki hA kaamgraamH||pssiNg ta aru 'Da vADI mAma graamH|| unntH||vii kAma graamH|| e sivappAsakIya sImAsahitaH sa vRkSa mAlA kulH| samIhi na nnaadyH| roU kI yAma ka 68 lipI nividA sameta appaTa kA nAma na visahitaH / sa ka sa ka mesIti nAgajihi-mAtI na ki munAjati pani pAlakI yaH ||AUM OM caMdra nAca nAce devI vAsana 70 lAvAyo ne tava sadasa vizvA khAjAya te krizciH // bahu sisuvAda nAgA siyAma sAdA khAnA dAla nAma degA pUrNa k|| sAmoko yasa prati kaoNle. kA 72 pAlakI yAvadbhiHsarvAtamajJAvikaH citiko yo yAbAbata narAH marujIMnA DrArnaaj" habrarAjale mIma rdika mA ditA zrImahi kamalAde vaya drarimarA 66 iii na

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JANUARY, 1887.) KAUTHEM GRANT OF VIKRAMADITYA V. 28 Second Plate; Second Side. 38 va-vijita-Sakram Ti(vi)kramaditya-namna) | Ari" kumbhi.kambha-bhedana-ripa durgga-kavata-bhaujana-prabhritib saha39 ja-va(ba)lasya Harer-iva va(b)la-krid-abhavad-yasya 1 Kimoha Rashtrakata-kula rajya-samva(ba)mdhibhih" 11() Aurjjityacho-charani40 vaiva prachalitaa sakshat-Kaldh kramatah krurau va(ba)ddha-sarfrakan garajans droba-prakopar"-iva kalkt-khandita-RA41 shtrakataka-kala-sri-valli-jat-Am kurau lenau yena sukhona Karkara-rapa-stambhaa rana-prangase || Hupa"-prana-hara-pra42 tapa-dahano yatra-trasan-Maravas-Chaidya-chchhedyakhila-kshama-jaya-naya-vyutpanna. dhir-Utpalah yen-tyagra-ran-Agra-darsi43 ta-va (ba)la-pracburyya-saury-8dayah karagara-nivasitah kavi-vpisha yat vargnayan gharnni(ropa)te li Bhammaha"-Rattad-abhavad-bhu. 44 paladd-Rashtrakata-kala-tilakata(t) I Lakshmiraiva salilanidheheri-Jakavv-Ahvaya kanya | Chalukya'o-vam-Amva(ba)ra-bhAnumall 45 srf-Taila-bhapala apayao(t)-0(ai)nam tayos-cha 10k-Abhyudayaya yogah sach [ch]amdriki-chandramasor-iv-asit 11 Srih Taila-bhumi46 palat sri-Jakayva(vva) samajijanat erimat-Satyakrayath Skamdam-Aundi(bi)kA T[ro]yamva(ba) kad=iva" | Tasy-anujo Ya47 Bovarma sarmma-bhagadharmma-samarayah ya(ba)bhuva bhuvi vikhyato bhava. nani prakasayana(n) | Apicha 11(1) Yasya" 48 prata pa-jvalanena dagdhah prarohat-iv-ari-ganasya vamsah valaih" praruph-Atkura jala-kalpair=ddisar vijd49 tuh pathi sannivishtai(?) | Tena cha nij-aujasa nirjitesbu rishtrushu [10] Rashtr'. Anta-durggam-apahaya vibhinna-sat[t]vas-tach-chhatravah 50 kusiti-nissaranena mudhah sd khamriga iva vanad-vipin-Amtarani jagmah prabhata va(ba)la-danda-nipidan-Arttah 11 51 Tasya' priya Bhagyavat-iti nem va(ba)bhava Lakshmir=iva Madhavasya y rapa-saundarya-gunair-upeta patyur-yvar-Angi nay 52 n-otsavo-bhata(t) I Umelva Sdnanyam=udagra-sat[t]varh Raman yatha Kosala rija-kanya s-asata Vpitrari-samam so-patram vira-prasu. 53 reyvira vauhuruvvar-Argi 11 Vikramaditya"-naminan vikram-akramta-bhutalan tyajitas=samang yena kshatra-dharmma[no] dvishad-ganah 11 54 Jyotsn"-ev=aychha(chchha)-ennirmmal nisi saras-tirosha hams-akritih kasa-stoma sama saritan gagane gaur-abhra-yri(vri)nda-dyu55 tih kirttir-yasya tad-udyam-chita-sara-vihniyamani' ripun-nityambhasayat-itthamanya-samaye-py-ivasa-vidve. A Third Plate. 56 shini 11 Varane-agra(sra)manam sthitaye sthito-piyas-ch-akardd-varno-vidsha-. hanim sva-kirttibhi[ro]-vyapta-digamtarabhis-tnthapi 10* Metre, Aryl. " The exact identity of this with the Miraj and Yewur * Wathen read rijya-mashbhavau, in the Miraj grant. insoriptions, Ons herethough some of the subsequent The reading of the Yewur inscription is sambaddhye veraes ooour in them also. ubhau; and this seems the best of the three. In the 15 Metre, Upajati of Indravajra and Upendra vajra. present reading the instrumental One oan only be oon- In the Miraj grant, this verse occurs, but is applied to neoted, and that not very satisfactorily, with prachalitas, Satykiraya. It does not ooour in the Yewar inscription. in the next line. 1. The apparent reading of the Miraj grant, barai, 1 Metre, SArdalsvikrilita; and in the next verse. seems better. * The reading of the Miraj grant and of the Yew dr 15 Metre, Vasantatilaks. insoription is prardhav, which is much better. 1. Metro, Upajati of Indravajrl and Upendravajra; and . Betweon this and the preceding verses, the Miraj in the next verse. und Yewurinsoriptions have another, commenoing " Metre, $10ks (Anushtabh). Itthan purit Diti-sutair, referring again to the over ** Metro, SardGlavikridita. throw of the R Ashtrakatau Metro, Arya. ** Rood sarach-chihniyamdnd. 10 Metre, Upajati of Indravajri and Upendravajra. 0 Metro, Upajati of Indravajri and Upendravajr; and 11 Metre, Sloka (Anushtabh); and in the next verse in the following verse.

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24 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. eva II Tyag-adayo yasya gunah prasiddhas-samkhyam-atikramya sada pravrittah yaih saj-jananam hridaya vadhva$1 samachakarsh-atma-samipa-desam II Sa tu sriprithvivallabha 57 ke mahaniya 58 mi(ni) maharajadhiraja-parameevara-paramabhattaraka-Sa 59 tyaerayakulatilaka-Chalukyabharana-erimat-Tribhuvanamalladeva-srimad-Vallabhanarem -dradevah kusali sarvvan-eva ya 60 tha-samva (ba)dhyamanakan-rashtrapati- vishayapati- gramakutak- ayuktaka- niyuktak -adhi karika-mahattar-adin-samadi 61 saty-Astu vah samviditam II Yath-asmabhih Saka-nripa-kal-atita-samvatsara-sateshu navasu tri(tri)msad-adhikeshu gateshu 930 somagrahana-parvvani Kol 62 prava[r*]ttamana-Saumya-samvatsare paurnnamasyam lapure Kotitirthe yajana-yajan-adi-shat-ka 63 rma-niratarya veda-vedamga-paragaya Yajubaklyaya Pratham-Atreya-gleriya Devanakramayitabhatta-pautraya 64 Donekramayitabhatta-putraya Devevisottara-bhattaya Kumdi-des-Abhyamtare Alatage saptasata-ma [JANUARY, 1887. 65 dhye Koddasi-nama-gramo dattal 11 Tasya ch-aghatah 11(1) purvvatah (1) Duddhigramo nama gramah (1) dakshinatah nama gramah 11(1) 66 Vattaram nama gramah (1) paschimatah | Bhemdevado uttaratah (1) Vamgi nama gramah | Evam pu67 rvva-prasiddha-chaturaghata-svakiya-sima-sahitah sa-vriksha-mala-kulah sa-dhanya hirany-adeyah rajakiya[na*]m-an-amgu 68 li-prekshaniyah nidhi-nidhana-sametah ghatika-chchhatra-chamar-adi-sahitah | sukla(lka)h sarvvanamasya iti Sa ON THE GRAMMAR OF SAKATAYANA. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GOTTINGEN. 69 ch-agamibhir-asmad-vamsyair-anyais-cha rajabhih paripalaniyah I Uktam cha bhagavata veda-vyasena Vyasena 11(1) Sva"-dattam para 70 dattam va yo hareta vasumdharam shashtim varva (rsha)-sahasrani vishthayam jayate krimih Va(ba)hubhir-vvasudha datta rajabhih Sagar-a 71 dibhih yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam Ramabhadren-apyuktam (1) Samanyo-yam dharmma-setur-nripanam kale ka72 le palaniyo bhavadbhih sarvvan-etan-bhavinah parvi(rthi) vendran-bhuyo bhayo yachate Ramabhadrah | Om Sri-rajadhiraja. 73 rajachandamanch dattih 1(11) srimad-Vikramaditya-srimat-Tribhuvanamalladevasya Om | Mamgalam mahati srik II Considering that the search for Sanskrit MSS. has been carried on now for many years, it is strange that no complete and trustworthy copies of the grammar of Sakatayana should as yet have become generally accessible. This is the more to be regretted, because that grammar, in my opinion, holds an important place in the later grammatical literature of India. For, not to mention that Sakatayana is referred to again and again in the Ganaratna-mahodadhi and elsewhere, it is to him, more than to any 1 Read baddhva. 8 Metre, Sloka (Anushtubh); and in the next verse. "Metre, Salini. sa body else, that Hemachandra has been in. debted in the composition of his own grammar. In fact, excepting the circumstance that Hemachandra has adopted many of the technical terms of the Katantra, his grammar (so far as I can judge at present) is hardly more than a revised and perhaps somewhat enlarged redaction of the grammar of Sakatayana. On the other hand, it appears to me that, among the works which are known still to exist, Sakatayana himself has used the grammar 5 Here again, and in the next line, as at the commencement of the inscription, this word is expressed by a symbol, not in writing.

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JANUARY, 1887.] THE GRAMMAR OF SAKATAYANA. 25 of Chandra, in addition to the works of the an enlarged copy of this treatise of School of Panini, the Ashtadhyay, the Vartti Sakatayana's. kas, and the Mahabhashya. 7. A commentary, called Chintamani, on For those, then, who are investigating the the Sabdanubasana, by Yakshavarman. history of Indian grammar, correct copies of In the introductory verses, which have the various treatises which form the Sakatayana been already published by Dr. Buhler, mahavyakarana, and of the commentaries on the author states that he has compiled them which no doubt still exist in different his work from a more extensive commenparts of India, are indispensable; and it is to tary. Yakshavarman occasionally cites interest scholars in India in the search for those various readings of the text of the Sutras; works, that I venture to write these lines, even and his work appears to have been used after the accounts already published of SAkata by Hemachandra for his Brihadvritti. yana's grammar by other scholars. 8. A much more extensive commentary The credit of having first prominently drawn on the Sabdanususana. Fragments of attention to the grammar of Sakatayana cer this occur in the midst of Dr. Buhler's tainly belongs to Dr. Buhler, who also has MS. of a part of the Chintamani. kindly placed at my disposal the various works, 9. The Prakriyasashgraha, by Abhayaor rather fragments of works, helonging to that chandrasiddhantasari (?); an extract grammar, which were copied for him at Madras from the Sabdanusasana, together with a more than twenty years ago. After him, the short and lucid commentary; compiled late Dr. Burnell has given an account of Saka for practical purposes and arranged in tayana, in bis essay "On the Aindra School," and the following order :- Sanjidsangraha, his copy of the text of the Satras, together with Saindhi-s., Subanta-8., Stripratyayanta-8., a rough alphabetical index of the latter, belongs Karaka-8., Samasa-s., Dvirukta-plutanow to the Library of the India Office. Lastly, vidhi-s., Taddhita-8., Ti-nanta-8., Krit-s. I myself am in possession of a copy of a work 10. A similar work, entitled Rdpasiddhi, based on Sakatayana's grammar and of a few by Day&pala, and containing the leaves of a commentary, which I owe to the following chapters :- Sarajna-siddhi, Sari. kindness of Mr. Paranjpe at Kola pur. Owing dhi-8., Nama-8., Stripratyayanta-s., Vito the fact of having been copied in Devanagari bhaktyartha-s., Samasa-s., Abluk-8., Tafrom originals written in South Indian charac ddhita s., Dhdtvishtakaryam on conjugaters, most of these MSS. are exceedingly tion and Kit-suffixes. This work apincorrect. They nevertheless enable one to form pears to begin with a number of verses, a fair estimate of the nature and value of the which probably contain some valuable grammar of SA katAyana, and show at any rate information on the history of Sakatathat the following works belonging to that yana's grammar. grammar are still in existence : The Sabdanusasana consists of four Adhya1. The Sabdanususana, or text of the yas, each Adhyaya containing four Padas. The Satras. total number of Satras contained in these 16 2. The Paribhasha sutrani for the Sabda- Padas is in one of the MSS. stated to be 3236 ; nucasana. according to my own calculation, which, owing 3. The Ganapatha, arranged in the order to the imperfect state of the MSS. may be of the 16 Padas of the Sabdanusasana. wrong, it is only 3232, not counting the 13 4. The Dhatnpatha. Pratyahara-satras with which the work opens. 5. The Unadis utrani, in four Padas. The arrangement of the matter in the 16 Padas 6. The Linganusasana, in 70 Arya-verses, is as follows: together with a commentary. Homa- Adhy. I. Pada 1; 180 Satras : Samjnd-rules chandra's Linganuscisana is merely and Paribhashas; rules of Sandhi. 1 Dr. Burnell's statement that the sabdanu sarana contains about 2280 Satras, which has been repented by others, looks like a misprint. The number of Sutras of Hemachandra's Sanskrit grammar, according to my calculation, is 8563. The number of stras of Panini grammar, not counting the rules on sooenta, and on I poouliarities of the Vedio idiom, would be about 8880.

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26 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI. (JANUARY, 1887. P. 2; 223 Satras: Declension; (changes the subject matter which is followed in the of to T, of Eto (etc.) Kaumudis and similar works. The summary P. 3; 195 Sutras : Formation of feminine will also show that, like Chandra, he has given bases; syntax of the cases. no rules on accents; and I may add that, in P. 4; 123 Sutras: Use of the Parasmai.like manner, he has omitted all reference to and Atmane-pada; personal terminations, the language of the Veda. For the rest, he Adhy. II. P. 1; 229 Satras: Formation of has embodied in his work the teachings of compounds; Ekabesha ; gender of com- Papini, as amended or supplemented by KApounds and arrangement of their mem- tyayana and Patanjali, and later on by Chandra ; bers; Samasanta-suffixes. but on rare occasions he also has added to P. 2; 172 Satras: Terminations retained what those predecessors of his had taught in first members of compounds; inger- before him.' The construction of his rules tion of E; Privadbhava ; substitution in can offer no difficulties to any one acquainted compounds, etc. with the Paribhashas of Panini's grammar, P. 3; 113 Sutras : Doubling of words or most of which indeed have found a place also bases; Pluti; changes in bases before in Sakatayana's work. Many of his technical suffixes. terms are Panini's; while in avoiding terms P. 4; 239 Sutras: Taddhita-suffixes. such as Guna, Vriddhi, Saviprasarana, Upadha. Adhy. III. P. 1; 201 Sutras; P. 2; 227 ti, Nipata, Sarvandman, Parasmaipada and Stras ; P. 3; 180 Satras ; P. 4; 146 St- Atmanepada, Abhyasa and Abhyasta, and in tras: Taddhita-suffixes continued. asing ndmni for Pagini's saskjdyam, or paghe Adhy. IV. P. 1; 270 Satras: Derivative for upadlos, he follows Chandra. There is no verbal bases ; reduplication; changes of doubt, that in the text of his Satras we may roots before verbal terminations and observe that tendency to economize which has Krit-suffixes; the past Pass. Partic. in been carried to an extreme in the Jainandra , T, etc. grammar; and to this tendency we may ascribe P. 2, 260 Satras : Strengthening, etc., of the age of terms like sva for savarna, nap for radical vowels; the augment; the in- napuusaka, ti for gati, du for vriddha, luch for termediate ti insertion of x before 18pa, nyach for wpasarjana, etc., most of which roots; change of a radical & to , of itowe meet again in the Jainendra and other eto. works. Like the author of the later redaction P. 3; 288 Satras: Vikaranas; Krit-suffixes; of the Jainandra, Sakatayana has tried to syntax of the tenses and moods. improve on the Pratyahara-sutras of Papini, P. 4; 186 Satras ; Ksit-suffixes continued ; the number of which he has reduced to thir participles, the Infinitive, the Gerunds, teen, and in which, following the suggestion of etc. KAtydyana, he has assigned a place to the From this brief summary it will be appe- Anusvara, Visarjaniya, Jihvamaliya, and Uparent, that Bakatayans, differing in this respect dhmaniya, while he has omitted from them the from Panini and Chandra, has to a certain vowel lsi ; but it was a mistake to maintain extent already adopted that arrangement of that his Pratyahara-sutras are the same as A few examples may show this : P. V, 1. 196 :; Chandrs for reform a ; P. I. 4, 38 teaches that FTE governs the Dat. ; | SAk., to save syllable, affor ;(Hem. the same] SAkathyana touches that it governs the Dat. or Acc. [Hemachandra follows SAkatyana). P. V.2, 188 F t ; Chandra CFT , BAR. P. II. 3, 4 teaches that for and the govern (and Hem.) (F177 . the Instr. or Loo; Bak. adds 2 (and so does | P. V. 2, 128 Eurfari Chandra Hem.1 cArogahitAnpANisthAdasvAdiniH inakaminyAtmAP. II. 1, 18 9 e T; Suk. o masa: PE (Hem. TPOTET FICT I T). T(); (Hem.ar tu sa ST 9 ). * Like Chandr, Salat yang has chdi for Nipdta, saruddi for Sorvandman, tas or tandna for Atman pada, P. IV. 4 19 Chandr, SN. (and Him. j atan or atanana for Para maipada, Upanta of Upanty. paremuMkhapArdhAta. for Upadhd, Praty harus to denoto Guna, Vriddhi, Sashpraedruna, oto. Ses ante p. 184.

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THE GRAMMAR OF SAKATAYANA. JANUARY, 1887.] those of the Jainendra-grammar. The Anubandhas attached to case and personal terminations, and to primary and secondary suffixes, are on the whole the same as in Panini's grammar. Not taking any account of the accent, Sakatayana would naturally omit those of Panini's Anubandhas which were intended merely to indicate the accent. Where any of these Anubandhas have nevertheless been retained, a different meaning has been assigned to them; thus the Anubandha, attached to a suffix, indicates that the noun formed by such suffix is feminine, and the Anubandha q of a secondary suffix shows that the original base takes its masculine form. In these as in other respects Hemachandra has copied Sakatayane. I should have been glad to give together with these remarks a portion of the text of the Sabdanusasana which I have been preparing for my own use; and to show more fully how Sakatayana has borrowed from or imitated Chandra, and how Hemachandra again has copied Sakatayana. But I abstain from doing so, because I fear that all this would interest a very small number of scholars only, and because the works of the grammarians named must, after all, be published in their entirety, when better MSS. and sufficient funds are available. I cannot, however, refrain from adding a few words on the authorities named by Sakatayana in the text of his Sutras. In my remarks on the Jainendra-vyakarana (ante, Vol X. p. 77), I have drawn attention to the fact that the compiler of that work has invariably omitted the names of the grammatical authorities mentioned by Panini, the rule for which an authority is quoted by Panini being simply made optional in the Sakatayana's Pratyahara-Sutras are: a i uN || 1 || Rk || 2 || e oD || 3 || ai auc || 4 || haya ra laj || 5 || a maGaNa nam || 6 || ja ba ga Da dac || 7 || jha bha gha Dha dhaS // 8 // kha pha cha Tha tha ||9|| caTa tab // 10 // ka pay // 11 // za Sa saM aH ka 7par || 12 || hal || 13 || Those of the earlier redaction of the Jainendra are Pagini's, while those of the later redaction are as follows: a i uN || 1 || Rk || 2 || e oD || 3 || ai auc || 4 || ha ya va ra laNU || 5 || Ja ma Ga Na nam || 6 || jha bhaJ // 7 // gha Dha dhaS // 8 // ja ba ga Da daz // 9 // kha pha cha Tha tha ca Ta tab / / 10 / / ka pay / / 99 / / za Sa sa aM aH ka 7par / / 12 / / hal // 13 // 27. Jainendra; and that, on the other hand, the compiler has mentioned authorities of his own only in such rules as are optional in Panini's grammar. I suggested, at the time, that the names so put in were simply added pujartham, and were of no value for the history of grammar. Now exactly the same practice, which has been followed in the Jainendra, has been observed also in the grammar of Sakatayana. Sakatayana too makes rules, for which Panini happens to quote an authority, optional, by substituting the particle for the name given by Panini; and he too quotes authorities only in such rules as are optional with Panini. It is in this manner, that, e.g., Panini's rules III. 4, 111 and 112, laGaH zAkaTAyanasyaiva dviSazca, in the grammar of our Sakatayana have received the wording f rule which teaches exactly what Panini intended to teach, and does not teach what the ancient Sakatayana, who is referred to by Panini, is supposed to have taught. On the other hand, the three names," which happen to occur in Sakatayana's grammar, Aryavajra, Indra, and Siddhanandin, have simply taken the place of the words, or vibhASA, or anyatarasyAm, of the corresponding rules of Panini's. Thus Sakatayana's rule II, 1, 229 : teaches the same as P. v. 4, 154 zeSAdvibhASA, the rule I. 2, 37 jarAyA far the same as P. VII. 2, 101 Farer, and the rules I. 2, 13 and 14: :: teach the same as P. VII. 1, 79 ar age and Vart. 5 on P. VII. 1, 72 ere. Sakatayana in these cases has taken the substance of his rules from Papini and Katyayana. convey is, not that nations is changed to What he intends to before certain termiaccording to the Hemachandra has no Pratyahara-Sutras, but employs, | instead of Pratyaharas, the terms svara, namin, sama. na, sandhyakshara, vyanjana, dhut (for Panini's ), aghisha, ghishavat, antahstha, and fit (for Sakatiyana's zab). Malayagiri, again, uses Hemsohandra's terms, but in that portion of his grammar, which has hitherto become accessible, he also employs Sakatayana's Pratyaharas aN, ika, eka, eca and yaJ (for y, v, r, 2). In addition to the above, Sakatayana twice refers to the opinions of others by the expression any@sham, and twice by ekesham. It seems to me very probable, that at any rate in one of these cases the scholar referred to is Chandra. While, according to Panini, a reduplicated form cannot be reduplicated again, Chandra by his rule puna: does allow & second reduplication, and this view is allnded to by Sakatayana in his rule dvirekeSAm. Hemachandra, copying from Sakatayana, has .

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28 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1887. teaching of Indra only; that certain compounds, to know when this practice of quoting names according to Siddhanandin only, take a particu- merely honoris causa, which we find observed lar suffix, while according to other grammarians in Sakatayana's grammar and in the Jainendra, they do not do so; and that, according was first started by Indian authors. I suspect to Aryavajia only, are forms of and that it is not a very modern invention Tefa,-but that is optionally changed I suspect too if I may venture to say here, to me, that certain compounds optionally take what I cannot yet prove with certainty), that, the suffix spoken of, and that optionally as was the case with the Jaineridra, the real forms or war, and optionally name of the author of the grammar, about orf . The paines employed by him which I am writing, is very different from are given solely pujartham, and they by no what it is supposed to be, and I trust that my means prove that Sakatu yana, in these parti. Indian friends will succeed in procuring the cular instances, knew anything whatever of the MSS. which are necessary to settle this as teachings of the scholars whom he mentions. well as other questions concerning the so-called One cannot help feeling some little curiosity Sakathyana-vyakarana. T FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA. BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA. VII.-The Biter Bit, | nature, she would relate to her co-wives all her or the Raja who sold his Rani. little nocturnal adventures, telling them how A certain Raja had married six wives, one pleasant it was to visit the bazar on a moonafter another; and not content with so many, light night, to buy sweet-meats at one shop he one day married a seventh, who was pret- and pan (betel) leaves and betel nuts at another, tier than all the others, and in course of time and so on; and often invited them to accompany became a greater favourite of the Raja than her. But they all knew that they would incar any one of the others had ever been. No the RAJA's displeasure if they aceeded to her wonder they all felt very jealous of her. request, and so were content to remain at home. Now the Raja was a very sensible man, and They could not, however, bear to see the young knew that if he kept all his wives together in queen as high in the king's favour as ever, one palace they would be sure to quarrel with although she wandered about by night in one another; so in order to prevent this he direct opposition to his wishes; and would have assigned to each a separate palace and esta- told him all they knew about their erring coblishment, as soon as he married her. In like wife, bad they not been restrained by fear, lest manner he had provided his seventh wife also the Raja should disbelieve them, and, considerwith a palace, servants, carriages, and so on. ing the accusation to be prompted by malice The young queen, who was a prime-minis. and jealousy on their part, should tarn the ter's daughter, though very noble-minded and tables upon them. So they hit upon a plan by virtuous, was a lively young lady, and there lively young lady, and there which the Raja himself might listen with his own fore did not relish the idea of being mewed ears to his favourite's account of her nocturnal up in a palace the whole day, with no other | wanderings, and accordingly one day they company but that of the king when he chose to deputed one of themselves to watch for a visit her, or of one or other of her co-wives, favourable opportunity and drop a hint to the who now and then called to have a chat with Raja, that if he went to his youngest wife's her. So sometimes, when there was a bright palace that day unknown to her, he would hear moon shining, the young lady would order her something that would convince him how little litter and be carried out into the city. The she deserved the love and affection he lavished beautiful stalls that lined the roads, had a special apon her. The plan succeeded, and the Raja charm for her, and nothing gave her greater went and hid himself behind a curtain in the pleasure than to stop at the different shops, and youngest Rani's palace, while the elder one buy some of the good things they contained. who had gone there before him led her unsusBeing, however, frank and open-hearted by pecting rival into conversation.

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JANUARY, 1887.] FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA. 29 "How did you like your moonlight excursion her relief and save her from such disgrace. last night?" she asked. When, however, the youngest Rani heard of "Oh, immensely !" replied the Rani, "how this cruel sentence, she felt sorely grieved at brightly the moon shone, how very pleasant it what she considered her husband's unjustifiable was, and how pretty the market place looked I" severity, and her spirit revolted at the idea of "Indeed! and what did you see there, my another person suffering for a fault committed dear ?" asked her co-wife. by her; so she nobly resolved to make a clean "Such pretty confectioners' shops with the breast of it to the Raja, to assure him of her sweetmeats so temptingly displayed." cowife's innocence, and to tell him that if he "Oh indeed !" said the wily woman, smack- wanted to see justice done he had better sell ing her lips in anticipation of the great dis- her in the niarket-place, instead of the elder grace that awaited her rival," and what saw Rani. When the Raja heard this, he was you next, my dear? Do tell me." greatly exasperated, though he could not "At a very pretty stall," she said, "I saw a belp admiring the noble conduct and love of man selling pan leaves and betel nuts and justice of his beloved wife. He therefore "And you purchased none of the good forthwith revoked the harsh order, and set the things P" exclaimed the other interrupting her. elder Rani free. But he thought he might as "To be sure, I did," was the reply, "I well make an example of the guilty one, 80 as bought some sweetmeats at one shop, some to detor others from doing what she had done, * pan lon ves at another, and" and socordingly ordered it to be proclaimed "And I and! comel, what next " cried out thoughout the city that the RAJA's youngest the Raja, unable to restrain himself any longer, wife, being found guilty of disobeying the while the wife, of whose faithlessness he now commands of her lord, was sentenced to stand felt convinced, waxed so eloquent, "what else in the market-place, baried up to her waist in a did you do " pit dug for the purpose, and that whoever Alled. "Nothing more," replied the young lady the pit up to the brim with gold, was to have promptly and quite unabashed, "My eyes her. By fixing snch an enormous price on her, opened just as I left the pan-seller's stall and the Raja flattered himself that he would never of course I found it was all a dream!" be able to get any ono to boy her, but that the "A dream !" repeated the Raja, going up to degradation and insult to which she would thus her, "you have been speaking all this time of be subjected would tame her haughty spirit, a dream, and this jealous woman," he said, and make her more submissive to him in shaking his fiat at the other Rani, who was future. So the next morning the young Rani quite taken aback at the presence of mind was led away to the market place, and buried displayed by her young rival, and this up to ber waist in the ground. The poor jealous woman would lead me to believe you creature had no alternative but to stand there were really in the habit of wandering about and allow herself to be stared at by every by moonlight P Away with her to prison at passer-by. Beautiful though she was, she had once !" and in spite of all her protestations of to stand thus exposed for a considerable time, innocence, the poor woman was taken out of as the heavy price set upon her deterred people the room. from coming forward to purchase her. The Rija was so enraged with her that he At last, when she was almost despairing of forthwith went to his own palace, and issued being released, and wished rather to die than to orders to the town-crier to proclaim through go back to the Raja whom she now hated for out the city that one of the Raja's wives was his shameful treatment of her, & yonng man, to be sold the next morning in the market- who appeared to be a stranger to the place, place, with all the jewellery apon her, for a walked up to where she was standing, and ia kh and a quarter of rupees. The poor Rani inquired of those around who the beautiful was very much distressed to hear of this order lady was, and why she was exposed like in her prison, and wished death would come to that in the market-place. On being made FThis part the tale is comparable with & well-known story in the 1lif Laila.-ED.]

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30 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1887. acquainted with her story he felt so deeply his companion, was on his way to his father's for her and was so shocked at the inhuman country, returning there after having been conduct of the Raja, that he resolved to give away for several years trading in different away all he had, to take her out of the countries, when chance brought them together; hands of such a monster. Being himself and since he had given away in parchasman of liberal and enlightened ideas, he had ing her the immense wealth he had amassed, disagreed with his father on certain points he had not so much as a copper left, with which and parted from him in anger, so he admired to begin life anew. The lady, too, having the independent spirit displayed by the young parted with all her jewellery, was not in a lady, and sympathized greatly with her. The position to help her noble deliverer in the least, Rivi, too, conceived a liking for him at first and so they sat for a considerable time thinksight, and wished in her heart that he woulding as to what course they should adopt under purchase her. The merchant soon left her, the circumstances, when the young lady haphurried on board the ship in which he had pened to pat her hand to one of her ears, and arrived at the town, and landing all the gold found to her great joy that she had stilla and valuables he had, sold the latter in the small earring left in it. She took it out at market for as much gold as they could fetch, once, and, giving it to her companion, said--"If and threw all the precious metal into the pit. you but knew some art by which we could get But though he had disposed of everything our living, you can purchase enough materials he had, the young merchant found to his dis- by selling this trinket to enable you to pracmay that there was still some gold wanting tise it." to fill the pit before he could take possession This set them both thinking again, till the of the Rini, and was therefore at his wit's man at last recollected that he used to make end to know what to do, when the Rini, who some very beautiful bamboo baskets when he had been watching him all the while, saw was young, and he thought he could make them the predicament in which he way, and know- as well now as before. ing that, for lack of only a small quantity of " Very good indeed," said the lady, "and 1 the precious metal with which the pit was think I, too, can make myself aseful in some early fall, she would have to go back to way. When I was a girl I used to make the tender mercies of the Rija; whom she so some very nice paper flowers, having learnt hated, she called him to her, and thanking him the art from some poor people whom I used for all that he had done for her, offered to to visit, and if my memory does not fail me place at his disposal all the jewellery she wore, the flowers that I made were greatly admired that he might convert it into gold and thus make at that time; so, if you buy some bamboos and. up the deficiency. The young man was very paper, and the other requisities, we shall soon. glad at this expression of the pretty Rani's set to work and earn money sufficient to buy regard for him, and forth with gold all the jewels us enough for our present necessities." she gave him in the market, and to his great The man went to the market with the earjoy they fetched gold enough to fill the pit up ring, and having disposed of it, purchased out to the brim. The Rini, too, was overjoyed of the money all that they wanted. The at this, and the young man carried the beauti-two then set to work, and the man made some fal young lady triumphantly away from the very pretty baskets, while his fair companion market-place, amidst the cheers of the people quickly prepared some pretty flowers and decowho had assembled there. rated the baskets with them. The next mornKnowing of no other place where they ing the merchant took the baskets to the bdrar, could go, the pair pat up at a dharamadld, and was glad to find that they fetched a good and after having rested themselves for some deal more than he ever expected they would, time, they began to consider how they could and learnt moreover that such baskets were best manage to live. The young man was in great demand in the city. So the two quite a stranger to the place, and, as he told worked on with a good heart, and their baskets * A free inn for Hindus, usually Attached to place of worship.

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JANUARY, 1887.] improved so much, day by day, that in a short time the young merchant found that he had laid by enough money to enable him to engage passages for himself and his companion, in a ship bound to his native country. Now, thought the Rani was the time to have her revenge on the old Raja. So she asked the young man to prepare the nicest basket he had ever made, and making some very pretty flowers herself, decorated the basket with them, and the two then went to the Raja's palace to sell it. When the merchant was summoned into the presence of the Raja, who was seated in the palace gardens, the lady kept out of sight, though within earshot, in a corner. The Raja, when he saw the basket, was loud in his praises of it, and said that it was worth any sum the maker might ask for it, and inquired of the young man for how much he would part with it. The young man, who had been already tutored by his fair companion as to what to say, replied promptly-"The price I set upon my basket is one lakh and a half of rupees." The Raja, who had extolled the bamboo basket so highly, thought that if he now refused to pay what was asked for it, he would be giving the lie to his own words, so he ordered the money to be counted out to the man, while his courtiers laughed in their sleeves at what they considered his folly in giving such a large FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. No. XIV. The Monkey with the tom-tom.1 In a remote wood there lived a monkey, and one day while he was eating wood-apples, a sharp thern from the tree ran into the tip of his tail. He tried his best to get it out but could not. So he proceeded to the nearest village, and calling the barber asked him to oblige him by removing the thorn. "Friend barber," said the monkey, "a thorn has run into my tail. Kindly remove it and I will reward you." FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. BY PANDIT S. M. NATESA SASTRI. rAjA pAsa tAja ne takhta bajIra pAsa bibeka; sadaguNI nAra pativartapaNuM dekhADe rIte aneka. 81 sum of money for a bamboo basket. At last when the basket-maker had taken possession of his money and was making his obeisance to the Raja before leaving, the young Rani came out of her hiding place, and bowing to the Raja said-"Raja Sahib, a few days ago you sought to degrade me in the eyes of the people of your city, and it is my turn now, and I repay the obligation with interest, for this day I have made you the laughing-stock of the nobles of your court. You sold me that day in the market-place, and to-day I am revenged upon you. Remember the saying that "The Raja prides himself on his crown and kingdom, and the minister on his virtues; while the virtuous woman proves her chastity in various ways." 118 So saying the lady walked away with the young man, leaving the Raja in no very enviable a frame of mind. Soon afterwards the young merchant embarked with his companion for his native country. When he arrived there, he found that his father's anger was much softened by their long separation, for he received them both kindly, and when he was made acquainted with the history of the young lady, he was so pleased with her that in a few days he celebrated his son's nuptials with her with great pomp, and at his death left him in sole possession of his great wealth. The barber took up his razor and began to examine the tail: but as he was cutting out the thorn he cut off the tip of the tail. The monkey was greatly enraged and said "Friend barber, give me back my tail. If you cannot do that, give me your razor." The barber was now in a difficulty, and as he could not replace the tip of the tail he had to give up his razor to the monkey. The monkey, went back to the wood with his razor thus trickishly acquired. On the way he met an old woman, who was cutting fuel from a dried-up tree. 1 [Compare the story of "The Bat's Wedding" from the Panjab, ante, Vol. XI, p. 226ff: where, however, a better moral from the tale is drawn.-ED.]

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82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1887. "Grandmother, grandmother," said the mon- his fuel was burnt up, and then he said to the koy, "the tree is very hard. You had better old womanuse this sharp razor, and you will cut your fuel "Grandmother, grandmother, return me my easily." fael or give me all your puddings." The poor woman was very pleased, and took S he was unable to return him the fuel, and the razor from the monkey. In cutting the so had to give him all her puddings. wood she, of course, blunted the razor, and! The monkey with the basket of paddings the monkey seeing his razor thus spoiled, on his head walked and walked till he met & said Paraiya' coming with a tomtom towards him. "Grandmother, you have spoiled my razor. "Brother Paraiya," said the monkey; "I have So you must either give me your fuel or & basketful of puddings to give you. Will get me a better razor." The woman was not able to procure another you in return present me with your tom-tom P" razor. So she gave the monkey her fael and The Paraiya gladly agreed, as he was then returned to her bouse bearing no load that very hungry, and had nothing with him to eat. day. The monkey now ascended with the tom-tom The roguish monkey now put the bundle to the topmost branch of a big tree and there of dry fuel on his head and proceeded to to beat his drum most triumphantly, saying in #village to sell it. There he met an old honour of his several tricks woman seated by the roadside and making "I lost my tail and got razor; dum, dune." "I lost my razor and got a bundle of fuel ; paddings. Said the monkey to her dum, dum." "Grandmother, grandmother, you are making "I lost my fuel and got a basket of paddings, puddings and your fuel is already exhausted. duimo, dim." Use mine also and make more cakes." 1. "I lost my puddings and got a tom tom; dum, The old lady thanked him for his kindness dum." and used his fuel for her puddings. The Thus there are rogues in this innocent world, ounning monkey waited till the last stick of who live to glory over their wicked tricks, AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX, COMPILED BY MRS. GRIERSON WITH AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE BY G. A. GRIERSON, B.C.S. (Continued from Vol. XV. p. 842.) SPECIES,-Felu, felo, (M.) SPLENDOUR,-Mendrylon, (M) SPEECH, A lecture) Dama, M., M. 7); (the act Split, to-Lachariva, litarava, pharavira, of speaking) shib, (M.); sbora, (M. 8) shineva, (M) SPIDER, -Alefandis, (Tch.); gh'urve, (As. Tch.) SPOON, -Roi, (Eng.); roi, (Tch, M. 8); royi, roi, SPILL, to--Choriva, (Teb., M.) (Pap. M.); Izhice, roy, (M.) SPILLED, to be, -Chorghiovava, (Toh.) SPOONs, he who makes or sells-Roiengoro,(Tch.) Spin, to,-Katava, (Tch., Psp. M., M.) SPORT,-Basi, (Tch.) SPINDLE,-Katli, (Tch.); farka, kakli, (M.) SPORTSMAN, -Yag-engro, yago-mengro, (Eng.) SPINDLE, point of, ---Risini, (Tch.) SPOT (place).-Than, (M.) SPINE,-Klecha, (Tch.) SPRING,-Lennor, (Eng) SPIRITS,-Mul, raktye, raciye, (M.) SPRING (of water),-- Izvoru, izvor, (M.) 8PIT (for cooking -Bust, (Tch., M., M. 7) SPRING, to,-Khut'ava, M., M, 7); dukhkilva, SPIT, to, -Chungarkva, chungrava, (Eng.); chudel (Tch., M. 7) (Span. Gip.): chungerava, chungardA va, SPURS.-Busnis, buenior, (Eng.); buzekha, (M.); (Toh.); chungarava, (Psp. M.); shunga. buz, (M. 7) riva, (M.) SPY;-Moskey, (Eng.) SPITETUL, -Tippoty, (Eng.) SQUIRREL, --Rako-mengro,-(Eng.) SPITTING,--Chungaribe, chungardibe, (Toh.) STAB, to-Shinava, (M.) SPITTLE,-Chungar, (Tch., M. 7); tai, (As. Tch.) STABLE.-Stanya, stanye, (Eng.); grazhdo, grash. SPLENDID.-Mendru, (M.) to, kotecu, (M.); stana, (M. 8) A low coste man; Parish. In response to the sound of the tom-tom.

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JANUARY, 1887.] STACK,-Stuggur, (Eng.); stogu, (M.) STAG,-Cherbo, cherv, (M.) STAIN,-Abrashi, (Tch.) AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX. STAKE,-Dombos, piren, dobos, dopos, topos; pireni, (Teh.); kilo, (Tch., Pap. M, M. 7) STAKE, to attach to,-Chopania kerava, (Tch.) STAND, Terghiovava, tertiovava, terdovava, (Tch., Pap. M.) STAND UP, to,-Ushtiava, (M., M. 8) STAR,-Dudi, (Eng.); cherkhan, cherkhen!, chergheni, (Tch.); stiari, (As. Tch., M. 8); chergheni, (Pap. M.); cherhaye, cherhaye, (M.); cherkhan, (M. 7) STAR, of or belonging to,-Cherkheni koro, (Tch.) STARVED, (mas.) choveno, (fem.) choveni, (Eng.) STAY, to,-Hatchava, atchava, azava, ajava, (Eng.); beshava, zobevisarava, (M.) STAYS,-Truppior, (Eng.) STEAL, to,-Nikava, lourava, fakAva, chorava, (Eng.); chorava, uryava, (Tch.); furti, (As. Tch.); chorava, cholava, (Pap. M.); nikabar, (Span. Gip.); chorava, (M.) STEAL, to cause to,-Uryana kerava, (Tch..) STEAM, Para, (M.) STEEL,-Abchin, (Tch., Pap. M., M 7); spin, (M.) STEELYARD, Chidino, (Tch.) STELLYARD, he who weighs with the,-Chidineskoro, (Tch.) STENCH,-Kaenipen, kanipen, (Eng.); kan, khan, kanilipe, (Tch.); khan, (M. 7) STEP, to,-Ukiava, uktiva, (Pap. M.); cf., to RISE. STEP-MOTHER,-MAshteho, (M.) STICK,-Kosht, kost, (Eng.); astardi, kilo, rubli, ruvli, ruli, (Tch.); druk, druku, rovli, rouli, (M.); kilo, (M. 7); ruvli, (M. 8) STICKY,-Khomereskoro, (Tch.) STILL (adv.),-Ajai, achai, daha, (Tch.); onko, (M.) STING,-Pusaibe, (Tch.) STING, to,-Pusavava, (Tch.) STINK, to,- Kaenava, kanava, (Eng.); kandava, (Tch., Pap. M.); gh'ehano, (ind. pres.) (As. Tch.) STINK, to cause to,-Kaniarava, khanierava, (Tch.) STINK, (sub.)-Kan, kanilipe, (Tch.) STINKING,-Kannelo, kandelo, (Eng.); kandino, (Tch.) STINKING, to be,-Kandiniovava, (Tch.) STINKING, to become,-Kaniovava, (Tch.) STIE, to,-Kelt'isarava, (M.) STIR ONESELF, to,-Khut'&va, (M.) STIRRUP,-Skeri, (M.) STOCKINGS, Olevas, olivas, olivor, (Eng.); olibias, (Span. Gip.) STOLEN,-Chordicano, (Tch.) " STONE,-Bar, (Eng., Hun. Gip., Span. Gip., Pap. M., M., M. 8.); bar, (dim.) baroro, barali, (Tch.); vat, (As. Tch.) 33 STONE-HORSE,-Pelengo-gry, (Eng.) STONY, Bareskey, (Eng.); barano, bareskoro, (Tch.) STOP, to (v. neut.),-Hatchava, atchava, adjava, (Eng.) STOP UP, to,-Khenj dava, khench dava, (Tch.); astupiava, poprisarava, sprizhonisarava, phandavava, pandavava, (M.) STORM,-Fortana, (M.) STORY (of a house),-Pl'antro, pl'ontro, (M.). STRAIGHT ON,- -Ortha, orta, vorta, vortha, (M.) STRANGER,-Gajo, (dim.) gajoro, perghal, peryal, (Tch.); gajani tori, dichune, (As. Tch.); burlaku, (M.); gajo, (M. 7) STRANGER, of or belonging to,-Perghuland, gajano, (Tch.) STRAW, Pus, (Eng.); pus, bus, (Tch.); sulam. (M., M. 8); phus, (M. 8); bus, (Psp. M) STRAW, (dim.)-Pusoro, (Tch.) STRAW, dealer in,-Pusoskoro, (Tch.) STRAY, to, -Rotochisard'ovava, (M.) STREET, Ulica, (M.); ulika, (M. 8) STRENGTH, Ruslipen, (Eng.); zor, zoralibe, (Tch.); putere, zur, (M.); zor, (M. 8) STRETCH ONESELF OUT, to,-Ent'tnzosard'ovava, (M.) STRETCHED OUT,-Buhlo, (M.) STRIDE, to,-Nakava, (M.) STRIFE,-Chingaripen, (Eng.) STRIKE, to,-Hetavava, (Eng.); kurva, tap dava, mariva, chalavava, (Tch.); vehirum, (I strike), (As. Tch.); malavava, vahem, (I strike), (Tch. Tokat.); tapava, (Psp. M.); marava, (M.); kurava, lemavara, (M. 7); malavava, marava, (M. 8). STRING,-Shelo, sholo, (dim.) sheloro, bandardu, bandiardo, banlardo, (Tch.); sali, (As. Tch.) * STRIVE, to,-Usharava, (Tch., M. 8) STROKE, Dab, (M., M. 7) STRONG, to become,-Zural'ovava, (M.) STRONG, Ruslo, (Eng.); zoralo, (Tch., Pap. M.); gh'aim, (As. Tch.); sorea, zerus, zuralo, (M.) STUFF,-Materie, (M.) STUMBLE, to,-Potiknisard'ovava, (M.) STUN, to,-Marava, (M.) STUPID, Denilo, dinilo, (Toh); delivano, dilivaun, d'ilivano, d'ila, gila, (M.). SUBJECT, (submissive)-Podan, (M.) SUCH,-Asavko, seso, (Tch.) SUCKLE, to,-Pilva, (M.) SUPPER, to,-Pacesarava, robdisard'ovava, (M.) SUFFERING, (adj.), -Duklo, (Tch.) SUFFICE, to,-Arosava, (M.) SUFFOCATE, to,-Tasiva, (Tch.) SUGAR,-Gudlo, (Eng.); saharu, zaharu, (M.)

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34 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1887. SULPHUR,-Bengeskoe potan, (Eng.) SUMMER,--Lennor, lillai, (Eng); nilei, (Hun. Gip.); nilai, (Tch., Pep. M.); tomuzi, (As. Tch.); milay, (M.); nilay, (M. 8). SOMMER, of or belonging to,-Nilaidskoro, (Tch.) SUN,-Kam, kan, kem, (Eng); kam, (dim.) kamoro, (Tch.)gam, (As. Tch.); kham, (M., M. 7) Sun, of or belonging to --Kameskoro, (Tch.) SUNDAY,-Kinnipen-divvus, (Eng.); kurko, (Tch., Psp. M.); kurko, kurke, (M.); kurko, (M. 7) SUPPURATE, to,-Pumbalidveva, (Tch.) SURE,- Vati, (As. Tch.) SURPASS, to-Nakavaviva, (M.) SURPLUS, -Opreder, (Tch.) SWADDLING-CLOTH, -Pata, (Tch, M. 8) SWAMP,- B&hna, bAlta, (M.) SWEAR, to --Saulohaulva, sovlehaulava, (Eng.), khasovava, (Tch.); colakhardva. zhuru. isarava, (M.) SWEAR FALSELY, to-Saalohauldra bango, (Eng.) SWEEP, to-Shulavava, (Tch.); shela vava, (M.) SWEEP, to be swept.-Shulavghiovava, (Tch.) SWEET,-Gudlo, (Eng. Psp. M., M.7); gudlo, guglo, (Toh.); gulde, guldi, (As. Tch.); guglo, (M.) SWEETNESS,-Gudlipe, (Tch.) SWEET-HEART,-(masc.) Pireno, (fem.) pireni, (Eng.) SWELL, to cause to, -Putiarkva, shuvliarava, (Tch.) SWELLING,--Shuvlipe, (Tch.) Swim, to,-Zuruisarkva, ennotisarava, (M.) SWINE,-Baulo, (Eng.); balo, balicho, (Psp. M.); bali, (M.) SWINE-HERD.-Porkar, purkar, (M.) SWING, to, -Legenikva, (M.) SWOLLEN, -Puko, shuvlo, (Tch.); phuko, shuvlo, (M. 8) SWOLLEN, to be,-PAkiovava, shavliovava, (Tch.) SWORD,-Khando, khanro, khanlo, (Tch.); tuvar, (As. Tch.) hanlo, (Psp. M.); khando, (M. 7) SWORDSMAN,Churo-mengro, (Eng) SWORN, person who is,-Sovghialo, (Tch.) TAILOR ---Siva-mengro, (Eng.); siibngskoro, (Tch.), kroyitori, kroitoru, (M.) TALES, -Paramichi, (M.) TALK, to,-Rokrava, (Eng.) TALKER, --Rokrenguero, (Eng.) TALL, -see HIGH. TALLOW,-Khani, (M. 7) TALON--Kfur, khur, kur, fur, (Tch.) TAPER,- Momli, (Eng.) TART, -Torta, (M.) TAVERN,-Korchma, kezhma, (M.) Tea-Mutra-mengri, (Eng.) TZA-POT,-Pea-mengri, (Eng.) Txach, to,-sikava, sikavava,(Tch.); sekavava, (M.) Tear, to,-Paravava, (Tch.) TEARS,-Asfa, &sva, Aspa, (Tch.); asfA, (M., Psp. M.); asra, (M. 7) TEDIOUS,-Ursto, (M.) TEAT, --Chuchi, (dim.) chuchori, (Tch.); memkor, (As. Tch.) TELESCOPE, -Dur-diki-mengri, (Eng.) TELL, TO, -Pukkerkva, (Eng.) Ten,-Desh, (Eng.); des, (Teh); d'esh, (M.); desh, (Tch, Psp. M., M. 7) TENDERNESS, affect to,-Dremezgiava, (M.) TENT,-Tan, ten, (Eng.); katana, cherga, (Tch.); cygyry, cobra, katana, koliba, (M.); cherga, (M. 7); katana, sahriz, serka, (Pap. M.) TENTS, an inhabitant of,-Katuniakoro, cherghes. koro, (Tch.) TENTE,-D'eshto, deshto, (M.) TERRIBLE,-Trashadino, (Tch.) TERRIFY, to.-Traishava, (Eng.); dara viva, (Tch.) THAN,-Denne, (Eng.); dekot, kana, kana, (M.) TTANK, to,--Parakrowava, (Eng.); parekerava, (M. 8) THANKS,Nais, (M.) THAT,-Dovo, savo, te, oduvva, (Eng.); odoba, (Span. Gip.); kadava, avaka, akava, ok, (Tch.); kodo, (fem.) kode, (M.) THAT ONE.--Oka, odova, (Tch.) The-O, (Eng.); 0, (pl.) 01, (M.) THBE ALSO, -Taya, (Tch.) THEN,-Bisim, (Tch.); apoi, (Wal.); apuy, atunch, atanche, (M.) THERE,--Odoi, (Eng.); okotia, otis, ovotis, ovotiar. ing, (Tch.); kothar, okot'e, ordal, (M.) THEREPROM,- Okotar, otar, ovotar, (Tch.) THEREWITH-The, (M.) THERE IS NOT, -Nai (na hi), (Eng.) THEY,-Dovor, (Eng); von, (M.) THICK, -Gosto, (Tch.); thulo, tulo, (Tch, M., M. 8) THICKET.-Poyana, (M.) THEY-Chore, (pl.) chories, (Eng.); chor, chorno, (Tch.); gh'art, (As. Tch.); chor, chur, (M.); chor, (M. 7, Psp. M.) TABLE,-Mensalli, messalli, (Eng.); salan, sini, sinia, (Tch.); mesele, meseli, (M.) TAKE, to-Leiva, leyava, (Eng.); lava, (Tch. M., M. 8., Pep. M.); ushtidAva, (M. 8) TAKEN,-Linnow, (Eng.); pardt, (Ag. Tch.) TAKE AWAY, to,-Nikava, (Eng.); nikabar, (Span. Gip) TAKE CARE, to,-Ward&va, rakkva, garava, (Eng.) TAKEN, to be, -Liniovava, (Tch.) TAKE UP, to,-Priymiava, priymisarAva, (M.) TAKE OUT, to,-Enkala rava, (M.) TALL.-Pori, (Tch., M., M. 8, Pep. M.)

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JANUARY, 1887.) GIPSIES IN ENGLAND AND IN INDIA. 35 o WUJULLULIT THIEF, great,--Choraz, chorazis, (Tch.) THIEVES, chief of,,Voivodas, (Tch.) THIEVES' LANTERN,Chor-dudi-mengri, (Eng.) THIGH,-Gher, ghur, (Tch.); ger, (M. 7) THIN,-Kishlo, sanno, (Tch.); sanno, (Pep. M.); sanoro, (M.); kishlo, (M. 7); sano, (M. 8) THIN, to make,-Kishliovava, (Tch.) THINE, -Tiro, (Eng.); to, tinro, (Tch.); turki, (As. Tch.); tiro, t'iro, t'o, t'ou, cho, (M.) THINNEBB,-Kishlipe, (Tch.) THING,-Kovar, koro, sho, (Eng.), kova, koya, (Tch.); kova, (M. 7) THINX, to,-Penchava, (Eng.); gondid va, gondisa rava, pomenilva, pomenisarava, (M.) THIRD-Trito, (Eng.); trito, (M.) THIRST.-Trush, tursh, trushaibe, (Tch.); trush, trust, (Psp. M.); trush, M., M. 8) THIRSTY,-Trusno, (Eng.); trushalo, turshalo, (Tch.); tursalo, (As. Tch.) THIRST, to,-Tarkva, (Pep. M.) THIESTY, to become --TrushAliovava, (Tch., Psp., M.) THIRTEEN, -Desh ta trin, (Eng.) THIRTY.-Trianda, (Tch., M. 8) T.18.-Kayo. (Eng.); kadave, avaka, akava, okA, (Tch.); avaki, avku (Psp. M.): kado, (fem.) kade, kodo, (fem.) kode, kuko, keko, (M.); ada, aka, avaka, kadava, kako, kodo, kuko, (M. 7) THIS HERE,-Kavokoi, (Eng.) THISTLES,-Kanro, (M.) THITHER,- Okoring, otta, ovoti, ovotiaring, (Toh.); other, othe, othi, oche, ocht, (M.) THONG,Tasmas, (Tch.); hara01,(M.); sirimi, (M. 8) THORN, -Kori, (Eng.); kanro, (Tch.); kando, kar, (M. 7) THORN-BUBA,-Buro, (M. 7) THOSE, -Dovor, (Eng.) Thou, Tu, (Eng., Tch. M., M. 8) THOUGHT,--Gendu, (M) THOUSAND,-Milia, (Tch., M. 8); miya, miye, (M.) THRASH, t0,-Embletiva, (M.) THREAD,-Naval, dori, (Eng.); katlo, tav, (Tch.); def,(As. Tch.); hafre, (Span. Gip); thau. tau, (M.); thay, (M. 8); tav, (Pep. M.) THREAD-SELLER,-Katlengoro, tavoskoro, taren. goro, (Tch.) Three-Trin, (Eng., Tch., Psp. M., M., M. 8); tri, (Psp. M.) THREE TIMES, -Trivar, (1.) THRESHOLD,-Prago, pragu, (M.) THROAT,-Kurlo, (Eng., Pep. M., M. 7); vrangulo, kort, korin, kurlo, (Tch.); gh'andi, gh'ani, (As. Tch.) THROUGH, -Prekal, (M. &) THROW, to,-Wustava, chivava, chovava, (Eng.): chirava, (Tch., Pep. M.); malavara. shud@ra, (M.) THROWN, to be, --Chirghiovava, (Tch.) THRUST,-Kuntia, (Tch.) TERUBT, to.-Lichardva, lit'ardva, spidava, (M.); spillva, (M. 8) THUNDER,-Grommena, grovens, grubbena,(Eng.); kurmf, (Tch.),; tanu, (M.) THUNDER, to,-Grommenava, groveniva, grub. benava, (Eng.) THURSDAY,-Zhoy, (M.) THUS,-Aveka, (Tch.) THY,-Tinro, (M. 8) Tie, to,-Bandava, pandava, (Tch.); priponisarkva, (M.) TIE, to cause to,- Bandarava, (Tch.) TIED, to be,-Banliovava, (Tch.) Tils-Keramidin, (Toh.) . TILE-MAKER, -KeramidiniAkoro, (Tch.) TILL-Ji, (M. 7); chin, (Pep. M.) Time,-Chiros, (Eng.); (repetition) var, far, (Tch., Pap. M., M. 8); date, data, (tempus) vrome, (M.); chiro, (M. 7) TIMID,--Darano, (Tch.) GIPSIES IN ENGLAND AND IN INDIA. BY G. A. GRIERSON ; B.C.8. The two works which form the text of this and of Leland had lifted a corner of the veil, article, show, in their method of treating the and given us a glimpse of what was behind ; subject matter, about as great a contrast as can but the reader of Lavengro or of The English be imagined. Messrs. Smart and Crofton's Gipsies, who seeks for & scientific study of the book is the first attempt at a deliberate survey language in these tantalizing books, must too of the language of the English Gipsies. Such often have laid them down with a sigh almost of & one had long been wanted when it was despair. To begin with, Borrow had no system written. The many delightful works of Borrow of transliteration, and without that the student 1 The Dinlect of the English Gipries, by B. C. Smart, M.D., and H. T. Crofton. Second Edition. London, Asher and Co., 1875. Accounts of the Ciprios of India, collected and lited by David Mao Ritohio, with map and two illustrations. London : Kegan Paul, Trench and Co., 1886.

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36 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1887. is bound to fall into namerons pitfalls; then, way information, bearing on the subject, is as a rule, both Borrow and Leland dealt almost collected. Then follows, what I fear many will entirely with the common wide-spread corrupt consider something very like padding, vis, aboat dialect "quod semper, quod ubique, quod ab 80 pages devoted to a description of the siege omnibus," and neglected the valuable "Deep" of the Jat stronghold of Bharatpur (Bhartor old dialect, which is par excellence the Gipsy pore). The author admits that it will appear Langaage, of which the first is merely the an excrescence to Gipsiologists pare and corruption. It is this Deep" language wbichsimple, and adds that it is for them easy to alone is useful to the philologist, and it is evade the reading of it, while, on the other this wbich Messrs. Smart and Crofton have been band, a different class of readers may find the first to attack, and to lay open the citadel more interest in it than in the other portions to the entry of less fortunate students. Far be of the book. The answer to this exouse is it from me to depreciate the works of Borrow obvious. and Leland. Wherever the English language The book conclades with two original essays. spreads, their works will always be classics The first deals with certain Gipsy characand storehouses of Gipsy lore, but they left a teristics, and in it the author gives very strong want, which has now at length been filled.' arguments to show that the use of artillery For myself, I only wish that I had seen this book was introduced into Europe by the Chipsies. some years sooner than I did ; and as it does At least as early as 1496 we learn from a not seem to be much known in India, I hasten mandate granted by Wladislas, king of to draw the attention of my brother-stadents Hungary, that Thomas Polgar, chief of twenty to it. kve tents of wandering Gipsies, had, with his The second book is audacious and startling. people, made at Funfkirchen muskel-balls and It strongly reminds the reader of Borrow, both other ammunition for Bishop Sigismond. in his happy gue8808, and in his philology. In Again, in 1516 we learn that the French the latter Borrow dared all things. For in- king hath, by th'advice of two gentlemen of stance, he connected the root dik, see, both with Hungary, very experienty. made & great the Skr. ikesh, and with the Gaelic dearcam; number of cannons of a greater calibre than while, of course, it is first cousin of the bath ever been seen." These "two gentlemen" Gaudian dekh, Pali dakkh, and Skr. dru. were probably of the same race as the followers Again, one's breath is rather taken away when of Thomas Polgar. The whole of this essay Borrow connects si, the heart, with the is most entertaining reading. The last paper, Hungarian sriv, and the Sanskrit dhi, and entitled "miscellaneous remarks," gives acdoes not mention the modern Indian ii. So oounts of the various wandering tribes of also Mr. MacRitchie ventures to countenance thieves in India, including the Doms and the the connection of rom, a male Gipsy, with the BediyAs. It is difficult here, as often elsewhere, Coptic rom, 4 men, to find out Mr. MacRitohie's own opinions on The book consists of a number of detached what he writes about. He collects a great deal of essays, all directed to proving that the Gipsies conficting information of varying authority, are descended from the Jats of Sindh. The often most interesting and important, and leaves first is a translation, from the Dutch, of a con- the reader to decide upon the evidence adduced, tribation to the history of the Gipsies, by without a word of gaidance. Thas, he menProf. J. De Goeje, in which all the arguments tions with equal prominence Paspati's identifor the theory are summed up. Then follows fication of Rom with Rama (1) (p. 107), and an appendix to this essay by Mr. MacRitchie, Leland's identification of the same with Dom in which an astonishing amount of out-of-the- (p. 226). Not one word does he say to lead As an instance of the anscientifio nature of Horrow's I need hardly say that I purposely avoid discussing work, Lavokil may be taken. It contains a vocabulary, here the way in which dalth comes from dit. and selection of Gipsy passages. It is evident from * The Gipsy sundy, honourable, which Mr. MacRitahia internal ovidenon that those two parts have been made quite independently. The second part contains numerous (p. 923), following Paspati (p. 21), identifies with Sindo, words not oontained in the vocabulary, and in the spelling 1 or Sinti, is really the past participle of rundva, to boar, of both parts confusion reims supreme. Thus he gives and means renowned, like the modern Greek kovotor. dic, to look; dickimangro, an overlooker; dikkipen, . On p. 409, Paspati gives the corroot derivation, which look; and so on. is also clearly proved by Anooli.

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JANUARY, 1887.) GIPSIES IN ENGLAND AND IN INDIA. 87 one to know that the first is undoubtedly tween Romans and Jataki" (the Jat dialect); wrong, while the second is almost certainly but they argue that "language does not form right. an infallible test of pedigree. There are several The Jat theory of the origin of the Gipsies gipsy populations by whom the language may be stated as follows:-According to the of the Romani has been forgotten; and everyShah-Nama, the Persian monarch Bahram Gaur where the tendency among Gipsies of the received in the 5th century from an Indian present day is to relinquish their ancestral king 12,000 musicians who were known as Luris, speech." To this the answer is not far to seek. and according to the Majmu'au't-Tauarikh, In the first place, though the language-test the Luris or Lalis (i.e. Gipsies) of modern may not be infallible, it is a very powerful one, Persia are the descendants of these. The and throws much doubt on any theory to which historian Hamza Isfahani, who wrote half a it gives an unfavourable reaction. The Gipsies century before Firdusi, the author of the Shah of the present day undoubtedly speak an Indian Nama, however, calls these imported musicians language, and that language is not in any way, Zatte, (h;) and the Arabic Dictionary Al Qamus nearly connected with Jataki ; so that if we has the following entry, Zutt, Arabicized from adopt the theory quoted above, we must also Jatt, a people of Indian origin. Another adopt the utterly impossible assumption lexicon, the Mohit, gives the same information, that the Jags left India speaking Jataki, and, in and adds that they are the people called Nawar the course of their wanderings over Asia and in Syria, and that they are musicians and dancers. Europe, while they were being or had been Zott as the author writes it, is also a term of con- scattered into a number of independent tribes, tempt. "You Zotti" is a term of abuse. Again, gave up their own language, and exchanged it, according to Istakhri and Ibn Hankal, Arabic not for the languages of their new homes, but, geographers of the 10th century, the fatherland all of them, for one certain definite language of of those people was the marshy lands of the the India which they had left centuries before. Indus between al Mansurs, and Makran. We shall have to assume not only this, but that In the course of years nambers of Zotts clans scattered over Western Asia and perhaps Bettled in Persia, especially in the regions over Europe, all fortuitously agreed to adopt the of the Lower Tigris, where in 820 A.D. they same Indian language, though all communicahad become a great body of robbers and pirates. tion between them was barred. Varions attempts were made to subdue them, But, even admitting that the test of language, which was not effected till 834, after which when considered alone, is not, in this case, they were conveyed away to Ainzarba on the infallible, -it becomes so, if we consider the northern frontier of Syria. In 855 (according circumstances which attended the importation to Tabart) the Byzantines attacked Ainzarba from India of these 12,000 Zotts or Luris. and carried off the Zott prisoners with them Firdusi says distinctly that they were 12,000 to their own country. In this way we have musicians of both sexes, and the author of the entry of the Gipsies into Europe accounted the Mahit adds that they were dancers, and for. contemptible. I am at a loss to understand how Now, though it is possible that the Gipsies 80 large a number of degraded persons could be of Europe are descended from these Zotts who found amongst those from whom were descended were imported into the Greek empire, and the brave defenders of Bharatpur. With all due that they are the same as the Luris or Persian deference to the authors of the Arabic dictionGipsies, there appear to me to be two most aries above referred to, it is impossible that these important flaws in the chain by which it is people can have been Jats. The Jats are one attempted to connect Gipsies with the Jats, of the highest castes of India. They claim to or Jatts, as they are always called there, of be, after the Rajpats, one of the parest tribes Sindh. First, there is the point of language of Kshatriyas ;' and any one with the smallest It is admitted by the advocates of the Jat acquaintance with the Indian caste system can theory that there is a great unlikeness be understand that a huge band of professional * Mr. MacRitchie, p. 82. * Seo, for instance, Monier Williams, Hinduism, p. 161.

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38 singers and dancers, men and women, could never have come from a Kshatriya tribe. In spite, therefore, of the authority of Pott, of Trumpp, and of De Goeje, I am unable to accept the theory that the descent of the Gipsies from the Jats is proved, even if we admit that the former are descended from the Zotts or Luris of Arabic and Persian writers." THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Concerning my own theory of the origin of the Gipsies, I have already, in the Introduction to Mrs. Grierson's Gipsy Index, stated my opinion that the language-test points to an Indian tribe speaking a dialect derived from Magadhi and not from Sauraseni Prakrit, and that, therefore, it is in Eastern Hindustan that we must look for their ancestors. I have further pointed out the extreme probability of the criminal tribe known as the Magahiya Doms (who, by the way, are great musicians, singers, and dancers), being descended from the same stock as the Gipsies. I may note, here, a word quoted by Mr. MacRitchie from Mr. Leland, which lends a singular confirma tion to the theory. It is the Gipsy term for bread, which is manro or manro. This is usually connected either with the Gaudian mar rice-gruel,' or with manrud the millet, eleusine coracana. Neither of these agrees with the idea of bread, but in the Magahi dialect of Bihari, spoken south of the Ganges, in the native land of these Magahiya Doms, there is a peculiar word manda or manra, which means wheat,' whence the transition to the Gipsy manro, bread' is eminently natural. Messrs. Smart and Crofton's work has two great advantages. It is systematic, and it is thorough. It begins with a most useful Biblio graphy, commencing with (chapter xxxviii.) "The first Boke of the introduction of Knowlege, made by Andrew Boorde of Physyche Doctor," which "treteth of Egypt, and of theyr mony and of theyr speche," and was written in 1547. One specimen of the "speche of Egypt" [The following remarks may help the argument. Throughout India the JAts or JAtts number 5 millions: but there are Jats and Jats, at any rate in the Panjab, and the Jatt of the Lower Indus, Sindh and the Derajat district differs as widely as can well be imagined from the Jat of Bharatpur and the Jaft of the ruling Sikh families of the Panjab. In the latter cases he is a fine specimen of humanity, but in the former exactly the, reverse. All along the Indas Jatt' is a term of contempt and implies roughly any agricultural Muhammadan tribe which is not of the locally superior sort, s.e. which is not Sayyid, Baloch, Pa han or Qurish. This remark applies more or less also to the Salt Range district, the lower Chinab and Thelam, and to Sindh itself. Ibbetson's Ethnography JANUARY, 1887. as it existed at that date may be given for the benefit of Indian readers. It is a da mai masse (compare Riharida mohi [nom. mai] mas), which the worthy Doctor translates "Gene me fleshe!" Next follows the grammar proper, preceded by a section devoted to orthography, in which the authors lay down the lines on which they base their system of spelling. They have followed the Glossic System used by the English Dialect Society, in which ai corresponds to the sound of the Sanskrit, ou to that of sit, and so on. It is to be regretted that, in treating of a language so closely connected with India, they did not base their system on that of Sir W. Jones, which is now universally used in transliterating Gaudian vernaculars. In quoting Gipsy works, I shall endeavour to use the Jonesian system as much as possible, as it will be most convenient to the readers of the Indian Antiquary. The following special signs are necessary: a like a in gnat; a like aa in baa; & like aw in caw; a like in nut; o like a in not; and oi like oi in oil. The chapter on letter-changes is especially interesting to comparative philologists, who will meet here many old friends. Thus the interchange of k and p in chapni or chakni, a whip, will remind them of the Sanskrit root pach, beside the Latin coc, meaning, 'cook.' Again, kol, or hol is parallel to the Greek kapdia and the Sanskrit hridaya. Instances of this kind could be multiplied to any extent. The chapter on noun-inflections is as full and complete as can be desired. Most interesting is the form of the genitive singular in eskro, plural engro. These have varieties such as meskro, mengro; omeskro, omengro. These genitive forms, as in the other Gaudian lan. guages, were originally adjectives. Examples of the simplest form of the genitive are gaveskro, a policeman, from gav, a town, gavengro do. from do. of the Panjab SSSS 420 to 440 is the best contribution to the subject I know: compare also O'Brien's Settlement Report of the Musaffargarh District. The above use of the term Jat may possibly account for the spread westwards of such a term, as bj Zutts to signify an inferior class of foreigners, though of course it would argue nothing as to their real racial origin.-R. C. TEMPLE.] See Bihar Peasant Life, SS 955. The change from manda to manyd is quite regular. Reprinted by Mr. Furnivall for the Early English Text Society, 1870.

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JANUARY, 1887.) GIPSIES IN ENGLAND AND IN INDIA 39 Here the termination of the genitive is really In the above the terminations kro and gro kero or gro, the es and en being respectively the have been already disposed of. It remains to singular and plural oblique terminations of the consider the form (o)mes and (o)men. In the noun. The words are really gaves kro, and forms mes and men, it will appear that the o has gaven kra (altered to gra for euphony). This only dropped out in obedience to the laws of any student of Prakrit will at once be able to euphony; just as in the Bihari language the trace to its Magadhi Praksit form. Kres as seen form sastrawa has become sastr'wa, a weapon. from other Gipsy dialects, is a contraction from It remains, therefore, to consider the fuller forms. koro, which is the same as the Bihari genitive omes and omen. termination kar(a). Kara is the direct descendant These correspond to what in Bihari gramof the Prakrit adjectival suffix kera which mar are called 'long forms,' which are formed implies possession, e.g. (Ap. Pr. in Hemachandra by adding the syllable 'wd or ya to any noun. IV. 422) jasu kereni hurikaradaki m ahus Thus sastr or (long form) sastr'wa, 'a weapon' padashti trinair, on account of instrumental) agi, or agiya, 'fire.' In Bihari a different terwhose roaring the grass falls from the mouths mination is used for adjectives, so that the (of the deer).' Here jasu kereni hunkaradalmi long forms of tatta, 'hot,' and chhinn, .cut,' are is literally in Sanskrit yasya kritena hukarena; Leritena huikarena : | tatakka, and chhinakki; but the Gipsy appain which yasya kesitana is pleonastic for simple rently retained the w for adjectives also; so that yasya. Now, here two things are to be noted, we may substitute; for the sake of comparison, (a) that kera is used adjectivally, and (b) that suppositious Bihari words, tat'wd, 'a thing the noun to which it is pleonastically attached heated,' and chhiun'wa, a thing cut. Now, in is in the genitive case. With these two facts Prakpit (Hem. IV.397) an m can be changed to compare in Gipsy, (a) that these nouns in kru v preceded by anunasikd, and though Hemeor gro form noms denoting an agent or pos- chandra does not state the converse rule that Bessor the termination o being masculine, and i can become m, it does so in Bihari. In (kri, gri) feminine or neuter, and (b) that the vulgar Maithilfs, as spoken by women, this oblique bases es and en (in e.g. gaves and gaven) long form termination 'wok is commonly proare originally genitives, singular and plural nomced 'man, or 'ma. Examples will be found respectively. Es corresponds to the Magadhi on p. 20 of my Maithil Chrestomathy, where Prakrit gen. sing. term. asia (Hem. IV. 299), we find a'gan'ma for a'gan'wd, 'a court-yard,' and en to the gen. plur. term dnai or anha bisaran'ma for bisaran'wa, forgotten,' and again (Hem. IV. 300, and Lassen, 271; cf. Hem. III. p. 22, where we find asanan'md for asanan'wa, 123) of the same dialect. Tracing our typical ex- bathing. amples, therefore, back to Sanskrit, we get first | In Gipsy, therefore, sastermes is the genitive (1) Sanskrit, gramasya krita : Magadhi Prakrit, singular of the long form of saster; yogomes gamassa kera; Apabhramsa Prakrit, ganvassa the same of yog; and tatter men, genitive plural kera (Hom. IV. 397); Turkish Gipsy geves-koro; of the long form of tatter (2 tatta), and chin. English Gipsy, gaves-kro,' of or belonging to a omen, the same of chin. town,' hence, 'a policeman. (2) Skr. gramanam The long form termination 'wa or 'md is a krita; Magadhi Prakrit, gamanha kera; relic of the Sanskrit pleonastic termination ka. Turkish Gipsy, gaven-goro; English Gipsy, gaven- which was very common in Prakrit, in which, gro, of or belonging to towns.' as the X came between two vowels, it was We are now in a position to consider the elided. In the modern Gandiang, & w or y was other terminations given above, vis. (o) meskero, then inserted to fill the hiatas. Thus Skr. (o)mengro. sastra, or sastraka, 'a weapon,' Magadhi Prakrit Examples are sastra(le)a, genitive singular sastra-asra kera, sastermeskro, a blacksmith, from suster, iron. English Gipsy, sastermes-kro. Magarbi Praksit yogomeskro, a gun yoy, fire. gen. sing. lastra-kha (Hem. IV. 299) kera, tattermengro, a frying-pan,,, tatter, to heat. Bihari sastr'wa kar or vulgar sastrmd kar. chinonongro, a hatchet, ,, "chin, to cut. To take another example, Skr. tapta(ka), * Hem. III. 123, oonfines this form to numerals, but it is regularly formed from ydmanam.

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40 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 'heated;' Magadhi Prakrit gen. plural, tatta anha kera, English Gipsy tattermengre, Bihari, *tattawanh kar or (vulgar) *tattamanh kar. Besides -eskro, etc., there are, in the English Gipsy dialect, the terminations esko and esto in common use, both as genitive singular and as adjectival terminations. Of these the ko in eske is again the Sanskrit krita, of which another Prakrit form is kia, which becomes ke in Gipsy and ka in Bihari, through an intermediate form kya. The to of esto is not so clear. I believe it is from the same krita, which can again in Prakrit become kata (Hem. IV. 323). Thus, take the Gipsy miesto, of or belonging to the face' (e.g. miesto kova, 'a looking glass'). This would be Skr. mukhasya krita, Magadhi Prakrit muhas-sa kata. If these two words were pronounced as one, thus muhassakata, the k would be liable to elision as falling between two vowels, so that we should get muhaisa-ata which might become in Gipsy mues-to. This derivation, which would be otherwise rather hazardous, fits in with a similar explanation of the Gipsy dative termination este, of which the te would represent, if this theory is correct, the Sanskrit krite, a word often used to signify for,' and which is the original of the Bihari dative suffix kahun, or ken, through the Prakrit kate, and the Apabhramsa Prakrit kaahush or kaahim (Hem. IV. 340, 347; kramadiewarn as quoted in Lassen, 26). [JANUARY, 1887. Gipsy and Bihart a compound tense, and the identity is specially remarkable. The compound is in India peculiar to Bihari, and is only used in Bhej'puri, or the dialect spkoen by Magahiya Poms, and in no other dialect. The Pronouns give rise to many suggestive considerations. The word for 1' is me, the Bihari mes. But the plural men, or mendi is still more interesting. A reference to the Turkish Gipsy shows that this was originally amen, or amendi. Amen is the Bihari haman or hamani, we;' but how are we to account for the form amendi? Here again, Bhoj'puri alone gives us the clue. Haman or hamani, is really an old genitive plural, the Prakrit amhana of us,' and means (many) of us,' hence simply we.' In time, however, the original meaning berame forgotten, and the word was considered a pure nominative plural. But the genius of the Bihar language, differing from that of the more Western Gaudians, seemed to demand that the nominative plural of pronouns should be in a genitive form; and so the Bhoj'purf dialect, when the fact became forgotten that hamani was really a genitive, tacked on to it again kd the sign of the genitive, making hamanika, which again means '(many) of us,' 'we.' This is a peculiarity of the Bhoj'puri dialect alone, and does not occur in the other dialects. Now let us take the Gipsy amendi or mendi. We have seen that the element amen is really a genitive. I believe that di is also the sign of the genitive plural, from the Magadh! Prakrit kade (Skr. kritas), just as the to in esto is from kata (Apabhrames, nom. sing katu) as above shown. The Grammar is followed by a most complete Gipsy-English Vocabulary. It, of course, deals directly with the dialect of the English Gipsies, but throughout, and, espe cially in the appendix, a great deal of useful collateral matter is brought in. It is concluded appropriately by a useful English-AngloGipsy vocabulary. The last hundred pages of the book are devoted to genuine Gipsy compositions, both in the Deep,' and in the vulgar tongue, most with translations. Here and there are short little essays which give much useful information. Witness the following: I have lingered so long over this important subject of Gipsy genitives, that I must curtail my remarks concerning the remainder of the grammar as dealt with by Messrs. Smart and Crofton. Everywhere the student will find it interesting and suggestive. For instance, the termination of abstract nouns in pen, will at once suggest the Indian Gaudian pan, which comes from the Skr. tea or (Vaidik) tean, through the Apabhramaa Prakrit -ppana (Hem. IV.437). Again, I notice that Messrs. Smart and Crofton connect the Gipsy sign of the comparative der with the Persian tar. It is simpler to go back to the Skr. tara, which can become dara in Magadhi Prakrit (Hem. IV. 302). On the verb, a whole series of articles might be written. It will be sufficient to point out here identities like the following; Skr. arindshi, Mag. Pr. bunasi, Bihari, sunas, Gipsy, shines, 'thou hearest; Turkish Gipsy,jala; English Gipsy, jal, Bihari, jala, he goes.' This last is in both "THE FROG. We have often asked Gipsies for the Romani lav (Gipsy word) for 'a frog.' Charlie Boswoll

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JANUARY, 1887.] MISCELLANEA. 41 told us it was the "tikeni koli as jals adre de beng is evidently derived from the same word, pani, and lels de drab avri" (little thing that goes as is shown by the Hungarian-Gipsy byeng, into the water and takes the poisonout). Wester.devil."1 Curiously enough, in some Gipsy Boswell told us it was "O stor-herengro ben- dialects we find the word bearing the meaning gesko koli ta jals adre o pdni so piova" (the four- of dragon. Thus, according to Miklosich, loc. legged diabolic thing that swims in the water cit., in a Beitrag sur. rottwellischen Grammatik, which I drink). The Gipsies in general con- we see beng given as the German-Gipsy for sider that any water, into which a frog goes, is drache, teufel.' Again, in Spanish-Gipsy, benge fit to drink. Although they have forgotten mieans dragon,' and bengochi, basilisk,' but the word for 'frog,' they use for toad' the bengi, "devil.' The meanings of both 'frog' and word which means 'frog' in other dialects, viz. devil,' can well come from vyanga; indeed, the jamba, jomba (Vocab.), but are confused when first meaning is given in the Sanskpit dictionquestioned about it, and say "it is no tacho aries. The idea of the devil having deformed lav (trae word), but means jumper." limbs is very old. It will be sufficient here to It is a curious fact, thus brought to notice allude to the fable of the Diable Boiteuz. by Messrs. Smart and Crofton, that there is no Paspati, though he goes wrong in the derivaword in Gipsy for 'frog;' but it is still more tion" hita on the same idea as that to which carious that an animal which Gripsies consider to I have come independently. Talking of the be a benevolent purifier of water should be called Gipsies," he says, devilish,' nearly all Gipsy vocabularies giving Le diable, duaBohor, shaitan des Musalmans, beng as meaning devil,' and 'devil' only. Is leur etaient inconnus: mais dans les tableaux it not possible that the Gipsy for 'frog' can chretiens, representant le chevalier St. Georges once have been also beng; and that this terrassant le diable, sous la forme du dragon, meaning of the word has been forgotten bat le diable leur devint familier, sous la forme has survived in the phrase bengesko koli, d'une grosse grenouille. Ces tableaux fort com froggish thing, which is now ignorantly muns partout, et peints par des artistes male translated by the Gipsies as devilish thing'? droite, ont, pent-etre, plus que tout autre, conIs it not possible that the word beng in Gipsy tribues a assimiler, dans leur pensee, le diable had once two meanings, frog' as well as avec le dragon ou la grenouille. .devil,' of which the former has disappeared ? With this quotation, I must bring this al. The Bihari and Hindustani) for 'frog' is beng ready too long essay to a close, recommending or beng. This is derived from the Skr. vyanga all who are interested in the Indian verna having deformed limbs,' and not from bhekea culars to procure a copy of Messrs. Smart and as most dictionaries make out. And the Gipsy | Crofton's book. MISCELLANEA A NOTE ON THE DATE OF BAMKABACHARYA. he arrived, on arguments stated in detail by him, The latest contributions on this subject appear at the conclusion that the date of the reformer to be Mr. K. B. Pathak's paper, ante, Vol. XI. cannot be brought down to any period subsequent p. 1741., in which he quoted a manuscript that to about A.D. 590. gives Kaliyaga-Samvat 3889 (A.D. 788-81), the I would 'draw attention to the statement of Vibhava samoatsara, as the year of Barkard- the Nepal Vandvali," that Bamkaracharya OhArya's birth, and Kaliyaga-Sachvat 3921 visited Nepal either at the end of the reign, or (A.D. 820), the full-moon day of the month within a few months after the death, of Vrishe Vaibikhe, as the date of his death; and Mr. K. deva of the Saryavansi dynasty; and that VpishaT. Telang's paper, ante, Vol. XIII. p. 95ff., in dova's son, Bankaradeva, was named after which, questioning the authority of the work the reformer, during whose stay in Nepal he. relied on by Mr. Pathak, as belonging at the was born. Very similar statements are made also earliest to about the end of the twelfth century, in respect of a somewhat later king, Varadeva, 30 drab - dravya. 11 Miklosioh, VII. 10. Teile, in Outlines of the History of Ancient Religions, >> Ho connects at once pala, Mia and Bing! p. 140; see ante, Vol. XI. p. 983. 13 p. 169. Wright'. History of Nepdi, pp. 1184., 128 ; and ante, The name year had previously been given by Prol. Vol. Xill. p.148.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1887. and his son Samkaradeva; but there is the import- Eras, the Tables in which, with those in Mr. ant difference that, in their time, the person who Cowaajee Patell's Chronology, give, in convenient visited Nepal was only a Brahman incarnation of forms, all the data that are ordinarily required. Sankaracharya ;' whereas, in the case of Visha- Instances, however, constantly occur, in which deva and his son, the visitor was the reformer the results arrived at from the Tables do not himself in person. exactly agree with the details, recorded in inscripAccording to Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's inter- tions &c., that are the subject of computation. pretation and arrangement of the dates of the This is especially the case with dates from Southkings of Nepal, Vrishadeva reigned about ern India; my own experience being that, in a A.D. 260, and thus belonged to a period which very large proportion of these, the results do not would make it impossible that the statement agree. But the case is frequently the same with about Sankaracharya could be correct. dates from Northern India. And, from the inBut the real date of Vrishaddva, as estab- stances of both classes that I have looked into, it lished by my own rectification of the early chrono- seems plain, that,- however absolute may be the logy of Nepal, was about A.D. 630 to 655; rules adopted in the Tables for arriving at the with, of course, the possibility, since the nearest initial days of Hindu years, which give the basis recorded date belongs to the time of his great- of all the detailed calculations, and however corgrandson Manadeva, that he really came some rect may be the published results on this point, ten or twenty years earlier. yet the subsidiary rules and Tables, for working This result approaches so closely to the period out intermediate daye, must not be followed in arrived at, on estraneous and inferential grounds, too hard and fast a manner, but are always liable by Mr. Telang, that it is to be hoped that he will to modification and adjustment, sometimes on look again through the facts on which his con- account of retrenched and repeated lunar tithis; clusions were based, and will consider whether his sometimes in consequence of the practice of deductions do not admit of the slight modifications coupling a lunar tithi, when it commences after that would bring them into accordance with the sunrise and does not end in the same day, with statement of the Nepal Vamidvali. Like other the name of the following week-day, instead of native records, the Vamedvali is, for the most part, with the name of that with which the greater part extremely unreliable; it would, for instance, place of the tithi actually coincides ; and sometimes Vrishadova in B.C. 614. But, as shewn by Dr. because the theoretical arrangement of the Hindu Bhagwanlal Indraji, it has preserved, though luni-solar year, in twelve months, consisting of in a distorted form, at least one real historical alternately 30 and 29 solar days, in regular sucitem, in the statement that, in the time of Visvadeva- cession, is not adhered to in actual practice, but varman, the predecessor of Amsuvarman, Vikra- varies irregularly from year to year. These are mAditya came to Nepal and established his era rather intricate matters, for which the Tables there; the real reference being to a conquest of do not provide, at any rate in a way that is the country by Harshavardhana of Kanauj, and convenient for use by those who are not experts. the partial introduction of his era as the result. And the result is that, except in respect of a date And there seems no particular reason for refusing that happens to be exactly normal in all its to accept its statement regarding the visit of surroundings, only a close approximation can be Sankaracharya as correct; supported, as it is, by obtained from the Tables. the fact that the name of Sankara appears for the It is easy enough, accepting the Rules and first time, among the Nepal kings, in the case of Tables as absolute in all their details, to assume Vrishadeva's son and successor. It is, at any rate, that the interpretation of an original passage sufficient, I think, to shew that Bankarachar. containing a date, is not correct; or, admitting ya's period is not later than that of Vrisha- that the interpretation is correct, to suggest dava an error in the original record, and to adapt it J. F. FLEET. to the results obtained from the Tables, by pro9th October 1886. posing to alter the name of the week-day, or the number of the tithi, and so on. But this method CALOULATIONS OF HINDU DATES. of procedure is hardly satisfactory. And my own The conversion of Hindu dates into English inclination, in cases of difference, is, to accept the equivalents has now been much facilitated by recorded details as at least primd facie correct, General Cunningham's useful Book of Indian and to use them as data for modifying and cor * Wright'. History of Nepal, p. 152. * ante, Vol. XIII. p. 487. ante, Yol. XIV. p. 850. * ante, Vol. XIII. p. 491f.

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MISCELLANEA. JANUARY, 1887.] recting the rules for computing other intermediate dates of the same year. Any general rules of correction could only be established by tabulating a considerable number of calculated results; and then noting the way in which, and the extent to which, they differ from the results obtainable from the published Tables. And, as a contribution to this line of inquiry, I propose to give, from time to time, calculations of dates that include points of interest; and thus to provide materials and special points of consideration for others, who will go more deeply into the subject than I can. When General Cunningham and Mr. Cowasjee Patell differ in respect of the initial day of a year, I shall give the results separately, according to each authority. When I indicate no such difference of results, it will be understood that both sets of Tables agree in all the essential data. Other points requiring special notice, will be commented on as they arise. No. 1. Through the kindness of Mr. G. Waddington, Bo.C.S., I have recently obtained, from KalasBudrakh in the Akolem Taluk of the Ahmadnagar District, a new copper-plate grant of the Mahdsdmanta Bhillama III., of the family of the Yadavas of Seunadesa. The details of the date (1. 14 f.) are - Saka-nripa-kal-atita-samvatsara-sateshu navasv-ashtachatvarimead-adhikeshv-amkato-pi 948 Krodhana-samvatsara-Karttika-samjat-adityagrahane, "in nine centuries of the years that have gone by from the time of the Saka king, increased by forty-eight; or, in figures, 948 (years); on the occurrence of an eclipse of the sun in (the month) Karttika of the Krodhana samvatsara." This gives us, for calculation, Saka-Samvat 948, the Krodhana samvatsara, both cument; the month Karttika (October-November); and an eclipse of the sun, which of course took place on the new moon tithi,-the fifteenth tithi, but the fourteenth, fifteenth, or sixteenth, solar day, as the case may be, of the dark fortnight. And as the contents of the inscription connect it absolutely with the neighbourhood in which it was found, a locality within the limits of Sou This is a point that requires to be always noted in respect of copper-plate grants, which, being so portable, may travel to, and, be discovered at, any distance. from the locality to which they really belong. With stone-inscriptions, of course, the case is different. In the north, the dark fortnight of each month precedes the bright. But the year there, as in the south, commences on the first day of the bright fortnight of Chaitra; consequently the dark fortnight of Chaitra stands, in the north, at the end of the year: instead of in the place of the second fortnight of the year, which it occupies in the south. The result is that the 43 thern India, all the details of the date have, primafacie at least, to be treated in accord. ance with the southern method of reckoning; and therefore, as regards the arrangement of the months, with the bright fortnight preceding the dark, and so, as the Saka-Samvat years commence with the first day of the bright fortnight of the month Chaitra (March-April), with the whole of that month,-not only the bright half of it,standing in the beginning of the year." Here, however, as regards Saka-Samvat 948 being recorded as current, as well as the Krodhana samvatsara, there is a special point that calls for remark. It is often asserted that the ancient Hindus always expressed their dates in expired years. And, according to this, we should understand atiteshu. 'having gone by, having expired,' or any similar word, in apposition with sateshu in the present passage, and translate accordingly. Now, it is true that the word atita does actually occur here. But it does not qualify sateshu, in respect of the number of years to be recorded. It qualifies the base samvatsara or samvatsara-sata, in connection with the time of the Saka king or kings from which the era is reckoned. The expression is a technical one, of constant occurrence. And with the present passage we have to contrast the date of the Kauthem grant of Vikramaaditya V. (p. 24 above, 1. 61 f.), Saka-nripa-kal-atita-samvatsara-sateshu navasu trimsad-adhikeshu gateshu 930 pravartamana-Saumya-samvatsare &c.,-in which we explicitly have gateshu, having gone by,' in apposition with sateshu, in addition to atita qualifying samvatsara (or samvatsara-sata), as here. In the present passage, there is no such word; and, if we were to supply one, the text would then indicate Saka-Samvat 918 expired, and 949, the Krodhana samvatsara, current. But the samvatsara of the sixty-year cycle would then differ from the year of the era by two years, instead of only one as noted below, according to the southern reckoning of the cycle; and would not agree with it, even according to the northern reckoning. No doubt, in making calculations, the Hindus worked, as Europeans must work, with the number of expired years as a basis. But this is northerners are, for instance, in the dark fortnight of Vaisakha, while the southerners are still in the dark fortnight of the preceding month, Chaitra; and as another, example, the 236th day of the theoretical lunisolar year is, in the south, the new-moon day of Karttika, but in the north it is the new-moon day of the following month, Margasirsha. This difference of arrangement is obviously only of essential importance in respect of dates in the dark fortnights of the months; thus, for instance, the 74th day, in theoretical order, is the fullmoon day of Jyeshtha, in both southern and northern India.

Page #56
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1887. quite a different question from that of their tion. And in respect of class (1) it is difficult method of expressing the dates; a, also, is the to see how, without imagining an elliptical question whether they did not sometimes by mis- construction for which no actual example can be take quote years as current which were really quoted as an authority, the nominative case could expired, and the reverse, and even occasionally be used to denote any but the current year. With quote, as current, or even as expired, years that these examples, and the plain record of the were still to come. And, as a very clear and Gwalior inscription, before us, when we find that pointed instance of the record of a date in cur. in a certain class of instances (3), illustrated by rent years, we have the S&sbahu temple inscrip- the date of the Kauthem grant referred to above, tion of Mahipala, dated Vikrama-Samvat 1150, the locative case is uniformly coupled with a which gives fante, Vol. XV. p. 41; vv. 107, 108; word distinctly meaning elapsed or gone by'in 1. 40) first, in-words, the number of years expired, apposition, whereas in another class of instances and then, partially in words and fully in figures, (4), illustrated by the Kalas-Budrakh date the number of the current year,- kadasasy = now under discussion, any such word is as atiteshu ahvatsara-sateshu cha | Ok-na-pasicha. | uniformly omitted, there is nothing to prevent sati cha gateahv=abdeshu Vikramat || Pafichaso our giving, but on the contrary every reason to ch=Agvindamise krishna-pakshe nsip-Ajraya ! induce us to give, to the simple locative, in the rachita Manikanthena prasastir=iyam-ujjvald 11 last class of instances, its natural and ordinary Amkatoap 1150 11 Agvina-bahula-pathchamyarn, meaning of " in such and such a year," i.e. " while -"and when eleven centuries of years had such and such a year is current." This is the passed by," and in addition) fifty years, less meaning that is always given to the simple locaby one, had gone, from the time of ) Vikrama; tive in a regnal date ; thus, in one of the Nasik and in the fiftieth (year); in the month Asvina ; inscriptions (Archaeol. Sury. West. Ind. Vol. IV. in the dark fortnight; by order of the king, this Pp. 108, 1. 1; 109).-siri-Pulum&yisa samvachchhare brilliant eulogy was composed by Manikantha; @kuna vise 19,-"in the nineteenth (19) year of or, in figure, 1150 (years); on the fifth tithi of the illustrious Pulumayi." It has never been the dark fortnight of Asvina." attempted to maintain that, in such a record as Excluding special and capricious instances, the this, the text means "the nineteenth year having inscriptions disclose the following general and expired." And there is no reason why any such systematic constructions in the expression of forced interpretation should be put on the simple dates. (1) The use of the nominative singular locative expressing the number of years of an or plurul, unaccompanied by any verb or partici. era; especially when we bear in mind that almost ple. (2) The use, in Southern India, of the every era owes its origin to only an extension of nominative singular or plural, in apposition with regnal dates, and that the system of expired years an ordinal adjective, which, again, usually quali. can only have been devised when a considerable fies the name of the saivatsara in the genitive advance had been made in astronomical science. case. (3) The use of the locative singular or In the present date, therefore, we have Saka. plural, with the corresponding locative, in apposi- Samvat 948, and the Krodhana sdnratsara, both tion, of any word signifying elapsed, gone by.' current. (4) The use of the simple locative singular or By the Tables, however, Saka-Samvat 948 was plural, without any such corresponding locative the Kshaya samvatsara ; and the Krodhana in apposition. And (5) the pse of the abbrevia- | samvatsara was Saka-Samvat 947 tions saria and samvat, standing alone, and not Making the calculation first for Saka-Samvat explained by any detailed record in words; this 947 (A.D. 1025-26) current, the Krodhana sanmethod, however, throws no light on the point vatsara, -the Tables shew that it began on Wed. under discussion. nesday, the 3rd March, A.D. 1025; and that the Now, in respect of class (2), it can hardly be month Bhadrapada was intercalary, before Kar. disputed that current years are intended; the .ttika. Then according to the southern reckon. very construction prevents any other interpreta- ing, by Mr. Cowasjee Patell's' Table x., the 3 Gen. Cunningham'. Table X. is not handy on this point, in this Table, that seems to require notice, is, that, oint. In the first place, it shows the number of days like C. Patoll's northern Arrangement in his Tables IV. to nocording to the northern arrangement only; and, in the XIII., it makes the dark fortnight of every month second place, it makes no provision for intercalary contain 15 days, and makes the variation between 14 and months, and requires to be supplemented at least by # 15 days, which is dependent on whether the full month note that, for intercalary years, 30 days have to be added consists of 29 or of 30 days, occur in the bright fortnight. to make up the total of the days of all subsequent months, But whatever the modern practice may be. Hinen when the intercalated month consists of 29 days, and 29 Tsiang (Buddh. Rec. West. World, Vol. I. p. 71; and when it consists of 80, and that the number of days in Stanislas Julien's Hiouen Theang, Vol. II. p. 61f.), in ench month, subsequent to the intercalated month, has tostating specifically that the dark fortnight precedes be changed from 80 to 29, or from 20 to 80.-Another the bright in the arrangement of the month, also tells us,

Page #57
JANUARY, 1887.] MISCELLANEA. 45 243 266 month Karttika should consist of 30 days; and Turning, however, to Gen. Cunningham's Table the new-moon day should normally be the 266th XVIII. p. 214, we find that the solar eclipse of A.D. day in the year. Dividing this by 7, the result 1026 occurred on the 12th November which duly is 38 weeks exactly, with no remainder; and satisfies the result obtained from his Tables. consequently the week-day would be a Tuesday, The results here are equally applicable to the reckoning from Wednesday, the initial day of two years. Consequently, the priginal record the year. Then containing no mention of the name of the week3rd March day, it is impossible to choose between them, 4th to 31st March ....... 28 and to decide, from them, wheth the real date April ............... intended is that of the Krodh a rivatsara, May ................... viz. Tuesday, the 23rd Novembc A.D. 1025, or June ...... .... .... that of Saka-Samvat 948, viz. S urday, the 12th July November, A.D. 1026. The probability, however, August ............. is that the record really refers to the Krulhana September....... ..*** samvatsara. October........... The result for Saka-Sarvat 948, however, is of interest, as seeming to shew that the initial day of 1st to 23rd November.. 23 that year did fall on the 22nd March, as given by Gen. Cunningham; not on the 23rd, as given by Mr. Cowasjee Patell. And we also have the The corresponding English date, accordingly, following details in support of Gen. Cunningham's is the 23rd November A.D. 1025, which, a initial day. Both authorities agree in respect of reference to Gen. Cunningham's Table I. shews, the 3rd March, A. D. 1025, as the initial day of was a Tuesday, as required, the 3rd March of the preceding year, Saka-Samvat 947. In that the same year being a Wednesday. And Gen, year the month Bhadrapada was intercalary. Cunningham's Table XVIII. p. 214, shews that This is, theoretically, a 29-day month; consean eclipse of the sun did occur on that day. quently 30 days have to be added to the subsequent Again, making the calculation for Saka-Samvat portion of the year, thus raising the normal total 948 (A.D. 1026-27) current, the Kshaya sariwat. number of days from 356 to 384. Of these 384 sara,-Gen. Cunningham's Table XVII. p. 171, days, 304 fell in A. D. 1025; and the remainder, shews that it began on Tuesday, the 22nd March, 80, brings us up to the 21st March, A.D. 1026, as A.D. 1026, whereas Mr. Cowabjee Patell's Table I. the last day of Saka-Samvat 'Therefore p. 138, gives (Wednesday) the 23rd March. This Saka-Sarvat 948 ought, underm al circumyear had no intercalary month. Consequently stances, to commence on the 22 March, A.D. according to the southern reckoning, by Mr. 1026, as given by Gen. Cunningen. And this Cowasjee Patell's Table IV., the month Karttika is further corroborated by the pot that both should consist of 29 days, and the new-moon day authorities agree again in rest of the 12th should be the 236th day in the year. This gives March, A.D. 1027, as the inities of the next 33 weeks and 5 days over; and thus, adopt- year, Saka-Samvat 949. ing Gen. Cunningham's initial day, and counting No. 2. from, and inclusive of, Tuesday (the initial day The solar eclipse of Saka-Samvat 948 is menof the year), the week-day would be a Saturday. tioned again in the Bhandup grant of the MahdAnd, proceeding as before, we find that the mandalesvara Chhittaraja, of the family of English date is the 12th November A.D. 1026, the Bulaharas of the Konkan. The date (ante, which was a Saturday, as required. Adopting Vol. V. p. 278, 1. 12ff.) runs--Saka-npipaMr. Cowasjee Patell's initial day, the resulting kAl-Atita-samvatsara-sateshu navagu ashta-chat. English date would be Sunday, the 13th November. varimsad-adhikeshu Kshaya-samvatsar-Antargata. very distinctly, that it is the dark fortnight which consiata sometimes of 14 and sometimes of 15 days, because the month is sometimes short and sometimes long. This hint requires some consideration. But, if it is accepted and applied strictly, then, in fixing the arrangement of a theoretical Hindu Luni-solar year in which there is no intercalation of a month, the first day of the bright fort. I night of the month Vaisakha, according to the northern scheme, is really the 30th day in the year; not the 81st, as given in the Tables; and a similar correction of one day has to be made all through the bright fortuight of every 29-day month in the your. Of course we must always bear in mind the difference between solar days and lunar tithis. A tithi being the 30th division (but not the exact 30th part) of a lunation, there are always 30 tithis in the Hindu month; even though, in adjusting them, by expunction and repetition, to the solar days, only 29 of them may actually appear in the calendar And the first tithi of the bright fortnight of Vaisakha will always be the 31st tithi in the year, whether it happens to fall on the 30th or on the 31st day. Gen. Cunningham's Tablo IV. and C. Patell's Table II. are intended for this part of the process: but the une of them involves certain inconveniences of addition and subtraction that may easily introduce errors.

Page #58
46 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1887. Karttik-dbuddha-palichadasyam yatraankatu=pi CURIOSITIES OF INDIAN LITERATURE. saivat 948 Karttik-asuddha 15 Ravau sanjate THE STORY OF KING DAHARIYA-KARNA AND CHE adityagrahana-parvani, -" in nine centuries of the PANDIT'S PROMISE. rears that have gone by from the time of the Saka King Dahariya once went to the Ganges to king, increased by forty-eight; on the fifteenth bathe, taking his mother with him, and in honour tithi of the dark fortnight of the month) Karttika of the event he made her a present of 125,000 head which is in the Kshaya sariwatsara; or, in figures, of cattle. It happened that at the same ghut there 948 years; the dark fortnight of Karttika; (the was a poor Brahman, who also had brought his lunar tithi or solar day) 15; on Sunday, on the mother with him. In spite of his poverty he told occurrence of the occasion of an eclipse of the sun." her to choose whatever gift sho might desire. The contents of the inscription connect it abso- Thereupon she asked for the same gift as that lutely with the neighbourhood in which it was which had been given by the king to his mother, found, a locality in the Thana (Thane) District; laughing at the same time at the idea of his being and all the details of the date have, therefore, to able to fulfil such a request. The Brahman howbe treated in accordance with the southern system. ever, who was a great Pandit, swore by a mighty This record gives us Saka-Samvat 948, the oath that he would seize the king by the lips and Kshaya sanatsara both current: and, as pointed bring him before his mother, and cause him to make out under No. 1 above, Saka-Sarvat 948 was her a present of the required number of cattle. the Kshaya samvatsara. Before, however, he could carry out his design, the It also adds the information that the day, on king had heard of it, and for fear of its being which the eclipse occurred, was a Sunday. accomplished shut himself up in his tent and We have already seen above that the Hin. refused admission to all Brahmars of every kind, du date corresponds, by Gen. Cunningham's and, atter concluding his bathing ceremonies, re. Tables, to Saturday, the 12th November, A.D. turned to his palace, where he again shut himself 1086, when there was an eclipse of the sun, asup carefully, and refused to admit any Brahmans required; but, by Mr. Cowasjeu Patell's Tables, to see him. The Pandit tried his best to gain an to Sunday, the 13th November, which agrees in audience, but unsuccessfully; 80 at length he gave respect of the week-day, but not in respect of up overt attempts, and built a small hut for himself the eclipse. Making allowance for the difference near the king's palace, where he lived continually on of time between Greenwich and Bombay, possibly the watch. One night, a very rainy one in Bhadra, detailed computations might shew that the eclipse when the clouds produced a thick darkness, and the tvok place at such an hour as to culminate, for wind and the thunder conspired to make the hour Greenwich, very late on Saturday night, and, in terrible, he began to sing a song to the melody called the neighbourhood of Bombay early on Sunday Malldra, which was very sweet, and dealt with the morning. This would remove the apparent dis- passion of love. So sweetly did he sing, that when crepancy in respect of the week.day. But, in the queen, the wife of king Dahariya, heard his voice that case, the result would seem to support where she was sleeping by her husband, she could Mr. Cowanjee Patell's initial day, Wednesday, not restrain her feelings, and leaving her husband's the 23rd March. A.D. 1026. rather than Gen. side went out through the blinding rain to the Pan. Cunningham's, Tuesday, the 22nd March; where, 1'dit's hut and entreated him to allow her to enter as we have seen above that Gen. Cunningham's and to throw herself into his embraces. initial day is more probably the correct one. The king, who had been awake when she went Another explanation might be, that the 30th out, had followed her in secret, and had heard her tithi of Karttika, the 15th of the dark fortnight, request. The Pandit refused, in spite of all her commenced after sunrise on the 12th November, entreaties, and advised her to go home quietly as and lasted until after sunrise on Sunday, the 13th. she had come. She replied that she was afraid In this case, it appears, the name of Sunday, not to go back in the rain, and added of Saturday, would be connected with the tithi. anAhUtaivami pracuraguNalobhena bhavataH 6th November 1886. J. F. FLEET. samIha sauhArda tadapi paritApaM ca tanute / * The original has, in both places, Karttika fuddha, we adopt Gen. Cunninghan's initial day, or Mr. Cowasjee the bright fortnight of Karttika." As pointed out by Patell's. But, as we also have a solar eclipse as required, Dr. Buhler, in editing the inscription, there is evidently my own opinion is that the mistake lies in the drafter a mistake somewhore here: since an eclipse of the sun or engraver having written Karttika-uddha, "the bright cannot take place on the fifteenth tithi of the briyht fortnight of Karttika," instead of Karttikasuddha, "the fortnight, .. on the full-moon day. His inclination dark fortnight of Karttika." The use of afuddha, for Wis that, instead of an eclipse of the sun, an eclipse krishna or bahula, is perhaps rare; and I am not proviof the moon was intended. And there was an eclipse of ded with other instances of it at present. But I have the toon in Karttika in that year; tiz. on Friday, the 28th instances in which the exactly synonymous term aukla October A.D. 1026, or, by the Hindu calendar, on Satur. is used. dny, the 29th October, or Sunday, the 30th, according as See O. Patell's Chronology, p. 42, para. 5.

Page #59
JANUARY, 1887.] MISCELLANEA. 47 Uncalled I come, attracted by your excellence, alone down to Hell, full of poisonous serpents, and ng for your friendship, and nevertheless my therefore I think the fear of woman is but a sham.' anguish increases.' The king had been pleased on the previous Finding her efforts unavailing, she went on :- night by the high principles shown by the Pandit; vidagdha tvAmevaM tadiha pariyAce kuru tathA and now he was astonished to find that his yathA nazyAdAlIkapaTakaratAlIkaravaH / / learning was at least equal to his virtue, for he O wise sir, I beg thee, even here, to do that had without doubt made an impromptu verse, in by which the deceitful hand-clappings and jeers a complicated metre, without any hesitation. He of my companions will be prevented. Where. was sitting facing the east, and covering his face upon the Pandit recited the following verses :-- with his hand he determined, after consideration, unnAdAmbudavadhitAndhatamasamabhraSTadigmaNDale to give him all that portion of his kingdom which yAme yaamikjaaptysubhttvyaakiirnnkolaahle| was before him. Then, that he might not covet another man's goods he turned round, and sat karNasyArimahArNavAmbuvaDavAvaheryadantaH purA facing the north. The poor Pandit, however, not TUGUE Tara Taral understanding these motions, concluded that the . Inasmuch-as, lotus-eyed one, you have come king was even still more displeased, and in order from the inner apartments of (Dahariya) Karna, to pacify him, began aguin as follow who is as it were a consuming subaqueous fire kIrtiste nRpa dUtikA murariporaGka sthitAM bhAratI amidst the sea of his enemies, on a night in which mAM cAkRSya dadau tadati girizaH zrutvArdhanArIzvaraH / the circle of the universe has disappeared in a thiek darkness increased by bellowing clouds, and prayAbhUcaturAnanaH surapatizcabhu:sahasra dhau in which the turmoil is pervaded by watchmen, and skando mandamatirvivAhavimukho dhatte kumAravatam // by waking, fierce warriors, I think the fear of Thy Fame, o king, is the procuress who seduced women is but a sham.' Sarasvati (the goddess of learning) seated in the The queen at length consented to go home, lap of Vishnu, and Lakshmi (the goddess of provided he would sing his song again to cheer prosperity), and gave them to thee. When siva her on her journey. He consented to do so, and heard this, he absorbed Parvati into himself, while sang for her the Malldra as she hurried back Brahma put on his four faces, and Indra his through the wind and rain. The king also went thousand eyes (so as to be better on the watch), home, thinking on what had occurred, and well and KArttikeya, dull-witted god, became averse pleased with the Pandit. The next morning he to marriage, and swore to be a bachelor.' sent for him The Pandit came, much pleased The king was so pleased with the ingenuity of at having at length got an audience. Directly on the compliments contained in these verses that he his arrival the king said, "That was a very pretty again considered as before, and determined to verbe you recited last night, pray recite it again, give the Pandit all that portion of his kingdom as I have forgotten it. I can only remember that then in front of him, that is to say, the northern it ended kRtikaM manye bhayaM yoSitAM, "I think the fear of | quarter of it. The poor Pandit, however, terrified women is but a Rham." still more by his actions, and thinking that his When the Pandit heard this he was terribly death was near, again began as follows, the king frightened, for, of course, he did not know that the l at the same time having turned as before, this king had followed his wife, and had heard all that time to the west :had taken place. On the contrary, he imagined TITR A T that the queen had told her spouse some lie, and abhAgyacchavasaMpane mabi nAbAnti bindvH|| that the king intended to kill him. He knew that lo | Oking, the heavens continually pour golden if he repeated the verses which he had said the night before his fate would be sealed, and so on showers on thee, but no drops fall on me, luckless one, who have taken refuge beneath thy umbrella.' the spur of the moment he invented another set of lines having the same ending. This verse hnd the same result as the others. They are as The king was again pleased, and again determined follows: to give all his kingdom, which was then before udyaDrAhamudanvati jalamatikrAmatyanAlambini his face, vis. all that to the west. He thereupon Trafa aferforjat H e turned to the south. The Pandit, frightened as vyAptaM yAti viSAkulairahikulai. pAtAlamekAkinI / before, went on :kIrtiste madanAbhirAma kRtikaM manye bhaya yoSitAm / / asidhArApaye nAtha shtrushonnitaapcchile| .(O king) who art as handsome as the God of - bhAjagAma kathaM lakSmInirjagAma kathaM yshH|| Love, thy Fame (the word for fame, wife, is of the How did - Lakshmi come to you, and how did feminine gender, and is here personified as a your glory go forth along the path of the edge of woman), passes across the sea in whose waters your sword, all slippery with the blood of your crocodiles are rising, wanders about in the unsus. enemies P' pended sky, and has mountod on to the heads of Thereupon the king determined to give him the mountains hard to be approached. She has gone' southern, and last, quarter of his kingdom. By this

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48 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1887. time he had mentally given the Brahman all his kingdom, and his prime minister recognized the Pandit as the man who had made the oath about which the king was so much afraid, and told the king so. The latter welcomed the Pandit with open arms, and instead of carrying out his mental resolutions, gave him 125,000 head of cattle, and sending for a pair of tongs (Perez or ) allowed the Pandit to catch him by the lipe, and bring him in this state, together with the cattle, before his mother. G. A. GBIERBON. BOOK NOTICE. KAVYAXALA, collection of old and rare Sanskrit ingly moderate, amounting to six rupees; and, in KAVYM,'N Atakas, Champds, Bhinag, Prahasanns, the interest of intending European subscribers, I Chhandas, AlaokAras, etc. Edited by PANDITA DURGAPRABADA and KASHINATHA PANDURANGA would only suggest that the publisher should fix PARABA. Printed and published by the Proprietor of the Nirnaya-Sagara Press, Bombay. "Parts the price, including postage to Europe, also in L-VI., January to June 1886. shillings. Unfortunately, Indian publications In a short notice of an edition of the Kirdtar. become very slowly known in Europe; and, when juniya (ante, page 156) I have already expressed they are known, nobody knows how to get them the opinion, that no Indian publishers bave during without paying the most extravagant prices. late years done more for Sanskrit literature than the following are the larger works, the public the proprietor of the Nirnaya-Sagara Press of cation of which has been begun in the first six Bombay, and I have mentioned the titles of some numbers of the Kdvyamald: Mankhaka's Srikan. of the works published by that firm. Since then thacharita, with Jonaraja's commentary, pp. I have had occasion to inspect the editions, bronght 112, Sargas I-VIII., 20; GovardhanachArya's out by the same press, of several of Kalidasa's Arydsaptabati, with Anantapandita's Com., pp. works, and to examine more carefully, and 112, 308 Aryde; Murari's Anarghardghava, with with very great pleasure, an edition by Pandit Ruchipati's Com., pp. 64, up to the beginning of Durgapramada of Trivikramabhatta's Damayanti Act II.; Rudrata's Kavydlankdra, with Namiss. katha, and a handy and useful copy of the dhu's Com., pp. 64, Adhyayas I-VI., 15. The list Siddhantakaumudt. About some of these works of the shorter works, that have been completed (on I may perhaps venture to write more fully on 160 and 04 pages), is as follows: Raghavachai. a future occasion. At present, I wish to express tanya's Mahdganapatistotra, with Com.: Lankesto the enterprising publisher and to the learned vara's Sivastuti; Kalidasa's Sydmaladandaka; editors Pandit Durgapraskda and Kasingth P. Kulasekharanripati's Mukundamala; Jagan. Paraba my best thanks for having started the nathapanditaraja's Sudhalahari, Pranabharajournal, to which they have given the appropriate na with Com., Amritalahart, and Karundlahart; title Kavyamala, and to draw the attention of Bambhumahakavi's Rdjendrakarnapura and European scholars to this most interesting and AnySketimuktillatd; Kshmendra's Kaldvildea, useful publication. Auchitya vichdracharcha, and Suusittatilaka; The Kdvyamdld is devoted to the poetical litera- Appayadikshita's Vairagyasataka; Ratnature of the Indian middle ages. It is intended kara's Vakroktipanichdrikd; Bankaracharya's mainly for the publication of such Sanskrit Vishnupddadikeldntavarnanastotra ; and Guma. Kavyas, Natakas, Champas, works on rhetorics and nikavi's Upadobadataka. metrics, etc., as have not hitherto been generally 1 I do not profess to have studied carefully every accessible. The more extensive works published in one of these works. But, as the Kavyamala has it are accompanied by the best commentaries that been a pleasant companion to me during my sumwere available ; and, in the case of works printed mer-holiday, I have certainly read through by far without running commentaries, short footnotes the greater portion of the numbers under notice, have been added by the editors for the elucidation and I feel no hesitation in saying, that the editors of difficult or unusual words or phrases. Besides, have performed their task in a very scholarly and in introductory notes an attempt has been made satisfactory manner. There are some passages, to fix the time of each writer and to give a list of particularly in the commentary on Rudra[& B his works. Each number consists of 96 octavo Kdvydlankdra, which, to judge from the interpages of closely but clearly printed matter, and punctuation, appear to me to have been misunder. contains portions varying from 12 to 24 pages of stood, and readings (such as Medhdvirudra on more extensive works, while the rest of the number 1 pages 2 and 9), which, I believe, are not supported is made up by shorter works. The pagination of by the best MSS.; but, on the whole, I must conthese shorter works is continuous, but the pages gratulate both the editors and the publisher on of every larger work are numbered separately. I what they have already achieved, and I wish their so that each work, when finished, may be bound undertaking every success. up by itself. The annual subecription is exceed. I F. KIELHORN.

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FEBRUARY, 1887.) EARLY ACCOUNT OF THE DAKHAN. THE DAKHAN IN THE TIME OF GAUTAMA-BUDDHA, BY THE REV. THOMAS FOULKES, CHAPLAIN OF COIMBATORE. (Concluded from p 8.) W E now turn to the inland routes within through Magadha to LAla." In the Maha V the Dakhan, and from places within the wasiusa version of the Vijayan legend, a party, Dakhap to others beyond its limits in North-of merchants, whom the daughter of the king ern India. They are traced mainly from of Banga joined on their way, were travelling incidental references in the journeys of Bud- by this route" when they were met by the liom dha and his converts. which carried the princess off to his leir. It (1) One of these routes extended from was traversed also by Vijaya's father when he Supparaks on the western coast to Sewet fled from the lion's cave;and again when he (Srivasti) in Oudh' Punna, who has been returned from Banga to Lala." mentioned above, and his merchant com- (8) The Sling-ki version of this legend has panions in Supparaka. need this route in the a route from an unnamed kingdom in ordinary course of their mercantile pursuite, Southern India, probably Kalinga, to LALA, about the commencement of Buddha's publicsepposing the lion's Lair of this version to have career. During * visit of curiosity from his been in LALA tart-encampment near Sewet to see the new (4) The legend of Bavari has a north-andprophet, 'he first heard Buddha prench, and south route renning from Sravasti in became one of his most hearty disciples and Northern Kosala to Alaka in the kingdom of he was apparently the first convert to Buddhism Assaka on the banks of the Godavari. The from the Dakhap. Baddha himself subsequently | Brakman ascetic Bavari travelled by this road travelled along this route with a large to establish kis monastery on the banks of that retinue of his disciples on his visit to Panna in river: and by this route he subsequently sent his hermitage near Supparaka to receive and his disciples to Sravasti to Buddha to seek consecrate the new vihara which he had induced some means of relief from the persecution under his former mercantile associates to erect in the which he was suffering." It was a cart-road; grove of Mulu with a portion of the red-sanders for the materials for the monastery were brought timber which they had brought home on one of by it all the way from Sewet." their sea-voyages. The direction of this route (5) Another north-and-soutk route with is shown by the circumstance that Buddha on capacity for wheeled traffic, ran parallel to the his retorn joarney crossed the Narmada eastern coast from the port of Adseitta where it washed the Yon country of subsequent mentioned above through Ururals in the times and the unidentified Sachabaddy neighbourhood of Bodh-gaya to Suvama." rock, mentioned above, the abode of another of The Barmese merchant-brothers, Tapusa and Buddha's hermit friends, and from which he Paleka ksed this route after transferring their made his third visit to Ceylon, lay in the line merchandise from their ship into carts which of the remaining northern section of this route. 1 they hired at Adzeitta Buddha and his company travelled on this road (6) The legend of Vijaya's marriage with a in litters,' or palanquins," or Beats: but Pandyan princess has a route from Madhura it was used for wheeled traffic also; for Punna to a sea-port on the coast of Tinnevelly carried his merchandise upon it in a large opposite Ceylon. Vijaya's embassy to the caravan of wagons." Pandyan king to solicit the hand of his daughter (2) Another of these land-routes, part only travelled by this route; as did also the princess of which lay within the Dakhan, ran east and her retinue on their way to her new and west across the peninsula from Bongal home. Man. Byd. 259. Uph. 11. 21. 20 Man. Bud. 259. * Uph. II. 21: III. 113: Man. Bud, 57, 209, 260: u Uph. II. 164, 165: Turn. 43. Sacr. Bks. XIX. 244 13 Turn. 43. 13 Turn. 4. Uph. II. 21 . 118: Man. Bud, 57. 1. Turn. 46. 25 Si-yu-ki, II. 236, 1. Man. Bud. 884, 362: Sacr. Bks. X. (pt. 2), 181. Man. Bud. 260. See Sacr. Bks. XIX. 244. 11 Man. Bud. 884 18 Ibid. * Man. Bud. 210. Man. Bud. 260. 1. Bigandet, 101, 425. Uph. II. 113: Man. Bud. 209. 30 Turn

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50 THE INDIAN ANTIQUART. (FEBRUABY, 1887. The measures of distance which occur in similar voyage in company with seven handred the descriptions of these routes are isibus," other merchants" belonging to a village near and yojanas." Bharukachchha. The two Burmese brothers" The trade and commerce along these jointly hired the five hundred carts into which land and sea-routes appear to have been usually in they transferred their merchandise on their dethe hands of vompanies of merchants," barkation, which the description implies to of whom one was the recognised head;"* each have been their common property. In another partner contributing a portion of the capital to legend mention is made of a company of merfit out & ship." But few instances occur of chants of Sravasti, or a body of merchants of individual traders." The city of Supparaka was Madhyadeka," who visited Ceylon with cominhabited by many merchants:" and so also was mon interests in view, and who jointly bore the renowned Bharakachchha (Broach), and reciprocal messages between Buddha and the its suburban villages. Most of the versions of princess Ratnavali. Simhala also, the hero of the elopement of Vijaya's grandmother are another legend," was the chief of a large comconnected with the movements of merchants. pany of merchants, who embarked on a similar In one of them" her lover is a merchant tra- joint mercantile venture velling from Bengal to Lala : in another," he Of the more minute details of the transacis the chief of a caravan: and in a third," she tions of these early traders, it is not to be exjoins a party of travelling merchants without pected that the incidental references to these reference to any individual member of their matters in these wholly religious legends company. Punna (Purna or Mahapunna)," & should afford much information. They used conspicuous early convert of Buddha, was a the drona" as their standard measure of merchant of the Sun¶nta region of the capacity. We have just seen that they emwestern coast, trading on a large scale with ployed carts by land," and ships by sea, for Northern Kosala" in partnership with his the transportation of their goods. The people younger brothers and when he embraced the of Ceylon exhibited signals upon high flagascetic life upon his conversion, his brother staffs when ships approached their shores." Chula-Punna" continued to carry on the family Some transactions were in the form of barter: or guild occupation both by sea and by land. but it may be concluded that money was the One occasion is mentioned on which Chula- common medium of trade from the circumPanga undertook a distant sea-voyage in com- stances that the existence of money" at that pany with three hundred associate-merchants, * time in these parts is otherwise referred to. whose common action in the incidents of the Thus, the nobles of the king of Kosala paida voyage point to a community of interests in the lakh to each of the kings Assaka and Mulaka transaction. These common interests survived for the site of Bavari's monastery and its the termination of the voyage ; for these mer. dependent village :' and Bavari's Brahman chants, at the suggestion of Punna, jointly enemy demanded of him five hundred pieces devoted & portion of the valuable timber of of money on penalty of his threatened curse."" their homeward cargo to the erection of a So also the South Indian artizan, who convihara for Buddha in the neighbourhood of structed a catapult for the destruction of their home. These mercantile associations Buddha, was rewarded by Devadatta with a were survivals from former times; for Buddha pearl necklace worth a hundred thousand pieces himself, in an earlier incarnation, undertook a of gold. Similarly, the reward offered by the 11 Man. Bud. 14, 18. 38 Man. Bud. 57, 260. >> Uph. II. 165: Turn. 3, 44: Rom. Hist. Bud. 370. - Man. Bud. 57, 200, 260: Sacr. Bks. XIX. 244. ante, XIII. p. 35, 37, 46: Rom. Hist. Bud. 332 : * Man. Bud. 13. >> Bigandet, 101. Rock. 59... 40 Roek. 59. 1 Tib. Grams. 164 1. Rom. Bist. Bud. 332, 834: ante, XIII. 46: Si-yu-ki, 11 Si-vw-ki, II. 241. - Kock. 60. II. 241. 5 Bigandet, 415. 96 Uph. I. 69. - Man. Bud. 259 : Bigandet, 101. >> Man. Bud. 13, 209. 1 Man. Bud. 13. - 5 Si-yu-ki, II. 240. * Uph. I. 69. 5 Turn. 48 " Rom. Hist. Bud. 392. 31 Uph. II. 164 : ante, XIII. 87. 9 Uph. III. 112. " See Rom. Hist. Bud. 276, 388. >> Kan. Bud. 56, 259. 3 Man. Bud. 259. Man, Bud. 934. as Uph. III. p. 112: Man. Bud. 56. Perhaps Punna, " Man. Bud. 334: Bacr. Bks, X. (pt. 2), 184. and his brother are the Davakin and Nikin of the Chinese 30 Rock. U2. See Man. Bud. 320, where the machine" version of the sandal-wood vihdra legend in Sacr. Bks. may be regarded as the connecting link of the two verXIX. 244. sions of this legend. See abso Sacr. Bk. XIX. 246.

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FEBRUARY, 1887.] EARLY ACCOUNT OF THE DAKHAN. 51 , king in one of the Vijayan legends for the de- did temple built by the king of Kalinga in struction of the lion which was ravaging his Dantapura to enshrine the tooth-relic of Bud. territory, was successively a thousand, two dha,"--the monastery of Bavari on the banks thousand, and three thousand pieces of money." of the GodAvari, *--the hermitage of the recluse A few years later on we read of a present of a of the Sachabaddy rock,"--and the two hermithousand pieces made for the concealment of tages of Punna on the western coast." the doomed infant of the princess Chitta of | The materials used in the erection of these Ceylon;" and of another thousand being sent buildings were wood, stone, and iron. Chulaafterwards to carry him to a more distant Punna's vihara was built of wood." The hiding place." A small quantity of red-sanders undescribed materials for Bavari's monastery was of the money-value of a lakh of treasure :" were carried from Northern Kosala" to the and an annual tribute of chanks and pearls banks of the Godavari : and it was, therefore, with two lakhs was sent from Ceylon to the probably built of timber. The walls of the Pandyan king.55 RAkshasi city of the Horse-king legend, were These legends contain several incidental re- built of stone. The only other reference to ferences to the architecture of the Dakhan building materials is in the case of the iron at this time, both secular and religious. The city of the Rakshasis in Ceylon, and the domestic buildings are represented by prison of these demons in the vicinity, which palaces, houses, and fragile huts. We have was also built of iron." the palaces of the Naga king of Kalyani," and With regard to their form, the palace of the of Kuveni" in Ceylon, the golden palace' of king of Kalinga at Kumbhavati had an apper another king of Ceylon in Buddha's earlier storey:" the tooth-relic temple of Dantapura days, and that of king Pandawasa in the had one or more upper storeys containing generation after his death, with its prison- "hundreds of rooms at the top;"" and these apartment attached to it built upon an isolated numerous rooms imply that it was # very pillar;" that of the Pandyan king of Madhu. extensive building : the prison-chamber of the ra," and of the king of Vanga ; " that of the princess Chitta built on a pillar, implies that king of Kalinga who received the tooth-relic the royal dormitory with which it communicated of Buddha;'' that of another king of Kalinga 1 was in an upper-storeyed palace : the stair. at Kumbhavati; as that of still another Kalinga case of the palace of king Nalikera(r) points also prince, king Nalikera ; and that of Sinhala's to an upper storey. The palaces had gates and father, with its after-palace,' or women' doors," halls, windows," and staircases." apartments. We have also the palace of the and they had inner apartments for the women." Brahman minister of the king of Avanti, the The princess Chitta's prison had a door commuhouses of the Rakshasis of Ceylon, the Brah- nicating inwards, and a ventilating aperture man's hut" at the door of Bavari's hermitage, opening to the outer air." Some of the cities and the enclosed prison of the cannibal were surrounded by walls," with towers, demon-women. and surmounted with flagstaffs decorated Examples of the religious buildings are with flags and garlands and umbrella-canoafforded by the hall',10 residence,"i temple, pies." or vihara,' built for Buddha by Punna's The furniture of these buildings, such brother and his brother-merchants," thesplen- as is mentioned in these legends, consisted of * Turn. 15 : ante, XIII. 37... * Turn. 58, 59. 16 Man. Bud. 334 : Sacr. Bks. X. (pt. 2), 184. 53 Turn. 60. 8 Yan. Bwd. 57. 11 Uph. II. 22: Man. Bud. 260. * Turn. 53. Turn. 7. " Uph. II. 174. 19 Man, Bud. 260. 1 See references above. >> Turn. 7. - Turn. 56, 57. Turn. 51. 10 Man. Bud. 334. 1 Rom. Hist. Buil. 334. al Uph., II. 164. 03 Dath. 40. 63 Man. Bud. 54. ** Rom. Hist. Bud. 333, 336, 336, 388 : Si-yu-li, II. 240, ** Man. Bud. 55. " ante, XIII. 37: 8i-yu-ki, II. 244. 241, 246, 248. Rom. Hist. Bud. 275. * Soe references in notes 243 and 247. * Rom. Hist. Bud. 333, 334. Man Bud. 884. 8. Man. Bud. 54. Dath. 38. ** Pa-Hian, 149: Si-yu-ki, II. 241, 246. 66 Turn. 56. " Man. Bud. 56. 10 Uph. 1.7: Man. Bud. 209 : Sacr. Bks. XIX. 244. S8 Si-yu-ki, II. 245. ** Turn 57: Si-yu-ki, II. 34. 11 Kan. Bud. 57, 260. 30 Sivuk, II. 245. Dith. 40. Man. Bud. 56. Uph. II. 21 ; III. 112, 113. os ante, XIII. 37; Si-yn-ki, II. 244. Turn. 57. 13 Kan. Bud. 260. . See references above. os Rom. Hist. Bud. 883, 885. " Duch. 38: See Uph. I. 286; II. 70, 239: Turn. 241 : 98 Ibid. 384: Si-yu-ki, II. 240. Rock. 10. OT Rom. Hist. Bud. 884.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1887. eyes. "112 scats," thrones, which were sometimes set regarded as a suitable present from a father to with gems, 100 beds, 101 some of which were cur- his son, to mark his appreciation of his distained and incensed, 102 basket-cradles, car- tinguished conduct;150 and so were gems from pets10 lamps, os golden platters, 1 golden cas. an amorous bridegroom to his bride-elect's kets, and other "vessels of gold,"20% water- father in support of his marriage proposal : 131 jus, o iron-ladders, and metal censers." and they also formed part of the reciprocal We have an instance of the decorations of some of complimentary presents sent by one sovereign the tenzples in the description of the tooth-relic to another by the hands of their ambassadors.182 sluine of Baling, which was "inlaid with gold, The legends have preserved some traces of the adorned with hanging pearl-necklaces, ... domestic and social life of the people of Jifficult like the early sur to look at, owing the Dakhan in these early times. Amongst the to the radiarce of varions gerns dazzling the articles of their food were rice, 18 rice-gruel,1* cakes, 15 cocoa-nuts, 16 edible roots, 1st and other They give us also some instanccs of the | victuals.135 They cooked their food with wood dress and personal ornaments of the fuel :139 and they ate their rice off platters of different classes of the people in those days. leaves.140 When away from home every man, We have the court-dress' of the king of Siriwat- except their princes, 1 cooked his own food: 113 tha, 113 and the 'vestments,"118 of his subjects; and when at home their wives and other the woman's clothes of richest texture in the women ato what remained of the men's meals." Tegend of Vijaya's mother;"15 the splendid They entertained their friends, and especially clothing of the Yakkhinis of Ceylon;"16 and the distinguished guests, with feasts and lan. best attiro'of the women of Madhura." Sure of quets : 1and they showod hospitality to tra. he worren's clothes were of fine linen; of which vellers, and particularly towards distressed there is a remarkable example in the almost strangers. They paid and received compli. transparent linen dress sont as a present by the mentary visits, 140 and used mutual salutations king of Kalinga to Buddha's friend the king of and congratulations, and friondly greetings;'* Kosla." Some of the men wore coats with and they exchanged complimentary presents," sleeves.110 Vijaya's Yakkhini mistress wore some of which were of considerable value,"so innumerablc ornarents when slo adorned her while the more ordinary sort were betel-leaves self to captivate him;" 20 so also the princess of and flowers. 151 Aged female relatives made Madhura wore every description of golden valuable gifts to the younger members of their ornaments when dressed up to go to her new families and these presents sometimes caused home.191 Jewels" are mentioned in general dissensions amongst their other relations.159 Terms, and also pearl necklaces and valuable Women carried their children straddle upon rings.12: They used garlands and bonquets of their hips :1 they employed their leisure time Aowers,ess and incense, * and perfumes, and in spinning thread under the shade of the trees every kind of charming ornament;129 and they on the banks of tanks:1's the wives of Brahmans bathed in warm scented water.12 Jewels were sometimes cultivated the ground ;156 and some 9 Col. II. 19; III. 92, 93, 127: Dath. 38: Pow. Hisl. Bud. 331. Turn. 4, 8, 7: Mon. Dud. 908 100 lph. II. 19. Turn. 4,5: Min. Bud. 208: Dath. 38. 101 Titra. 19: Pom. Hirt. Bud 33 1. 309 Turn. 19. 193 Turn 59. 104 7'ern 3: Man. Bu 2017 - Dath. 39: ante, XIII. 36, 37. 38 ante. XIII. 37. 201 Tarr. 3. 394 Turn. 41. 300 Term. 49. 210 Turn. 07. 911 Rom. Hist. Bud. 331. 114 Dath. 38. 213 Turn. 50): ante, XIII. 46. 11. Ibid. us ante. III. 37. 714 ante, XIII. 46. Turn. 51. 119 4. Rom. XX. 85. 210. Si vuell, II. 238. 190 Tun 49. 11 Turn. 51. 19 Rom. Hirt. Bud 270, 333. 213 Turn. 49 : Dath, 39 Rock. 92. 28. Rom. Hist. Bid. 281. 282. Rom. Hist. Budl. 334 : Siyuki, II, 240, 211, 134 Tur 42: Rom. Hist. Therl. 334. 187 Dith. 39: Mr-Hian, 157: Si.yu-ki, II. 240, 211. 1 Rom. Hirt. Bud. 333. 125 Ibid. 334. 19 Tbid. 976. 11 Turis. 51. 13deg Torn. 51 : ante, XIII. 46. 153 ante, XIII. 46: Uph. II. 174: Turn. 44, 19. Rice was imported into Ceylon from India at this time. (See Tarn. 49). Wild paddy grew in Ceylon. (See Uph. II. 174: ante, XIII. 46). 13+ ante, XIII. 46. 135 Turn. 59. 13 Uph. II. 174. 137 Turn. 49. 15 Turn. 49. 15) Man. Bud. 57. 14 Turu, 44: ante, XIII. 37. 10 Turn. 49. 1. Turn. 49 : Man, Bud. 57: Si-yu-ki, II. 40, 241, 149 Turn. 49. 2** L'ph. II. 21, 22, 174; III. 129: Trorn. 49: Man. Buil. 56, 209, 211. 145 ante, XIII. 46: Si -RI, II. 240, 241. 10 8iyu-ki, IL. 236.11 Ibid. 213. 1. ante. XIII. 46. 11 As. Res. XX. 85: Tib. Gram, 166: Rock, 69. 10 Uph. II. 175 : Turn. 51, 53 : ante, XIII. 46. 351 Turn 57. 153 Turn. 5. 153 lph. II. 19: Turn. 5. 15. ante, XIII. 46. The custom is the same in the present day. 153 Uph. II. 173: Turn. 18. 156 Mar. Dud. 334.

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FEBRUARY, 1887.] EARLY ACCOUNT OF THE DAKHAN. 53 of them put their husbands up to mischief." | was accompanied by presents to the bride-elect's The men amused themselves in hunting wild father. 154 Parents disposed of their daughters' animals ;155 and the hunters used knives to des- hands : 195 and the brides received dowries on patch their game.15o Sons conducted the family their marriage ;196 in the instance of the Pandyan affairs when their fathers became infirm. 160 princess it consisted of elephants, horses, Coercion was employed against recalcitrant debt- chariots, and slaves.157 Marriages were accomors, or as a means of extortion.161 Amongst their panied with feasting, which sometimes lasted recreations they had theatrical exhibitions." for several days; 1" and large numbers of friends They decorated their streets on festive occasions were entertained on these occasions. The nearest with triumphal arches, flags, plantain-trees, and consanguineous relationship was no bar to festoons of flowers.163 They communicated with marriage.159 Irregular marriages were not ships making for their shores, and amongst reprobated, though they had their disadvanthemselves on land, by means of signal-flags tages; and the unrecognised wife could be put floating from high masts.164 They used leaf- away at pleasure, though not without some platters and dishes at their meals and water- provision for her maintenance.191 The trade of jugs for drinking:165 and they had caskets, and the courtezan was under state control ;192 and platters, and other household vessels which it was carried on without dishonour.198 The . were sometimes made of gold.66 They had remarriage of widows and separated wives was umbrellas to shade themselves from the sun.267 permissible :1" and a husband's absence for They used horses both for riding and driving, three years constituted his wife a widow.155 and trained elephants :165 and they fed their The various employments of the people horses on paddy and corn, and sometimes on are frequently referred to both directly and aromaticgrain. When they travelled they used indirectly: and when the products of their littera, 110 and sedan-chairs,171 and palanquins different industries are mentionedl, their proand carringes, and wagons' and carts for ducers and their occupations are virtually n. their goods. They employed both maleand female kernelled within the names of these mele domestic servants;*6 and the institution of do. Their commercial pursuits have already be mestic slavery prevailed in Lala,"" in the Pand- noticed above. There are traditions also of yan kingdom, 18 and in Ceylou.""'When they died their agricultural pursuits: they plonghel and their bodies were burned ; and though in one cultivated the land ;16--they grew rice and of the legends corpses were in danger of being other food-grins," and flax and cotton, exposed, so this was only because there would be unless the fabrics of these two products were no survivors to perforin the funeral rites. made of imported material, and cocoannt, We obtain some glimpses also of the marri. and plantains.?! They possessed herds of age customs of the Dakhan in Buddha's cattle** also, which they tended ; and they had. days. Marriage was preceded by betrothal.151 doga?c to watch them as well as for domestic The first overtures came from the bridegroom's ase. They cultivated flower-gardens, and side: 15% and in the case of princes they were vegetable and fruit-gariens;2's and they made initiated by their ministers.15The proposal bouquets and wove garlands and festges207 151 Man. Bud. 334 : Sacr. Bls. X. (pt. 2), 181. 14 Turn. 39. 150 Ni-yu-ki, II. 239, 2:19. 10 Ibid. 241. 102 Min. Bud. 33 1. 119 Man. Bad. 55. 169 Dull. 40. 144 See note 45 above, p. 50.145 T . 1. 49. 100 Term. 3, 4. See also above. 13: Min. Ditd. 909. 261 Uph. II. 176: Tarn. 51: Rom. Hist. Bul. 332, 337 : ante, XIII. 37, 46. 17. 140 Rom. Hist. B . 337: ante, XITI. 46. 110 man. Bd. 260. 11 Upl. II 21. 119 Ban. Buil. 209. 13 Turn. 31 : Sivuki, II. 2:36. 2 Man. Bid. 259. is tudt, 101. 14 T . 43, 51:ante, XIII. 35. 117 tiste, XIII. 35. 19 Thrn 51. W, 57, 58.170 Term. 51: antu, XIII. 16. 140 Man. Bu 57 . 191 S-u.. II. 236. 119 Uph. II. 175: Turn, 31, 5. 143 tip. II. 175:7wrn. 31, 55. 19. Eph. I. 70; II. 173: Zur. 51, 55. 295 Turn. 19, 51.37 336 Tr. 51. 15? Turn. 51. 149 7. II. 171 : T . 19. 1 .1.001! 107, 171 : Turn. 15, 16, 53, 57, XIII.::. 38. 11. 167. 171: Turn, 19: state, XII. 36, H. 31. 102 Man. bud. 31. 12 TL "T t te, XIII. 30 Si-u-ki, II. 2;. 105 XIII. 15 01: Ww.Tudd. 331 : rute, XIII. . * U IT 171: ante. XIII. 16. 14 . H . Bud 3%. 13 n. 17. 49, 50: X. R . XX. 85: 7:1 Gr . 165 . liute. 11.00XI. XII. 16. $ 67 9 $95 TL the ) i mitte. XII. 16. 11 17 r. 19: XIT. 10. . II. 10 : 77% Max. Bud 33, 50, 90: 63.97 h o : Sirer Pic . 1.89 : Si- X. (t. ki, L. 24 11.

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54 214 209 215 217 of the flowers. They had also groves, ,205 and plantations, and parks." Their women spun thread" and they wove linen and cotton fabrics, which were sometimes of exquisite fineness"13 and softness 13 and richness. They had skilled mechanics, shipwrights and cartwrights, carriage builders and harness-makers, carpenters and masons, house-builders and house-decorators, gold and silver-smiths and jewellers," artists, musical-instrument-makers," and bell-founders, lamp-makers and umbrellamakers, builders of palanquins and sedan-chairs, and hirers of carts, 1 the recognized "five sorts of tradesmen," ploughmen and herdsmen and shepherds, gardeners and garland-makers, incense-compounders and perfumers, barbers, horsekeepers """ elephant-mahouts," and charioteers.225 213 230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. There are also some traces of the higher arts of the Dakhan in these times. Its architecture has already been noticed. The contemporaries of Buddha employed music, both vocal and instrumental, in their festivities: and they were also familiar with dancing." The portrait of Buddha painted on semi-transparent cottoncloth for the princess Ratnavali, shows that they had some dexterity in the arts of drawing and painting.""" The art of writing was also known to them; for Buddha himself wrote two texts of his doctrine upon the cotton-cloth just mentioned above his portrait, and a summary of his precepts below it," he also wrote a letter to the king of Ceylon, prescribing the solemnity with which his portrait was to be received on its arrival. The princess Ratnavali wrote a letter to Buddha begging for the spiritual ambrosia 208 Uph. I. 7: Turn. 3: Man. Bud. 209. 20 Rom. Hist. Bud. 39, 370. 210 Turn. 8: Uph. II. 16, 25: ante, XIII. 46. 211 Uph. II. 173: Turn. 48. 213 See above: and Sacr. Bks. XXI. 116. 13 Rom. Hist. Bud. 43: Lal. Vist. 115, 116. 1 ante, XIII. 387. 15 ante, XIII. 35: Rock. 92. 16 Dath. 40: and references to 'gold' above. 17 Turn. 81. 318 Rock. 59. 10 Turn. 49. 130 Dath, 39. [FEBRUARY, 1887. from him. 30 And again, in the generation after Buddha's death, Vijaya wrote a letter on his death-bed to his brother inviting him to come to take possession of his throne. Two or three, if not more, forms of written characters, were in use in different parts of the Dakhan in Buddha's school-days, namely, the Dravidian, the Maratha ('Dakshinavatas'), and apparently the Paisachaka. The catapult built by the South-Indian artificer for Devadatta for the destruction of Buddha,233 is an instance of the progress of the mechanical arts: and the condition of the decorative arts is illustrated by the use of triumphal arches, flags, banners, festoons, gold and silver filigree-work and inlaid work, plantain-tree standards, curtains, and lamps. They inlaid or covered their temples and palaces" with gold; and they gilded their palanquins. 287 Bigandet, 101. Uph. I. 70; II. 175. 23 Turn. 51. See ante, XIII. 87. 33 Turn. 51. 25 Turn. 51: Si-yu-ki, II. 236. Turn. 49: Rom. Hist. Bud. 334: Si-yu-ki, II. 240, 241. 7 Tib. Gram. 164: Rock. 59. 328 Tib. Gram. 164: Rock. 59. It is on record that writing formed part of his education in his boyhood (Rom. Hist Bud. 68. See also Lal. vist. 205, 213.) 239 Tib. Gram. 164. 330 Rock. 59. It was not an unusual accomplishment for girls to be able to write at this time; for in sketching the qualifications of the maiden suitable to be 234 Regarding their chronology, we learn that their years were divided into months, and that these months were lunar, months; " that their year was further distributed into seasons;20 and that seven-day periods formed part of their calendar. In addition to the prevalence of the art of writing and of epistolary correspondence noticed above, the advancement of the Dakhan in education and literature at this time is marked by the existence of large colleges and schools of theology and philosophy, *** in which accomplished popular teachers taught the Vedas, the Sastras," the doctrines of the different schools of philosophy," and all the known sciences,*** to numerous pupils. **7 Some of these pupils were the sons of ministers 943 his wife, Buddha says, "I shall need the maiden who is accomplished in writing and in composing poetry." Lal. vist. (199, 215.) 231 Turn. 58: ante, XIII. 36. 333 Rom. Hist. Bud. 68: Lal. vist. 183. 323 Rock. 92. 23 Turn. 49: Dath. 89: Man. Bud. 212. 235 Dath. 38. 336 Turn. 7. 137 Man. Bud. 209. 235 Uph.I. 5: II. 15, 169; 170: Turn. 2, 6, 7: Man. Bud. 18: See Bigandet, 160. 330 Uph. I. 5: II. 19, 22, 170: Turn. 2, 4, 108: Rom. Hist. Bud. 886, 888. See also Uph. III. 161: Man. Bud. 24, note: Bigandet, 160, 205.. 340 See Bigandet, 160, 195, &c. 241 Uph. II. 168: Turn. 2, 4, 9, 54, 108: ante, XIII. 88: Sacr. Bks. X. (pt. 2), 85. See also Uph. III. 161: Bigandet, 160. Man. Bud. 884: Rom. Hist. Bud. 275, 282: Rock. 44: Sacr. Bks. X. (pt. 2), 184. See Buhler in Archaeol. Surv. W. Ind. V. 74. 343 Man. Bud. 935: Rom. Hist. Bud. 275, 276. Rom. Hist. Bud. 275, 276: Rock. 44. 314 Rock. 44. 360 Rock. 44. 31 Man. Bud. 335: Rom. Hist. Bud. 39, 40: Rock. 4.

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FEBRUARY, 1897.] of State: others were young Brahmans from Northern India, 20 Amongst their accomplishments was the power of reciting extensive works from memory. Young princes, and the sons of rich noblemen had their own. 360 private tutors. 351 Education was not confined to the male sex; for princesses, and other girls received a literary training." 356 235 201 Illustrative of their superstitions, they employed charms,353 mantrams," 25 and sorceries; they interpreted dreams, and visions: they reverenced sacred footprints," sacred trees, and relics; 60-they believed in superhuman animals," and superhuman beings, Rakshasas and Rakshasis, ** Yakkhas" and Yakkhinis, 20 and Nagas,207 able to assume different humans and animal forms, and to conjure up phantasmata 10 at will, and kings also of this serpent-race, such as the two Naga kings of Ceylon who were reconciled by Buddha," the king who entertained him of the banks of the Narmada,"" and the king of Manjerika who had seen Buddha in the flesh and could call up visions of his bodily form." They had amongst them experts in the magieal arts, fortune-telling, divination, and prophecy,"" men gifted with various supernatural powers,75 and who could command several kinds of ecstatic reverie."70 278 374 975 270 248 250 EARLY ACCOUNT OF THE DAKHAN. 25 Si-yu-ki, II. 244. 257 Rom. Hist. Bud. 283. 268 Rom. Hist. Bud. 275. 250 Rom. Hist. Bud. 275, 276. 261 Rom. Hist. Bud. 68, 276. 253 Rock. 59: Lal. vist. 199, 215. 253 Uph. II. 28, 171, 173: Turn. 48: Man. Bud. 18: Si-yu-ki, II.243, 244, 246. 25 Turn. 56: Man. Bud. 209. 249 Rock. 44. 256 Si-yu-ki, II. 241, 245. 956 Uph. I. 7; II. 22; III. 113: Turn. 7: Man. Bud... 210, 211, 212: E. Monach. 227: Fa-Hian, 150: Sacr. Bks. XIX. 244. 259 Uph. II. 21, 171: Turn. 6. 280 As. Res. XX. 317: Jour. As. Soc. Beng. VI. 856; VII. 1014: Uph. I. 6, 7; II. 19, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 209; III. 92, 111, 127: Turn. 3, 4, 6, 7: Man. Bud. 208, 209: E. Monach. 224, 225: Bigandet, 344: Dath. 38 Rock. 147: Si-yu-ki, II. 248. See Bhilsa Topes, 30: Fa-Hian, 153. 201 Rom. Hist. Bud. 332, 336: ante, XIII. 37, 46: Siyu-ki, II. 242, 245. 203 Rom. Hist. Bud. II. 333. 263 Si-yu-ki, II. 244. 20 Rom. Hist. Bud. 333: ante, XIII. 36, 37, 47: Si-yu-ki, II. 240 to 245. 365 Turn. 2, 3, 49, 52: Man. Bud. 57, 207; 209: FaHian, 149; ante, XIII, 36, 45. 108 Turn. 48, 52: Man. Bud. 209: ante, XIII. 46, 47. 201 Uph. I. 6; II. 19, 22, 170: Turn. 4, 5, 27: Man. Bud. 208 to 211: Fa-Hian, 149, 150: ante, XIII. 36. 36 Uph. I. 61; III. 66: Turn. 49: Rom. Hist. Bud. 333: ante, XIII. 36: Si-yu-ki, II. 240. see Uph. II. 172, 174: Turn. 48: Man. Bud. 56. 210 Turn. 27. 311 Turn. 4. 31 Uph. II. 22. 213 Uph. I. 60, 61; III. 128: Man. Bud. 172: E. Monach. 274. 31 Uph. II. 174, 175: Turn. 44, 49, 50: Rock.,.92: ante, XIII. 46.. 359 388 288 201 Very little is found in these legends respecting the religion of the Dakhan at this time, outside of Buddha's own sphere. The devas to whom Punna's friends cried aloud in their distress," 250 and the early gods of Ceylon, 21 may or may not have belonged to the pre-Buddhist cults. There were, however, in those days, Brahmans and Brahman fraternities, and a hieratical priesthood; we read also of the Rishis, as hermits, recluses, 37, and ascetics," and also the Purohitas," of the older faith; and possibly also of other heretics from the Buddhist point of view. Mention is made of the doctrine of punitive transmigration," common to the older creed and the new. There are also instances of Brahmanical monasteries, and hermitages, sand caves." The Buddhists themselves had their hermitages, with their adjacent sacred groves," and their vihdras, and houses for Buddha,*** their shrine-temples, which were sometimes of superb magnificence, with their daily public worship,300 their mutual confessions, 30 prayers, 80s fastings, 50s and vows, 30* their religious offerings, sos and their almsgiving. We meet with monks innumerable, religious mendicants, 305 both male and female, recluses," and male and female devotees.10 393 995 397 399 303 306 The internal organization of the king 307 55 Si-yu-ki, II. 210, 230. 30 Man. Bud. 884. Sacr. Bks. X. (pt. 2), 181. 298 Man. Bud. 200. 300 Dath. 38. 300 Dath. 38. Si-yu-ki, II. 242, 248. 204 216 Turn. 56, 275 Turn. 44, 54, 55. 211 Uph. II. 27, 168, 167, 171, 172: Turn. 54, 56, 375 Uph. I. 5, 69; II. 16, 17, 21, 169; III. 92, 112, 126: Turn. 3, 5, 50: Man. Bud. 57, 207, 209, 260: Fa-Hian,. 150: Rom. Hist. Bud. 276, 839: ante, XIII. 46, 47: Si-yu-ki, II. 210, 227, 242, 243, 244, 246, 248, 255: Bacr. Bks. XIX. 244. 319 Rom. Hist. Bud. 276, 282. sso Man. Bud. 57. 181 Uph. II. 19, 20, 21, 23, 27, 172.. 263 Turn. 56: Man. Bud. 384, 385: Rom. Hist. Bud. 275: Rock. 44: Sacr. Bks. X. (pt. 2), 184: Si-yu-ki, II. 58. 383 Man. Bud. 834. se Rom. Hist. Bud. 275: Rock. 44: 8i-yu-ki, II. 248. 365 Man. Bud. 50, 362, 363: Rom. Hist. Bud. 39, 275. ss0 Uph. II. 21, 22, 171. 257 Man. Bud, 388. 25 Turn. 47: Man. Bud. 58: Rom. Hist. Bud. 282. 360 Man. Bud. 54, 338. 200 Rom. Hist. Bud. 39: 291 Man. Bud. 55. 203 Man. Bud. 260, 334: 394 Rom. Hist. Bud. 276. 200 Man. Bud. 260. 297 Uph. II. 21: Jour. Bo. Br. As. Soc. XV. 275, 291, 326, 328. sus Man. Bud. 57. 301 Rom. Hist. Bud. 832. 30s Rom. Hist. Bud. 882: 303 Si-yu-ki, II. 248. 308 Uph. II. 29, 21, 23, 70: Turn. 5: Mun. Bud. 209: Dath. 38: Rock. 60. 308 Tib. Gram. 164: Man. Bud. 334: Sacr. Bks. X. (pt. 2), 184: Si-yu-ki, II. 237. 301 Uph. II. 21: Man. Bud:: 56, 209, 212, 260, 335. 308 Man: Bud. 260. 509 Man. Bud. 255, 334, 335... 310 Uph. II. 177: Turn. 47, 48, 54, 55... 395 800 504 Rom. Hist. Bud. 338.

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56 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. FEBRUARY, 1887. doms of the Dakhan at this time is abun and the tribute appear to have been paid in dantly illustrated in these legends. Most of kind." The king sometimes recommended the kings of these states were hereditary mo. certain conduct to his subjects in their domestic narchs ;$11 and in other instances, as in that of affairs. There were also mercantile commu. Sihabahu, ** Vijaya, 13 and Panduvas, *** royalty nities who appear to have had some indepenwas assumed either personally or on the petition dence in conducting their affairs, and had of the ministers, 81s the chiefs of the state, the merchant-princes 945 to preside over them elected priests, the elders, 325 or the people, or on by their community. 346 These kings dwelt in the nomination of the abdicating or dying palaces, and sat upon thrones' which were king, and sometimes on popular election."22 | sometimes richly decorated. The royal palace Their coronation 923 was conducted with solem- was under the charge of a chamberlain, who nity and high pageantry; and their consorts was a member of the royal family.550 Members were inaugurated by their royal husbands of the royal family were attended or guarded immediately upon their own elevation, this by retinues of friends or servants when travelproceeding being apparently essential to the ling abroad, *1 and when paying social visits 352 completion of their own enthronement.125 Princes amused themselves with hunting the They were supported by ministers, 326 and other elk and the wild boar ;84 and they employed officers of States and nobles of the court, ** organized bands of hunters. The kings were whom they consulted on their domesticas the source of honour and promotion; and well as publicado affairs, who were selected for they punished evil doers of all ranks with their positions and invested in their offices by censures," head-shavings, *** imprisonment, 's! the king, 931 and who, in their turn, installed banishment, se and death ;961 they also rewarded the king on his accession to the throne ;" they public deeds of usefulness." Wives and chilalso became the regents of the kingdom upon dren and other relatives, and even the male and the heirless demise of the king. 139 Elected kings female servants, workmen, and claves, shared had power to decline their election, 83 to abdi- the punishment of the crimes, or of some of cate,*45 and to nominate or recommend their the crimes, of the heads of their family. 563 successors. *** Their kingdoms had settled re- The kings issued proclamations and decrees, cognized boundaries. The land, or the nn which were published by beat of dram from occupied land, belonged to the crown; for the the backs of elephants traversing the streets king had power to sell it, so to present it in of the city. They coined gold money's but, gift, and to alienate the tax to which it was although the metal of the coins referred to is not subject. $0 One source of their revenue con- always mentioned, there are no distinct traces sisted of a tax of one-tonth of the produce of here either a silver or a copper coinage. They cultivation ; 3+1 they also received tribute from had standing armies,ac consisting of infantry, other princes :and both the land-revenue elephants, cavalry, and war-chariots, 967 under . 350 Turn. 57. 311 Turn. 5, 46, 53, 51, 57, 58: Dath. 39: ante, XIII. 38 313 Turn. 46. 313 lph. II. 167 : Tern. 51: ante, XIII. 38. 31. p. II. 176. 315 Tur 15: ante, XIII. 39: Si-yu-ki, II. 2-15. 318 Uph. II. 175: T . 51. 217 8 . , II.2 18. 319 Si-yu-ki, II. 245. La ante, XIII. 37: Si-yn-ki, 11. 215, 248. 310 Turn. 46. 981 T R. 53: ante, XIII. 83. 9 Uph. II. 176; III. 176 : 8i-yu-ki, II. 210. 21 lph, I. 70, 71; II. 175, 176. 3. Tip I. 71; T . 53. 25 lph. 1.71: II. 175, 176: Thrn. 51, 53, 54, 5. 301 Uph. II. 28, 176 : Tern. 19, 51, 51, 55: DA. 89: Rom. Misl. Dud. 275: ante, XIII. 34,39 : Si yuki, II. 245 37 Uph. II. 70: Turn. 51: Jun. Bed. 333: Si-yu-ki, II. 26. 101 Turn. 53. 399 Turn. 51: Jan. B . 333. 5 Torn 53. 531 Turn... 335 T . 53, 51, 55. 333 Turn. 53, 34. 3Si-y -ki, II. 2-65. 334 Turn. 16 : ante. XIII. 38. 391 Tr. 15,53 : ante, XIII. 38: Si-yu-ki, II. 239. 1 337 Man. Bud. 334. 391 Man. Bred. 33 1. 310 Turn. 45: Uph. II. 165 : ante, XIII. 37. 240 Man. Bud. 334. 341 Man. Bud. 334. 313 Turn. 53. 31 Turn. 53. 34. Turn. 31. 365 ante, XIII. 37 : Si-yu-ki, II. 211, 214. 34 Si -ki, II. 245. 347 Seo under architecture above. 314 See furniture above. 30 See thrones' above. 31 Uph. I. 70, 71 ; II. 28, 176, 177: Turn. 51, 54, 55. 352 Si-yu-ki. II. 236. 353 Turn. 59. 35. Turn. 59. 355 8i-wa-ki. II. 238. 358 ante, XIII. 37: Si-yte-ki, II. 246. 357 Turn. 46. 38 Turn. 46. 380 Turn. 50: ante, XIII. 36: Si-yu-ki, II. 241. 300 ibid. 301 ibid. 349 ante, XIII. 37: Si-yu-ki, IL 239. 313 'ph. II. 168: Turn. 46: ante, XIII. 35: S-yu-ki, II. 239 34 pn: II. 165 : Turn. 45 : Si-yu-ki, II. 238. 365 See money' abore. son iph. II. 166 Turn. 4: Man. Bud. 51, 207, 208 : Si-yu-kl. II. 238, 246. 367 Uph. II. 174, 175 : Turn. 51.

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FEBRUARY, 1887.] the direction of Commanders-in-chief. The armies had standards and standard-bearers," 360 375 drums,370 and conch-trumpets. Their weapons were swords,312 and spears, bows and arrows, darts, maces, clubs," crowbars, 275 and other weapons," ,379 in which must be included as a weapon of offence, the catapult mentioned above; and they defended themselves with shields. 350 ASIATIC SYMBOLISM. 271 365 A mosaic picture, such as is presented in the present paper, composed of pebbles gathered from so many literary sea-beaches, and so distantly separated from each other both in locality and time, may be considered to be sufficiently useful at that early stage of research in which the materials at present accessible for the study of the early history of India necessarily place us, if it enables us to form a tolerably correct judgment of the main outlines of the condition of Southern India at the period which it embraces. It appears to me that the method on which this paper is constructed is XI. Spain or "Further Europe." DISCURSIVE CONTRIBUTIONS TOWARDS THE COMPARATIVE STUDY OF ASIATIC SYMBOLISM. BY H. G. M. MURRAY-AYNSLEY. The extraordinary dissimilarity between the manners and customs of the people of Spain. and those of the other nations of Europe, makes the title of "Further Europe," not inappropriate, if used in the sense in which Burma and Siam are" Further India." This difference is no doubt due to the occupation of portions of the Spanish Peninsula by the Moors, which lasted for some centuries. A survival of Moorish ways is to be seen in the mantilla still worn by Spanish women of all classes, which strongly resembles the fouta or heal-covering of the modern Moorish women of Algeria. Another is to be seen in the fact that Spanish churches have very rarely any seats or benches 2 ante, XIII. 37. 27. 44. 39 ph. II. 155: Man. Bud. 209 Kon. Hist. Bud. 36 Si-u-ki, II. 233. 371 M. Bud. 209: Si-yu-ki, II. 239. 21h. II. 17, 175: Turn. 43, n. Bud. 208 ante. XIII 37: Si-yu-ki, II. 213. 373 Mn. Bud. 208: Si-yu-ki, II. 239. well calculated to give their due place and importance to such materials as are available for such a picture: and, presuming these materials to be trustworthy, a picture in which they occupy their proper relative positions cannot fail to be correspondingly trustworthy. The question of the comparative value of some of the authorities which I have used here, will no doubt arise in the criticism which naturally awaits a pioneering study like this in respect of these almost unknown historical times. But, even should any portion of the alleged facts here gathered together have to be abandoned on any ground, a sufficient number of such as are unquestionably gennine will still remain, to uphold the general conclusion which this method of grouping them brings home to our mind; namely, that a fairly true picture is here presented of the condition of the Dakhan in the time of Gautama-Buddha, and that the condition thus presented is one of highly advanced civilization. 57 in them. The men either stand or kneel, and the women of the people, when not kneeling, squat on their heels and not unfrequently seat themselves cross-legged on the pavement." A considerable area in front of the high altar too is covered with matting, as are the correspouding portions of Muhammadan mosques. Toledo, whose Archbishop is the Primate of. all Spain, is generally believed to have had a considerable Christian population at the time it was conquered by the Moors, when a good many of the Christians either fled or were killed In battle. Some, however, remained, bowed themselves to the yoke of the conqueror, and were unmolested in the exercise of their religion. A reminiscence of this circumstance is preserved in the well-known and curious fact, that in a chapel within the walls of the Cathe 37 Up. II. 166: Turn. 45, 43. Man. Buil. 208: ante, XIII. 37: Sy-ki. II. 238. 35 Man. Pl. 208. 317 Min. Bu, 208. 370 Man Boot 208: Turn. 48. 30 Man. Ead. 208. 3 Man. Bud. 208. 37 Min. Bat. 208. The women of the upper classes and invalids taks their own cump stools with them when they go to church.

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58 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1887. dral at Toledo, what is called the Mus-Arabic froin an Early Christian writer. In the Euty Ritual is still followed. It is so different to chian Annals, p. 37, it is stated that "the that of the modern Roman Catholic Church, Eastern Christians say that, when God ordered which goes on in the same building and often Noah to build the ark, he also directed him at the same hour, that the priests and the to make an instrument of wood, such as choir, who serve in the Mus-Arabic Chapel, they make use of at this day (Xth Century receive a special training. I attended at the A. D.) in the East, instead of bells, to call the eight o'clock mass in this Chapel on Easter people to church, and named in Arabic naqus, Monday, 1884, when there were not many more and in modern (Xth Century) Greek sumandra, than twenty worshippers present, as the Arch- on which he was to strike three times every bishop happened to be celebrating High Mass day, not only to call together the workmen that at the time. The service was not an ornate were building the work, but to give him an one; and in many particulars it was not unlike opportunity of daily admonishing bis people of the Protestant Ritual. I observed one or two the impending danger of the deluge, which peculiarities in it;-on the credence table at the would certainly destroy them, if they did not right hand of the altar were a crucifix about ten repent." It is clear that the above passage has inches high and a pair of lighted candles; and reference to the use of a clapper such as that on the altar were also the tall lighted candle- at present in use at Toledo. sticks always used; but just before the celebration We shall now see that a very similar instru. of the Mass an'attendant placed a small lighted ment is to be found in India used for a similar taper candlestick on the altar, - custom purpose. If one lives within ear-shot of a Hindu common to all Spanish churches and peculiar temple, a sort of clashing sound may be heard to them. But, as I will show below, the most at dusk, produced either by cymbals, or by a remarkable part of the service was, that, at the kind of clapper, which luas both a metallic and a moment of the consecration of the host, a wooden tone. I had heard it many times from curious machine, which was near a window and a distance, but only on one occasion, when facing the altar, was put in motion by one of the going over the palace at Amber, did I seek to Canons, or perhaps an attendant, who pulled a gratify my curiosity, and witness what was rope and then allowed it to return. This going on in a temple there. I arrived just in apparatus was formed of flat pieces of wood, so time to see the machine at work which caused arranged that they looked like the spokes of a the noise, making together with the voices of water-wheel, working apparently on a common the people around a perfect Babel of discorpivot. As the wheel revolved, each spoke drop- dant sounds. It consisted of a clapper, attached, ped down on to the one below it, and caused a as far as I could make out, to a kind of wheel sound resembling that of a loud clapper or a with loose boards and bits of metal affixed to watchman's rattle. Similar clappers, bat, of it, worked with a rope by one of the attendant course, on a much larger scale, are fixed on the priests. I had a fairly good, though nota top of the towers of churches in Spain and very near, view of the apparatus, over a perfect used during the latter part of Holy Week, sea of heads of natives who were all prostrate, when bells are not allowed to be rung, nor with their faces touching the pavement. A clocks to strike. nine-wicked brass lamp of singular form was It seems highly probable that this clapper on the ground immediately before the altar, on was the primitive Christian mode of calling the which was an idol; and as soon as the clashing people to worship before bells were invented; noise censed, all rose, and the lamp was taken and in evidence of this I quote the following up and handed round to many of the congre . [Mos-Arabic or Mus-Arabic, Mos-Arabian, etc., are Eutychius was a Christian author of the Best of the all corruptions of Mut'arrib, an Arab half-breed, an Melchites, born at Cairo in 876 A. D. His real name impure Arab or one who would pass for an Arb. There- was Sayyid Batrak, but when chosen Patriarch of Alex. fore the "Mus-Arabic Ritual" would apparently mean andris he took the name of Eutychius. The title of his that of the Arab or Moorish half-breeds of Spain. -ED.) book WAS Arunale from the beginning of the World to This custom alao exists in Naples; but there, though the year 900. An extract from these Annals under the church bells and clooks are mute, no clapper is the title of Annals of the Church of Alerandria, WAS sabatitated for the bells; except in private houses, where I published by Selden in Arabic and Latin in 1642, and kind of watchman's rattle give notice of the meals the wbole book in Arabic and Latin by Pooooke in 1659 instead of the usual dinner bell. with a preface by Selden.

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FEBRUARY, 1887.] ASIATIC SYMBOLISM. 59 gation, each of whom passed his hands over the other behind its mother. The same mode of the flames, and then touching his forehead carrying children is not uncommon in Spain, seemed to repeat a prayer. but I doubt its existence elsewhere in Europe. Though, as above said, modern Spanish cus- Also, the movements executed by Spanish toms are largely survivals of former Moorish Gipsy girls when dancing are precisely those of ways, many of them appear to have a still more the hired dancing women of Algeria and of the Eastern affinity. Thus, for example, the plains of India. staple food of the Moors is, and has been In Valencia there is a curious church called for many generations, a preparation of wheat La Patriarca, which no woman is permitted to called kus-kais, consisting of flour rolled into tiny enter unveiled. The name given to this buildpellets with a peculiar motion of the hand, and ing at once suggests that it may be a very old then boiled (or rather steamed), and served one, and the ritual adopted there is said to differ either with ungainly lamps of boiled matton very considerably from that of the other Roman or with various kinds of sauces, each in its sepe- Catholic churches in that city. I visited it rate sauce-boat, some savoury, and some sweet. several times, but was never fortunate enough Kris-kus is eaten with a spoon. But the peasant to be present at an ordinary Mass, as, each time of the province of Murcia, in the South of Spain, I went, only a service for the repose of the is a rice-grower and a rice-eater, as are the souls of the deceased relations or friends of natives of many parts of the plains of India ! those who assisted at it was being performed. He is ignorant of the use of the knife, fork, or To find the origin of this custom, I fancy spoon, and moreover eats his rice in the same we must turn to Asia, where the Hindus manner as the Indian does, by working it up are in the habit of celebrating the anniver. into a ball with his right hand and tossing this saries of the decease of their relations, and the into his mouth with the peculiar motion adopted pujd performed at Benares by all who can by the Indian. The above facts were related to afford to go thither is made (once for all by me in 1884 by an officer of long service in India, the pilgrim) with the object of purifying who had just made a walking tour through the souls of his ancestors. In Spain, if a Murcia, frequently obtaining food and a night's person loses either parent, he observes the lodging in the peasant's houses." anniversary as long as he lives; if a child, or a Again, the position of the cow-stall in the brother or sister, for a certain number of years ; houses of many Spanish villages is similar to | if an uncle for seven years (I have been that already described (p. 10 above) in the Hill told). A few days previously, notices are sent Districts in India and elsewhere. In the to relations and friends that such a service remoter parts of the north of the Spanish will be held, and all meet at the church, clad Peninsula, which I visited many years ago, in mourning, at the appointed hour. before there were any railways in the country, At Tarragona we find sculptures and symbols and when the particular district of which I which remind us of both Asian and Northern speak had only a year or two previonsly European mythology as to the hare, the frog, been provided with a carriage-road, one actu. and the serpent. ally entered the house through these stalls. It The here has long been everywhere conwas not an easy matter to find the staircase nected with the phenomena of the sky, though which led up to the living rooms of the family, I could never quite see on what grounds. (which when entered were invariably spot. Thus, sailors are said to have an idea that the lessly clean), for one had to pick one's way presence of a dead hare on board-ship will through a number of cows and goats, with bring bad weather. Again the Freyja of Noeta perhaps a pig or two thrown in.. legends, the wife of Odin the storm god, As other instances I would note that the acquired in Saxony the title of Wald-minchen women of Hindustan carry their young children or Wood-nvmph, and hares were her attenon the hip, with one leg of the child before and dants. The hare was also evidently, in older He also added that he found certain Indo-Persian (Hindustant) words in use in that part of the country, such as bartan for ' plate.' Bartan, however, must be a local word, as I am unable to find it in the Spanish Dictionary.

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60 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. FEBRUARY, 1887. times, regarded as a prominent actor in the sculpture in bas-relief at the base of a column change of the seasons in Spain, and in the in the South-West corner of the Cathedral East was closely connected with the Moon, cloisters at Tarragona ; vide Plate XXII. fig. 1, a fact which has given rise to the following p. 11 above. This building is said to date from myth of Indian origin very popular among the beginning of the XIIth Century, and it is the modern Burmese :-"All creatures were possible that the original significance of these making offerings to the Buddha, who was symbols was recognized and known by its dethen engaged in preaching the Sacred Law. signers as indicating the Storm, the Sun-snake The hare bethought him that be too must (or perhaps the Principle of Evil), and the Sun give some alms. But what had he to give ? itself; or they may on the other hand be only Man might bring costly gifts; the lion found it forms handed down by tradition, and have no easy to offer the tender flesh of the fawn; birds meaning attached to them. Another capital of of prey brought dainty morsels ; fish could a pillar (see Plate XXII, fig. 3) in the same practice no less dainty signs of devotion; even building has a frog in the centre. The animal the ant was able to drag along grains of sugar is on its back with its limbs extended, while and aromatic leaves : but the hare, what had two serpents, one on each side, appear to be he? He might gather the most tender Buc- attacking it. culent shoots from the forest glades; but they The capital of yet another column (see were useless even to form a couch for the Plate XXII. fig. 2), in these cloisters, possesses Teacher. There was nothing but his own a still more decidedly Eastern character. On body; and that he freely offered. The Supreme the extreme left of fig. 2, is a figure, halfLord declined the sacrifice, but in remembrance man, half-borse, the Centaur of Greek mythoof the pious intention placed the figure of the i logy and the European representative of the hare in the moon and there it remains as a Gandharvas, Naras, Kinnaras, or aerial beings of symbol of the Lord of Night to the present India, who were regarded as demi-gods. The day." Centaur, armed with a cross-bow, is aiming at The frog, too, has a place in Indian mytho- a dragon, represented as an animal with a wide logy; for at sunrise and at sunset the san mouth, rolling eyes, and two short straight horns near the water is likened to a frog, out of projecting from the forehead. This dragon which notion arose a Sanskrit Story,' which belongs to a type which is most familiar to all of runs as follows:- Bheki (the frog) was once us on articles from China. Figures of the same a beautiful girl, and one day, when sitting type, called Dvdrapalas, or Door-keepers, are near a well, she was seen by a king, who also sculptured on each side of the entrance to asked her to be his wife. She consented, on the shrine of many Hindu temples in Southern condition that he should never show her a drop India. It has, besides, been adopted by the Laof water. One day, being tired, she asked mas, or monks, of Ladek who are, of course, the king for water, he forgot his promise, Buddhists. At their high festivals they brought water, and Bheki disappeared that is perform various religious dances, and on these to say, the sun disappeared when it touched the occasions they wear huge masks made of water" papier mache which entirely cover the head And lastly it has already been shown, in and shoulders. In one of their dances, two the early part of these papers, that the serpent of their number put on masks, which are is intimately bound up with Indian mythology analogous in character to the dragon of Now it may only be & coincidence, but the cloisters at Tarragona and the Chinese surely it is a most singular one, that these monster, and their part is to guard the doors three animals,-the hare, the frog, and the of entrance and exit to the court-yard of tho serpent,--should all be found on one piece of house where these dances are performed." * [cf. ths Skr, toru talin for the moon, so called from farcid risklublance of its spots to those of a bare (tare).-ED.) 1 quoted it the Saturday Review for February 1861. This ronds very like a version of a tale on which the "comparutiva mythologist" has been at work, dragging in our old and worn-out friend, the Suo-myth. ED.). The Chinese empire was in all probability the original home of this monater, for it is still rampant there, it one may judge from the porcelain and Ornaments which come from thence. 10 I saw the performanoon at Leh in Ladik,

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FEBRUARY, 1887.] ASIATIC SYMBOLISM. Lastly, to complete the Asiatic nature of the Tarragona oloisters, on the extreme right is represented a man stabbing the dragon with long spear. The dress of this individual is of a distinctly Central Asian character. As among indications of Eastern civilization in Spain I would draw attention to a warming apparatus in use there. The celebrated Sicilian traveller, Pietro della Valle," when writing from Persis in 1617, says--"Not only in Kurdistan, but in the whole of Persia, even in the most considerable houses, they kindled their fires in & vessel called tenndr, "- Vase of burnt clay about two palms in heighty in which they place burning coals, charcoal, or other cumbustible matter which quickly lights. After this, they place a plank over this kind of oven in the shape of a small table; this they cover entirely, spreading over it a large cloth, which extends on all sides to the ground, over & part of the floor of the chamber. By this contrivance, the heat being prevented from diffusing itself all at once, it is communicated insensibly and so pleasantly throughout the whole apartment, that it can not be better compared than to the effect of a stove. A little further on he adds--"Of the excellence of this contrivance I am so fully persuaded, that I am resolved'on adopting it when I shall return to Italy." This he very possibly did, but it has not there re- mained in its entirety. In Southern Italy the arrangement has lost its two most practical features, diz. the table and the cloth, which cause the heat to diffuse itself gradually and warm the whole room. The Italian custom in cold weather is to have a large copper vessel, having a domed cover removable at pleasure, filled with embers and placed in a ring of wood provided with four legs, and thus raised to such a height from the ground that it forms a convenient footstool. However this may be, the identical heating apparatus mentioned by Pietro delle Valle may be seen in use at Seville at the present day; only the receptacle for fire, instead of being as he describes a vase of burnt clay, is of copper or brass, fitted into a ring of wood fixed about eight inches from the base of a table resting upon four legs. At a convenient height from the ground is a round table, which is pierced at equal distances with holes about the size of a franc, so that, when covered by a cloth (as in Persia), the heat is felt by those who are sitting at work near it. It also more effectually warms the whole apartment than the Italian vessel. The question of the warming apparatus at present in use in Kasmir under the name of kangri has been extensively discussed in Vol. XIV. p. 264ff. and Vol. XV. p. 57 of this Journal, and, in addition to the evidence as to the origin of portable stoves there given, I would add that during the winters in Florence, which are very cold, no Florentine women of the lower classes walks abroad without carrying a scaldino, which is an exact reproduction of the kaigri of Kasmir. 18 There is yet another point of connection between Spain and the East, to be noted before leaving this portion of my subject. The inhabitants of the provinces on both sides of the Pyrenean frontier are Basques; and therefore one is not surprised to find that certain symbols and customs have found their way over the mountains from Spain into France, and have there survived, owing to the circumstance that the peculiar language spoken by the Basque people has isolated them a good deal from their neighbours. At St. Jean de Luz, on the French side of the border, on the feast of St. John the Baptist, who is the patron saint of this town, the people get up what are called Pastorales, or representations in a versified narrative form. Their character varies, trenting sometimes of secular, and sometimes of religious subjects; the actors are invariably of the male sex; and where women's parts occur they are taken by young lads clad in female attire. The same play, if one may style it such, is carried on for some days, with intervals for rest and refreshment. Here again, in every particular, Indian customs are represented. The acting and recital of the Ramayana last several days; and there also the 11 Viaggi di Pietro della Valle, << Pellegrino, Venetis, 1681, p. 18. ***Fors. tanntri bat it is a word of Arabic origin, with pla. tandnir.-ED.) * [All the above is very interesting in this connection, especially as Dr. Haltzsch, ante, Vol. XV. p. 57, has shown that the use of portable fire-places or braziers was known in India in Kasmir as early as the XIIth Century A.D., and here we have their use in Persis (and if Delle Valle's word tennor be right, in Arabis) as well as in Spain and Italy, in a manner which implies a long previous history.-ED.]

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62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1887. XII. female characters are taken by youths in to decipher. One or two of the figures have women's dress. Certain dances are also per- the hair arranged in the Egyptian fashion, formed in Asia by men and boys, the latter and some have a veil arranged like the sari of dressed as women." the Hindu woman; others have the hair dressed very high and the veil put over it, and these remind one of the Sikh women of the Panjab; Concluding Remarks. others again look like Lapp women. One or There is a point which I would feign touch two large heads, presumably male ones, wear upon, in conclusion, in the hope of drawing turbans, while a small male figure of an Egypmore attention to it than it has hitherto mettian type has strands of hair brought down on with. There is a most remarkable collection each side of the face and twisted into a coil of sculptures now in the Archaeological Museum beneath the chin; but, strange to say, not one at Madrid, which up to date have puzzled the single male figure is bearded, which would seem most learned antiquarians. They do not seem to point to a non-Aryan origin. One little male to be as well known to the world in general as statue, which is about ten inches high, has in they deserve; and, as the Spanish Government its attitude and features the perfect look of reis said to have bought a portion only of what pose peculiar to the statues of Buddha, and the was found, it is to be hoped that some may still likeness is further carried out in the arrangefind their way into the Art Museum at South ment of the hair and of the folds of the robe. Kensington. They are statues discovered in The most interesting point about them, as re1870-71 on a hill called El Cerro de los Angeles gards the subject of Symbolism, is that all the near Yecla, a small village in the province of female figures carry pots in their hands at Murcia. Mr. Juan Riano, in an article pub. about the level of the waist, out of some of lished in the Athenaeum of July 6th, 1872, gives which flames are issuing, which would seem to it as his opinion that "they do not all belong to mark them as images of votaries of some religion the same period." He holds that "some are connected with the Sun or Fire. One very anterior, and that others are posterior, to the remarkable female figure holds such a pot, and Christian era," and adds" in all of them is a on her breast are the symbols of the Sun and marked Oriental influence. It is probable that Moon with a large star between them. On her the Cerro de los Angeles was the seat of different robe, also, just below the knees are sculptured civilizations, unless some of these objects proceed a serpent, a tree (?) and other signs in an from different localities." In fact, on studying unfinished state, and therefore not clearly disthe different types of dress and of physiog- tinguishable. Who the people were that made nomy shown in the statues, one is tempted to these statues, is a complete mystery; and it imagine that they may in past ages have adorned seems hardly possible that they could all have the museum of some collector of antiquities, who been the work of the same race. lived a thousand years ago. One nearly lifesize figure is a counterpart of the Egyptian And now that all my observations, discursive god Isis; while many of the heads bear a strong as they have been, have drawn to a close, let resemblance to certain statues found in 1884 on me say a few last words as to the lesson that the island of Cyprus." The greater number studies such as these imply. Doubtless many are female figures in a standing position; but other points of resemblance between the man. there is one male life-sized figure, said to be that ners and customs of Asia and Europe still of a priest, and a few detached male head. remain to be enumerated, and if, pace the latest Some of them are inscribed with Greek researches, we once open our eyes to the possicharacters, others bear certain marks which bility that Asia was the cradle of most of the none of the learned have hitherto been able nations of Europe, a new light seems to break 1 i Compare the description of the swing in the Legends of the Panjab, Vol. I. p. 191. Among the Kahar caste in Northern India dances, in imitation of the nach, are commonly held in which the women's parts are performed by youtha drossed up as girls. There is an admirable representation of such a dance in pottery in the Oxford Indian Institute. Passion Plays are, however, very far from being confined to Spain or India. They seem to have been prevalent in overy part of Europe and Asia for many centuries.-ED.) 25 Author of the South Kensington Hand-book on Spanish Art. These latter I only know from drawings.

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FEBRUARY, 1887.) GAYA INSCRIPTION OF YAKSHAPALA. 68 in upon us, and any symbols or customs which that the Sun and Moon worshippers, who are common to both continents acquire a value adored these planets because they thought that to us which they had not before. They seem to them they owed the fertility of the earth, to assist us in tracing the rise and growth of were the pioneers of civilization. We may religious feeling, of arts and manufactures, learn a good deal in other ways, too, by studying amongst European peoples of whose history and what has been left us by these prehistoric races; actions we are, and must otherwise remain, as it is evident that they put their whole absolutely ignorant. We are compelled to own energy and knowledge into whatever they that the people of the so-called Bronze Age executed. With even our perfect appliances we were not the Keltic savages which we once can, in some respects, hardly equal, much less imagined them to be ; that the people of the surpass, what they accomplished with the rudest Stone Age were clever in their generation, and of tools. A GAYA INSCRIPTION OF YAKSHAPALA. BY PROF. F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GOTTINGEN. I edit this inscription, which is now publi- a short stroke which starts from the middle shed for the first time, from a rubbing made of the left side of the following consonant over by General Cunningham to Mr. Fleet. and points slantingly towards the top of the The inscription was discovered by General line, or by a short horizontal line drawn towards Cunningham at the Sati Ghag at Gaya, the the left which is added below the top line and chief town of the Gaya District in the Bengal above the characteristic portion of the followPresidency. It consists of 21 lines, which ing consonant or group of consonants. In cover a space of 16by 12%; the height of the the rubbing this form of r is most clearly visi. letters is of an inch. The language of the ble in outs: 1. 4, o 1. 5, and a inscription is Sanskrit; and the whole of it, 1. 5; but it can also be recognized in qoof excepting the introductory blessing S 7:1. 1, OAT huofy 1. 6, afireto 1. 16, and strip saryAya and the concluding phrase likhitA-1.17. The form of r here deseribed appears [ T]......, is in verse. The verses were to be the usual one in the Krishna-Dvarika composed (v. 11) by one Murari, of the Temple inscription, in an inscription of SakaAgigrama family, a Naiyayika. Samvat 1059 from the Gaya District, a rubbing The characters of the inscription are of which has been sent to me by Mr. Fleet, Devanagari; or, to be more particular, a kind and in the Cambridge MS. mentioned above; of Devanagari, which appears to have been and it reminds one of the way in which current in the 12th century A.D. As regards before another consonant is written in the sculptured writing, the same alphabet bas Sarada alphabet. Besides, I may state that been employed in the Krishna-Dvarika Temple the group tt exceptionally is written by the inscription of Gaya (Archrol. Suru. Ind. Ind. sign for tu, in affro 1. 15, and area: 1. 21; si Vol. III. Plate xxxvii.); while, of MSS. known and that the group sth, written as one would to me, that one, the writing of which most expect it to be in feil. 11, is represented by nearly resembles the writing of the inscription under notice, is the Cambridge MS. the sign for schl in Pril. 4, Tero 1. 11, cart Add. 1693, which was written in A.D. 1165. 1. 13, and fro 1. 14. The consonant b is always (Bendall, Cat. of Buddhist Sanskrit XSS. denoted by the sign for v; and it may perhaps p. 182, and Plate ii. 2, and Table of letters). be mentioned that the signs for tha and ve, as Regarding the vowel-signs, attention may be well as those for re and initial e, may easily be drawn to the peculiar forms of the medial confounded.-In respect of orthography we i, u, and diphthongs; and as regards the have to notice the use of the dental for the consonants, I would particularly note, that , | palatal sibilant in th: 1. 4, and eagi l. 7, when immediately preceding another conso- and that of the palatal for the dental sibilant in nant, though 25 times written by the ordinary Trofa 1. 9, n r 1. 16, and no l. 18; superscript sign, is several times represented by the employment of the guttural nasal, instead

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64 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUAEY, 1887. of the antsvara, in vrst 1. 10; and the absence defeated his enemies, and that the ruler of Gauds paid him homage fit for a lord of men. of sandhi in 'bhUt zrI 1.5, and tAvat zrI 1. 20. According to Taranatha's account of the M&The inscription is not dated ; and, irre- gadha kings (ante, Vol. IV. p. 366), a prince spective of such proof as may be afforded by the Yakshapala was the last of the Pala family; alphabet in which it is written, there is at present but, as his father is stated to have been no evidence to show with certainty when it Ramapala, the son of Hastipals, it is difwas composed. It records (v. 12) the erection, ficult to believe that he is the Yakshapala of our at Gay, of a temple dedicated to various inscription. I entertain a very strong suspicion local deities, the digging of the Uttaramanasal that the Krishna-Dvarika Temple inscription will tank, and the establishment of a charitable hall throw light on the present inscription; for even by the prince (v. 10 narendra) Yakshapals, the lithograph which has been published by the son of the prince (v. 4 nripa) Visvaraps General Cunningham, shows that that inscription and grandson of the illustrious Badraka, of mentions not only Badraka-(end of line 6, Gaya (v.3). Of Yakshapila and Viivarapa, |sasva sadanu tanujanmA muraripuriva pUnako bhUtaH), but nothing of any historical value is mentioned; also visvaditya (line.8, vivAditvamajIjanata), and of Sadraka, who is not actnally styled who may be supposed to be the Visvarape a prince, it is merely stated that he had T of our inscription. - TEXE. bhI namaH suuryaay|| 1 viSavamadhUrakarapUNe prANinikAbAli vishvshtprc| bhaSTAcAdalaramba prakAzavamavatu do bhaanuH||' verse l2 tIrtha phalguti"]TAditIryapa[]mAdhyAma sopAminI gantRNAM paramasva dhaulatamA dhAno gavA raajte| zrImatvaiva ba.. 3 yA mahImabamilacivastha jIvAtmanA zilpoDakarSamamanvatAtmani vidhiH kRtvA bilokImapi // v. 2. asyAM babhUva ripurAndama4 ninyasauryaH' kurvanvanamaNavi pcniketnsy| zrIcUdrakaH svayamapUjayadindrakalpo gauDezvaro nRpatilakSaNapUla5 baa||.3.-tsmaadbhutpaurussaambudhirbhuut zrIvizvarUpo mRpaHkIrtizrImatabaH svabaMvaratavA bheDarvamekaM pti|m6 cApi sphuradupavikramakathAmAkarpavayasva ca svAsaM[bhUtimarAticakramasamavAsAttadA lApate // "r.4 lakSmI ripoH 7 svabhujavIryavasIkRtAM"yo bhogyAM tathA vihitavAn" dvijapujavAnAM / eSAM bayA yuvatabo-yutimAdhAnA mA. 8 kAGganA iva"vire"irilAvalepi ||".5.-bsyonlen" yazasA zramatA samantAcakreciraM dhavalite vidizA dicaas| lokeSvabhiprathavid mRgalAchanaH sv"mennaamulvpmhdhimaaddhaati||1.6.-vemaacaapi cakAzati" pratidi10 devAlabAH kAritA bhUbATo" himadIdhitiyutimupo medimblshaarnnH"| mUrbAvAmatabA himAdrizikharaspa11 DaoNcchUita miH kurvanto vivati skhalAtirayaM prasthAnadusya" rvi"||"v.7.- dharmasva ya va sUnurajAtazatrustasthAya 12 dhairvanilabojani yksspaalH| luptakatau kaliyugasva vikRmbhite baH kAmAnbhRzaM katubhujaH kratubhiH pu. 13 poSa // v.8.- [puSTo"]naantayA parevyayamaya bhikSAbhujA nijitaH sarveNAbavalA"lobamacirasthAyI manobhUraFrom the rabbing. Metro, Aryl " Rend yasyojjva lena. " Perhapa originally svaMmeNA. This akshara in the rabbing looks rather like, but a " Read cakAsati. 0 Read bhUyAMso. is written similarly in saMbhati in 1.6. n Originally kRriNaH, but, asit seems, altered todegAriNa:. Originally 31, but the vowel-sign of this akshara hus been struck out, and the sign for the consonant altered. # The superscript r above the second akshara is very * Metre, Sardalavikridita. * Read babhUva. indistinet; the third aksharaisya,altered to yA. * Read 14. * Metre, Vasantatilaka. - Read 'dustha. " Perhaps originally raviH* Read degmbudhirabhUcchIvi . 0 Originally zlaghate. >>5 Metre, Sard Alsvikridita. Metre, Vasantatilaka. "I am very doubtful about the two aksharas put in 1 Metre, Sard dlavikrlaita. * Read aftal. brackets; the writing on the stone appears to be quite 1 Originally 'vAn / dvija'. " Originally hAya. plain, yet I can make out, with certainty, only that tho 15 Originally biriju mpper portion of the second akshara ist.. * Metre of verses 5 and 6, Vasantatilakd. - Read 'balAba.

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FEBRUARY, 1887.] GAYA INSCRIPTION OF YAKSHAPALA. 14 rar - | genuit Perfaer adiroeggsstarf (cai) din garcobanya," feat git are 15 taH // . 9. - bhUbhAro rohaNobhUditaratarutulAmAzritaH kalpazAkhI kiMdhenuH kAmadhenuH kSititalaparikhA kIrti16 pAtvaM payodhiH / ityAza" nAdivA[tu]nprati jagati [[ga]ro gIyamAnA narendre yasminnabhyarthyamAnairvvasubhiravirataM groferentren 17 rthAn // " v. 10. - baddhapadmakuTIrakapanavitAmA pAhile zrIpatI sumIteSyabhicAranIsvaratayA bhatayA parikrIDitaM / arfirait fa 18 niyuktayApyanudinaM pAtre zucau jAtayA matsvAmipriyavAsa eSa iti yaH kAmaM zriyA saMzritaH // * v. 11monAdivyasahaci 19 kamalAnanArAyaNahi [tI]mezvaraphalgunAthavijayAdityAdayAnAM kRtI | / sa mAsAdamacIkaradiviSa * kedAradevasya 20 ca svAtasyottaramAnasasya khananaM sacaM ta[thA] cAkSaye // v. 12. - sUrya candramasau yAvadyAvatkSoNI sasAgarA / tAvat" zrIyazapAlasya rA 21 jantAM bhUSi kIrttayaH // . 13. nyAyavidyAvizaM zreyAnAgImAmakulodbhavaH / zrImurArirdvijazreSThaH prazastimakaroMhimAM / v. 14. - likhitA [sau] " TRANSLATION. Om! Adoration to Surya! (Verse 1)-May the Sun protect you!-he who illuminates the lotus which is the universe, filled with a mass of honey-the objects of sense, having for bees the multitude of living beings, (and) charming with its leaves-the eight regions! (V. 2.)-Resplendent is (this) sacred place Gaya, which, in the guise of furnishing flights of steps on the banks of the Phalgu and elsewhere, provides stairs for those who, cleansed of darkness, go to the abode of heaven. This beautiful (place) it was, the living soul of the whole wondrous terrestrial creation, that caused the Creator to think highly of his skill, even after he had made the three worlds." (V. 3.)-Here there was the illustrious Badraka, who, endowed with unblemishable bravery, made the swarm of (his) enemies long for the forest (and) caused it to reside (there) in dwellings of leaves. To him paid homage of his own accord the ruler of Gauda, almost 65 10 Rend bala: 30 Metre, Sardalavikridita. 3 Read 3 Metre, Sragdhard 33 Read stoffer. 3 Metre of verses 11 and 12, Sardalavikridita. 25 Read . 3 Originally ar Originally sUryA. "Bond tAvacchrI. 3 Metre of verses 18 and 14, Anushtubh. 40 Originally prIzastideg. Here ends line 21. The name of the writer is written in very small letters below the aksharas tft of line 21, equal to Indra, with, homage fit for a lord of men. (V. 4.)-From him was born the prince, the illustrious Visvarapa, an ocean of wonderful manliness, whom Fame, Fortune, and Intelligence of their own choice took to be their one lord. Even now the host of enemies, hearing the tale of the brilliant terrible prowess of that (prince), in its supreme terror congratulates itself on not having been born in his time. (V. 5.) He placed the wealth of the enemy, which he had appropriated by the strength of his arm, at the disposal of the most excellent twiceborn, in such a way that their young wives, enveloped in splendour, shone like celestial damsels even on the surface of the earth. (V. 6.)-On the orb of the regions and inter. mediate regions, long rendered white by his bright fame, spreading all around, the moon, by day and by night, places in abundance the deer that forms her own dark spot, in order to make (that spot) known in the worlds.** but it is (with the exception perhaps of the two syllables f) illegible in the rubbing. For similar expressions, compare e. g. Damayantikatha, p. 104, 1. 5; p. 259, 1. 13; p. 270, 1. 3. On the first portion of the verse it may suffice to quote from the Gaya-Mahatmya the line: gayAyAM na tatsthAnaM yatva tIrthe na vidyate. 43 The spot in the moon being rendered invisible by the lustre of the prince's fame, the moon is represented as placing the deer, one of which forms that spot, on the earth, in order that her spot may not be altogether forgotten. I take to be a Karmadharaya-compound. The moon is called go, e. g. Srikanthacharita, iv. 18.

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66 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. FEBRUARY, 1887. (V. 7.)-The numerous temples which he the earth !"-songs such as these, addressed to caused to be built in every direction shine even the donors of old, used to resound in the world, now, eclipsing the splendour of the cold-rayed when this lord of men incessantly was gladden(moon), (and) decorating the earth; by their ing the crowds of supplicants with the riches tops, which on account of the height of the idols desired (by them). (in them) are uplifted in rivalry of the peaks of (V. 11.)-Since the Lord of Fortune, well the Himalaya, they make it difficult for the sun pleased by (his) unswerving devotion, had been to progress in the sky, his chariot being made rendered fond of (dwelling within the small (by them) to deviate from its course.** hut of the lotus of his heart, Fortune,-(ever) (V. 8.)-To him then was born a beloved son, growing with the virtuous (prince who was) Yakshapala, as Ajatasatru was to Dharma, worthy of her, though she was day by day an abode of firmness. When, under the sway of bestowed (by him) on supplicants,-playfully the Kali-age, sacrifices bad ceased to be offered, resorted with eagerness to him, knowing him he again and again satisfied the desires of the to be the dear habitation of her own lord." sacrificial fire with sacrifices. (V. 12.)-This wise (prince) caused to be (V. 9.)- Considering that the god of love, built a temple of the inhabitants of heaven scorched (and) deprived of his body, (had to called Maunaditya, Sahasralinga, Kamala, Ardwell) within others, that he had been con- | dhangina, Dvistomesvara, Phalgunatha, and quered by every beggar even--that his strength Vijayaditya, and of the god Kedara ; he likewise consisted in feeble women, and that he never had the famous Uttaramanasa* (tank) dag, was long steady, the Creator created bim to and established) a hall of charity, to last for be a second god of love, endowed with a ever. charming body, a conqueror of his enemies, (V. 13.)- As long as the sun and the moon, strong before everything else by his mighty as long as the earth, together with the sea (enarm, (and) always steady in battle." dures),--so long may the fame of the illustrious (V. 10.) " Compared with you, the mountain) Yakshapala be resplendent on the earth! Rohana*' was a (mere) burden to the earth; (V. 14.)-The illastrious Murari, the best the tree of paradise, like unto other trees! (Com of the twice-born, prominent among the stupared with you), what kind of cow is the cow dents of the Nyaya-philosophy (and) born in the of plenty ? (Compared with you), the ocean, the Agigrama family, has composed this eulogy. recipient of praise, is a (mere) ditch surrounding Written it was [by ..........] WHY THE FISH TALKED. A KASMIRI STORY. BY THE REV. J. HINTON KNOWLES, F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &c. As a certain fisherwoman passed by a "Is it a male; or a female P" enquired the palace crying her fish, the queen appeared at queen; "I wish to purchase a female fish." one of the windows, and beckoned her to come On hearing this, the fish laughed aloud. near and show what she had. At that moment "It's a male," replied the fisherwoman, and a very big fish jumped about in the bottom of proceeded on her rounds. the basket. The queen returned to her room in a great * The word Tit is, to say the least, unusual. In TATHI, the secondary suffir is superfluous, just as in Frage in v. 4 above; in a similar manner the word PTT is in later Sanskrit added to abstract nouns ; 800 my note on Panchatantra, I. p. 28, 13. * The words which I have rendered by "conquered by every boggar" may also be translated by "conquered by Sarva (or Sarva, 1. e. Siva), who subsists on alms;" for the epithet applied here to Siva compree.g. Bhartihari, Nitidataka, Bo. Ed., 95. This mountain, the Adam's peak in Ceylon, is often praised for the precious stones which it is supposed to contain. Compare the quotations in B. and R.'s Dictionary 8. v. TTET, and e. g. Damayantikatha, p.4, 1. 5 and p. 259, 1. 14; Srikanthacharita, IV. 11. * The lord or husband of Fortune is Vishnu. For 9 compare e. & Malatimadhava, Bo. Ed., p. 157; and for th Damayantikatha, p. 176, 1. 18. 274 w atarrar uf: is simply equivalent to whsufrufor-- Bhagavadgita, XIII. 10. " See ante, Vol. X. p. 341, note.

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FEBRUARY, 1887.) WHY THE FISH TALKED. 67 rage; and, on coming to see her in the evening, Presently they passed through a field of the king noticed that something had disturbed corn, ready for the sickle, and looking like a her. sea of gold as it waved to and fro in the "Are you indisposed P" he said. breeze. "No, but I am very much annoyed at the "Is this eaten or not P" said the young man. strange behaviour of a fish. A woman brought Not understanding his meaning the old man me one to-day; and on my enquiring whether replied, "I don't know." it was a male or female, the fish laughed most After a little while the two travellers arrived rudely." at a big village, where the young man gave "A fish langh? Impossible! You must be his companion a clasp-knife and said dreaming." "Take this, friend, and get two horses with "I am not a fool. I speak of what I have it; but mind and bring it back, for it is very soen with my own eyes and have heard with precious." my own ears." The old man, looking half-amused and half"Passing strange! Be it so. I will enquire angry, pushed back the knife, muttering someconcerning it." thing to the effect that his friend was either On the morrow the king repeated to his wazir deladed, or else trying to play the fool with what his wife had told him, and bade him in-him. The young man pretended not to notice vestigate the matter, and be ready with a satis- his reply; and remained almost silent till they factory answer within six months, on pain of reached the city, a short distance outside which death. The wdzir promised to do his best, was the old farmer's house. They walked about though he felt almost certain of failure. For the bazur, and went to the mosque, but nobody five months he laboured indefatigably to find a saluted them, or invited them to come in and reason for the laughter of the fish. He sought rest. everywhere and from everyone. The wise * What a large cemetery !" exclaimed the ad learned, and they who were skilled in young man. magie and in all manner of trickery, were con- "What does the man mean P" thought the sulted. Nobody, however, could explain the old farnier,"calling this largely populated city matter; and so he returned broken-hearted to a cemetery!" his house, and began to arrange his affairs in On leaving the city, their way led through prospect of certain death; for he had had a cemetery, where a few people were praying sufficient exporionce of the king to know that beside a grave and distributing chupetis and His Majesty would not go back from his threat. kulichas (cakes) to passers-by, in the name of Amongst other things he advised his son to their beloved dead. They beckoned to the two travel for a time, until the king's anger should travellers and gave them as much as they have somewhat cooled. could eat. The young fellow, who was both clever and "What a splendid city this is!" said the handsome, started off withersoever qismat (fate) young man. might lead him. He had been gone some days, "Now the man must surely be demented," when he fell in with an old farmer, who also thought the old farmer. "I wonder what is vus on a journey to a certain village. Finding will do next! He will be calling the land the old man very pleasant, he asked him if he water, and the water, land; and be speaking of might accompany him, professing to be on light where there is darkness, and of darkness a visit to the same place. The old farmer when it is light." However, he kept his agreed, and they walked along together. The thoughts to himself. day was hot and the way was long and Presently they had to wade through a weaty. stream that ran along tho edge of the comeDon't you think it would be pleasanter if tery. The water was rather deep, so the old you and I sometimes gave one another a lift " farmer took off his shoes and paijamas said the youth. and crossed over; but the young man waded "What a fool the man is !" thought the old through it with his shoes and pdijamas on. falmer, "Well! I never did see such a perfect fool,"

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68 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1887. " both in word and in deed !" said the old man only asked you to cut a couple of sticks and to himself. be careful not to lose his knife." However, be liked the fellow; and, thinking "I see!" said the farmer. "While we that he would amuse his wife and daughter he were walking over the city, we did not see invited him to come and stay at his house, its anybody that we knew, and not a soul gave long as he had occasion to remain in the villnge us a scmp of anything to eat, till we were "Thank you very much," the young man passing the cemetery; but there some people replied, "but let me first enquire, if you please called to tis and put into our hands some whether the beam of your house is strong." the spoilerind krdichas. So my companion called The old farmer left him, in despair, and the city a cemetery, and the cemetery, a city." entered his house laughing. * This, also), is to be understood, father, if "There is a man in yonder field," he said, one thinks of the city as the place where after returning their greetings. "He has como everything is to be obtained, and of inhospitthe greater part of the way with me, and I able people as worse than the dead. The city, wanteci him to put up here as long as he had though crowded with people, was as if dead, as to stay in this village. But the fellow is such fur as you were concerned; while in the cornea fool, that I cannot make anything out of tery, which is crowded with the dead, you him. He wants to know if the beam of this were saluted by kind friends and provided house is all right. The man must be mad." with bread." And saying this he burst into a fit of laughter. " True, true," said the astonished farmer. "Father," said the farmer's daughter, who " Then just now, when we were crossing the was a very sharp and wise girl," this man, scream, he waded it without taking off his whosoever he is, is no fool, as you deem him. I shoes and prijamas." He only wishes to know if you can alford to "I adiaire his wisdom," replied the girl. entertain him." "I have often thought how stupid people were "Oh, of course!" replied the farmer; "I see; to venture into that swiftly-flowing stream and Well, perhaps you can help me to solve some over these sharp stones with bare feet. The of his other mysteries. While we were walk. i slightest stumble, and they would fall, and be ing together, he asked whether he should carry wetted from head to foot. This friend of yours me, or I should carry him; as he thought is a most wise man. I should like to see him that would ben pleasanter mode of proceeding," and speak to him." Most assuredly," said the girl. "He "Very well," said the farmer; "I will go meant that one of you should tell a story to and find him, and bring him in." beguile the time." "Tell him, father, that our beams are strong "Oh, yes! well, we were passing through enougli, and then he will come in. I'll send on a corn-field; when he asked me whether it was altead a present to the man, to shew him that eaten or not." we can afford to have him for our guest." "And didn't you know the meaning of this, Accordingly she called a servant and sent father? He simply wished to know if the him to the young man with a present of a man was in debt or not; because, if the owner basin of ghi, twelve chupatis, and a jar of milk, of the field was in debt, then the produce of and the following message :- O friend! the the field was as good as eaten to him ; that is, moon is full; twelve months make a year; and it would have to go to his creditors." the son is overflowing with water.' Half-way. "Yes, yes, yes; of course! Then, on enter- the bearer of this present and message met his ing a certain village, he bade me take his little son, who, seeing what was in the basket, clasp-knife and get two horses with it, and begged his father to give him some of the food. bring back the knife again to him." His father stupidly complied, and presently he "Are not two stout sticks as good as two saw the young man and gave him the rest of horses for helping one along on the road? He the present, and the message. 1 Viram kayf chheyih dar-"is (your) beam strong!" -ina Kaimiri saying, meaning. "Can you entertain me well ? can you make me comfortable?"---Running along the uppor storey of a K Amirl house in a long, strong beam called nariko, upon which the whole roof depends.

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FEBRUARY, 1887.] AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX. 69 "Give your mistress, my scle," he replied, The following day he hastened back to his "and tell her that the moon is new; and that I own country, taking with bim the farmer's can only find eleven months in the year, and daughter. Immediately on arrival, he ran to the sea is by no means full." the palace, and informed his father of what he Not understanding the meaning of these bad heard. The poor warir, now almost dead words, the servant repeated them word for from the expectation of death, was at once word, as he had heard them, to his mistress ; carried to the king, to whom he repeated the and thus his theft wils discovered, and he was news that his son had just brought. severely punished. After a little while, the "Never!" said the king, young man appeared with the old farmer. "But it must be so, your Majesty," replied (reat attention was shown to him, and he was the resir; "and in order to prove the truth of treated in every way as if he was the son of a what I have heard, I pray you to call together great man, although his luumble host know all the female attendants in your palace, and 1othing of his origin. At length he told them order them to jump over a pit, which must be everything :-about the laughing of the fish, dug. The man will at once betray his sex in his father's threatened execution, and his own the trial." banishment,-and asked their advice as to what The king had the pit dng, and coinmanded le should do. all the female servants belonging to the palace * The laughing of the fish," said the girl, to try to jump it. All of them tried, but only " which seems to have been the cause of all one succeeded. That one was found to be a this trouble, indicates that there is a man in man !! the palace, of whom the king is not aware." Thus was the queen satisfied, and the faith "Joy, joy," exclaimed the wazir's son. ful old wazir saved ! "There is yet time for me to return and savo Afterwards, as soon as arrangements could be my father from an ignominicus and unjust made, the wazir's son married the old farmer's death." daughter;' and a most happy marriage it was! AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX. COMPILED BY MRS. GRIER SON; WITH AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE BY G. A. GRIERSON, B.C.S. (Concluded from p. 35.) Tix,-Arkichi, archichi, artichi, kalai, kastiri, TOBACCO-PIPES, he who makes or sells ---Chupnia. (Tch.); ghala, gh'eili, (As. Tch.); archi. koro, (Tch.) chi, (M. 7) TOBACCO-POUCH, -Tureskeri kisi, (Tch.); t'iso, TINDER,- Potan, (Eng.) kiso, (M.) TINKER,--Petul-mengro, (Eng.) TO-DAY,-Avdives, (Tch.); eje, aje, (As. Tch.); TINY,-Tawno, tawnie, tikno, beti, (Eng.), chinoro, ados, M.); avdivos, apdives (Psp. M.) (Span. Gip.); conunoru, (M.) TOGETHER --Kettany, (Eng.); eketane, ketano, TIRED,-Kinyo, (Eng.); khino, kino, (Tch.); quinao, ikateni, kitani,(Tch.); yek shan, (As. Tch.); (Span. Gip.); trudimi, (M.); kbino, eketane, (Psp. M.) (M. 7) TOLLGATE,--Pandio-mengro, (Eng) TIRED, to be.Khinioviva, chiniovava, (Tch.); TOMB ---Mermori, mremuri, (Pap. M.) chiniovava, Psp. M.) TO-MORROW,--Tasarla, tasorlo, kalliko, kolliko, To-Te, kato, (Eng.); kado, (Hun. Gip.); la, (M.); (Eng.); takhia ra, takhara, yavine, (Tch.); ki, (M. 7); ti, uz, (M. 8) tehe, tehara, (M.); takhyara, (M. 8, Psp.(M.) TOAD,-Marokka, (M. 8) Tongs --Klashta, ksilavi, silavi, silki, silei, masha, TOBACCO.-Tuv, (Eng.); tutos, tatoni, tuv, (Tch.); puraydi. (Tch.); ksilavi, (M. 7); ksillabi, drab, dryal), thualoa, (M.) ksillavi, (Psp. M.) TOBACCO-PIPE, -Chupni, (Tch., M. 7); chukni, TONGUE, --Jib, (Eng.); chip, chih, jih, (Tch), jis. (Psp. M.) (As. Tch.); shib, (II.); chib, (M. 7); hir, TOBACCO-PIPE-TUBE--Ran, (AL) (Psp. M.) of the Introduction to the sidat sangirava, p. ccxi.; also the Kaihi sarita reru in all the details giveu con- cerning Vararuchi; also the chapter on "Coinparative Folklore," p. 41 of Vol. Il. of The Orientalist.

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70 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1887. TRUTH,-Tachipen, (Eng.) Try, to, -Probelusarava, M.) TUBE,--Dusso, (Tch.) TUBE, (of a pair of bellows),-Pargheris, (Tch.) TUESDAY,-Duito divvus, (Eng.); marc, (M.) TULIP,--Tofa, (M.) TURBAN,-Chalmiva, (M.) TURK,-Khorakhai, (fem.) khorakni, ('l'ch., Psp. M.); turku, (M.); khorakhay, (M. 7) TURKISH --Khorakbano, khorakhuskoro, (Tch.); turchiccko, (M.) TURKEY,-Kurkos, misirka, (Tch.) TURN, to,-(act.) Band'ariva, (neut.) vertisardo vava, (act.) cnvertiara, (M.) TURN BACK, to,-T'idiva, (M.) TURN ROUND, to,-Boldkva, (M.); bolavava, (M. 7) TURNIP,Pahamnengro, kanafi, kanapli, (Eng) TURNPIKE, -Stiggur, (Eng.) TURNPIKE-ROAD, -Stiggur-mengro, (Eng.) TWELVE, -Desh ta dui, (Eng.); desh-u-doi, (Tch.); desh-i-dui, (Psp. M.) TWENTY,-Bis, (Eng); bish, besh, (Tch); bish, (M., M. 7) TWICE,Duvar, (M.) TWIST, to,-Bildava, pakiarava, (Tch.) Two,-Dui, (Eng., 'Tch., Pap. M.); dou, duy, (L.); duy, (M. 7). Too --Asa, asau, (Eng.) TOOTH, -Dand, (pl.) danior, (Eng.); dant, (Tch.); dent, dentoun, (As. Tch.); dand, M., M. 7); dant, (Psp. M.) Top,--Vorvu, vorvul, (M.) TOP-KNOT,-Piren, pironi, (Tch.) TORMENT, to-Munchiava, suchiava, suchisarava, (M.) Torn, to be ---Partivghiovava, pariovava, (Tch.) Touch, to,--Mishtesard'ovava, pipiava, pipisarava, 3.) Tow,-Krokidi, (Tch.); buci, .) TOWARDS-Re, te, (Tch.); karing, karin, (M.) Towy.l.-Mesali, (Tch.) TOWER,- Menestire, (M.) Town,-Gav, (Eng.); poravdi, (Tch.); vier, (As. Tch.); foro, foru, (pl.) forushey, (M.); foros, (M. 7); polin, (M. 8) TRACE --Urme, urma, (JI.) Trace, to, -Slomava, slumava, (Eng.) TRACK, to, Slomiva, slumava, (Eng.) TRAMP ---Tororo, (Eng.) TRAMPER,-- Pirdo, (fem.) pirdic, (pl.) pire, pire. gueros, (Eng.) TRAVEL, to.---Tradiva, (M.) TREE-Ruk, rukh, (Eng.); rukh, (Hun. Gip.); karajil, (Tch.); levre, lepre, (As. Tch.); kopach, kopachi, kopachi, (M.); lit'hi, ruk (M. 8); ruk, (Psp. M.) TREE, FRUIT --Porikin, ruk, (dim.) rakoro. (Tch.) TREE, FRUIT, of or belonging to,-Rukengoro, (Tch.) TREMBLE, to,-Lisdrava, (Tch.); izdriva, (3.); lisdrava, (M. 8) TREMBLING, to be, -Lisdriniovava, kulghiovara, keldovava, (Tch.) TREMBLING,-Lisdraibe, (Tch.) TRESS, of hair, -Churn, chunr, (Tch. M. 7) TRIBUTE,-Biro, (M.) TRIVET --Piralo, (Tch.) TROT,Buyestru, (M.) TROUBLE,-Kurepen, (Eng.) TROUGH,-Belani, kopana, (Tch.); balayi, (M.); belani, (M. 7); kopana, (Psp. M.) TROUGHS, he who makes or sells.-Kopanengoro, (Tch.) Trousers-Rokunyes, (Eng.); roklia, (Hun. Gip.) True, -Tacho, (Eng.); chachuno, chachipano, (Tch.); (adv.) cheches, (M.); chacho, (M. 7) TRUMPET,-Bucham, (pl.) trimbice, (M.) Truxk, of the vine,--Manuklo, (Tch.); manuklo, maniklo, (Pep. M.) TRUNK, Lada, (M.) TRUNK (of the body) --Trupo, M. 8) TRUTH, --Chachipe, (Tch, Psp. M.) TRUST.-Parriken, (Eng.) TRUSTED,-Pizarris, pizaurus, (Eng. UDDER, ---Perno, (Tch.) UGLY,-Nasukar,(Tch. Psp. M.); bi-sukar, (Tch.) UMBRELLA,-Mash, (Eng.); kiolghelik, (As. Tch.) UNCLE, --Koko, kokodus, (Eng.); kako, kakijalo, tatas, (Tch.); khalo, (As. Tch.); kak, M., M. 7) UNCLEAN TO EAT, -Mokkado, (Eng.) UNDER, -Tule, tuley, (Eng.); tala, tala, tal, (. . UNDER, from.---Telal, telo, teli, tili, (N.); tele. (M. 8) UNDERSTAND, to,-Aghalioviva, akhaliuvava, (Tch.); akhalava, (M. 7) UNDERSTAND, to cause to,-Aghalia kerava, (Tch.) UNDERSTANDING,Godi, M., M. 7) UNDONE -Bikunyie, (Eng.) UNFORTUNATE,-Bahtalo, (Pep. M.) UxLoose, to,-Puteriva, (M.) UNPITYING,-Bi-bukengoro, (Tch.) UNSUREW, to, -Deshrubuisariva, (M.) UNTIL, --Ji, jin, chi, chin, (Tch.); zhi, (M.) UNTO,-Ke, (Eng.) UNTWIST, to-Buruviva, buvava, (Tch. M. 7) UP,--Apre, (Eng.); vucho, uch8, (Teh.)opre, upre, (M.); opre, (Tch., Pep. M.) UPPER,-Praio, (Eng.) U Pox-Opral, opre, oprey, (Eng); opre, (Tch.) UPRIGHT, -Dikino, dikiko, (Tch.)

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FEBRUARY, 1887.] AN ENGLISH-GIPSY INDEX. URINAL-Valiaro, (Tch.) WAIT, to - Arakavava, ujakeriva, (Tch.); ashavit, URINE ---Mutra, (Eng.); muter, (Tch., Pep. M., azhakarava, beshava, (M.); ujava, (M.; M. 8); amter, (As. Tch.) WALK, to,-Jalava, pirkva, (Eng.); piriva, (Tch.); URINE, to void, -Mutriva, (Eng., Tch., Psp. M.) usht'arava, (M.) URINE, voiding (act of),--Muteribe, (Tch.). WALK, a---Piribe, (Tch.); preumblare, apaciru, Use, to,-Fologesarava, M spaciri, specir, spremblare, (M.) WALK, to cause to,-Piraviva, (Tch.) V. WALNUT tree. --Akhorin, akorin, (Tch.) VAGABOND, --Usbek, (Tch.) WALL-Prispa, perete, parete, paret'e, zedu, (J.) Vais, in,-Yive, yive, (M.) WAR, -Chingaripen, (Eng.); bataliye, bataliye, VALUE, to,-Shccuiva, (M) bataliya, betelfya, (M.) . Valley,--Nei, (As. Tch.); khar, (M.) WARES,-Marfa, (M.) VAPOUR,-Pakhu, (M.) WARM, Tatto, (Eng., Tch., Pap. M.); tato, M., VAT,-Bat'a, durult, M., M. 7) M. 8) VAULT (of baked earth),- Imbrani, inbrali, (Tch.) WARM, to,-Tatarava, (M.) VEGETABLE, --Shakh, (M.); drab, (M.7) WARM, to be, -Tat'orava, .) VEHICLE,--Amiksi, (Tch.); kangri, (As. Toh.) WARRANT, 2,-Godli, (Eng.) Vern-Zila, (Tch.) WANDER, to,-Vandruiava, vandrnisariva, (M.) VERY,-Bute, (Eng.); pre, zores, zcros, (M.) WANDERER,--Vandrivniko, (M.) VERY BEAUTIFUL-Prekrasna, (M.) WARRIOR,-Chinga-guero, (Eng.); voyniko, voy. VERY CITTLE,-Khanroricha, (Tch.) niku, (M.) VERY WELL, -Misto dusta, (Eng.) 'WART,-Negu, (37.) VEXATION,-Chude, (M.) Wash, to-Tovava, (Eng., Tch., Pep. 11.): VICTUAL9,--Habben, (Eng.) thovava, khavava, M., M.S) VILLAGE, -Gav, (Eng., Tch., Psp. M., M. 7); di, Wash, to cause to.---Tovavava, (Tch.) (As. Tch.); gau, (M.) WASHED, to be, -Tovghiovava, (Tch.); kball VILLAGERS ---Gavudno, (Tch.) oviva, (M.) VINE, VINEYARD,-Res, (dim.) rezoro, (Tch., WASHING, -Toibe, (Tch.) Psp. M.) WASHING DAY,-Toving divvus, (Eng) VINEBRANCH, ---Klimat'icha, (Tch.) WASH-HAND basin,-Lekun, lidnos, lokini, (Tch.) VIXE DRESSER, --Resungoro, (Tch.) WATCH,-Ora, (Eng.); (guard,) varta, (M.) VINEGAR,--Chot, chute, (Eng.); shut, shutko, WATCH, to,-Chokava, (Eng.); peshtiava, poshti (Tch.); shut, (Psp. M., M. 8) sariva, peziava, pozosaravu, (..) VIOLIN, --Chatara, (M.) WATCHMAN, Chok-engro, (Eng.) VIPER, -Sappni, (Tch.) WATER, -Pani, pawni, (Eng.), pani, (dim.) panori, VIRAGO.-Grasni, grasnakkur, (Eng.) pai, (Tch.); bani, (As. Tch.); pai, (M.); VIRGIN.-Gueri, (Eng.) pani, (M. 8, Psp. M.) VIRGINITY,-Pachi, (Span. Gip.) WATER, to,-Pani dara, Tch., Psp. M.) VISCERA.-Buko, (dim.) bukoro, (Tch.) WATER-CLOSET,-Khendi, (Tch.) VISCERA, of or belonging to,--Bukoskoro, (Tch.) WATER-CRESS-Panishey shok, Eng.) VISIBLE, to become, Dikyovava, (M.) WATERMAN,--Pani-mengro, (Eng.) VIS-A-VIS,-Mamti, (Tch.) WATER-MELON,-Karpazi, kherbuzo, (Tch.); kharVoice-Glas, glasu, (M.) bize, kharbuzi, (As. Tch.) Vomit, to.---Chattava, (Tch.); shadiva, (M.); cha WATERY,-Pawnugo, (Eng); panialo, panioskro, tava, (M. 7); chartava, chattiva, (Psp. M.) (Tch.) VOMITING, --Chattipe, (Tch.); chartimpe, chat- WATER, to make. -Pani kerava, choravava, (Tch.) timpe, (Pap. M.) WAVES,- Valure, (M.) Vow,-Jam, (Tch.) Wax,--Mom, (Tch., M. 8); mum, (M.) VULTURE, -Holturu, (M.) WAS-TAPER, -Momeli, mumeli, (Tch.); mumeli. (M.) W WAY,-Drum, kale, (M.); drom, (M. 7) WAGER, -Basi, (Tch.); remeshigu, (M.) WE,-Men, (Eng); amon, (Teh.); emi, (Ag. Teh ); WAGGON,--Vordon, bordon, ordon, (Tch.); badka, ame, (M.); amen, (M. 7) kerdca, (a kind of) brichka, vurdun, urdon, WE ARE,-Simen, (Eng.) vordan, (dim.) vurdonuoro, (M.); vordon, We, and ---Ameya, (Tch.) (M. 8) WEAK, --Slabo, nasfalo, M.) WAISTCOAT, -Bengre, (Eng); blani, (Span. Gip.) | WEAVING, coarse,-Cola, (...)

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72 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1887. WEAR CLOTHES, to,-Uryava, oryava, urydasa, WHITE, speckled with.-Bryazu, (M.) (Tch.); uriava, (M. 8) WHITER, --Parnedor, (Tch.) WEDDING-Biav, (Tch.); abeu, kununiya, kanuni- WHITE, to become,- Parniorava, (Tch.) ye, nunta, (M.) WHITEN, to,--Parniariva, (Tch.) WEDNESDAY,-Tetrad', tetrad'i, (M.) WHITENESS, --Parnipe, (Tch.) WEDDING-GUEST,-Nuntash, (M.) WHITISH,--Parnoro, (Tch.) WEDGES,- Pene, (M.) WHITHER,-Kay, (M.) WEED-Bur, (M.) WHO---Savo, koin, (Eng.); kon, savo, (Tch., M.; WEED, to,Hunavara, preshiava, preshisarava, kon, (M.7., Psp. M.) (M.) WHO IS IT?--Se se, (Eng.) WEEK,-Krikni, krakey, krakauros, krokos, WHOLE.-Chollo, (Eug.); bur, (Tch.); sagre, sauru, kurkey, kurko, (Eng.) sauro, soru, se, cntregu, (M.); bur, (M. 7) WEEP, to,-Rovava, (Eng); rovava, ruviva, (Tch.); WHY, -So, sostar, (Tch.); soske, (Psp. M.) rovem, (I weep) (Tch. Tok.); copiava, WICKED,Wafodu, wafudo, (Eng.); gorko, chunrovava, (M.); rovava, (M. 8, Psp. M.) galo, jungalo, zungalo, (Tch.); kharibi, WEIGH, to-Kentariava, (M.) (As. Teh.); nasal, M.) WEIGHT.--Paribe, (Tch.); varia, (Psp. M.) WICKEDNESS,Wafodu-pen, (Eng); gorkip, WELL, (ad.)--Misto, mistos, (Eng.); laches, Tch. (Tch.); nasuli mas, nasulipi, M.) . Psp. M.) Widow,-Pivli, pivley-gueri, (Eng); pivli, (Tch. WELL, to make,-Kairava misto, (Eng) Psp. M.); phiuli, (M.) WELL, a,-Khaning, khanink, khaink, (Tch., Psp. M.) WIDOW LADY,---Pivley-raunie, (Eng.) Well, of or belonging to,-Khaningakoro, (Tch.) WIDOW, to become a, or widower,-Pivliovarit, WESTWARD,--Penchya, pechoi, pethoi, (As. Tch.) (Tch.) WET,-Kindo, (Eng.); shuslo, (Tch.); tunde, (As. WIDOWER,--Pirlo, pisley-guero, (Eng.); pivlo, Tch.); sapano, shuslo, tindo, (M. 8) (Tch.); phivio, (M. 8) Wer, to-Shusliarava, shuslerava, (Tch.); thind'a- WILL-Voya, voye, (M.) ruva, (M.) WIFE,-Jura, jurali, manushi, (Eng.): romni, WET, to be --Shusliovava, (Tch.) (Teh., Psp. M.); romni, gazhi, (M.) WHAT -So, (Eng., Psp. M.); kari, savo, so, WiFE, brother of a.-Salo, (Tch, M. 8., Psp. M.) (Tch.); savo, 80, sou, (M.); 80 WIFE, sister of a, --Salt, (Psp. M., Tch.) WHAT FOR ?-?oskey, (Eng.) WILD, -Solbatiko, M.) WHAT KIND OF P-Che, (M.) WILDERNESS, ---Zapusta, (M.) WHAT IS IT P-So, si, (Eng.) WIND,-Bavol, beval, Eng.); dakhos, dukho, Wheat ---Giv, (Eng.); ghiv, iv, (Tch.); d'iu, (M.) palval, balval, (Tel.); vai, (As. Teh.); WHEEL, -Per, asan, (Tch.); ruata, rota, (M.); asun, balval, M., M. 7); palval, Pep. M) (Psp. M.) WINDOW,--Dicking hev, (Eng.) vudar, dar, dal; WHELP,-Rukono, (Tch., Psp. M.) (Tch.) feryista, (dim.) ferestuyka, (M.). WHEN,-Kanna, (Tch., Pap. M.); kana, kana, (M.) WINDOW-GLASS,--Stegla, (Tch.) kana, (M. 7) WINDY,-Barano, (Eng.); palralinghere, (Tch.) WHENCE,-Katar, (Tch., Psp. M.); katar, kathar, WINE, -Mol, mul, (Eng.); mol, (dim.) molori, (M.) Teh); mul, (M.); mol, (M. 8., Pep. M.) WHERE ---Kah, kai, (Eng.); karin, (Tch., Psp. M.); WINE, who makes or sells -Moliakoro, molien kay, karing, karin, (1.); ka, karing, goro, (Tch.) katar, kia, (M.7) WING, --Pak, (Tch., Pep. M.); phak, (M., M. 8) WHEREFORE,--Soskey, (Eng.) Wixxow, to,-Purira, (Tch.) WHET, to,- Astarava, (Tch.) WINNOWED, to be, --Parghiovara., (Tch.) WHETTED, to be,-Astarghiovava, (Tch.) WINTER,-Wen,; (Eng.); vent, vend, (Tch.); isend, WHICH, -Savo, so, (Eng.) (M., M. 7); vent, (Pep. M.) WHINE, to,-Cepiava, (M.) WINTRY,-Venteskoro, (Teh.) WHIP,-Chokni, chukni, (Eng.); chokano, (a staff) WIPE, to,-Kosava, (M.); khosava, (M. 7); cf. (Hun. Gip.); haramniko, harimniku, (M.) CLEAN, to. WHIP-HAND,-Chukni-wast, (Eng.) WISDOM, -Jimepen, (Eng.) WHISTLE, -Shon, (Tch., M. 8); shol, (M.) WISE MAN, a, -Jinney-mengro, (Eng) WHISTLE, to,---Shayerisarava, (M.) WISE, sayings of the --Jinney-mengreskey-rokraWHITE.-Parno, pauno, (Eng.); parno, (Tch); penes, (Eng.) bunari, penari, parno, (As. Teh.): Darno. Wisu, to-Karniva, Eng, Per. M., M.7); (M., M. 8, Pep. M. kamuva, mangava, Tch., M.)

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FEBRUARY, 1887.) AN ENGLISH.GIPSY INDEX. WITCH-Chovahani, chowian, chuvvenhan, WORK, to,-Butyava, zakeva, (Eng.); chat chohawni, (Eng.); maisa, (Tch.); chokhai, ker, (As. Tch.); but'arava, (M.) (M.) WORKHOUSE, --Choveno ker, (Eng.) WITH, --Sar, (Eng); ku, pe, (M.) WORKING.-Butying, (Eng.) WITH CHILD,-Shuvali, (Eng.) WORKMAN, -Kerri-mengro, (Eng.); butikkoro, WITHDRAWN, to be ---Dariovava, duraniovava, (Tch.) (Tch.) WORLD.-Tem, (Tch.); lame, (M.); sveto, (M. 8) WITHDRAWN, -Durghe, dur, (Tch.) WORM,-Kermo, ghermo, (din.) kermoro, (ch.); WITHIN, --Inna, inner, (Eng.); enre, (Span. Gip.); t'ermo, t'irmo, (M.); kermo, (M. 7, Psp. andre, une, inde, (Tch.); andro, (Psp. M.) M.7) Worms, full of,-Kermalo, (Tch.) WITHIN, from,- Andral, (Tch.); andral, M.) WORMS, to be eaten by,-Kermaliovava, (Tch.) WITHIN, of or belonging to,-Andraluno, (Tch.) Worse, -Wafoddder, (Eng.) WITHOUT -- Avri, (Toh.), bahara, (Ag. Tch.); WORTH, -Mol, (M. 8) avri, avryal, (M.); (sine) bi, (Eng., Teh., WRAP UP, to,Envelosarava, (M.); pakiarava, Psp. M., M. 7.) (Tch., M. 8) WITHOUT, of or belonging to.--Avrutno, Tch.) WRESTLE, to,-Usharava, (Tch.) WITNESS, to bear,-Adeveriava, adeverisarava, WRESTLER,-Wusto-mengro, (Eng.) (M.) WRESTLING,-Usharibe, (Tch.) WIZARD,-Chovahano, chohawno, (Eng.) WRITE, to--Skrijava, skriisarava, (M.); skrinaWoe!--Vay, (M.) vava, (M. 8); grafava, (Psp. M.) WOE IS ME!--Tugnis amande, (Eng.) WRITING, a,- Lil, (M.) WOLF,-Ruv, ruf, (Tch.); ru, rua, (M.); ruv, (M. 8, WRITTEN,Hramumi, skriimi, (M.) Pap. M.) WRONG, --Bango, (Eng.) WOMAN,--Menushi, mort, juwa, juvali, (Eng.); manushni, romci (dim.) romnori, (Tch.); Y l'omni, gazhi, zhuvli, zhuli, (M.); juvel, (M. 7) YARD-Oograda, (M.) WOMAN OF LOW CONDITION, --Zhupun&sa, (M.) YARD, long,-Kuykke, (M.) WOMAN, outrageous,-Grasni, grasnukkur, (Eng.) Yaws, to,-Khamnizava, (Tch.) WOMB.-Odhi, od'i, (M.) YEAR, -Bersh, besh, bershor, (Eng.) ; bersh, Wonder, to-Miriava, (M.) bresh, (Tch.); bers, vers, (As. Tch.); Woo, to-Logodiava, logodisarava, mangava, bersh, bershuro, (M.); bersh, (M. 8, Psp. (M.) M.) W00,-- Kasht, kash, (Tch., Psp. M.,); gashd, (As. YELLOW,--Zerdi, zarde. (As. Tch.) Tch.); kasht, (M., M. 7) Yes,-Owli, ava, avali, (Eng.); va, (Tch.); beli. WOOD, 1,--Wesh, (Eng.); vesh, (Tch.); dumbrava, (As. Tch.); va, (Psp. M.) vosh, vosbu, vesh, vorsh, (M.); vesh, YESTERDAY,-Wafo divvus, kalliko, kolliko, (M. 8) (Eng.); yich, ich, hija, (As. Tch.): yich, Wooden-Koshtno, (Eng.); kashtunanU, (Tch.); (M., Psp. M.); ich, M. 7) kashtuno, (M.) YESTERDAY, day before, ---Yichaver, (Tch.) WOODMAN.-Weshengro, (Eng.); kurktoskoro, YET, -May, (M.); achai, (Psp. M.) (Tch.) Yoke,-Khamuti, (Tch.) WOODPECKER,-Graure, grauri, (M.) YOKE OF OXEN, --Zhato, (M.); juto, (M. 7) Wood, to become hard like,-Kashtiorara, (Tch) | YONDER,-Dov-odoy, dovoy-oduvva, (Eng); ko. Wool-Posun, poshom, (Tch.); peshom, (As.Teh.); thar, (M.) POBhom, (M., M. 8); DOHOu, (Psp. Mi.) | You,-Trunon, (Teh., M. 8); tume, tumf, (M.) Wool, cloth of sheep-Thalik, (M. 8) YOUNG,Terno, yerno, (dim.) ternoro, khurdo, tikWoolLaN, --Talleno, (Eng.); posomakoro, (Tch.) no, (Tch.); tarni (As. Tch.); tornoru. WOOLLY --Poshomalo, (Teh.) . ternoro, (M.); torno, (M. 8); terno, yerni, WORD --Lav, (pl.) lavior, (Eng.); lav, vrakeribe, tikno, (Psp. M.) (Tch.); alau, burba, (M.); lav, (M. 8, Psp.M.) | YOUNG MAN. Ternahar, (M.) WORK --Kairipen, buche, butsi, buty, baty, (Eng.); Your, --Tumaro, Tch, M., M. S) buti, but'i, bhuti, shozetoare, (M.); buti, YOUTH, --Ternipe, khurdipe, (Tch.); tarnoi, As. (M. 7) Teh.); ternimata, terninata (M.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1887. MISCELLANEA. CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES. February, which date represents, by both the No. 3. southern and the northern system, the full-moon In the Wani grant of the Rashtrakata king tithi of the month Phalguna of the preceding Govinda III., from the Dindori Taluka of the year, Saka-Sathvat 728. Nasik District, the details of the date (ante, No. 4. Vol. XI. p. 159, and Plate, l. 46 f.) are - Saka- Another inscription, that requires to be noticed npipa-kal-&tita-samvatsara-sateshu saptasu tritu- in connection with the preceding, is the Radhanpur sad-adhikeshu Vyaya-samvatsare Vaisakha-rita- grant of the same king, from Gujarat. In this, paurnamast - somagrahana - mahaparvani, -"in the details of the date (ante, Vol. VI. p. 68, and seven centuries of the years that have gone by Plate, 1. 53f.) are -- Saka-npipa-kal-&tita-samvatfrom the time of the Saka king, increased by sara-satishu saptasu trimsad-uttaroshu Sarvajin. thirty; in the Vyaya sanatsara ; on the great namni sauvatsare Sravana-bahula amavasyim consion of an eclipse of the moon on the full. saryagrahana parvasi,"in seven centuries of moon tithi of the bright fortnight of the month) the years that have gone by from the time of the Vaisakha." Sak, king, increased by thirty; in the 'sa hvatsara This gives us, for calcnlation, Saka-Samvat 730 named Sarvajit; on the occasion of an eclipse of (A.D. 808-9), the Vyaya sariwatsara, both cur the sun on the new-moon tithi of the dark fort. rent; the full moon tithi of the month Vaisakha night of the month) Srivana." (April-May); and an eclipse of the moon, which This gives us, for calculation, Saka-Samvat 730 A.D. 808-9), the Sarvajit sasuvatsara, both of course took place on the fifteenth tithi, current; the new-moon tithi of the month but the fourteenth, fifteenth, or sixteenth solar Sravana (July-August); and an eolipse of the day, as the case may be, of the bright fort. sun, which, of course, took place on the fifteenth night. And, as the contents of the inscription tithi, but the fourteenth, fifteenth, or sixteenth connect it absolutely with the neighbourhood in solar day, as the case may be, of the dark fortnight. which it was found, a locality within the limits The inscription comes from a place which is within of Southern Indi.., all the details of the date the limits of Northern India. But the charter have, primi facie, to be treated in accordance recorded in it was issued from Mayarakhandi, with the Southern system. which Dr. Buhler identified with the modern By tho Tables, however, Suka-Sathvat 730 Morkhanda, a hill-fort in the Nasik District. (A.D. 808-9) in Southern India was the Surva And, among the places mentioned in defining dharin sasivatsart; the Vyaya sa watsura was the boundaries of the village that was granted, we Saka-Sainvat 728; and the intervening year, have Rasiyana, as the chief town of the bhukti, Saku-Barnvat 729, was the Sarvajit s atsara. and the river Sinha.. These, undoubtedly, are Daking the calculation first for Saka-Samvat respectively the modern Rasin, in the Ahmad 28. the Vyuya samoutsara, the approximate nagar District, and the modern Bina, which result. by Gen. Cunninghau's and Mr. C. Patell's rises about fourteen miles west of Ahmadnagar, Talies, is Wednesday, the 8th April, A.D. 806. and flows into the Bhima about twenty miles On this day, however, there was no eclipse of south of Solapur. These details, therefore, conthe moon. There was such an eclipse on the nect the inscription itself absolutely, with Southern Bth March of that year. But this English date India; and also prove a clear instance of the represents, by both the southern and the northern travelling of a copper-plate charter which I have system, the fall moun tithi of the preceding Hindu noticed, as being always possible, at page 43 month, Chaitra above, note 1. Next, for Suka-Samvat 730, the Sarvadharin We have seen above that the Sarvajit samunt. savivatsara, the result, in the same way, is Satur- sara was Saka-Samvat 729, and Saka-Saravat 730 lay, the 15th April, A.D. 808. But, for this was the Sarvadharin sa vatsara. year, no lunar eclipse is recorded at all, in Gen. Making the calculation first for Saka-Samvat Cunningham's Tables. 729, the Sarvajit sanatsara, the approximate And finally, for Saka-Sarovat 729, the Sarvajit result, by the southern system, by Gen. Cunsasvulsara, the result, in the same way, is Tucs. ningham's and Mr. C. Patell's Tables, is Sunday, day, the 27th April, A.D. 807. On this day, the 8th August, A.D. 807. On this day, however, however, there was no eclipse of the moon. And there was no eclipse of the sun. And the nearest the nearest lunar eclipse was that of the 26th solar eclipses are those of the 11th February, A D * Cunninghai's Indian Eras, p. 219. ! ante, Vol. VI. p. 64. * Read lahul-Am vasya-stiryagrahana.

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FEBRUARY, 1887.] MISCELLANEA. 75 807, and the 31st January, A.D. 808; neither of Chinese officials at Peking themselves are unable which, by any means whatever, will answer to to answer the question. This is due to the system the recorded details. of farming out the collections. The principal But, for Saka-Samvat 730, the Sarvadharin source of income is the Land Tax, which is now. sanwatsara, the result, in the same way, is adaye much lower than it formerly was, from Thursday, the 27th July, A.D. 808; and on this various causes, amongst the chief of which may day there was an eclipse of the sun, as required." be mentioned the Taeping Rebellion. In every And, to complete the facts for the three years district a register is kept, containing the name of under discussion, the result, in the same way, for every possessor of land, and no transfer of landed Saka-Samvat 728, the Vyaya sanwatsara, is Tues. property is legal which is not noted therein. In day, the 18th August, A.D. 806. But, on this day, many districts, however, the District register has there was no eclipse of the sun. And the only fallen into the greatest confusion, which materially solar eclipse recorded for that year, occurred on interferes with the collection of revenue. This the 16th September: i.e. on the new-moon day of is interesting to European officials, who remember the next month, Bhadrapada, according to the the state of the General Registers in Bengal some southern system; or, according to the northern five or six years ago. The present land revenue system, of the following month, Akvina. of China is estimated at about 20 million taels, The fact that in these two inscriptions Saka against 32 millions in former favourable years. Samvat 730 is coupled with both the Vyaya and The next item of revenue is the tax on natural the Sarvajit samvatsaras,-taken with the fact products. It is difficult to calculate the value that, according to the southern reckoning, it of this, as it is principally paid in kind, but the apparently should really have the name of Sarva author estimates it as being worth to the Chinose dharin,- led to the belief that there was some Government about 74 million of taele, which, mistake in these two dates. however, is but a small portion of that actually The solar eclipse, however, of the Radhanpur collected. A third item of revenue is the Salt grant, seems to make it certain that the year Monopoly, which forms an important factor in intended really is Saka-Samvat 780. Chinese Finanoe. The management and system There remains a difficulty about the lunar of this department is so complex that some eclipse of the Wani grant; since the Tables give details of its administration are necessary, which no eclipse that will suit the recorded details. the author gives. The income from this source But here I shall leave the matter; having is about 10 million taels. written the above notes as introductory to a paper The second paper is a translation of portions a by Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit, who, I understand, will of an essay by Mr. S. B. Todd, on the Diamond prove that the record of Saka-Samvat 730 in Fields of South Africa. So also is the fourth, both grants, coupled with the names of two taken from the Journal of Indian Art, and deal. beparate sariwatsaras, is quite correct. ing with Bidari Ware. The third paper (signed v. N.) is a most in J. F. FLEET. teresting abstract of General Prshewalski's Journeys of Discovery in Central Asia. The PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP first journey (1871-1873) extended to the sources No. 3. of Blue River. The third journey (1877) resulted (1) Oesterreichische Monatsschrift fur den in the discovery of the source of the Yellow River. Orient, for 15th May 1886. The first article | The fourth (1883), which was attended with some (unsigned) deals with the Revenue Resources of fighting, was through Northern and Southern China. It is dated from Shanghai, and is Saidam, and thence to the Blue River, where he evidently written by one well versed in the was stopped by the Tanguts, and had to fight his subject. Previous writers, says the author, in- way back to Saidam. cluding Dr. Williams, author of the Middle Amongst the Miscellaneous Notes, is an inKingdom, have been unable to estimate, even teresting one on the clothing of the followers of approximately, the amount of the revenue, the Mahdi. The clothing consists in a pair of nor is this to be wondered at, when even the drawers, a kind of shirt with wide sleeves called * Cunningham's Indian Eras, p. 212. I myself took it (ante, Vol. XI. p. 157; and Dynasties of the Kanaren Districts, p. 34) that Saka-Samvat 730 was an error, in the Wani grant, for 728, and in the Radhanpur grant, for 729. Dr. E. G. Bhandarkar (Early History of the Dekkan, pp. 106, 107) considered that, in the Radhanpur grant, we have, somewhat un. usually, a Sah year and a samvatsara both ourrent, and, in the Want grant, contrary to the (in his opinion) oustomary method, current Saka year, with paat Rathvatsara. Dr. Buhler (ante, Vol. VI. p. 71, note) remarked that the Sarvajit santwataara corresponds to Saka-Sathvat 731. But this is according to the northern reckoning of the cycle.

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76 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1887. jubba or taqla according to its shape, and a pair of pointed shoes of red leather. Stockings are prohibited. There are some curious particulars w to the kinds of jubba which are prohibited. The Review contained in this number is - (a) Armenian Literature, by Dr. Joh. Hantaz, an article founded on the Armeno od Indo-Europeo Ricerche di Carlo Moratti, fascicolo 1o, A-B. Bergamo, 1885; and on the Materialy dlya armyanskago slovarya (Materials for an Armenian Dictionary); by K. P. Potkanov, Vols. I and II., St. Petersburg, 1882-84. The first of these notes deals with the Indo-European element in Armenian, which is severely handled. The author is said to be ignorant of Comparative Grammar, and the book is called worthless and exces. sively priced. The second is the work of a well-known Russian author on Armenian. He is the great authority of the present day on the modern Armenian dialect, and his new contri. bution deals not only with that form of the language, but with the whole question of Armenian Philology and History. (2) Oesterreichische Monatsschrift fur den Oriont, for 15th June, 1886.-In this number the paper on the Revenue Resources of China is concluded. The author now deals with the Imperial customs and excise and with the Likinor Provincial customs. He finally estimates the total revenue of China as follows:Land Tax in cash... 24 million taels. Do. in kind... 7 >> Salt Monopoly, and Likin on Salt ...... 9.5 >> Customs................. 13 Excise & Opium Tax. 5 Likin ....................... 9-5 >> Under Miscellanous Notes we may refer to a description of the square bamboo of Japan taken from the Chinese Recorder, also to a note on the use of snuff in China, showing that the custom obtained there so far back as 1687. In this number the Reviews are (a) The catalogue of MSS. in the Berlin Library, Vol. V., Sanskrit and Prakrit MSS. by A. Weber, Part II. (Brahmanic Literature), Berlin 1886. The Review is by Dr. Buhler, and is interesting and important. The most noteworthy MSS. are those of the rare Jainendravyakarana, and of the Sabdanuldsana of Hemacherya.-() Kurzgefasster Ueberblick uber die baby-lonisch-assyrische Literatur (a Compact Survey of the Babylonian-Assyrian Literature), with a chronological excursus, two Registers and index to 1,700 clay tablets in the British Museum, by Carl Bezold, Leipzig, 1986, Otto Schulze. The Review is by D. H. Muller. A handbook, at once compact and at the same time aiming at the greatest possible completeness, of the many scattered essays, &c., on the subject, has long been a desideratum to the student. Herr Bezold has filled the gap most satisfactorily. (c) Dr. Buhler notices the foundation of the Madras Sanskrit and Vernacular Text Society. Prof. Oppert is its Honorary Secretary, and will shortly publish, through it, the Grammar of Sakatayana. (3). Oesterreichische Monatsschrift fir den Orient, for 15th July.-The leading article in this number deals with the Economio Prospects of Upper Burma, and is from the pen of Herr Emil Schlagintweit. It is to be regretted that this interesting paper cannot be printed at length It is valuable at the present moment as coming from one who is evidently thoroughly acquainted with his subject, and who gives an impartial socount of the results of the British occupation of that province. The paper commences with an account of the inhabitants whom the writer divides into Burmans, or inhabitants of the low-lands, and the Khyengs, Karens, and Shans, or inhabitants of the hills. The first comprise four-fifths of the population, and immigrated in pre-historic times from the eastern portion of the Himalayas, but have intermingled with the Shans and other races, so as to change both in appearance' and in customs. In dealing with Burmese habits the writer notices that "a far more lovely, and under Eastern Governments rarer, trait, is a strong love of truth." How the overworked official in an Indian Kachahri would sigh for an admixture of Burmese traita amongst the witnesses whom he examines, if he only knew this! The principal cultivation is of rice, cotton, and garden stuffs, while the most noteworthy handicrafts are gold Total... 68 million taels. The principal hindrances to a reform in the Chinese revenue are the following: (1) the Autonomy of the Provinces; (2) the private interests of the Mandarins, whose name is legion; (3) the consequences of the Taeping Rebellion, under which many provinces still suffer; (4) treaties with Foreign Powers, by which the rates of Customs are fixed; (5) distrust in foreigners. The whole series of articles is specially noteworthy, even only so far as showing the interest taken in China by Germans. The next article, though most interesting, has little reference to India, and deals with the Ancient Relations between Green6 and Egypt. It is signed Rudolf von Scala. Then follows a continuation of Mr.Todd's paper on the Diamond Fields of South Africa.

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FEBRUARY, 1887.] and silver, a silversmith being a necessary artizan in every village. Another important manufacture is lacquer-work. In the larger towns, also handsome clothes and curtains are woven. The principal exports are rice, cotton, buffalo hide and horn, dried fish and fruit, spices, and timber. The hides and katechu go mainly to Singapore. The principal imports are silken stuffs and German salt. Germany exported 8,000 tons to Upper Burma, receiving wheat in exchange. An amusing paper on the Glories of the Indian and Colonial Exhibition, and another on German Affairs in the South Sea follow. Then comes the conclusion of Mr. Todd's papers on the Diamond Fields of South Africa. MISCELLANEA. Amongst the Miscellaneous Notes may be mentioned an important article on the town and the climate of Korea. The Reviews are (a) Alphabetic Index of the Assyrian and Akkadian words in the Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, Vol. II., by J. N. Strassmaier, S.J., Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1886. It is reviewed by Herr C. Bezold, who says of it: "The beauty, accuracy, and care with which the whole work is carried out, bear witness to the most eminent industry." He also calls it "A monumental work." (b) Travels on the PersoRussian Frontier, by Dr. Gustave Radde, Leipzig, Brockhaus, reviewed by Herr Friedrich Muller. The most valuable portion of the work is the contributions to geography, geology, botany and zoology (especially ornithology). (c) Internationale Zeitschrift fur Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft (International Journal for General Philology), Leipzig, Barth, Vol. II., 2nd half, reviewed by Friedrich Muller. This is a new philological magazine and is most favourably reviewed:-"We rejoice that our hopes of the continued existence of this Magazine have been fulfilled, and that the first volume has been so quickly followed by a second." The number concludes with a notice of Shankar P. Pandit's new edition of the Atharva-Veda, and a note on some new Asoka Inscriptions found in the North-West Provinces, both from the pen of Dr. Buhler. (4) Notes from the Proceedings of the Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres.-At the meeting of the 21st May 1886 M. Bergaigne read a paper on the Order of Classification of the hymns in the Rig-Veda, and found himself able to formulate the following rules:(i) The Rig-Veda was originally composed of seven books, which followed each other according to the number of hymns in each, arranged according to increase. (ii) In each book each series of hymns addressed to the same god or written in the 77 same metre succeeded the one preceding it according to the number of hymns in each, arranged according to decrease. (iii) In each series the hymns followed each other in decreasing order, according to the number of verses which each contained. (iv) If two hymns, which followed each other, had the same number of verses, that with the longer verses preceded that with the shorter ones. The apparent exceptions explain themselves on the principle of alterations or interpolations. M. Derenbourg pointed out that an analogous principle of classification was followed in certain parts of the Pentateuch, in the Quran, and especially in the Mishna, where it is observed with great rigour. In each of the sections of the Mishna, the tractates fellow each other in decreasing order according to the number of chapters which compose them. At the meeting of the 28th May M. Derenbourg gave further information on the same subject. He cited, as an example, the liturgical division of the Pentateuch into pericopes or Sabbatic lectures, distributed through the different feasts of the year, like the epistles and gospels for Sundays and Holidays in the Catholic Church. The first book of the Pentateuch, Genesis, contains twelve pericopes; the second, Exodus, eleven; the third Leviticus, ten; the fourth, Numbers, nine; and the fifth, Deuteronomy, eight. It is true that Numbers is at the present day divided into ten pericopes, but according to ancient tradition the eighth and the ninth originally formed only one. Deuteronomy appears to have eleven, but the ninth, tenth and eleventh are reserved for the feasts of the month Tishri, which is not a portion of the ordinary liturgical year. At the meeting of the 10th June, the priz Stanislas Julien was awarded to P. Seraphin Couvreur, for his Dictionnaire francais-chinois, contenant les expressions les plus usites de la langue Mandarine. The meeting of the 9th July was rendered more than usually interesting by M. Dieulafoy's report of the recent archaeological investigations at Susiana. 5) Revue Critique.-The number for June 7th is rendered specially interesting to Orientalists by a review of a Notice sur le livre de Barlaam et Joasapk, accompagnee d'extraits du texte grec et des versions arabe et ethiopienne, by H. Zotenberg, Paris, Maisonneuve, 1886, (reprinted from the notices of and extracts from the MSS. of the Bibliotheque Nationale). The history of Barlaam and Joasaph has been thoroughly gone into in the present work. According to the reviewer (who signs himself G. P.), the Greek text as we have it now has come to us from Indian sources, through the Pablarf and then the

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78 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1887 Syriac. He thus differs from M. Zotenberg who line ends with the words a: ,' what is the good believes the Greek text (founded, of course, on an of it,' repeated four times. Here are two examples. Indian base) to be the original one, and points out! The first is said to be by Kalidasa. The other is numerous citations in it from the Bible and the anonymous. Greek Fathers in support of his assertion. G. P. dhana parvatA vacaH siddhirUpaM is inclined to believe that these Christian addi. tions were inserted into the Greek translations in vapuH karmadakSaM kushaabhiiybuddhiH| a later recension. M. Zotenberg shows that the na dAnaM na zaktirna kIrtirna pAThabasis of the Greek version is some edition of the stataH kiM tataH kiM tataH kiM tataH kim / / Lalitavistara, and that the Chinese paraphrase Wealth, piled high as a mountain, but no f the Abhinishkramana-Satra is the one amongst liberality;-Eloquence, reaching to perfection, but those editions which approaches nearest to our no power:- A frame, skilled in action, but no fame; version. From a study of the theological portion An intellect, sharp as the point of kusa grass, but of the work M. Zotenberg is able to fix its date as no education :- What is the good of it P What is between A.D. 620 and 634, and considers it pro the good of it? What is the good of it?' hable that its author was John, Abbot of St. Saba Antiochus. In an appendix to the work he has zarIra surUpaM tathA vai kalatraM given :- 1) The Greek text of the non-evangelical gRhaM cArucitraM dhanaM merutulyam / upologues inserted in the Romance ;-(2) Extracts yazodAkizore mano nApi lagnaM from the Arabic version hitherto unpublished ; G: (3) Extracts from the Ethiopic version. Terra TG: fall G. A. GRIERBON. A handsome person, and a handsome wife; a gorgeous palace; and wealth piled high as Mount CURIOSITIES OF INDIAN LITERATURE. Meru :-If the heart is not fixed on the child of TATAR KIX VERSES. YasodA :-What is the good of them? What is the What are called tataH kim verses are very popular good of them in Mithild. They are called so because the last G. A. GRIERSON. BOOK NOTICES. THE UVASAGADABAO, or the Religions Profession of an is clear, and, by a happy idea, the rubrical direc. Uvisaga, expounded in ten lectures, being the seventh Abga of the Jains. Edited in the Original tions in the Prakpit text, as well as the catchPrakfit, with the Sanskrit commentary of Abhaya- words in the commentary, have been printed ders, and an English translation with notes, by in red type. In referring from the text to the A. F. RUDOLF HOERNTE. Published for the Biblietheca Indion, Caloutte 1885. Fascionlan I. commentary or translation, this will be found # By publishing this work Dr. Hoernle bas again most convenient arrangement, and deserves added to the heavy debt which all Prakrit scholars imitation in similar editions. Until some device owe to him. This first fasciculus consists of (1) corresponding to our Italic type is invented a preliminary introduction (pp. i-xi) describing for Devanagart, red type will remain almost a the MSS. which were available for the prepara." necessity for some classes of oriental work. tion of the work, and the critical principles fol. Some years ago, I suggested the adoption of the lowed by the author; (2) the text of the first Kaithi type of the Bengal Government, which runs ajjhayana of the Uvasagadas&o (pp. 1-41); (3) in "sorts" parallel with Devanagart, for this the Commentary thereof (pp. 1-30); and (4) the purpose, but the recommendation did not gain translation and notes (pp. 1-63). In itself it support. Kaithf very closely corresponds to our therefore forms a most complete manual for the Italic. It is the running hand of Devanagari, study of Jain Prakrit, and is, so far as I am from which it differs in little except the "body" aware, the only one in the English language. of the type, and in having the top line knocked The fact that works like the Bhagavati of Prof. off. Gujarati has already solved the problem by Weber, and the Ovaddiya-Sutta of Prof. Leumann using, when occasion requires, a thick-bodied type are in German, has barred them from a large corresponding to our " Egyptian." circle of readers, and the present work will, As its name denotes the Uvdsagadands (which is therefore, supply a long-felt want. the 7th Jain Anga) deals with the religious proBefore dealing with the contents of the work, / fession of Jain Upasaga, or lay-devotee. I would draw attention to the creditable style in The first lecture narrates how a merchant Ananda, which it has been issued from the press. The type and his wife SivanandA of Vaniyagama or Vai This though convenient translation is not strictly accurate; see p. 1 of translation.

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FEBRUARY, 1887.) BOOK NOTICES. 79 sali, which Cunningham places about 27 miles north of Patna, were converted by Mahavira, when on a visit to his native place, Kollaga, a suburb of that town. Avanda was a Kshatriya and belonged to the same clan (Ndya-kula, Skr. jnatyi-kula), and his name occurs in more than one of the Jain sacred books. Thus in the Hemachandra Yogabustra (III. 151) he is adduced as a typical example of a faithful Sravaka. After his conversion Ananda takes the twelve vows of a householder. Then he renounces certain gross sins, as follows: 1. Gross ill-usage of living beings. 2. Grossly lying speech. 3. Gross taking of things not given, i.e. theft or robbery. He next limits himself to contentment with his own wife, and to a certain amount or use of various possessions or articles (such as gold, &nimals, ploughs, toilet -articles, washing-water, food, drink, and perfumes) and finally renounces the four kinds of unprofitable employment, viz. 1. Malevolent conduct. 2. Inconsiderate conduct. 3. Giving of dangerous objects. 4. Directing of sinful deeds. With the above may well be compared the moral (as distinct from the disciplinary) com. mandments of Buddhism taken from chapter 107 of the Sutta-Nipdta. Buddha forbids 1. Verse 19, Destruction of life. 2. 20, Stealing anything. 3. 21, Adultery. 4. , 23, Lying. 5. 24, The use of intoxicating drinks. These are the five obligatory commandments (panchabila) binding on every Buddhist. It will be observed that the first, second and fourth, agree with the first, third, and second gross sins mentioned above. The third, adultery, agrees with the first limitation. The fifth is not speci. fically mentioned in the Uvdsagadasdd so far as publiehed. Mahavira then addresses Anande, and warns him to know and avoid five typical offences against each of various laws. The latter then recites a profession of faith, and returning home sends his wife Sivananda to Mahavira to receive instruction. Apanda lived fourteen years a blameless life as a house-holder, and then making over his household to his eldest son set up a pasaha house, in the Kollega suburb of the town, where he practised, in order, the eleven standards of self- mortification. At the conclusion of the last he became, as might be expected, emaciated and reduced to a skeleton, and then resolved to under. take the twelfth, and last, act of mortal emacer. ation by starving himself to death. While performing this he so developed his peychic forces and was vouchsafed the gift of such supernatural sight, that the monk Goyama refused to believe it, till he was certified of the fact by Mabavira himself. Finally, having made confessiou of sins and promise of amendment, and being sunk in deep spiritual abstraction, he attained his death, and was reborn a deva in the Arunu abode." The lecture concludes with a prophecy of Mahavira, that in after ages he would, in his next birth, obtain perfection in the great Videhu country. Such is the plot, if I may use the term, of the first book of this layman's bible. It gives much information regarding the doctrines of Jainisin, many of which can be usefully compared by the English-knowing reader with the corresponding tenets of Buddhism. One comparison has already been made above. Attention may also be drawn to another, that between the pusaha 'or Sunday ordinances (with the four-fold abstinence from food, bodily attentions, sexual intercourse, and daily work) of the Jains, and the uposatha or. dinances of the Buddhists. Many of Dr. Hoernle's notes are valuable historical or linguistic essays. A specimen of the former is the long account of Vaisal on pp. 3 ff. On page 16 there is a reference to an euphonic insertion of m in the compound agaru-kurkuma-chandana-m-adithin. There is . custom amongst the illiterate Brahmans of Tirhut, which may have some connection with this. If one of these wishes to pose as a learned man before his fellow-villagers, he uses lony Sanskrit words in talking Maithili, adding the syllable an (Sanskrit neut. nom.) to as many of them as possible, quite regardless of grammar or sense. It is de rigueur to lay as strong an accent as possible on this final syllable, in order to draw special attention to the speaker's learning. Thus you will hear one of these fellows saying 1 bar panditun," he is a great Bandit," instead of a bar pandit. Of course the learning of these men is beneath contempt. They are the laughing-stock, of real Pandits, and numbers of not very delicate stories are levelled at this peculiarity of theirs. On p. 34, there is an interesting note on the Jain meaning of the phrase "longing after this world. Here this world' does not mean the present world,' it means the world of men' as opposed to the world of Devas,' &c, and the reference is to a future rebirth into this world The reader in referred to the very interesting note on Vaisali and its suburbe, on pp. 39 . of Dr. Hoernle's translation. See Hemachandra's Yogasastra, II. 18-114.

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80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1887. of men. The ascetic is not to long after being | And its low price is not the only thing to reborn. recommend this new Bombay edition. Having been On p. 38, there is a new explanation of the got up after the fashion of European books, and puzzling word duruhai. Dr. Hoernle suggests being in one volume, the edition is much more that it is ud-rohati with metathesis of ud to handy than previous editions. And as the editor du. In the following note on the phrase no tin' has numbered the Satras consecutively, besides atths samatth4, Dr. Hoernle says-"A form ina, I giving their places in the Ashtadhyayf. and ha as an instrumental singular, is possible, after the also udded an alphabetical index of the Satras, analogy of tina; but its existence hitherto, so showing where the rules occur both in the far se I am aware, is unproved." It may be Siddhanta Kaumudi and in the Ashtadhydyt, the useful to draw attention to the fact that, although student is saved the trouble of preparing an index there is no classical Sanskrit demonstrative of the kind, which indeed is indispensable, for pronoun which would make its instrumental end, himself. The use of the book has been further still this very instrumental exists in the Vedio facilitated by appending, for the sake of ready language, e.g. in R. V. 1 1. 73, 9, where ena is trans. reference, their proper numbers to any rules lated by the commentators as anena. Many which have been quoted by Bhattojidikshita in Prakpit forms find their explanation in the older his commentary. Some errors or misprints of Vedic langnage. former editions have no doubt been repeated in Space will not allow me to discuss the other the present one. As in the Calcutta edition, the interesting essays contained in these notes. I rulo 1091 is wrongly made an optional rule. must content myself by specially referring my Similarly, under 2579 we are referred to P. II. 4, readers to those on the standards of an Uudsaga 51, and under 2601 to P. VI. 1, 31, while really the (p. 45), and on the five kinds of knowledge (p. 48). first rule is in the Ashtadhyayl VI. 1. 31, and the All scholars must hope for another instalment at second II. 4, 51. Under 2763 we have achami for an early date of a work begun so well. dchami, as in the Benares and Calcutta editions. GEORGE A. GRIERSON. But many mistakes of the other-editions certainly Bray, Co. Wicklow, 1st September 1886. have been correoted, and I therefore feel no hesi. tation in saying, that the work under notice is the The SIDDHANTA-KAUXUDI of BHATTOJIDIKSHITA, edit best edition of the Siddhanta-Kaumudi hitherto ed by KABINATH PANDURANG PABABA. Bombay, Niroayasagar Press, Sake 1807. 8vo., pp. 2,467, published 111, and 61. Besides the text of the Siddhanta-Kaumudi and The longer I am teaching Sanskrit in a German the index already mentioned, the editor has given University, the more often have I occasion to us in the shape of Parifishtas the original text of observe, that the difficulty of procuring the Panini's Ashtadhyay, the Ganapatha arranged in necessary books and the enormous prices charged the order of the Satras and Varttikas in which the for them are not the least among the obstacles in Ganas are referred to, the Dhatupdtha, Lingana the way of a more general and more extended 6dsana, and the so-called Rigveda redaction of study of Sanskrit in this country. It so happens, the Parintya-Sikshd. Of these, the two last that I intend to lecture on the Laghu-kaumudt. might well have been omitted; the more so because Unless I myself take care to provide a sufficient the text here printed undoubtedly contains numenumber of copies beforehand, I shall probably be rous mistakes. The text of the Ashtadhyay told by my students that only a single copy of the also, which generally follows the printed editions, work is for sale at Leipzic, and that the price of might by a comparison of good MSS. have been that one copy is 20 shillings. My pupils at Poona improved on more often still than has actually would have procured a hundred copies at a day's been the case. On the two other Paribishtas, notice, and would have paid 8 annas. I am grate. which no doubt are indispensable, I suspend my ful, then, for every effort made in India, be it by judgment, because I have not at hand the MSS. the Government or by private publishers, which which alone would enable me to test the value of may tend to lessen the difficulties we have to the texts here printed. contend with, and I gladly bring to the notioe of In conclusion, I may well say that this new the publio this neat edition of the Siddhanta- Bombay edition in every way is a decided improveKaumudi, for which we are indebted to the ment on previous ecz ions, and that it will be proprietor of the Nirnayasagar Press, and which gratefully received by the small number of Kuro. European students, if they set about it in the right pean scholars who take an interest in the national way, should be able to purchase for shillings, grammar of India while hitherto they have had to pay eight times F. KIELEORX as much for the Osloatta edition. Gottingen,

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MARCH, 1887.] A LUNAR FORTNIGHT OF THIRTEEN SOLAR DAYS. A LUNAR FORTNIGHT OF THIRTEEN SOLAR DAYS. BY J. F. FLEET, BO.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. RECENTLY had occasion to examine in I detail some Panchangs, or Hindu Almanacs, for the Saka years 1799 to 1808 inclusive; and, amongst other points of interest that came to my notice, is the fact that this series of years includes a lunar fortnight consisting of only thirteen solar days. Theoretically, and very often in practice also, the fifteen tithis of a lunar fortnight correspond to fifteen solar days. And, in practice, they very often, through expunction of a tithi, decrease to fourteen solar days; or, through repetition of a tithi, extend to sixteen solar days. But their reduction so far as to cover only thirteen solar days, can only happen through the expunction of two tithis in the fortnight, which is in itself rare enough; and, in every other instance that I have come across, the expunction of two tithis in one and the same fortnight has been accompanied by the repetition of another tithi in the same fortnight, which makes up the ordinarily minimum number of fourteen solar days. The lunar fortnight in question, consisting of only thirteen solar days, is the bright fortnight of the month Jyeshtha (May-June) of Saka-Samvat 1800 (A.D. 1878-79), the Bahudhanya samvatsara. I took my information, in the first instance, from the late Professor Kero Lakshman Chhatre's almanac, published by conjointly him and Pandurang Aba Joshi Moghe, in Bombay. According to this almanac, the first tithi of the bright fortnight of the month fell on Sunday, the 2nd June;' the second and fifteenth tithis were expunged; there was no repetition of a tithi; and thus the full-moon was represented by the fourteenth, instead of the fifteenth tithi, and this tithi fell on Friday, the 14th June. I would add, for completeness as regards the surroundings, that, in the following dark fortnight of the month, the fifth tithi was repeated, and there was no expunction of a tithi; and the new-moon, represented as In the preceding year, Saka-Samvat 1799, there was an intercalary month,-according to K. L. Chhatre's almanac, Sravana, and according to Ganpat Krishnajt's almanac, Jyeshtha; consequently, Saka-Samvat 1800 commenced rather late,-on the 3rd April; and, as a 81 usual by the fifteenth tithi of the fortnight or the thirtieth of the month, fell on Sunday, the 30th June. This brought the number of solar days in the dark fortnight up to sixteen, and the number in the whole month up to twentynine, which is the minimum number of solar days in a lunar month of the Hindu luni-solar year. The late Professor Kero Lakshman Chhatre was a well-known mathematician and astronomer, in Government Service; and his almanacs are more likely to be essentially correct than any other Native almanacs that I know of. But they differ from others considerably, even in leading points; notably in respect of the intercalation of months. And I am told that they are regarded rather as theoretical ones, intended to improve and rectify the calendar; and that they are not much used by Hindus for practical purposes. I therefore thought it desirable to compare, on so interesting a point, any other almanacs that I could obtain. And I have compared Ganpat Krishnaji's almanac, published in Bombay, which seems to be the best and most correct after Prof. K. L. Chhatre's, and is the one most in use in the Bombay Presidency; another almanac published at Poona by Pandurang Viththal Ranado; another published at Poona by Rawji Sridhar Gondhalekar; and a fourth, of which the title-page, &c., are missing. These four almanacs expunge the third tithi, instead of the second, of the bright fortnight of Jyeshtha; and repeat the fourth tithi, instead of the fifth, of the dark fortnight. But in all other respects they agree with Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Almanac; except, of course, in the ghatika and pala which give the end of each tithi, and the differences in which lead to the differences in the expanction and repetition. And the fact is thus established, that the bright lunar fortnight of Jyeshtha of SakaSamvat 1800 did consist of only thirteen solar days. result, Jyeshtha, contrary to the usual rule, did not include any part of May. 3 Witness, in particular, his Graha-addhanachim Koshtake, or Tables for calculating the Places of the Planets.

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82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1887. The circumstances of this fortnight furnish are. Chaitra, thirty; Vaisakha, thirty; and a pointed confirmation of my statement, at Jyeshtba, twenty-nine. page 42 above, that the results obtainable from Of course it will be found that innumer. Gen. Cunningham's and Mr. Cowasjee Patell' s able dates will work out correctly from the Tables ---or from any other Tables, the calcu- Tables in question. But the difference of one lations from which have to be based on the day, pointed out above, in respect of Jyeshtha supposition that each lunar fortnight of the (in Southern India; or, in Northern India, Hindu year covers a certain unvarying number Ashadha) krishna 1, is quite sufficient in of solar days,-can only be accepted as closely itself, apart from the fact that numberless approximate results. other similar instances might be quoted, -to Sappose we have, in a Hindu book or in- establish my position that the results obtainable scription, the record of Saka-Samvat 1800, the from such Tables are only to be taken as month Jyeshtha (in Southern India; or, in approximately correct; though they are of conNorthern India, the following month, Ashadha), siderable use, as giving by easy and quick the dark fortnight, the first tithi, Sanivara or means, clues as to the dates for which correct Saturday. It is required to find, by means of results may be established by more accurate their Tables, the corresponding English date. processes. By both the Tables, Saka-Sarvat 1800 As might be expected, references to so excepshould commence, -as in the Native alma- tional an occurrence as a lunar fortnight of nacs,-on Wednesday, the 3rd April, A.D. thirteen solar days, are to be found in Sans1876. The tithi in question should fall on the ksit literature. seventy-fifth solar day of the year. And the Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit has drawn my attention result would be Sunday, the 16th June. But, to the following verses in the Mahabharata, owing to preceding expunctions and repeti- Bhishmaparva, adhaya iii, vv. 28, 32, 33, in the tions, the tithi in question really fell on the speech of Vyasa to Dhritarashtra, shortly seventy-fourth solar day of the year; viz. before the commencement of the war between Saturday, the 15th June. And there would the Pandavas and the Kauravas, in which he have been a difference of two days, instead of describes a number of phenomena and evil one; but that the preceding month, Vaisakha, omens, indicative of the great slaughter that renlly consisted of thirty solar days, -instead there would be in the war :of only twenty-nine, as should be the case in Chandr-adityav=ubhau grastay= accordance with the theoretical arrangement of ek-ahna hi trayodasim the months given in the Tables in question. &-parvani grahan yatau A later date in the same year,--the month praja-samkshayam=ichchhatah | 28 Ashadha, the bright fortnight (southern and Chaturdasim panchadasim northern), the first tithi, Chandravara or Mon- bhuta-purvam cha shodasim day,-works out correctly by the same Tables ; imam tu n-abhijane=bam= with the result of Monday, the 1st July. But L amavasyam trayodasim this is only because it happens to occopy its | chandra-suryav=abhau grastav= theoretically normal place on the ninetieth @ka masim trayodasim 11 32 solar day of the year. This, however, is in A-parvani grahen-aitau consequence of an arrangement of the preced- prajah samkshapayishyatah ing months different from the theoretical one masa-varshan panas-tivramgiven by Gen. Cunningham and Mr. C. Patell. asit-krishna-trayodasimi According to them, Chaitra should include sonitair=vaktra-sampurna thirty solar days; Vaisakha, 'twenty-nine; and a-triptas-tatra raksbasih II 33 Jyeshtha, thirty. Whereas, -following the (V. 28.) "The moon and the sun were both southern arrangement,--the actual numbers eclipsed on the same day, during the thirteenth I should remark, however, that Gen. Cunningham's But it seems to be based on the fact that on the book, as published, gives Thursday, the 4th April. But, amdudoyd, when alone a solar eclipse can take place, in the copy given by him to me, he has corrected this the sun and the moon are together, and on the supposi. entry into Wednesday, the 3rd April tion that Raha, who in Hinda mythology causes eclipses, * This, of course, is purely imaginative occurrence. swallowed, on this occasion, both the sun and the

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MARCH, 1887.] A LUNAR FORTNIGHT OF THIRTEEN SOLAR DAYS. (night); (and, being thus) both eclipsed on a day which is not the proper occasion, they indicate a desire for the destruction of mankind. (V. 32). I know of previous occasions on which the new-moon tithi has become the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth (night); but I do not know of any previous occasion on which it has become the thirteenth, a thirteenth (night), in one and the same month, during which the moon and sun were both eclipsed. (V. 33). Through (their) eclipse on a day which is not the established occasion, they both will wish to destroy mankind; and again, during the thirteenth (night) of the dark fortnight, there was a heavy rain of flesh, in which the demons were not satisfied, (though) their mouths were quite full of blood." And Rangasastri Madhavassatri Maybhatte, of Narsimhpur in the Poona District, has given me the following two passages, from astrological books, which, like the above from the Mahabharata, maintain the supposed ill-omened nature of such a fortnight: is to be avoided when Jupiter is in Leo or in Capricornus; (and) some (say also when he is) in retrogression, and when (his) motion is accelerated. (And some say that any such act should be avoided) when Jupiter and the Sun are together in one sign; and also in a lurar fortnight which is injurious to all people; (and) they say that, by the same rule, the wearing of ornaments of ivory, jewels, &c., (is to be avoided on the same occasions)."-Here, in connection with the words visva-ghasrre-pi pakshe, "and also in a lunar fortnight which is injurious to all people," the Commentary says,Yasmin-pakshe tithi-dvaya-nasah sa trayodasadinah pakshah so-ti-nindyah 1 Uktam cha Pakshasya madhye dvi-tithav(sic)=apetam tada bhaved-Raurava-kalayogah pakshe vinashte sakalam vinashtam-ity=ahur=acharya-varah samastah | Tatha| Trayodasa-dine pakshe tada samharate jagat api varsha-sahasrena kalayogah prakirttita iti | Tasmin-pakshe subha-karma varjyam-ity-ahul II Chandeevarah Trayodasa-dine pakshe vivah-adi na kiraye Garg-di-munayah prihah krite mrityus-tada bhavet Upanayanam parinayanam vesmarambh-adi-punya-karmani yatra dvikshaya-pakshe kuryan-na jijivishuh purushal;"When in any lunar fortnight there is a loss of two tithis, that (fortnight) consists of thirteen days, and is to be looked upon with extreme disfavour. And it has been said :'Let two tithis disappear in the middle of a lunar fortnight, then there will be the Raurava conjunction of time; when a lunar fortnight is destroyed, then everything is destroyed, so say all the best teachers.' And so it is said, 'When there is a lunar fortnight consisting of thirteen days, then the universe is annihilated; (this) conjunction is declared (as occurring) only after a thousand years." They say that, in such a lunar fortnight, any auspicious act is to be avoided. (Thus), Chandesvara (says),In a fortnight consisting of In the Muhurta-Gapapati, Miraprakaraga, verse 133, we have: Trayodasa-dinah paksho yasmin-varsh bhavet-tada praja-naso-tha durbhiksham tatha bhumibhujam kshayah 11 133 "When in any year there may be a lunar fortnight consisting of thirteen days, then (there will be) loss of population, and famine, and destruction of kings." And, in the Muhurta-Chintamani, Subhasubhaprakarana, verse 48, we have :Aste varjyam Simha-Nakra-stha-Jive varjyam kechid-vakrage ch-atichare Garv-Adity viva-ghaare-pi pakabe prochus tad-vad-danta-ratn-adi bhusham II 48 "Any (auspicious) act which is to be avoided at the time of the setting (of Jupiter) moon. The passage appears to point to an eclipse of the sun on an amavasy which was the thirteenth solar day of the dark fortnight; and this might possibly be utilised to shew the date at which the passage was written. 83 That, in opposition with trayodaifm, we have here to supply ratrim, not tithim, is indicated by the Commentary (Bombay edition), which explains trayodaifm, in verse 32, by traydasanamahndi puranfm, "the completion of fifteen days;" and on the worda ka-mastm trayodastm, in the same verse, gives kasminn-era mase bhavam parvam trayodayam ratrau. In explaining, under verse 28, that the parva-darsa or appearance of " the day of conjunction or opposition of the sun and moon, falls properly on the fifteenth day (panchadail ahni), but on the sixteenth, if there is an increase of one tithi, and on the fourteenth, if there is an expunction of one tithipit adds the remark-tithi-dvaya-kshayas-tu. Vike na sastre arishtam," but the expunction of two tithis, (though occurring) in practice, (is a thing which) is not declared in the scientific treatises." Raurava is the name of the fifth Kalpa; also of one of the Hindu hells. This, of course, is an extensive exaggeration. A lunar fortnight of thirteen solar days appears to occur at least once in twenty-five years.

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84 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1887. thirteen days, one should not celebrate mar- | 1185, according to the southern reckoning, he riages, &c.; if any such coremony is per- has found that the full-moon tithi of the bright formed, then the result is death,-80 say Garga fortnight of Ashadha fell on Saturday, the and other saints. Investiture with the sacred 23rd June, A.D. 1263; and the new-moon thread; marriage; laying the foundations of tithi of the dark fortnight of the same month, a house, and other meritorious acts; (and) on Friday, the 6th July. And this gives going on a journey,-(these are things which), 1 thirteen solar days for the fifteen tithis of the if a man desires to live, he should not do in a dark fortnight of this month, AshAdha, in lunar fortnight in which there are two expunc- Southern India, or of Sravana in Northern tions (of a tithi).'" India; "except," he says, "perhaps in some parts far off in the east of India." While revising the proofs of the preceding Of course, two of the tithis of this fortnight part of this note, I have received from Mr. Sh. were expunged. The authorities differ as to B. Dikshit another interesting instance of a which these two tithis were. But, one of lunar fortnight of only thirteen solar days. them was early in the fortnight; and the I had asked him to compute for me the de- details of this have not been worked ont, tails of the Verawal inscription of Arjunadeva; because they do not bear upon the actual date and, in order to settle all the surroundings of under computation. The other was either the this date once for all, to make the calculations twelfth, thirteenth, or fourteenth tithi. And for Saka-Samvat 1185 and 1187,-as well as for according to the determination of this,-to be Saka-Samvat 1186, which is the true equivalent of settled hereafter,-the date under computaValabhi-Sanvat 945,--and to make them by the tion, vis. Ashadha krishna 13, was either southern, as well as by the northern, reckoning. Wednesday, the 4th July, or Thursday, the In making the calculations for Saka-Samvat 15th July; unless it was itself expunged. THE VASUDEVA AND GOPICHANDANA UPANISHADS. BY COLONEL G. A. JACOB, BOMBAY STAFF CORPS. These two Upanishads appear now in print In preparing the text, I have used the fol for the first time. When Professor Weber lowing MSS. :wrote his History of Indian Literature, he For the Vasudeva. had, apparently, not heard of the former; and 1. One of the set of 59 Upanishads classithe latter was only known to him by name. We have therefore not had the benefit of an fied as No. 133 of 1880-81, in the Deccan College Library. analysis of them from his able pen. Their 2. MS. No. 355 of 1883-84, in the same opening and closing sentences have appeared in Library. It contains the text and Narayana's Dr. Rajendralal Mitra's Notices of Sansksit Dipika. . Manuscripts; but no attempt has been made to publish them in extenso. 3. MS. No. 1645 from the Government Like most of the minor Upanishads of the Collection at Calcutta. It also contains the fourth Veda, they have no real claim to the text and commentary. title; but, as the subject matter is not altoge For the Gopichandana. ther devoid of interest, no apology is needed 1. MS. No. 127 of 1880-81, in the Deccan for making them public. Indeed, it is desir- College Library. able that everything claiming the dignity of an 2. A copy made for me at Benares, under Upanishad should be brought to the light, 80 Dr. Thibaut's orders. that, if undeserving, it may be shorn of the 3. A copy of MS. No. 222 in the Library of adventitious merit derived from that claim, the Maharaja of Bikanir. which will cling to it as long as it is enveloped 4. MS. No. 337 of 1883-84, in the Deccan in the darkness of ignorance. I College. Text and Dipiku. ante, Vol. XI. p. 241 f.

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MARCH, 1887.) VASUDEVA AND GOPICHANDANA UPANISHADS. 85 5. MS. No. 1645 from Calcutta. Text and tadartham Vasudevopanishachchhoshabhuta Commentary. Gopichandan opanishad Arabhyate " My first acquaintance with the Gopichandana- There can be no doubt that the GopichandaUpanishad was through the manuscript which na Upanishad begins with the words Gopika heads the list; and I was not a little puzzled nama sarhrahshami. This, too, is the way in at finding that its opening portion was identical which my copy of the Bikanir MS. comwith the first two sections, and a part of the mences; although in the printed catalogue its third section, of the Vasudeva-Upanishad. The opening words are said to be Atha gopichandasubject matter, too, of both was very similar; nari namasleritya (vide section 2 of the Vasuyet it was impossible to determine the relation deva.) On receiving my copy through the in which the one stood to the other. I had Political Agent, I observed the discrepancy, not then seen Narayana's annotations on them; but was assured, on enquiry, that nothing had but the perusal of his Dipika on the Kalagni. been omitted. rudra Upanishad seemed to establish the ac- It is unnecessary to allude to the subjeetcuracy of the manuscript above referred to; matter of the two Upanishads, as translations for, in the course of an argument as to the accompany them. I was unable to ascertain meaning of a certain passage in the Kalagniru- the meaning of the words urihvadlandin and dra, he uses the following words," Vasude- tirdhvayoga; but perhaps some one will be vopanishadi Gopichandanopanishadi cha, Vaish. able to throw light on them. The dictionaries navan uddisya, Naradena Vasudevam prati, - give no help. Bhagavan urdhvapuadrasya vidhim dravya The Chakratirtha referred to in the Vasrmantrasthanadisahitam me brahiti' prishte sati, deva Upanishad is some sacred spot or bathing Tam hovacha' ityadinordhvapundravidha- place in Dvaraka; probably near the mouth of nach cha, "_" and because it is with reference to the Vaishnavas that in the Vasudeva cally sung in the Dvaraka Mandtmya, of which and Gopichandana Upanishads, when Krishna I have examined three different recensions. is asked by Narada saying-Sire! tell The following detached extracts from that me the rule regarding the urdhvapundra, ascribed to the Skanda-Purd na may be of what substance is used for it, what mantras interest :are required, and to wbat parts it is to be Lobhenapy uparodhena dambhena ka patena applied,' its application is enjoined in the vil passage beginning with. And he said to him'." | Chakratirtham tu y8 gachchhen na panar Now, taking this in conjunction with the vasati bhuvi !! rending of MS. 127, it was not unreasonable to Varimatrena Gomatyam pindadanam vind infer that the quotations contained in it were to Kalau be found in both the Upanishads namod; but pitpinam jiyate triptis Chakratirthaa subsequent reference to the Dipika on the prabhavatah 11 Gopichandana, as well as to other MSS. of Chakratirthe narah snatva Gomatyam the text, showed that this was not the case, and Rukminihrade that what Narayana meant was, that the in- doishtva Krishnamukham ramyam kulanan junction as to the urdhvapundra which com- tarayech chhatam 11 mences in the Vasudeva with the dialogue here Dvaraka-Chakratirthe ye nivasanti narottareferred to, is continued in the Gopichandana. | mahi That the latter is supplementary to the tesham nivaritah sarve Yamena Yamakinformer is affirmed by Narayana in the follow karah II ing words, --"Tatra [i.e. Vaqude vopanishadi) | It is strange that this famous tartha is not pa jniyate gopichandanayoh kim pravrittinimi- noticed by any of our lexicographers. In the ttam, kas charthah, kascha Vasudevas, tasya cha large St. Petersburg Lexicon, there are refer. gopibhih kah sambandhah, kutascha tasyot- ences under this word to the Prabodhachandropattih, kinnimittam cha gopibhis tasya | daya and to the Varaha-Purana. I have been prakshalanam ksitam, kim cha tasya vaibha- able to look up the former only; but the Chavan, kim cha taddharenadanadiphalam iti' kratirtha of that Drama is situated on the bank

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86 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1887. of the Bhagirathi. In the abridged dictionary, village of Pindaraka, still held in venethe only reference is to a tank on the north side ration, is situated in Gujerat, about 20 miles of a village in Southern India! The Calcutta from the north-west extremity of the Penindictionary, Vachaspatyam, gives a description sula." The Mahabharata calls it simply a of a Chakratirtha in Prabhasa,' a celebrated tirtha, and locates it in Dvaraka, as will be kshetra (not in the vicinity of Dvaraka, as seen from the following extract:-"Tate Monier Williams says, but) in the south-west Dvaravatim gachchhen niyate niyatasanaha corner of the Kathiawad peninsula, near the Pindarako narah snatva labhed bahusuvartown of Patan-Somnath (Wilson's Vishnu-nakam'|| Tasmins tirthe mahabhaga padmalaPuruna, Vol V. p. 47); but it ignores that at kshanalakshith Adyapi mudra drisyanto ta Dvaraka. adbhutam arindama Il" Vanaparva, lxxxii. 65. The only word remaining to be noticed is 67. In the text of three MSS. of the Mahatmya, Pindataraka. It occurs in Narayana's Dipiku, it is called Pindaraka, but Pindataraka in where, in explaining the expression Krishna- the colophon of the chapter in which it is dipanchanamabhih in Section 2 of the Vasudeva, described; whilst in the recension ascribed to he gives five names which are said to be found the Vishnudharmottara, that is to the Garuda. in the Dodrukd-Mahatmya, and one of them is Purana (Barnell's Index to Tanjore ManuPindatarakesa. I have not been able to dis- scripts, p. 188), I found Pizdataraka in both cover the epithet there; but a whole chapter is text and colophon, and that too in defiance of devoted to the tirtha. It appears in the dic- metre! It is evident, then, that the longer tionaries as Pindaraka; but they give no form is not a clerical error, as I at first supdefinite idea of its position. In Wilson's Vishm- posed; but, hitherto, no one appears to have Purana, Vol. V. p. 141, we read-"The noticed it. Vasudeva-Upanishad. TEXT. Om Namaskitya bhagavantam Naradah sureevaram Vasudevan paprachchha Sribhagavan urdh vapandravidbim dravyamantrasthanadisahitam me bruhiti! Tan hovacha bhagavan Vasudevah,-Vaikunthasthanodbhavam, mama pritikaram, madbhaktair Brahmadibhir dharitam, Vishnuchandanan, Vaikunthasthanad Ahritya Dvarakayam maya pratishthitam Chandana kumkumadisahitam Vishnuchandanan, mamange pratidinam aliptam gopibhih prakshalanad, gopichandanam akhyatam Madaigalepanam punyam Chakratirthintahsthitan chakrasamayuktam pitavarnammaktisadhanam bhavati 11 1 11 Atha gopichandanan namaskritya addhritya--"Gopichandana papaghna Vishnudehasamudbhava1 chakrankita namas tubhyam dharanan muktido bhava" | iti prarthayann,-"Imam me 'Gange," iti jalam adaya," Vishnor nu kam," iti mardayet "Ato deva avantu nab," ity etabhir rigbhir, Vishnugayatrya cha, trivaram abhimantrya, "Saukhachakragada pane, Dvarakanilayachyuta 1 Govinda, pundarikaksha, raksha mar saranagatam" || iti mam dhyatva, -Grihastho, lalatadid vadasasthaleshy anamikangnlya, Vishnagayatrya, Kesavadid vadasanamabbir va, dharayet | Brahmachari, Vanaprastho VA, lalatakanthahridayabahumaleshu, Vishnugayatrya, Krishnadipanchanamabhir va, dharayet I Yatis, tarjanya sirolalatahridayeshu, pranarena dharayet | Brahmadayas trayo murttayas, tisro vyabritayas, trini chbandamsi, traye vedas, trayah svaras, trayo 'gnaye jyotishmantas, trayah kalas, tisro 'vasthas, traya atmanah, pandras traya urdh vah | Akarokaramakara ete sarve pranavamayordhvapundratrayatmakah Tad etad om, ity ekadha samabhavati According to the Skanda-Purina ite boundariestu paschime ! uttare tu vislakshi dakshine saritaria are as follows :-Parve Yamea varam yavat Srtsomesas patih U

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MARCH, 1887.] VASUDEVA AND GOPICHANDANA UPANISHADS. 87 Paramahamso lalite pranavenaikam urdhyapundram va dh rayet I Tatra dipaprakasam svam atmanam pasyan, Brahmaivaham asmiti bhavayan, yogi matsayujyam apnoti | 2 | "Athanyo hridayasthordhvapundramadhy va, hridayakamalamadhye va, svam atmanam bhavayet,-"Tasya madhye vahnisikha aniyordhva vyavasthita nilatoyadamadhyastha vidyullekheva bhasvara II Nivarasukavat tanvi pita bhasvaty anupama | tasyah sikhaya madhya' paramatma vyavasthital" Purvam abbyasya pundrastham, hritpadmastham tato 'bhyaset kramad evam svam atminam bhavayen mam param Harim || Ek gramanash yo mam dhyayate Harimavyayam I hitparkaje svam atmanam sa mukto natra samsayah 11 Madrupam avyayam Brahma madhyadyantavivarjitam svaprabham sachchidanandam bhaktya janati vatha yah Eko Vishnur anekeshu jangamasthavareshu cha anusyuto vasamy atma bhuteshv aham avasthitah Tailam tileshu kishtheshu vahnih kshire ghritam yatha gandhah pushpeshu bhuteshu tathatmavasthito 'smy aham Yach cha kinchij jagat sarvam drisyate sruyate 'pi va antar bahischa tat sarvam vyapya Narayanal sthitah 'Il Dehadirahitam sukshmam chitprakasam niranjanam sarvanusy utam advaitam param Brahma bhavamy aham Brahmarandhre bhruvor madhye hridaye chintayed Harim I gopichandanam alipya tatra dhyatvapnuyat param || Urdhvadandyurdhvareta ya urdhvapundrordhvayogavit urdhvam padam avapnoti yatir urdhvachatushkavan || Ity etan nischitam jnanam madbhakty & sidhyati svayam nityam ekagrabhaktis tu gopichandanadharanat | Brahmananam tu sarvesham vaidikanam anuttamam gopichandanavaribhyam urdhvapundram vidhiyate || Yo gopichandanabhave tulasim ulamrittikam mumukshur dharayen nityam aparokshatmasiddhaye | Gopichandanaliptango dehasthani cha tasya yah asthini chakrarupani bhavanty era dine dine 1 3 ||| Atha ratrav agnih otrabhasmana, "Agner bhasmasi," "Idam Vishnul," "Trini pada," iti mantrair, Vishnngayatrya, pranavenoddhulanam kuryat Evam vidhina Gopichandanam yo dharayed, yas tv etad adhite va, sa sarvamahapatakebhyah puto bhavati, papabuddhis tasya na jayate, sarveshu tirtheshu snato bhavati, sarvair yajnair yaji bhavati, sarvair devaih pujyo bhavati, Narayane mayy achala bhaktis chasya vardhate, samyag jnanam labdhva Vishnusayujyam apnoti, na cha punar avarttate "Tad Vishnoh paramam padam sada pasyanti surayal diviva chakshuratatam II tad vipraso vipanyavo jagrivamsah samindhate Vishnor yat paramam padam". 11 4 11 Ity Atharvavede Vasudevopanishat samapta || TRANSLATION. Having saluted the revered Vasudeva, lord of all, Narada made request, saying-Sire! tell me the rule regarding the ardhvapundra, what substance is used for it, what mantras are required, and to what parts it is applied.' The revered Vasudeva thus addressed him :-Vishnuchandana, a product of Vaikuntha, of which I am very fond, used by Brahman and others who are devoted to me, was brought by me from Vaikuntha and placed in Dvaraka. Chandana mixed with saffron and other things is vishnu One MS. inserts here, aham; but it is not in the Aranyak a from which the quotation is made. One MS. has udvarttanam instead of uddhulanam. Chakrasamayuktam chakrona Dvarakasilay sahitam ity arthab yadvi chakruukitam ity arthah (Dipika). A great deal is made, in the Dvaraka. Mahatmya, of the chandana; but, being applied daily to my body after it has been washed by Gopis, it is called gopichandana. That holy unguent for my body, yellow in colour, found in Chakratirtha, and marked with the chakra, is a means of obtaining emancipation (1). Having taken up some gopichandana, saluted it, and thus addressed it-Hail to thee, gopichandana, sin-destroyer, produced from the body of Vishnu, marked with the shukra ; do thou, by this application, become a giver of emancipation,'-let him take water, with the stones here referred to. I quote one verse from the first and one from the second chapter of the Skanda-Purana recension:-"Yatra chakrinkitah ailab Gomatyudadhisangame yachchhanti pujyatam loke tam parim ko na sevayet" "Ye kechit tatra pashanah Krishnachakrena mudritah tesham sparianamatrena muchyate sarvakiIvishaib II

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88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1887 words Iman me Gange (RV. 10, 75, 5), and A Yogin, seeing there his own Self, brilliant as pulverize into it the gopichandana, whilst re- a lamp, and reflecting thus-'I am Brahman peating the verse Vishnor nu kam' (RV. I. and none other'-attains to identity with me 154, 1]. (2). After addressing it three times with the Any other (e.g. a Tridandin or Kutichara] verses beginning with Ato devd avantu nah' should meditate thus on his Self within the [RV. I. 22, 16), and with the Vishnugayatri lotus of the heart, or within the urdhvapudra [Narayaniya vidmahe, Vasudeviya dhimahi, tan existing in the heart--In" the midst of it no Vishnuh prachodayat], and after meditating dwells a flame of fire, very small and perpenthus on me,- O Achyuta, holder of the conch dicular, flashing like lightning in the centre of the discus and the mace, who hast made thy a black cloud, fine as the awn of a head of home in Dvaraki; O Govinda, the lotus.eyed, rice, yellow, brilliant, a very model of minutepreserve me, a seeker of refuge,-a Grihastha ness. In the centre of that flame, stands the should apply it, with the third finger, to the Supreme Self.' forehead and the other eleven parts, whilst He should first direct his attention to the repeating the Vishnugayatri or the twelve Self as residing in the pundra, and afterwards names beginning with Kesava." think of him as in the lotus of the heart. In A Brahmacharin, or Vanaprastha, should this order he should meditate on me, Hari, the apply it to the forehead, throat, heart, and Supreme, as his own Self. He who, with his shoulders, whilst repeating the Vishnugayatri thoughts concentrated, meditates on me, the or the five names beginning with Keishna. immutable Hari, as his own Self, is without A Yati should apply it, with the forefinger, doubt emancipated ; or, he who, by means of to the head, forehead and heart, repeating the devotion, recognizes in me the unchangeable pranava. Brahman, without beginning, centre, or end, The three perpendicular lines (pundrah) self-luminous, existent, intelligence and joy. represent the triad, Brahman and the others, As the one Vishnu, I penetrate the many, movethe three sacred syllables [Chris, bhuvas, svar],- able and immoveable, and abide in them; I the three kinds of metre,'--the three Vedas, dwell as the Self in all creatures. Like oil in the three accents,-the three brilliant fires, sesamum, fire in wood, ghee in milk, and the three times, the three states'-and the scent in flowers, I inhere in creatures as the three forms of atman. The three letters Self. Whatever there is that moves, all that a, u, in are of the same natare as the three is visible or audible,-Narayana permeates the perpendicular lines which are identical with the whole, both within and without. I am the pranava. Thus that three-fold mark is unified Supreme Brahman, without a body, subtile, in the syllable om. bright with intelligence, passionless, all-peneA Paramahansa may optionally make only trating, without a second. Let a man contemone line on the forehead, repeating the pranava. plate Hari as in the heart, between the eye The twelve names, and twelve parts of the body, are given in the following verses quoted by Narayana in his Dipikt: Lalate Kesavans vidyn Narayanam athodare ! Madhavanh hridaye nyasya Govindath kanthakupake 1 Vishnu cha dakshine kukahau tadbhuje Madhusudanam Trivikramath karnadese vame kukshau tu Vamanam Sridharam tu sada nyanya vamabihau naral sada Padmanabhan Prishthadese kakudDamodaras) smaret Vasudevants smaren murdhni tilakam k Arayet kramstil * In one of the MSS. these five names are inserted as # portion of the text, and stand thus-Krishnaya namah, Sankarshanaya,.. V laudevaya, Pradyamnaya, Aniruddh Aya.' The Dipika gives two sets, but the first contains six names, not five. They are the following. Krishnah Satyah Satvatah syach Chhaurih Surd Janar danah"-Krishnkya Asudevays Devakinandanaya cha Nandagopakumaraya Govindaya damo namah it. The Dipika also gives a list of names of Krishna which are said to occur in the Duurakd. Mahatmya, one of which is Pindatdrakea as to which see supra. Another seems to be Malamadhara () According to the Lexicons, thia is the name of a place. Ganachhandas, MAtrachhandas, and Aksharachhandas. See Colebrooke's Eurays (new edition) Vol. II. pp. 66, 71, 87. The Dipika quotes the following verse"Adau tivad Ganachhando Matrachhandas tatah param tritiyam Aksharachhanda iti chhanda tridha metamil Dakshinagni, gerhapatya, and Ahavanfya. * Jagrat, svapna, eushapti. 10 Kshara, akahara, and param&tman. 11 Tait. Ar. X. 11. The word andpand which occurs here and in the Aranyaka, is tanupamd in most of m. MSS. of the Mahinarayana Upanishad, and that was evidently what Sayans read. He explains thus-lauki. hindi tandandshakshmavastam wpam bhavitri yigya. Oue MS. reade "I stand."

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VASUDEVA AND GOPICHANDANA UPANISHADS. MARCH, 1887.] brows, and in the aperture of the head; he who after applying gopichandana, fixes his thoughts there, must reach the Supreme. The Yati who is an urdhvadandin and chaste (urdhvaretak), who understands the urdhva pundra and urdhvayega, and is therefore in possession of the four urdhva,' attains to the high (urdhvam) place. This certain knowledge comes of itself, through devotedness to me; so the application of gopichandana should invariably be followed by undivided devotion. The most excellent urdhvapundra, made with gopichandana and water, is prescribed for all Brahmans versed in the Veda. In the absence of gopichandana, the aspirant to emancipation should always use a paste made from the root of the tulasi plant, in order to reach the notinvisible Self. The bones in the body of one whose limbs are anointed with gopichandana, become like the chakra from day to day. (3). C 4 At night one should rub the body with ashes from the agnihotra, whilst reciting the mantras Agner bhasmasi' [VS. 12, 46], Ida Vishnuh' [RV. I. 22, 17], and Trini pada' [I. 22, 18],the Vishnugayatri, and the pranava.. He who thus, according to rule, applies the gopichandana, or he who reads this, is cleansed from all the great sins,-is freed from an evil-disposition,-has bathed in all the tirthas,-has sacrified with all the sacrifices,-is worthy of honour from all the gods, and his unswerving attachment to me, Narayana, is strengthened. After attaining to a thorough knowledge (of me) he is absorbed into Vishnu and does not return. That exalted place of Vishnu's, the learned ever behold, like the sun's [lit. the eye] stretched out in the sky. Exultant watchful Rishis glorify that exalted place of Vishnu's.' [RV. I. 22, 20]. (4). II. Gopichandana-Upanishad. TEXT. 89 Gopika nama samrakshani Kutah samrakshani bhayach cha samrakshani Chandanam tushtikaranam Brahmanandakaranam | Ya evamvidvan etad akhyapayed ya etach gopichandanamrittikaya niruktya, nirdharanamatrena cha, Brahmaloke maloke mahiyata iti 1 na Lokasya narakan mrityor cha Kim tushtikaranam | cha dharayed, mahiyate, Brah Gopyo nama Vishnupatayah syuh 1 Tasam chandanam ahladanam Kaschahladah Esha Brahmanandarupah | Kascha Vishnupatayo gopyo nama 1 YA atmana Brahmanandaikarupam Krishnakhyam param dhama ajayams ta, jagatsrishtisthityantakarinyah Prakritimahadahamadya, mahamayah1 Kascha Vishnuh Param BrahmaivaVishnuh Kaschahladah 1 Gopichandanasamsaktamanushanam papasamharanach chhuddhantahkarananam Brahmajnanapraptischa Ya evam vedety upanishat || 2 11 Gopity agra uchyatam chandanamh tu tatah paschat Gopity aksharadvayam, chandanam tu triyaksharam, tasmad aksharapanchakam Ya evam vidvan gopichandanam dharayed akshayam padam apnoti, panchatvam sa pasyati; tato 'mritatvain asnute, tato 'mritatvam asnuta iti 11 31 Atha mayasabalitam Brahmasit Tatas cha mahadadya Brahmano mahamayasammilitat Panchabhuteshu gandhavatiyam prithivy asit, prithivyas cha vaibhavad varnabhedah Pitavarna mrido jayante lokanugrahartham Mayasahitabrahmasambhogavasad 28ya chandanasya vaibhavam I Ya vam vidvan yatihaste dadyad anugrahartham mayanupaplavah sarvam Ayur eti, tatal prajapatyam rayasposham goshpatyam cha Ya etad rahasyam sayam pratar dhyayed, ahoratrakritam papam nasayati, mrito moksham asnuta iti 114 11 Giplcbandanapaikina lalatah yas vai va tu lepayet ekadandi tridandi va moksham samasnute || Goplehandanalipting yah yam piyati chakshusha I tam tam putam vijaniyad rajabhih satkrito bhavet 11 5 11 13 So the Dipika.

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90 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1887 Brahmahanta kritaghnas cha goghnas cha garutalpagahtesham pa pani nasyanti. gopichandanadharanat | Gopichandanaliptango mriyate yatra kutrachit abhivyapyayato bhutva dovendrapadam asnute # Gopichandanaliptangam purusha ya opasate evam Brahmadayo devah sanmukhis tan upasate # 6 11 Gopichandaliptangah purusho yena pujyate Vishoupujitabhutitvad Vishnuloke mahiyate 11 Sadacharah subhi kalpo mitahire jitendriyah gopichandanaliptangah sakshadvishnumayo bhavet | Gopichandanaliptango vratam yas tu samacharet | tatah kotigunam punyam ity vam munirabravit il Gopichandanaliptangairja padu nadi yat kritam nyanam sampurnatam yati vidhanona viseshatah HIGopichandanam ayushyam balarogyavivardhanam kumadam mokshadam chaiva ity dva munayo 'bruvan 11 7 || Agnishtomasahasrini vaja poyasatuni cha teshan punyam avapnoti gopichandanadharanat Gopichandanadanasya nasvamodhakritah phalam na Gangaya saman tirtham na suddhir gopichandanat 11 Bahunatra kim uktona, gopichandanamandanam na tattolyam bhavel 16ke nitra karya vicharani Il Chandana chipi gopinam kelikumkamasambhavam | mandanit pavanam nsinam bhuktimuktiphalapradam !! Krishnagopiratodbhutam papaghnam gopichandanam tatprasadat sarvadaiva chaturvargaphalapradam II Tilamatrapradanena kanchanadrisamam phalam kumkaman Krishnagopinain jalakridisu sambhritam | Ktishnagopijalakridakunkuman chandanair yutam gopichandanam ity uktam Dvaravatyam surosvaraih 1" tilamatram pradayedam punkty adasama kulam | Gopichandanakhandam tu chakrakarar sulakshanam | Vishnurupam idam punyam pavanam pitavarnakam 1 811 A po va agra Asan Tatra Prajapatir vayur bhutvagramyatedam srijeyam iti Sa tapo 'tapyata tata omkaram apasyat tato gayatrim! GAyatryk vedas tair idam aspijata! Dhumamargavistsitam hi vedartham abhisardhiya chaturdasalkan aspijata, tata upanishadah srataya AvirbabhQvah | Archirmirgavistritam vedartham abhisandhiya sarvan vedan sarahasypanishadangan Brahmaldke sthapayamasa Tas cha upadisad "Vaivasvate 'ntare saganam Brahma chidghananandaikarapan, Purushottamardpana, Mathurayam, Vagudevasadmany Avirbhavishyati | Tatra bhavat yah sarvalokotk rishtasaundaryakridabhogi gopikasvarupaih parabrahmanandaika rupar Krishgan bhajishyatha Tatra slokau! Iti Brahmavaram labdhva srutayo Brahmalokagah Krishnam. Aradhayamagar Gokule dharmasankuld in Srikrishnakhyam param Brahma gopikah srutayo 'bhavan | Statsambhogasambhatar chandanam gopichandanam iti 11 9 11 Ity Atharvavede Gopichandan panishat samapta 11 TRANSLATION other) by his mere apprehension of it, exalted Gopika means a protectress. A protectress in Brahmaloka. (1). from what? A protectress of the people, from The Gopis may be regarded as wives of hell and from the fear of death. Chandana Vishna, and chandana is their delight. What means a producer of pleasure. What is a is that delight? It is identical with the joy producer of pleasure ? A producer of the joy which is Brahma. And who are the Gopis, which is Brahma." He who, knowing this, the wives of Vishnu P They are those who communicates it to others, and he who appre- by themselves gained the exalted abode called hends it, is (the one) by reason of his expli- Krishna, which is nothing else than that joy cation of the earth gopichandana, and (the which is Brahma,-the causers of the world's I have transposed this and the proceding line as hyamukhena nohcharayet, sishyam grahaydd iti ylvati evidently required by the sense. It is not safron that ya atach cha dharayen, nirvachanat grihnly loh ohhishyab is called gopichandans,-but saffron combined with sah | ubhayor apt gopichandanamrittiksyor nirukty, sandal. nirvachanena, upadishtena grihitena, Brahmaloke mahi15 sc. Srutis chs. yate mahimAnam anubhavati I (Dipikd). It is clear from 1. Rnot chadi, -ahiadan. this that N&rlyana regarded gopichandanamrttika as two 17 Ya evam vidven etad Akhyapayed iti I evam nirva- things, whereas I have taken the gopichandana as itself chanan vidan, sa tan nirvachanam akhy&payech, chhis! the miitika.

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MARCH, 1887.) VASUDEVA AND GOPICHANDANA UPANISHADS. 91 production, preservation and cessation,- dana should be regarded as pare, and should be Prakriti, intellect, egotism and the rest,-the treated with respect by kings. (5) great illusionists. And who is Viahnu ? By applying gopichandana, the sins of the Vishnu is the supreme Brahma and no other. Brahman-slayer, of the ungrateful, of the And what is delight? It is the acquisition cow-slayer, and of the defiler of his Guru's of the knowledge of Brahma, by men who bed, disappear. Wheresoever he dies whose have applied the gopichandana,' and whose body is smeared with goptchandana,'' stretchinternal organ has been purified by the removal ing forth he gains the abode of the chief of of sin." He who knows this (obtains these the gods. Brahman and the other gods turn benefits); such is the Upanishad. (2). towards and reverence those who do reverence Let the word gopi be uttered first, and after to a man whose body is smeared with gopichanit the word chandana. Gopi consists of two dana (6) syllables, and chandana of three; thus there He who honours a man whose body is smeared are five syllables. He who, knowing this, with gopichandana is highly esteemed in the applies the gopichandana, reaches the unchang world of Vishnu, because he has thereby done ing goal; he does not (again) experience dis- honour to the majesty of Vishnu. The man of solution; after that one death) he obtains good deportment, well-dressed, & moderate immortality." (3) eater, having his members in subjection and Now Brahma was brought into contact with his body smeared with gopichandana, is Vishnu maya; then, from Brahma united with that in proprid persona. He who engages in great maya came Intellect (the great principle) austerities with his body smeared with gop and the rest. Amongst the five elements was chandana, obtains thereby ten million times this earth whose characteristic is smell," and more merit, -80 said the sage. When japa or owing to the power of earth came varieties of almsgiving is practised by those whose limbs colour. Soils of a yellow colour are produced are ameared with gopichandana, if defective, for the benefit of mankind. The power of this it is rendered completo ; whilst the exact chandana is owing to its employment by (or, to performance according to rule is exceptionally the loves of) Brahma in association with mayd." | efficacious." Gopichandana is life, the promoHe who, knowing this, gives some of it into ter of health and strength, the granter of the hand of a devotee for kindness' sake, lives desires, and the bestower of emancipation, for the full period, undisturbed by maya, and 80 said the sages. (7) becomes besides the possessor of progeny, wealth | By the application of gopichandana, one and cattle. He who, morning and evening, secures tho merit of thousands of agnishtomareflects on this mystery, destroys the sins com- sacrifices, and of hundreds of vajapeya-sacri. mitted by day or by night, and at death obtains fices. The fruit resulting from the gift of emancipation. (4) gopichandana does not accrue .even to the The Ekadandin or Tridandin who smears his offerer of an asvamedha; there is no tirtha equal forehead with the paste of gopichandana, to the Ganges, and no purity like that derived verily obtains emancipation. Everybody who from gopichandana. But why enlarge on it ? is looked at by a man smeared with gopichan- That there is no ornament in the world equal I advinpdly sbatain from using the word creation, as containing an idos foreign to Hinduism which demands & material, as well as an efficient, cause for every. thing. Ex nihilo nihil ft is an important axiom with Hindus of all schools. * This is to remove the idea that Brahms can only be known by the learned. - Consequent on that application. #akshayar padam Apnotiti kir tinaiva dehena! nahil tarbi dehaty Agaduhkham anivrittam dva ity Asanky. Aha panchatvan na sa paiyatiti maranaduhkham ningbhavatity arthabi kifaha maranam api sakepid evety Aha tato 'mritatvam ainuta iti II (Dipika.) * For the distinguishing characteristion of the five elements, see Turkasathgraha, 10-17. * vaibhsvat samarthyat 1 (Dipika.) ** mAy Asahitabrahmambhogavaild Mya Chandananya vaibhavam iti gopikrishnasambhogmamaktak Asmira. kahAlanodakasan bhatatvat parabrahmaikarupa gopi. chandanamrida iti arvajanina prasiddhir iti taya vaibhavam !! (Dipika.). This same compound, beginning with ghpikrishna, ooours elsewhere in the Dipiko, but there the word chandana is inoluded after kdomfra. It should undoubtedly be added here. This rendering is very, 'doubtful. Nardyana's explanation is as follows:-Ayato dirghd bhdtva abhivylpya sarvatirthini avagdhya. I don't think it helps as much * NyQuam avidhikritar chet, sampurnath ay Ad, vidh nena krita" ohed bhavati, tarhi vladabatah phaladan sydt (Dipiled.) .

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92 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. to gopichandana, is beyond dispute. Chandana, combined with the saffron used in the sports of the Gopis, is parer than an ornament, and yields to men the fruit of present enjoyment and future emancipation. Sin-destroying gopichandana, the outcome of the loves of Krishna and the Gopis, by their favour, unceasingly bestows the four objects of human pursuit. By giving away a piece of the size of a sesamum-seed, one obtains a reward equal to the gift of a mountain of gold. The saffron was collected during the water-sports of Krishna and the Gopis. This saffron from the water-sports of Krishna and the Gopis, combined with chandana; is, in Dvaravati, called gopichandana by the chief gods." By giving away a piece of the size of a sesamum-seed, one purifies one's family up to the tenth generation. A piece of gopichandana, discus-shaped and yellow, and so of good appearance," is a form of Vishnu, pure and purifying. (8) In the beginning there was water. Then Prajapati, taking the form of wind, exerted himself (to dry it up) in order to produce this world. He practised austerities; then he saw the omkara, then the three sacred syllables, then the Gayatri. From the Gayatri came the Vedas, and by means of them he produced this CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from Vol. XV. p. 138.) XXXIII. We have traced the career of Chinghis Khan from his birth to his death, and will now devote a few words to his burial, and to a general survey of the results of his career. Rashidu'd-din tells us that the body of Chinghiz was transported secretly to Mongolia, and to prevent the news of his death being noised abroad the troops which escorted the remains killed every person they met with en route, and it was only when the cortege reached the grand ordu of the chief, near the sources of the Kerulon, that his death was published. The body was successively taken to the ordus of his four principal wives, whither, at the [MARCH, 1887. aniverse. For, having regard to the purport of the Veda as manifested in the karmamarga" [lit. path of smoke], he produced the fourteen worlds. Then the Upanishads, which are Sruti, appeared. Having regard to the purport of the Veda as exhibited by the jnanamarga [lit. path of light], he placed the whole of the Vedas, including the ritual," the Upanishads and the Vedaigas, in the world of Brahman, and instructed them thus:-"During the period presided over by Manu-Vaivasvata, Brahman with qualities, consisting only of joy and solid intelligence, will appear in Mathura, in the house of Vasudeva, in the form of Purushottama. There, you, with bodies fitted for enjoyment and possessed of beauty surpassing that of all the worlds, will appear in the form of Gopikas, and will serve Krishna who will consist solely of the joy which is the supreme Brahman." Regarding this there are two couplets :-The Vedas, receiving Brahma's boon, went to the world of Brahman. They worshipped Krishna in Gokula, a place full of righteousness. The supreme Brahman took the name of Sri-Krishna, and the Vedas became the Gopikas. The chandana produced by their sportings is called gopichandana. (9) Chandanair yatam misritam Krishnaaya gopinam cha jalakridasu kahalitam kumkumam gopichandanam itilakahanam uktam (Dipika.) Chakrakaram pitavarnakam chet tarhi sulakshanam ity anvayah (Dipika.) invitation of Tului, the princes and princesses and the military chiefs, went from all directions to do the last honours to the remains, and to pour out their lamentations. Those who came from the further limits of the empire, took three months for their journey. After the funeral ceremony the body was interred on the Burkhan Galdun mountain. Hunting one day in that district Chinghiz Khan rested under the shade of a great isolated tree. There he passed some minutes in a reverie and on rising said he wished to be buried there in that spot. The princes, his having sons, learnt this, caused him to be buried there: but the district round was presently covered by a Cf commentary on Bhagavata, 4, 4, 10, and Prana, 1, 9. See also Brihadaranyaka, 1, 5, 16, Karmana pitriloko vidyaya devalokab. Sea Bhashya on Ifd-Upanishad, and on Praina, 1, 10. 31 rahaayam upasana (Dipika.)

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. MARCH, 1887.] thick forest which prevented the particular tree, near which the remains had been buried, from being recognised. Several of his descendants were buried in the same forest, which for a long time, was guarded by a thousand men of the tribe Uriangkut, who were exempted from military service. Perfumes were burnt without ceasing before images of the princes placed in this spot. It was only accessible to the four great ordus of Chinghiz Khan: a privilege they still preserved a century after his death. In regard to these images of the princes it would seem that a figure of Chinghiz Khan, perhaps made of felt, was placed in a cart in front of the royal tent of Batu Khan, to which were offered gifts, and inter alia horses, which no one afterwards mounted. They also offered other animals to it which were killed and their flesh eaten. Their bones were not broken but burnt. Carpini tells us he saw this figure and that the Russian prince Michael was killed because he refused to make obeisance to it, saying he did not mind bowing to Batu and his people, but that it was not permitted to a Christian to bow to the image of a dead man." Rashidu'd-din tells us in his account of Ogotai, Chinghiz Khan's successor, that after his inauguration he caused funeral meals to be offered for three days to his father's manes. He then selected from the families of the Noyans and generals forty of the most beautiful girls, who were splendidly decked out in rich garments and jewels, and then, to use Rashidu'd-din's own words, were sent to serve Chinghiz Khan in the other world. Some splendid horses were similarly sacrificed.* To return to the funeral of the great chief. Marco Polo says, "You should be told also that all the Grand Khans and all the descendants of Chinghiz, their first Lord, are carried to a mountain that is called Altay to be interred. Wheresoever the sovereign may die, he is carried to his burial in that mountain with his predecessors, no matter if the place of his death were 100 days' journey distant. Let me tell you a strange thing too. When they are carrying the body of any Emperor to be buried with the others, the convoy 1 D'Ohnson, Vol. I. pp. 381-383. Carpini and D'Avesac, pp. 620-621. D'Ohsson, Vol. II. p. 18. 93 "" that goes with the body doth put to the sword all whom they fall in with on the road, saying, Go and wait upon your lord in the other world.' For they do in sooth believe that all such as they slay in this manner do go to serve their lord in the other world. They do the same also, too, with horses; for when the Emperor dies they kill all his best horses, in order that he may have the use of them in the other world, as they believe. And I tell you as a certain truth that when Mangu Khan died more than 20,000 persons, who chanced to meet the body on its way, were slain in the manner I have told." According to Vincent of Beauvais, a Tatar sometimes selected the slave whom he wished to be buried with him when he died." Seanang Setzen, in speaking of the changes introduced by Buddhism among the Mongols, says that up to the time of their conversion the custom prevailed among them of slaughtering a number of camels and horses, according to the means of the dead man. These animals were buried with the deceased, the offering being called khoilgha. In another place he tells us that when Tibet Taishi, the son of Altan Khakan died, the mother of the boy, who was not given to the new cult, demanded that a hundred children and a hundred camels should be killed to act as a convoy to her child and be buried with him. Forty children had already been killed and a popular onslaught was about to take place, when, as they were going to kill Tolai the son of Shinekei Orlik, Kia Taiji objected, and bade them send him instead. As this was not possible they ceased to kill the children.' Thomas of Spalato says that, when a Mongol was killed in war they buried him in a secret place, levelled the ground, and then trod it under horses' feet so as to conceal the place." Mandeville has a few quaint sentences about the funerals of the great Khans which are worth quoting. He says that when the chief's body was taken by a few people to the place of burial, a tent was then prepared, in which he was placed on a wooden throne, and before him was put a table with delicate dishes on it. Into this tent was Yule's Marco Polo, Vol. I. p. 241-242. Op. cit. XXIX. ch. 84; D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 401 noto. Op. cit. p. 235. id. p. 240-251. Wolff, op. cit. p. 334. 1

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94 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARC#, 1887. driven a white horse richly caparisoned, within the air on a cross. The sons of Chinghiz its colt. The tent and its contents were then Khan, however, refused to offer such an indigburied in a hole and the ground straight- nity to the body of their father, and, therefore, ened again. The Mongols believe, says to avoid such an exposure, the Manicheans our author, that they enjoy themselves after formed the mausoleum of loadstone as above death ; and-hence they give their emperors described. The sons of Chinghiz Khan and a tent to lodge in, meats to eat, milk to the Noyans were much pleased at the ingenuity drink, money to spend, a horse to ride and a of the undertaking, it being such as was never mare to breed young ones. After the death of before attempted."0. the emperor no one mentions his name before With these notices of the obsequies of his family, for fear of troubling his repose. Chinghiz Khan we may compare the Sagas A more fantastic story is told in the Shajrat- preserved in the Kalmuk chronicles, the Altan ul-Atrak as to the burial of Chinghiz Khan Topchi and the Chronicle of Ssanang Setmen, than any of the above. "On the arrival evidently composed after the Mongols had of Chinghiz Khan's family in Mughalis- been converted to Lamaism. I will extract tan they buried his body at the foot of the former version as being the older one. & favourite tree, under the shade of which we there read that when near his death he he was accustomed to sit when out hunting, said to those about him : "You my four broand which he had directed should be his thers are like musk deer, and you my four place of burial. He also directed that a man- sons are like kuluks." You the five banners soleum of magnet or loadstone should be made, and four foreign peoples, listen. I never once and that his body should be placed in & experienced such agonies, even when I was coffin of steel. It is related, that when assembling my great people. I made myself his children had constructed the mausoleum uneasy and fretted even when my leathern and placed the coffin therein, as he directed, stirrups stretched and the little ears were torn the latter became suddenly attracted on all out of my iron stirrups. I felt not such suffersides and remained suspended in the air. ings when mounting my sterile white mare, His family then caused the vicinity to be and fastening behind me the skin (?) of a young forbidden" or laid waste, and now the mau- goat, I assembled my great people. Is not this a soleum is in the midst of a thick forest reward for the works I did in former lives "36 through which there is only one narrow path. Thereupon Kiluken Baghatur of the Sunid tribe It is said that some Kafirs" have taken broke out and said: "Thy will, strong as up their abode in this place, and that a deviljade, will weaken. Thy beloved Burtehjujin" at times enters the coffin, and gives responses Setzen will die, Khayar and Belgutei two of to such questions as are proposed to him. These thy brothers will struggle for the throne, the nuthe hearers look upon as oracles, and the merous people thou hast brought together with Kafirs who are the attendants or priests there, so much pain will disperse, thy lofty government and who worship this coffin, conform to these will be a based, thy wife Burtehjujin, united by pretended oracles, and increase infidelity by strong ties to thee in thy youth, will die, thy two their promulgation. The infidels consider this sons Ogotai and Tului will become orphans; the tomb as the house of God. There is no other numerous peoples thou hast collected will be road than that described to this mausoleum, separated and ruled by others, thy governfrom the thickness of the forest surrounding ment, exalted like a mountain, will subside, it. Some modern historians say that Chinghiz Burtehjujin the wife whom thon didst find, Khan was born when the sun was in the sign with whom thou wast united will die ; two Libra, and as that sign is esteemed influential of thy brothers, Khatsugu and Utsnagu, will on the atmosphere, for that reason the learned become rivals. The numerous peoples thou in the religion of Mani" directed that the hast collected will disperse over mountains body of Chinghiz Khan should be suspended and forests and will migrate in the direction * D'Obsson, Vol. I. pp. 384-5, note. * .e. choice chargers. 10 "tabooed." Infidels. 15 1.. referring to the doctrine of metem psychoris. 19 The Manichoans. 5 op. cit. pp. 199-200. 10 1.e. his favourite wife Burteh.

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MARCH, 1887.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 95 of Khangai Khan. Thy wife and children will When the procession reached the boggy discome to us there with sobs and tears. Wilt trict of Mona, the cart sank to the footboard. not thou therefore give us thy commands ?" It Unable to move it they harnessed horses beis difficult to subdue a newly regenerate body, longing to the five banners to it; but still but if we subdue it we shall doubtless arrive it would not move. The Sunid Kiluken at the state of nirvana, in which there are no Baghatur, as the whole people harnessed sufferings. It is difficult to subdue a strong themselves, bowed himself and said : " My holy body; but if we do crush it, we shall doubtless Ruler, so like a kuluk, who wast born of the meet in the country of the blessed. As thou azure and eternal heaven, wilt thou desert art going to leave thy wife Burtehjujin Setzen thy whole people in this plight while working a widow, and thy sons Ogotai and Tului or- out thy high destiny ? Thy solidly grounded phans, will thou not point out to them water government; thy children and thy wife who in the desert and a road over the ridge ?" bore them; thy native land and waters; all are Thereupon Chinghiz Khan replied: "Do not yonder. Thy government founded on justice; thou die, but point thou out a road along the thy gathered clans, thy dear children and wife : ridge and water in the desert to my widow thy golden palace; all are there. The snow;** Burtehjujin Setzen and my orphans Ogotai and the waters in which thou wast wont to bathe; Tului. The precious jade-stone has no crust, thy numerous Mongol subjects, and thy nor has the polished steel any rust on it. Our birth-place Deligun Boldak; thy standard body is not immortal. Act resolutely and tide made of the crest of a bay colt;" thy pipes things firmly oves. The essence of a thing is and kettledrams; thy whole people and the in its completion, although it have a hundred place Arlan in the plains of the Keralon where beginnings. Firm is the soul of man who keeps thou didst mount the throne; all are there." Ais plighted word. Behave thyself modestly Thy wife Burtehjajin Setzen whom thou didst and surrender thy voice to that of the many. marry before thou becamest famous; thy wellTo die after a lifetime is the fate of us all. watered land Borkhata Khan; thy beloved Secure a good government and abide the friends Mukhuli and Boghorji; and thy admini. commands of the boy Khubilai."'18 After these strator; all are there. Thy lutes and pipes and words he died in the Ting-swine year, and other instruments; the whole of thy great people; the 67tin year of his age. Therefore, says thy holy fatherland; all are yonder." Hast the Altan Topchi, they harnessed horses to thon, my lord, been so charmed by the warmth a waggon, upon which they placed the golden of Kharguna Khanu; by the number of the remains of the Ruler. And as they marched, Tangut people; and by the beauty of Kurbeljin; the Sunid Kiluken Baghatar thus belauded that thou hast forsaken thy old Mongols ? him: "Thou my ruler hast departed, as though Although thy dear soul is fled, we will carry on the wings of a migrating falcon. Thou hast thy remains, precious as the jade-stone, to thy become a load for a creaking cart. Thou hast birthplace, and shew them to thy widow Burteh. departed as if on the wings of a hovering jujin and to all thy people." These words, hawk; as if on the wings of a futtering lark. which it may be remarked have a charming Thou hast become a load for a creaking cart." naivete and peculiar local colour about them, 17 Ssanang Setzen has it: "Wilt thou not, therefore, O my Lord, rouse thyself and hie thee onward' P" 1 i.e. of his grandson, who afterwards became Khakan of the Mongols and Emperor of China. I have given the names in Ssanang Setzen's orthography. 19 Ssanang Setzen says the 66th. 20 Ssanang Setzen says it was a two-wheeled waggon, and that his whole people accompanied him wailing as they went. ar Ssanang Setzen here has a better version and I appro. priate the graphic translation of my friend Colonel Yule : "Whilom thou didst atoop like a faloon, rumbling waggon now trundles thee off, O my king! Hast thou in truth then forsaken thy wifo and thy children and the feet of thy people, 0 my king? Circling in pride like an eagle, whilom thou didst lond O my king! But now thou hast stumbled and fallen like an un broken colt, O my king! For six and thirty years thou hast brought thy poople peace and joy, and now dost thou leave them, O my king !" * i.e. thy birthplace. - Ssanang Setzen says tho tail of a black horse. 3. Ssanang Setzen says the pastures of the Kerulon where thou didst mount the throne as Khakan of the Arulad. * Ssanang Setzen adds "thy heavenly-born partner Ahulan Khatun and thy two charming wives Jissu and Jissuken."

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96 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1887. were, we are told, heard by the ruler, and the the stock of Chinghiz Khan. We may take it cart began to move again with a creak. All were therefore that the Khan-ula is the traditional delighted, and escorted it to the country of his place of sepulture of the great chief. Timokofski birth. The Mongols have a superstitious dread speaks of this mountain as remarkable since it of openly admiring any place they are pleased is the first one in Mongolia coming from the with, as they treat it as anomen that they will die south, and the last coming from the north, there, and we are accordingly told that Chinghiz which is covered with woods. He tells as it is Khan had once admired the district of Mona the highest peak of the Khingan range, adding Khan when he was traversing it, whence it was that the forests which cover it are held sacred the cart sank there up to the step. They now, 1 by the Mongols, and at the time of his arrival says the Altan Topchi, spread false rumours there some Khalkhas brought a number of good among the people that he was buried there, horses they intended offering to the tutelary whereas they only deposited his shirt, his genii inhabiting the summit of the mountain." tent, and leggings; while his corpse according A guard of Uriangkuts was appointed to look to some was buried in Burkhan Galdhun, while after the grave of Chinghiz Khan, and from others said it was at buried Yeke Utek, be- being thus connected with the royal ordus tween the shadow-side of the Altai Khan and received the name of Ordus, which a tribe of sunny side" of the Kentei Khan. Mongols probably descended from them still Such is the story of Chinghiz Khan's bears. Like other tribes they migratod across burial as reported in the native Sagas. the desert on the weakening of the Ming dynasty, Let us now notice very shortly the geography and are now found in the so-called Ordus of these notices. The Mona mountains were country, west of Kuku Khotan. probably the chain of mountains in the modern 1 A very curious fact must now be told. Pere Ordus country north of the Yellow river, called David, who travelled in the Ordus country Mund-ula by Pere David." Thence the cortege in 1866, tells us that the Mongols there still moved across the Mongolian desert, to the preserve most carefully the mortal remains of the mountain where the body was interred. Rashid famous Chinghiz Khan bogoto." They are enu'd-din says Chinghiz was buried in the closed in a large silver chest which they do not mountain Burkhan Galdun. He adds that readily show to strangers. The precious box is the place was also called Yeke Kuruk i.e. preserved not in a lamasery but in a private tent the great sacred place or great tabooed place, by one of the princes of the country. Pil. which probably answers to the Yeke Utek grimages are made to it, and Mongols go thither of Ssanang Setzen's notice above quoted. He to make their khoto or prostrations, such as also says he was buried at Budah Ondur they make before living emperors. This place near the Selinga. This name connotes is about 30 or 40 leagues south of Sarchi and the same thing as Burkhan Galdun. The is called Tia-y-sen. It is stated that this casket mountain, according to one of Ssanang Setzen's of massive 'silver, after having been carried notices was on the sunny side of the Kentei | about in various parts of Mongolia, for fear it range. This points to the famous mountain of might be plundered, has been for a long time Khan-ula where Urga is situated. Now it is definitely housed in the country of the Ordus, curious that Ganbil says several Mongol princes which is safe from hostile invasious on account of the family of Chinghiz Khan reported that he of its poverty. The box is always folded in was buried in the mountain Han." In some MSS. precious stuffs, which are kissed respectfully by notes quoted by Quatremere, a very considerable the devotees. What this box contains it would Mongol Mandarin assured Father Parennin that be interesting to know more definitely. It is, Chinghiz was buried on the mountain Han, near at all events, remarkable that the Ordus still the sources of the Onon, Tala and Kerulon, and claim to have the sacred remains of the old the same fact was confirmed to the same Father Mongol Chief among them. - in the presence of Gaubil by a Mongol prince of Chinghiz Khan, according to Juveni, had about * i.e. the north. .e. the south.. >> Op. cit. Vol. II. pp. 495-6. # See Nouv. Ann. etc. New Series, IV. Bulletin, 6. 33 4.. the sainted. . i. e. The south. Gaubil, p. 54 noto. ** Nowv. Ann. du Mus. New Series, Vol. 4 Bulletin u Quatrendre, p. 119 note. 78-74.

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MARCH, 1887.1 CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 500 wives and concubines. The latter were he had always been pleased with her, but that either captives or Mongol damsels, for accord. in a dream God had commanded him to make ing to the custom then in vogue the fairest her over to another. He begged that she damsels were specially sifted out for the Khan's would not oppose him and at the same time he service. All those belonging to a company asked in a loud voice who was outside the tent. were inspected by its captain, who selected the The Noyan Kehti, was on guard that night. most beautiful and presented them to his mille- He made himself known. Chinghiz having narian, he did the same and presented his ordered him to enter told him he gave him choice to the commander of a tuman, and they that lady in marriage, and as Kehti remained in turn presented their choice to the Khakan. dumb with surprise he urged that he spoke Those maidens not required by the Khan en quite seriously; then turning to the princess he tered the service of his wives or were made gave her the ordu she lived in, with the serover to his relatives. This is confirmed by vants, farniture, horses and cattle depending on Carpini, who says that if the Khan demanded it, keeping only for himself an officer of the anyone's daughter or sister she was at once table (Munjenk), and a gold cup which he kept surrendered to him, and that he brought to- as souvenirs of her. Abika thus became the wife gether every year, or every two or three years, of Kehti Noyan of the Mongol tribe Urut, who the damsels in his country to select those who commanded four thousand men of the left wing." pleased him, making the rest over to those of This incident is very curious from the fact that his court. Abika's two sisters became so famous as the Among Chinghiz Khan's wives five held wives of Chinghiz Khan's two sons Juchi and Baperior rank, namely, Burteh, who bore the Tului. One was named Bigtutemish and the Chinese title of Fujin, and was the daughter of other Siyurkukteni. the chief of the Konguruts, Dai Setzen ; Khu- By his wives Chinghiz Khan had several lan, a daughter of Dair Ussun, Chief of the children. Of these the most important were Merkits; Jissu and Jissuken, or as Rashidu'd. those of his chief wife Burteh, vis., four sons din calls them, Yisukate and Yisalan, who were and five daughters. These song were (i), Juchi, both Tatars"; and Kokju or Kunju, daughter whose birth under ambiguous circumstances, as of the Kin emperor of China. This last had we have seen, apparently threw doubts on his no children, and survived till the time when legitimacy and deprived him of his birthright; Arikbuka, Chinghiz Khan's grandson flourished. (ii), Chagatai or Jagatai; (iii), Ogotai and Among his other partners were also Abika, (iv), Tului. His daughters were (i), Kujin or daughter of Jakembo, brother of Wang, Khan of Khojin Bigi, who was first engaged to Kush the Kirais; Gurbyessu, the mother of Tayang Buka, the son of Sengon, eldest son of Wang Khan of the Naimans, called his widow in Khan of the Kirais, which engagement fell some accounts; according to Von Hammer's through. The Yuan-shei-lei-pien says she married table, Hogutai, daughter of Eremuk; Murkai, Batu or Poda Garkan, chief of the Inkirasses, of the Bekrin tribe; and lastly the daughter who, according to the same author and also the of the ruler of Tangut, who is called Kur- Kang-mu" had previously married a sister of beljin Goa by Ssanang Setzen. The rest Chinghiz Khan named Temulun. Rashidu'd-din were daughters of officers or of tribal chiefs." has two accounts of her, inconsistent with each I have mentioned in chapter XV. the divorce other. In one he makes her marry Batu of Abika, called Abakh also in the Yuan-chao. Gurkhan of the Inkirasses. In the other pi-shi." Rashidu'd-din, referring to this, tells he makes her marry Bertu Gurkan, son as that one night when he was reposing with of Tekus Gurkhan of the Kurulas." (u) his Kirai wife, Abika, his sleep was disturbed by Jijeghan, who married Taralji Gurkan, son of a terrible dream On awaking he told her that Kutuka Bigi chief of the Uirads. (iii), Alakai 25 D'Ohson, . p. 416-417. >> Saanang Setzen says they wero daughters of Yeke Teoro. : 31 Called Amka by Raverty. * Raahidu'd-din, quoted by D'Ohsson, Vol. I. pp. 418.419. * Called Amka by Raverty. 40 Rashidu'd-din, article on the Uruta; D'Ohason, Vol. I. pp. 418.419; Erdmann, Temudachin, p. 221. See Gaubil, pp. 3 and 63 ; De Mailla, Vol. IX. p. 14. * Borejine, 1352, Erdmann, Tomudechin, 201. " Borojine, pp. 1.155.

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98 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MARCH, 1887. Bigi who was married to Jingui, son of the depended upon popular election, the theory chief of the Onguts. (iv), Tumalun who married being doubtless that an unfit man, even if Shenkku or Jiku Garkan, son of Alchi Noyan entitled by birth, could thus be excluded. The 1 chief of the Kunkuruts. (v), Altalun who rule of succession again, as is generally the married Taiju or Baiju Kurkan, chief of the case with nomadic peoples among whom it is Olkhonuts." inconvenient to be ruled by infants, prescribed By his Merkit wife Khulan, Chinghiz had that a man should be succeeded by his brothers & son, Kulkan, who left descendants. By if fit, in turn, and when these are exhausted Yisukat, one of his Tatar wives, he left a son then the son of the eldest brother becomes the Ujaur called Chawur by Von Hammer, who patriarch of the family or the tribe, or the died when young." By & Naiman concubine nation. This rule did not apparently apply, he had, according to Rashidu'd-din, a son, however, to the heritage carved out by a man's Jurjetai or Jurjeai or Jarjin as Raverty reads own sword. In such a case his brothers were the name, who died before his other son. And excluded, and the inheritance passed to his by a Tatar concubine, another son named sons in succession. This was apparently Urhjaghan; he died young." the law. In the case of strong rulers, and Besides those Chinghiz had two adopted sons especially of rulers with such an exceptional who were treated almost on an equality with position as Chinghiz Khan, it was frequently his actual children. One of these was the Tatar the custom for them to select their heir, which Shiki Khutuku. He used to style Chinghiz choice was generally ratified by the Kuriltai Ijeh, i.e. Father, and Burteh Fujin, Berikan Ekeh, or Grand Assembly of the nation. Thus and also Sain Ekeh. Chingbiz called him Chinghiz passed over his two elder sons and Aka. He ranked with Chinghiz Khan's other selected the third one Ogotai to succeed him as Bons, and sat above Mangu his grandson." Khakan or Imperator over the Mongol world; A second adopted son of Chinghiz was the a heritage which Ogotai considerably enlarged, Tangut Chakan, also called Ujijhan, who was before he died. His brothers were his depen. captured when a boy, adopted by Burteh Fujin dents. If the Mongol Empire had been smaller and eventually commanded Chinghiz Khan's and more compact this might have continued, life-guards. but the very size of the empire speedily made Among no race probably is there such a keen it easy for those, who thought their ancestors distinction made between those who belong to had been deprived of their rightfal heritage the royal caste and the Karajus or subjects, as to strike blows which eventually shattered among the Mongols. Thatone of the latter should it. This is, however, no part of our present thrust himself into a position of sovereignty would subject. I have treated of it at great length be virtually unprecedented. On the other hand, elsewhere. Mamong most nomad peoples, the chief's right (To be continued.) SIRPUR COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE MAHARAJA RUDRADASA. BY PANDIT BHAGWANLAL INDRAJI, PH.D. The subject of this paper is a fragmentary broken away, pretty evenly, all the way down, copper-plate, which Mr. J. M. Campbell, Bo. and, judging by the context of lines 1 and C.S., C.I.E., kindly sent to me in 1884. I 2, two or three letters have been lost here understand that he got it from Mr. J. A. at the beginning of each successive line. There Baines, Bo.C.S., who again, obtained it from is no ring-hole in the plate; but there may have Motiram Patil of Sirpur in the Khandesh been one in the portion that is broken away; District. and there must have been one, if, as seems The remnant of the plate measures about likely, this is only the remnant of an original 7" by 4". It is intact at the top and bottom, set of two or more plates. The inscription is and at the right side; but at the left side it is on only one side of the plate. But on the other Erdmann, Temudachin, p. 201... id. 6. 12. note 356. Von Hammer, Ilkhaus, * Soo Erdmann, Temudschin, p. 146 and note 852 table 5.

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kntm pl TEA 2:42) itu kttnt 3 tur * Sirpur Plate of the Maharaja Rudradasa. & SAT J. F. FLEET, BO.C.S. W. GRIGGS. PHOTO-LITH FULL-SIZE. |

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MARCE, 1887.1 SIRPUR PLATE OF RUDRADASA. 99 side there are, faintly cut, seven of the so-called sion (?). The boundary of the field is men shell-characters' that have been found on tioned as extending as far as Khalattaka, which several of the ancient stone-monuments of may be a field or & village. The donee is a India. The characters, which are well pre-Brahman named Dronilaka, of the Bharadvaja served, are ancient, of the early Valabhi stylo, gotra. and also with a certain amount of resemblance The most important point in the plate is its to the character used in the Vakataka inscrip- date, which unfortunately has been very caretions. I should refer them, as far as this can be lessly cut by the engraver. The record of the done on palmographical grourds, to about the date begins with the word varsha, followed by beginning of the sixth century A.D. The & vertical stroke ; and after the stroke there language is Sanskrit prose, in many places in. come the numerical symbols for one hundred accurate, and not altogether well engraved. and for ten. These symbols are followed by the The inscription is one of a Maharaja named five letters revaitrayayd; and then comes the Rudradasa, whose genealogy, if given, was on numeral for two. It is hard to make any. a missing portion of the grant. The extant thing of revaitrayaya; which curious jamble of portion gives us no information about his letters is, I think, due to a mistake of the enfamily. But from the termination dasa, and graver. The re is much like the Kshatrapa from the locality whence the plate was obtain- numerical symbol for 8; and, if we take it as ed,' it may perhaps be inferred that Rudra- & symbol along with the two preceding it, dasa belonged to the family of the rulers of the date would be 118. The remaining four Asmaks (the modern Khandos), whom I letters, vaitrayayd, may perhaps be meant for consider to be a branch of, and subordinate to, Chaitra-dvitiyayash; especially as va and cha the Vakatakas, and of whom we have an in- are letters closely alike, and the numeral for 2 scription in Ajanca Cave No. XVII. It gives follows ya. Taking 118 as the date of us three names ending in dasa; Bhikshudasa, the grant, the next question is, to what era Nilad Asa, and Krishnadasa. And it is possible should it be taken to belong P The word that Rudradass may be the elder son, whose varsha, for 'year,' is most commonly found in name is now illegible in that record, of Krish- the Kshatrapa dates; but the Kshatrapa or nadasa. In addition to the title of Maharaja, Saka era is here out of the question, as the BudradAss has, in the present inscription, the letters of the grant are not so old. There epithet of paramabhaltaraka-pad-dnudhydta, remain the Chedi or Traikutaka era, commenc"meditating on the feet of the paramount ing A.D. 250, and the Gupta era of A.D. sovereign;" and the two attributes together 319; bat dates in both of these usually shew that he was no petty chief, but a fairly begin with the abbreviation sank or the word important ruler. samvatsara, while the term here used is varsha. The inscription records the grant of a field I leave this point open for the present; hoping named Ghotakatala, to the west of the village that further light may be shed on it by some of Vikattapaks in the Kakapara sub-divi- new find from Khandos and the neighbourhood TEXT. 1 [---] paramabhArakapadanudhyAto' maharaja'rudradAsaH samA 2 [jJApayati sAnavAsmadIyAnabutakanvijJAtamastu vaH samanu[See ante, Vol. XV. p. 864.-The shell-characters on At the same time, there is no analogy to it in the symbols this plate are ont in outline, and so faintly that any ink given in this Journal, ante, Vol. VI. p. 441.; especially as impression of them is impossible; but perhaps they the signs which there make the multiples of 100, are might photograph. Part of the seventh character, and placed after, not before, the symbol itself. It is useless of the fourinh round them all, is lost with the part of to speculate further, at present, on the date of this the plate that is broken away-J: F.F.) inscription. I will only remark that, if the Gupta era in * [This, however, proves nothing, in the case of a to be applied, then the symbol must certainly be some oopper-plate grant, anless the places mentioned in it can multiple of 100.-J. F. F.] be identified.-J. F. F.] * The visarga suggests that the previons word was an Archeol. Suru. West. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 129. Between the word varsha and the symbol for 100, epithet of Rudradasa, which might be TV, since, that there is strongly marked full-sized upright straight the king was probably a Sains, appears from his name. stroke. It stands no close to the symbol, that it un- * Read bhaTTArakapAdAnudhyAto. ' Read mahArAja. doubtedly belongs to it, and it appears to me to be intended to modify the symbol into some multiple of 100. Read m orarytar.

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100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1887. 3 [---] F E TTET Fr. vikaTANakapAmasyAparasImAyAyA" bhAhivaidyapra5 [43] mevaM ghoTakatalattAma" yAvatkohalahakasI6 [HTATEZ] HOC T artarretragar 7 [47] B a rathe TEHT" 8 [---] 1997 Negafre g a9 [aufalfa ofaercing ora 10. 206(?) " R THE VILLAGES MENTIONED IN THE GUJARAT RATHOR GRANTS Nos. III. AND IV. BY DR. G. BUHLER, C.I.E. When the Rathor Grants' Nos. III. and IV. | Ton, about two miles west of Bard011. The were edited by Dr. Holtzschand myself, the want latter town, finally, may possibly be identical of the Trigonometrical Survey Maps of Gujarat with Bhadrapali," which according to verse 44 prevented our tracing the villages and townsmen was the home of Dodabi, and probably also of tioned as fully as would have been desirable. As his son Jojibha. Two villages mentioned in the I am now in possession of the sheets required, I grant, Kundiravallika, east of Parahanaks think it advisable in the interest of the ancient (Parona), and Jonandha, & second village, geography of India, tosapply the former omission. situated in a southernly direction, are not Nearly all the places mentioned in No. III. traceable on the map. As regards Karmanthe grant of Dhruvadeva III. are found on tapura, the capital of the district to which sheet No. 34 of the Gujarat series of the Parihanaka belonged, it may possibly be anmaps. The village granted is Pardhanaka other name of Kamrej, which in the Gurjara, which lay east of the " Brahman settlement Chalukya and Rathor inscriptions is called named Mottaka." As I have pointed out Kamaneya, Karmaneya, or Kammanijja. formerly' Mottaka can only be the present The villages and towns, mentioned in No. IV., Mota in the Surat District, the hoine of the the grant of Krishna II., are found on Motala Brahmans. This identification is con- sheets Nos. 14 and 15 of the maps. The firmed by the map which shows in the donee resided at Variavi which is also called position, indicated by the grant, the village of "port of Variavi." The latter epithet makes it Pacona, clearly a corruption of Parahanaka. not doubtful that it is, as I have already North of Parahapaka, the grant states, lay pointed out, the modern Variao on the Tapti, MoivAsaka; and the map has a corresponding east of Surat. The village granted, Kavithaname, Mowachhi. On the southern boundary sadhi which is stated to lie east of Variavi, can lay Khaurachhaka, which we find represented only be the modern Kosad. The other boundon the map by Kharwasa. The village aries of Kavithasadhi are,-to. the north, of Khaurichhaka belonged to the Chara of Vasuharika which Rao Saheb Mohanlal R. Trenna, which latter place according to verse Jhaveri has already identified with the modern 45 was granted by Dhruvaraja to Jojiblia's Wanwari; to the east, Valachha, the modern father, Doddhi. Trenni is clearly the modern Varachha; to the south, Uttarapadhavanaka, Read T. ante, Vol. XII. p. 181. 10 Possibly a mistake of the engraver for gt; and * The intormediate form is Khaurav&sa. In popular conversational Gujarati, chha and 8( are constantly then the following lotters, in line 4, might be atta. interchanged Also called Tenni in Mr. H. H. Dhruva's grant 11 Read of Art; one of seems to be reduudant. NO. VIII. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen ** Probably for TIC T . 19 Road 4791deg. Gesellschaft, Bd. XL. p. 322 ; and Treyang in an un published Sendraka grant. 1 Bead og 15 Read TTI. 10 Read Fift: > This is on the supposition that the poet tried to in 11 Read : 15 Read : vont a niguifionnt Sanskrit name for Bardoli. The real old name of the latter town was Baruapallika, see ** [Sce note 4, p. 99 abovo.-J. F. F.] HH.Dhruva, Loc. cit. Similar inventions of tho Pandits 0 Rend caitradinIyAyAM (2) are common. Thus Surat is sometimes called Suryapura and sometimes Suratapura. ante, Vol. XII. pp. 179-190; and Vol. XIII. pp. 65-69. ante, Vol. XIII. p. 66, note 16.

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NOTES ON THE MAHABHASHYA. MARCH, 1887.] in the place of which the map (sheet No. 15) gives Utran. All the modern names, with the exception of Kosad and Utran, are so similar to the ancient ones that they require no special remarks. With respect to the latter two places I may state that the intermediate forms which led to the corruptions, shown by the modern names, are probably Kavihasadhi and Uttaravahanaka. With respect to NOTES ON THE MAHABHASHYA. BY PROF. F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GOTTINGEN. (Continyed from Vol. XV. page 233.) 5. THE AUTHORITIES ON GRAMMAR QUOTED IN | THE MAHABHASHYA. In the preceding note I have tried to show, that the Karikus, which we meet with in the Mahabhashya, are taken from grammatical works composed after the Varttikas, and that Patanjali has probably used the same works, even where he does not actually quote from them. In the present note I intend to collect those passages or expressions, in which Katyayana and Patanjali, or the authors of the verses preserved in the Mahabhashya, are distinctly quoting or referring to authorities on grammar, other than Panini or Katyayana. Purvasutra. Grammars older than Panini are referred to by the term Purvasutra,' which is used by both Katyayana and Patanjali, as well as in the Karikas, and which occurs six times in the Mahabhashya. According to Katyayana (Vol. II. p. 205), Panini may have employed the word upasarjana in the rule IV. 1, 14, in the sense of upradhana, in accordance with the usage of former grammars. According to Patanjali (Vol. I. p. 248), Panini has similarly used vridilha for gotra in I. 2, 65. In a Kurika in Vol. I. p. 36, the term akshara is said to have been employed in former grammars in the sense of varna, a letter.' In Vol. III. p. 104, Patanjali refutes a suggestion of Katyayana's by intimating, that the term: in P. VI. 1, 163, need not necessarily be the Genitive of fa, but may be Kaiyata on P. IV. 1, 14vyAkaraNamucyate. * Kaiyaja on P. VI. 1, 163: - pUrvavyAkaraNe prathamayA kArya nirdizyate ; and on P. VIII. 4. 7: pUrvAcAryAH kAryabhAjaH baghA na niradikSanityarthaH 101 the statement of the grant that Variavi belonged to the "one hundred and sixteen villages of the Konkana," I must add that the people of Gujarat know even at present of the ancient division of their country, according to which the south was sometimes reckoned as a part of the Konkan. Thus the Ahmadabadis call the Nagars, settled in Surat, Kankanas. taken to be the Nominative of fra, containing a suffix that has the Anubandha,' the Nom. having been employed by Panini in accordance with the practice of former grammars, in which that which undergoes an operation was put in the Nom., not in the Gen. case. According to Patanjali (Vol. III. p. 455), the word sg: in P. VIII. 4, 7, may, by the same reasoning, be taken to be the Nom. of ahna, not the Gen. of ahan. Lastly, in Vol. III. p. 247 it is suggested that Panini may have taken the term sit which he uses in VII. 1. 18, from an older grammar, a suggestion intended to show, why the operation, which in Panini's work usually takes place before a termination with the Anubandha, does not take place in the case of the terminations under discussion. This last passage has occasioned Patanjali's general remark, which has been made much of by the late Prof. Goldstucker," that Anubandhas used in former grammars have no effect in the grammar of Panini. From all this we learn little about the works of Panini's predecessors. That some of their technical terms differed from those used by Panini, is probable enough, but Katyayana's and Patanjali's remarks regarding the particular terms mentioned are hardly of more value than the similar statements concerning Purvacharyasajnah or Pracham samjnah of later writers. It may also be true that some ancient grammarians, like some modern ones, did use the Nom. in the way stated, and that they did See Goldstinker's Panini, p. 181; Burnell's On the Aindra School of Sanskrit grammarians, p. 40. e.g. the author of the Kotantra. Compare also in the Karikas such constructions as a fact (scil, Apadyate ), Vol. II. p. 313. - The use of the eases in the technical structure of Panini's rules requires a separate and full investigation. In this respect, Papini is most

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102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1887 employ other Anubandhas, I am quite aware both the anthor of the Karika, who allades to too of the fact, that Panini occasionally does use Apisali's rule, and Patanjali, who more fully the Nom. case, where we should have expected explains his remark, were really acquainted the Gen.; and 75: in P. VIII. 4, 7, undoubt with the text of that grammarian's Satra. eilly is the Nom. of just as T in VIII. 4, Anye Vaiyakaranah ; Anya Acharyah. 4 is the Nom. of 7, and in VIII. 4, 8 "Other Grammarians" are mentioned by the Nom. of 4. At the same time Pata - Patanjali twice; "other Acharyas" only once. jali's explanations look too much as if they had In one of these passages (Vol. I. p. 87) the been invented for the occasion. At any rate, to expression "other grammarians" may possibly take the word fra: ns a Nominative is im- denote Kityayaria, whose Vart. 1. on P. VI. possible; and as regards the term sirs, I cannot 1, 141, teaches exactly what the others are help thinking that Patanjali would have given stated to have taught. The two other pashis explanation in a more direct and positive sages are of some interest, because one of manner, had he in this particular instance really them. (Vol. I, p. 49) contains the technical been possessed of any authentic knowledge re term Sawlrama, 'a termination having the Anugarding the more ancient works, from which he bandha, or which ordinarily prevent the supposes Panini to have borrowed. substitution of Guna and Vriddhi,' a term Apisali and Sakatayana. which has not yet been met with anywhere Two only of the grammarians, who are else; while the other (Vol. III. p. 177), mentioned by Panini hinself, are quoted in the instead of 81 , has the word gear which Mahabhishya by name, Sakatayana and Apisa. in this technical sense is found in a Karika on li.. But regarding the former all we are told P. VI. 4, 110, and in the quotation from (Vol. II. p. 138) is, that in his opinion all nouns are derived from verbs, a statement which I may add here that Patanjali undoubtedly has been copied from the Nirulta. And of is quoting a rule of other grammarians, alApisali, only the single rule is referred to though he does not actually say so, in the (Vol. II. p. 281), that w takes the suffix , words lakSaNaM hi bhavati pyorvRddhiprasaGga iyuvI bhavata provided it be not compounded with the a in Vol. I. p. 310, and that very probably negative af. Thus much would appear to be one or two more rules of others are alluded certain, even from this solitary quotation, that to else where in the Mahabhashya." uncertain. He undoubtedly employs the Ablative and the rule 9FT TTTTTT: is ascribed to him. A rule Genitive cases in a promiscuous manner, and he often has of the Api/alah is givon in the Kliki on P. VII. 3, 95. tho Noininative, where we should least havo expected it. Nor are the commontators wrong, when they speak of And of the Apialah and Kaiakritsnih it is reported by avibhaktika nirdim. And from their point of view, I Helaraja, in his commentary on the Prakiraak, that am quite ready to endorse the maxim chhandivat strani they had not given the rule 4 (P. V. 1, 117. bharanti. * Sikatyana is mentioned also in Vol. II. p. 120.-In Bhartrihari merely says nera arrar TorVart. 3. on P. IV. 1, 14, Katykyana has 37.99 at). a. On the V Art. 23 on P I. 4,2 (Vol. I. p. 310) Kaiyata In Vol. I. p. 12, Pataljali gives the instances TT has the remark- T T T T TTT a , and in Vol. III. p. 125 a 19 G a On the Vert. 3 on P. II. 1, 86 (Vol. I. lapANinIyavyADIyagautamIyAH. p. 393) Ksiyata calls the statament a: 7 , The passage of the Nirukta referred to in the above with which the Virttika begins, a Pirricharya-stri. (Roth's edition, p. 35) has not yet been satisfactorily From the remark in Vol. I. p. 100, 1. 18, it appears, that explained; here I would only state that the term the grammarians whose views are given there, instead of T is used in the sense of avyutpanna pritipadika1 in the Mahabhahya, Vol. III. p. 436, 1. 11, meaning 37E7 at (P. VII. 4, 32), had read the rule 37 which is not given in our dictionaries. The grammar of 09757964. (The modern SAkatyaas has the rulo the old Saksyuna must havo been lost in very early times, for, so far as I know, there is no reference to it * F959457; see also Gartnamahadhi, in any grammatical work later than Panini. p. 29). "And from Patsujali's romark Tita 7 7: Rogarding Apisali seo the preface of Vol. II. of my l in Vol. II. p. 7 and Vol. III. D. 87. it would an edition of the MahabhAshya, p. 20, note. On P. II. 3, he knew some such rule as is given in the first Philadtra. 17, Kaiyata reports, that A pisali's roading of that rule The Phitaltra IV. 6 - FT Fical would seem was manyakarmaNyanAdara upamAne vibhASAmANiSu. On P. V. actually to occur in Vol. I. p. 262, 1. 12, but I have 1, 21, he staton, that for the word aga of Panini's rule strong reason to Ruspect, that in that partago tho text givon by the M88. has buen interpolated.-I purposely A pisala and K akiten road a . Klakritsna is have omitted here all roferences to the Pratisakhyas, or bowidou montionod by Kaiyata on P. II, 1, 51, where Chhandalintrini, as Patanjali onlls them. A

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MARCH, 1887.) NOTES ON THE MAHABHASHYA. 103 Eke; in Verttikas. Patanjali's explanations of them happened to In the Varttikas, as they are printed in my commence with identically the same words. edition, Katyayana seven times introduces The first is zubhyAM nityArthameke, which should be otherscholars by the word eke, 'Some,' which is inserted before 1. 4 of. Vol. II. p. 393; the always placed at the end of a Varttika, and second, T a ch, which has to be added for which Patanjali generally supplies the verb before the last line in Vol. III. p. 104; and the refrat they maintain.' According to the third, AT TAT which has disappeared Vart. on P. I. 2, 38 (Vol. I. p. 211) only some before 1. 8 of Vol. III. p. 425. By the Vart. 3 agree with Panini, the practical result of on P. V. 2, 97, the repetition of YETET in which is, that Panini's rule may be regarded P. V. 2, 109, merely indicates, that P. V. 2, 96 as optional. In' Vart. 1 on P. II. 1, 1, Katya- prescribes only the two suffixes and fall, yana explains sAmarthyam by pRthagarthAnAmekA bhAvaH; in other words, the repetition of anyatarasyAm is in Vart. 4 (Vol. I. p. 365) he states, that some regarded as & jnapaka ; in the Virt. 2 take it to be. TETEHT. In Vart. 1 on P. III. facit Katyayana adds, that, according to 1, 8, he teaches, that the suffix 46 must not some, the repetition of STFEATRITE is not a be added to a base ending in nor to an inde- jnapaka, but is necessary in order that the rule clinable; in Vart. 2 (Vol. II. p. 19) he adds, P. V.2, 108 may not be taken to be an optional that, according to some, is added to tr, rule. In Vart. 1 on P. VI. 1, 166, Katyayana to a base ending in a simple vowel, and to shows that the term : of Panini's rulo is bases ending in . In Vart. 2 on P. III. 2, superfluous; in the Virt. TETHETUAR" he 146, Katyayana says, that Panini has taught adds, that, according to some, T: is necessary the addition of sto fara etc., in order to because, without it, Panini's rulo would be applishow that the suffixes taught in P. III. 2, cable also in forms like faut. Lastly, in 134-177 necessarily supersede the suffix un the Vart. 1947 on P. VIII. 3, 5, of P. III. 1, 133; in Vart. 3 (Vol. II. p. 133) Katyayana states that, nccording to some, the he adds, that, according to some, what is final of g may be elided before ET, which is shown by P. III. 2, 146, is, that the suffixes contrary to Panini's and to Katyayana's own mentioned necessarily supersede, not merely | teaching, e, but all suffixes taught in general rules. From this, I fear, somewhat tedious exposi. In Vart. 1 on P.IV. 1, 39, Katyayana states that, tion it is evident, that Katyayana was noquaintcontrary to Panini's rule, fear and ope form ed with the works of other scholars who, fear and fast; in Vart. 2 (Vol. II. p. 216) before him, had tried toth to explain and to he adds, that, according to some, they form amend Panini's grammar, and who had subjected femnt and fast in the Voda. In Vart. 4 on the wording of the Sutras to that critical examiP. VII. 1, 72 he teaches that, contrary to nation, which is so striking a feature of KatyaPanini's rule, the Nom. Plur. Nent. of quit is yana's own Varttikas. Those who aro familie Tofar; in Vart. 5 (Vol. III. p. 265) he adds, with the history of Indian grammar will prothat according to some, it is wats. Finally, bably be inclined to suspect, that Kityayana in Vart. 3 on P. VIII. 1, 51 (Vol. III. may have borrowed from his predecessors, even p. 377) he states, that some object to the inter- where he does not distinctly refer to them; cerpretation of Panini's rule by which the words tain it is, that he was not the first Varttikakaru. rarea are taken to mean it waar Vajapyayana, Vyaci, and :. Paushkarasadi. To thonbove we must add three similarstate. Compared with this, Katyayana's references ments, which undoubtedly are varttikas, but to individual scholars are of slight importance; which have disappeared from the MSS. because and it may even bo doulsted if the three scholars . In the following I am merely giving the general Virtlik x h* disappearoit. The Villtiha agarimport of the Vinttikan refurrod to, not an accurate and e morro , O Accurate and full translation of tl:em. 07 mey have dieuppenrod betore the words #99F time 10 None of the SS. compared by me give these state qata era in Vol. I. p. 61, 1. 21; at any rate, ments as separato Vart ikas, but the stopa put after two Patanjali nowhere cleo 4 the phrace T e n of them in nome MSS. and the absence of Sathdhi be except who ha is esplaivinga iritika. Nagojibhatta considers tuis to bo a romark of Patan. tween 0 and ora suggest, that the text of tho jali's. m

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104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1887. named by him were really all grammarians. the fact that that rule contains an exception reAccording to Vart. 35 on P. I. 2, 64 (Vol. I. garding words denoting a measure. On P. I. p. 242), Vajapyayana maintained, that words | 3, 25, Katyayana has the remark (Vol. I. p. 281, mean a genus, while according to Vart. 45 591 T F r it:: another has 3 T(Vol. I. p. 244) Vyaci held the opposite doc- A f g. To the rule P. IV. 2, 7, trine, that words mean individual things." In Katyayana appends. the note (Vol. II. p. 273) Vart. 3 on P. VIII. 4, 48 (Vol. III. p. 465) the 1 ; another gives the general role at rale, that a tenuis before a sibilant is changed i ca. In Vol. I. p. 367, Katyayana defines to the corresponding aspirate (Tee: to pu), is & sentence to be EU refera T E; escribed to Paushkarasadi.15 another, simplifying that definition, merely says Apara Aha; Kechid ahuh: Apara aha; or Seura T. In Vol. I. p. 468 another Apara Ahuh. permits the two constructions zobhanA khalapANineH Patanjali most usually introduces the opinions or quorfarar are rat, which is contrary to of other grammarians by the phrase apara dha the teaching of both Panini and Katyayana. another says,' which occurs no less than 83 In Vol. I. p. 179, Patanjali's reading of two times in the Mahabhashya. From an exami- Varttikas is SETTITAT nation of the statements so introduced it appears, F r ; another, we learn, reads 47274. In not only that Patanjali knew of grammarians Vol. I. p. 192, Patanjali explains the reading whose views in individual cases differed from | Sure, and he intimates, that another those of Katyayana, or who had tried to add to, reads are tag. In Vol. I. p. 314 he to simplify, or to render more exact, and gene- shows, that another reads the Vart. 6 without rally to improve on, the Varttikas of that the particle in Vol. I. p. 422, that another scholar, but also, and to this I would draw reads vyasya instead of adravyasya. In Vol. I. particular attention, that there had been those pp. 10, 20, 64, 237, 247, 357 and elsewhere, who, before Patanjali, had explained the Vartti- Patanjali gives us his own explanations of kas. Patanjali's quotations certainly prove, Varttikas and also those of another. Regarding that others had interpreted or even read certain the Vart. 2 on P. VI. 1, 3, he informs us (Vol. Varttikas differently; and more than once he | III. p. 8), that some supply for a t the word even places before us two different explanations, *14, while another supplies 5577; and by others, of one and the same Varttika. regarding the Vart. 2 on P. VI. 4, 106 (Vol. Besides, he introduces, by apara kha, opinions III. p. 215), that some supply 3- RT , that are at variance with his own, also where | and others vAvacanaM kartavyam. In a similar manner he is not explaining Katyayana ; and he em. he records different explanations in Vol. I. p.. ploys the same phrase before a number of 424 and Vol. II. pp. 92 and 171. Karikas. Again, in Vol. I. p. 390 Patanjali himself proI shall not weary the reader by fully discuss- poses to substitute fortatatiralft: for the one ing here every one of the many passages which word are of P. II. 1, 37, and he tells us, that have occasioned these remarks. A few simple another would enbstitute bhayanirgatajugupsubhiH. In examples will, I trust, sufficiently illustrate Vol. III. p. 30 he explains the word sTTETUUT what I have said above. According to Katya- in P. VI. 1, 36, to be a reduplicated form of the yana (Vol. III. p. 321) the word in word PTT, and he adds, that another derives the P. VII. 3, 15 indicates merely, that P. VII. same word from 379-FT. In Vol. III. p. 244, 3, 17 is not applicable, e.g., in the formation of he tells us, that either the rule P. VII. 1, 8, or tafa ; according to another, the same word the rule P. VII. 1, 10, is superfluous, and he indicates generally, that words denoting time are adds, that according to another the word aan nowhere in Panini's grammar included in the of P. VII. 1, 8, and the rule P. VII. 1, 10, may term CATT, and that accordingly we must, e.g., be dispensed with. In the same manner he by P. IV. 1, 22 form feat, notwithstanding mentions opinions of others, that differ from his For Patanjali's roforence to the Stagraha, which is CDXXX. It may be noted that, contrary to his usual reported to have been composed by Vymli, see below. 13 Compare the Ath Irelpritiskhya II. 6: Taittiriya. custom, Katyfyana in his Varttika pats the name prat. XIV. 19; Vajasan yi-prat. IV, 119; aud Rik-pril. !95TH in the Glen, not in the Nom. caee.

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MARCH, 1887.) NOTES ON THE MAHABHASHYA. 105 own, in Vol. I. pp. 172, 210, 290 and elsewhere; own statements, and without any such distinct and he records the views of different scholars reference to Katy Ayana's Varttikas." Thus it in Vol. I. p. 427, and Vol. II, pp. 19, 120, 151 happens, too, that in six out of seven cases the and 254. remarks of the saunagas are introduced by the That Patanjali introduces some of the Kari- phrase evaM hi sonAgAH paThanti , preceded by iTamevakas by apara dha, I have already mentioned in TETTE or some similar expression, while a previous note I will only add here, that the dicta of the Bharadvajiyas are always the authors of the Karikas themselves allude to introduced simply by rerat: qoft. That the opinions of other scholars, who are referred of the Varttikas of the Bharadvajiyas which to by the words Eke or Kechid, in Vol. III. are cited in the Mahabhashya, one (in Vol. III. pp. 217 and 414. p. 199) is in verse, I have already had occasion The Bharadvajiyah, Saunagah, and to state in my remarks on the Karikas." Kroshtriyah. A third school of grammarians, the Kroshof individual grammarians or schools of triyas, is mentioned in the MahAbhishya only once (Vol. I. p. 46). All we learn about them grammarians those most frequently referred to is, that they considered the two rules, P. I. by Patanjali are the Bharadvajiyas and the SaunAgas. The former are actually quoted 1, 3 and 52 to be quite independent of each ten times (Vol. I. PP. 73, 136, 201, 291; other, and were of opinion, that in any case Vol. II. pp. 46, 55, 70, 233; and Vol. III. where both rules might happen to be simul. taneously applicable, the former ought to pp. 199 and 230), and the latter seven times (Vol. I. p. 416; Vol. II. pp. 105, 228, 238, 325; supersede the latter, an opinion which is not and Vol. III. pp. 76 and 159), but it does not shared by Patanjali. seem at all improbable that some of the state- Gopikaputra, Gonardiya, Kuparavadava, mente, which are introduced by the phrase Sauryabhagavat, and Vadava."" aparn aha, or which would appear to contain The passages in which Patanjali quotes suggestions of Patanjali himself, may likewise Gopikaputra (Vol. I. p. 336) and Gonardiya really belong to either of those schools." Both (Vol I. pp. 78 and 91 ; Vol. II. p. 76; and may be described as authors of Varttikas, and Vol. III. p. 309), I have already discussed in both flourished after Katyayana. Bat, while my second note (ante, Vol. XV. p. 81); and I to amend the Varttikas of Katyayans appears have there tried to show, that Gonardiya was & to have been the main object of the Bharadva: writer of grammatical Karikas, who in all jlyas, the Saunagas, so far as we can judge, probability lived after Katyayana. About would seem to have criticized the text of Pani. Gonikaputra it is difficult to say anything. ni's grammar more independently. This is Later than Katyayana is also Kuparavadava, indicated also by the manner in which both for the two statements ascribed to him by are quoted in the Mahabhashya. Whereas Patanjali (Vol. II. p. 100 and Vol. III. p. 317) Patanjali usually places the dicta of the are distinctly directed against Katyayana, Bharadvajiyas by the side of those of Katya- whose Varttikas they show to be superfluous. yana, as it were, to point out the differences Whether this Kunaravadays is really the same between the two, and to show how the former as Vadava, who together with the Sauryabhahave tried to improve on the latter," he gavat is mentioned by Patanjali in the difficult generally cites the Saunagas in support of his passage in Vol. III. p. 421, I have no means * ante, Vol. XV. p. 231, note 17. ing of Varttibs of Katy Ayana in Vol. I. p. 416, and "In Vol. II. p. 200, 1. 8, it seems as if Patanjali they improve on another parttika in the statement himself woro attenupting to improve on Vartfika alluded to in nato 15 above. A Varttika of the Sauna. of Katyayana's; from Vol. II. p. 106, 1. 7 and p. 388, as, whioh has not been taken from the MahAbhAghy, is 1. 10 Wone that he is merely repeating a statement of given in the Kard on P. VII. 8, 17. In commenting on the Banga. * On P. I, 1. 20, Katy tyana hau gurat tan that pance, Handatta explaina saunAgAH by sunAgasyA 64. zirarthama, the Bharadvajiya road ghusaMjJAyAM prakRtigrahaNa * ante, Vol. XV. p. 980. Miftant; on P. III. 1, 88, Kity yana bas R T E I purposely have omitted in the above Verahy yapi; the Bharadvajiyaaada nipAtanAzaguNavam ete. the pesage, in which his name ooours (Vol. I. p. 288), has been copied by Pata Ajali from the Niruka (Roth's " But the Saungo sluo mcre fully explain the mean edition, p. 1).

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106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1887. of deciding; nor do I know what scholar is In conclusion, I would here draw attention meant to be denoted by the term Sauryabhagas to the fact, that instead of the regular terms of cat, "the Acharya of the town Saurya,' as the Paniniya and also in addition to them, Kaiyata explains it.30 Nagojibhatta takes Va- occasionally, both in the Varttikas and in the dava to be the author of the Vart. 3 on P. VIII. Karikas, we meet with a number of other 2, 106, a statement, the correctness, of which grammatical termini technici. Most of those I doubt. terms had doubtless been in use already be fore Panini, and they were generally adopted in The Samgraha of Dakshayana. several of the later grammars, in preference This work, on which Patanjali is reported to the more artificial terms of Panini. Bata to have based his own work, is cited in the few are themselves highly artificial symbols, Mahabhashya only once, in connection with which may have been invented by grammarians the first Varttika (Vol. I. p. 6). From that later than Panini, and which remind one of the passage we learn, that the question, as to terms used in the Jainendra, where indeed one whether words are nitya or karya, had been of them actually occurs. fully discussed in the Savraha, and that the Thos, Katyayana occasionally employs the science of grammar had been shown to be neces- terms svara for Panini's (Vol. I. pp. 59, 123, sary, whichever view might be taken regarding etc.), vyanjana for a (Vol. I. pp. 26, 42, etc.), the nature of words. Elsewhere we are told samanakshura for 3* (Vol. I. p. 24 and Vol. that the Sangraha was composed by Vyadi; II. p. 19), sandhyakshara for (Vol. I, pp. Patanjali himself incidentally calls the author 22, 24, etc.); sparsa and aghosha (Vol. I. p. 355); of it Dakshayana, in Vol. I. p. 468. prathama, doitiya, tritiya, and chaturtha for the first, second, third, and fourth consonants of Considering the great balk of the Mah&- the five Vargas (Vol. III. pp. 218, 463, and bhishya, it is disappointing that we do not learn Vol. I. p. 154); ayogavdha, jikvmuliya, and from it more regarding the history of Indian upadhmaniya (Vol. I. p. 28 and Vol. III. p. grarnmar, and particularly, that, what we are 431). For , , , and we he has bhatold in it of the predecessors of Panini, is well- vanti, svastani, bhavishyanti and adyatani (Vol. nigh valueless. But I trust, that my survey of I. p. 443; Vol. II. pp. 114, 123, 160 ; Vol. II. the grammatical authorities referred to by p. 143; Vol. I. p. 474; Vol. II. p. 114; Vol. Katyayana and Patanjali will at least make this III. p. 217). For the phrase in he much clear, that Kityayana cannot have been uses the artificial term tan (Vol. I. p. 488; Vol. the first author of Varttikas, and that between II. pp. 99 and 221); and, strange to say, for him and Patanjali there intervene a large num- Panini's shash, which he himself has, e.y. in ber of writers, writers in prose and in verse, in- Vol. II. p. 199 and Vol. III. p. 107, he employs dividgal scholars and schools of grammarians, du in Vol. I. p. 304. who all have tried to explain and to amend the In addition to some of these terms we find in works of both Panini and Katyayana. To what the Kurikas, parokshd for PE (Vol. I. p. 199), extent Katyayana and Patanjali were indebted karita to denote the Cansal (Vol. II. p. 415), to those that went before them, we shall never and chekriyita and charkarita to denote the know; judging from the analogy of the later two forms of the Intensive (Vol. II. p. 232 and grammatical literature of India we may, in my Vol. III. p. 359). In the Karikas we also meet opinion, certainly assume, that, like Panini him- with la for 18pa (Vol. II. pp. 284, 378, and self, both have based their own works on, and 425), and with ghu" (or perhaps dyu) for Pani. have preserved in them all that was valuable ni's uttarapada (Vol. III. pp. 229, 247, and in, the writings of their predecessors. 318). 20 A town Saurya is mentioned in Vol. I. p. 474. * See ante, Vol. XV. p. 231, note 24.

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MARCH, 1887.) FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. 107 FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. BY PANDIT S. M. NATESA SASTRI. No. XV.-Good will grow out of Good with the lime and the benediction, but found In a certain town there reigned a king that he had gone to his puja and so followed named Patnipriya,' to whose court a poor old him there. On seeing the Brahman, the king's Brahman, named Papabhiru," came every face glowed with pleasure and he said :morning, with a yellow lime in his hand, "My most revered god on caith, I and presenting it to the king, pronounced a thought that some ill must have befallen benediction in Tami! : you, when I missed you in the council-hall Nunmai vidaittal, nanmai viliyum : this morning; but praised be Paramosvarn for Timai vidaittal, timai vijaiyum : having sent you to me, though it is a littlo late. Nanmaiytem timaiyum pinvara kanalam. I never do my puja without placing my scimitar "If good is sown, then good will grow : by the side of the god, but last night I left it If bad is sown, then bad will grow : in my queen's room. It is under the pillow Thus good or bad the end will slow." of the couch on which I usually sleep. Until The king respected as much the noble you came I could find no suitable person to benediction of the Brahman as he did his grey fetch it for me, and so I have waited for you. hairs. Would you kindly take the trouble to fetch it In this way the presentation of the fruit for me P" was daily continued, though the Brahman had The poor Brahman was only too glad of the nothing to request from the king, but simply opportunity thus presented to him of serving wished to pay his respects. On observing that his king, and so he ran to the haram and into he had no ulterior motives, but was merely the room where the king usually slept. actuated by rajasedana, or duty to his king, the Now, Patnipriya was very fond of his queen; king's admiration to his old morning visitor but she was not faithful to him, and allowed the the more increased. king's minister to pay visits to her. The most After presenting the fruit the Brahman convenient time for such meetings was during waited upon his sovereign till his pujao was the king's puja. Of course the poor Brahman, over, and then went home where his wife kept Papabhiru, knew nothivg of this, and when he ready for him all the requisites for his own priju. entered the room, a shocking scene met his Papabhiru then partook of what dinner his wife eyes. He closed them for horror, and lifting up had prepared for him. Sometimes however, a the pillow, folt for the scimitar, and then Brahman neighbour sent him an invitation to turning his back on the couch, he retraced luis turning his back on the dinner, which he at once accepted. For his steps, placed the sword before the king, and father, before he breathed his last, had called took his leave. True, however, to his father's him to his bodside, and, pronouncing his last last words, "Nor say thou what thine eyes benediction, had thus advised him in Tamil discern," he never opened his lips, and went Kilai sottai tallade, his way with a heavy heart. Kannil Kandadai sollade. The queen and her wicked visitor wero Rajanukku payandu nada." greatly alarmed. "Morning meal do thou never spurn, "That rogue of an old Brahman has seen Nor say thou what thine eyes discern, us and may report us to the king at the first But serve thy king for fame to carn." opportunity," faltered the minister. Thus it was that Papabhira began his visits to But the queen, as bold in words as in sin, the king, nor did he ever reject an invitation said: "I will have him murdered before the to dinner, though it might come at a very sun rises. Wait you here. I shall inform the inconvenient time. king of what is to be done and report the Now on a certain & kadasi morning, Papabhiru result to you, and then you may go home." went to the king to pay his respects as usual, | So saying, she assumed the guise of a most 11. e. Lover of his wife. The eleventh lunar day of every fortnight, on which 91... A shudderer at sin.. a fast is observed by orthodox Hindus. * Worship of the household gods. 1 . basura, bhadeva; generic name for a Brahmap.

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108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1887. chaste lady that had resisted the temptations Thus spoke the king, firmly believing that of a wicked man, and stood before her royal Papabhiru would never return to him ; while husband who was at his worship. Patnipriya the Brahman, glad to be able to serve the king rose up and asked her the reason for her a second time next morning, went home and sudden appearance. slept soundly. Early in the morning, even a Said she :-"Your Majesty seems to think ghafika before his usual time, he got up, and, the whole world as innocent as yourself. That placing on his head a bag containing dry wretched old Brahman, though his hair is as white clothes, proceeded to the river for his morning as milk, has not forgotten his younger days. bath. He took the road to the eastern gate Fortunately for us there were several maids by las he had been ordered, but had not walked me when he approached me, and so he fled far when a friend invited him to a dvddait away without his vile intentions being fulfilled. breakfast. If you do not order his death before to-morrow "My poor old mother did not taste even a drop morning, I shall kill myself." of water the whole of the ekadasi, (yesterday). The king was much vexed with what he Rice and hot water for a bath are ready. Pour heard, and all the regard he had for the Brah- a little of the water over your head," pronounce man disappeared at once. He called two of his one gdyatri,' and taste a handful of rice. executioners and spoke to them thus before Whatever may be the urgency of your business, his wife : oblige me for my poor mother's sake." Thus "Take to the east gate of the town a large spoke his friend, and Papabhiru, out of regard iron caldron, and keep it boiling to the brim to his father's order never to spurn a morning with gingely oil. A certain person shall come meal, ran in baste into his friend's house to to you in the morning and ask you, 'Is it all oblige him; the king's order all the while done P' Without observing who he is, tie hus sitting heavily on his mind. hands and feet and throw him into the boiling Meanwhile the Minister was most apzious to oil. When he has been boiled to death, pat hear the news of the Brahmap's death, but was ont the fire and empty out the oil." afraid to send any one to inquire about it, The executioners received the order and lest he shonld rouse suspicion. So he went went away to perform their terrible daty. himself to the east gate, as soon as the sun The queen, too, glad at heart at having thus had risen, and asked the executioners, sitting successfully arranged for the murder of the by the side of the caldron, by way of a simple Brahman, reported the fact to the Minister, question : 18 the business all done ?' And as but said nothing about the special question they were instructed not to observe who the to be put by the victim. The Minister, much person was that came to question them, but to pleased, went to his palace and waited for tie him up and boil him in the oil, they, the news of the Brahman's death. notwithstanding his howls, bound him and When his pajd was over the king sent for threw him in. As soon as he was dead, they Papabhira, and the poor Brahman, never having extinguished the fire, poured out the oil, and before been sent for at such a time, made his turned over the caldron, corpse and all. appearance with a beating heart. When he The Brahman finished his dvddafi breakfast, arrived the king, in order to arouse no suspicion in great haste, and, with the betel leaf still in in his mind, said gently to him: "My dear his hand, ran to the gate to inquire of the Brahman, to-morrow morning, when you go to persons seated by the caldron whether it was make your ablutions, pass by the east gate. all done. When he put them the question, There you will see two persons sented by the they smilingly replied, "Yes, Sir, it is all done. side of a large caldron. Ask them, Is it all The Minister is boiled to death. We gave full done P' And whatever reply they give you, execution to the king's orders. You may go come and communicate to me." and report the affair to him." * Oil of sesamum til and gingely oil are the ordinary Dames for this common product of India. ..' Duddati is the twelfth lunar day, on which early in the morning, before even the fifth ghafid is over, every orthodox Hinda in obligod by his religions ooden to break the previous day's fast Lit. a' chombu-fuli'the chombw to small rovel. A sorod byen.

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MISCELLANEA. MARCH, 1887.] The Brahman, not knowing the reason for the course events had taken, ran back and reported the reply of the executioners to the king. The Minister's interference in the affair at once kindled suspicion in the king's mind. He unsheathed his scimitar, and holding it in his right hand, twisted the lock of hair on the Brahman's head into his left. He then asked him whether he had not tried to dishonour his queen the previous morning, and told him that, if he concealed the truth, he would make an end of him. The poor Brahman now confessed what he had seen, on which the king threw down the scimitar and fell down on his knees before him. CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES. No. 5. In the Haidarabad grant of the Western Chalukya king Pulikesin II., the date (ante, Vol. VI. p. 73, 1. 11 ff.) runs-Atmanah pravardhamanarajyabhisheka-sathvatsare tritiye Saka-nripatisamvatsara-sateshu chatustrims-Adhikeshu pafichasvatiteshu Bhadrapad-Amavasyayam suryagrahana-nimittam,-" in the augmenting third year of (my) own installation in the sovereignty; when five centuries of the years of the Saka king, increased by the thirty-fourth (year), have gone by; on the new-moon tithi of (the month) Bhadrapada; on account of an eclipse of the sun.' 35 This gives us, for calculation, Saka-Samvat 535 (A.D. 613-14) current; the month Bhadrapada (August-September); the new-moon tithi; and an eclipse of the sun. And,-in addition to the record in this inscription that Pulikesin II. was, at the time of this grant, resident at the city of Vatapi, which is the modern Badami, the chief town of the Badami Taluka in the Bijapur District, the Western Chalukyas were a southern dynasty; and, prima facie, all the details of the date have of necessity to be treated in accordance with the southern reckoning. "The words of thy benediction, O respected Brahman, have only now been explained to me. Thou hast sown nothing but good; and good, in having thy life preserved, hast thou reaped. The wicked Minister,-whose conscious guilt made him so very anxious to hear about thy death,-because he sowed a bad intention in his heart, has reaped evil, even a death that he never expected. Another victim of evil sowing remains in my queen, in whom I placed an undeserved love." MISCELLANEA. 109 So said he, and ordered her to the gallows. The old Brahman he appointed his Minister, and reigned for a long time. and only the second is nindya, or 'to be looked on as under prohibition.' But, in taking the month to be the natural Bhadrapada; the question then arises, whether we are to take it as the second of the two Bhadrapadas, in accordance with the present custom of Southern India, or as the first of them, in accordance with the more ancient custom mentioned in the Brahma-Siddhanta, in a verse,-to which my attention was drawn by Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit,-quoted by Pandit Bapu Deva Shastri in his edition of the SiddhantaSiromani of Bhaskaracharya, p. 49, note, and running Mesh-di-sthe savitari yo yo masah praparyate chandrah | Chaitr-Adyah sa jneyal parti-dvitve-dhimasu-ntyah || "Whatever lunar month is completed when the sun is standing in Aries and the following (signs), that (month) is to be known as Chaitra, &c.; when there are two completions, (there is). an intercalated month, (and it is) the latter (of the two)."-In the first case, the corresponding English date, as closely as it can be determined by Gen. Cunningham's and Mr. C. Patell's Tables. is Thursday, the 20th September, A.D. 613; and is the second case, Tuesday, the 21st August of the same year. In connection with this date, however, there are at least two points of difficulty. In the first place, in Saka-Samvat 535 the month Bhadrapada was intercalary. In the inscription there is nothing to indicate that the month referred to is the intercalated Bhadrapada; and the presumption is against this, inasmuch as intercalated months are held to be inauspicious, and the performance of ceremonies in them is prohibited; unless there are two intercalated months in the same year; in which case the first of them is prasasta or 'stamped as excellent,' * Cunningham's Indian Eras, p. 157; Patell's Chronology, p. 120. On neither of these days, however, was there an eclipse of the sun. And the only solar eclipse of A.D. 613 occurred on Monday, the 23rd July." There can be no doubt that this is the eclipse intended. It was calculated some years ago by Mr. D. B. Hutcheon, for Dr. Burgess, who passed the notes on to me; and Mr. Hutcheon found, roughly, that, at Badami, the eclipse began at 9-38 A.M., with the middle at 11:14 A.M., and ended at 12:53 P.M.; that, at the time of greatest * Cunningham's Indian Eras, p. 210.

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110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI. (MARCH, 1887 obscuration, the whole of the sun's surface except | M. H. Zotenburg on the History of Gal'ad and 2 (about one-sixteenth of the diameter) was Shimas (uwag swisiei), a romance which obscured; and that it was thus, from all points of is found appended to several copies of the view, an eclipee of the most impressive and memor- Thousand and One Nights. The author remarks able kind. And the eclipse was subsequently that though the work has long been printed, it considered by Sir George Airy, whose conclusions does not appear to have attracted the attention were that it was a total eclipse; that it was total of scholars, who have specially interested them. probably at Badami, certainly very near Badami; selves in the history of Indian folklore. It is that the totality occurred when the sun was very nevertheless noteworthy as being not only one near the zenith of Badami; and that there could of the most ancient acquisitions which Arabic be no doubt that this is the eclipse intended in literature has made in the domain of moral fiction, the inscription. but because certain reasons tend to show that it The 23rd Jaly, A.D. 613, however, represents, has come to the Musalmans through a Greek by the southern reckoning, the new-moon day of recensionAfter briefly narrating the framework the preceding month, Sravana. It is only by the of the history, which contains the various apologies northern reckoning that it represents the full- which form the bulk of the work, M. Zotenburg moon day of Bhadrapada; and the date is correct points out its general similarity to the Book of in every respect by the northern reckoning, in Sindibdd, although the stories contained in the two which, of the four pakshas or fortnights of which works are quite different. The book of Shimas is a natural and intercalated month consist, the first mentioned by three authors of the 4th century of (dark) belongs to the natural month, the second the Hijri-Mas'adi, Hamza Isfahani, and the (bright) and third (dark) to the intercalated month, author of the Kitabu'l-Fihrist. The last mentions and the fourth (bright) to the natural month" it amongst those romances which are either For this use of the northern reckoning in an Greek or translated from the Greek. The MSS., inscription of a southern dynasty, written in the as we have them now, appear to have passed very heart of the Kanarese Country, I can find through the hands of Christian editors, some of no analogow instance at present, and no explana- them even commencing with an invocation to the tion in the grant. But, that the northern reckon- Trinity. One copy in the Bibliotheque Nationale, ing was used in this particular instance, seems is found at the end of the Book of Barlaam and clear; unless we are at liberty to interpret Joasaph. The origin of the book, however, is Bhadrapad-amdvdsyd as meaning, at that time, evidently Indian, and Buddhistic; witness the * the new-moon tithi wehering in the month Bhd. apologues, the moral doctrines, such as the drapada,' and not, as it means now, the new destruction of desire, passion, and anger, the moon tithi at the end of Bhadrapada." ordinances of truth, moderation of speech, humi. If, however, this interpretation may be accepted, lity and filial piety, the practice of justice, of then there still remains the point that, unless generosity, and so on. The course of translation the intercalary nature of Bhadrapada in Saka- through which the book passed before appearing Samvat 535 can be disproved, this inscription,- in its Arabic form, M. Zotenburg leaves doubtful. having regard to the prohibition of ceremonial M. Zotenburg finally compares the contents with acts in an intercalated month; and taking into those of the Kalila and Dimna, and of the Panconsideration the corresponding English dates, 1 chatantra, and gives the text of one fable (the by the southern reckoning, which I have given mendicant monk and the broken pitcher) in two above, seems also to shew that, at that time, in versions, one taken from the work under notice, Southern India, an intercalated month certainly and the other from Kalila and Dimnd. was placed after the natural month of the same In the second paper M. H. Sauvaire continues name, in conformity with the rule of the Brahma- his materials towards the history of the NumisSiddhanta; not, as now, before it. Otherwise, matics and Metrology of the Musalmans. the Hindu date would still differ from the English Here is given a portion of the third part,--that by a complete lunation. J. F. FLEET. relating to measures of capacity. "The reader will find in this third part the names and PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP. values of the generality of the measures of capa. No. 3. eity in use in the Musalman states, since the Journal Asiatique, Vol. VII. No. 2 (Feb., March, origin of Islam." They are arranged in alphabeApril, 1886.)--The number opens with a paper by tical order, and are accompanied by numerous . Prinsep's Essays, Thomas' Edition, Vol. II. Useful amarsya as meaning the first day of the first quarter Tablee, p. 155; Cunningham's Indian Eras, p. 91; on which the moon is invisible. This explanation Patell's Chronology, p. 42. makes the new-moon tithi the first day of the month In his Sanskrit Dictionary, Monier Williams gives But I cannot obtain any authority in support of this

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MARCH, 1887.) MISCELLANEA. 111 references. As a work of reference this paper at Canton. This is a discursive geographical cannot but be authoritative and valuable. description of the Korea in Chinese, and is, The third paper concludes the articles by with its commentary by the translator, most M. Sylvain Levi on the Brihatkathamanjari of interesting reading, replete with information and Kshemendra. The author first deals with the folklore. MSS. available, of which there are five, three be- Amongst the Nouvelles et Melanges at the end longing to the Tanjore Palace Library, and two to of the number is an interesting review by M. the library of the Deccan College at Poona. The Pavet De Courteille of Die Scheibaniade ein name Brihatkathamanjart is peculiar to the Tan oshegisches Heldengedicht in 76 Gesangen, von jore MSS. In the Poona ones it is called simply Prins Mohammed aus Charexm. The Bhai. the Brihatkatha: As its great extent will longbaniad ( w ), an Uzbeg Epic in 76 books postpone the work being, edited, M. Levi publishes by Prince Muhammad Salih of Khwarizm-text, in the article a complete table of its contents, translation and notes by Hermann Vambery. which will be useful for future reference. M. Imperial Printing Office, Vienna, 1885. This Levi then extracts from the subject of the is spoken of as being "a work of the greatest notice, and translates the first two stories of the historical and literary interest. In a narrative, Vetalapanchavinkatikd, with a notice of other the poetic form of which in no way diminishes its versions of the same story. Herr Uhle's identifi- rigorous exactness as a journal of evente, in cations of an anonymous version of it, as a prose which the author has taken part as a witness and translation of Kshemendra's verses, is established, as an actor, he retraces for us the history of a and M. Levi points out that the faults of Kshe. singularly troubled epoch in the life of Central mendra's style, by which Herr Uhle identified the Asia. The facts of which he speaks occurred translation, have been greatly toned down by the between the years 1409 and 1506 A.D. We know translator. The two tales given in the text fully them already in part, thanks to the Memoirs of bear this out, by the numerous peculiarities of the celebrated BAbar, the declared enemy of style which they exhibit. It is some years since Shaibani, but how interesting it is for us to be 1 have read the ola Baital-Pachish, of Hindi fame, able to control the assertions, often partial or and no copy is at present available, but, as well made under the influence of passion, of the great as I remember, the name of the hero is different conqueror! # # # It has been M. Vambery's from that of the Brihatkathamanjark Kshe. good fortune to have discovered such a treasure; mendra's hero is named Trivikrama Sena of and all scholars owe him a debt of gratitude Pratishthana, but he of the Baital Pachies is the the for having published, translated, and annotated evergreen king Bikram of "glorious, pious and. immortal memory" in folktales. So, also, I miss in A shorter review follows on a Chaldaio transKshemendra's version, as given by M. Levi, the well lation of the Imitatio Christi. known bargain made by the demon with the king. Journal Asiatique, Vol. VII. No. 3 (May, June, A very interesting paper concludes with a chro 1886.)-The first article, from the pen of M. H. nological note on the two Brihatkathas. Dr. Buhler Ferte, Dragoman to the French Embassy at Con. satisfactorily fixes Somadeva's date as between stantinople, deals with the Poems of Shafl'a, alias 1063 and 1082 A.D. He then argues that Soma Asar the blind (usual w ), the celebrated satiric deva was a contemporary or nearly so of Kehe. mendra, and that the Kathdsaritsagara and the poet of Persia. Born at Shiraz, he lived at Brihatkathamanjarf were written about the same Iafahan during the reign of the Sultan Hussain tima M. Lavi combate this last theory and in (A.H. 1105-1135) and died at Lar in Khortaan argues that the Brihatkathamanjarf is anterior to in A.H. 1113 (A.D. 1701) according to some, and the Kathasaritadgara, and that the latter was in A.H. 1124 (1712) according to others. He set written as a direct criticism upon, or rather a kind before himself as his models Kamal Ixtahanif of reply addressed by Somadeva to Kshemendra. Salman, and Ki&tibi, and hence his style is full of This being assumed M. Levi now refers to a conceits which too often conceal a real talent. quotation from the Brihatkathamanjari in the The author concludes by giving, extracts (with Dasartipa, and differing from Dr. FitzEdward translations) from the Divan, which fully bear Hall, concludes that the latter work is posterior out his remarks. to the Brihatkathamanjart and anterior to the The next paper is a continuation of M. Sauvaire's Kathdsaritadgara. important materials towards the history of the The last paper in this number is a continua Numismatics and Metrology of the Musalmans. tion of a Translation of the Tchao-Bien The subject of measures of capacity is still dealt Tche by the late M. F. Scherzer, French Consul with.

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1887. The third paper by M.O. De Harlez is entitled "Constitution de l'Empire de Kin, Livre final de l'Aisin Gurun-i Suduri Bitho." It is an appendix to the History of the Empire of Gold or of Kin, written in 1642, during the conquest of China by the Manchus. The generals, who ruled during the minority of Chun-tai, and who were uncles of the young sovereign, had this history drawn up at the same time as that of the Mongols and of the Tailiao. M. De Harlez has at present in the press a complete translation of the Aisin Gurun-i Suduri Bithe, and he here pre- Ments to us a portion of it. It is an interesting and minute account of the country dealt with, its divisions, method of taxation, and military system. To Indian readers, however, another of M. Senart's most valuable studies on the Insoriptions of Piyadasi will be the most welcome portion of this number. The present paper deals with the Language of the inscriptions. Owing to its nature, it is impossible to give an analysis of its contente, for it is an inventory, as condensed me possible, of all the grammatical forms worthy of notice in the inscriptions. In a second part M. Senart proposes to draw general conclusions. He first deals with the Girnar Inscription, then with those of Kupur-di-Ciri, then with those of Khalsi, Dhauli-Jangad, Bhabhra, Sahasrim, Rap. nath, and the Columnar edicts (especially that of Firoz Shah at Dehlt). Each of these is subject to a minute grammatical analysis, under the heads of phonetics, declension, and conjugation. The whole paper is really three distinct complete grammars of the Piyadasi inscriptions. A continuation is promised in a future number, and will be eagerly looked for. G. A. GRIERSON. BOOK NOTICES. THE TAREA-KAUMUDI of LAUGAKSHI BAASKARA, edited similar text books for other Sastras, the Bombay with various readings, notes critical and explana. Department of Public Instruction will certainly tory, and an introduction, by MANILAL NABHUBHAI DVIVEDI, B.A. Bombay Government Control Book earn the gratitude of all who are interested in the Depot: 1886. 8vo. pp. 18 and 70. [Bombay Sanskrit progress of Sanskrit scholarship. Series, No. XXXII.]. F. KIELHORN. European scholars, desirous of acquiring an Gottingen. elementary knowledge of the Nyfya-system of philosophy, which indeed is indispensable for all VIENNA ORIENTAL JOURNAL; edited by the Directors who engage in the study of Sanskrit, hitherto of the Oriental Institute of the University. Published have had to resort to the Tarkasamgraha and its by Meurs. HOLDER, Rothethurmstras 15, Vienna often inaccurate English translation. For the This new paper, published under the patronage understanding of the original texts, they have, of the Austrian Ministry of Public Instruction. from the Dictionaries, not been able to get any is intended to supply a want long felt among real help whatever; for, in them, even the Austrian Orientaliste, by giving them a central ordinary terms of the Nyiya are either not given organ, exclusively devoted to the interests of at all, or are explained in vague and slovenly Oriental studies. It contains (1) original articles manner, apt to mislead rather than to instruct on Oriental history and philology: (2) reviews the beginner. This edition of the Tarka-Kau- of important works on such sabiecta. published in mudi, therefore, in my opinion, supplies a long- | Europe and in the East, as well as abort miscellafelt and urgent want; and I may well congratu. neous notes. Its critical portion is really a con. late the Superintendents of the Bombay Sansksit tinuation of the Literarischkritische Beilage sur Series, not only on the choice of this particular osterreichischen Monatsschrift fur den Orient." text, but even more on having found an editor 80 which have appeared during the last three years eminently qualified to explain that text, as Mr. with the assistance of the gentlemen who now Drivedi has proved himself to be. Mr. Dvivedi no doubt he had the advantage of studying Nyaya English, French and Italian communications under Bhimacharya in the Elphinstone College; are accepted for both parts of the journal, besides and he himself gratefully acknowledges what he papers in German. Articles referring to India, owes to that learned NaiyAyika. But even with or likely to interest Indian students, are published, such assistance his task has been by no means As far as possible, in English, the lingua franca an engy one. And the result of his labours is all of the Aryans in the East. The numbers of the that could have been desired. His full and yet Vienna Oriental Journal will, as a rule, appear very concise notes show that he has thoroughly in each January, April, July and October, and mastered his subject, and that he is able to the subscription for a volume of four numbers, explain it to others. He has alirked no difficulty about 320 pages ootavo, has been fixed for India himself; and, judging from my own study of the at eight rupees. book, he has succeeded in solving the difficulties, The editors are Messrs. G. Buhler, J. Karabacek, which the student is likely to encounter in his D. H. Muller, F. Muller, and Leo Reinisch, whose attempt to master the somewhat unfamiliar con- names are sufficient guarantee for the excellence tents of the Tarka-Kaumudt. By furnishing of its contents.

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APRIL, 1887.] METHOD OF CALCULATING HINDU DATES. 113 THE METHOD OF CALCULATING THE WEEK-DAYS OF HINDU TITHIS AND THE CORRESPONDING ENGLISH DATES. BY SIIANKAR BALKRISHNA DIKSHIT; BOMBAY EDUCATIONAL DEPARTMENT, TN this paper I purpose to exhibit, according to twenty-four English minutes. A pala (te) 1 to the system laid down by the late Pro- is the sixtieth division of a ghali; and is, therefessor Kero Lakshman Chhatre in his book en- fore, equal to twenty-four English seconds, And titled Graha-sadhandchi Koshtalai, or " Tables the ghatis and palas of the abilapa give the for calculating the places of the Planets," the time after sunrise, on the particular vara, at correct method by which we may determine, which the Mesha-Sankranti took place. As a for any given Hindu tithi (fare) or lunar day, matter of convenience, the word ghati is also the corresponding vara (TTC) or week-day, and used for the sixtieth part of a tithi; but in the equivalent English date according to either that application it is not identical with the the Julian or the Gregorian Calendar. sixtieth division of a solar day and night. Before detailing, however, the steps of the Thus, the abiapa of Saka-Samvat 0 is given on process, I will explain the principal technical page 10, opposite the entry Blesha-Sankrantichi terms which will be used, and which for the vel or time of the Mesha-Sankranti,' as 1 dina, sake of brevity and conciseness, will be retained 10 ghatis, 10 palas; which indicates that, in in their original Sanskrit forms.! that year, the Mesha-Sankranti took place on Sunday, and 10 ghatis and 10 palas, or four Explanation of Technical Terms. hours and four minutes, after sunrise. The abdlapa (87644), lit. 'lord of a year,' of The abdapa adopted by Prof. K. L. Chhatre any particular year, is the conventional term, - is the time of the spashta (FIE) or 'apparent,' in Prof. K. L. Chhatre's book, and others; but --lit. clearly perceived, distinctly visible, not universally,--for the time of the Mesha-Mesha-Sankranti, as ascertained by the method Saikranti (ATH ) or entrance of the given in the Surya-Siddhanta ;' wheroas, in Sun into Arios,' in that year. other Hindu works of the same kind, the The figures for the abdapa are given in term abdapa is used as meaning the time of the Table I. on pages 10, 11, of Prof. K. L. Sun's entrance into Aries with reference to his Chhatre's book, and are expressed in varas, malhyama ( TH) or mean' longitude. So, ghalis, and palas. also, the length of the solar year adopted by Of these, the vara, sometimes also called him, is that of the Sarya-Siddhanta, which is dina or dirasa (ft or fata) or solar day.' is accepted, in the present day, in most parts of counted in regular order from Sunday, as 1, India. It should, however, be borne in mind up to Saturday, as 7 or 0. And the vara of the that the tables of the sun and the moon, and aldapa shows the week-day on which the those of the planets, given by him, are based on Mesha-Sankrinti of the year fell. European tables; and that the places of the san A ghali (er), also yluati and ghatili (aft and other heavenly bodies, obtained from his and aft ), is the sixtieth division of the book, are reckoned from the equinoctial point. twenty-four hours of a solar day and night, The starting point adopted by Hindu astronowhich is always rockoned by the Hindas frommers, for reckoning the places of heavenly sunrise to sunrise ; and it is, therefore, equal bodies, coincided, in their opinion, with the Most of these explanations are my own. Either to reduce the bulk of his book, or for some other reason, Prof. K. L. Chhatre has used the tochnical terms with with difebuch they differ nos nor does he extense of them with simpler ones; nor do ho explaiu 'how he obtained cer- tuin figures for cortain yours, or the variation for & your. * English astronomars use the word ' apparent' in all 0.130s in which we use apashta. Apparent,' therefore, in the proper translation of spasha. There are three chools of astronomers in India. Ono follows the sdryn-Siddhanta, and is called Saurapakahs; another follows the Brahma-Siddhanta, and is named Brahma-paksha; whilo the third follows the Aryo-Siddhanta, and is called Aryapaksha. The main point on which they differ is the length of the year; but with differences between each other, of ouly = fow vipalas (a eipala is the sixtioth part of a pala). Another point of difference is, that the number of rovolutions of the moon, planets, &c., in a certain poriod, for instance in a Mahayuta, in generally different in each of them. Prof. K. L. Chhatre has adopted, froin the 8 ryn-Siddhin. ta, only the length of tho your, and its starting point. that is the M'sha-Saraler inti: in almost every other respect he follows none of these three authorities, but has based his Tablow on Furonean Tables of planeta. As to his Tables relative to tithin, however, in the part of his work oallod Kiddhana, seo page 115 bolow, note 10, and the text above note 19 on page 120.

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1887. equinoctial point about Saka-Samvat 44+ (A.D. month, fifteen belong to the bright fortnight, 522-23). The interval in time between two or period of the waxing moon, and fifteen successive retorns of the sun to the vernal to the dark fortnight, or period of the waning equinox,-called the tropical year, "-amounts moon. The fifteenth tithi of the bright fortnight at present to 365 duys, 14 ghatis, and 31.972 is called purnima, purnamasi, or paurnamasi palas, while the length of the year, according (PTAT, oraret, or art), lit. that which to the Surya-Siddhanta, is 365 days, 15 ghatis, has the fall- mon, or that on which the month and 31.523 palas. During this time, the sun's is completed;' and the fifteenth tithi of the dark motion amounts to one complete revolution fortnight is called amdvdsyd (TATTET), lit. from equinox to equinox, plus about 58-6881 'that on which there is the dwelling together seconds of are. The starting-point, therefore, (of the sun and the moon). of the Hindu astronomers is at present a little At the end of the amapasy, the sun and the more than 22 degrees to the east of the vernal moon are together; that is, they have the same equinox. This difference is called ayandibus longitude. When the moon, moving towards (uni) lit. degrees of precession;' and the the east, leaves the sun behind by 12 degrees ayanansas for the present year, Saka-Samvat of longitude, then ends the first tithi, which is 1809, are 22 degreos, 45 minutes, according technically called pratipad or pratipada to the Graha-Laghava of Ganesa Daivajna. (at or fam). So, tithi is the time As the longitudes of heavenly bodies, reckoned which the moon takes to out-go the sun by 12 from the equinox, include these ayanansas, degrees. With the exception of the pratipada, they are called suyana (area), lit. possessed the tithis are denoted by the regular ordina! of ayana or precession.' And the places of numerals, dvitiya, tsitiya, &c., up to chaturdasi, heavenly bodies obtained by the mothod given the fourteenth.'. The purnima and amavasya in the Surya-Siddhanta and other Hindu works, are called sometimes by their own special are called, for the sake of distinction, nirayana names, and sometimes panchadas, the fif. (faraot), lit. destituto of precession. The teenth; but the amavusyd is generally entered places obtained from Prof. K. L. Chhatre's in Panchangs as the thirtieth tithi, even in tables are sayana. The titki, however, obtained Northern India, where the dark fortnight of by either process, is the same; but this is not the month precedes the bright. the case with the nakshatra (H) or lunar The term tithi-auddhi (Pafcufg), lit. the mansion,' and the yoga (h) or 'addition of subtraction of tithis,' denotes the number of the longitudes of the sun and tho moon." tithis that elapse from the beginning of The word tithi denotes the thirtieth part of a the month Chaitra (March-April) up to the Tunation or lunar month; that is, as applied to time of the Mesha-Sankranti. In Prof. K. L.. the ecliptic circle, it denotes exactly the one- Chhatre's tables, this term is used to shew the thirtieth part of that circle, viz. twelve degrees; number of tithis, calculated from the difference but, taken as an apparent tithi, and applied to between the moon's mean longitude and the the period of a lunation, it may be the exact sun's apparent longitude, that elapse from thirtieth part of that period, or it may vary the beginning of Chaitra to the time of the from fifty to sixty-six ghatis, as subdivisions of sun's spashta or apparent' Mesha-Sankranti.. a solar day. If the word tithi requires to Thus, in Saka-Samvat 0, at the time of the be rendered into English, it is best represented Mesha-Sankranti, the sun's mean longitude by lanar day.' Of the thirty tithis of each was 11 signs, 20 degrees, 46'1 minutes (page . . The date of this work is Saka-Samvat 1442 (A.D. 1520-91). At present, all the Panchings (Hindu calendars) in the Dekkan, and in some other parts of India, are prepared from this authority, and from another finall work, by the same author, entitled Tithi.Chintamani, containing the necessary tables. * To calculate tithis, only the difference between the longitudes of the inoon and of the sun is to be taken. Therefore it matters not whether these longitudes are sayang or wir jy . To find a nakshatra, the ayannis 18 must be applied to the moon's longitude obtained from Prof. K. L. Chhatre's tables. The sayam-Punchinga, annually published, from Saka 1806, under the patronage of His Highness the Maharaja Holkar, by Mr. Visaji Raghunath Lele of Gwalior, with the aid of Mr. Janardan B. Modak, B. A. of the Bombay University, of myself, and of Mr. Krishnarao Raghunath Bhide of Indor, is based on the aiyand system. * In the siddhanta-sirimani and other works, the term tithi Funidhi is used in the sense of the number of tithis, calculated from the mean places of the sun and the moon, that elapse from the beginning of Chaitra to the time of the sun's madhyama or mean' Mesha. Sankranti

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APRIL, 1887.) METHOD OF CALCULATING HINDU DATES. 115 46); and the apparent longitude obtained from apogee." From this correction is calculated the it, according to the method given by Prof. correction in time to be applied to the mean lithi; K. L. Chhatre, is 11 signs, 22 degrees, 38.9 it is named parikhya (TTE); and it is given minutes. The moon's mean longitude at in Table IV., on page 20, in the column headed that time was 4 signs, 25 degrees, 42 4 minutes parakhya. It evidently varies according to the (page 87). The difference between the longi. moon's kendra. One revolution of the moon's tudes of the sun and the moon,--the sun's kenira is completed in 27 days, 33 ghutis, 16-50 longitude being subtracted from that of palas. This period is called nichochcha-musu the moon,-is, therefore, 5 signs, 3 degrees (ITATE);" and is known to English astro(=153 degrees), 35 minutes. Then 153' 3.5 nomers by the name of the 'anomalistic month.' 12 = 12 + (9deg 3.5 - 12) tithis; that is 12 This period, converted into tithis, is equal to tithis and about 45 ghatis and 14 palas, had 27 tithis, 59 ghalis, 33-36 palas; that is, nearly elapsed. This, therefore, is given as the tithi- and practically, 28 tithis. It is converted into suddhi for Saka-Samvat 0. tithis for the sake of convenience; since the The tithis' obtained from the mean places variation in the kenulra is ona titki of lerulre and mean motions of both the sun and the in one tithi of time, and it is called tithimoon, are madhyama or mean' tithis. So, kendra (faru ), or the anomaly of the tithi, also, those calculated from the apparent place expressed in tithis.' and motion of the son and the mean place | The moon's mean lendra at the Mesha-Saisand motion of the moon,-as in the case kranti in Saka-Samvat 0, is 10 signs, 19 de. of the tithi-suddhi and the mean solar equi- grees, 58.8 minutes (page 87). This, converted valents of tithis given in Table III. pp. 13-19, into tithis, is equal to 24 tithis, 52 ghatis, column 2,- may be called mean tithis, and 50 palas ;" and this is given (page 10) as not apparent. But the tithis, &c., given in our the tithi- walhyama-kendra (for ), or Panchangs are always spashta or 'apparent;': 'mean anomaly of the tithi,' at the time of that is, they are calculated from the apparent the Mesha-Sankrinti in Saka-Samvat 0. It places and motions of the sun and the moon. shews that so many tithis and parts of it The spashtu-tithi differs from the malhyama- tithi had elapsed, up to that Mesha-Sankranti, tithi sometimes by nearly 25 ghalis; and this is from the moon's preceding arrival at her chiefly owing to the fact that the moon's appaapogee. rent longitude differs from her mean longitude: The year adopted by Prof. K. L. Chhatre sometimes by about 5 degrees. Many correc- ! is equal to 365 days, 15 ghutis, 31:52 palas. tions have to be applied to the mean place of the Dividing 365 by 7 (the number of days in a moon, in order to tind her apparent place; but, week), the remainder is 1. And so, if in one generally speaking, only one of thesc, called year the Sun enters Aries at the time of sunphala-sarskara ( EET),is taken into account rise on a Sunday, then, in the following year, by Hindu astronomers ; ho and this amounts to he will come to Aries on Monday, and 15 yhatis, 5 degrees at the greatest. This correction varies 31.5 palas, after sunrise. Therefore, the according to the moon's kendra ( ) or 'ano- variation in the abilapa in one year is given maly ;' which is taken to be her distance from (page 10, col. 3, under vuru) as 1 day, 15 ghalis, Here, and in such cases in general, by the expres. sion tithi is meant the end, not the beginning or dura tion, of a tithi. In Panchings, the ghitis and pal1 of tithin are given and, by them, it is to be understood that the tithis end so many ghutis and palas after sun-rise. * Though not always in the strictest sense. I say so, because, in practice, extreme accuracy is not, and cannot be sought. But, in theory, they are required to be ** apparent' in the strictest sense. According to European Tables, the difference is sometimes about 8 degrees. The amount of this correction, adopted by Prof. K. L. Chhatre, in finding out tithis in his Kult-xichina Tablen (pp. 1 to 30 of his book), is nearly the same as that a lopted by ancient Hinda astronomers. Therefore, the tithi obtained by his method, as described above, should agree very closely with those obtained from the methods prescribed in Sanskrit works. But, in the abilpe and other element, the Narya-Shehindu and other authorities themselves slightly differ, one from the utile And, accordingly, the difference will be monetimes about 5 o 6 ghuis. There are, also, noiny other minate cat of difference. 11 In European astronomical works, the anomaly 14 reckoned from porigee or perihelion ; but in Hindu work it is reckoned from apogee or aphulion. 19 In this term wicha means 'perigec :' and uchchu, apogee. And nich ichche-mintis thu period in which the moon comes fruta perigee or apogeo to the same point again. 19 One tithi is equal to 0-9843629572 of moun solar 360deg: 319deg 583 :: ti. 27 gh. 50 p. 33-36 : ti. 24 gl. 52 p. 50.

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (APRIL, 1887. 315 palas; the decimals being supplied from and is always to be added, in respect of the column 2, in which is given the number of tithi-suddhi and the tithi-madhyama-kendra. days, corresponding to the number of years in The reason for this correction, is this. As excolumn 1. plained above, the tithi-udlhi and the tithiIn one solar year, the mean tithis are 371, and malhyama-kentra depend respectively on the 3 ghatis, 53'4 palas. Dividing 371 by 360, the mean longitude and the mean anomaly of the remainder, +1 tithis, 3 ghatis, 53-4 palas, is moon. But the moon's mean motion is not given as the variation of the tithi-:delhi in always the same. Therefore, to her mean one year (page 10, col. 4). longitude and mean anomaly, obtained froni The variation in the moon's hendra, in one the general Table of annual variation in them year, is 3 signs, 2 degrees, 6-2 minutes (page (Tablo III. p. 87f., cols. 2, 3), a correction 87, column 3). This, changed into tithis by (Tablo IV. p. 89., cols. 2, 3) is to be applied. the rule of three, viz. - 360deg : 92deg 6' 2 :: Thus, for Saka-Sarvat 0, the correction in the ti. 27 gh. 59 p. 33-36 : ti. 7 gh. 9 p. 42,-is moon's mean longitude is 44 seconds, and that given, therefore, as the variation in the in the kendra is 2 degrees, 55 seconds (page 90). tithi-kentra in one year (page 10, col. 5). These, turned into tithis are 3 ghatis, 40 palas, A few other points and terms will be with regard to the titli-suldhi; and 14 ghatis, explained, as we proceed with the following with regard to the tithi-kendra. These figures, example. therefore, are given as the correction in resTo find the Week-day of a given Tithi. pectively the tithi-auddhi and the tithi-kendra for Saka-Samvat 0. In the Table, this correcThe process will be best illustrated, step by tion is given for intervals of 1000 year's each. step, by actually working out an example. Taking first the tithi-buddhi, the correction for And, at Mr. Fleet's request, I take, as my Saka-Samvat 0 is gl. 3, p. 40; and the correcexample, the date of Saka-Samvat 406 (A.D. tion for Suka-Samvat 1000 is p. 32. Therefore, 494-85).: the month Ashadhs (June-July); deducting the latter from the former, the difthe bright fortnight; the twelfth tithi. ference, yh. 3, p. 8, or 188 palas, is the variation From Table I. page 10, write down (see the of correction in 1000 years. Then, by the Rule Table on page 117 below), in three separate of Three,-1000 years : 406 years :: 188 palas columns, three quantities, for Saka-Samvat 0, : 76 palas. And 76 palas are gh. 1, p. 16. As which are technically called the kshepaka (ra) the quantities are decreasing ones, this is to be or additive quantities ;' riz. (a) the abiapa, subtracted from gh, 3, p. 40, for Saka-Samvat varas 1, ghatis 10, palas 10; (b) the tithi-sulani, 0. And the remainder gives us, as the suftitithis 12, ghatis 45, palas 14; and (c) the tithi- ciently approximate correction for Saka-Sarvat madhyana-kendra, tithis 24, ghatis 52, palas 50. 406, gh. 2, p. 24, to be added in (). Similarly, Below each of them respectively, in its proper the correction for the tithi-malhlyama-kendra. column, enter, from the same Table, the bheda worked out in the same way, is gh. 9, p. 8, to (t)or variation for the component parts of be added in (c). the given Saka year ;vis. for 400, in (a) varas Now add together the respective quantities 6, gh. 30, p. 9.3, in () tithis 15, gh. 55, 19. 492, in (a) (b) and (c), bearing in mind that, in and in (c) tithis 9, gh. 24, p. 45; and for 6 doing so, when the vdras in (a) the abdapa years, in (a) varas 0, gh, 33, p. 9.1, in (6) tithis exceed 7, or any multiple of 7, only the re6, gh. 23, p. 20-2, and in () tithis 14, gh. 58, mainder, above 7 or its multiple, is to be p. 39. brought to account, because there are 7 varas Now, as the given year is anterior to Saka- or week-days in each week; and that, when Samvat 1622, correction, to be arrived the tithis in (6) the tithi-auddhi and in (c) at from Table II. p. 12, is to be applied, the tithi-malhyama-kendra exceed 30 and 28 1 The decimals in the palas of (a) the abdapa are taken from the alargand, or total number of solar days of the solar year, in col. 2. 16 Properly speaking, this variation is for SakeSamvat 500, midway between Suka-Sanavat o and 1000. It should be reduced first for the year midway between Saka-Samvat O and the given year; in this instanco 406. But there is no absolute necessity for such exaot precision.

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APRIL, 1887.] METHOD OF CALCULATING HINDU DATES. 117 Saka-Samvat 406 = A.D. 484-85. Ashasha (June-July); the bright fortnight; the 12th tithi; Suraguruvara (Thursday). (6) Tithi-madhyama-kenilra. tithi yh. (a) Abdapa. Tithi-suddhi. vara gh. p. tithi gh. p. Saka-Samvat 0 (p. 10) ... 1 10 10 12 45 14 Add variation for 400 Saka years (p. 11) ...... 6 30 9-3 15 55 49-2 Add variation for 6 Saka years (p. 10)............... 0 33 9.1 ..... 6 23 20-2 Add correction for a date prior to Saka-Samvat 1622 ........ ....... 0 224 Week-day and time of the Misha-Saskranti of Saka-Sarivat 406 ... 1 13 28+ tithi.dhruva and bhukta-tithi ...... 5 6 474 9 24 45 58:39 21 -5 2 From one tithi ...... 1 00 Deduct bhukta-tithi 0 6 47 Add, from the bhayya-tithi ......... 0 53 13 1 bigya-tithi ... 53 13 Deduct as many tithi-pushtu-kent palas as there dra ............... 22 18 35 are ghatis in the thigya-tithi ...... 0 053 Mein solar day...... 52 29 19 28 52 20 5 13 ghalis and palas only, froin above ............... 0 Adl, from (b), the mean solar day ............... 0 tithi-bhoga ................... 1 Add: espired tithin :-- Chaitra ......... 15 Vaisakha ...... 30 Jyeshtha ...... 30 Ashadha ...... 1 9 minus, from ), tithi-dhruva...... 5 expired tithis from end of Chaitra sukla 5 ........... 96 sular equivalent of 98 tithis (p. 14)............ 94 17 36 9523 Add parakhya, obtained from (c) tithi-spashtakendra of Asha ha sukla 12 .................. 0 24 19 Days elapsed up to end of apparent Ashacha sukla 12 .................. 95 47 43 Add week-day of Mesha. Sankranti of Saka Samvat 406 ............... 1 Reduce to weeks......... 71) 96 (13 91 Remainder, the 5th day, is Thursday...............5 | Add lithi-kenda of (a) 9:3 title (p. 11) ......... 12 tithi-sisht Windre at end of Ashil saklat 1.2......... 19 55 RESULT; THURSDAY.

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118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1887. l'espectively, or any multiple of them, only the Next, by subtracting from the bigya-tithi remainders above 30 and 28, or their multiple, viz. gh. 53, p. 13, as many palas, 53, as are to be taken notice of, because there are 30 there are ghatis in it," we convert it into a tithis in one lunar month, and, as nearly as mean solar day, with the result of gh. 52, p. 20. possible, 28 tithis in one revolution of the Add this gh. 52, p. 20, to the ghatis and palas uithi-kendra. only of (a) the abdapa. The result, vara 1, gh. We thus obtain in (a) the abilapa, varas 1, 5, p. 48, shews that the 6th mean tithi of Chaitra gh. 13, p. 28.4. The first quantity, of the ended with gh. 5, p. 48, after sunrise on the days, shews that the week-day on which the following day, Monday, after the day of the Mesha-Sankranti of the given year, Saka-Sam- Mesha-Sankranti, Sanday. This quantity, vat 406, occurred, was Sunday. And the re- vara 1, gh. 5, p. 48, is called the tithi-bhoga maining quantities shew that the Mesha-San. Paperitt), lit. the enjoyment or duration kranti took place at the end of gh. 13, p. 28*4, of the tithi;' and it is the end of the dhruvaafter sunrise on that Sunday. The small deci- tithi, increased by 1. It is, of course, a mean mal which we have here, as also in (6) the tithi. And it shews that days 1, gh. 5, p. 48, rithi-buddhi, under the palas, may be dis- had elapsed, from sunrise on the day of the regarded in the following steps of the process. Mesha-Sankranti, up to the end of Chaitra In (6) the tithi-sullhi, we obtain tithis 5, sukla 6 as a mean tithi. Jl. 6, p. 47-4. From this we learn that, when the We have now to bring into consideration the Vesha-Sankranti of the given year, Saka- number of tithis elapsed up to the commenceSamvat 406, occurred, 5 mean' titkis of the ment of the givon tithi. And, in doing this, month Chaitra were completed, and also 6 we must of course take account of any intercajhatis and 47 palas of the 6th tithi had elapsed. lary month that there may be, preceding the The number of completed tithis, here 5, is given tithi, in the given year. technically called the tithi-thruva (ff ) In our example, however, the result in (6) or constant of the tithi;' because, when it has the lithi-suidhi is less than 19 tithis. And a been determined for any given year, it remains reference to Table VI. on page 22, which uniform or constant in working out any exam. would enable us to determine the intercalary ple in that same year. And the remainder, month approximately, if there were one, here gh. 6, p. 47, is called the bhukta-tithi shews us that there was, therefore, no interca(mafu) or 'elapsed portion of the (current) lary month at all in the given year, Saka-San vat 406. The explanation of this, is, that, Subtracting the bhukta-tithi, gh. 6, p. 47, when the tithi-auddhi is less than 19, it shows from 1 tithi or 60 ghatis, the remainder, that the sankranti in Chaitra occurred within gh. 53, p. 13, gives the portion of the 6th tithi the first 19 tithis of that month. And, as, tuat was still to run. This is technically called generally, the solar months are longer than the bhogya-titli (irrufafu), lit. (that portion the lunar months, the sankrantis of the sun. of) the thithi which is still to be enjoyed.' in his passage from one sign of the zodiac into In (c), the tithi-madhyama-kendra, we obtain the next, occur continuously later in each tithis 21, gh. 25, p. 22. This gives us the successive lunar month. But, when the sanitmoon's kenulra, reduced to tithis, at the time Iranti in Chaitra falls within the first 19 tithis, of the Mesha-Sankranti of the given year, Saka- no sankranti, np to the end of the year, can go Samvat 406. beyond the 30th tithi of any lunar month; To this, the bhogya-tithi, viz. gh. 53, p. 13, is and, therefore, no month will be intercalary. to be added. And the result, tithis 22, gh, 18, ! Conseqnently, from the beginning of Chai#. 35, is the kendra at the end of the 6th tithi of itra, up to the commencement of the given Chaitra. This is called the lithi-spashta-kendra tithi, AshAdha sukla 12, there had elapsed (POTPUTETET) or apparent kendra of the tithi. only the usual number of 101 tithis; vie. in " i.e. by subtracting the sixtieth part. This propor. tion is taken for the sake of easy calculation. Properly wpeaking, to convert a tithi into a solar day, the sixty- fourth part should be subtracted; because one mean tithi is equal to 1984358 of solar day, 1.6., as nearly as possible, sixty-three sixty-fourths of solar day. The difference, however, does not introduce any material error.

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APRIL, 1887.) METHOD OF CALCULATING HINDU DATES. 119 the bright fortnight of Chaitra, 15; in Vaisa- Under (a) the abdapa, enter this parakhya kha, 30; in Jyeshtha, 30; and in Ashidha, 15 below the sum of the tithi-bhoga and the solar in the dark fortnight, and 11 in the wright." equivalent of 96 tithis, and, -as is indicated From this number of tithis, 101, we subtract by the sign plus at the top of col. 1 in the tithi-dhrura, 5. And the remainder, 96, is Table IV.,-add it to that sum. the number of tithis elapsed from the end of The result, varas 95, gh. 47, p. 43, gives the Chaitra sukla 5 up to the end of Ashadha number of days, and parts of a day, that had sukla 11. But the tithe-bhoga, which we have elapsed, from sunrise on the day of the Meshaalready arrived at, is the end of Chaitra, sukla Sankranti, up to the end of the apparent 6; and the same number of tithis, 96, expire Ashadha sukla 12. To the days, 95, add 1, from the end of Chaitra sukla 6, up to the end the week-day of the Mesha-Sasikranti. Divido of Ashadba enkla 12. Therefore, adding to the the sum, 96, by 7, and the result is 13 weeks, tithi-bhoga the solar equivalent, now to be and 5 days over; which shews that the introduced, the result will bring us to the end | current week-day on Ashadha sukla 12 was of the given tithi, Ashaaha sukla 12. the fifth day in the week; that is Thursday. Turning to Table III. on page 14, we find the remaining quantities, gh. 47, p. 43, that the equivalent, in mean solar days, of 96 shew the time after sunrise, on that Thursday, tithis, is days 94, gh. 17, p. 36. And, adding on which the given tithi, Ash&dha sukla 12, this to the tithi-bhoga, the result, days 95, ended. gh. 23, p. 24, gives the interval that had | The Tables in Prof. K. 'L. Chhatre's book, elapsed, from sunrise on the day of the Mesha- however, are adapted to the meridian of Sarikranti up to the end of Ashadha sukla 12, Bombay. The ghatis and palas, therefore, of as a mean tithi. a tithi worked out by the method exhibited Now, however, we have to determine the above, are for Bombay; and are to be reckonspashta-tithi, or apparent tithi. For this pur- ed from mean sun-rise at Bombay. When the pose, we require the paralhya-correction, which tithi is required for any other particular is to be ascertained through the tithi-kendra, place, the difference of longitude in time (1 Turning again to Table III. page 14, we find degree = 10 palas) is to be added or subtracted, that the variation in the tithi-kendra for 96 according as the place is east or west of tithis is tithis 12, gh. 1, p. 20. Enter this in Bombay. ((r)), below tithis 22, gh. 18, p. 35, which we In the present instance, as I learned after first have already arrived at as the tithi-kendra at working it out, the above Saka date was selectthe end of Chaitra sukla 6. Add the two ed in consequence of its being the equivalent quantities together; and the result, -excluding of the date, in Gupta-Samvat 165, recorded 28 tithis, as before,-is tithis 6, gh. 19, p. 55; in the pillar inscription of Budhagupta at which is the tithi-spashta-kendra at the end Eran in the Central Provinces. We have of the given tithi, Ashadha sukla 12. therefore now to determine the tithi for Eran With this argument, we turn to Table IV. | itself. page 20, for the parakhya-correction. In this The longitude of Bombay is 72deg 51'; and Table, the correction is given for tithis and ghatis, that of Eras is 78deg 15'; both east of Greenwich. at intervals of 10 ghatis. Thus, for the tithi- Eran, therefore, is 5 degrees, 24 minutes, east spashta-kendra, tithis 6, gh. 10, the parikhya from Bombay. Adding (5deg 24' x 10=)54 palas is gh. 24, p. 10; and for tithis 6, gh. 20, to 47 ghaxis and 43 palas, which we have it is gh. 24, p. 19. The difference, 9 palas, is obtained above for Bombay, the tithi at Eran shewn in the last column of the Table, and is gh. 48, p. 37, reckoned from mean sunwould serve to calculate the exact parakhya rise, on the same day, Thursday. for the tithi spashta-kendra. But here it is The above result is sufficient for all practical sufficiently close for our parposes to take the purposes. But it is further to be noted that parakhya as gh, 24, p. 19. the tithis in our Panchdigs are intended to be We are dealing with a northern date and that is why the tithis are counted in this way. If we were dealing with southern date, the enumeration would be, in Chaitra, 30; in Vaisakha, 30; in Jyeshtha, 80; and in the bright fortnight of AshAdha, 11. The total is the same, 101 ; since a bright fortnight is concerned.

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120 Saka-Samvat 406 A.D. 484-85. Ashadha (June-July); the bright fortnight; the 12th tithi; Suraguruvara (Thursday) 33 The time, after sunrise, on which the Tithi ended. Reckoned from mean sunrise at Bombay Ujjain. Eran.. 33 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. dr 33 15 33 33 apparent sunrise at Eran given from apparent sun-rise. In practice, however, so much minutoness is not always and everywhere attempted; at least, in the present day, in the Dekkan. For this reason, it seems, Prof. K. L. Chhatre has not noticed this point in his method exhibited above. But I will now give the tithi in question from apparent sun rise at Eran. Without going through the process, which is rather too complicated to be given in the present paper, I will state only the result, that the apparent sun-rise at Eran, on the day in question, took place gh. 1, p. 56, before the mean sun-rise; the latitude of Eran used in the process, being 24deg 5. Adding, therefore, gh. 1, p. 56, to the above result from mean sun-rise, we get gh. 50, P. 33, reckoned from apparent sun-rise, at which the given tithi, Ashadha sukla 12, ended at Erap on the Thursday. Before dismissing this part of the subject, I would point out that the calculation of a tithi, by the above method, is not of necessity absolutely accurate, according to the present absolutely accurate European Tables of the sun and the moon. Absolute accuracy, in this sense, could be ensured only by working from the actual places or longitudes of the sun and the moon, to be determined in strict accordance with the method prescribed for that purpose. The tithi obtained by the method exhibited above, will differ, sometimes by as much as 10 ghatis, from that which would be obtained from the apparent places of the sun and the moon, actually calculated from Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables for the sun and the moon. The difference, however, at full-moon and new-moon will be very small, 1 ghati at the greatest; By K. L. Chhatre's method exhibited above. gh. p. 47 43 48 12 48 37 50 33 [APRIL, 1887. By the SuryaSiddhanta. gh. p. 50 42 51 11 51 36 53 32 10 See page 115 above. note 10. By the SiddhantaSiromani. gh. p. 52 52 53 21 53 46 5542 and it reaches its maximum on, the eighth tithi of the bright and of the dark fortnight. But, in respect of this second possible method of Prof. K. L. Chhatre, it must be stated that we have nothing to do with it in dealing with Hindu tithis; for the reason that, with the exception of the phala-samskara, the corrections introduced by him in finding the apparent longitude of the moon, were not taken into account by ancient Hindu astronomers. And, on the other hand, the method exhibited above being in close agreement with Hindu works, it may be claimed that the tithi obtained by it will differ but very little from the tithi obtained by the method prescribed in the Surya-Siddhanta and other Hindu works. The difference will amount to 5 or 6 ghatis at the utmost; and that in but very few cases. In order, however, that no room may be left for doubt, I have calculated the tithi in the present example actually by the Surya-Siddhanta and the Siddhanta-Siromani. I calculated it first for Ujjain, reckoning from the mean sunrise there; and then turned it into the tithi for Erap. The longitude of Ujjain is 75deg 43', east of Greenwich. I have also calculated the ghatis and palas from the apparent sun-rise at Eran; and all the results are given in the Table on the top of this page. From them we see that the tithi fell on a Thursday, according to all the authorities. The result arrived at from the Siddhanta-Siromani, may be said to be the result from also the Brahma-Siddhanta; since the former is based on the latter. I have not at present a copy of the Arya-Siddhanta to refer to; but I am confident that that anthority would give the same general result.

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APRIL, 1887.] METHOD OF CALCULATING HINDU DATES. 121 Baka-Samvat 406 = A.D. 484-85. Ashadha (June-July); the bright fortnight; the 12th tithi; Suraguruvara (Thursday). Date of the Mesha-Sankranti in March of A.D. O (p. 30).... Add variation for A.D. 400 (p. 30)..................... >> 84 (p. 27)..... Date of the Mesha-Sankranti in March of A.D. 484 ....... Add days elapsed from the Mesha-Sankranti up to the given tithi, from col. (a) of the previous process days. gh. 13 59 3 30 0 44. 18 13 p. 10 9 7 26 .... 95 113 Deduct number of days in completed months from the 1st March : March... April ............ May ............... Remainder is the current day of the next month, and the current day of the given tithi ........................ ............................ RESULT; 21st JUNE, A.D. 484. 21 If, by the calculations detailed above, we, Table IX. on page 27, and in Table XI. on find that a certain tithi ended nearly at the page 30. end of a Hindu day,- for instance, 57 ghatis The English date answering to the given after sunrise on a Sunday ; i.e. 3 ghafis be- Hindu date in our present example, has obfore sunrise on Monday, -there may be the viously to be worked out according to the possibility that it really ended shortly after Julian Calendar, or Old Style; being long sunrise on the following day, Monday. And, anterior to A.D. 1752, when the Gregorian on the other hand, if our results show that a Calendar, or New Style, was introduced. certain tithi ended shortly after the commence- From the heading of Table XI. page 30, we ment of a Hindu day,--for instance, 3 ghatis find that, in A.D. 0, the Hindu Mesha-Sashafter sunrise on a Sunday,--there may be the kranti occurred on the 13th March, and gh. 59, possibility that it really ended shortly before p. 10, after sunrise (civil time). Enter these the termination of the preceding day, Saturday. quantities. And below them, enter the bheda In dealing with a particular record that, on or variation for the component parts of the a certain week-day, there was a certain tithi, given year A.D., in this instance A.D. 484we can only be sure of absolute accuracy in (85), which is always obtained by adding A.D. our results, if we can ascertain, so as to apply, 78-(79) to the given Saka year; vis. for 400, the actual authority and method used by the days 3, gh. 30, p. 9, from Table XI.; and for author of the calendar which the drafter of 84, days 0, gh. 44, p. 7, from Table IX. p. 27. that record consulted in preparing his state- | Add these quantities together. The result, ment. for A.D. 484, is days 18, gh. 13, p. 26. And The method exhibited above, however, may this shews that, in A.D. 484, the Hindu be safely relied on for all practical purposes. Mesha-Sankranti occurred on the 18th March, and 13 ghafls and 26 palas" after sunrise. To find the English Date for a given Tithi. Add 95, which we have already ascertained, The materials for this process are to be in the previons process, under (a) the abdapa, found in Prof. K. S. Chhatre's book, in to be the number of days that had elapsed from 0 The ghatle and palas onght to agree with the ghaffs 94 palas; which shows that here is small mistako and palas of the abdapa of Saka-Samyat 406 in col. (a) somewhere in the Tables. of the previous process. Here there is a difference of

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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1887. sunrise on the day of the Mesha-Sankranti, up present instance, is the 218t June, A.D. 484, to sunrise on the day on which the given tithi Old Style. ended. The sum, 118, gives the number of days The identification of this date with the up to, and inclusive of, the given tithi, from, week-day previously obtained for the given and inclusive of, the 1st March. tithi, may be verified by any of the ordinary From this sum subtract the number of days means available. For instance, from Gen. in as many entire months as were completed Cunningham's Indian Eras, Table II. p. 98, we within the total of 113 days; vis, in the pre- find that the 1st January. A.D. 484, Old sent instance, in March, 31 days; in April, 30; Style, was a Sunday. And then, turning, as and in May, 31; total, 92. the given year was a Leap-year, to the rightThe remainder, in this instance 21, gives the hand side of his Table I. on page 97, we find current day of the next month, corresponding that the 21st June of the same year was a to the given tithi. The result, therefore, in the Thursday, as required. CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Concluded from p. 98.). XXXIII. it also included a large part of the valleys of the Having selected Ogotai as Khakan, Chinghiz Chui and its tributaries. The Ulugh Tagh divided his empire into four parts, assigning mountains were the strongholds of the Khanate, one as the particular patrimony of each of his and there Juchi probably had his chief camp. four sons, Jachi, Chagatai, Ogotai and Tului. At Khwariam he apparently put a deputy with & In this division he apparently ignored the garrison. This deputy was Chin Timur, who settled and civilized territories which he had had summoned the town of Urganj when it was conquered, and limited himself to what he pro- first attacked. In the Kang-mu, Juchi is desbably alone valued, the pasture lands of Central cribed as of an impetuous temperament, but as a Asia, and in fact he apparently divided rather very brave and a good soldier.' Abulfaraj says his clans than his lands among his sons. It was that Chinghiz made him his master-huntsman. the tribes that they inherited: the necessary pas- East of the camping grounds of Juchi tures where they lived simply went with the men. were those of Chagatai. Their boundary is Let us now shortly try and realize the limits of not very clear. They included apparently this division. To Juchi was assigned what was the country south of the Thian Shan range afterwards known as the Khanate of Kipchak, from the Pamir as far east as Kamul, and from the dominant Turkish tribe which lived also the northern slopes of the same range from there. The Kipchaks and Kankalis answered the Talas valley as far as and including roughly to the Kirghiz Kazaks and Turko- Bishbaligh and the Uighur country. Its mans of our day; and with the smaller tribes capital was Almaligh. It thus included the in their neighbourhood they formed his ulus old country of the Karluks and the Uighurs, or kingdom. It was probably bounded on the Kashgar, Khoten and the various smaller west by the Caspian and the Volga. On the States as far east as Kamul. Chagatai is denorth by Great Bulgaria and the Ugrian tribes scribed in the Kang-mu as of a serious character, of Siberia, who were not herdsmen but fisher reserved and very taciturn, whence he was folk and hunters. On the South it included generally feared. Abulfaraj says that Chinghiz the district of Khwarizm, now known as the made Chagatai chief judge of the Empire, and Khanate of Khiva, as far as the northern fron-according to Mirkhond he was styled director tiers of Khorasan. Excluding Mawaru'n-Nahr of the law. or Transoxiana, the boundary probably followed Minhaj-i-Saraj says that as he was of a very the Sihun or Jaxartes up to its sources. On sanguinary, malevolent, and tyrannical nature, the east it was bounded by Lake Balkhash and his father did not leave him the sovereignty, D'Ohsson, Vol. I. pp. 103-104. De Mailla, Vol. IX. p. 129. * De Mailla, Vol. IX. p. 128.

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APRIL, 1887.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 123 but left it to his younger brother Ogotai. Chinghiz Khan on it. One side has the inNorth of the country controlled by Chagatai scription Al-Adil-al-Aazim Chinghiz Khen, was the ulus of Ogotai, that is to say his and the other An Nasir-i-din-ullah Amin-alprivate appanage, independent of his position Mumunin, that is, the name of the then ruling as emperor of the whole Mongol world. This Khalif. Major Raverty is doubtless right apparently stretched from Lake Balkhash as when he says that this coin was struck, in all far as the Kanghi chain in the East and as probability, by one of the subjected rulers of far north into Siberia as the Mongol arms Ghur or Kerman, or the parts adjacent, perhad reached. It apparently included the land haps by Hassan the Karluk. Mr. Thomas, in of the Kirghiz and the Naimans. Its chief his account of the coins of the Pathan dynasty, towns were Imil, near the modern Chugachak, mentions another similar coin apparently and Pulad and Kayalik. Abulfaraj says struck at Kerman. He says these coins in Chinghiz appointed Ogotai chief counsellor fabric are like those struck by the Khwarizm of the empire. Shah Jelalu d-din, when in the East, and East of the Kanghi ohain and as far east by Nasir-u'd-din Muhammad ibn Hassan as the sources of the Onon, including Chinghiz Karluk. Khan's own private property and ulus among There is no mention among Western writers, his own people, was the ulus of Talui, the nor yet among those of China, of any conquest youngest or hearth-child of Chinghiz Khan, of Tibet by Chinghiz Khan. And Colonel Yule whom he nominated commander-in-chief of the says that it is not very clear how it came under army, with control of the Mongol community subjection to the Mongols. In the 11th book properly so called. He ruled the kernel of the of the Tibetan work Dab-thah leg-shad sel-kyi empire, a position in which he was succeeded melon, there is a curious notice, however, which by his sons, who were thus able to secure has been translated by Babu Sarat Chandra Das, supreme power more easily a few years later. which inter, alia, says "Chinghiz Khan, who East of Tului's appanage and on the borders of turned the wheel of might visited Tibet. Manchuria lay the domains of Khazar, Ochigin, After subjugating Nari-kor-sum, U, and Tsan, Kachiun and Belgatei, Chinghiz Khan's Lho, Kham and Gan, he sent an envoy to Tsan brothers. Manchuria, Lian-tung and Corea offering large presents to the learned Kun-gahwere ruled by chieftains of their own, who Ninpo, the hierarch of Sakya, and appointed him owed allegiance to the Mongol emperor. his spiritual guide, and subsequently invited Northern China and Transoziana were him to visit Hor.' He obtained from Tibet treated as common property, each of the foursome images, sacred volumes and chaityas, from brothers having a share in their revenues, and which the Mongols imbibed faith in Buddhism a deputy there to look after his interests. and commenced to adore Kon-chhog, or the China was administered by Yeliu Chutsai, who Supreme Being. During this time some Monbad had temporary authority in Transoxiana, gols also took the vows of Updsaka, &c., whence as we have seen. Transoziana was apparently they got hold of Dharma." This notice is not administered by Mahmud Yelvaj, whose visit very trustworthy, and I quote it merely for to Chinghiz I have also described, and who what it is worth. seems to have retained the post till the year Ssanang Setzen has an entirely different 1241, when he took charge of Northern China. story, which is probably of equal authority. He It is hard to say what occurred between says that in the Bing panther year 1206, when Chinghiz Khan's withdrawal and the reappear- the Lord was 45 years old, he marched against ance of Jelalu'd-din, the son of the Khwarizm Kalage Dorji, Khakan of Tibet. The king of Shah Muhammad in the country south of the Tibet sent the prince named Ilugha with his Oxus, in Afghanistan. It would seem that a submission, to the Lord, with 300 men, and contingent was posted at Badghiz under Tairmany camels, as tribute. The Lord met them Baghatur. A coin, now in the British Museum, on the mountain Ajinu Tsai dam, received has been found, which bears the name of them well, and made them large presents and Tab-i-Nax. p. 1146. vide.chap. III. s.e. Mongolia. op. cit. pp. 91, 97 and 98. Journal As. Soc. Bengal, LI. p. 66.

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124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1887. when he sent Ilughu Noyan back again were placed in a trunk, and sealed up; and he he gave him a letter and salutations for the used to take them about with him. When Lama, called Sakia Tsak Lodsawa Ananda thus inspired he used to disconrse on his Garbai. The letters stated, -"I have wished victories, andertakings, defeats, plans for invadto summon thee, but as the course of my worldlying countries, &c. A person used to take the affairs was completed, I have not summoned whole down in writing and enclose it in a bag thee. Heneeforth Iconfide in thee. Do thou and place a seal upon it, and when he came to protect me." Thus did the Lord subdue the his senses again they used to read over his three districts of the eight hundred and eighty utterances to him one by one, and according to thousand people of Kara Tibet lying below these he would act, and more or less the things the province of Ngari. used to come true." This account may possibly In a Mongol work entitled Jirukenu Tolta, be based on some epileptic tendency on the part written by Choigji Odozer, we are told that of Chinghiz Khan, such as Napoleon suffered Chinghiz Khan sent an envoy to the Lama from. Minhaj-i-Saraj goes on to say that he was r-Jebstun b-Sopnam r-Chemo with the message; skilled in the process of divination by means of - Be thon the Lama to counsel me in the burnt shoulder-blades of sheep, adding that the present and the future. I will become the Ajami diviners" were not in the habit of burnlord and fosterer of religions alms, and willing the bones they consulted. Justice was 80 unite the practice of religion with the adminis- well administered by him that throughout his tration of the state. For this end I have camp it was impossible for any one to take up a relieved all the clergy in the kingdom of Tibet fallen whip from the ground unless he was from the payment of alms." Thereupon the the owner of it; while lying and theft were Lama replied: "I will endeavour to follow unknown. If any woman who had a husband thy wishes in all things." living was captured by the Mongols no one would Pallas has taken the same story from a form a connection with her, and if a Mongol Mongol work entitled Brullva-Sagdsha-Bandida desired such a connection he first killed the jan gargaksen Monggol Wessuk, written ac- husband." cording to the title under the 4th Khan An anecdote reported by Rashidu'd-din puts Daiching Nairal Tab. He calls the Lama to Igraphically before us the character of the great whom Chinghiz sent an envoy, Jibsun-Sotnam. conqueror. He one day asked his general, Sih-.non." Both these works treat this event Borghorji, what was the greatest pleasure in as the foundation of the position of "Grand life. "It is," said the latter," to go hawking Lama." on a spring morning, mounted on a beautiful Minhaj-i-Saraj tells us that "Chinghiz Khan horse holding a falcon on one's fist, and to when he entered Khorasan was 65 years old, & see it seize its prey." He then put the same man of tall stature, of vigorous build, robust question to Burgul and others of his officers, who in body, the hair on his face scanty and turned replied in the same terms as Borghorji. "No," white, with cat's eyes, possessed of great energy, replied Chinghiz Khan, "man's greatest joy is discernment, genias, and understanding, awe- to vanquish his enemies, to drive them before striking, a butcher, just, resolute, an over- him, to seize what they possess, to see those thrower of enemies, intrepid, sangainary and whom they love bathed in tears; to mount their cruel." He reports some remarkable things horses and press their wives and daughters to of him : e.g., that he was an adept in magic and his bosom." deception, and that some of the devils were his From an anecdote reported by Minhaj-i-Saraj friends. Every now and then he used to fall it would appear that Chinghiz Khan could into a kind of trance, when he used to say only speak Mongol and did not speak Turki, strange things, and the devils who had power which is curious, since it was probably his over him foretold his victories. The tunio and mother's language. clothes, which he wore on the first occasion, Chinghis Khan was undoubtedly the fore . op. cit. p. 89. 10 Seanang Setzen, pp. 892-8, note 9. u Pallas, Seml. Hist. Nath. eto. II. 356, 357. >> Tab-i-Nas. pp. 1077-1078. 1.e. those of Irak Ajam. 15 D'Ohsson, Vol. I. p. 401. id. Pp. 1078-1079. 20 Tab-s-Nas. p. 1114.

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APRIL, 1887.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS 125 most figure in Asiatic history, not only from the strong, that they speedily increased the great area which he conquered, but still more from the circuit of his dominions. length of time which his conquests remained How so much was done so quickly and with in his family, and the deep impress he made so very few errors, is a great pazzle, until we upon the polity of the Asiatic peoples. Timur realize what an elaborate and perfect machine compared with him was but a transient meteor, Chinghiz had created in his highly organized and it must also be remembered that the wea. army, or rather his nation organized like an pons which Timur fought with were ready army. "The nomad nations," says an historian to his hand, while those which Chinghiz Khan of Russia, "are armies, irregular indeed, but used he had to make. It is not, therefore, easily put in motion,prompt, and always on foot; strange that his name should occur in so much whatever they leave behind them, can be of the poetry of the desert, and should even guarded by old men, women and children. To have reached the far west; where, as Colonel such nations war is not an event; for long Yule has argaed, Chaucer's Cambuscan Bold marches produce but little change in the habits probably represented our hero through the of a wandering people; their houses, their prointermediate form of Father Ricold's Camius visions march along with them; and this is of Can. It is more strange that he should have some importance in uncultivated and uninhabeen almost lost sight of in English literature. bited forests." There was no distinction among D'Ohsson has admirably condensed the the Mongols between civilian and soldier; all accounts of him left us by Juveni, Rashidu'd were soldiers who could carry arms, save per. din, &c. Chinghis Kh&n, he says, owed his haps a few Shamanist medicine men. They triumphs to the strength of his will and the could live anywhere where their horses and resources of his genius, in which he enlisted cattle could find pasturage. They were kept all kinds of muans as justified by his end. together also by a most rigid discipline. Each Perfidy and treachery were drawn upon, as tribe was broken up into small sections of ten much as the strong arms and robust frames of men, each with its leader; nine such leaders chose his soldiery. The terror he inspired deprived a tenth for their centurion; nine centurions simimen of courage to defend themselves. Neverlarly chose a millenarian ; and ten of these latter, did a conqueror more despise the human race, a divisional commander, who had charge of and well might he do so. The Mongols in 10,000 men or a tuman; and in giving orders their original home were among the most each officer, from the leader of 100,000 to the wretched of men, wandering with their herds leader of ten, had to give them to ten inferior in an elevated region of farther Asia under an officers only, and each of them to ten others, and inclement sky, and with very hard surroundings. soon, everyone being responsible to his immediate So poor that, as Rashida'd-din says, only their superior alone. No man could change his secchiefs had iron stirraps. The chief of a few tion or company, and the most implicit obedience small tribes of shepherds such as these, after was exacted from all. If a commander comfighting for years with adversity, first secured mitted fault it was provided that the the rule over his own people, then broke the meanest soldier might be sent to summon him yoke binding him to his fendal superior; and, for punishment, and if he was at the other reinforced by a succession of hordes which he extremity of the Empire, and in command of first defeated, he subdued the nomadic world 100,000 men he would, on an order arriving in of Asia. Lastly he broke in upon China and such hands, submit himself at once to the bas. Persia, the two greatest contemporary Empirestinado or to execution. "Very different," says in the world, trampled upon them, and marched Juveni, " is what one sees elsewhere," referring with such continuons success, that he professed to the customs of the Muhammadans, "where, as that God had given him the empire of the soon as a slave who has been bought with money, world; and when he died in the midst of his becomes possessed of ten horses, his master conquesta, he left his sons an empire so well must speak to him with some deference ; much organized, and an army so well equipped and more so if he has given him command of an " Kelly's Russia, p. 1-88.

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126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. army. And it is seldom that a general, who has become rich and powerful by his master's favour, does not rebel against him. Every time such chiefs have to march, either to attack or repel the enemy, they require months to put their troops in motion. They draw pay for soldiers who are only on paper in peace time, and when war comes about they have to borrow from one another to fill up their ranks. Among the Mongols, on the contrary, the warrior, instead of receiving pay, pays his chief annually a certain number of horses, cattle, pieces of felt, &c. &c. Nor does a time of war exempt him from these payments. His wife, or the person he leaves in charge of his house, must perform the services he owes. A man cannot, like the sun, be present everywhere; it follows, therefore, that his wife, when her husband is on a campaign or hunting, should keep his house in such good order that, if a messenger comes from the prince, or some stranger arrives, he may find it in good order and find a good meal there. This does honour to a married man. The merit of a man may be judged of by that of his wife." Chinghiz insisted that his officers should have their men in such good trim that they were always ready to mount. He said that a man who could command ten men well, deserved to be entrusted with a thousand; but, he adds, "if a commander of ten men does not know how to manage them, I will put him to death, him, his wife and his children, and will replace him by another man from his section." It was the same with the commanders of 100, 1,000 and 10,000. He urged his officers to come to him in the spring of each year to receive his orders and listen to his advice. "Those who stay at home, instead of coming at these times, are like a stone dropped into deep water, or an arrow shot among the reeds. They disappear. They are unfit to command." He wished his officers to instruct their children in riding, archery and wrestling as they would have to rely on their bravery for a livelihood, just as a merchant relies on his wares. He professed to employ each man in the post he was best fitted for. Thus he said: "I give the command of troops to those who join courage with skill. To those who are alert and active I confide the baggage, while [APRIL, 1887. the dullards I send to tend cattle with a whip in their hands. It is by due vigilance, order and discipline that I have seen my power grow. like a new moon, that I have obtained the countenance of heaven and the support of earth. If my descendants will only follow my example, they will for 500 years, nay for a thousand or ten thousand, be similarly aided by heaven. God will reward them, men will bless them, and they will enjoy during long reigns all the good things of the earth."18 In time of peace Chinghiz counselled his soldiers to be quiet and gentle as calves, but in war to rush on the enemy like a hungry falcon on its quarry. Speaking one day of the merits of his generals, he said: "A braver man than Yessutai does not exist; no one possesses rarer gifts; but, as the longest march does not fatigue him, he feels neither hunger nor thirst, and fancies his soldiers are as enduring as himself. This is why he is unfit to command. A general should not be insensible to hunger and thirst, so that he may appreciate the sufferings of those whom he commands. His marches should be moderate and he should be sparing of the strength of his horses and men." "He recommended his successors, before undertaking an expedition, to examine the arms of their soldiers. Carpini tells us each Mongol had at least one bow, sometimes two or three, with three quivers full of arrows, and an axe and cords for drawing military engines. The richer men also had pointed swords, somewhat re-.. curved. Some of them carried lances, with hooks on them to drag men down from their horses. Their arrows, he says, were two feet, a palm, and two fingers in length, their iron heads being very sharp and two-bladed. On their quivers were hung files to sharpen the arrows with. They had, besides, arrows with broad points for hunting, &c. They also carried shields made of osiers, &c., which were apparently only worn when in camp or on guard, especially at night, about the chief's tent. Carpini describes in considerable detail the body armour used by the Mongols for covering their horses as well as themselves, body and head, and which was made of cuir bouly or softened leather, with plates of iron sewn upon it, for which purpose each man, as we elsewhere 18 D'Ohsson, Vol. I. pp. 386-393. 19 id. 403.

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APRIL, 1887.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 127 read, had to supply himself with an awl, a occasion they will sustain themselves on the needle and thread. Thomas of Spalato says blood of their horses, opening a vein and letting their armour was made of buffalo hides with the blood jet into their mouths, drinking till scales fastened on it, and was virtually impene- they have had enough, and then staunching it. trable. They wore iron or leathern helmets, They also made a paste out of milk, by boiling crooked swords, quivers and bows. The heads it, separating the butter, and then drying the of their arrows were four fingers broad, cards. When on an expedition, a man will take longer than those used in the west, and were ten pounds of this, and on & morning put half made of iron, bone or born, and the notches a pound in a leathern bottle with as much were so small that they would not pass over water as he pleases." This dried milk, called the strings of western bows. Their standards kurut, is also referred to by Rubraquis, who were short, made of black or white yak's says the milk was allowed to go very hour betails, and having balls of wool at the top. Their fore the cards were taken and dried. He adda horses were small, compact and hardy, and that they would not drink water by itself, * submitted to almost any hardship. They rode From Ramusios' version of Marco Polo, it would them without stirraps, and made them jump seem that each Mongol, what with horses and like deer over rocks and walls." mares, took 18 animals with him." The commissariat of campaigns, such as the The account of these Western travellers, is Mongols indulged in, which is such a mystery very like the report sent to Muhammad the at first sight, is partially explained by Maroo Khwarizm Shah by his envoys, which has been Polo :-" They are more capable of hardships," extracted from an eastern author by Erdmann. he says, "than other nations; for many a time, "The army of Temajin," we there read, "is as if need be, they will go for a month without any countless as ants or locusts. Their warriors are supply of food, living only on the milk of their matchless in lion-like valour, in obedience and mares, and on such game as their bows may win endurance. They take no rest, and flight or them. The horses also will subsist entirely on retreat is unknown to them. They take oxen, the grass of the plains, so that there is no need sheep, camels and horses with them, and live to carry store of barley or straw or oats, and on meat and sour milk. Their horses scratch they are very docile to their riders. These, in the earth with their hoofs and feed on the roots case of need, will abide on horseback the livelong and grasses they dig up, so that they need neither night, armed at all points, while the horse will straw nor oats. They pray to the sun and be continually grazing. Of all troops in the moon on their rising and setting; they heed not world, these are they which endore the whether food be clean or unclean, and eat dogs, greatest hardships and fatigue, and which cost swine, and bears. They will open & vein in the least: * and when the army is on their horses and drink the blood." the march they have always 200 horsemen very Before each expedition, a Kariltai or General well mounted, who are sent a distance of two Assembly of the princes and military chiefs was marches in advance to reconnoitre, and these held, when the time and mode of attack were always keep ahead. They have a similar party decided upon. Spies were sent forward and inin the rear and on either flank, so that there is telligence collected diligently about the country a good-look out kept on all sides against a sur- to be attacked. Chinghiz intrigued with the prise. When they are going on a distant ex discontented and seduced them by fair propedition, they take no gear with them except mises. On attacking & province he generally two leather bottles for milk, & little earthen- divided the army into small bodies, invested ware pot to cook their meat in, and a little tent the towns and slaughtered the people in the to shelter them from rain, and in case of great open country, sparing only a certain number urgency they will ride ton days on end without to be utilized in attacking fortified places, which lighting a fire or taking a meal. On such an were blockauled. An advance guard was gene 90 Carpini, ed. d'Avesa, pp. 684-689. Thomas of Spalato, Hist. Salon. oh. 87. Geach, der Mong. etc. 834. op. cit. Vol. I. pp. 252-264. Wolff, * op. cit. ed. d'Avenac, p. 329. " Yule'. Marco Polo, Vol. I. p, 256, note 3. " Erdmann, Temudachin, etc. p. 364; Yule's Marco Polo, Vol. I. p. 257.

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1887. rally sent ahead, which prudently refrained from "At the approach of a hostile force, their scatdestroying buildings or killing cattle. Presently tered detachments concentrated together to meet came the main army; when everything was it. They despised honour and chivalry. In the swept away, leaving nothing of any kind alive. business of war, ruse and surprise were more In crossing rivers the Mongols sewed skins welcome to them than open fighting, and together into water-tight bags, put their goods, even their fighting was rather of a Fabian &c. inside, and then tied the bundles to their kind." "When they come to an engagement horses' tails and swam over on them, holding on with the enemy," says Marco Polo," they will by the horses' manes. gain the victory in this fashion. They never They generally devastated the country round let themselves get into a regular medley, but a fortress before attacking it, and tried to entice keep perpetually riding round and shooting the garrison into an ambuscade. They built into the enemy, and as they do not count regular siege works armed with catapults, it any shame to run away in battle, they made and manned by Chinamen, Persians, will sometimes pretend to do so, and in &c. &c., skilled in working such machines and running away they turn in the saddle and shoot in the use of the so-called Greek fire. The hard and strong at the foe, and in this way peasants and captives were compelled to work make great havoc. Their horses are trained so the machines, to fill up the ditches, &c., and perfectly that they will double hither and were then forced to head the assault. The attack thither, just like a dog, in a way that is quite was continued day and night, relieving-parties astonishing. Thus they fight to as good par. keeping the garrison in perpetual excitement. pose in running away, as if they stood and Mines were skilfully employed to sap the walls; faced the enemy, because of the vast volleys of and rivers were turned to oyerwhelm devoted arrows that they shoot in this way, turning cities. To delude the garrison, they would round upon their pursuers, who are fancying sometimes raise the siege, leaving their bag. that they have won the battle. But when the gage and valuables behind, only to return by Tartars see that they have killed and wounded a sudden countermarch as soon as the garrison a large number of horses and men, they was lulled into security. They rarely aban-wheel round bodily, and return to the charge doned an attack on a fortress, and would some- in perfect order, and with loud cries; and in a times blockade it for years. They were bound very short time the enemy are routed. In by no oath; and, however solemn their promise truth they are stout and valiant soldiers and to the inhabitants to induce them to surrender, it inured to war. And you perceive that it is was unscrupulously broken, when the credulous just when the enemy sees them run, and garrison capitulated ; and a general massacre imagines that he has gained the battle that ensued. Nor did instant submission avail in he has in reality lost it, for the Tartars any case where possible danger to the com- wheel round in a moment when they judge munications, &c. of the invading army might the right time has come, and after this ensue, for it was their policy to leave behind | fashion they have won many a fight."36 them no body of people, who could thus molest Carpini tells much the same story. He adds them. Towns and men they deemed of no that the princes and chieftains did not join in the value, and everything was swept away to make struggle with the men, but stood some distance pastures for their herds. "They gloried," says behind and encouraged them. They mounted Vincent of Beauvais, "in the slaughter of men; the boys and women so as to make the enemy blood was spilt by them as freely as water. believe the army was really larger than it was, They employed lies and deception to delude and for this purpose they sometimes also their victims, and then destroyed them. They mounted puppets on horseback. They placed styled those who shut themselves up in for their captives and the men of other tribes in tresses "their imprisoned pigs" and deemed the front of the fight, while with their picked them more completely in their power than troops they turned the enemy's flanks and tried others. to surround him. If a desperate foe resisted * Yale's Marco Polo, I. pp. 254-5.

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APRIL, 1887.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 129 bravely, they would open their ranks to let him hecatomb which haunts the memory." In escape until the disorder of retreat made the Persia and its locality, he utterly laid prostrate work of destruction easy; and they wounded the the fairest and most flourishing provinces. horses and men from a distance by flights of "They came," said a fugitive poet from Bukarrows before they closed with them, so as to kara, reported by Juveni, "and they rifled, create a stampede." Their cavalry manceuvred they fired and they slew, trussed up their by signals and was very skilfully handled. loot and were gone." Najmu'd-din of Rai says They mercilessly killed cowards, and even put the same in most dismal phrases: " It was in to death a whole section if several men in the year 6178 (of the Hijra) that the army of the it tried to fly, and they similarly killed those reprobate Tatars (may God humiliate and who wilfully lagged behind when others were destroy them) conquered that country. Such charging ahead." Each man had several horses alarm, slaughter, slavery, destruction and 80 that when the enemy's cavalry showed burning as was caused by these accurged ones, signs of weariness, they secured remounts. was never seeni or heard of before in the land They would extend their lines quickly and thus of unbelievers or of Islam, and can only be envelop bodies of the enemy which had compared with what the Prophet announced imprudently advanced too far. Those who as signs of the Last Day, when he said : turned aside to loot were treated like cowards. | The Hour of Judgment shall not come until In these expeditions the Mongols encamped ye shall have fought with the Turks, men small to rest and recruit their horses for a few months of eye and ruddy of countenance, whose noses every year. And, as the dradgery and the are flat and their faces like hide-covered shields.' dangerous work of war was chiefly done by the There shall be days of horror. And what meancaptives, their lordly masters easily kept up est thou by horror? said the Companions, and he their strength in the most distant expeditions. replied: 'Slaughter! Slaughter! This beheld During times of peace, the nation was annually the prophet in vision 600 years ago. And exercised in all the manoeuvres of war at the could there well be worse slaughter than there great winter hant, which, as we have seen, was in Rai where I, wretch that I am, was was organized like a military expedition, and born and bred, and where the whole popalaformed the best of all training. tion of five hundred thousand souls was It is when we realize such facts as these in either butchered or carried into slavery,"31 detail, that we see how admirable a machine for It is curious to contrast these sombre phrases the purposes of war the Mongol army was. Pro- with the inflated rhetoric of the great traveller bably no army that ever existed could rival it and geographer, Ibn Yakut, in a letter preserved in the combined qualities of the hardihood of its by Ibn Khalikan, which he sent in the Hijra year men and horses, its complete independence of 617 from Mosul to the Vizier Jamalu'd-din. communications, in the excellence of its arma- It has been given at length by Von Hammers tare, its rigid discipline and loyalty, and in and in it the Persian art of concealing any its most skilful tactics and strategy. Certainly distinct statement of facts under a cloud of no army then existing could approach it in these turgid metaphors is carried out in an extraorrespects. And we must remember that a great dinary way, even when dealing with such a deal of its organization and character was terrible calamity. the actual work of Chinghiz himself, whose The progress of the Mongols was so destrucmilitary genius and resources can only be com- tive, that we are apt to overlook some of pared with those of Napoleon. No doubt, he the constructive elements which characterized used his power ruthlessly. It is awful to it and which very considerably affected the think that from 1211 to 1223, 18,470,000 hu- direction of subsequent human progress. In man beings are said to have perished in China the first placo, it was a great gain to secure and Tangut alone, at his hands-& fearful thnt, over the wide stretch of Asia, men >> Carpini, ed. D'Avezao, pp. 682-094. 15 d. p. 684. ** [If there figures mean anything, it is most probable that they represent the number of the transported, as well as of the killed. All through the narrative there is more real evidence of Chinghiz Khan's making use of his captives than of his slaying them.-ED.) 30 id. p. 1230. 31 Von Hainmer, Gesch. der Gold. Horde, pp. 76-77; Yule's Marco Polo, Vol. I. p. 258.

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130 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1887. could freely pass to and fro without danger, and Another great moral change which Chinghiz that the trade of the brigand and the robber endeavoured to introduce, was the suppression were for a time in abeyance. Chinghiz Khan, of the chicanery, lying and general obliquity inter alia, organized a postal service, with relays and artificiality of Eastern life. I have quoted and convenient posts, &c., between the principal some instances in an earlier page. Especially places, such as had been in vogue in China noticeable was his life, as a protest against along the grand routes, to facilitate travel pomp and luxury. Disdaining the extravagant lers, couriers and public officers in their titles which were then in vogue, he used only travels. The horses, carriages and food were that of Khan or Khakan. The princes of the supplied by the inhabitants, and strict regala- blood addressed him by his own name, and tions prescribed the conditions under which in his letters, diplomas, eto., this name was they were used, and the safety of the road was unaccompanied by any honorary titles. The protected by severe police regulations. For the Edicts issued from his chancellary were simple first time probably, and for the last, it was pos- and concise, and free from the inflation then so sible to travel with safety across the Steppes usual in Persia. When he had conquered of Central Asia. The result of this was that Transoxiana, a Secretary of the Khwarizm Shah a very great intercourse sprang up between the Muhammad was taken into his service. Having East and West, and we can gather from the heard from his general Chepe, that he was narratives of the Missionary friars how con- prevented from attacking Syria by the opposistant and widespread was the flow of commerce tion of Badru'd-din Lalu, the prince of Mosul, and of culture over the whole Mongol world, Chinghiz told the secretary to write to that and how remarkably colonies of traders sprang prince in these terms: "God has given us the up in various inland towns of the Empire. This Empire of the world. Those who submit and led to an interohange of thought between East allow our troops to pass will preserve their and West, which caused a great renaissance in kingdom, their families and property. As to both. The art of printing from movable blocks, the rest God alone knows what will happen and the use of gunpowder, were two among the to them. If Bodr-u'd-din submits he will more notable crafts which have revolutionised | find a friend in us; if not, what will become the world, which there can be small doubt of Mosul at the approach of our army?" found their way into Europe from China through The secretary wrote this message in Persian, in the intervention of the Mongols. Similarly an inflated style, and using the various epithets the art of Persia invaded and greatly modified then applied to sovereign princes. When the that of China; while many ideas from the West chamberlain, Danishmand, had interpreted it is travelled thither, 80 that in two genera - Mongol, Chinghiz Khan said this was not what tions, namely in the reign of the great Khubilai he had dictated. The scribe replied that he had Khan, the artistic and literary condition of followed the ordinary nsage. "You are a trai. China was at its best. tor," answered the Mongol Chief, in a rage. It was not only merchandize, literary and "You have written this letter in a tone which wil artistic wares which were thus exchanged, but only encourage the prince of Mogul to be more more important elements in human progress. audacious," and he had him put to death." The Chinghiz Khan counselled his sons to tolerate same writer tells us how he prophesied that all creeds, telling them that it was largely in his descendants would dress themselves in costly different to the Deity how men honoured him; stuffs, broidered with gold, would feed on rich and he exempted from all taxes the ministers food, ride splendid horses enfold beautiful of different religions, devotees, the poor doctors, women in their arms, and forget to whom they and other learned men." It is easy to see what a owed these pleasures. Nor did he fail to warn revolation in the social life of large parts of them that if they ceased to keep up a system of Asia and even of Europe lay behind this breadth strict subordination and discipline their empire of view, when we consider the fierce bigotry both would fall into decadence. "Then," he adds, of Muhammadans and Christians at this period. "they will ask for Chinghis Khan again." >> Jareni and Bashida'd-dis quoted by D'Ohason, 1 Rashidu'd-din, quoted by D'Ohsson, Vol. I. Vol. I. PP. 406-407. >> id. p. 412. | pp. 413-414.

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PARLA-KIMEDI GRANT OF INDRAVARMAN. APRIL, 1887.] If we limit ourselves to the area he controlled, perhaps the most notable of all the changes made by Chinghiz Khan was the breaking down of the feeling of nationality, and especially of tribal feeling, by wholesale transportations of whole peoples, with their chiefs, from one area to another. It was thus he consolidated a heterogeneous mass of clans into a nation of which the aristocracy was Mongol in blood. This aristocracy in certain cases ceased to be Mongol in speech and in other respects, and became absorbed in the mass of Turks which surrounded it. On the other hand, various Turkish clans in Mongolia were swallowed up and incorporated among the Mongols themselves. Thus we account for the presence in Mongolia, at this day, of several small clans of Nains, etc., of Turkish origin, but speaking Mongol; while the reverse has occurred in many districts elsewhere. The process of consolidation was, no doubt, greatly assisted by the community of habit,, religion, &c., even when language and separate tradition created barriers; and this was strengthened by the fact of Chinghiz Khan having been a Turk by origin, although ruling over Mongols. It was probably in consequence of this that the Turks in all parts of Asia, after a momentary resistance, collapsed and joined his army, which thus grew like a rolling snowball in the Alps. Each | This inscription, which has not been proviously published in full, was first brought to notice by me in 1884, in this Journal, ante, Vol. XIII. p. 120. It is on some copper-plates which were found at Parla-Kimedi,' the chief town of a Zamindari or Estate of the same name near Chicacole (properly Srikakulam), in the Ganjam District of the Madras Presidency. I obtained the original plates, for examination, from the Government Central Museum at Madras, to which they were presented by Mr. W. Taylor." The plates, of which the first and last are 181 The Purlah Kimedy' of the Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 108. Lat. 18 46 N.; Long. 84deg 8'-In Thornton's Gazetteer of India, the second component of the name is written both Kimedi' and 'Kimidi'. It has also been certified to me as Khimide'; but the aspirate in the tribe he encountered when defeated fell into ranks behind him and joined in his triumpha march, just as the Hessians, Poles and Italians followed Napoleon, and as the Goths, Alans and Slavs followed Attila. The perpetual success of his arms was the most potent of consolidating forces; and, when he died, the many tribes he had conquered formed a strong nation, bound together by a fanatical loyalty to himself and his family. In regard to wider issues, we are tempted to despair as we trace the careers of ruthless conquerors whom men make gods of, such as Alexander, Caesar, Attila, Chinghiz, Timur, Napoleon. And yet there is no lesson more firmly established perhaps by history than that the progress of civilization is not continuous. It passes through periods of stagnation and decay, when it needs a rude plough to tear up a virgin stratum, and rude hands to sow untainted seed; and it is a strange fact that, as the most bountiful harvests of summer are SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. No. 169.-PARLA-KIMEDI PLATES OF THE MAHARAJA INDRAVARMAN.-THE YEAR 91. inscribed on one side only, are three in number, each measuring about 53" by 2". They are quite smooth; the edges of them being neither fashioned thicker nor raised into rims; but the inscription is in a state of perfect preservation almost throughout. The heads of the letters have in many places an imperfect and disjointed appearance, as if they had been partially worn away by rust; but this is due, wherever it occurs, to faulty execution on the part of the engraver, in omitting sometimes to complete the matras or horizontal topstrokes, and sometimes even to commence them generally garnered after the severest winters, so do worn out and sophisticated communities need a very deep harrow to unlock their riches; and, the greater the desolation for the moment, and the longer the fields lie fallow, the more generous is the harvest. This is not an apology for "the Scourges of God;" it is an empirical lesson from history. first syllable is hardly likely to be correct in the case of a Dravidian name. See Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Madras, Vol. II. p. 262 and note.

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132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1887. at all. In all other respects, the engraving adhruvasarmmane, line 11; and (4) the use of is bold and good ; though the interiors of the b for , in bd for va, line 15. letters in a few places shew, as usual, marks The inscription records that, from the of the working of the engraver's tool. The victorious city of Kalinganagara (line 1), the plates are tolerably thick and substantial; and most devout worshipper of the god Mahesvara, the letters, though fairly deep, do not shew the Maharaja Indravarman (1.7), -who has through on the backs of them at all.-- had all the stains of the Kali age removed by Towards the proper right end of each plate performing obeisance to the god Siva under there is a hole for a ring to contact the name of the divine Gokarnasvamin (1. 2); them. The ring, which had not been cut who acquired the authority of Adhiraja over or otherwise opened when the grant came the whole of Kalinga by the power of his own ander my notice, is about #" thick and 3" sword (1.4); who is the establisher of the in diameter. The seal, in the lower part of spotless family of the Gangas (1. 5); and who which the ends of the ring were fased and so meditates on the feet of his parents,-issues secured, is slightly oval, about 1" by 4". It a command to all the cultivators at the village had, on a slightly countersunk surface, either of Kettata in the Devanna panchal (1.7), to a legend or some emblem ; but it is now quite the effect that, on the admonition of a person unrecognisable, and not worth reproducing by named Kondavallaka (1. 11), the said village lithography. A lithograph of the plates of Kettata is constituted an agrahara, and is themselves has been prepared, and will be given by him to Dhruvasarman (1. 11), of the issued in my Indian Inscriptions, No. 18, the Gargeya gotra, belonging to the community of publication of which will commence as soon as Kalinganagara, and a religious student of the my Gupta Inscriptions are out of hand.-The Chhandoga school. weight of the three plates is 10 oz., and of Lines 12 to 18 contain an address to future the ring and seal, 6 oz.; total, 1 lb. 1 oz.- ! rulers, about continuing the grant; followed The average size of the letters is about ". by four of the customary benedictive and imThe characters belong to the southern class precatory verses. of alphabets; and are of almost precisely And lines 18 to the end contain the date, the same type with those of the Chicacole in both words and numerical symbols, of the grants of the Maharaja Indravarman, of which ninety-first year of the augmenting victorious lithographs have been published in this reign, and the thirtieth solar day, without Journal, ante, Vol. XIII. pp. 120, 122. They any reference to the fortnight, of the month include, in line 19, forms of the numerical Magha (January February); followed by a. symbols for 1, 30, and 90.-The language is verse recording that the charter was written Sanskrit ; and all the formal part of the by Vinayachandra, the son of Bhanuchandra, inscription, which agrees pretty closely with at the personal command of Rajasimha. the corresponding portions of the Chicacole | The Kalinganagara that is mentioned in grants, is in proso. Four of the customary lines 1 and 10, is the modern Kalingapatam, benedictive and imprecatory verses are intro- a well-known town in the Ganjam District, duced in lines 13 to 18; and the name of the at the mouth of the Vamsadhara' river, about writer of the grant is given in another verse sixteen miles north of Chicacole. in line 19.-In respect of orthography, we The two Chicacole grants, published by me have to notice (1) the ase of the upadhamaniya, in this Journal, ante, Vol. XIII. pp. 119 ff. in anuddhyatah-parama, line 6.; (2) the use of 122 ff., are grants of a Maharaja Indravar. the guttural nasal, instead of the anusvara, before man, dated respectively in the years 128 and s and h, in tritiatima, line 19, and sinha, line 20; 146. The difference of fifty-six years between (3) the doubling of dk, in conjunction with the present grant and the second of them, A following y and r, in anuddhyata, line 6, and renders it extremely doubtful whether the 3 Kondavallakena pratibidhitair=as.habhih; line 11.-- The usual expression in by some derivative or other from vijnapi, to request.' I cannot quote any other instance dina. of the wo, in such a connection, of a derivative from pratibidhi. Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 108. Lat. 18deg 20' N.; Long 84deg 9' E.

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PARLA-KIMEDI GRANT OF INDRAVARMAN. APRIL, 1887.J Indravarman of all three grants is one and the same person. Another point in the same direction is that the Indravarman of the present grant had the second name or biruda of Rajasimha (1. 20), which is not mentioned in the Chicacole grants. And it may also be noted that the present grant was written by a certain Vinayachandra; whereas the grant of the year 128 was engraved by Aditya, the son of a Vinayachandra, who seems likely to be the same person; and this tends to shew that, in the interval of thirty-seven years, one generation of subordinates, at any rate, had passed away. But an apparently more conclusive point still is that, though the other epithets and the general style of the charters correspond more or less closely, the Indravar man of the Chicacole grants is simply mentioned as belonging to the family of the Gangas; thus (ante, Vol. XIII. p. 121, 1. 4) Gang-umala-kula-tilakah, " the ornament of the spotless family of the Gangas ;" and (id. p. 123, 1.7f.)prathita-vipul-amala-Gang-anvay-ambarasakala-barach-chhasankah, "the full autumnmoon of the sky which is the famous and great and spotless lineage of the Gangas." Whereas, the Indravarman of the present grant is called the establisher of the family of the Gangas; thus (line 5) Gang-amala-kula-pratishthah, "he who has (effected) the establishment of the spotless family of the Gangas." The four points, taken together, seem to prove that the Indravarman of the present grant was an ancestor,-probably the grandfather, of the Indravarman of the two Chicacole grants. As regards the era in which the dates of this inscription and of the two Chicacole grants is recorded, I can do little more than repeat what I have already said; viz. that it is evidently the Gangeya era, specifically mentioned under that name,-but apparently only in connection with a conventional date,-in a grant of the Maharaja Devendravarman, and another of the Maharaja Satyavarman, both of which are dated in the fifty-first year of the era. I have also a grant of Devendravarman, which is dated, genuinely, in the two The hundred and fifty-fourth year of the era. epoch of the era still remains to be determined. ante, Vol. XIII. pp. 120, 278f. Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XVI. p. 114ff. 133 But, in pnblishing the Chicacole grants, I wrote "It is possible that the Maharaja Indravarman of this grant [of the year 128] is identical with the Adhiraja Indra, who is mentioned, in the Godavari grant of the Raja Prithivimala,' as combining with other chiefs and overthrowing a certain Indrabhattaraka. This Indrabhattaraka must be the Eastern Chalukya of that name; the younger brother of Jayasimha I. (Saka 549 to 579 or 582), and the father of Vishnuvardhana II. (Saka 579 to 586, or Saka 582 to 591)." This is the period to which all the threo grants, issued in the name of Indravarman, may be allotted on palaeographical grounds, as far as such evidence can be applied. As I have previously intimated, the clue to the date may perhaps be found in the record, in line 10 f. of the grant of the year 128, of an eclipse of the moon on the full-moon day of the month Margasira (November-December). The Saka years that I have quoted above, represent A.D. 627 to 670. But, owing to the possibility of the Indravarman who is connected with the history of Indrabhattaraka, being the grantor of the present charter of 91,-not of the charters of 128 and 146,-tho later limit of Saka-Samvat 591, as regards the second Indravarman, may have to be brought down fifty-five years later, to Saka-Samvat 646 or A. D. 724-25. Taking the extremo limits of A.D. 627 to 725, and allowing a margin of a few years on either side, the lunar eclipse mentioned in the grant of the year 128 may be any one of the following:"30th November 20th 9th 39 1st December 19th November ;; 10th 1st December 10th November 22nd 11th 2nd December 22nd November 2nd,, 3rd December 12th November Cunningham's Indian Eras, p. 210 f. 39 .A.D. 624 625 626 643 644 653 662 672 690 691 708 709 719 727 737

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134 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1887. And, coupled with the eclipse, the red in case,-may very possibly enable us hereafter, line 19 of the present grant, that, in to 91st by means of detailed calculations, to determine year of the era, the month Magha included precisely which of the eclipses mentioned thirty solar days, which is not always the above is the one intended. TEXT. First Plate. 1 Om Svasti Sarv-arta-sukha-ramaniyad=vijaya-Kalinganagarat-sakala-bhavana nirmman-ai2 ka-gu tradharasya bhagavato Gokarnna-svaminas-charanakamala-yugala-pranfmida. 3 pagata-Kali-kalank8 vinaya-naya-sampadam=adharah 8V-Asi-dhara-parispand-adhigata-sa4 kala-Kaling-Adhirajyas = chatur - adadhi - taranga-mekhal - &vanitala - pravitat - amala- yasah S aneka- . 5 samara-samkshobha-janita-jaya-habd8 Gang-&mala-kula-pratishthah pratap-&tisay-Anamita Second Plate; First Side. 6 samasta-samanta-chudamani-prabha-maojari-panja-ragjita-charano matapitri-pad-anaddhya ta7 h=paramamahdsvarah sri-maharaj-Endravarmma " Dovanna-panchalyan Kettata grame sarva8 samavetan=katumbinas=samajoapayati [1] Viditam=asta vo yath=ayan=gramas=sarvva9 karaih parihsity=d-chandr-arkka-pratishtham=agraharas-kritva matapitror=&tmanas-cha pony-abhi10 vridhaye Kalinganagara-gamanyaya Garggoya-sagdtriya Chhandoga-sabrahmacharine Second Plate; Second Side. 11 Ddhruvasarmman& Kondavallakena pratibodhitair adaka-purvvam=asmabhis-sa[m] pradattas=Tad-viditv[Q] 12 yath-ochitam bhagabhogam=upanayantah sukham prativasathueti | bhavishyad rajabhis-chayam 13 dana-dharmmo=napalyals-Tatha cha Vyasa-gitah 618ka bhavanti [*] Baha bhir1=v& 14 sudha datta bahabhis-ch=AnupAlita yasys yasya yada bhumistasya tasya tad[] 15 phala [11]. Sva-dattam-para-dattam=b&(va) yatnad-raksha Y udhishthira mahimim"=mahimatam sreshtha Third Plate. 16 danach=chhrdyo=nupalanan [11] Shashtim varsha-sahasrani modate divi bhumi. dah & 17 kshopta ch=anumanta cha tamny=ova narako vased =iti (1) Vighnatatis bhartri-go-vipra-bala-yoshid-vi18 paschitan ya gatis=sa bhavod-bhumin haratas=s&san-arkitam-iti (11) Pravarddhamana-vijaya-ra19 jya-samvatsarah bka-navati[ho] 90 1 Magha dina trinsatima 30 [11] Idam" Vinayachandre20 na Bhanuchandrasya sununk faganam Rajasinhasya likhitam gva-mukh-Ajnay 13 | . From the original plates, 10 In the original, this word is expressed by a symbol, not in letters. Li This mark of punctuation is unnecessary. 11 Read mupalyas. 13 Metre, Sloku (Anushtabh); and in the following three verses, 1. Read malim. 5 Read tany. 10 This letter is partially destroyed by the ring-hole, which seems to have been made after the engraving was finished, though space must have been left blank for it. " Metro, Sika (Anushtubb).

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APRIL, 1887.) A LETTER OF THE EMPEROR AKBAR. 135 A LETTER OF THE EMPEROR AKBAR ASKING FOR TIE CHRISTIAN SCRIPTURES. BY E. REHATSEK. From the text of a letter, which occurs in been well instructed in the Law, and shall have the first daftur of Abd'l-fazi's correspon- understood its perfection, they may return dence lithographed at Kenhpur (Cawnpore) in whenever they like, and I shall send them back 1849-50, we can conjecture-bat no more-that with great honours and worthily remunerated. it was sent either to the Viceroy or to the Arch- Neither let them be at all afraid, as I take bishop of Portnguese India, as that neighbour- them under my protection and guarantee their hood is mentioned in it in such a way as to safety." imply contiguity of frontier between the two In consequence of the request made in this powers,--the Portuguese and the Mughal, letter, three Jesuits were sent to the Emperor and as the individual addressed is alluded to Akbar, namely, Ridolfo Aquaviva, who was as a propagator of the Christian religion. It an Italian, Antonio Montserrat, & Frenchis the only letter of this kind that appears, as man, and Francisco Enrichez (for Henriquez far as we know, to have been preserved in a native of India. The first of these, Padre Persian ; and the in other respects valuable Ridolfo, was still at the Court of the Emperor Archivo Portugues Oriental does not contain Akbar, when the Persian letter, now to be translations of any such, although it alludes to given in English, was despatched from it in correspondence, and to an ambassador from 1582. He arrived there on the 15th February Akbar, who arrived in Goa on the 25th 1580, and returned to Goa in 1583, where he October 1584, and remained there till his death, was soon afterwards slain at Salsette, together which occurred on the 5th May 1588. with several other Padres, in a riot created by Before that time, however, according to angry Hindus on the 15th July of that year. another authority, an ambassador, 'Abdu'llah It will be seen hereafter that the purport of by name, had arrived and been received in the above letter, of which, as already said, we Goa with great honours in 1579 during the possess only the Italian translation, and which month of September. This ambassador, who was written more than three years before the was accompanied by an Armenian Christian Persian one,--and of the Persian letter, to be interpreter, Domenico Perez, brought to the given herein in as literal a rendering as possiArchbishop a letter which we know only in its ble, is nearly the same; although the former Italian rendering and translate as follows:- appears shorn of all the rhetorical oriental "In the name of God. Letter from Jallalu- figures of speech that the original probably 'ddin Muhammad Akbar, the king, placed on contained. The Italian translated letter is, his seat by God. Chief Padres of the order of moreover, entirely devoid of that spirit of en. St. Paul, let it be known to them that I am lightenment and philanthropy, which permeated their great friend. I send them 'Abdu'llah, every document issued by the great and good my ambassador, and Domenico Perez, to ask Akbar, and which is noticeable also in the text you to send to 'me with them two of your of the Persian letter. On the other hand, it literati, (and) that they may bring with them the is a matter of some surprise, that in the Books of the Law, and above all the Gospels, Persian letter no mention is made of Padre because I really desire much to understand Ridolfo, who, when it was written, happened to their perfection; and pressingly again demand be still at the Mughal Court, which his two that they come with this my ambassador and companions had left, and who, although leadbring the Holy Books, that by their arrival I ing the retired life of a hermit during the last may obtain supreme consolation: they will be year of his sojourn, continued to enjoy the dear to me, and I shall receive them with every favour of the Emperor, who was very loth to possible honour. And when I shall have part with him." Missione al Gran Mogor, Desoritta dal P. Daniello India than by their own. See Calcutta Review, No. Bartoli, S.J., p. 7, et seq. CLXIII., January 1886, p. 18: end of the first footnote. * This is the name, as well as that of Paulista,' by La risposta no, il Re la diede sobita, ma non inaspetwhich the Jesuita were at that time better known in ata. Missions al Gran Mogor, p. 41 infra.

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136 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1887. The heading of the Persian letter, "Imperial -that lived the most profitable of lives, and Rescript to Earopean Scholars," is not in accor- are the gaides to the best of paths, collectively dance with the text, no such persons being and individually. addressed in it, and may, perhaps, have been "It is not concealed and veiled from the added afterwards for publication purposes. It minds of intelligent persons, who have received may, also, have been deliberately chosen as an the light of divine aid and are illuminated by indefinite expression, because the Mughal Court the rays of wisdom and knowledge, that in this very likely possessed no certain knowledge as to terrestrial world, which is the mirror of the whether the Goa Territory belonged, or would celestial, there is nothing that excels love and in the future belong, to Spain or to Portugal. no propensity BO worthy of cultivation as Subsequent events showed that it was to remain | philanthropy, because the peace of the world and for sixty years under the sway of the first named the harmony of existence are based upon friendmonarchy; but when the letter was sent, Portu- ship and association, and in each heart, illumi. guese India had but lately become subject to nated by the rays of the sun of love, the world Spain, the King of which, Philip VI., had of the soul, or faculties of the mind, are by them appointed Don Francisco Mascarenhas his first purged of human darkness; and much more Viceroy, who made way for his successor and is this the case, when they subsist between departed to Europe on the 22nd November monarchs, peace among whom implies the peace 1584. It may, therefore, be conjectured, that of the world and of the denizens thereof. nnder these circumstances it was considered "Considering these things, we are, with the best to adopt an indefinite mode of address, whole power of our mind, earnestly striving to which was, however, probably changed a few establish and strengthen the bonds of love, years afterwards, when Akbar wrote to other harmony and union among the population, but Viceroys, such as Duarte de Menezes, Mangoel above all with the exalted tribe of princes, who de Sousa Coutinho, and Mathias d'Alba- enjoy the noblest of distinctions in consequence querque;* but, as already observed, neither the of a greater (share of the divine favour, and originals, nor the translations of any of these especially with that illustrious representative letters appear to have been preserved, and of dominion, recipient of divine illumination, although allusions to their contents occur, and propagator of the Christian religion, who nothing positive can be said about them. needs not to be praised or made known; (and The said Persian letter may be translated this decision is) on account of our propinquity, as follows: the claims whereof are well established among mighty potentates, and acknowledged to be the Imperial Rescript to European Scholars. chief condition for amicable relations. Bat, as. "Boundless homage to the true Sovereign, weighty obstacles and great hindrances have whose realm is preserved from the calamity of delayed personal intercourse, an interchange of decline, and whose dominion is safe from the | messages and correspondence is the best substishock of extinction. The wonderful extent tute for it. Intelligent and shrewd men having of heaven and earth is but a portion of the considered it fit to take the place of oral coninfinite aniverse of His creation ! He is versation, we entertain hopes that the portals of the Director, who causes order to depend in correspondence will be continually kept open. the world, among mankind, on the wisdom of on both sides, whereby we may inform each just kings, and to subsist by the aid of righteous other of various affairs and pleasant hopes. princes. He fore-ordained that by means of "It will be known to your enlightened mind, the binding instincts of love and affection that by the unanimous consent of the adher. various individuals and species of created beings ents of all religions and governments, regardshould associate and commingle with each other ing the two states, namely, the religious and amicably. Unlimited salutations are due to the the secular,-the visible and the invisible blessed spirits of the multitude of prophets and world, -it is believed and considered fully apostles-benediction and peace be upon them proved, that, in comparison to the next, the . Archivo Portugues Oriental, Fascicolo 3, Lettera No. 23, No. 206, 239, &c.

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APRIL, 1887.] A LETTER OF THE EMPEROR AKBAR. 137 present world is of no account. What laudable into Arabic and Persian. Should these booksefforts the wisest men of the period, as well as which are profitable to all-whether translated the great princes of every country, are making or not, be procurable in your country, send bo ameliorate the present perishable outward them, state! But they are nevertheless spending the "On the present occasion, we have, for the essence of their lives, and the best of their time, purpose of strengthening our friendship, and in the acquisition of mundane objects, striving confirming our union, despatched Sayyid for, and being fully absorbed in the enjoyment Muzaffar, who is endowed with many excelof pleasures, and the indulgence of appetites lent qualities, loyal, and distinguished by which must soon vanish! Allah, the Most enjoying our special favours. He will orally High, has, however, by His eternal favour communicate to you certain matters and may and unceasing guidance-despite our multi- be trusted. Please always to keep open the farious occupations, drawbacks, connections, and portals of correspondence. dependence on external circumstances-graci- "Salutation to him who followeth guidance. ously inspired us with a longing after Him; Dated in the month Rabi'u'l-awal, in the but, although we have brought the dominions year 990.'17 of several great princes under our subjection, That, after this, other letters were sent by the administration and amalgamation whereof Akbar, and that, after the departure of Padre engrosses our intellect, because we are bound Ridolfo Aquaviva, other missionaries arrived to promote the welfare and happiness of all from Goa, who likewise returned thither from our subjects, -nevertheless-Allah be praised - the Mughal Court, appeare from a letter of the the purpose of all our activity, the head and king of Portugal, or rather of Spain and Porfront of all we do, is a desire to meet with tugal,' dated Lisbon the 28th January 1596, divine approbation, and to discover that whick referring to a letter of Martin d'Albuquerque, is true. in which he says :"As most men are fettered by the bonds of | "He also tells me [in his letter] that Akbar tradition, and by imitating the ways followed had written him some letters, and among them by their fathers, ancestors, relatives and ac- one which he had sent by an Armenian Chrisquaintances, every one continues, without tian, [Domenico Perez ?] who had given him investigating the arguments and reasons, to suitable information about our power and follow the religion in which he was born and prosperity ; furthermore, that the said Akbar educated, thus excluding himself from the pos- wanted some men of letters to be sent to him, sibility of ascertaining the truth, which is the and complained of the early departure homenoblest aim of the human intellect. There- wards of the Jesuits sent to him by Manoel fore we associate at convenient seasons with Sousa Coutinho, when he was governor ; that learned men of all religions, and thus derive. he (d'Albuquerque] had considered this matter profit from their exquisite discoarses and with the prelates and monks, who were exalted aspirations. Our language, however, of opinion that two learned monks should be being different from yours, we hope that you sent; and that the Provincial of the Society will rejoice us by sending to these parts a man of Jesus forthwith offered his own ecclesiastics able to represent to us those sublime objects of with the same zeal for the service of God and research in an intelligible manner. for mine, with which he had given the two "It has been brought to our notice, that the others, as well as a very learned layman. And revealed books, such as the Pentateuch, the I recommend you to thank the said Provincial Gospels, and the Psalms, have been translated on my part, as well as those of his order whom This demand speaks badly for the scholarship of Padre Ridolfo. It would also appear that neither Domenico Perez, already alluded to above as having accompanied 'Abdu'llah, the ambassador of Akbar to Goe, and who is mentioned as an interpreter (Missione,&o.. p. 29), nor Padre Francisco Enrichez, who is by Daniello Bartoli alleged to have possessed some knowledge of Persian, could satisfy Akbar. Accordingly we may be allowed to doubt whether Padre Ridolfo made any great impres. sion upon the mullas, although he is said immediately after his arrival at the Court of Akbar, to have convinced them in disputation ("Convince in disputa i Milassi; Missione al Gran Mogor, p. 20, et seg.) . Quran, xx. 49, algo translated : "Peace be upon him who shall follow the true direction." This month began on the 26th March, A.D. 1592. Archivo Portugues Oriental (2nda Parte, Nro. 206, para. XY.).

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APRIL 187. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 138 he has given to Ethiopia, and that you should favour those things and keep me always infortaed about them." according to the Kinhpar edition, above-mentioned, of the Insha-i-Abu'lfazl : s`yn nmdr mHqq rmwd w z shrf mqtDyt mHbt jny w kml mrHbt mwdt rrHny tlf Swry w tns Zr yst chwn bwsT@ |The superscription and text of Akbar's mwn` m`Zmy w bw`th khbry Hrz msh hd ,letter which has been discussed are Mo follows jsmny dr prdh twqf mymnh mry kmr khlf an | shrf twnd shd rsl rsl w rsyl st khh rbb fnt w dhkh anr qym mqm mkhlmh w nyb mnb mfwDh HDrt shhnshhy bdnyn mjwbh mydnnd myd khr `ly ltwtr w ltwly | frng bwb rsl w rsyl z j nbyn mftwH bshd w swny Hwl lTyf ml z Trfyn mbyn w | mnshrH grdd sps by qys nthr brgh pdshh Hqyqy khh br Dmyr mnyr rDy khwhd bwd khh b tfq jmy` | mmkhnsh mSwn z Sdmh zwlst wslTntsh mmwn rbb mll w nql w SHb dyn w dwl nshtyn | 'zlTy@ ntql fDy bdy` tmmy zmyn w asmn dyny w dnywy w `lm mwry w m`nwy mshkhS | gwshh yst z qT` bd` wr bysd y npyh y w m`yn w mdll w mbrhn st khh nsh Swry lmkhn qT`h yst z jhn khtr` w mdbry khh d nywy dr brbr nsh m`nwy khrwy chh qdr ntZm `lm w nZm bny adm bdstyry `ql d pdshhn `dlt pysh w pymrdy `dl shhryrn drd w `qly rwzgr w khbry hr dyr dr tkhmyl nSf ndysh mnwT wmrbwT skhn mqdry tr , yn Hlt fnyh Zhryh chr qdr ms`y jmylh w w br bT@ mHbt w DbTh mwdh TnTn@ ytlf w dw`y jzylh b qdm myrsnnd w khlSh 10 `mr ltym w dbdb@ mtzj w styns dr frd khynt w zbd wqt r dr stHSl mqSd swryh bh w nw` mkwnt ndkht w drwd n mHdwd mdyr chh Tryq Srf mysznd w dr mstldh t sry` lzwl w mshthyt qryb lntql chgwnh msh`l | rwH Tyb@ m`shr nby w rsl `lyhm lSlw@ wlslm khh slkhn Swb Trq w dyn Sl sbl nd w mnhmk nd llh t`ly m r bmHD `nyt zly w hdyt lm yzly khwd b chndyn mshGl w `wyq `mwm wkhSwS b`d br Dmyr rbb bSyr khh mqtbs w rwbT w `lyq Zhry drd Tlb khrd khrmt z nwr wlyt w mtjly z sh`h Hkhmt w dryt nd frmwdh w b ankhh mmlkh chndyn slTyn `ly mkhfy w mHtjb nyst khh dryn `lm nswt mqdr r dr Hwzh tSrf m dr awrdh w mqtDy khy mrt `lm lhwt st yy chyzy br mHbt ntZm w tmm yn mmly br nhjykyr jmy` fyq nyst w hyy mry chwn mwdt lyq nr chr r`y w khfh bry mrfh l`l w mnshrH ljl mdr SlH `lm w nZm khwn br trdd wtlf nhdh nd bshnd s`y byd nmwd w twjh bryn byd dsht | w dr hrdly aftb mHbt prtw ndzd jhn m l`bd llh khh strDy lhy w shwq h hwlHq jn w `lm rwH w rwn r z Zlmt bshry my sr hmh mTlb w ftHh bh m'rb st w chwn prdzd fkyf wqtykh dr slTyn khr SlH Tyfh kthr bny rwzgr syr rbq@ tqlyd nd prkhh Tryq@ SlH `lm w `lmynst mtHqq shwd bn `ly hdh ab w jdd wqrb w m`rf mshhdh my nmyd hmgy hmt `ly nhmt b'n mSrwfst khh rwbT by nkr tml dr dly'l w brhyn nmyd n khysh mHbt rw dd w DwbT rtbT w tHd myn `bd llh khh dr an nshw w nm yfth khtyr mykhnd w z mwkhd rmshyd bshd sym dr Tyf@ `lyh mlrkh khh mshrf tHqyq khh dr `lt fy'y yjd `qlst | bmzyd `nyt lhy shrf khtSS drnd khSwS mHrwm mymnd bn br an dr wqt Tybh b dnyn | bn slTnt mab khlft khbb mwrd tjlyy jmy` dyn mHbt dshtm z khlmt nfysh w mqSd | m`nwy mmy mrsm `ysry lGny `n lt`ryf `lyh hrkhdm mstfyd w mstfyD myshwym chwn wltwSyf khh tGrq nsbt bwsTt msyly mtHqq tbyn lsfh w tGyr lfh dr my nst lyq nkr st w r`yt Hqwq jwr w mHbt bn mmd

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APBIL, 1887.) FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. 139 tHd sy dt mb fDyl ktsb Sdq l`qydh | brsl yn Twr khsy khh n mTlb `lyh b Hsn wl khlS syd mZfr r khr bmzyd ltft w`nyt | `brt khTr nshn khnd msrwr sznd w bsm` hmywn bwdh frstdym skhn chnd | rsydh khh khtb smwy mthl twryt w njyl w srfrz mkhSwS blmshfh khwhd gft `tmd nmynd w hmwrh bwb | zbwr bzbn `rby w frsy dr awrdh nd gr n mkhtbt w mrslt r mftwH drnd wlslm | khtb mtrjm y Gyr n khy nf` an `m w fydh `l~ mn tb` lhdy shhr rby` lwl snh nhSd w an nm bshd dr an wlyt bwdh bshd frstnd | drynwl bjht tkhyd mrsm wdd w tshyd. mbny nwd ngshth shd FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. BY PANDIT S. M. NATESA SASTRI. No. XVI.-"Pride goeth before a Fall." and the magnificent manner in which the three Corresponding to this English proverb, there robbers had seated themselves on the grass. At is one in Tamil,- Ahambha vam alai alikkum, the same time he observed that these last had "Pride of self destroys; "and the following story placed their weapons on the ground, in the is related by the common folk to illustrate it :- Assurance of having thoroughly cowed the In a certain village there lived ten cloth- traders, who were now commencing to dance. merchants, who always went about together. So he took the lead in the dance, and, as a Once upon a time they had travelled far afield, song is always sung by the leader on such and were returning home with a great deal of occasions, to which the rest keep time by hands money which they had obtained by selling their and feet, he thus began to sing :wares. Now there happened to be a dense Nananum puli per, forest near their village, and this, early one Talanum tiru per: morning, they reached. In it there lived Savana talanai three notorious robbers, of whose existence the Tiruvanan buttindn, traders had never heard, and while they were Savana talan midi. still in the middle of it, the robbers stood T4 tai tom tadingda. before ther, with swords and cudgels in their "We are puli men, hands, and ordered them to lay down all they They are tiru men . had. The traders had no weapons with them; If one sa man, and so, though they were many more in Surrounds tiru men, number, they had to submit themselves to Sa man remains. the robbers, who took away everything from Ta, tai, tom, tadiigana." them, even the very clothes they wore, and The robbers were all uneducated, and gave to each only a small loin-cloth (langott), thought that the leader was merely singing a span in breadth and a cubit in length. & song as usual. So it was in one sense ; The idea that they had conquered ton men, for the leader commenced from a distance, and and plundered all their property, now took bad sung the song over twice, before he and possession of the robbers' minds. They seated his companions commenced to approach the themselves like three monarchs before the men robbers. They had understood his meaning. they had plundered, and ordered them to dance which however, even to the best educated. to them before returning home. The mer- unless trained to the technical expressions of chants now mourned their fate. They had lost trade, would have remained a riddle. all they had, except their chief essential, the When two traders discuss the price of an la ngoti, and still the robbers were not satis- article in the presence of a purchaser, they use an fied, but ordered them to dance ! enigmatic form of language. "What is the price There was, among the ten merchants, one of this cloth P" one trader will ask another. who was very intelligent. He pondered over Puli rupees," another will reply, meaning the calamity that had come upon him and his "ten rapees." Thus, there is no possibility of friends, the dance they would have to perform, the purchaser knowing what is meant unless

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140 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1887. he be acquainted with trade technicalities. the singer; and, before tadingana was out of By the rules of this secret language tiru means 'them, the traders separated into parties of *three,' puli means 'ten,' and savana (or shortly three, and each party pounced upon a thief. sa) means 'one.' So the leader by his song The remaining one--the leader himself, for to meant to hint to his fellow-traders that they him the other nine left the conclusion-tore were ten mun, the robbers only three, that if up into long narrow strips a large piece of three pounced upon each of the robbers, nine cloth six cubits long, and tied the hands and of them conld hold them down, while the re- feet of the robbers. These were entirely maining one bound the robbers' hands and humbled now, and rolled on the ground like three bags of rice ! The three thieves, glorying in their victory, The ten traders now took back all their and little anderstanding the meaning of the property, and armed themselves with the swords song and the intentions of the dancers, were and cudgels of their enemies; and when they proudly seated chewing betel and tambak reached their village, they often amused their (tobacco). Meanwhile the song was sang a friends and relatives by relating their adventhird time. Ta tai tom had left the lips of ture.' feet. BOOK NOTICE. THE SACRED BOOKS OF CHINA-THE Texts or CONFU Han dynasty. The third book of the Ll-Kt, the CIANISM; translated by James Legge; Part III. The LI-KI, Two Vols., p. xiv., 484; viii., 196. SACRED 20 Royal Ordinances, was compiled at the order of BOOKS OF THE EAST; Yols. XXVII.-XXVIII.)- the emperor Wan (B.O. 179-157), by the Great Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1885. Scholars of his Court. It required two centuries The LI-K1 is one of the "Five-King" or classical or more of Li-scholars, and several general books of Confucianism, and is "& collection of searches for old records, to arrive at last at the treatises on the rules of propriety or ceremonial present compilation of the L-KI, of which the usages," in fact, a sort of code of social inter definitive redaction was done by MA-Yung (A.D. course. The translation by Mr. Legge is the first 79.166) and his pupil King Hsuan (A.D. 127-200). that has been published of the whole of the In its present form, the LA-Ki is composed of fortyLA-K; the valuable translation by Callery (L1-K six books; and the reader will find, in Mr. Legge's on Memorial des Rites) having been done as an introduction, notices of the different books and what abridged and expurgated edition, which contains is known about the authorship and date of each. hardly more than a half of the great editions The high authority which the LS-Ki enjoys of the Thang and present dynasties, which Mr. in China invests it with a special value in the Legge has followed. eyes of the Western scholar, as being the best In an interesting introduction, the translator and most faithful representation of the social. gives a brief history of the LA-K4; from which ideal of the Chinese. Mr. Legge's estimate of it appears that, very likely as early m the time that ideal seems to be a fair and judicious one. of Confucius, most certainly in the time of We are apt to overlook many deep and thoroughly Mencius, there were in existence treatises about human aspects of the Chinese ideal, which are ceremonial usages, of the same nature as the L-KO hidden from our sight by the strangeness of if not of the same contenta. In B.C. 213, when expression or the dead formalism of modern China. Shih Hwang Tt ordered the destruction of the The truth is that, as Mr. Legge observes, a nation's old literature, there were two books of 4 in creed is generally better than its practice. The existence, the 1.LA and the Kdu-L4, which were ceremonial, which now seems to be everything, recovered in the great revival of Confucianism that was originally only the natural outapring and took place under the Han dynasty,--the 1.14 outward sign of the inward feeling, whether in in the reign of the emperor Wa (B.O. 140-87), and worship, or in mourning for the dead, or in the the K.11-LA under the same emperor, and again in joy of family festivities, or in the relations between the next century. The LA-K has taken a higher rulers and subjecta. Subsequently, what was the position than the other two, and may contain natural sign of the feeling became its convenparts as old or older ; but, as a collection in ita tional sign, till the sign was supposed to be allpresent form, it does not go higher than the sufficient, and did away with the feeling itself. Traders have also certain secret symbols for mark. interesting as showing that the customs mentioned, ante, ing their prices on their cloths. Vol. XIV. p. 155 fr., as being prevalent at Delht, regard[This story, apart from its folklore value, is specially ing secret trade language are universal in India.-ED.)

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MAY, 1887.] THE YEARS OF THE GUPTA ERA. .141 THE SCHEME AND EQUATION OF THE YEARS OF THE GUPTA ERA. BY J. E. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.B.A.S., C.I.E. TN my paper on "The Epoch of the Gupta ern or the southern arrangement, or of the 1 Era," I intimated (ante, Vol. XV. p. 189.) years of the southern Vikrama era. that, with the rendering given to us by M A reference to the Table on page 143 below Reinaud of Albiruni's statements, we must will explain at once the difference in the settle certain preliminary points, before any of schemes of these years, and the necessity for the recorded dates can be satisfactorily con- determining the question that we have under verted into English equivalents, and especially consideration. in such a way as to shew clearly and conclu- The Saka years of both Northern and sively whether the difference between the Saka Southern India commence with the first day and Gupta eras is 240, 241, or 242 years; i.e. of the bright fortnight of Chaitra. But, in whether the epoch is Gupta-Samvat 0= A.D. the scheme of the year, there is the importan 918-19, or 319-20, or 320-21. difference that, in the northern arrangement the dark fortnight of each month precedes the The Scheme of the Years. bright;" whereas in the southern year, it is Bearing in mind that, in all cases in wbich the bright fortnight that stands first. Poputhe notation and computation of tithis are larly, and in Panchangs, the northern arrangeconcerned, the years of the Kaliyuga era' andment is called Purniminta, or ending with of the northern Vikrama era have to be treated the full-moon,' and the southern arrangement as commencing, like the years of the Saka era, is called Amanta, or ending with the conwith the first day of the bright fortnight of the junction (of the sun and the moon), i.e. with month Chaitra (March-April); and also that the the new-moon;' and these terms will be decision as to the order of the dark and bright found very convenient for practical use. The lunar fortnights of the months must of necessity result of this difference of arrangement, is, go with the decision as to the general northern that, in the northern year, the dark fortnight of or southern nature of the era and its years, since Chaitra stands at the end of the year, instead we cannot have a northern year coupled with of in the place of the second fortnight, which the southern arrangement of the fortnights, or it occupies in the southern year; and that the a southern year coupled with the northern dark half of the southern Chaitra is the same arrangement,- these points resolve themselves lunar period as the dark half of the northern into the question, whether the years of the Vaisakha; and so on all through the year. Gapta-Valabhi era' had a distinct scheme and For dates in the bright fortnights of Sukn initial day of their own, or whether they fol- years, it obviously is immaterial whether we lowed the scheme and initial day of the years follow the northern or the southern system. of the Saka era, according to either the north- But, for dates in the dark fortnights, it is as This era is also of extremely exceptional use in epigraphical records. The only instances that I can quote are (1) the Aiholo inscription of the Western Chalukya king Palikesin II. of A.D. 634-35 (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 237.), which is dated when three thousand soven hundred and thirty-five years had elapsed from the Bharata war, supplemented by the statement that, at the same time, five hundred and fifty-six years of the Saka kinge also had gone by, in their owners as a subdivision of) the Kali age, the figures of which are marked by those of the Bherata war; and (2) some of the inscriptions of the Kidambas of Gon, ranging from A.D. 1167 to 1947 (Jour. Bo. Br. As. Soc. Vol. IX. pp. 2411., 8628., and ante, Vol. XIV. p. 2881.), which, for some ospricious reason, are dated in the Kaliyaga, without any reference to the Saka ors at all, though other records of the same family (see my Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 90f.) are dated in the Saks era, and in that alone. According to the convenience of the moment, I shall call the era indifferontly the Gupta era, the Valabht oras or the Gupta-Valabhi era. It never had, in ancient times, the name of the Gupta era at all. But, as I have statad on previous occasions, it is convenient to continue the practice, which has been current for nearly fifty yours, of calling it the Guptn er, until we know for certain by whom it was established. In later times, in Kathiwad. it did soquire the name of the Valabhi era. And Abirani tells us that the Gupta and Valabh eras are one and the same, with one and the same epoch. My nomenclature of the era needs no apology, if I point out that, even by those who maintain that the Early Guptas were them selves anterior to A.D. 819-20, it is admitted that the Bo-called Gupta ora which has come down to us in the writings of Albiruni, had the same epooh with the Valabhi era. They only maintain that the Early Guptas used a Gupta ers which was not this Gupta era. Soe Boal's Buddh. Rec. West. World, Vol. I. p. 71. where Hinen Talang's Account whewe that the arrange ment was just the same twelve centuries ago.

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142 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. obviously essential, in order to compute them correctly, that we should know exactly which system they are recorded in; since, for instance, the thirteenth lunar or solar day of the dark fortnight of Ashadha represents, if treated as a southern date, an English day later by one complete lunation, or practically a month, than the English equivalent of it as a northern date. In the southern Vikrama year, the arrangement of the fortnights is the regular Amanta southern arrangement. But the year commences seven lunations later than the equivalent Saka year, and corresponding northern Vikrama year; viz. with the first day of the bright fortnight of the month Kirttika (October-November). Here, again, for purposes of computation, any date in a southern Vikrama year has to be treated as the same date in the equivalent Saka year. And a reference to the right-hand columns in the Table on page 143, will shew at once the way in which the years overlap; and will explain fully the necessity of determining the question with which we are concerned. By the epochs of the two eras, the proper equivalent of, for instance, southern Vikrama-Samvat 1320 is Saka-Samvat 1185; and this is also its actual equivalent for any date from Karttika sukla 1 up to Phalguna krishna 15, both included; but, for any date from the following Chaitra sukla 1 up to Asvina krishna 15, both included, the actual equivalent of VikramaSamvat 1320 is the following Saka-Samvat 1186. Consequently, if the Gupta-Valabhi year is to be treated as a southern Vikrama year, any such date as Gupta-Valabhi-Samvat 944, Chaitra sukla 1, up to Asvina krishna 15, will give an English equivalent later by twelve complete lunations, or practically a year, or else any such date as Gupta-ValabhiSamvat 944, Karttika sukla 1, up to Phalguna krishna 15, will give an English equivalent earlier by twelve complete lunations, than the English equivalents if the year is to be treated as a Saka year. The question, whether by any chance we can be concerned, in the Gupta-Valabhi era, at any period, with the scheme of the southern Vikrama year, is, if possible, still more an essential point, because the dates that we have * Or, in the case of certain intercalations, later here, and in the other case earlier, by thirteen lunations, or [MAY, 1887. in the era, under its later name of the Valabhi era, come from Kathiawad, where, as in the neighbouring provinces of Gujarat and the Northern Konkan, the national era is the Vi krama era, in the southern arrangement. In those parts there would of course be a tendency, sooner or later, to adapt the original scheme of the Gupta-Valabhi year to the scheme of the years of the local national era. And a distinct instance of this adaptation having been actually made in Gujarat, is furnished by the Kaira grant of Dharasena IV. of Valabhi, published by Dr. Buhler in this Journal, ante, Vol. XV. p. 335ff. Its date is the year 330; the "second" month Margasira; the bright fortnight; and the second tithi or lunar day. And the interest and importance of it result from its shewing that, in that year, there was an intercalation of a month, which, according to this record, was Margasira or Margasirsha. Now. allowing for the moment, what I shall shortly prove, as closely as absolute certainty can be obtained, viz. that the true original scheme of the Gupta-Valabhi year is the scheme of the northern Saka year, and that the difference between the epochs of the two eras is two hundred and forty-one years, the month Margaeirsha of this record should belong to SakaSamvat 571, and should fall in A.D. 649. Gen. Cunningham, however," shews no intercalation in that year; but, in the preceding year, SakaSamvat 570, an intercalation of the month Karttika, which would fall in A.D. 648; and this appears to be quite correct, in accordance with the regulation of intercalations by the actual place of the sun. Looking farther into the matter, Dr. Schram, as reported by Dr. Buhler, found that in A.D. 648 there certainly was an intercalated month, which, according to the present method would be Karttika, but according to the rule for mean intercalations, would be Margasirsha. So, also, Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit finds, by actual calculation from the Surya-Siddhanta, that, by mean intercalation, in A.D. 648 there was an intercalated month between the natural Margasirsha and the natural Pausha, which would be named Pausha according to the present practice, but Margasirsha according to the verse Mesh-adi-sthe savitari &c., that is quoted as belonging to the Brahma-Siddhanta. In practically a year and a month. Indian Eras, p. 158. See page 109 above.

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MAY, 1887.] THE YEARS OF THE GUPTA ERA. 143 Comparative Table of the Vikrama, Saka, and Gupta-Valabht Years. Northern India. Permimanta. Months and Fortnights. Southern India. Amanta. Vikrama-Samvat 1319. A.D. 1262-88. bright Chaitra Vaisakha Chaitra S dark Chaitra I bright Vaisakha Jyeshtha dark bright Jyeshtha Ashadha dark bright Ashadha Bravana dark bright Sravans Bhadrapada .dark s bright Bhadrapada Saka-Samvat 1185. Vikrama-Samvat1320.) Gupta - Valabhi-San vat 944 A.D. 1263-84. Saka-Sarhvat 1185. A.D. 1263-64. Asving dark } I bright Karttika dark Asvina bright Margaatraha dark Karttiks | bright Pausha S dark Margarehe bright M&gha S dark Pausha | bright PhAlguna dark Magha bright s dark bright Chaitra Ph PhAlguna Chaitra Vaisakhas dark Vikrama-Samvat 1920. A.D. 1263-64. bright Jyechtha dark Vaisakha bright reshtha (Vordwal Inscription. Ashddha ;. the dark fortnight; the 13th solar day; Sunday.) Jyeahtha. S dark Ash&dha bright Ashadba Aravana dark Ashadha brightSravans Bhadrapada dark bright Bhadrapada 's dark & Saka-Samvat 1186. Vikrama-Samvat1321. Gupta - Valabhf. Sam vat 945. A.D. 1264-65. Asving bright Abvina Saka-Samvat 1186. A.D. 1264-65. Karttika darks bright Karttika Margastraha dark bright Margaatraha Patsha S dark bright Pausha Pausha Magha dark bright Magha dark Phalguna Chaitrs | bright PhAlguna Vikrama-Samvat 1321. A.D. 1264-65. dark

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144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. MAY, 1887. either case, the two intercalated fortnights are, Gupta-Valabhi era had been fairly introduced of course, the same lunar period; the only dif. in Gujarat, the natural tendency, as I have ference is in respect of the name by which that said, would soon be to disregard the original period should be called. And, in finding that scheme of its years, and to substitute for it the period coupled with the name of Margasirsha, scheme of the southern Vikrama years. Let there is the fact, which must be admitted, that us assume that this substitution took place in in contravention of the usual rule, the grant Gupta-Valabhi-Samvat' 303, which commenced, recorded in this inscription was made in the approximately, on the 19th March, A. D. 622, intercalated month; a deviation for which I about balf-way through southern Vikramacannot find any reason in the record itself. Samvat 678. Then, if the change of scheme Having regard to this and other points, I asked was effected in the first seven lunations of the Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit to also make the necessary Gupta-Valabht year, the Gujaratis would make calculations on the possibility of the abbrevia- the new year, Gupta- Valabhi-Samvat 304, tion dvi for dvitiya, "the second," qualifying, commence with their own new year, southern not only the word Margasira, but the whole ex- Vikrama-Samvat 679, on Karttika sukla 1, or pression Margasira su 2; i.e. on the possibility approximately the 12th October, A. D. 622; of the intercalation or repetition referring to and Gupta-Valabhi-Samvat 303, as thus adaptthe tithi or lunar day, not to the month. He ed and shortened by them, would have con. finds, however, that the second tithi of the brighttained only seven lunations, from Chaitra sokla fortnight of Margasirsha of Saka Samvat 571, | 1 up to Aavina krishna 15. If, on the other falling in A.D. 649, was not a repeated tithi, hand, the change was effected in the last five either by Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Table, or by the lunations of the Gupta-Valabhi year, when Surya-Siddhanta ; and that, on the contrary, by southern Vikrama-Samvat 679 had already the Surya-Siddhanta, there is the possibility of commenced, then the Gajaratis would defer this tithi having been expunged, in the far the commencement of the new year, Guptaeastern parts of India. It is certain, therefore, Valabbi-Samvat 304, until the commencement that the intercalation refers to the month; not of their own new year, southern Vikramato the tithi. And it is equally certain that in Samvat 680, on Karttika sukla 1, or approxiSaka-Samvat 570 there was an intercalated mately the 1st October, A, D, 623; and Gupta. month, falling in A. D. 648, which might be Valabhi-Samvat 303, as thus adapted and pronamed Margasira or Margasirsha, and which, longed, would have contained nineteen lunaevidently, was actually so named in the calendar tions. The years of the era would, for the that was consulted by the drafter of this record. future, always commence, in Gujarat, with the This being the case, there cannot have been an years of the southern Vikrama era, on the first intercalation of the same month, or in fact of day of the bright fortnight of Karttika. Under any month at all, in the following year, Saka- the second condition, every subsequent year in Samvat: 571. Therefore, the Margaairsha of Gujarat would commence seven lunations later this record undoubtedly fell, not in A. D. 649, than it would in Kathiawad, as long as the true as should be the case according to the true original reckoning was preserved in the latter Gupta-Valabbf reckoning, bat in A. D. 648; country; which was the case up to, at least, and the year 330 of this record must have com- Gupta-Valabhi-Samvat 945. Under the first menced with the month Karttika that preceded condition, every subsequent year in Gujarat the true commencement of Gupta-Samvat 330, would commence five lunations earlier than in with Chaitra sukla 1, according to the original Kathiawad. And the grant of Dharasena IV., scheme of the years of the era. Bearing in now under notice, shews that this latter was the mind, however, that this record comes from manner in which the change of scheme, which Gujarat, we have not to seek far for the expla- had already been accomplished, was effected; nation of this discrepancy. When once the since this is the only method by which the "I do not mean to assert that the change took place in this particular year; or even within a few years on either side of it. All that is certain, is, that it took place before Gupta- Valabht-Setavat 330. And I have used the year 803, instead of 300 in round numbers, for purposes of illustration, only in order to avoid a year with an intercalary month.

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May, 1887.) THE YEARS OF THE GUPTA ERA. 145 intercalary Margasirsha of this record can be Cunningham, who first bronght this inscrip made to belong to Gapta-Samvat 330, instead tion to notice, read the first symbol in line 24 as of to 329. 10, instead of 20, and overlooked the second The Verawal inscription, however, of the symbol altogether. He thus obtained "Chaitra, Chaulukya king Arjunadeva, dated Valabhi- day 10;" and added the remark this figure Samvat 945, the surroundings and full bearings should be 13, to agree with the written date of which will be explained in detail further given " [in line 2f.] "above."10 There are, on, contains such particulars, in the record of however, distinctly two symbols, meaning 20 its date, as shew that, in it at all events, there and 7; or, together, 27. is no reference to the scheme of the southern This double record is explicable only on the Vikrama year, or even of the southern Saka understanding that, in the arrangement of the year. months of the Gupta year, the dark fortnight But, apart from any particular instances, stood first, according to the regular Purnimanta which supply proof by means of the circum- northern arrangement. By this means only can stances under which the recorded week-days are the thirteenth tithi, or lunar day, of the bright shewn to be correct, there is, as I have said, fortnight be the 27th solar day of the whole the general fact that we cannot have either a month, southern year coupled with the Parnimanta A double record of precisely the same kind northern arrangement of the fortnights of the is given in the Majhgawam grant of the Parimonths, or a northern year coupled with the vrajaka Mahuraja Hastin," of Gupta-Samvat Amanta southern arrangement. And, to prove 191, in which we have, in line 2, Maghamasathat the arrangement of the months of the bahula-paksha-tritiyayam, "on the third tithi, Gupta-Valabhi year was the regular Parmimanta or lunar day, of the dark fortnight of the northern arrangement, and that, therefore, we month Magha ;" and, in line 21, Magha di cannot be concerned with any southern reckon 3, "Magha, the (solar) day 3." But, the ing at all, I shall now bring forward some number of the solar day in this instance perfectly conclusive evidence, which has been being under sixteen, this record is not in known to me for a long time past, and which I itself sufficient to prove the case, one way have kept back only in order to deal with the or the other. What we require is a double whole case at once. date, in which the tithi of the fortnight, the The Khoh copper-plate grant of the Pari. number of which cannot exceed fifteen, is vrajaka Mahardja Samkshobha,' of Gupta connected with a solar day, the number of Samvat 209 (A.D. 528-29), is dated " in the which, exceeding sixteen, shews itself to be enjoyment of sovereignty by the Gupta kings; referred to the whole month, and not to the in the Maha-Asvayuja sasivatsara," and, as fortnight. regards other details, in fortunately a double This we have in the grant of the Mahamanner. In line 2f. we have - Chaitramasa- raja Samkshobha. And the record proves suklapaksha-trayodasyam (where, in apposition absolutely that, in the arrangement of the fortwith trayodatyam, we have to supply tithau), nights of the months of the Gupta year, it is "on the thirteenth tithi, or lunar day, of the the Purnimanta northern system that is conbright fortnight of the month Chaitra." And cerned ; and, consequently, that the general at the end, in line 24, in numerical symbols, scheme of the years of the era was not that of this date is repeated as - Chaitra di 20 7 any southern year at all. (where the abbreviation di stands for dina, At present, the Verawal inscription of dine, divasa, or divase) --"(the month) Arjanadeva, dated Valabhi-Samvat 945, is the Chaitra; tbe (solar) day 20 (and) 7." only instance in which the equation of the The point that is proved by this double Gapta-Valabhl era and another era is accomrecord has hitherto been missed; because Gen. panied by the full details of a month, fortnight, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III. p. 112ff. the twenty-seventh solar day in the month, I now . In my printed version of this inseription, the second substitute 7 for 9. numerical symbol is given as 9, with a note (id. p. 112, 10 Archaol. Surv. Ind. Vol. IX. p. 16. cote 4) that it might possibly be 7, 8, or 9. Mr. Sh. B. 1 Corp. Inscr. Indic. Vol. III. No. 28, p. 10617. Dikshit having found by calculation that this tithi was

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146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. MAY, 1887. and day." And the thirteenth solar day in Twelve-year Cycle of Jupiter, which are quoted the dark fortnight of Ashadha, which is men- in the grants of the Maharajas Hastin and tioned in it, might be the last or the first day Sasikshobha, not only confirm the above results of the Valabhi year. As a single instance, by proving that the details of them cannot be therefore, it does not help us in any way to fix referred to a year commencing with the month the initial day of the year. Karttika, but also prove that we cannot be Consequently, the remaining point, whether concerned even with a year commencing with the years of the Gupta-Valabhi era followed in the month Margasirsha (November December), all respects the scheme of the northern Saka which is mentioned by Albireni" as having year, or whether they had some distinct initial been in use by the people of Sindh, Multan, day of their own,-is one which cannot be abso- and Kanauj, as well as at Lahor and in that lutely settled, until we obtain, either some more neighbourhood, and as having been abandoned double records like that of the Verawal inscrip- at Multan only shortly before his own time. tion, which will enable us to gradually decrease As a matter of fact, a year commencing the limits within which the commencement of with Margasirsha, and having the Parnimanta the Gupta-Valabhi year is to be placed on northern arrangement of the months, would the sliding scale of the twelve months; or the suit the details of every Gupta-Valabhi date, entry of an early date, approximating closely to including even the Kaira grant of Dharagena Chaitra sukla 1, followed, in the same record, IV. of Gupta-Valabh-Samvat 330, and the by a late date, approximating closely to the Verawal inscriptions of Valabhl-Samvat 927 new-moon of Chaitra, both of them referred to and 945, -except one, vix, the Majhgawam one and the same Gupta-Valabhi year, and the grant of the Maharaja Hastin of Gupta-Samvat latter of them distinctly connected with an event 191, which has been referred to above. This or ceremony which is specifically said to follow being the sole exception, the calculations after the event or ceremony with which the for.which determine the commencement and end mer is connected; or the entry of a late date, ap. of the sashvatsara that is quoted in it, have proximating closely to the new-moon of Chaitra, been gone through again and tested with very followed, in the same record, by an early date great care. Bat the result is that they disapproximating closely to Chaitra sukla 1, the tinctly ber the use of a year commencing with two of them referred to two consecutive Gapta- Margasirsha. And thus,-having no other Valabht years, and, in the same way, the latter known year to fall back on, except the Saka of them distinctly connected with an event or year; and giving due consideration to the ceremony which is specifically said to follow the explicit manner in which Albiruni connects event or ceremony with which the former is the years of the Gupta-Valabhi era with those connected. And these conditions, of course, of the Saka ora ; and having regard also to are rather difficult of falfilment. the fact that any Hindu date has to be conMeanwhile, we have now had it made quite verted, for purposes of computation, into its clear that the original scheme of the Gupta- equivalent Saka date, we need not hesitate Valabhi year is that of the Purnimanta in accepting it as already almost certain, from northern arrangement; as was, in fact, to be what has gone before, that the same rule has expected in the case of an era used by 80 to be followed in respect of any Gupta- Valabhf essentially << Northern India dynasty as the date that oonforms to the original schome of Early Guptas were. And, in a subsequent the Gupta year; ic. in sffirming that, whatever paper, I shall show that the sahvatsaras of the may have been the real Historical initial point 1 The only other instance in which the Gupta-Valabht are in mentioned in dirsot oonnection with another ern, is Albtrunt's statement (ante, Vol. XV. p. 189), in which Gupta-Valabhl-Barkrat 713 is given a equivalent to Vikrama-Sarhvat 1088 and Baka-Bat vat 953. It cannot be tarned to any practical use, in determining the schome of the year, bocase he does not give any details of month, do, and because we do not know for certain whether he is referring to the northern or to the southern Vikrama year. 13 Rainrad's Fragmente ambos et Peruans, p. 1400.He also, in the same place mentions or commencing with the month Bhadrapads (August September). Bet, from his statement, it seems to have been confined to the vicinity of Kaimir. And, ander any cireumatanoes, ss Bhadrapada is earlier than Klettiks in the Sake your, the circumstances which ber . your commencing with Karttika, still more emphationlly bar one oommenoin with Bhadrapada.

Page #161
THE YEARS OF THE GUPTA ERA. MAY, 1887.] of the Gupta-Valabhi era, the scheme of its years, for the purpose of recording dates, was adapted to, and became in all respects identical with, the scheme of the northern Saka year. Only in exceptional cases, at present two in number,-viz. the Kaira grant of Dharasena IV., mentioned above, and a Verawal inscription of Valabhi Samvat 927, which will be fully exhibited below,-can any deviation from such an arrangement be established. The Equation of the Epoch. Our next step, therefore, will be, to see how far the available Gupta-Valabhi dates, computed as northern Saka dates, with Chaitra sukla 1 as the initial day of the year, give satisfactory results; and what uniform equation between the Gupta-Valabhi and Saka eras is established by those results. The Verawal Inscription of ValabhiSamvat 945. Of the Gupta-Valabhi dates, which, containing the names of week-days, as well as all the other required details, are available for accurate computation, I will notice first the Verawal inscription of the Chaulukya king Arjunadeva, on a stone in the temple of Harsatadevi at Verawal, the modern representative of the ancient Somnathpitan, in Kathiawad. This date furnishes a specially crucial test, partly because it is a date in a dark fortnight; and partly because, coming from Kathiawad, and belonging to rather a late period, and being mentioned in the same record with a Vikrama year, there was a special chance of finding that its details had been 1 ante, Vol. XI. p. 242, 1. 2ff. The syllable va, in the original, either is an abbreviation of vadya, whether alone or in composition with paksha or paksh, cr stands for ba, the abbreviation of bahula, similarly either alone or in composition with paksha or pakeh. The corresponding method of denoting the bright fortnight, is by the use of the abbreviation, which represents sukla or suddha, similarly either alone or in composition. The solar day is represented by di, which is the abbreviation of dina, dine, divau, or divise. These abbreviations, su di and ba di or vu di, are often quoted as if they were real words in themselves (iudi, badi, vadi), meaning respectively the bright fortnight, and the dark fortnight. And Monier Williams, in his Sanskrit Dictionary, giver vidi, as an indeclinable word, meaning 'in the dark half of a month; with the remark that, according to some, it stands for badi, and is a contraction of bahula dina; bat with an intimation of his own opinion that it repreNents vadya But I doubt whether the Hindus themBelves, even when using the abbreviations, look on thum as worde. And it is worth noting that Molesworth and Canily's Marathi Dictionary. which is very comprehen 147 confused with, or rather had been subordinated to, the reckoning of the southern Vikrama era, which was, and is, the original national era in Kathiawad and the neighbouring country of Gujarat; it will be seen, however, that this has not happened. The details of this date" are -Sri-Visvanatha-pratibaddha-naujananam bodhakara-sulaMahammada-samvat 662 tatha sri-nripa-Vikrama-samvat 1320 tatha srimad-Valabhi-sam 945 tatha eri-Simha-sam 151 varshe Ashadha va di 13 Ravav=ady =eha.... sri-Somanathadeva-pattane,-"the year 662 of the prophet Mahammada, who is the teacher of the sailors connected with (the temple of) the holy (god) Visvanitha; so also the year 1320 of the glorious king Vikrama; so also the year 945 of the famous (city of) Valabhi : so also the year 151 of the glorious Simba; in (this) year; the month Ashadha: the dark fortnight; the (solar) day 13; on Sunday; .. to-day; here, in the city of the holy god Somanatha." This gives us, for caleulation, VikramaSamvat 1320, and Valabhi-Samvat 945, both current; the month Ashadna (June-July); the dark fortnight; the thirteenth solar day of the fortnight, with whatever titki, presumably the thirteenth, fell on it; and Ravivara, or Sunday. And, in order to decide between the three epochs of Gupta-Valabbi-Samvat 0= A.D. 318-19, or 319-20. or 320-21,either of which is possible, so far as M. Reinaud's rendering of Albirani's statements is concerned,-we have to consider the calculations for the Saka years 1185 and 1187, as well as for Gupta-Valabhi-Samvat 945+ A.D. sive, does not include these expressions, either as abbreviations, or as words. Even if a modern Hindu. practice of treating these abbreviations as words, should be proved, it is an erroneous practice. By origin the syllables are nothing but distinct and soparate abbrevia tions; of which the first donotes the fortnight, and the second, the day of the mouth or of the fortnight This is the point of view from which they have to be looked at, in dealing with any ancient records. And it is highly desir able that, the modern English practice of using them as words, especially to denoto a tithi or lunar day, should be completely abandoned, as being only productive of mistakes. It will be seen further on that, in this instance, the thirteenth tithi of the dark fortnight of Ashadha fell on the thirteenth solar day. And I am quite sure that a sufficient number of calonlations of different dates, will prove, certainly that the abbreviation di is never used, except when the reference is to the solar day; and probably that it is never used in connection with su and ba or vi, unless the tithi happens to have the same running number with the solar day on which it ends. But I have no leisure, at present, to take this last question up properly.

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148 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. MAY, 1887. 319-20 = A.D. 1264-65 = Saka-Samvat 1186, said about the details of the date, until quite treated of course as an expired year, which recently; when Gen. Cunningham announced was first found to be the true equation, on to me, in a letter dated the 3rd December last, the assumption of our having to deal with that the corresponding English date is Sunday, a northern Saka year, by the details of the the 25th May," A.D. 126 4. date in the Eran pillar inscription of Badha. This result, Sunday, the 25th May, A.D. gupta, and, as will be seen, was subsequently 1264, is, as will be seen below, the correct one. proved to be the true equation by the details But a good deal more is requisite, than simply of the present date. to state it; especially because it is necessary to The first point to be noted is, that, as the shew clearly, in the face of what has elsewhere inscription is in Kathiawad, the presumption is been written about this date, that this result that the Vikrama year referred to is a southern is not obtained from the mention of VikramaVikrams year, commencing with the first day Sarvat 1320, though it does answer the of the bright fortnight of the month Karttika requirements of that mention ; i.e., that it is (October-November). This, however, apart not the result for a year commencing on the from the natural presumption, is rendered first day of the bright fortnight of the month absolutely certain by the concomitant mention Karttika which fell in A.D. 1263; and, conseof the year 662 of the prophet Muhammad. quently, that, even apart from what I have This is the year 662 of the well-known already established, this record proves that Hijra era. And it commenced on Sunday Valabhi-Samvat 945 commenced at any rate the 4th November, A.D. 1263, and ended on not on that date.And here I would remark Saturday, the 23rd October, A.D. 1264. incidentally, that no argument, of identity beTherefore, since the month AshAdha answers tween the two years, can be based on the mere ordinarily to June-July, it is plain,-as was fact that the record mentions both & Valabbi pointed out by Dr. Hultzsch in editing the year and a southern Vikrama year. It might. inscription," and by Gen. Cunningham in just as well be asserted that the mention also commenting on the date," that the English of the Hijra year 882, shews that the scheme date which we have to look for, lies in or of the years of that era, too, is identical with abont June-July, A.D. 1264. And this at the scheme of the southern Vikrama year; once removes the possibility of any reference whereas,-even apart from the fact that the to the northern Vikrama year; since the month Hijra year 662 commenced, as stated above, A shadha of the northern Vikrama-Samvat on Sunday, the 4th November, A.D. 1263, 1320, is represented by Jane-July of the pre- while the southern Vikrama-Samvat 1320 comceding English year, A.D. 1263. Also, since menced on Friday, the 5th October of that the month June-July, A.D. 1264, fell in Saka- same year, "-everyone knows that these two Samvat 1186, it removes any real necessity eras have absolutely nothing in common at all; of making calculations for Saka-Samvat 1185 the Hijra era being a purely Musalman eru. and 1187; the results, however, for these two The Verawal record is simply analogous exactly years will be given, in order to belp in setting to scores of records which are still being turned the general question entirely at rest, out in India, in which the date is expressed So much, as regards the given date lying in Bocording to the English and also one or other A.D. 1264, had been clearly pointed ont, first by of the Indian systems; and in which the Dr. Hultzsch, and then by Gen. Cunningham. principal record depends entirely upon the But nothing farther, that I can find, was person by whom, and the circumstances under Cunningham's Indian Eras, p. 126. * As opposed to these results, Gen. Cunningham "ante, Vol. XI. p. 241. 16 Indian Eras, pp. 50, 58, 63. (Indian Emas, p. 58), has quoted this record as proving absolutely that Valabhi-Samvat 1= A.D. 319; which * The ordinary equivalent of Ash Adha is June-July. But the dark fortnight of the northern Asblaha corre- could only be by taking the epoch A.D. 318-19, and by treating the years m commencing, from the beginning, sponds to the dark fortnight of the southern Jyeshtha, on Karttiks sukla 1.-Also id. pp. 50, 68) he treats which month is ordinarily May-June. And this, with the Vikrama-Samvat 1920 as the leading record of the date, fact that Sala Samvat 1186 commenced rather early, and very clearly implies throughout, though he does on Saturday, the 1st March, or Friday, the 20th not actually state, the identity of the scheme of the February, A.D. 1264, is the reason why this dark fort- Valabht and southern Vikrama years. vight of Asbadha fell entirely in May. 11 C. Patell's Chronology, p. 150.

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MAY, 1887.] THE YEARS OF THE GUPTA ERA. 149 which, it is drawn up. Sometimes it will be 1264. Therefore, in arriving at Sunday, the the English date, sometimes the Indian. We 25th May, he has adopted Mr. C. Patell's ini. shall see immediately that, in this Verawal tind day, in preference to his own. And I will inscription, the principal record is the Valabhi follow the same course for the rough purposes date; and that the Vikrama date accidentally, for which the initial day may here be utilised. as well as the Hijra date naturally, was en. The double Ashadha included four lunar tirely subordinated to it. Possibly, we may fortnights. In northern Saka-Samvat 1186 hereafter obtain instances, in which the reverse and northera Vikrama-Samvat 1921, they comof this will be found to have been the case. menced and ended, theoretically and approxiBut they will not avail to disprove any of the mately, on respectively the 75th and 133rd pointed and unavoidable conclusions, regarding solar days of the year;" i.e. on respectively the epoch of the Gupta-Valabhi era and the the 13th May and the 10th July. And, accordscheme of its years, which are absolutely forced ing to the regular northern system, of the on as by the circamstances of the present four fortnights, the first (dark) belonged to Verawal date. the natural month; the second (bright), and The second point to be noticed is that the | the third (dark), to the intercalated month; and month Ashidha, which fell in A.D. 1264,-i.e. the fourth (bright), to the natural month. both the Ashadha of northern Saka-Samvat But, in southern Saka-Samvat 1186 and south1186 and northern Vikrama-Samvat 1321, and ern Vikrama-Saavat 1320, they commenced the slightly different AshAdha of southern and ended, theoretically and approximately, Saka-Samvat 1186 and southern Vikrama- on respectively the 90th and 148th solar days Samvat 1320,-was an intercalary month." of the Saka year;" i.e. on respectively the The effect of this intercalation was as follows: 28th May and the 25th July. And, of the The initial day of Saka-Samvat 1186, both | four fortnights, if we adopt the present regular northern and southern, and of the northern southern system, the first (bright), and second Vikrama-Samvat 1321, was Saturday, the 1st (dark), belonged to the intercalated month; March, A.D. 1264, according to Gen. Cunning and the third (bright), and the fourth (dark), ham," and Friday, the 29th February (the to the natural month." Now, we have, primu English year being a Leap-year), according to facie at least, to look on the date as belonging Mr. C. Patell." With Gen. Cunningham's to the dark fortnight of the natural Ashadha ; own initial day, and by his own theory and partly because the record contains no qualifiprocess,- vis. that Ashadha krishan 13 fell on catory term, indicative of the intercalated the 87th solar day of the year, from and inclu- month; and partly because of the well-known sive of the initial day,--the resulting English prohibition of official, ceremonial, and religious date would be Monday, the 26th May, A.D. acts in an intercalated month." And the " See Cunningham's Indian Eras, p. 179.-The fact is also proved by K. L. Chhatre's Tables. In c. Patell's Chronology, p. 150, the intercalation is entered opposite (Saka-Samvat 1188 and) soathern Vikrama-Samvat 1321. This is in accordance with a mistake that runs all through his Table I. pp. 94 to 183. The intercalations are given by him correctly for the Saks years. But he has omitted to point out that, in applying them to the Vikram years, which throughout his Table, are the sonthern Vikrams years, they must, in consequence of the way in which the years of the two eras overlap, be for the months Chaitra to Alvina, both inclusive, are concerned, for the Vikrama year preceding that opposite to which they are entered ; at least, I can find no note in his book to that effect.-A reference to the Table at p. 143 above, will shew at once that an intercalation of any month from Chaitra to Asvins in. clusive, in, for instance, Saks-Sathvat 1186, northern or southern, did fall in northern Vikrama-Sauvat 1321, but in southern Vikram Sarvat 1820. . 13 Indian Eras, p. 179. Chronology, p. 150. 15 See Indian Eras, p. 109, and Chronology, p. 71. 46 C. Patell's Chronology, p. 71. WA verse that is quoted as being in the Brahma. Siddhanta indicates a more ancient custom (see page 109 above), according to which the first (bright), and the second (dark) fortnights would belong to the natural month; and the third (bright) and the fourth (dark), to the intercalated month. When this custom was changed, the object of the change evidently was to make the period covered by the intercalated fortnights the same all over India, the reason for this being that intercalated month are nindya, or to be looked on as under prohibition : so that oeremonial and religious rights oould not be performed in them; and it would obviously be highly in. convenient, especially on the border-land of the divid. ing-line between Northern and Southern Indis, that the nrohibition should not be applicable to exactly the same lunar periods. The change of custom must have been made long before the period of the present inscription. I have mentioned this earlier custom here, bbcause it is one of the general surroundings of the date. But the question is of no vital importance in this case, because the date is a northern, not a southern one. Only if, ia one and the same year, there are two in. tercalary months (which are always accompanied by the expunction of a month, which may be one of the two, or a third month), then the first intercalated month is pridasta, or 'stamped me excellent or approved of the second being, as usual, windya, or 'to be looked on AS under prohibition.

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150 results, worked out for me by Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit from Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables, for the natural Ashadha, are for northern SakaSamvat 1186 and northern Vikrama Samvat 1321, Sunday, the 25th May, A.D. 1264, for both the thirteenth tithi and the thirteenth solar day; and for southern Saka-Samvat 1186 and southern Vikrama-Samvat 1320, Tuesday, the 22nd July, A.D. 1261, for the thirteenth tithi, but Wednesday, the 23rd July, for the thirteenth solar day; and the result for the intercalated Ashadha is Monday, the 23rd June, A.D. 1264, for the thirteenth tithi, but Tuesday, the 24th June, for the thirteenth solar day, by both the northern and the southern reckoning, according to the present custom in both parts of the country. He has also given me full results, according to both the Purimanta northern system, and the Amanta soathern system, for Saka-Samvat 1185 and 1187; in order to present at once all the possible surroundings of the date. These results are, for northern Saka-Samvat 1185, and northern Vikrama-Samvat 1320, Tuesday, the 5th June, A.D. 1263, for the thirteenth tithi, but Wednesday. the 6th June, for the thirteenth solar day; and for southern Saka-Samvat 1185 and southern Vikrama-Samvat 1319, either" Wednesday, the 4th July, or Thursday, the 5th July, A.D. 1263, for the thirteenth titki, but, in either case, Friday, the 6th July, for the thirteenth solar day; for northern Saka-Samvat 1187, and northern Vikrama-Samvat 1322, Saturday, the 13th June, A.D. 1265, for both the thirteenth tithi and the thirteenth solar day; and for southern Saka-Samvat 1187, and southern Vikrama-Samvat 1321, Sunday, the 12th July, A.D. 1265, for the thirteenth tithi, but Monday, the 13th July, for the thirteenth solar day. The last is the only other case in which the result includes a Sunday at all. But it is of no practical value; in the first place, because THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1887. it is obtained by the southern reckoning, whereas I have already shewn that this is not the reckoning which is to be applied; secondly, because in this case the English date, Sunday, the 12th July, was the thirteenth tithi, but the twelfth solar day, of the fortnight, whereas the record specifically refers to the thirteenth solar day; and finally, and, if possible, still more conclusively, because the result is for the southern Vikrama-Samvat 1321, whereas the record specifically refers to the preceding year, 1320. The doubt here, is because of the interesting discovery that the dark fortnight of the southern Ashadha, and northern Sravana, of Saka-Samvat 1185, was a fortnight which, "except, perhaps, in some parts far off in the east of India," contained only thirteen solar days; see my general note on this subject, at page 81 ff. above. The full-moon tithi of Ashadha, northern and southern, was on Saturday, the 23rd June; and the following newmoon tithi of the southern Ashadha, and the northern Sravana, was on Friday, the 6th July; which gives thirteen solar days for this dark fortnight. There was an expunction of two tithis, and no repetition of tithi to make up for the loss. The authorities differ as to which were the two expunged tithis. One of them The true English equivalent, therefore, really is Sunday, the 25th May, A.D. 1264. And, as is seen from the dates and other particulars given above, it is obtainable only by treating the Ashadha krishna 13 of the record as belonging to the northern Saka-Samvat 1186. It, and it alone, answers all the requirements of the record. It falls, as recorded, within the limits of southern Vikrama-Samvat 1320; though it is not the equivalent of any day in the month Ashadha belonging to that year. It answers to the thirteenth solar day of the dark fortnight; as is expressly indicated in the record. And it answers to the specified day of the natural, not the intercalated, month; as is expressly required, partly by the absence, in the record, of any specification of the intercalated month, and partly by the general prohibition regarding intercalated months. It is the result for Valabhi-Samvat 945 + A.D. 319-20 A D. 1264-65 = Saka-Samvat 1186, treated as a northern year, and for that year alone. And it proves, therefore, that the true Gupta-Valabhi year was a northern year, and that correct results are to be obtained by treating the years of the era as Saka years; that the running difference between the years of the Gupta-Valabhi and Saka eras is 241 years; that, consequently, the epoch of the former era is Gupta-Valabhi-Samvat o = Saka-Samvat was early in the fortnight; and Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit has not worked this out, because it does not directly bear upon the date under computation. The other was either the twelfth, or the thirteenth, or the fourteenth tithi; and upon this will depend the question whether the thir teenth tithi, if not itself expunged, was Wednesday, the 4th July, or Thursday, the 5th July. Under any circumstances, the thirteenth and last solar day of this dark fortnight, was Friday, the 6th July. If it is treated as the equivalent of a date belonging to that year (and to southern Saka-Samvat 1186), then, of course, it represents the thirteenth tithi and solar day of the dark fortnight of the month Jyeshtha, preceding Ashidha.

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Mar, 1887.] THE YEARS OF THE GUPTA ERA. 151 241 = A.D. 819-20; and that the true and Friday, the 3rd June, A D. 483. The basis of original reckoning of the era was preserved, in this latter calculation was Wednesday, the Kathiawad, up to, at any rate; A.D. 1264. 23rd February, corresponding to Chaitra sukla 1, as the initial day of Gupta-Samvat 165+ The Eran Inscription of Gupta A.D. 318-19 = A.D. 483-84 = Saka-Samvat Samvat 165. 405; and the result was derived from the same assumption as regards the position of the tithi. I will notice next the Eran pillar inscription In 1880, in the Archeol. Suru. Ind. Vol. X. of Budhagupta, in the Sagar District of the p. 115ff., Gen. Cunningham, who had then Central Provinces; the date in which runs modified his theory so as to select'as the epoch Sate pascha-bhashty-adhike varshasam bhupatau Gupta-Samvat 0 = A D. 166-(67),-'announced cha Budhagupte | AshAdhamasa-sukla-dvada- that the result obtained by Bapu Deva Shastri syam Suragaror-divase | San. 100 60 5,- of Benares, from the reckoning of the Surya"in a century of years, increased by sixty- Siddhanta, was a Friday in A.D. 331 ; but five; and while Budhagupta (is) kirg; on the that his own result, obtained from the Aryatwelfth tithi, or lunar day, of the bright fort- Siddhanta, was a Thursday in the same year. night of the month Ashadha; on the day of He did not then give any further details. Suraguru; (or in figures) the year 100 (and) But, from the fuller particulars given in his 60 (and) 5." recapitulation of these statements in 1883, in This gives us, for calculation, Gupta-Samvat his Book of Indian Eras, p. 55f., we learn 165, current, the month Ashadha (June-July); that the dates intended were respectively the bright fortnight; the twelfth tithi ; and the Friday, the 4th June, and Thursday, the day of Saraguru, which, -Suragaru, 'the pre- the 3rd June, A.D. 331 ; and that his own ceptor of the gods, being another name of result was arrived at, in the same way, with Brihaspati, the regent of the planet Jupiter, -is the basis of Tuesday, the 23rd February, corBrihaspativara or Guruvara, i.e. Thursday. responding to Chaitra sukla 1, as the initial This date has been constantly the subject of day of Gupta-Samvat 165+ A D. 166-67 = calculation and controversy. Thus, in 1861, in A.D. 331-32 = Saka-Samvat 253, and with the the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXX. p. 15, note, same assumption as regards the position of the Dr. F. E. Hall announced, on the authority of titho. In the former reference, he repeated the Bapu Deva Shastri of Benares, that, as applied same result of Friday (the 3rd June), A.D. to the epoch of the Vikrama era, it represented 483, for the epoch Gupta-Sanhvat 0 = A.D. Thursday, the 7th June, A.D. 108, New Style. 318-(19). Again, in 1879, in the Archaeol. Suru. Ind. In 1882, in the Postscript to his paper on Vol. IX. p. 17PS., Gen. Cunningham,-whose the " Dates on Coins of the Hindu Kings of theory then was that the epoch is Gupta- Kabul" which was published in the Numis. Sanvat 0= A.D. 194-(95), -announced, as the matic Chronicle, Third Series, Vol. II. result, Thursday, the 24th June, A.D. 359. p. 128ff., Sir E. Clive Bayley, -whose theory The basis of this calculation was Tuesday, the was that the epoch is Gupta-Samvat 0= A.D. 16th March, corresponding to Chaitra sukla 1, 190-(91),-announced that the result was a as the initial day of Gapta-Samvat 165+ A.D. Thursday in A.D. 355, and that it seemed to be 194-95 = A.D. 359-60 = Saka-Samvat 281; and Thursday, the 17th May, in that year. But he the result was derived from the assumption, gave no indication of the way in which this which may or may not be sustainable in this result was obtained; beyond a general referand any other particular instance, that the tithi ence to Prinsep's Tables in Thomas' Edition of fell on its theoretical normal place on the 101st his Essays, Vol. II. Useful Tables, pp. 180, 181. solar day of the year. And, in the same place, And, as a matter of fact, this result was altogether he intimated that, with the epoch Gupta- wrong." The 17th May, A.D. 355, was a Samvat 0= A.D. 318-(19), the result would be Wednesday, not a Thursday; and, as closely >> Corp. Inscr. Indic. Vol. II. No. 19, p. 83ff., takes the saihvatsara of the Bhumard pillar inscription line 2f." of the Mahordjas Hastin and Sarvanatha to be Mah. * This is not the only radical and essential error in Margafira, instead of MahA-MAgha ; # mistake, the Sir E. Clive Bayley's Postsoript. In the first place, he importance of which will be pbvious to any Sanskritist.

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152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1887. as can be ascertained by Gen. Cunningham's The essential point with which we are conTables, it represents Asbadha krishna 5. Sir cerned in the present inquiry, is, whether the E. Clive Bayley seems to have very soon week-day of Ashadha sokla 12 was a Thursday become aware of the mistake ; since, at the in Gupta-Samvat 165 + A.D. 319.20 = A.D. end of the copy of the Postscript which, with 484-85 = Saka-Samvat 406, treated of course a copy of the principal article, reached me as an expired year, which is the year in from him in May, 1883, there is added, which it should be a Thursday, according to in manuscript, the remark-" this date is the epoch proved by the Verwal inscription of erroneous; but the real date, as calculated Valabhi-Samvat 945. by Professor Jacobi, comes out a Thursday." Mr. Sh. B, Dikshit has made the necessary The real date of Ashadha sukla 12 of Gupta- calculations, by Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables, Samvat 165+ A.D. 190-91 = A.D. 355-56 = for this year; and, in order again to present Saka-Samvat 277, is Thursday, the 8th June, at once all the possible surroundings of the A.D. 355; as obtained, theoretically, from Gen. date, also for the years Saka-Samvat 405 and Cunningham's Tables, and also, by actual 407. His results are, for Saka-Samvat 405, Fri. calculation, by Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit, from Prof. day, the 3rd June, A.D. 483; for Saka-Samvat Kero Lakshman Chhatre's Tables 406, Thursday, the 21st June, A.D. 484 ; And in 1881, in this Journal, ante, Vol. X. and for Saka-Samvat 407, Tuesday, the 11th p. 220, Dr. Oldenberg announced, from the Jane, A.D. 485. The process by which these Tables in Warren's Kala-Sankalita, the correct results are obtained, is published in detail, for result; vit. that with the epoch of A.D. 319- the second result, at page 116 ff. above; so (20), the equivalent English date is Thursday, that, if there is any error in the process, or in the 21st June, A.D. 484. the application of it, that error may be detected Now, Dr. F. E. Hall's, Gen. Cunningham's, and exposed, and Sir E. Clive Bayley's results, right or wrong, The second result, Thursday, the 21st may be accepted without the slightest hesita- June, A. D. 484, is the only one that answers tion. I would only point out, in the first place, to the week.day mentioned in the record. And As regards Gen. Cunningham's result for the Gen Canningham's result for the it answers, as is required, to the epoch of epoch of A.D. 166-67, that, by Prof. K. L. A.D. 819-20, and to the treatment of the Chhatre's Tables, Ashidha krishna 12 of Saka-Gupta year as a northern Saka year. But it Samvat 253 was not a Thursday, but really was does not, in itself, prove conclusively either Friday, the 4th June, A.D. 881 ; and secondly, the exact epoch of the era, or the scheme of as a general fact, that I find, from Panchanga, the year for the reason that, being a date in a that in the ten years Sake-Samvat 1799 to bright fortnight, this Ashadba bukla 12 was 1808 inclusive, the position of the twelfth tithi the same tithi, and fell on the same solar day, of the bright fortnight of Asha dhe varied the 21st June, all over India, in the southern from the 100th to the 102nd solar day in the as well as the northern Saka-Samvat 406, and year; and that, therefore, the results derivable in southern Vikrama-Sauvat 540, as well as in from Gon. Cunningham's Tables being only northern Vikrama-Samvat 541. theoretical and approximate, there is a chance The Verawal Inscription of Valabhiof the week-day of Ashadha sukla 12 being a Thursday in any year in which Gen. Cunningham Samvat 927. gives a Monday, Tuesday, or a Wednesday, The third and last date, containing & week. as the initial day. day, that I have to comment on, is contained And, in the second place in criticising Gen. Cunning- Gupta era, and of A.D. 166-67 was the year 0; and with ham's resulta, he has distorted them all by one year, this, his own epooh, he was right, so far as his theory through adding the Gupta years to A.D. 167-68=Gapta- and arrangement of the samvatsarae goes; and allow Samvat e, instead of to A.D. 166-67, which was the ing for his alteration of Gupta-Samvat 168 into 178, epoch very clearly announced by Gen. Cunningham. It which was endorsed by Sir E. Clive Bayley himself, was only through this distortion, coupled with the substi. in all five instances, in so far as that the samvatsaras tution of Maha Mergasira for Mah. Maghe, that he given by him seem to be really the ones that were arrived at the result that, in respect of the samvatsaras current at the commencement of each Saka year arrived in this series of inscriptions, Gen. Cunningham W88 at by him, wrongly, as the equivalent of a Gupta year right in only one case out of five. Gen. Cunningham though not in every instance on the dates actually speaks everywhere of A.D. 167 as the first year of the recorded.

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THE YEARS OF THE GUPTA ERA. MAY, 1887.] in an inscription which has not as yet been published, but has been placed at my disposal by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji, the discoverer of it. The inscription is on the pedestal of an old image of the god Krishna, under the name of Govardhana (dhara), which is now built into the wall of the modern temple of the goddess Harsatadevi at Verawal. The date, and some important words in the context, runs (1. 1) Srimad-Valabhi-sa[m]vat 927 varshe Phalguna su di 2 Saume li Ady-eha eriDevapattane ... (1. 4) sriGovarddhana-martti[b*] (1. 5) karapita;-in which, unfortunately, there is some doubt as to the proper rendering of the first syllable of the word that gives the name of the week-day. The vowel au was undoubtedly formed; though, in the rubbing, the top-stroke is partially filled in, in consequence either of want of depth in the engraving, or of want of care in making the rubbing. And, the consonant presenting the appearance in the rubbing of being bh, the natural inclination is to read Bhaume, "on Tuesday." Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji, however, tells me that, in the original, the consonant is certainly s; and the appearance of bh, therefore, is due to an imperfection in the rubbing. The reading of the original, accordingly, is to be taken as Saume. Bat. this is not a real word; and it requires to be corrected into either Some, "on Monday"; Bhaume, "on Tuesday;" or Saumye, "on Wednesday." It is unfortunate that we should have to make any correction at all, in a point of such impor tance; especially when so very free a choice is open. But it has to be done. And the calculated results favour the supposition that the reading intended was Some, " on Monday." Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji was of opinion that the intended reading was Bhaume, "on Tuesday;" which, of course, might be supported by assuming carelessness on the part of the engraver, in letting his tool slip in such a way as to give the bh a more or less complete appearance of s. But, from the appearance of the rubbing, the reading Some is equally justifiable, on the assumption that the partial appearance of bh in the rubbing, instead of s, is due only to a fault in the rubbing, and that the mistake in forming au instead of 6 was discovered before the ... 153 stroke which turns & into au was completed; this would account for this stroke being so shallow as to cause the blur which almost entirely conceals it in the rubbing. Adopting the reading or correction of Some, the transla tion will be-"the year 927 of the famous (city of) Valabhi; in (this) year; (the month) Phalguna; the bright fortnight; the (solar) day 2; on Monday; to-day; here, in the famous (city of) Devapattana (this) image of the holy Govardhana .. has been caused to be made." This gives us, for calculation, Valabhi-Samvat 927, current; the month Phalguna (FebruaryMarch); the bright fortnight; the second solar day of the fortnight, and presumably, the second tithi; and Somavara, or Monday. And, prima facie, from the results already established, the date should belong to Saka-Sathvat 1168, again, of course treated as an expired year; and the equivalent English date should fall in A. D. 1247. Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit's calculations, however, made, as before, for a year before and a year after the presumably correct year, as well as for that year itself, give the following results, in each case for both the second solar day and the second tithi, both by Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables and by the Surya-Siddhanta; viz., for Saka-Samvat 1167, Monday, the 18th February, A.D. 1246; for Saka-Samvat 1168, Saturday, the 9th February, A.D. 1247; and for Saka-Samvat 1169, Wednesday, the 29th January, A.D. 1248, The result for Saka-Samvat 1168, which is the year in which the week-day should presumably prove correct, does not answer at all. If we could understand that the reading intended was Saumye, " on Wednesday," then the result for Saka-Samvat 1169 might be accepted; subject only to the considerations that Saumyavara, though perfectly allowable, is not often used as a synonym for Budhavara, Wednesday'; and that the result is later by a year than what it ought to be. If, on the other hand, we accept Some, "on Monday," as the intended reading, then the result for Saka-Samvat 1167 may be accepted, subject only to the consideration that it is earlier by a year than what it ought to be. And there seems, on the whole, no doubt that 33 From Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's cloth-rubbing.

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154 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1887. this is the proper result. It would be quite and Devapattana is well known as another intelligible, if we could refer the date to a name of Somnathpa tas, i.e. the modern Verwal year commencing with Marga irsha; for, then itself. It is however, difficult to understand the date, belonging to Valabhi-Samvat 927, how the corrupt Gujarat reckoning of the would fall quite regularly in Saka-Samvat Gupta-Valabhi era can bave been introduced 1167, and in A.D. 1246. This, however, as at Verawal in A.D. 1246, when, as we have I have stated above, is distinctly prevented already seen from the other Verawal inscripby & perfectly conclusive obstacle. The only tion, the true original reckoning was known resource that remains, is to hold that, for there up to at least eighteen years later. The some reason or other, this date, like the explanation is perhaps to be found in the supKaira date of Dharasena IV., of Gupta-Vala- position that the inscription was prepared bbi-Samvat 330, was taken from a Gujarat under the personal direction of a pilgrim from almanac. This, again, would be perfectly in- Gujarat, who had brought a Gujarat almanac telligible, if we could only assume that the with him. But, be it what it may, I have to image, which must as usual be portable enough, point out distinctly that the date is not & satiswas fashioned, together with the engraving of factory one, since an important correction of the inscription, at some place in Gujarkt; and some kind or another has to be made, in order was then transported by a pilgrim to Verawal. to interpret it intelligibly at all; and that in But the objection to this is, that the in- no way does it give a conclusive result, like scription distinctly records that the image that of the other Vera wal inscription of Valawas caused to be made at Devapattana; bhi-Samvat 945. THE LEGEND OF TULASI AS TOLD IN SOUTHERN INDIA BY THE ORTHODOX. BY R. D. M. The immortal gods were much distressed It therefore became a most prominent suband disquieted on account of Jalandhara's project of their thoughts, to find a way by which ceedings; for that powerful demon had threat- they could ruin Vrinda's character. But no ened to displace Indra, king of the gods, from common mortal or immortal was' ever able to his celestial throne and occupy it himself. approach her with any evil intent in his heart; Now Jalandhara had a most beautiful wife, as the radiance of her purity, if he made the Vrinda by name; the beauty of whose pure attempt, was able to instantly blind or strike and spotless character even excelled by far him dead. No god dared to undertake the that of her person. She was a most chaste fearful task. Even Indra, who was notorious and devoted wife and passionately attached to for his wily ways and base tricks shrank JAlandbars, who returned her love as ardently timidly from such a terrible undertaking. So as-a faithful and affectionate husband could. after much deliberation, the gods agreed to Now Jalandhara had become invulnerable petition Vishnu, the most daring of them all by all creatures, and by death himself, through and the bitterest enemy of the demons, to help the virtue of his wife's chastity and purity; and them. He at first hesitated, but was induced BO, when he besieged Svarga, the abode of the to do their bidding on account of the pressing gods, they hastily took council together as to necessity; and so directing Indra and the other what they should do and how they should over. gods to engage in battle with Jalandhara, he come their mighty enemy. They besought the prepared to seduce Vrinda. four-faced venerable grandfather of all crea- In this way it came to pass that the gods tares, Brahma, to favour them with bis wise challenged Jalandhara, who forth with went out advice, and he told them that they would not alone to meet all the millions of them in battle! be ablo either to conquer or to kill Jalandhara The struggle lasted long, but Jalandhara as long as his wife Vrinda remained as pure betrayed no signs of either weariness or disas she then was. couragement. He was ever fresh, and his

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May, 1887.) THE LEGEND OF TULASI. 135 heroic spirit never slackened; so that the gods gem-perfect parity-was lost; could she bear began to fear that they would soon be defeated to live an hour more ? Nothing could tempt and lose their reputation and high position for her to depart from the right path. She deterever! mined to follow her husband through life unto Meanwhile Vrinde anxiously waited at home, death and purify herself in the fire, and come to hear news of her beloved husband, fasting out of it pure as gold, attired in a glorious and praying for his welfare. Days and weeks immortal body. She ordered a funeral pyre to passed by, bat no news was received of him, be made and lighted immediately; and invok. which made her extremely anxious and no ing God's blessing on her departed husband, longer able to bear being kept in doubt. and calling on the guardians of the eight Many fearful forebodings haunted her mind; regions of the universe to be witnesses of her her tender heart had begun to fail her and her faithfulness and undying love to her husband, soul to faint, when on one bright morning with a firm footstep and calm countenance she JAlandhara came home. His body was crimson mounted her last place of repose in the fearful with blood flowing from the wounds received flames, as cheerfully as if she were going to in the battle, but his face as bright and joyons rest on her bridal bed. Thus the heroic Vrinda as that of a victor. Vrinda was overjoyed to gained victory over evil, and joined her equally see her husband come home safe and victorious, heroic husband in heaven, never again to be for his very appearance told her this, and she separated from him! needed not words to be assured of it. She Vishnu was now greatly ashamed of his base ran to meet him, while he was yet outside the conduct, grieving remorsefully, and mourning palace, as he joyfully extended his arms to for Vrinda, with whom he had passionately embrace her. She, on her part, kissed and fallen in love. He threw himself down by the lovingly caressed him. Before, however, she pyre, kissed the ground hallowed by her foot had spoken a word to express her joy at having steps, took the ashes, from the still burning wood, him back, to her infinite horror, Vishnu, who and sought to find comfort by smearing his had treacherously defiled her personal purity by body with them. All the gods were grieved, assuming the form of Jalandhara, stood before to see Vishnu so disconsolate and mournfal. her and revealed his own trae self! Alas, for They tried to comfort him, but all in vain. poor Vrinda! She knew, by this foul despoil. He sat there for days shedding bitter tears of ing of her perfect parity, that her lord was remorse and grief over Vrinda's death. His overcome and slanghtered by the merciless tears fell like a shower over the ashes of the gods and she was mad with rage and grief. lovely Vpinda ; and in a few days a pretty little Meanwhile Vishnu, greatly charmed with plant sprang out of them! It seemed to have her beauty and her devotion to her lord, all the beauty, grace and purity of Vrinde had fallen in love with her, and entreated her At least, he thought so; and took the plant to pardon him and take him for her husband and pressed it tenderly to his heart, naming instead of Jalandhara. He assured her that it Tulasi, and saying to it:"thou art like she would be his dearest love, and have an her." absolute sovereignty over himself and his The spot where Vtind died, he named domains. But VrindA scornfully rejected the Vrindavana, i.e. the garden of Vrinda;' and offer, and, in her just indignation, solemnly ever since then any vessel or place where lifting up her right hand, pronounced an awful tulasi plant grows is called & vrindavana. curse on him; saying that, as he had treacher- Vishnu took the plant for his own, and loved ously robbed her of her love, he should be it for Vrinda's sake; and now no flower or robbed of his in his next existence on earth. plant, be it ever so fragrant or beautiful, is so Vishnu still tried his best to pacify ber anger, pleasing to him as the simple little tulant ! and renewed his entreaties; but all in vain. Even a small piece of one of its leaves, offered The devoted wife would not hear his prayers. to him by a worshipper, is in his eyes greater Her love was dead, and her most precious than all the riches and most costly gifts of Thula, Hike or equal,' and 281, 'thon art."

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156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1887. gods and kings together. This is why, on the twelfth day in the light fortnight of the month of Karttiks, the marriage of Vishnu and Tulast is celebrated throughout Southern India, by placing a metal image of Vishan, or a halagrama, under the little plant, and solemniz. ing & marriage in the regular manner amidst glad songs and the chanting of holy texts. Thus, though VrindA is gone from him for ever, her memory is immortalized and tenderly cherished in his heart by Vishnu, who dearly loves the Tulast for Vrinda's sake. THE MAURYA-PASSAGE IN THE MAHABHASHYA. BY PROF. B. G. BHANDARKAR, PH.D. In the first number of the new Vienna is going to mention them. Dr. Kielhorn has Oriental Journal, just received, there is an article given instances from the Mahabhashya, in by my honoured friend, Dr. Kielhorn, in which which etad with yad has the first sense. I will he brings forward some objections against the give others in which it has the two other senses. interpretation of the Maurya-passage in the Two of my instances have idam for Stad; MahAbhashya given by other scholars. As which, however, makes no difference whatever. I am one of these last, and as Dr. Kielhorn (2). a. Vol. I. p. 10, . l. Y chapy ete invites criticism on his observations by saying bhavato prayukta abhimatah fabda do. The he would be glad to be corrected by others," words alluded to here have been given by and that his reason for writing on the subject Patanjali before, at the beginning of the is" to give others an opportunity of removing argument. his difficulties," I will here endeavour, to the b. Vol. I. p. 31, last line. Ya tsha bhavata best of my ability, to answer the difficulties varnanam arthavattdydin natur wpadisht8'rtharaised by him. vanto varnd, &c. This hetu has been given The first expression, to the translation of before and is here repeated. which my friend objects, is yds tv etah. His C. Vol. II. p. 86, I. 3. Ya 6te sanjhayasa objections in this, as well as in the other cases, vidhiyanto teshu &c. These have been menare based on the supposition that the translationed just before. tions already given are opposed to the sense d. Vol. II. p. 19, 1. 19. Yad etat tsintrachor that the several expressions have in other parts grahanam &c. The sutra in which the affixes of the Mahabhashya; and it will be my daty here spoken of occur, has been quoted just to show that my translation, at least, is not so before. opposed. Dr. Kielhorn says that (excepting, e. Vol. II. p. 326, 1. 19, Na vaisha yukto so far as his observation goes, a single passage) vipratishdhd yo'yam ano mayata cha. The the pronoun stad in such expressions as ya &shah, vipratishedha has been given in the last but one. yad Stad, ya dts, &c., does not refer to something | Varttika. stated before; but expresses a thing well known, f. Vol. III. p. 238, 1. 9. Yat to idash odrtti & thing to be met with generally in ordinary kakdrah pashati do. What is referred to by life. That it has the senso mentioned by him idam has been mentioned before, and is here in the instances he quotes, is unquestionable. repeated. But this sense it derives from the fact that 3. a. Vol. II. p. 139, 1. 19. Yepi hy eteta primarily, it means this'; i.e. it denotes proxi- uttaram pratyayan bishyanta &c. Ete refers to mity. Now, the world in which one moves, the terminations that follow. and with which he is intimately acquainted, is Here there are five instances in which etad from that point of view regarded by him as with yad, and two in which idam with yad, being 'near;' i.e. having proximity. Hence, denote proximity to the passage in which everybody in that world is spoken of as they occur. In six of these cases, the pronoun this': (1) But this is not the only way in refers to things mentioned before, and in one, which things .come to have nearness or proxi- to things mentioned afterwards. And I dare mity. They may become near because they are say a good many more instances will be found, actually before one; or, in the case of a writer, if a diligent search is made for them. I do (2) because he has just mentioned them, or (3) not see why Patanjali should not, in the nature

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NAY, 1887.) THE MAURYA-PASSAGE IN THE MAHABHASHYA. 157 of things, ae Stad to denote this sort of proxi- (Vol. II. p. 314, 1. 7) is spoken of by Patanmity, and restrict himself to that conceivedjali as the place where one lives now; while to exist in things well known to us. And the abhijana is the place where his ancestors lived. oxpression, or its several senses, are by no Here the past time implied by the word sammeans peculiar to Patanjal, but are to be prati or now,' is not the past of the man whose found in the language itself. The following present nivasa is spoken of; but refers to instances occur to me at the present moment; his ancestors. And even the sense attached to and doubtless a long list can be made out if the word by Dr. Kielborn does not go entirely necessary : against my interpretation of the passage. We Yeyan prete vichikitsa man ashye,-Katha shall only have to suppose that the images Up. (3 or 1). now under worship were the same as those Ya eshe kupteshu jagarti &c.-Ibid. (1) sold by the Mauryas, and not like them, or Yo'yan yogas tvaye prokto, - Bhagavadgita, belonging to the same class with them. But Ch. 6, v. 33. (2). this view I have rejected, after considerable Yad etad anumarapan nima tad atinishpha- deliberation. lam,-Kad. (1) The third expression the sense of which Dr. Y6'yen baddho yudhi parikers tena vo c.- Kielhorn discusses, is prakalpital. He thinks Utt. R. ch. Act V. (2). that prakalpayati means 'to fashion or make Yenandus jagatsu Khandaparabur, &c.- one thing out of another,''to produce a thing Virach. Act II. (2). which did not exist before out of something Yah punar ayam ante'pare vikalpa &c. else ;' and that it is equivalent to Nirvartayati. Sarikara. Bk. Vol. I. (Bibl. Ind.) p. 434, 1.2 I feel no hesitation in saying that this sense (2). does not appear to me to be at all appropriate, So that it does not appear to me that there whether in the Mahabhashys or elsewhere. In is anything peculiar to Patanjali in this the expressions in which the genitive is spoken respect. He has used the expression under of as prakalpita, is the genitive really produced ? notice in those senses in which it is used In grammar we speak of the utpatti or proelsewhere. Thus yas tu etah in the Mauryaduction of a termination, when it is applied to passage, may, if the context require it, be a base which did not possess it before, as the taken to refer to some of the images already accusative is utpannz after the noun kata and mentioned. the termination kta after the root kri (Vol. I. 2. Now as to the word samprati. Purakalpa p. 441, 11. 3, 4). Is the genitive so produced means 'ancient time,' a time so remote that here, and if it is, why shonld Patanjali never nobody has a definite conception of it, and use in the innumerable places where the phrase adyatve, as opposed to it, signifies modern occurs, the word utpddayati, as he does in these times. But this is not the sense we require cases, or nirpartayati, instead of prakalpayadi P in the present passage, according to my trans- And how are we to translate the phrase aww. lation. For the Maurya family became extinct svarah sthani yanam anunasikan prakalpayati only about thirty-five years before Patanjali (Vol. I. p. 16) P; that an original anurodra wrote, according to Prof. Goldstucker's view and produces & yan to be anundsika ? How can mine; and consequently the time when it reigned we produce a thing such as a pot to be red P cannot be spoken of es purakalpa. The word The word produce or utpatti is out of place samprati denotes now,' as opposed to a past here; we can only say that an additional quality time which is definite and not very remote; anunasikatva is given to an existing thing and this is exactly the sense required in the yan. Again, when Patanjali says that the passage ander discussion. Dr. Kielhorn, how- general rule operates after having prakalpita ever, is led to think, from some of the instances the scope of the special rule (Vol. I. p 463, quoted by him, that the past time, implied by 1. 2; Vol. II. p. 127, 1. 5), does he mean "after the present which the word samprati denotes, having produced the scope of the special rule ?" must refer to the same thing as that the present Is not "after having devised, arranged, or condition of which is expressed by that word. assigned scope to the special rale," the proper Bat this is by no means necessary. For nivasa translation ? And, using the root in its primi

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158 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1887. tive or non-causal form, when Patanjali says III. p. 56, 1. 8), and not katarh prakalpayati, vyapadeso na prakalpate (Vol. I. p. 61, 1.21), &c. &c. does he mean "the appellation or description The central ides expressed by the root klip is not produced"? Is not "the description is that of a plan, system, arrangement, device, does not fit," the proper sense here? When mutual fitness or consistency. The genitive is he says samanyaviseshau na prakalpete, if what prakalpita by the ablative in the place of the is general may become particular, and what is nominative in virtue of Panini's rule ta smad particular, general, he does not mean that ity uttarasya, i.e. it is devised, arranged for, led to samanya and visesha are not produced,' but by a logical necessity or conditions of propriety, that they do not fit each other,' the relation and has thus to be understood. The original does not hold,' is not intelligible, not pro- anuard yasam anundsikan prakalpayati, i.e. per';(Vol. I, p. 172, 1.3). Avakdoak prakliptah devises or arranges that the yan which takes (Vol. II. p. 297, 1. 14) means the scope of the its place should be nasal.' The anusvara is a rules alluded to has been devised,''arranged' reason why the substituted yan should be or determined, not produced.' So also nasalized. The general rule devises, arranges when sigrahanam is said to be ieshaprakliptyar- or plans out the scope of the special rule from the tham (Vol. III. p. 159, 1. 1), the sense cannot whole available region, and then operates (in be that ki is used in VI. 3, 43 for producing the part that remains). Similarly in all the itsha ; for besha is not to be produced or other instances given above, it will be seen that transformed. The word ooours in the very fitness, propriety, devising or planning is the next satra ; and being a relative term equiva- sense involved. It will also be observed that to remainder' or 'residue,' it can have no that which is spoken of as the prakalpaka is, sense if si, with reference to which it is the or involves, & reason or a principle which residue, is not admitted in VI. 3, 43. So then jastifies, explains, or determines something else, se shaprakliptyartham means 'for making besha and makes the prakalpaka fit in with or answer fit in with, answer to, or correspond with to the prakalpita; while that which is nirvarsomething else,' for giving an intelligible sense taka produces a thing that did not exist before, to the word. Again, if Patanjali meant by and possesses voluntary agency only. Thus prakalpayati the same thing as nirvartayati, then, in the passage under discussion, the why does he, fond as he is of the former word, images were devised, fitted, or made to answer not use it when he has occasion to speak of by the Maaryas who wanted gold, i.e., to the production of & ghata or & kata, or of answer or fit in with their desire for gold, just as 6dana, but ne nirvartayati or karoti only. eesha answers to or fits in with si in VI. 3, 43, Thus he speaks of the nirusitti of things which or visesha with samanya, or the vyapadesa (des. are made, not praklipti; makes a man saycription or appellation) with the nature of the to a potter kuri ghatam, not prakalpaya thing alluded to; the genitive with the previous ghatam (Vol. I. p. 7, 11. 2 and 3 from bottom), ablative or the following locative, the arrnasiuses the expressions adanash nirvartayati not katoa with the anusvara and the province of ddanga prakalpayati (Vol. I. p. 332, 1. 18), the general rule with that of the special rule. and katah karoti, katari kuru, ghatan kuruIn other words, they were used as means fit several times (Vol. I. pp. 440 and 441 ; Vol. for the end, the attainment of gold. MISCELLANEA. THE IMPORTANCE OF EARLY DRAVIDIAN after twenty-seven years' waiting. The book conLITERATURE. sists of nine sections, 851 pages." Some weeks ago I received the following an. It is now some thirty years since I made nouncement from an old native friend at Madras : acquaintance with this work, one of the most "I have to inform you that the large commentary ancient Tamil compositions extant; but, being no of the Tolkdpplyam has been printed and Tamil scholar, I could only do so at second-hand, published, the second section of which contains the occasion for which was the following :our cow-fight subject in full. The most ancient Along the western frontier of the Southern Tamil archaeological learning has now come out Marktha Country and Northern Maisar, frequeno

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MAY, 1887.) MISCELLANEA. 159 carved monumental stones may be observed near the mention in the same section of irregular many villages. They are known as virgale, and marriages, may refer to the capture of the bride record the death of some village hero, whose by violende, instead of acquiring her by the more figure is carved in the lower compartment, often civilized practice of courtship and purchase. with some accompaniments indicative of the cause Nowhere is this practice found in greater force in which he fell. at the present day, than in Australia. These, in a large number of cases, are seen to According to Professor Huxley's arrangement be cattle; and the frequency with which they are of the varieties of the human race, "the indigenous repeated led me to the conclusion that a practice population of Australia presents one of the best had prevailed there, like that of the cattle-lifting marked of all the types or principal forms of Ho common on the Borders between Scotland and mankind," With them he associates "the soEngland in the 14th to the 16th centuries. The called hill-tribes who inhabit the interior of the eramples, however, of such encounters are not Dakkan in Hindustan, and the ancient Egypconfined to frontier villages of opposing States, tians." It need not, therefore, be a matter of sur. but occur promiscuously. Now, as the exclusive prise if similar habits, with regard to intestine constitution of an Indian village tends to isolate plunder and marriages by violence, present it from the cultivation of friendly relations with themselves in their Hindu representatives. The its neighbours, it seemed probable that the bolder Hindus recognise eight descriptions of marriages, spirits of one township might occasionally take two of which, the most ancient, are characterized advantage of a favourable opportunity to pounce as acoomplished by force. That called irakkadan upon the cattle of another, especially among the is thus described, -" when bold men, becoming communities which I have elsewhere described as enamoured of a damsel adorned with large orna. constituting the predatory classes. These, in ments of gold, resolve to seize her by force; this the districts to which I refer, are the Beda and is the marriage-rite peculiar to the broad Marava Tribes. Conversing with my native and high-shouldered giants, who wander over instructor on the subject, I was struck with the the earth exhibiting their prowess." Still more coincidence between the cattle-raids described in applicable to the Australian mode is the paild. the second section of the Tolkappiyan and the cha union, in which "the possession of the sculptured effigies of the utrgale. persons of females is obtained, while under the As well as I can recollect, that section refers to protection of their non-congenting relations, by the subject of clandestine marriage, as well as violence, and in a state of insensibility." The to that of oattle-lifting, the connection between term paisdcha is applied to an ancient, and which at first sight is not apparent. The former now obsolete, Dravidian dialect; and the name I passed over, as not then connected with my itself is used as one of opprobrium applicable to inquiries; but the latter, which appears to be evil spirits, a relic of which is found in the more particularly described under the name of demonolatry, or devil-worship as it is called, of pasuladigdram, contains an animated scoount the rudest aboriginal races of the south. May of the practice of cattle-lifting, which is said to it not, therefore, have been the original generio be "the origin of all wars;" while the term for name of the predatory tribes of the Indocattle, pasu, literally a cow, is said to represent Australoid group not only kine, but all harmloss creatures, and These crude ideas, founded on some hasty includes women, young unmarried persons of detached notes made to assist the memory many both sexes, children, &c. In a series of animated years ago, are merely thrown out as incitements stanzas, the plan, progress, and results of the raid to those qualified by knowledge and opportunity are vividly described under the title of vechi. to investigate the archaic study of Tamil, which turei, from the badge, vochi (Ixora Coccinia), has been so largely altered by later Aryan a plant worn by the leader and his men, followed interference. by the parguit, karandei, of the plunderers and The author of the Tolkdpplyam, Tiranadumagni, the rescue of the spoil. is represented to have been the principal disciple My object in calling attention to this composi. of Agastya, deriving his name of Tolkappiyaner tion, is, to suggest that a full translation will from his native place, which caused him to employ probably throw light on the ethnological condition it as the title of his great work. But it is by no of the early population of the south, particularly means improbable that the Tolkdpplyam is of of that portion which I have designated as the older origin and is a remnant of an earlier predatory tribes. It further occurs to me that Dravidian literature that flourished before the Jour. Ethnological Society, N. 8. Vol. I. p. 112 (1869). (1870); Indian Antiquary, Vol. XV. p. 26. Jour. Ethnological Society, N. 8. Vol. IL p. 404 Ellia, Cural, p. 160.

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1887. immigration of the Brahmanical missionaries from the north. In that case the Tolkdpptyam, and other contemporary archaic writings, would furnish & valuable mine of classical and ethno- logical lore. And my purpose in this communi. cation is to express & hope that some of the alumni of the Madras University may be induced to explore its recesses, in the hope of throwing light on the normal literature, manners, customs, dic., of their own land; following the example of their distinguished countrymen in Bombay and Bengal. Attention is not now called to this object for the first time. Fifteen years ago Mr. Gover, supported by the authority of several competent judges, pointed out how great is the mass of early Dravidian, especially Tamil, literature upon which " total neglect has fallen. Overborne by Brahmanic legend, hated by the Brahmans, it has not had a chance of obtaining the notiee it 80 much deserves." ... "To raise these books in public estimation, to exhibit the true products of the Dravidian mind, would be a task worthy of the ripest scholar and the most enlightened Government. I would especially draw attention to the eighteen books that are said to have received the sanction of the Madura College, and are among the oldest. specimens of Dravidian literature. Any student of Dravidian writings would be able to add a score of equally valuable books. If these were carefully edited they would form a body of Dravidian' classics of the highest value." W. ELLIOT, F.R.B. Wolfelee, 8th January 1887. The Readers of this Journal will, ere now, have heard, with sorrow, of the recent death of Sir Walter Elliot. In publishing, with but melan- choly pleasure, this his last contribution to these pages, the Editors wish to express their extreme regret at being no longer able to count him among their contributors, and their gratitude for the valuable papers sent by him from time to time, despite his great age and the physical infir. mities which latterly were almost overwhelming. J. F. FLEET. R. C. TEMPLE. the tradition prevalent in the "gracious teacher's" native land favours Mr. K. B. Pathak's date for Bankaracharya (A.D. 788-820) rather than that proposed by Messrs. K. T. Telang and Fleet (c. A. D. 590-655). "At the time of this successful war," so runs the Kerasotpatti," there was born as the son or incarnation) of Mahadeva (Siva) a celebrated genius. It was he whu was afterwards known as Samkaracharya." The Ktrafotpatti is full of glaring anachronisme, like, almost without exception, all' native histories; and the Perumal in whose reign this successful war" is said to have taken place is said to have been appointed ruler of Kerala by Anakundi-Krishnaraya in A.D. 427." Moreover, this same Cheraman-Perumal is recorded, in the Keralotpatti, to have embraced Islam, and set out for Mecca !! Kere the confusion seems to be worse confound. ed; and a puppet Vijayanagar king of the sixteenth century A.D. is mixed up in the work with a king who set ont for Mecca, and who is said to have landed at that place and had an interview with the Prophet himself on the very first day of the first year of the Hijra !! But, though it at first sight appears hopeless to get at the truth, the tradition of the king setting out for Mecca does appear to rest on a historical basis. Arabs may generally be trusted to state facts; and it is important in the first place to notice that the author of the Tahafat-ulMujahidin (written in the latter half of the sixteenth century) notices this tradition, only to discredit the date assigned in it. He says:" Touching the exact time when this event occurred, there is no certain information : but there appears good ground for the supposition that it happened about two hundred years after the flight of the Prophet." And he continues :-" It is a fact, moreover, now well known to all, that the king was buried at Zapbar, instead of on the Arabian Coast of the Red Set, at which place his tomb can be seen by every one, and is indeed now flocked to on account of its virtues." And the king of whom this tale is told, is styled by the people of that part of the world As-Bamiri; whilst the tradition of his disappearance is very common throughout the population generally of Malabar, whether Moslems or Pagans; although the latter would believe that he has been taken THE DATE OF SAMKARACHARYA. Referring to Mr. Fleet's note on this subject at page 41 f. above, it is of interest to note that Caldwell's Comp. Gram., Intro., p. 127; Inter. Num. Or. Vol. III. p. 1, and note 1, p. 2. According to Dr. Caldwell the derivation is Tam. tol,' ancient,' and Sons. kdvya, a poem;' but a compound word, the constituents of which belong to languages so totally distinct, is hardly admissible. . Folk Songs of Southern India, Pp.xix, n. Madrak, 1871. I do not class the Kongadsia-Rajakal with these; for it has always struok me that that work must have been cumpiled either by. European, or by a Native 1. under European superintendence. Have the Editora any information on this point Rowlandeon's translation, London, 1883.

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MAY, 1887.) MISCELLANEA. 161 up into heaven," and still continue to expect his teacher" Sankaracharya wme, as Malayali tradi deacent; on which acoount they assemble at tion asserts, a contemporary of Cheraman-PoruCranganore and keep ready there wooden shoes mal, his probable date wwe in the first onarter of and water, and on a certain night of the year the ninth century A.D., and this agrees with Mr. burn lamps as a kind of festival in honour of his K. B. Pathak's view of the evidence cited memory." by him. The tradition that he went to Mecca is as strong W. LOGAN. How as it was in the time when the Tahafat. Easthill, Calicut, February 4th, 1887. ul-Mujahidin was written; and it is certainly very curious in this connection that the Maharajas of Travancore, on receiving the sword at their coro THE ARYAN SECTION AT THE SEVENTH nations, have even nowadays to declare* :-"I INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF will keep this sword until the Uncle who has gone ORIENTALISTS HELD AT VIENNA. to Mecca returns." I inserted a query, asking The Seventh International Congress of if any of your readers could verify for me the Orientalists which met at Vienna in the last days fact, which I had on the authority of an Arab of September, 1886, was marked throughout by living on the outskirts of Zafhor, the place men. the numerical strength of the attendance, the highe tioned in the Tahafat-ul-Mujahidin ; namely that average of the papers read, and the hearty recep Abdul Rahiman Samiri, a Hindu (SAmiri = Samari- tion given to its members by the Government and tan = worshipper of the calf; Koran, S. 20) king public of the Austrian Capital of Malabar lies buried at that place, and that on The Congress held its first sitting on Monday, his tombstone, still in existence, there is inscribed September 27th; and, after opening speeches from that he reached that place in A. H. 212, and died its Patron, His Imperial and Royal Highness the there A.H. 216. These dates correspond with the Archduke Regnier, the Minister of Public Instrue. years A.D. 827-28 and 831-32. tion, Dr. Gautach von Frankenthurm, and the I am not aware that any one has answered that Burgomaster of Vienna, Dr. Uhlt, the President query, either in this Journal, or elsewhere. And Baron von Kremer, lately Minister of Commerce, I myself have done my best to obtain exact in- gave a spirited account of the growth of Oriental formation on the subject, both from the Resident science in the past and of its present aims, at Aden, and from other sources; but so far with. dwelling especially upon its great importance for out result. a country like Austro-Hungary, which is connec. If, therefore, my Arab's information is correct, ted by so many links with the East. it is pretty nearly certain that Cheraman-Peru. Immediately after the opening sitting the Conmal," the Uncle" of the MahardjAs of Travancore, gress broke up into sections, which were as "who has gone to Mecca," vacated his throne follows:- I. a. Arabic; I. b. Semitic; II. Aryan; some time about A.D. 827. III. African-Egyptian; IV. Central and Further This date obtains additional probability from Asian; and V. Malayo-Polynesian. In the followthe fact that the Kollam Era of the Malayalis ing report we intend to give, as far as the commenced on the 25th August, A.D. 825. And it abstracts of the papers and summaries of the can be very easily understood how an important discussions kindly sent us will allow, a complete event like the vacating of his throne by a poten- record of the Aryan Section's work, restricting tate like Cheraman-Perumal, was selected to ourselves in respect to the rest of the Congress' mark the commencement of the era. It may be proceedings to a notice of such communications, further noted in this connection that the Tahafat. as may interest Indian readers. wl-Mujahidin, and a number of Mappilla manu. After unanimously electing Prof. Von Roth, of scripts that I have seen, all say that Cheraman Tubingen, as president, and Profs. Weber, of Perumal resided for some time at Shahr on the Berlin, and Lignana, of Rome, as vioe-presidenta, Arabian Coast, before moving on to Zalhar where the Aryan Section listened first to Mr. G. A. he died. This accounts naturally for the interval Grierson, of the Bengal Civil Servido, who laid between the end of the year 825 A.D. and the before it a note by himself and Dr. A. T. Rudolf year 827 A.D., when he is said to have reached Hoernle, suggesting a systematto survey of the Zuthar modern languages of India. This was supported It follows from the above that if "the gracious by written communications from Meers Barth, O. Probably an allusion to the tradition embodied in date it is needlem to point out the Prophet had not boon the chronogram marking the event-Syarpasand haprd- born. pyammon he went to heaven with his body," the value of which is, in the Kaliyuga ohronology, 1, 288, 784 days, Mateer's Native Life in Travancore, London, 1888; and which corresponde with oth July A.D.-on which p. 191. .

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [May, 1887. Bendall, Cowell, Ouat, Mar Muller, Sir Monier Messrs. Trubner & Co. The text, as given in this Monier-Williams, Rost, Sayee and Senart. new edition, is based principally on the hitherto un. Mr. Grierson's motion was followed by a highly published early commentaries, whereas all existing interesting paper of Prof Cecil Bendall, of editions give the text as represented in the the British Museum and University College, comparatively inodern commentary of Kullaka. London, who exhibited a fragment of a commen. Copious selections from six unpublished comtary on the Chandra-vydkarana, purchased by mentaries form the subject of a separate him in Nepal in 1884, and also facsimiles of an publication by Dr. Jolly; the first two fasciculi inscription from Bihar in the Calcutta Museum, of which work have appeared in the Bibliotheca both in a character hitherto unnoticed. The Indica, in 1885 and 1886; under the title of prominent feature of this writing is a small Manut/kdsangraha. triangular ornament (apex uppermost) at the Prof. Ramkrishna G. Bhandarkar, of Poona, top of each matrd. Several letters, as Prof. next read a learned and exhaustive report, Bendall pointed out from a diagram, which entitled "Principal Results of my last two years' he had prepared from tracings, were of archaic studies in Sanskrit Manuscripts and Literature, shapes, not easily paralleled from other Indian with particular reference to the Sacrificial Ritual alphabets. Other archaiems were the absence of and the Pancharstra System." The merits of a distinct symbol for ri medial, so that keri ap- Prof. Bhandarkar's work having been duly noticed peared exactly like kera. Prof. Bendall suggested by Dr. Buhler, the section proposed and passed, that the alphabet represented one of the lost by acclamation, a vote of thanks to the political lipis referred to in the Lalitnvistara as well as agent and chiefs of Kathiawad, and the Bombay in Jain works. In the discussion which followed Government, to whom the Congress was mainly upon this important communication, Prof. E. indebted for the presence of so distinguished a Kuhn, of Munich, observed, that there exist representative of native Indian learning. some points of resemblance between the alphabet Lastly. Prof. Weber, of Berlin, reported on a discovered by Prof. Bendall and the ink-written Benares Edition (1886) of an extract from the form of the Kamboja alphabet, as represented on Khalavaktrachapetika, "smack in the mouth of Plate III. of Burnouf and Lassen's Essai sur le the wicked," under the synonymous title of Dur. Pali. He refrained, however, from drawing any jandayachapetika, and composed by the same further inferences, since he considered the simi. author Rajavallabha. The date of this composi. larity between those two alphabets merely due to tion is now settled by the verses on the first page the writing material having been originally the to be quite modern, vis. A.D. 1844, as was conse.me. . jectured by Prof. Weber in his paper, "On two Dr. J. E. Pollak, late physician at the Teheran pamphlets in favour of the Magas or Bakadvi. Court, announced the completion of a German- piya-Brahmans," in the Monatsberichte of the Persian Dictionary, now ready for the printer. Berlin Academy, 1880, p. 69. At the end of the Prof. Georg Buhler, then called attention to extract the names of the same Pandita (except some valuable scientifio contributions, received one) are given in support of the truth of the from India: vis. a specimen of the Atharvareda. context, and the names of nine more Pandits are bhashya by Shankar Pandurang Pandit, Vama. added, four of whom, according to a statement of ndcharya's Lingdnubdanna, edited by Dr. P. Prof. Garbe's (who sent the little work to Prof. Peterson, and a paper of Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji Weber) are still living in Benares. The author on two Chalukya Inscriptions. With reference claims for the Magas superiority over the other to the communication from Dr. Peterson, Dr. members of the Brahman caste, and it is a very Kielhorn stated, that, though he could not for curious fact, that he has found the full support the present accept Dr. Peterson's views as to for his claim of many learned men in the very the identity of Vamana, the author of the capital of Brahmanism. Prof. Weber believes Linganu doana and Vamana, the compiler of that the Magas go back to an old mission of the part of the Karika-Vritti, he was glad to have an Mithra-cult, the members of which, after their opportunity of testifying to the high value of arrival in India (about the first two centuries Dr. Peterson's work in connection with the search A.D.), were incorporated into the Brahman caste. for Sanskrit XSS. At the end of the first sitting, Prol krnat Dr. T. Jolly, of Wurzburg, then laid before the Windisch, of Leipeic, very appropriately remind. Congress an account of his critical edition of the ed the section of the hundredth anniversary of the Code of Man, which has since been published by birthday of the late Horace Hayman Wilson, ! See Prof. Weber's paper on the Magavyakti in the Monatsberichte, 1879, pp. 158, 166.

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MAY, 1887.] which had occurred on the day before (September 26th). After some touching remarks from the President, Prof. von Roth, on the personal character of that great pioneer of Indian philology in Europe, the members honoured his memory by rising from their seats. MISCELLANEA. Tuesday, September 28th.-The second sitting opened with a most valuable paper from Dr. R. Hoernle, who exhibited a very ancient Bakhali MS. scarcely later than 1,000 A.D., important both for the archaic form of the Sarada character, in which it is written, and its contents. It was discovered a few years ago in the Panijab, and expounds one of the ancient systems of Hindu arithmetic, remarkable for many of its technical features, as e. g. its peculiar use of the sign + for minus. Prof. Lignana, of Rome, followed with a paper in Italian on those puzzling figures of Vedic mythology, the Navagrah and Dalagudh. After a careful examination of the passages in the Rigveda, from which light as to their real character might be gathered, Prof. Lignana traced some affinities between these mythological conceptions of the Vedic Aryans and certain obscure Italian divinities, the names of which appear to be preserved only in the epigraphic remains of the Marsi and Volsci. The next paper, read by Prof. P. Hunfalvy, of Budapest, treated of the origin of the Roumanian Language, a much contested question, which was further discussed by Profs. Ludwig and Hasdeu. Captain R. C. Temple then gave a short account of his edition of the late Dr. Fullon's Dictionary of Hindustant Proverbs, explaining the method pursued in carrying out the work and reporting the progress made. Prof. Weber expressed his satisfaction at Captain Temple's publication, as being the first step towards the fulfilment of the wishes of the previous Con. gress." A short paper on the Sanskrit names of precious stones, communicated by Dr. K. Glaser, of Trieste, as a specimen from his glossary of old Indian natural history terms, concluded the proceedings of this day's sitting. Wednesday, Sept. 29.-In opening the third sitting the President announced the completion in print of Dr. Buhler's new Translation of Manu, which was about to be issued as one of the volumes of Prof. Max Muller's Sacred Books of the East. Prof. E. Leumann, of Strassburg, next made some interesting remarks on the MS. of the 163 Angavijjd, which Prof. Bhandarkar had brought over from India to lay before the Congress. Prof. Leumann pointed out that the MS. is of very high interest, as it probably belongs to a group of Jain texts altogether different from the canonical texts, represented by the Angas, Upangas, etc. The Angavijjd seems to range in age with the Angas, and to refer to the previous sacred literature (called Purvas or Puvvas) by the words standing at the head of each chapter: viz. ahapuvvam khalu, etc., which Prof. Leumann takes for yathd-purvam khalu, etc. As nothing is more desirable than some new light thrown on these old Parva texts, which have been lost for centuries, the importance of a text like the Angavijjd, is sufficiently evident. The MS. in question is, however, not complete, and gives, perhaps, only the last third of the whole Angavijjd. Prof. H. Jacobi, of Kiel, followed with an extremely suggestive paper on Jainism and the worship of Krishna, a somewhat full abstract of which is sure to meet with ready acceptance on the part of our readers. Prof. Jacobi pointed out that Buddha and Mahavira may be looked upon as founders of monastical orders, caring little for the religious needs of the laity. But, as an order of monks cannot exist without a lay community devoted to them, it afterwards became a necessity to provide for laymen a creed and cult suitable to their moral and religious condition. This necessity must have made itself still more felt when the order spread beyond the country of its origin. Now, the chief propagation of Jainism seems to have taken place about the middle of the third century B. C. under Aryamahagiri and Suhastin, the latter of whom converted Kunala, the grandson of Asoka; because the list of theras in the Kalpasutra ascribes more disciples, ganas, kulas, and sakhas to these theras than to any others; and from the names of some kulas and bakhas we may conclude, that the new creed had then spread over the valley of the Ganges and beyond as far as Surashtra. In this tract of country there flourished, as stated by Megasthenes, the worship of Krishna, which was, at that time, scarcely touched by Brahmanical theology; and in order to make converts in great numbers, the Jain monks had not only, as they were wont to do, to tolerate the popular belief, but even to blend it with their own creed. According to the Jains, Krishna was a relation of Arishtanemi, the 22nd Tirthakara; and in the history of that prophet is related the whole Legend of Krishna, differing in some details only from that which is given in Brahmanical sources. See Proceedings of the Sixth Congress at Leyden, Vol. I. pp. 160, 296.

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Again in the Antakriddadd the conversion and beatification of the wives, etc., of Krishna is narrated in the typical style of the Angas; and it is also stated there, that Krishna, after his death, had to undergo severe punishment in hell, but is, in a very distant future, to become a Tirthakara called Amama. All this shows that the Jains, though fully admitting the divine dignity of Krishna, made him appear as decidedly inferior to their own saints, but used his legend as the keystone, on which to build their phantastical cosmogony; for they have invented after the model of the Legend of Krishna 9 Vasudevas, 9 Vasudevas, and 9 Prativdsudevas, which make up, together with the 24 Tirthakaras and 12 Chakra. vartins, the 63 great personages of their cosmogony, the Trishashtisalakapurusha. As the worship of Krishna did not prevail in Bihar, the land in which Buddhism and Jainism took their origin, the influence exercised by the Krishna Legend upon the development of Jain mythology, proves the spread of that creed in countries where Krishna was worshipped as a national hero. It proves, besides, that converts to Jainism continued then, just as in modern times, to worship the gods whom they had worshipped before their conversion. In the discussion which followed, Mr. Grierson drew the writer's attention to the fact that in Eastern Hindustan, the popular division of Jains was into Vaishnavas and non-Vaishnavas. The former worshipped Krishna, while the latter did not, and each division claimed itself as orthodox, and stigmatised the other as heretical. Prof. Weber stated, as his opinion, that the Jain creed has grown up under the influence of the heroic stage of the Krishna Legend and worship, which the Jain priests were obliged to amalgamate with their own tenets, in order to win the people over while the origin of the Krishna myth, especially in relation to the name Vasudeva, is still involved in obscurity. Prof. Weber also directed attention to the fact, that Panini (iv. 3, 98) mentions worshippers both of Vasudeva and Arjuna." Next followed a very learned paper, by Mr. G. A. Grierson, on the Medieval Vernacular Literature of Hindustan, with special reference to Tulsi Das. The author first desired to draw. attention to the enormous mass of Hindi Litera ture which exists at the present time, much of it at least three hundred years old, and all of it unedited. To this end he exhibited a list, which he had compiled, of over nine hundred authors, with more or less details concerning their works. This mere list covered more than two thousand manuscript pages! The subjects dealt with by [MAT, 1887. these authors included commentaries on grammatical works, and histories with dates: and owing to a custom which Hindi writers had of dating their works and naming their patrons, many MSS., which would otherwise be of small value, would be found useful by the historical student. After briefly noticing the earlier vernacular poets down to Chand Bardat, Mr. Grierson stated that the first solid ground we come upon, is the great upheaval caused by the rise of the Vaishnava sects at the end of the fourteenth century. Thereafter we can be pretty certain as to the steps of our research. The author then gave a history of the Vernacular Literature of Hindustan during the 15th and 16th centuries. He dealt specially with Malik Muhammad Jayasi, author of the Padmavati, Sar Das, and Tulsi Das. The Padmavati heshowed to be found. ed on the historical facts of the Siege of Chitaur by Alau'ddin Khilji in the 13th century, but Malik Muhammad had changed the hero's name, and had also borrowed largely from the Story of Udayana and the Ratndvalt. With regard to Sur Das, Mr. Grierson was able to prove, that the current accounts were legendary, and to give for the first time the poet's autobiography. The influence of Tulsi Das over the daily life of the masses of India was very great, as he had saved Hindustan from the Tantrik obscenities of Saivism. A complete list of this poet's works, and a description of his style was then given. The modern editions of his works were declared to be very corrupt, and a critical edition to be most desirable. After the reading of the paper, photographs of autograph pages of the Ramayana, and of a deed of arbitration in Tulsi Das's own handwriting, were exhibited. Mr. Grierson's note, which has been already mentioned, suggesting a survey of the various dialects of India, was then again brought forward, and a resolution was proposed by Prof Buhler, and seconded by Prof. Weber, urging on the Government of British India the propriety of commencing this most important work. It was stated that in India at this moment many specialists could be found, who would give voluntary assistance. The officials employed by Government to search for Sanskrit Manuscripts could, at the same time, search for equally important works in the Mediseval Vernaculars. The resolution was carried by acclamation and signed by all the scholars present. The sitting fittingly terminated with a further contribution to the Literature of Jainism, an Etude sur le Mythe de Vrishabha, le premier See Indische Studien, Vol. II. p. 410.

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MAY, 1887.) MISCELLANEA. 165 - Tyrtharikara des Jainas, by M. L. de Milloue, of posed by Dr. Kielhorn, and seconded by Prof. Lyons. Weber and Prof. C. Bendall, to the effect: Thursday, September 30th.-Captain R. c. "That this Section bege strongly to recommend Templo opened the proceedings by a short re- to the notice of the Right Honourable the ference to the Hir Ranjha of Waris Shah Secretary of State for India the importance to ShAh, expressing a hope that it might be some day students of Oriental History and Philology, both made available to European scholars in a properly European and Indian, of such an office as that worked out edition, as it was acknowledged by the of the Epigraphist to the Government of India, natives of Pasijab to be the best specimen of their and that it earnestly hopes for its speedy revival. language in existence. In passing this resolution the Section trusts After a short paper on phonetics by Prof. that the excellent results obtained and the high Grandjoan, the President, Prof. Von Roth, gave an merits displayed by Mr. Fleet, while holding the ingenions explanation of several difficult passages post, will not be overlooked." This resolution in the Vodie which had hitherto puzzled interpre- was carried by acclamation, and the memorial ters and translators. He showed by a large num. was signed by all the members present. ber of convincing examples, that it was a common Dr. M. A. Stein, of Budapest, read a paper on the Hoone of the Vedic language, to express gram. ancient topography of the Hindu Kush region matical relations, which are the same in a group and the Pamir, and some fresh light was thrown on of nouns, by affixing the corresponding Case-end. those interesting localities by a more thorough ing to only one of them, and leaving the rest in examination of a difficult passage in the Avesta. the form of simple stems. The fact that this Dr. Stein identified the Paropanisus of the classic expedient for avoiding a lengthy repetition of geographers, the modern Hindu-Kash, with the identical case-endings had not been noticed by Upairi-sabna of the Avesta. The local traditions graminarians, Native or European, has to account about the Hindu-Kash, as recorded by ancient for many vagaries of ancient and modern and modern travellers, still preserve the legend, exegesis. alluded to in its Zend name, which literally Prof. H. Schuchardt communicated Prof. means "higher than eagles (can fly)." Asool's regret at his not having been able to Prof. E. Kuhn, of Munich, then treated of the oomply with the resolution passed at the Berlin | Hindu Kush dialects, which, in his opinion, Congress, which had entrusted to him and form together with the Kasmiri and the Gipsy Prof. J. Schmidt the task of framing & uni. Languages a separate group within the body form system of phonetic transliteration of the of Indo-Aryan languages. Two sub-divisions of Sanskrit and Zend languages. That this state. these dialects can be distinguished by some ment was received with a feeling almost of relief phonetical peculiarities; and a table giving the is highly characteristic of the state of stagnation numerals from one to twenty of the different into which the cause of transliteration has been dialects, enabled Prof. Kuhn to show the various lately allowed to lapse, owing to too numerous grades of relationship between them. Having attempts at settling that difficult question without mentioned some words remarkable for their antidue regard to practical convenience. Prof. Von quity, the writer proceeded to state that the Roth and Weber accordingly asked the Section "Gipsy language is not related in particular to to cancel the commission it had given at the any one of these dialects, but is rather to be Berlin Congress to the above-named scholars. considered as the result of the mixing up of Dr. G. Buhler laid before the Section a speci. several dialects. He expressed, however, his bemen of Mr. J. F. Fleet's forthcoming volume on lief, that further information on the Kasmir the Gupta Inscriptions, and a copy of the plates to Language is required before a more thorough accompany them. He pointed out the great philological treatment of these dialects can be merits of the work, as well as its high importance attempted. In the discussion which followed for the epigraphy and history of India, and upon this interesting address, full justice was gave expression to his deep regret that the Go- done to the scientific merite of Prof. Kuhn's vernment of India had felt compelled by financial research by Mr. Grierson, and Prots. Hunfalvy considerations to order the abolition of the post and Burkhardt. Mr. C. G. Leland, of the United of epigraphist, so worthily filled by Mr. J. F. States of America, also specially praised it, because Fleet. Captain R. O. Temple concurred in the instead of hunting the ignis fatuus of a single viows expressed, and strongly insisted on the Indian tongue as the origin of the Gipsy lemnecessity of the continuance of the epigraphic guage, Prof. Kuhn declared that the latter was researches. With reference to the remarks of probably a combination of elements from many Dr. Bohler and Capt. Temple, a motion was pro- sources.

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166 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. The last but not least interesting event of this day's sitting was a paper, by Mr. Leland himself, on the origin of the Gipsy Language. After relating some singular information he had received some years ago from a Hindu in London as to the existence of a vagabond tribe in Northern India who called themselves Rom and their language Romani, Mr. Leland stated, as the result of the studies which he and the late Prof. Palmer had since devoted to the subject, his full belief in the Hindu's story: vis. that there exists in India a tribe of wanderers, born Hindus, who from some peculiar incident have received, in addition to the name of Rom, that of Tirabalus or Syrians, though they are really nothing of the kind. They speak a language very much in common with that of the Gipsies of Europe, whom they resemble in all other respects. The grave objection, that the most diligent independent inquiries in India have failed to reach these Tirabalas or Roms, was met by Mr. Leland with a reference to a very singular language, known as Shelta and spoken extensively by English tramps and vagabonds, which had until a few years ago remained entirely unnoticed in England. Mr. Leland did not, however, pretend to say that the Roms of, India are the one stock from which all the European Gipsies came. He thought it very likely that the Jatts combined with many kinds of Indian, wanderers in the great Western migration and that after these came successive waves, one of which may have been of Doms, another of Banjaras, and so forth; but that the Rom as the master-vagabond and the most accomplished in the art of living on the roads should have eventually leavened the whole lump, was also very likely. Mr. Leland concluded his address with an urgent appeal to all interested in the Gipsy tongue for more extensive collections of words from its rapidly decaying dialects. Mr. Leland's suggestive remarks provoked a lively discussion, especially on the part of members resident in India. Mr. M. Macauliffe, B.C.8., said that he thought there were grounds for believing that the Gipsies were the Indian Nats, who practise jugglery, and are, perhaps, the most migratory in their habits of all Indian tribes. He had met a gang of Nats at the Fair of Sakht Sarwar in the Panjab. They said they had come from Southern India, and in reply to his enquiries where they would be on the occasion of the next yearly fair, they said that they travelled everywhere, regardless of religion and nationality. Though professing to have come from Southern India, there is very little doubt that they knew no home. Their speech appeared to be a mixture of Indian dialects, and their [MAY, 1887. habits forbade their dwelling long in any one locality. In their visits to Afghanistan and Persia, they would no doubt adopt Afghan and Persian words, and in their sojournings further to the West, they would adopt the vocables of the countries through which they passed, the basis of their speech remaining the same, viz. an Indian conglomerate. Mr. Leland's researches showed that a large number of Gipsy words were Indian; and several Persian. These would, of course, have been brought to Europe by Indian tribes which probably followed Musalman troops, ever the liberal patrons of Oriental acrobats and jugglers, and might have accompanied the Turks into the South-East of Europe in their invasions. The Harnis are another very adventurous tribe, and are quite capable of extending their migrations to Europe. They, too, were like to have been patronized by the Turkish armies, even to a far larger extent than the Nats, and could easily have found their way to the West. But whereas among the Nats the men are the jugglers and acrobats, among the Harnis physical feats of skill are performed by the women. Several parts of the performance resemble the Pyrrhic dance of the ancient Greeks. The women, like the Gipsies, are not remarkable for their chastity; but it is doubtful whether they ever pretended to tell fortunes; and theft is not generally associated with their names. Another probable origin of the Gipsies is the race of Indian Doms. These, too, are a very migratory unsettled people, who in respect of fortune-telling, child-stealing, thieving and wandering, bear a great analogy to the Gipsies. It seems, however, so far doubtful whether their Hindu prejudices and a certain timidity of nature would have allowed of their migration to Europe, in sufficient numbers to establish such large ubiquitous gangs of Gipsies as are to be found at present in the West. On the whole, so far as his present information and experience of Indian tribes went, Mr. Macauliffe considered the Nats had a good claim to be considered the ancestors of the European Gipsies. The enquiry was interesting, and, as Mr. Leland said, some one acquainted with India, who possesses sufficient leisure, may be able to lead it to a certain and satisfactory result. Captain R. C. Temple, joining in the discussion, remarked that it was very dangerous to attempt to prove the origin of a tribe simply on philological evidence, or on the strength of any name it might bear and give itself. He also deprecated the loose way in which European students mixed up the various races and castes in India, as in the case of the Jats, or Jatts, a term

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MAY, 1887.] MISCELLANEA.. - 167 that varied enormously in its application, according to the part of India in which it was used. Mr. Grierson asked leave to make a few remarks, as one who had given some attention to the subject of Romani, and who had studied the matter in India. He would remark in the first place, that he thought it was a dangerous practice to base theories as to the origin of the Gipsies entirely on peculiarities of their language. No doubt the language-test was a very strong one, but before any certainty could be arrived at, assistance must be sought from other sciences, notably from anthropology and history. Re. 'garding the question of language, which was the only one on which he could speak with any authority, he would say, that hitherto he had not been able tu satisfy himself entirely, but at present, so far as his inquiries went, they seemed to him to point out, that the language now spoken by the Gipsies was originally more nearly con- nected with Magadhi rather than with Sauraseni Prakrit. These opinions he begged to put for ward with the utmost diffidence, more especially as the reasons on which they were founded, were too complex to be detailed on the present occasion. Regarding the secret languages of the Nats and other criminal tribes of India, he was able to say that they were not independent languages, but rather slang, founded on already existing ver- naculars. Thus these Nats call a rupee a bajaiyd or "ringer," which is perfectly good Hindt, much as English thieves of the present day call Newgate Prison "the Stone Jug." Dr. Robert Cust: remarked that his knowledge of the agricultural classes of the Paojab did not warrant him in stupporting Mr. Leland's idea of there being a tribe who spoke Romani as their vernacular. Possibly tribes might be found who spoke artificial jargons, but Mr. Leland alluded to national vernaculars. Prof. Kuhn wished to state, that, although part of the Jatts had been mixed up with the Gipsies, they had not, in his opinion, exercised any con iderable influence on the constitution of the Gipsy Language. Friday, Oct. 1st.-The proceedings of the fifth sitting were opened by Dr. R. Rost, of the India Office, who submitted the first three sheets of the classified catalogue of the Sanskrit M88. in the India Office Library. Dr. Rost stated that the catalogue would be issued in fasciculi, each comprising a section by itsell, and that the first or Vedic fasciculus compiled by Dr. Egeling, would appear next year. X. E. Guimet laid before the Section & paper by Mr. Benatti-Raja, entitled Vestiges des anciens Dravidiens. Dr. W. Cartellieri, of Vienna, in a very ablo paper on Bubandhu and Bapa, called theattention of the Section to the close resemblance between Beveral passages in the Harshacharita and Kadam. bart of Bana, and some parts of the Vasavadatta of Subandhu. A minute comparison demonstrated that Bana borrowed long passages from Subandha, either copying word by word, or enlarging and modifying the style with an intention to surpass his predecessor's famous work by even greater lite. rary skill. By Dr. Cartellieri's discovery, the identity of Subandhu's Vasaradatta with the Vasavadatta which is eulogized by B&na in his introduction to the Harshacharita, has been raised to a certainty. Dr. Kielhorn showed the im. portance of Dr. Cartellieri's paper by pointing out that Bana's date being known, it would now be safe to use the various data and allusions furnished by Subandhu's work more confidently for literary and other purposes. Prof. Fr. Muller, of Vienna, read a short paper, treating of a difficult Avestic passage, Yasna xxix. 1.2. Starting from an apparent fault of the metre in the second line of the first verse, Prof. Moller proposed to read somo instead of remo and thushyd instead of thishyd of the MSS. He translated this line as follows, "wrath and violence, drought of the soil, and robbery, have assailed me (the soul of the cattle)." The change of r into s was accounted for by a reference to the similarity of these characters in the Pahlavi writing. Prof. Muller further observed, that Ahura, mentioned besides Ratu in verse 2, was here evidently meant to convey the idea of Ahd (Worldly Ruler), which word is the more common complement of Ratu (Spiritual Lord) in well-known formulas. Dr. Stein pointed out that the apparent necessity of correcting that time-honoured Gathic text for the metre's sake could be obviated by admitting the sandhi between remo and thishyd. He further objected to the proposed change of the last-named word into (a) hushyd by referring to the stem hisku, which shows that the form (a) hishyd could just as well convey the meaning, "drought," assumed by Prof. Muller. Mr. M. Macauliffe presented a lithographed copy of a recently discovered Janam Sakht, or Life of Bb Nanak, the Founder of the Sikh Religion, and referred to the eristing information on Sikhism. When the Government of India commissioned the late Dr. Trumpp to translate the Granth or Sacred Volume of the Sikhs, he, in the course of his researches in the library of the India Office in London, discovered a MS. copy of the life of N&nak and translated it. The Sikhs, on seeing his translation, requested the Pafijab Government to procure for them a facsimile of the original, and

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168 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1887. this was accordingly done. The fame of the Janamtherefore, --should life and health be spared himSaleht lead to further inquiries in the same direc- not to translate the Sikh sacred writings, which tion in India, and two other works of a similar are exceedingly voluminous and tedious; but to import were discovered. Dr. Trumpp's Janam give lives of the Sikh Gurus, with translations Sakhi was not complete, nor was the one found by of characteristic passages from their writings, Mr. Macauliffe, but happily the lacuna of both and thus introduce what may be considered a were different, so that, what was wanting in one, curious and not unimportant chapter in the could be supplied by the other. This Mr. Macau- history of universal religion. Mr. Macaaliffe's liffe has done, and the work he has lithographed, is interesting communication was received with a complete reproduction of the earliest life of hearty applause by the assembled members. BADA Nanak. Mr. Macauliffe has also punctuated | The last paper read in this day's sitting was by the volume throughout, ning the diacritical marks Dr. Hanusz, of Vienna, on the dialect spoken in of European languages. He has furthermore, the Armenian colony of Kuty, Galizia. separated the prose from the poetry, and has given Saturday, October 2.-The Aryan Section conto each line of the latter separate space. Strange cluded its proceedings in a short sitting, which as it may seem, this is the first time that any of preceded the closing meeting of the Congress, the sacred books of the Sikhs has been thus pre- held at noon of the same day. sented to the public; and those who are familiar | Dr. M. Wintetnitz, of Vienna, read an essay, with the condition in which Eastern MSS. are in which he traced the numerous afinities between found, will appreciate the manner in which the the Sraddha ritual, of the Indians, as contained in Janam Sakht laid before the Congress has been the Griya and Dharma-Sutras, and the funeral lithographed. The ordinary lives of BABA NAnak cults of other Indo-European peoples. These read by his followers, are in no way trustworthy. affinities he treated as proofs of his supposition, They are overloaded with absurdities and puerile that the common origin of these cults is to be mythological details. The Sdkhi now reproduced looked for in funeral rites of the age of Indois by no means free from exaggerations; but on European unity. In the course of his interesting the whole it may be taken as the safest account of paper, the author also gave a detailed account of the life of that simple-minded peasant and founder the Ashtaka rites, based chiefly on the Vishnuof the Sikh religion. The speaker then referred smriti, the Grihyasutras of Baudhayana, Apasto the facilities with which religious teachers in the tamba, Hiranyakasin, and the Manavagrihyasatra, East were deified by their followers; sixty years and concluded by showing their identity with the after his demise Nanak was deemed a god. by his annual sacrifices to the manes of the early Indo..! enthusiastic followers! The late Keshab Chandar Europeans. Sen is now deified by several Indians, and the late Prof. Weber reported, that Prof. Romeo Selig. Dayananda Saraswati was declared by earnest mann, of Vienna, has finished his translation of disciples to be, even during his lifetime, an in- Aba Mansur Muwaffak's Liber fundamentorum carnation of the Creator, books being even pharmacologiae, published by him in 1859 with published to establish that conclusion. To Dr. extensive and highly valuable prolegomena. Prof. Trumpp belongs the merit of being the first Weber enlarged on the importance of this er. European who really understood the Sikh re- cellent work, both for the history of the language Higion and traced it to its Buddhistio foun. (being one of the oldest specimens of Persian). dation; but his work can be considered only and the history of the medical science of the preliminary to what remains to be done towards | Hindus. the exposition of Sikhism. In the first place, Dr. Papers having been read by Prof. Hasdeu, on Trumpp translated only some out of the 31 Rdge the Turkish elements in the Boumanian, and by or metrical sections of the Granth, which itself Prof. Straszewska, on the growth of philoso contains only the writings of the first five Gurus. phical ideas in India and China, Prof. Bhan. Secondly, Dr. Trumpp's translation is not written darkar recited his complimentary Sanskrit poem in idiomatic language, and for this and other to the Section Tbeoons can never be a work suited for popular A vote of thanks to the presidents, proposed stady. Thirdly, his interpretations of the portions by Prot Ladwig, and carried by aoclamation, he has translated, are not accepted by learned fittingly terminated the last of the Seation's mon among the Sikhs. H. Macauliffe hoped, sittings.

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Juni, 1887.] A . NAGARJUNA'S SUHRILLEKHA. 169 SOME REMARKS ON THE SUHRILLEKHA OR FRIENDLY COMMUNICATION OF NAGARJUNA-BODHISATVA TO KING SHATOPOHANNA. BY THE REV. S. BEAL. W HATEVER NAgarjuna's speculative true methods of salvation (The four Truths P) views were, he seems to have held fast and to aim at the perfect condition of love to the groundwork of Buddha's moral doctrine. and purity, like that of Avalokiteavara and Of the twenty-four works in the Chinese Tripi- | Amitabha." taka ascribed to him, the Eka-slaka-sastra (Nan- 1 Such is the summary of the letter given us jio's Catalogue, No. 1212) has been translated by I-tsing; and he adds that this letter is by Dr. Edkins; and I have partly translated learned by heart by children in India, as the the Prinyamula-sustra (No. 1179). Of the "1000-letter classic" is in China. others, so far as I know, there have been no | There are three translations of the "Friendly accounts given ; except a notice by Dr. Muller Writing" found in the Chinese Tripitaka. respecting a work (No. 1440) called Arya- They are numbered 1464, 1440, and 1441, Nagarjuna-Bodhisattva-Sukrillekha, or "the respectively, in Mr. B. Nanjio's Catalogue. friendly letter of Nagarjuna-Bodhisattva." I The first was done by Gunavarman, now purpose to speak of this letter, in which, - native of Cophene or Kubha, said to have addressed to his old patron (Danapati) Shi- been the younger son of the king of that yen-tek-kia, whose regal title was Sha-to-po- country. He came to China A.D. 431. His han-na, there are found many admirable translation bears the title "Lung-shu-pu-saprecepte, in keeping with the original teaching wei-shan-to-lia-wang-shroo-fa-yau-kie; that is, of Buddhism. "Nagarjuna-Bodhisattva delivers some choice I-tsing in his summary of the letter says, religious verses for the sake of king Jan. "It may be regarded as an elegant composition, the object of which is to encourage and The second translation was made, according exhort to earnest diligence, and to point out to the copy in the India Office (No. 1440), the true middle path of right behaviour in by the same Shaman Gunavarman; but, acrelationship with friends and kindred. The cording to the authority cited on p. 23 of my leading thoughts are these" (he adds) :--| Abstract of Four Lectures, it was done by "First, the writer exhorts the king to faith the Shaman Sanghavarman, A.D. 434. Mr. in the three honourable ones (Buddha, Dharma, Nanjio, I observe, also attributes it to this and the Saragha): to nourish and cherish latter translator;" so that we may suppose the father and mother: to hold by the moral pre- India Office copy is wrong. The title of the cepts, and to avoid the society of those who translation is Kiun-fa-chu-wang-yau-kie; that is, practice evil and are immersed in the pleasures " choice verses, exhorting the king." of life: to free himself from the bonds of The third translation is by I-tsing, who family complications : to meditate rightly on worked as a translator in China about A.D. impermanence; to search into the character of 700. This copy is called Lung-shu-pu-sz-kiunthe future life, whether that life be under the kiai-wang-sung: that is, "verses by Nagarjuna - form of a wandering spirit (preta), or in the Bodhisattva, exhorting and warning the king." higher grades, as a man or deva; or in the lowest He tells us that these verses were composed by condition, as born in hell; and thus to seek Lung-shu, i.e. Nagarjuna, and were sent to deliverance (from such conditions) with all the Southern India to a friend of his, a cerheart. He then exhorts to the practice of the tain king of the Shing-tu country. It would three species of Wisdom (the Trividya), and seem as if this king was & native of illustrates the character of the eight branches Sindh, who had established his authority of the holy way of Buddha (the eight-fold in South India. Tarinatha calls him Udapath). He urges the king to learn the four yana or Antivahana, and adds that his See "The Times," Sept. 20, 1883; printed with additional notes in the Transactions of the Pali Text Society, 1883 * I-tsing, Nan-hai, &o. K. IV. p. 5b. * Cutalogue, No. 14-10. Schiefner, pp. 73, 808.

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170 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1887. name as a child was Jetaka, and he tells us so also he had become a convert to the doctrine that Nagarjuna had known him as a boy in taught by his protege. the state called Salamana' (or Alamana' P) I have only one remark more on this point; Where this is, I can offer no opinion; but and that relates to the name of the king as it seems probable that it was one of those given by Gunavarman. He is very distinct on countries in which Kumarajivao says he (i.e. this matter, as the title of his translation Nagarjuna) passed his younger daye, "travel. shews: he calls him. Shan-to-kia, which can ling alone through all countries; and acquiring only be restored to Jantaka. I do not think the worldly arts, such as astronomy, geography that this is a form of Jotaka, the king's and the power of magic." It may have been, early name; for it would be out of reason to and probably was, some district where foreign apply to the king the name borne in childhood. intercourse had brought these arts to the I confess I have a strong leaning to derive this front, and in no part was this the case more name Jantaka from the place-name Ujjanta' than in the neighbourhood of the mouths of in Saurashtra; not only because it was a the Indus. seat of learning, but especially on account It would seem from the introductory lines of its rock-hewn saigharama. Moreover, as it of the letter, that the king, whoever was a sacred spot among the Jains, it seems he was, had in his early days been versed possible that this king,-- who came from Shingin the knowledge of other teachers besides tu, and was called a believer in other teachers Buddha. The expression used is a singular than Buddha, and who himself excavated a one. The letter says--"The king, al. rock-hewn temple for Nagarjana,-might have though he was formerly versed in the teach. taken his name from this celebrated district. ing of many masters, now, in addition, hear- We should thus have the two names, Sindhuka ing the words of Buddha, will add to and Jantaka, both derived from localities, the excellency of the knowledge he has reach- viz. the Sindh river (Indus) and Ujjanta. But ed." Here we seem to have a hint that, I leave this to more competent judges. 88 a boy, the king in question, Shi-yen-teh-kia The translation of the Suhrillokha by Gungor Sha-to-po-han-na, was not a follower of varman comprises 442 lines, seven symbols in Buddha, or had not been trained as a Buddhist. each line. As a specimen of the character of It is true that Mr. Kasawara, as reported the advice given to the king, I add a transby Dr. Muller, translates this passage dif- lation of about 100 lines. The whole may be ferently ; thus-"Although thou, O King, hast revised and edited at a future time :already been acquainted with the law of such- "The Choice Law-verses of Naydrjunanons (tathatvam), yet hear further the words of Bodhi-sattva, written for the sake of Buddha, so that thou mayest increase thy Jantakaraja.-Translated by the Doctor understanding and excellence." But the ex- of the Law, Gunavarman, of the Sung pression ju-jw is explained by Samghavarman dynasty, A.D. 431." to mean "all the Buddhas," or rather "all "King Jantaka should assuredly know those who have come as Teachers or prophets ;" "That the sorrows resulting from birth and hence a common name for Buddha himself is death, numerous as they are, Chin-ju "the true one, who has thus come," "Are all the result of the overshadowing in distinction from all others. I take it, there- influences resulting from ignorance. fore, that by using the expressions above quoted, "And now, for the king's profit, I desire to Nagarjuna was hinting at his patron's con- excite (some religious feeling). version to Buddhism; and that, as the Prince "Just as the artist, who draws a figure of had been his Dunapati in the land of Alamana,' Buddha, Life of Lung-sha by Kumarajtva. period, the name of the mountain was Urjayata. Judging Jour of the Pals Text Soc. 1883;-"The Times," from the extracts from the Chirndra-Mommys given in Sept. 22, 1883. Archaol. Suru. West. Ind. Vol. II. p. 155 ff., this appears 1.. tho Girnar Hill, close to the town of Junagadh.- in medieval times as Ujjayanta. But the Chinese form Ito name is corruption of the Sanskrit giri-nagara Yuh-chen-to (Beal's Budah. Rec. Wost. World, Vol. II. "the city of or on the hill," which, in the Early Gupta P. 269) seems to show that Prakrit form Ujjanta (or period and before it, was the name of the ancient town Ujjayanta) was in use in fairly early times.-J. F. F.] now represented by the modern Jungwdh. In the same

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JUNE, 1887.) NAGARJUNA'S SUHRILLEKHA. 171 "Moves thereby the wise to thoughtful re- | verence and consideration, beholding it; "So I, relying on the true law, spoken by Tathagata, " (Write these words that the Maharaja may accept them with deep faith. "For, although thou hast before heard thy Teacher's words (the words of thy Muni), " Yet, listening to me thou shalt receive in creased benefit; "Even as the flower-lake, beautiful in its purity, "Is yet lit up to greater beauty by the bright ness of the moonbeams. "Buddha declares that we ought carefully to practise the six reflections, "To wit; reflection on the three gems (Buddha, Dharma, Saingha), on charity, on morality, and thoughts about the Devas; "That we ought to prepare ourselves in the practice of the ten rules of virtue, and in purifying the three organs (thought, word, deed); "That we ought to put away from us wine, which leads to confusion of thought and a wicked life. That we ought to regard the present life, and its possessions, 88 speedily decaying. "That we ought diligently to work in and cultivate the field of religious charity. "Charity is a stronghold, without compare; " It is indeed the very best friend and com panion, "He declares, moreover, that we ought with diligence to practise the pure rules of moral conduct, and reject all false and corrupt (principles); "Then all our most cherished vows shall be attained ; Just as the great earth produces all kinds of fruit, "So moral condact brings forth all that is really good. | "He declares that we ought to practise patience, and equanimity, and drive from 18 anger and resentment. "This, Buddha declares to be the highest rule of life. "So, also, with perseverance and meditation and wisdom, "Supplied with these six rules, we overleap (the realm) of birth and death. "If a man who is a layman, reverences his father and mother, "This, also, is called a most excellent field of religious merit; "In the present world it secures us high repate; "And in the future world it brings an incal culable reward. "But murder, theft, adultery, false ways, and drunken profligacy, "Luxurious seats and perfumed odours, "Dancing and music, gluttonous eating, "Discard these things, as altogether evil. "But, if you only for a while practice the rules of moral conduct, "Then you must receive the joys of heaven and progress towards nirvana. "Stingy ways, jealons and covetous desires, and all false dealing, "Deceitful words, hypocrisy and idle ways, "All these, as opposed to virtue and religion, "The great king ought to reject and put away. "Beauty and outward rank, and the five desires of sense, "Are all unstable as the bubble-foam ; "Rely not, then, on such weak things as these. "Easy remissness, and all idleness, produce incessant sorrow; "If you wish to grow in every virtue and attain "sweet-dew" (immortality) "Then put away such things, as hurtfal poison. "Being able to exercise perseverance and diligence, "You shall appear like any autumn moon without a cloud, " Or as beautiful as Nanda or the Anguli malya, "Or as Kshama and all the other sages and saints. "Tathagata says there are three kinds of speech, "Thoughtful speech, true speech, and false speech, The first is like the flower; the second, like the honey; * But how is he a type of beauty

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1887. "But false and wicked speech is like the polluting dirt. "We ought, then, to practise the two for mer kinds, "And pat away from us all vain and false words. "The four rules of increase, from wisdom to get wisdom, "The king onght carefully to weigh and consider. "He ought to practise the way of getting knowledge from knowledge, "And of getting rid of error by the know ledge of error. "It is difficult to distingaish the four kinds of change belonging to the ampala fruit; "So also is it in this matter; "With deep wisdom, then, should the matter be considered ; " And carefully should the true and the good and the virtuons be adopted as our best friend." The letter thus proceeds to deal with the temptations arising from last and imparity; and it exhorts the king to avoid these things, and to seek deliverance in the practice of religion. The whole exhortation is admirably conceived ; and, in my opinion, from its wide circulation both in North and South India (for copies were brought from both), it must have produced salutary effects in controlling the licentious tendencies both of the people and of their rulers. In connection with Nagarjuna, I should like to add that there is a record found in I. Tsing that Nagarjuna compiled the substance of the Vidyadharapitaka, and that his disciple Nanda learnt by heart the contents of the pitaka (which was afterwards lost). Only 12,000 stanzas were thus preserved, from memory, by Nanda. I would wish to compare this with the account given by Prof. Max Muller (India; What can it teach us? p. 357) about the Vidyadhara-Chakravartins and Vara. ruchi-Katyayana; this last named person, we are told by Taranatha (Schiefner, p. 73), lived at the court of king Udayana as Purohita, and his brother some time later became minister of Satavahans; and then comes the story of the Vidyadhara-tales being lost, except one of 100,000 slokas. This singular agreement seems to shew that the Buddhist and Brahmapical legends were mixed up, and different names were given to the same person. But the fact that these stories were originally written down, in the Paisachi dialect, by. Gunadhya (? Nagarjana) would indicate that they were derived from a foreign source. A. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTE ON THE MAURYA-PASSAGE IN THE MAHABHASHYA. BY PROF. R. G. BHANDARKAR, PH.D. In connection with my previons note on Bhavet tagu na syad. Yas tv etah samprati the Maurya-Passage in the Mahabhashya, I pujArthas tagu bhavishyati. at page 156ff. above, I find that I have three And the following are my additional inmore passages to quote, of the use of etad or stances in which etad or idam, with yad, refers idam, with yad; and it also appears to me to things occurring before or to be mentioned desirable to put on record the full original afterwards :passage, which is the subject of discussion, in Vol. II. p. 111, 1. 18. Y&'py eta ita uttaram order that the readers of this Journal may have pratyayah sishyanta &c. it for easy reference in understanding the Vol. III. p. 277, l. 7. Ayukto'ya viprapoint that is at issue. tishedho yo'yam gunasydttvottvayos cha. The original passage, which is Patanjali's Vol. III. p. 385, 1. 2. Yeyam sapadasepticomment on Panini, V. 3, 99 runs : dhyayyan krantaitasyam ayam &c. A panya ity uchyate tatredam na sidhyati I have stated in my previous note that I Sivah Skando Visakha iti. Kim karanam. have rejected, after considerable deliberation, Mauryair hirapyarthibhir archah prakalpitah. the view that the images spoken of in the Ripe outside ; unripe inside ; unripe outaide ; ripe inside.

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JUNE, 1887.] passage as under worship now, were the same as those sold by the Mauryas. As, however, the revered Dr. Bohtlingk seems, if I understand him right, to favour that view in his Ein Versuch sur Beilegung, &c., I must give my reasons. They are these:-If the images, Siva, Skanda, and Visakha, were the same as those sold or "introduced" by the Mauryas, Patanjali would have indicated the same by some expression in the sentence Mauryair hiranyarthibhir, &c. The pronoun tasu in the next sentence, and' etah in the one that follows it, will both have to be taken as referring to the same images. The same images cannot be spoken of as 'those' and 'these'; and to remove this inconsistency, we shall have to understand tasu as equivalent to tadanim so as to bring out the sense, that the rule about the dropping of ka was not applicable to these images at the time when they were sold or introduced by the Mauryas. But the demonstrative tad cannot by itself be so understood. According to Dr. Bohtlingk's way of looking at the matter, the passage has no grammatical point at all; the object of Patanjali being simply to cast a reflection on the Mauryas. This is not proper. Patanjali always makes out a grammatical point; and the point made out according to the view under discussion, as it appeared to me when I rejected it, is, that, in framing the names of idols under worship, we have not to look to the fact that they were sold before they were used for worship. But this point is almost evident, and is more appropriately made out, if necessary, by speaking of ordinary manufacturers as selling images which are afterwards used for ASNI INSCRIPTION OF MAHIPALA. 173 worship. The point, according to the view which I have accepted, is this;-panya has two senses, "something that has the possibility of being sold," and "something that is exposed for sale." The idols, Siva, &c.. which are under worship now possess the possibility of being sold, because idols under worship were sold by the Mauryas. But, though they possess the possibility of being sold, they are not actually exposed for sale. Panini's rule applies to idols of the latter description, and This inscription, which is now published for the first time, was brought to my notice in August, 1886, by Mr. F. S. Growse, B.C.S. It is on one of the faces of a square sandstone pillar, measuring about 1' 8" square and 7' 9" long, that was found at Asni, a village about ten miles north of Fatehpur-Haswa, the chief town of the Fatehpur-Haswa District in the North-West Provinces. About eighteen or nineteen years ago, the pillar was brought in not of the former. The distinction between the two senses of the word panya and its grammatical effect, cannot be illustrated, except by taking instances of the sale of idols under actual worship; and since ordinary manufacturers do not do that, Patanjali, knowing that the Mauryas had done it, makes use of the fact for the purposes of his grammatical exposition. The word etah is not superfluous in my translation, as Dr. Bohtlingk thinks; for, it is used for pointing out the idols under discussion, Siva, Skanda, Visakha, as contrasted with the idols sold by the Mauryas. All this I have explained at length in my second Reply to Dr. Peterson on the Date of Patanjali; and especially in my Sanskrit comment on the passage. It will be seen that, even according to my view the passage shows that Patanjali flourished but a short time after the Mauryas. For he remembers rather an unimportant incident with regard to the princes of that dynasty; and the word samprati, as I have already observed, indicates 'present time' as contrasted, not with a remote past time-adyatve is the word which has that sense-but with a past time fairly near to the person who uses the word. SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.E.A.S., C.I.E. No. 170.-ASNI INSCRIPTION OF MAHIPALA.-(VIKRAMA)-SAMVAT 974. to Fatehpur-Haswa by Mr. J. W. Power, B.C.S., then Collector of the District; and was placed in the garden of a private house ordinarily occupied by the Collector. Recently, Mr. Growse has had it finished off with a capital and pedesial; and has set it up in the Municipal garden attached to the Town Hall, so as to protect it from injury by further removal. I edit the inscription from ink-impressions and a photograph, sent to me by Mr. Growse.

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174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1887. The writing, which covers & space of about for b, in vrahmana, line 9; and perhaps in va, 1'8 square, is in a state of very good preserva- line 7; and (3) the confusion between the tion; except at the ends of some of the lines, sibilanta, e.g. in satest, navashre, and adhikes, where parts of the letters are lost by the for sateshu, navasuy and adhikoshr, line 5. edge of the stone breaking away.-The aver. The inscription mentions first a paramount age sise of the letters is about *". The charac- sovereign named Mahishapaladdva (line 2), ters are those of the northern Devanagari and then his successor, the paramount sovereign alphabet, of the period to which the inscription Mahipaladeva (1. 3). The connection berefers itself. They include forms of the deci- tween the two is expressed by the term padmal figures for 0, 4, 5, 7, and 9. In saihvat, dnud hyata, which does not of necessity denote line 6, and yavat, line 11, the final tis expressed the relation of a son to his father, but by the ordinary ta, with a single mark of panc. is frequently applied in that sense; and it is tuation after it; not with the virdma, or by a probably so used here; otherwise the relationfinal form of the consonant. The engraving is ship would, most likely, have been distinctly bold, and regular.-The language is Sansksit, specified. The record refers itself to the full of inaccuracies; and the inscription is in reign of Mahipala; and, allowing for its inprose throughout. The word asuklapakshya, accuracies, the purport of it seems to be that, belonging to the dark fortnight,' in line 6, for the worship of the god Yogasvamin, a introduces the rare expression asukla, instead certain chaitya or 'temple,' at which the inscripof krishna or bakula. It is true that it is ar. tion was set up, belonging to all the Brahmans rived at by a correction of the original text. practising the yoga and all the ascetics of But that correction is forced on us by the very the locality, with a couple of flower-gardens, clear reading of va, for vadya or bahula, in line was to be preserved day by day, month by 7; and, in confirmation I would also state month, and year by year, by Yoggaka, the that, by Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables, I find son of Sivaprasada; and that, whenever there that, in the month Magha in question, in should be a special occasion, five hundred Vikrama-Samvat 974 as an expired year, the drammas should be given out of the hereditary seventh tithi of the dark fortnight did end tax belonging to the king's household. The on the seventh solar day; whereas the seventh inscription ends by recording the name of the tithi of the bright fortnight ended on the sixth writer of it, the Karanika Suvarnabhatta. solar day. At page 46 above, I have already! The date, which is expressed in both words drawn attention to the probable use of the and decimal figures, as also is the fixed donasimilar word asuddha, in the Bhandup grant of tion of drammas,' is the year 974, the month Saka-Samvat 948. 'And the word asukla itself Magha, the dark fortnight, and the seventh occurs also in line 24 of Mr. Rice's spurious lunar tithi and solar day. And the chief im. Mudyanar grant of Saka-Samvat 261, publish- portance of the record lies in its giving this ed in this Journal, ante, Vol. XV. p. 172ff.-In date, with the name of the paramount sovereign respect of orthography, the only points that Mahipala. Its bearing on an important call for notice are (1) the insertion of a super literary question, is explained by me in my Auous nasal, in samvatsara, line 5, and sanm following note on the date of the poet odt and saptamydshm, line 6; (2) the use of v Rajabokhara. TEXT. 1 Om' Paramabhattaraka-maharaj[A]dhiraja-param davara-sr[i]. 2 Mahishapalad []va'- pad - anadhyatparama bhattaraka . mahs3 rajAdhiraja * parameyvara - sri - Mahip[AR]ladeva * PCA) 4 PA'dan[Ar] mahi(hi)-pravarddhamana-kalyana-vija(ja)ya-rajyaFrom Mt. Growse's. ink-impressions, and photo- Deogadh inscription of Vikrama Sativat 919 and Saksgraph. Samvat 784 (Archaol. Sury. Ind. Vol. X. p. 160, and **This word is expressed by a symbol, not in letters. Pl. xxxiii. No. 8); and Devap aladdva-charandnih mahr. * Read Anudhydta-parama. pravarddhamana kaljana-vijaya-rajy, in line 6 of the * This pd is repeated by mistake. Harsauda' inscription of Vikrams-samvat 1275 (No. 10 . We might be tempted to read padan(6]m-ahi(thi). of the separate publications of the Archaeological Survey pravarddhaman. Bat we have Bhojodava-mahl-pri- of Western India, p. 111). earddhamana kalydna-vijnya-rdjye, in line 1 f. of the

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Asni Inscription of Mahipala.--The Year 974. 9 para bhara pa rA . * 86 tara pArasamala kara rA ra ramana nadIvara - pAra ThAdi pavaI navarata va dasa janasavara basavila nAmAkara, sonAva hre khulistaatmaa hyey - sara:patipada para to suvAga kanyA ma. balarAjasthAna rAmalaka 0 yazaroe ra umaraiyara sAvara rasa tthr| 'mI sava bApa bayAkA sAnA pAlakA/27 salara padAragAlaka rA rA rA janapara i500 lavakarala 1 vara 14 J.F.FLEET, BC.C.S. W. GRIGGS. PHOTO-LITH. SCALE 34 Enlarged from a negatire sent by Mr. Growse.

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JUNE, 1887.) . DATE OF THE POET RAJASEKHARA. 175 5 sammvatsara-satdan n avashu(su) chata[bo]-saptaty: adhikesa(shu) MAB gha-masa-allklapakshya'-saptamyamm"-evam sammvat 974 Magha 7 va di 7 fri-Yogasvamino(nah) pajya'-sarhskar-Artho srf Sibi)vapra6 sadah padatimahavalatasevalo suta-Yogglkena. yoga". 9 [sa]masta-vra (bra)hmana-sthana-samasta-p[ro]vrajita s ha maluka10 ya"-chaityd lavdha(bdha)-puspa (shpa)-chata[b]sara-dvayan divasanudivasa-masa11 numasa-Varshinuvarsha-chandrarklyavat palaniya ya12 di kahanain bhavati tada-tada maulakara raljakulasya dramm[ab] 13 satani pancha dra 500 data vya[ho] [1 ] Likhitar kdranika14 Suvaranabbattana (na) 1 THE DATE OF THE POET RAJASEKHARA. BY J. F. FLEET, BO.C.S., M.B.A.S., C.L.E. The question of the date of the poet Raja- to the poet at all; having not even commented bokhara has been last trested of by Mr. on Gen, Canningham's suggestion,' that in Vaman Shivram Apte, in his Rajasekhara; this Mahendrapala we may probably find the His Life and Writings, published in 1886, at patron of the poet; or on Dr. F. E. Hall's almost the commencement of which we find the suggestion, that the poet may possibly be paragraph-"Different scholars have proposed identified with the composer of the Bilhart "different dates for Rajasekhara. H. H. Wilson inscription of Yuvaraja, of the family of the "places him at the end of the 11th or beginning Kalachuris of Tripura, the date of which, if any " of the 12th century ;' Professor Bhandarkar was recorded, is unfortunately lost, "places him about the 10th century;' Mr. J. F. For this silence, I had very good reasons. " Fleet assigns his pupil to the middle of the In the first place, I could see no possible "8th century;' Dr. Peterson and Pandit grounds for identifying the feudatory Maharaja "Durgapragada have accepted the same date ;Mahondrspala with either of the paramount "Mr. A. Bordoah consigns him to the 7th sovereigns who were respectively the patron "centary;" while Prof. Max Muller relegates and the pupil of the poet. And, in the second " him to the 14th." place, my friend Dr. Peterson was then What the above reference to myself means, specially engaged in the inquiry; and, having I do not quite understand; and any intelligent I given him an outline of the facts regarding the perasal of my paper on the Dighwa-Dabault Maharaja Mahendra pala, I left him to work grant of the Mahardja Mahondrapala, dated them out. A reference will show that, though, Harsha-Samyat 155, will shew that I have not in his Subhdshitavali, Introd. p. 101, in suggested that this person was the pupil of writing "king Mahendrapala, to whom RajaRajasekhars, and have not made any reference "sekhara himself refers as a papil of his own, * Read rajye sarvatears. fateau.. Hindu Theatre, Vol. II. P: 369. . Read mar-duklapakahy, as indionted by the abbre- Report on Sanskrit M88. for 1882-83, p. . viation va, for wadya or bahula, in line 7. See the article in the April number of the Indian . Read saptamydm. Rend paljd. Antiquary on Mahendrapala's grant;" 1.e. ante, Vol. 10 It is not apparent what emendations should be made | XV. p. 105 4 herp. The Submahitavali of Vallabhadema (1896), p. 101 of 1 Thin ga is almost entirely broken away; but the the Introduction. Na remnant of it is soficient indioation. Bhavabhai and his place in Sanskrit Literature, 1 The monning of this word is not apparent, unlose it p. 17 is the name of the chaitya. India; What can it toch wel p. 888. The diotionaries give chatya M only . masculine Archaol. Suro. Ind. Vol. II, p. 86. . and neuter base. 91 Jeur. Beng. 16. Boc. VOL

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1887 " was reigning in 761 A.D.," he has adopted concerned, is only the phantom of his own the date (Harsha-Samvat 155= A.D. 761-62) of imagination. the Dighwa-Dabauli grant as finally settled by All this, however, has nothing to do with the me, and therefore has evidently made the date of Rajasekhara. identification in question, yet he distinctly does . But, on this latter point, I have now some not give it on my authority. It will also be remarks to make, based on the Asni inscripseen that Dr. Peterson's date for Rajabekhara tion of Vikrama-Samvat 974, published at rests more on the fact that Kshirasvamin, p. 173ff. above, which was brought to my "who wrote a commentary on the Amarakosha, Dotice about eight months ago by Mr. F. S. "and who was the teacher of Jayasimha of Growse, B.C.S. It is only want of leisure "Kasmir (A.D. 750), quotes a verse from that has prevented my disposing of it long ere " the Vriddhaidlabhanjika" of Rajasekhara. now.. This, however, involves the assumption that the As pointed out by Mr. V. Sh. Apte (p. 2.) date of Jayasimha of Kasmir,---or more correctly the earliest possible limit for Rajasekhara is Jayapida,-really was A.D. 750; a fact which determined by a passage in the Introduction to remains to be proved, and will be disproved if his Balaramdyana. "On being asked by the the poet is concerned in the question. "Assistant Manager, 'Why do you not describe An examination of Mr. V. Sh. Apte's pam- " the poet P'the Manager says--Why; has not phlet will shew that the real explanation of his "the fortune teller described him ? He-who, gratuitons attribution of the above view to "in former times, was Valmiki, who afterwards me, is his desire to find a peg on which to " assumed on earth the form of Bhartsimeptha; hang some remarks about the date of the "and who again appeared in the person of Dighwa-Dabauli grant, and to refute my "Bhavabhdti, --is, at the present day, Rajase"attempt" (see his p. 8) to decipher it as "khara."" This shews, at any rate, that Rajagiving the year 155, in numerical symbols, and "Bokhara belongs to a later period than my reference of it to the era of Harshavardha- "Bhavabhati. And, as (p. 3)" Dr. Bhandar. na of Kanaaj, commencing A.D. 606 or 607. "kar, in the Preface to his edition of the It is unnecessary to follow him through all his "Malati Madhava, has shewn that Bhavabhuti remarks on this point; since they are based "flourished in the last part of the seventh on false premises; and, though he takes upon "century," it follows that "our poet must have himself (p. 8), in respect of the sigus used in "flourished after the end of the seventh centhe date, to "think they look like figures, " "tury." And Mr. V. Sh. Apte concludes (p. 4) instead of being numerical symbols, yet I can- that, allowing not less than a hundred years. not find that he expresses any definite opinion to have elapsed before Bhavabhati's fame as to the supposed real meaning of them, and could be so well established that RAjaadkhara the era to which they refer. It is sufficient to would think it an honour to claim to be an point out that, as he says (p. 8), he is plainly incarnation of him, Rajasekhara "could not only "a tyro in the art of deciphering :" and "have lived earlier than the end of the eighth that, when he has made even the slightest ad. "century A.D." Vance on the present state of his antiquarian On the other hand, the latest possible limit knowledge" (p. 7, note), he will understand is fixed, in a more definite manner, by the fact why the signs of the date are numerical symbols, (p. 58.) that, as disoo vered by Dr. Peterson, not decimal figures, and why they can only be Rajasekhara is quoted in the third copasa of referred to the Harsha era. His views on this the Yasastilaha of samadeva, the date of point would not have been worth noticing at which, as given by Smadava himself, is Saka all; but that almost every page of the first Samvat 881, or A.D. 959-60, part of his pamphlet shews that, for some These are sound enough grounds, of which special object of attack, best known to him, he the latter is established by an actual date, and has gratuitously raised a complication in con- the former, though only argumentative, is an nection with the poet, which, so far as I am objeetionable ; and they will not be upset by Report on the search for Sanakit MSS. in the Bombay Circle for 1888-84.

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JUNE, 1887.) DATE OF THE POET RAJASEKHARA. 177 what I have to say. But even the limits thus paramount sovereign of Aryavarta, i.e. of established leave the rather long period of a Northern India, above the Vindhya range. century and a half, within which Mr. V. Sh. Again, a passage quoted by Mr. V. Sh. Apte is not able to find anything to settle the Apte (p. 20) from the colophon of the Karpoet's date more definitely. puramanjari runs,- iti sriman MaharashtraWe have, however, now to notice a passage, chudamanina Mahendrapal-padhyayena RAoriginally commented on by Prof. H. H. jasekharena bala-kavina kavirajena virachito Wilson, in his account of the Balabharata or nataka-viseshe Karpuramaojari-namake sattake Prachanda-Pandava of Rajasekhara, in the chaturtham javanikantaram samaptam, -"thus Hindu Theatre, Vol. II. p. 361f., which has ends the fourth scene in the drama named always been recognised as containing facts Karpuramasjari, a kind of play, composed by which would determine the period of the poet, the young poet, the court-poet, Rajasekhara, if only the identity of the other persons men- the ornament of the famous country of) tioned could be established. Maharashtra," (and) the spiritual teacher of The passage occurs in the Introduction Mahendrapala." From which we obtain the to the play. And the text, as given by Mr. name of his pupil, Mahendrapala. V. Sh. Apte (p. 9) rune And in other places (pp. 12, 13, 18), RajaTatra cha Bokhara calls himself the son of a Mahamantrin Namita-Marala-manlih pakald MekalAnam or 'high minister;' the Greru or Upddhyaya, rana-kalita-Kalingah keli-tat Keral-&ndoh the spiritual preceptor or teacher,' of Nir. sjani jita-Kulutah KuntalanAm kutharah bhaya or Nirbhayardja; and" the Guru of hatha-hrita-Ramatha-srih srt-Mahipala- Mahendrapala, the crest.jewel of the family devah 11 of Raghu. Tena cha Raghu-vamsa-muktamanina Aryd- These passages give us three kings; first, varte-maharajadhirAjena sri Nirbhayanaren- one whose own name is not given, but who dra-nandanen=adhikritah sabhasadah sarvan= is mentioned under the birudas of Nirbhaya, egha vo Gunakarah s8-prasrayam vijnapayati, Nirbhayanarendra, and Nirbhayaraja; sedo.," and, in that (lineage of Raghu), there condly, his son Mahipala, & paramount sovewas born the glorious Mahipaladeva, who has reign of Northern India, at whose court, or by bowed down the locks of hair on the tops of whose command, the Balabharata was played ; the heads of the Muralas; who has caused the and thirdly, Mahendrapala, whose connection Mekalas to suppurate; who has driven the with Nirbhayanarendra and Mahipala is not exKalingas before him in war; who has spoilt the plained, but who, since Rajasekhara was the pastime of the king who is the moon of the Upadhyaya of both him and Nirbhayanarendra, Keralas; who has conquered the Kulatas; who is may reasonably be assumed, to be either another a very are to the Kuntalas; and who by violence son or a grandson of Nirbhayanarendra. has approprinted the fortunes of the Ramathas. | Mr. V. Sh. Apte, however, following pagAnd, to all the members of (this) Assembly, gestion thrown out quite tentatively by Prof. presided over by him, the pearl-jewel of the H. H. Wilson, makes the curious mistake of lineage of Raghu, the Maharajddhiraja of identifying Mahendrapala with Mahipala, and Aryavarta, the son of the glorious Nirbhe thas of speaking of "Mahipala or Mahondrayanarandra, this your humble servant), pala" (p. 10) and "Mahendrapala or Mahipala" Gunakara, 10 with modesty makes & request." (p. 18). From this we learn that the play was acted But the two names are so perfectly distinct before an assemblage of guests, invited by a in their meaning, that they cannot possibly king of the lineage of Raghu, whose name indicate one and the same person. was Mahipala ; who was the son of a king Now, from another passage quoted by Mr. whose biruda or title was Nirbhayanarondra, V. Sh. Apte (p. 11, note) we learn that the lit. 'the fearless king'; and who was the town at which the Balabharata was performed, 0 4. the Betradhdra, or other stage official, who is Other passages slao shew that, by, birth, Rajnatspeaking. khara belonged to Southern Indis family. Subhashitdeal, Introd. p. 108.

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178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Junx, 1887. by Mahipala's orders, was the "great city" of In the Asni insoription, however, we have Mahodaya; which, again, by a passage in the just the paramount sovereign, Mahipala, who Bdlaramayana, quoted in the same place, is is wanted; with just the date, Vikrama-Samidentified with Kanyakubja, Kanyakubja, orvat 974, or A.D. 917-18, that is required; and Kansuj. the inscription comes from a locality that must What we require, therefore, in connection have been in the kingdom of Kanauj, being with the poet Rajasekhara, is an epigraphical only about ninety miles to the south-east of record, dated within the limits specified on that city. p. 176 above, and as near as possible to the I feel no hesitation, therefore, in now claimlater of them, which shall give us the name of ing that this Mahipals is the Mabipals of the a king, either Nirbhayanarendra, or Mahipala, Introduction to Balabharata ; and his father, or Mahendrapala, and shall come from such a Mahishapala, the Nirbhayanarendra of the part of the country as shall be consistent with same passage; and that this inscription gives the fact of that king's capital being Kanauj. as close an approximation as we are likely to The Dighwa-Dubault grant, of course, is attain for some time to come, for the date of issued from a place named Mahodaye, which, the poet Rajasekhara, vis. abont the first in that case, may or may not be Kanauj. quarter of the tenth century A.D. But we are entirely barred from identifying And, in concluding these remarks, I would the Maharaja Mahendra pala of it with the again point out the extreme desirability of repupil of Rajasekhara, by the fact that he was discovering and editing the large inscription only a feudatory Mahuraja, and not either the in the Gwalior territory, referred to by Dr. son or a brother of a paramount sovereign: F. E. Hall in his paper on the "Vestiges of I would only add, in connection with him, Three Royal Lines of Kanyakubja," which that we may possibly find out hereafter that gives us the dates of (P Vikrama-Samvat) 960, he was an ancestor of Rajasekhara's Nirbha- 964, and 1005, and mentions, apparently, at yanarendra, Mahipala, and Mahendrapala. least two Mahendrapalas. NOTES ON THE MAHABHASHYA. BY PROF. F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GOTTINGEN. 6.-THE TEXT OF PANINI'S SUTRAS, AS GIVEN IN THE KABIKA-RITTI, COMPARED WITH THE TEXT KNOWN TO KATYAYANA AND PATANJALI. Considering the almost unrivalled position and Haradatte, and I shall have only few which Panini's Ashtadhyayi holds in Indian occasions to go beyond, or to differ from, what literature, it may be interesting to inquire, has been already stated by those commentators. what alterations, if any, the text of that work But before entering upon the question with has undergone, and to collect those rules which I am more immediately concerned here, I which can be shown to be additions to the cannot help drawing attention to the fact, that original text, or the wording of which has in the text of Panini's rules has neither in the any way been altered, since the rules were first editions of the Ashtadhyaye nor in that of the enunciated by Panini. To contribute towards Kasika-Vritti-however valuable those editions the solution of this question, I intend in the may be otherwise-received that critical care present note to show, so far as this may be and attention, which it undoubtedly deserves. possible, to what extent the text of the Stras For years I have been content to regard the which is given in the Kasika-Vritti, the oldest printed text of the Sutras, allowing for some extant commentary, differs from the text that misprints, as trustworthy beyond doubt. It is was known to Katyayana and Patanjali. In only lately that I have become somewhat attempting to do this, I shall be mainly suspicious, and having compared such MSS. guided by the remarks that have been appen- as were within reach, I have come to the ded to certain Satras by Kaiyata, Nagojsbhatta, conclusion, that in the case of a considerable Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXI. p. 14.

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June, 1887.) NOTES ON THE MAHABHASHYA. 179 P number of rules the printed text differs, more pAdapAdam. This rule is neither treated of nor or less, from the text which is furnished by quoted in the Mahabhashya. The three MSS. the best MSS., and that wrong readings have in of the Kasika, both in the rule and in the succession crept from one edition into another. commentary, and the MS. of the Ashtadhyayi A few examples may show this: have GTF, and Chandra has the rule P. III. 1, 109 all the printed texts have AT TYTT. RETTET. Here three old and valuable P.V.4,68 all the printed texts have TerT:. MSS. of the Kasika, and an old MS. of the The MSS. of the Mahabhashya GaK and origiAshtadhyayi which I owe to the kindness of nally A, as well as the three MSS. of the Kasika, Dr. Bhandarkar, have greger; the MSS. both in the rule and in the commentary, and of the Mahabhashya GAK, which here as the MS. of the Ashtadhydys read , elsewhere give only the beginning of the rule, which singular form is supported by Mahabhahave fore, and in the Mahabhishya shya, Vol. II. p. 438, lines 23 and 25, and Vol. II. p. 2, where the rule is quoted, the p. 443, 1. 15, and is no doubt correct. MSS. aK have 'UTENT. From this there can Not taking into account rules such as these, be no doubt, that the right reading is out to which I might add a fairly large number (Csas-vrio, not, as in P. VII. 4, 2, 6asz-rio). of other rules for which the MSS. furnish a P. III.2, 21 all the printed texts have better text than the one printed, the Satras u r, and all accordingly have four of the Katika-Vritti, which can be shown to in the commentaries. In this case the MSS. differ from the Satras as known to either Kiof the Mahabhashya are of no value, because tyayana or Patanjali, may be treated of under they only give the commencement of the rule foar heads. 1. Excepting as regards the obserfraft; nor is the rule quoted anywhere invation of the rules of Sandhi, the wording of the Mahabhashya. But all the three MSS. of the text has remained unchanged, but several the Kasika omit nidyA from the rule and nizAkaraH consecutive words, which originally were one from the commentary, and the MS. of the rule, have been separated so as to form two or Ashtadhyaye has four added secunda manu in even three rules. The technical name for this the margin. Accordingly there can in my proceeding is Yoga-vibhaga, the splitting-up opinion be no doubt, that Panini has not taught of a rule (into two or more rules).' 2. One or the formation of the word a an. Judging more words have been added to the original from the quotations in Bohtlingk and Roth's text of a rule. 3. The wording of 'rules has been Dictionary, front, which is taught by Panini, altered otherwise than by the addition of one is an old word, occurring twice in the Atharva- or more words. 4. Whole rales have been added veda, bat furat is not. to the original text of the Ashtadhyayi. The P. IV. 1, 62 all the printed texts have particulars arder each of these four heads are cafortfar. This rule is neither treated of as follows : nor quoted in the Mahabhashya. The three MSS. of the Kasikd and the MS. of the 1. Yoge-vibhaga. Ashtadhyay have reafaruft, without sfat, and P. I. 1,177 and 18 # originally formed 80 reads Chandra. the one rule 3 and the splitting ap of P. IV. 3; 119 all the printed texts have that rule into two was first suggested by "I may perhaps draw attention here as to a real gem of ingenious interpretation-to the manner, in which this word of the above rule has been explained by the author of the Siddhantakaumudi (New Bombay Ed. No. 517). It is well known (although nothing is said about it in our Dictionaries), that at any rate in works of the Indian middle Ages at sometimes conveys the sense of HTC or C' words like this,' 'this and similar words. When Hemachandra in his sabdanusiaana' says forutstag that term means, and is by Hemachandra himself explained to mean, nirerat :' words like pANigRhItI' pANigRhItI and similar words' , and when in his Liiganusasana he says quafa, he himself tella us that he means 397414. This use being well known to Bhaktojfatkabita, that scholar connects the word of of the above rule of Pamini's with, and in constraing the rule, wishes us to place it after, HTTP, and he then explains 4 T ato mean TTC, 1.., 7191 . Comment appears superfluous. Thin word, taken by itself, does not fit into Papini's text, because it is in the Genitive case.

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180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1887. Katyayana (Vol. I. p. 72). Panini's one rule P. VI. 1, 32 : YHTET and 33 TRIFT would allow only for (according to P. I. 1, originally formed the one rule : dar14) 3 na, while from Katyayana's two rules bhyastasya ca. That rule has been split in two by we also obtain para Katyayana (Vol. III. p. 29), in order to account P. I. 4, 58 Tz: and 59 THT: Perutit by : arv ( TYT) for the forms originally formed the one rule 493 : grafora and T TCL P rurit, which has been split in two by Katga- P. VI, 1,164 argarea and 165 Fahrt: originally yana (Vol. I. p. 341). To quote an example formed the one rule afar fact, so quoted given by Kaiyata, Panini's one rule would not in Vol. III. p. 116, 1. 13. The division of that allow us to account (by P. VI. 2,2) for the rule has been suggested by Patanjali (Vol. II. accent of pra' churya, because here pra would p. 253, 1.22), who by argaret (198) wishes not be termed Nipata. Kaiyata, who know the to account for the accent of words like Kasika, has the remark-TT SITE fa urit Kaunjayana'. But for this new rule such ua TT TE U TI I TT T T words, being formed with the suffix 44 ITT: UUTT T T TTT: 98 a . (P. IV. 1, 98), would be adyudatta by P. VI. YTT: Se rua. 1, 197, a rule which here would supersede the P. II. 1, 11 and 129799f T THET rule P. VI. 1, 163. originally formed the one rule f a re. P. VII. 3, 117 , 118 sirr, and 119 rasavaH paJcamyA. The division of that rule into | acca ke: originally formed the one rule ikuDyAmoraca two has been suggested by Patanjali (Vol. 1. 0, so quoted in Vol. I. p. 116, 1. 9, and Vol. p. 380), to make it quite clear that fear, as II. p. 404, 1.15. Katyayana, after having in an Adhikara, is valid also in the following Vol. III. p. 342, 1. 10 divided that role into rules P. II. 1, 13, etc.; for, as Kaiyata observes, the two rules ikuyAm and auvaca gheH, in 1. 14 anyathahavAsyopayoga Aikyeta yogavibhAge tvadhikAro | proposes to divide the latter rule again into tua. the two rules sita and 7 :, but in l. 22 he P.IV.3, 117 art and 118 Tranzit himself shows this second division to be anoriginally formed the one rule saMjJAyAM kulAlA- necessary. (Compare also the Katika-Vritti dibhyo vum. The division of that rule has been on P. VII. 3, 119). Panini's one rule would suggested by Katyayana (Vol. II. p. 317), to only permit the Locative cases air, it etc., enable us to account by the rule FETTE for not eat, T, etc. the words makshika, saragha, etc. (p. 316). The above are, in my opinion, all rules, in Kaiyata appends the note-saMjJAyAM kulAlAdibhyo the case of which Yoga-vibhaga can with yumiti sUtraM vibhaktamityarthaH / certainty be proved to have taken place. It is P. V.1, 57 Ft THT TH and 58 PRAT: true, that according to Nagojibhatta the two ara g originally formed the one rale rules P. VI. 2, 107 3 and 108 also, TRYTATOTT ,so quoted in Vol. originally were one rule, apparently because II. p. 343, 1. 13. The division of that rule has orgs A has been so quoted in Vol. III. not been actually proposed by either Katyayana p. 121, 1, 14 and p. 133, 1. 17; but I should or Patanjali, but it may justly be argued that not now venture to conclude from the fact that Katyayana's Vart. 6 in Vol. II. p. 353 would two or more rules are quoted together, that have been superfluous, if to him the words they must necessarily have been regarded as TEET TATT had been a separate rule; and only one rule, unless indeed such conclusion Kaiyata and Nagojibhatta are therefore in my could be supported by other arguments. No opinion quite right, when they say, the former less than eleven times we find in the Mahabhatadasya parimANamiti yogavibhAgaH kartavya ityuktaM bhavati, | shya the quotation ato dIpoM yabhisapica (P. and the latter in the Laghusabdendusekhara) | VII. 3, 101 and 102), and yet P. VII. 3, 101 STT T TT sa fa. I need and 102 undoubtedly are two separate rules, hardly add, that the very general rule of which the former has been quoted by itself NT allows us to account for a number of four times, and the latter twice. Similarly words, which otherwise could not have been P. VI. 2, 143 and 144 have been quoted toexplained by Panini's rules. gether eight times, although they are separate

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JUNE, 1887.) NOTES ON THE MAHABHASHYA.. 181 rules; and the same might be said of othera Varttika of the Saunagas (Vol. II. p. 105, rules. Besides, the verge in Vol. III. p. 121, 1.8; p. 209, 1. 8; and p. 238, 1. 11; quoted 1. 13 appears to me to prove that P. VI. 2, 108 without in the Kasikd towards the end of 9, even before the time of Patanjali, was the commentary on P. IV. 1, 15) as well as in regarded as a separate rule. the corresponding rule of Chandra's grammar. The original ending of the rule may be seen 2. One or more words added to the from Patanjali's words h a fa on P. original text of a rule. IV. 1,16; and Kaiyata has the note- egt: TOTSAS. P.I.3, 29 ## Tufegyfogkrafyff: P.IV.2, 2 lAkSArocanAzakalakardamAik originally originally was only samo gamvRcchibhyAm . The verbs | did not contain the words zakala and kardama, vidipracchisvarati and atizru have been added from which have been inserted from Katyayana's first Katyayana's Varttikas (Vol. I. p. 282). ET Varttika (Vol. II. p. 271) on the role. Here which also is given by Katyayana, is mentioned again Kaiyata has the note-kalakardamayoH sUbe in the Kasika only in the commentary, whereas TSATT. [Incidentally I may add here that Chandra has made it part of the rule. Kaiyata the statement zakalakadamAbhyAmaNapISyate, which ocappends to the Varttikas on P. I. 3, 29 curs in the Kasika on P. IV. 2, 2, is based on the remark- Tregizacara TATA Chandra's rule zakalakardamAvA]. vArtikamArabdham. P. IV. 2, 21 feritofaretra T4. The P. III. 1, 95 TUTTE : originally was word is has been added in accordance only out. The addition of the words y with Katyayana's Varttikas on the rule, but :has boen suggested by Katyayana in his has been declared superfluous by Patanjali Vart. 1 on Panini's rule, but shown to be in (Vol. II. p. 275). Kaiyata appends the note-- reality superfluous in Vart. 2 (Vol. II. p. 81). saMjJAmahaNaM save 'nArSamiti vArtikamArabdham. On the Vart. 1 Kaiyata has the note- 2 P. IV. 2, 43 prAmajanabandhusahAyebhyastala originally isbetAvatsUtramityAha kRtyasaMjJAyAmiti. did not contain the word ge, which has P. III, 1, 118 yeuraai efe originally been taken from Patanjali's note on the rule was only pratyapibhyAM pahe.. The word chandasi has (Vol. II. p. 279). T#, which also has been been added by Katyayana (Vol. II. p. 87). mentioned by Patanjali and which Chandra P. III, 1,126 errow . Here has in the rule, is given in the Kasikd in the wife has in my opinion been inserted from commentary. Katyayana's Vart. 3 on P. III. 1, 124 (Vol. II. P. IV. 4, 17 PTNT originally p. 88). f, which is mentioned in the same | was only vibhASA vivadhAt. vIvadha has been added Varttikei is in the Kasika given in the com from Patanjali's note on the rule (Vol. II. p. mentary on P. III. 1, 126. 329), and is also given by Chandra. Haradatta P. III. 3, 122 Terrara has the note- TYTETIT T O T . originally did not contain the words In TT and P. V.2, 101 gratuit T: originally STAT, which have been inserted from Katya did not contain the word , which has been yana's Varttika on the preceding rule (Vol. II. added from Patanjali's note 3 on the rule p. 155). The word Ter, which is mentioned (Vol. II. p. 396) and has also been given by in the same Varttika, is in the Kasika given Chandra. Here again Haradatta has the in the commentary on P. III. 3, 122. In the note- free fra Tar Mahabhashya, Vol. II. p. 146, 1. 20, where the . rule has been quoted, the MSS. give it as read P. V. 4, 50 sp re sfera ift in the Katika, excepting that the MS. K omits khiH originally did not contain the word abhUtasafrom it .. Kaiyata on P. III. 3, 121 has are, which has been added in accordance the remark-Tartu Tra ffic with Katyayana's first Varttika on the rule (Vol. II, p. 436). Kaiyata has the note barcamAbhiyukta prakSiptI. P. IV. 1, 15, which in the Katika ends - abhUtatajhAvagrahaNaM vArtike vRSTAnyaiH sUtre prakSitam.. ces , originally was ending of :. The P. VI. 3, 6 e o originally was only term 6 has been added from Katyayana's N, and the addition of gris Katyayana's Vart, 6 (Vol. II. p. 209), and it occurs also in (Vol. III. p. 143). Such evidently is the

Page #198
182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1887. opinionof Bhartijtalkshita(Siddhanta-Kaumudi, P. VIII. 3, 118 sadisva yoH [such is the new Bombay Ed. No. 963), which I now accept | reading of the MSS. of the Kahika] parasvaliTi as correct. Haradatta, misled by the fact that originally was only sadeH parasva liTi. svabdhi the Varttika Atmanazca puraNe in the MSS. of the which is given also by Chandra, has been Mahibheshya has been put under P. VI. 3,5, added from Katyayana's Varttika on the rule and by Patalkijali's explanation Atmanazca pUraNa upa- (Vol. III. p. 451). saMNvAna kartavyam, instead of bhAtmanazca pUraNa iti| P.VIII. 1,73 nAmanvite samAnAdhikaraNe sAmAnyavaktabam, takes the whole Atmanazca pUraNe to be an | vacanam and 74 vibhASitaM vizeSavacane bahuvacanamaH addition to PApini's original text (vArtikamevedaM] originally were 78 nAmantrite samAnAdhikaraNe and 74 savarUpeNa paThitam); but the words bhAsmanazca are | sAmAnyavacana vibhASitaM vizeSavacane. The new necessary for the following rule P. VI. 3, 7, and division of the two rules and the addition of Nagbjibhatta (in the Uddy6ta and Laghusab- bahuvacanam are suggested by Pataijali (Vol. III. dendubekhara) has not, in my opinion, been pages 383 and 394), but at the same time successful in proving that we can do without | Patanjali himself adds that the word sAmAnyathose words (bhavAtmanazca pUraNa iti viziSTa vArtikami- vacanaM or, according to others, vizeSavacane may be svavasvabhASyasvarasAdAbAti vaiyAkaraNAsthAyAmityanna para- omitted from the rules. Kaiyata on 73 restha ceti cena parazabdapratidvanitayAtmazabdasyaiva mahaNaM | marks-nAmanvite samAnAdhikaraNa iti sUrva paThita sadubhava caikasUvamityAhaH). tataH sAmAnyavacana vibhASitaM vizeSavacana iti hisIbam, P. VI. 3, 40 svAnArthato'mAnini originally was | and on 74-bahuvacanamahaNamapANinIyamiti. only svAjAcaMtaH, and bhamAMnini has been added Finally, it may appear doubtful, if the rule from Katyayana's Varttika svAnAceto'mAnini P.VIII. 2,12 from the beginning did contain (Vol. III. p. 156% compare also Vol. II. P. 193, the word kazIvat, because the formation of 1.2 and Vol. III. p. 157, 1. 11). Kaiyata that word has been specially tanght in Virt.7 has the note-svAjAceta ityetAvatsUvAmiti matvA | on P.VI. 1, 37 (Vol. III. p.33). The opinions vAsikArambha: of native scholars are divided on this point, P.VI. 3,83 pratyAziSyagovatsahaleSu originally for, while Kaiyata (on P. VI. 1,37) rojects the was only prakalyAziSi, to which agovatsahaleSu has | Virttika aasuperfluous (AsandIvavaSThIvaditvana been added in accordance with the suggestions necestions|kasIvaccha vasva nipAtanAhArtika nArabdhavyam), Nagdof Katyayana and Patanjali. For Katyayana has jsbhaya reports that others consider the word amended Panini's original rule by adding to it ffre to be spurious in P. VIII. 2. 12 (outbhagavAdiSu, and Patanjali in explaining the|vyaprAmANyAttana, is in P. VIII. 2, 12, kalI. Varttika has given the example sagave savatsAya | vacchabbapAThoDanAitvanye). sahalAba (Vol. III.p.171). Kaiyata has the notebhagovatsahaleviti bhASyavAttikadarzanAssUbe kenacitpa- 3. The wording of rules altered . kSiptam . othorwise than by the addition of one P. VI. 4, 100 ghasibhasohali ca. Katyayana's | or more words. Varttika on the rule (Vol. III. p. 213) shows that the rule originally did not contain the P. V. 3, 5 yarets. Patanjali's remarks on particle , which has been added for the very this rule (Vol. II. p. 403) show that the purpose of making the rale, in accordance reading known to him was toets. Patajali with Katyayana's suggestion, more widely ap-considers the superfluous, and by doing so plicable. In Vol. III. p. 213, 1. 19 some MSS. suggests the reading GetS:.Kaiyata has the of.the Mahabhashya read the rule withouth | note naha kecidaNaM paThanti kecidanam. others with T. Kaiyata appends the note- | P. VI. 1, 115 prakRtvAntaHpAdanambapare. KatylanyanApIti vacanAhArtikakAracakAraMna papATheti lakSyate.yana's rending of this rule was. nAntaHpAvanambapare P.VIII. 1, 67 pUjanAtyUjitamanuvA kASThAdibhyaH (Vol. III. p. 86). But from Vol. III. p..89, originally did not contain the word kASThAdibhyaH ,] lines 7 and 18, p. 91,1.8, and other paspages which has been added in accordance with the | in the MahAbhishya it appears, that the readsuggestion of Katyayana (Vol. III. P.379).ing prakRtyA , instead of ma, was known already to Kaiyata has the note-kAhAdimba iti sUtre vArmiH / Patanjali. In the Katka we have the note- karamArakodhiyazimam.. kecidika sUrya mAntaHpAdanambapara iti paThanti.... .'

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JUNE, 1887.] NOTES ON THE MAHABHASHYA. 183 P. VI. 1, 124 Pran, and 125 y Vol. I. p. 87, lines 17 and 18, and Vol. IIL. AT sfer. Patanjali's reading of these two rules p. 48. was 1247, and 125 ar sa parcury P. VII. 3, 75 185 1984 (such is the read. (Vol. III. p. 87, 1. 24); but on p. 89, 1. 18 he ing of the MSS. of the Kdoika] fura originally declares the word facut to be altogether su- was SThivukamuccamAM ziti. The alteration of the perfluous, and in Vol. I. p. 66 and Vol. wording of the rule has been suggested by III. p. 53 he cites the rule 125 without fear. Katgayana (Vol. III. p. 334). In Vol. III. p. 333. Kaiyata (on Vol. III. p. 87, 1. 24) has the note- 1. 15, where the rule is quoted, the best MSS. indraceti ye mUrva paThanti pratapragRhyA aci nityamiti of the Mahabhashya give the altered form tu dvitIyaM tanmatenaiSa pramaH. of it, which has been adopted also by ChandraP. VI. 1, 137 : at rt, and 138 Kaiyata has the note- T A foraifa # 4. In the place of these two rules Pa- TOTTE...rargar HAF TU A tanjali has had only the one rule of T r aiteurs afara dar fra :. TH t: t, which is so quoted in Vol P. VII. 3, 77 kg fent : originally was III. p. 216, 1. 1, and the first word eftaui t , as may be inferred from Katyaof which has been explained by Patanjali in yana's Varttika on the rule (Vol. III. p. 334)Vol. III. p. 93, I. 13. (Compare the similar r is the reading also of Chandra. The Kasika explanation of ear in P. VII. 1, 68, in Vol. has the remark- hafa fua asoft III. p. 262, 1. 21.) sayanti, and Kaiyata appends the note-ghugamIti P. VI, 1, 150 for : retarafat at ori- pATho'nArSa ityAheSezchasvamahalIti. ginally was viSkiraH zakunI vA, a wording of the P. VIII. 4, 28 ayar originally was rule which was not approved of by Katyayana TETT HITTT:, as may be seen from Patanjali's (Vol. III. p. 95). In his opinion, P : remarks on the rule. The reading 34 , T would mean, that after takes has been suggested by Patanjali (Vol. III. p. the augment ac-optionally, when one wishes 460). to denoto a bird,' whereas the real meaning of the rule is assumed to be that after fra may 4. Whole rules added to the original take ax in case one wishes to denote a bird' ; text of the Ashtadhyayi. in other words, the bird may be called for or P. IV. 1, 166 g h is really a Pafcant, while in the case of any other meaning Varttika of Katyayana's on IV. 1, 163, and P. the only right form would be pafenc. (Differ. IV. 1, 167 CETTE is based on the Vart. ently Goldstucker, Panini, p. 125). Of the tika s a fate on IV. 1, 162 (Vol. II. commentators, Kaiyata has the note-pact: p. 265). As regards, however, the explanation Tratara 45 Area A, Haradatta of the two roles in the Mahabhashya and in -TUTT TT Prat: T a ra | the Kasika, there is the difference, that in the and Nagojibhatta-Forfattepfarrfattere former they are considered obligatory, while 973 far . in the latter, by supplying from IV.1, 165, P. VI. 4, 56 ruft m it originally was they are made optional. Owing to the emFare myter. The substitution of the Abla- ployment of the Genitive cases vRddhasya and yUnaH, tive for the Genitive case has been suggested neither rule fits into the text of Panini's Ashby Katyayana (Vol. III. p. 204). In the Maha- tadhydy. On Katyayana's Varttikas Kaiyata bhashya the rule has been quoted in its original | has the remarks-sUveSu tu kaizcitajasvaca pUjAvAmiti form in Vol. III. p 288, lines 4 and 11, and are fer, and Ferrafa - in its altered form p. 191, I. 12, and p. 212, T art TT. lines 1 and 14. Kaiyata has the remark P.IV.2, 8 08 is really part of Katyayana's rurit rufe yerere alargar Varttiks on the preceding rule IV.2, 7 (Vol. II. laghupUvAditi paJcamyantam. p. 273). P. VII. 1, 25 Turf: Ty originally P. IV. 3, 132 uurft and 133 was aba DatarAdibhyaH paJcabhya. The addition to ada| bhAtharvaNikasyekalIpazca are really two Virttikas of the Anubandha has been suggested by of Katyayana, which in the Mahabhashya are Katyayana (Vol. III. p. 250). Compare also placed under P. IV.3, 131 (Vol. II. p. 320).

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1887. On 132 Kaiyata has the note-srfrs of one or more words, and one rule has been altered in addition to being split up into two rules (P. VI. 1, 137 and 138). Altogether the text given in the Kasika-Vritti (and that of the Ashtadhyayi in the editions) contains 20 more Satras than the original text. The origin of the changes, which the text has undergone, can in most cases be traced in the Mahabhashya. Out of 8 cases of Yogavibhaga, 5 have been suggested by Katyayana and 2 by Patanjali. In the case of 19 rules, which have received additions, the words added have in 13 rules been taken from the Varttikas, in 4 rules from Patanjali's notes, and in one rule jointly from Katyayana's and Patanjali's remarks; in the case of one rule the word added has not been actually taken from a Varttika, but the addition has been made to comply with a suggestion of Katyayana's. In the case of 12 rules, which have been otherwise chang P. VI. 1, 100 fanff is really a Var. ttika of Katyayana's on P. VI. 1, 99 (Vol. III. p. 77). Kaiyata again has the note-ed, the changes can in 5 rules be traced to freferr Katyayana's and in one rule to Patanjali's suggestions. Of the 10 rules, which have been added to the original text, 7 are Varttikas of Katyayana, 2 are based on Varttikas, and one is a note of Patanjali's. 5. Regarding 133 the opinions of the commentators differ; according to Kaiyata the rule is an original Sutra, but Haradatta rightly remarks--pUrve ca sUtramidaM ca vArttike darzanAtsUtreSu fra, and on the margin of the MS. a of the Mahabhashya we have the note - idamapi vArtti ke dRSTrA sUveSu prakSiptam. P. V. 1, 36 h is really a Varttika of Katyayana's on the preceding rule. (Vol. II. p. 350). By Chandra the wording of that Varttika has been altered to dvitryAderaNaca. Kaiyata has the note--dvivipUrvAdaNveti sUtreSvanArSaH pATha DA vArNikArambha.. P. VI. 1, 62 fr fr is really a Varttika of Katyayana's on the preceding rule (Vol. III. p. 41). Here, too, Kaiyata has the notehaDDA kestriSu prakSiptam P. VI. 1, 186 aDabhyAsavyavAye'pi teaches the same as, and is clearly based on, KatyAyana's Varttikas 5 and 6, avyavAya upasaMkhyAnam and on P. VI. 1, 135 (Vol. III. p. 92). Kaiyata has the note-sfif *ears afhangfer,and Nagojibhatta adda -anArSaH sUtre pAThaH. Finally, P. VI. 1, 156 are : has been taken from Patanjali's notes on P. VI. 1, 157 (Vol. III. p. 96). Here the Kasika itself has the remark-kecididaM sUtraM nAdhIyate pAraskaraprabhRniSveva kAraskarI vRkSa iti paThanti. The result of this inquiry then is as follows: The text of the Ashtadhyayi, which is given in the Kasika-Vritti, differs in the case of 58 rules (excluding here the somewhat doubtful case of P. VIII. 2, 12) from the text which was known to Katyayana or Patanjali. 10 of those 58 rules are altogether fresh additions to the original text (by which I mean here the text known to Katyayana or Patanjali). 17 rules were from the beginning part of the text, but in the original text those 17 rules did not form 17, but were only 8 separate rules. 19 rules, which also belong to the original text, have each had one or more words added to them. The wording of 10 original rules has been changed otherwise than by the addition Have the rules of the Ashtadhyay since the time of the composition of the Mahabhashya undergone any changes besides those which have been indicated in the preceding, and in particular, is there any reason to suppose that other new rules have been added to the original text? After the careful study which I have given to the Mahabhashya and the literature connected with it, I feel no hesitation in answering this question in the negative. Besides the 1,713 rules, which are actually treated of by Katyayana and Patanjali, nearly 600 rules are fully and about 350 other rules partly quoted in the Mahabhashya. And as a large number of other rules is absolutely necessary for the proper understanding of those rules for which we have the direct testimony of Patanjali, and for the formation of words used by that scholar in the course of his arguments-I refer to the numerous quotations at the foot of the pages in my edition-we nay rest satisfied that our text of the Ashtadhyayi, or rather the text of the best MSS., does not in any material point differ from the text which was known to Patanjali.

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JUNE, 1887.] THE OGRESS QUEEN. THE OGRESS QUEEN. A KASMIRI STORY. BY THE REV. J. HINTON KNOWLES, F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &c. People tell of a king who had seven wives that were all childless. When he married the first he thought that she would certainly bare him a son. He hoped the same of the second, the third and the others; out no son was born to gladden his days, and to sit on the throne after him. This was a terrible, overwhelming grief to him. One day he was walking in a neighbouring wood and bemoaning his lot, when he saw a most beautiful fairy. "Where are you going?" she asked. "I am very miserable," he replied. "Although I have seven wives, I have no son to call my own, and to make my heir. I came to this wood to-day hoping to meet some holy man, who would intercede for me." "And do you expect to find such a person in this lonely place?" she asked laughing. "Only I live here. But I can help you. What will you give me, if I grant you the desires of your heart?" "Give me a son, and you shall have half of my country." "I will take none of your gold or your country. Marry me, and you shall have a son and heir." The king agreed, took the fairy to his palace, and very quickly made her his eighth wife. A short while afterwards all the other wives of the king became pregnant. However, the king's joy was not for long. The beautiful fairy whom he had married was none other than a rakshasi (ogress), who had appeared to his Majesty as a fairy, in order to deceive him and work mischief in the palace. Every night when the rest of the royal household were fast asleep she arose and going to the stables and outhouses ate an elephant, or two or three horses, or some sheep, or a camel; and then having satisfied her blood-thirsty appetite returned to her room, and came forth in the morning, as if nothing bad happened. At first the king's servants feared to inform him of these things; but when they found that animals were being taken every night, they were obliged to go to him. Strict orders were at once given for the protection of the palace-buildings 185 and guards were appointed to every room, but it was all in vain. Day by day the animals disappeared and nobody could tell how. One night while the king was pacing his room, puzzled to know what to do, the supposed fairy, his wife, said: "What will you give me if I discover the thief ?" "Anything-everything," the king replied. "Very well; rest, and by the morning I will show you the cause of these things." His Majesty was soon sound asleep, and the wicked queen left the room. She went to the sheep-pens, and taking one of the sheep killed it, and filled an earthen vessel with its blood. Then she returned to the palace, and went to the several rooms of the other wives of the king and stained their mouths and clothes with the blood that she had brought. Afterwards she went and lay down in the room, while the king was still sleeping. As soon as the day dawned she woke him and said to him : "I find that your other wives have taken and eaten the animals. They are not human beings. They are rakshasis. If you wish to preserve your life, you will beware of them. Go and see if I am not speaking the truth." The king did so, and when he saw the bloodstained mouths and garments of his other wives, he was terribly enraged. He ordered that their eyes should be put out, and that they should be thrown into a big, dry well, which was outside the city; and this was done, The very next/day one of them gave birth to a son, who was eaten by them for food. The day after that another had a son, and he was likewise eaten, On the third day another wife was confined on the fourth day another; on the fifth day another; and on the sixth day another: each of a son, who was eaten up in his turn. The seventh wife, whose time had not arrived, did not eat her portions of the other wives' children, but kept them till her own son was born, when she begged them not to kill him, and to take the portions which they had given her instead. Thus the child was spared, and through him in the future the lives of the seven queens were miraculously preserved.

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186 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1987 The baby grew and became a strong and about himself and his mother, and the other beautifal boy. When he was six years old women. From that hour the queen plotted the seven women thought they would try to against his life. She feigned sickness, and show him a little of the outer world. But calling in a hakim (physician) bribed him to how were they to do this? The well was deep persuade the king that she was very ill and and its sides were perpendicular! At last that nothing, except the milk of a lioness, they thought of standing on each other's heads; would cure ber. and the one who stood on the top of all took "My beloved, what is this I hear P" said the boy and put him on the bank at the well's the king when he went to see his wife in the mouth. Away the little fellow ran to the evening. "The hakim says that you are ill, palace, entered the king's kitchen and begged and that the milk of u lioness is required. But for some food. He got a lot of scraps, of | how can we get it? Who is there that will which he ate a little and carried the rest to dare to attempt this ?" the well for his mother and the king's other "The lad who serves here as cook. He wives. is brave and faithful, and will do anything This continued for some time, when one for you out of gratitude for all that you have morning the cook asked him to stay and prepare done for him. Besides him I know of no some dishes for the king, saying, that his other, whom you could send." mother had just died and he was obliged to go "I will send for him and see." and arrange for the cremation of the body. The lad readily promised, and next day started The boy promised to do his best and the cook on his perilous journey. On the way he passed left. That day the king was especially pleased | his friend the faqir, who said to him, " Whither with his meals. Everything was rightly cooked, are you going ?" He told him of the king's nicely flavoured, and well served-up. In the order, and how desirous he was of pleasing his evening the cook returned. The king sent for Majesty, who had been so kind to him. him and complimenting him on the exceedingly "Don't go," said the faqer. "Who are you good food he had prepared, ordered him al. to dare to presume to do such a thing?" ways to cook as well in the future. The cook | But the lad was resolate and valued not his honestly confessed that he had been absent the life in the matter. Then said the fuqir,greater part of the day owing to his mother's "If you will not be dissuaded, follow my death, and that a boy, whom he had hired for advice, and you will succeed and be preserved. the occasion, had cooked the food. When he When you meet a lioness aim an arrow at one heard this the king was much surprised, and of her teats. The arrow will strike her and commanded the cook to give the boy regular the lioness will speak and ask you why you employment in the kitchen. Thenceforth there shot her. Then you must say that you did was a great difference in the way the king's not intend to kill her, but simply thought that meals were served up; and his Majesty was she would be glad if she could feed her cubs more and more pleased with the boy, and more quickly than before, and therefore pierced constantly gave him presents. All these pre- a hole in her teats, through which the milk sents and all the food that the boy could gather would flow easily. You must also say that he took daily to the well for his mother and you pitied her cubs, who looked very weak and the king's other wives. sickly, as though they required more nourishOn the way to the well every day he had to ment." pass a holy faqir, who always blessed him and Then, blessing him, the faqir sent him on asked for alms, and generally received some his journey. Thus encouraged the lad walked thing. In this way some years elapsed and on with a glad heart. He soon saw a lioness the boy had developed into a still more beauti- with cubs, aimed an arrow at one of her teats, fal yoath, when by chance one day the wicked and struck it. When the lioness angrily asked queen saw him. Struck with his beauty she him to explain his action he replied as the faqir asked him who he was and whence he came. had instructed him, and added that the queen Nothing doubting and not knowing the real was seriously ill and was in need of lioness' character of the queen, he told her everything milk."

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JUNE, 1887.) THE OGRESS QUEEN. 187 "The queen !" said the lioness." "Do not At last he saw him and cried out, "O my you know that she is a rakshasi ? Keep her at grandfather, I, your daughter's son, have come a distance, lest she kill and eat you!" to say that my mother is ill and cannot recover "I fear no harm," said the lad." Her till she takes some medicine, which she says Majesty entertains no enmity against me." you have, and has sent me for it." "Very well, I will certainly give you some "All right," replied the rakshasa. "I will of my milk, but beware of the queen. Look give it you, but first come and scratch my here," said the lioness taking him to an im. back. It's itching terribly." mense block of rock, that had separated from The rakshasa had lied, for his back did not the hill, "I will let a drop of my milk fall on itch. He only wanted to see whether the this rock." lad was the true son of a rakshasa or She did so, and the rock fell into a million not. When the lad dug his nails into pieces ! the old rakshasa's flesh, as though he want"You see the power of my milk. Well, if the ed to scratch off some of it, the rdkshasa queen were to drink the whole of what I have bade him desist, and giving him the medicine just given you, it would not have the slightest let him depart. On reaching the palace the effect on her! She is a rakshasi and cannot be lad gave the medicine to the king, who at once harmed by such things as this. However, if took it to his wife ; and she was cured. The you will not believe me,go and see for yourself." | king was more than ever pleased with the lad The lad returned and gave the milk to the and gare him. large presents, and in other ways king, who took it to his wife, and she drank favoured him. the whole of it and professed to have been The wicked queen was now put to her wits' cured. The king was much pleased with the end to know what to do with such a lad. He boy, and advanced him to a higher position had escaped from the claws of the lioness and among the servants of the palace : but the from the clutches of her father,--the gods only queen was determined to have him killed, and knew how! What could she do to him ? debated in her mind as to how she could Finally she determined to send him to her accomplish this without offending the king. mother, a wretched old rakshasi that lived in After some days she again pretended to be ill, a house in the wood not far from her father's and calling the king said to bim, "I am getting place. ill again, but do not be anxious about me. My "He will not come back any more," said the father, who lives in the jungle, whence the wicked queen to herself, and so she said to the lioness' milk was brought, has a special me- | king, "I have a very valuable comb at home dicine, that, I think, would cure me, if you and I should like to have it brought here, if will please send for it. The lad that fetched you will please send the boy for it. Let me the milk might go." Accordingly the lad know when he starts, and I will give him a went. The way led past the fakir, who again | letter for my mother." said to him, " Whither are you going ?" and The king complied, and the lad started, as the lad told him. usual passing by the faqir's place, and telling "Don't go," said he. "This man is a him where he was going. He, also, showed rakshasa, and will certainly kill you." him the letter that the queen had given him. But the lad was determined as before. "Let me read its contents," said the faqir, "You will go then. Then go, but attend to and when he had read them he said, "Are you my advice. When you see the rakshasa, call deliberately going to be killed ? This letter him grandfather. He will ask you to scratch is an order for your death. Listen to it-The his back, which you must do and do it very bearer of this letter is my bitter enemy I roughly." shall not be able to accomplish anything as "The lad promised, and went on. The long as he is alive. Slay him as soon as he jungle was big and dense, and he thought reaches you, and let me not hear of him any that he would never reach the rdkshasa's house. more.'" * Conoerning talking animals, cf. Wide-awake Stories, pp. 412-413.

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1887 The boy trembled as he heard these terrible she had given him and shown him, and lay words, but he would not break his promise to down to sleep. In the morning, when the ralthe king, and was resolved to fulfil His Majesty's shasi went to bathe in the river, the lad took wishes, though it should cost him his life. So the seven cocks and the pigeon and killed them the faqir destroyed the queen's letter and and dashed the spinning-wheel on the ground, wrote another after this manner :-" This is so that it was broken to pieces. Immediately my son. When he reaches you attend to his the old rakshasa and the rakshasi and their seven needs and show him all kindness." Giving it sons perished. Then having secured the starto the lad, he said, "Call the woman grand- ling in a cage he took it and the precious medimother; and fear nothing." cine for restoring the sight, and started for the The lad walked on and on till he reached king's palace. He stopped on the way to the rakshasi's house, where he called the rak- give the eye-medicine to his mother and the skasi grandmother,' as the fager had advised other women who were still in the well, and him, and gave her the letter. On reading it their sight immediately returned. They al! she clasped the lad in her arms, and kissed clambered out of the well, and accompanied the him, and enquired much about her daughter lad to the palace, where he asked them to wait and her royal husband. Every attention was in one of the rooms, while he went and prepared shown him, and every delicious thing that the king for their coming. the old rakshasi could think of, was provided 1 "O king," he said; "I have many secrets to for him. She also gave him many things, reveal. I pray you to hear me. Your wife is amongst others the following: -A jar of soap, a rakshasi, and plots against my life, knowing which when dropped on the ground became that I am the son of one of the wives, whom at * great and lofty mountain; & jar full of her instigation you caused to be deprived of their needles, which if let fall became a hill bristl sight and thrown into a well. She fears that ing with large needles; a jar full of water, somehow I shall become heir to the throne, and which if poured out became an expanse of therefore wishes my speedy death. I have water as large as a sea. She also showed him the slain her father and mother and seven brothers, following things and explained their meaning and now I shall slay her. Her life is in this Seven fine cocks, a spinning-wheel, a pigeon, a starling." starling, and some medicine. Saying this he suffocated the bird, and the "These seven cocks," she said, "contain the wicked queen immediately died. lives of your seven uncles, who are away for "Now come with me," said the boy, "and a few days. Only as long as the cocks live can behold, O king, your true wives. There were your uncles hope to live. No power can seven sons born to your house, but six of them hurt them as long as the seven cocks are safe were slain to satisfy the cravings of hunger. I and sound. The spinning-wheel contains my only am left alive." life. If it is broken, I, too, shall be broken "Oh! what have I done?" cried the king. and must die; but otherwise I shall live on for "I have been deceived." And he wept bitterly, ever. The pigeon contains your grandfather's Henceforth the king's only son governed the life, and the starling your mother's. As long country and by virtue of the charmed jara as these live nothing can harm your grandfather that the rakoshas had given him was able to or your mother. And the medicine has this conquer all the surrounding countries. And quality: it can give sight to the blind." the old king spent the rest of his days with his The lad thanked the old rakshasi for all that seven wives in peace and happiness. FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA. BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA. No. VIII.-Rani Jhajhans. Now all these sons were married and had settled There lived in a certain country, a very rich down in life, with the exception of the youngmerchant, who was blessed with seven song. ost, who was a very mischievously inclined * For description of Life-Inder, of. Wide-awake Stories, cf. "The Son of Seven Mothers," in Wide Awako Pp. 404-405, Stories, p. 98.

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JUNE, 1887.] FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA. 189 young man, and loved to indulge in wild and weary. At last he reached a stream of fresh pranks, much to the annoyance of every one water, on the banks of which he sat down to connected with him. His chief delight was rest himself. No sooner had he done so than in teasing and worrying his sisters-in-law, who, there appeared before him, to his great surhowever, dared not complain against him prise, an old man of a venerable and holy for fear of incurring the displeasure of their aspect. The lad threw himself on his knees husbands' parents, who loved their youngest before the saint and begged for his blessing son very fondly. For this reason they were with tears in his eyes. The holy man had pity No tired of him that they were always wishing on him and said kindly :he would marry and turn into a sober, steady "Tell me, young man, how I can be of service young man, like his elder brothers. to you?" One day, as he was indulging in his wild The youth told him how he was bent upon pranks and playing his tricks upon his sisters obtaining the hand of Rant Jhajhani in mar. in-law rather too freely, one of them cried out riage, and how, with that view, he had been impatiently :-- wandering for months without getting the "I wish this young rogue were married, for least clue as to the whereabouts of the lovely I am sure he wonld be ashamed of behaving lady, and finished by begging of the saint to himself like this in the presence of a wife." put him in the way of finding her out. "Married !" said another sneeringly. "I "What !" said the old man in surprise." You should like to know how he could get married ! aspire to the hand of Ranf Jhajhanf ! It is There is not a girl in the universe that he ntterly impossible for a mortal, such as you, to considers fit to be his wife, for has he not reach her palace. Look there, do you see those rejected offers from the parents of the prettiest mountains far away on the horizon? They girls that ever the sun shone upon ? It may be are very large and high, and you will have to that he aspires to the hand of Rani Jhajhani, cross them one by one before you reach the the paragon of beanty." Rani's palace. But this is quite impossible, Now this Rini Jhajhani was a fairy princess, for you must know that these are not mounthe fame of whose beauty had travelled far tains in reality, but giants guarding the fairy and wide, and who was always held up as a princess, whom you seek to marry, and they pattern of all the feminine graces. This was will devour you the instant you venture within the first time, however, that the young man their reach. So take an old man's advice, had heard of her, and he was seized with an return to your parents, and give up all ardent desire to find her out and marry her, if thoughts of obtaining a fairy for your wife." only to spite his sisters-in-law. But the young man was too brave to be He accordingly went to his parents and deterred by such dangers, and said :begged hard of them to be allowed to go in "For the sake of Rani Jhajhani I am ready search of the fairy Rani Jhajhani, saying that he to fight even these formidable giants, only would die for love of her if they thwarted his show me the way to her palace and I shall wishes in the matter. His father did his best remain ever grateful to you." to dissuade him from going on such a wild- "Very well-then," said the holy man, "since goose chase, since, being a fairy, she was inac- you are bent on your rain, I cannot help you. cessible to a mortal; but the young man was Come with me and I will lead you a part of firm, and would not listen to reason, and soon the way, for I dare not traverse all of it." succeeded in obtaining the consent of his The young man followed him till they came parents to go in search of his fairy love. to a narrow passage, at the and of which lay Accordingly, one fine day, he took leave of stretched the first of the giants guarding the all bis friends and relations and set out on his fairy. The sage left him there and at parting perilons adventure. For several days he once more advised him to give up his mad travelled on and on, without stopping, till at exploit, but the youth was firm, and the sage last his horse died ander him from sheer therefore parted from him in great sorrow. fatigue. Nothing daunted, however, he conti- As soon as the old man had departed the nued his journey on foot till he was foot-sore youth began to look about him and found to

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190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1887. his great delight that the giant was fast asleep. stepped aside and let him pass by. He thus Seeing number of horses grazing near, he went on passing one giant after another till he caught one of them, and after killing it, dressed came to the last. When he had freed him also it nicely with some delicious spices which he like the rest, and feasted him, the giant ex. had with him, lighted a large fire, and roasted it pressed to him his gt...titude more warmly than whole. He then carried the savoury mess to the others had done, and asked him to let him the great giant, and placed it before him. The know how he could reward him. Upon this giant who by this time had finished his nap, the young man said :only growled with rage at finding himself unable "I want nothing of you, except that you lead to do justice to the substantial meal set before me to Rani Jhajbani's palace, for I am dying him ; for, as the young man found, he was to see her." firmly rooted to the ground owing to his "I regret," replied the giant, "that I cannot nails and hair having grown into the earth lead you there in person, but I give you this on account of his great age! The youth was flower. If you smell it the right way you overjoyed at this, for here was an opportunity will turn into a parrot, and if you smell it the of ingratiating himself into his good graces. 1 other way, you will be able to resume your own He had only to use his knife and his scissors shape. Pat it to your nose now and as soon as and set the unwieldy being free to gain his you are a parrot, fly straight on till you see the gratitude for ever; so he at once set to work roof of a palace. Perch upon that roof, for it and extricated the monster from his uncom. will be the roof of Rani Jhajhani's palace." fortable position. As soon as he was free, Thanking the giant warmly for his great however, he thus spoke to his deliverer :- kindness, the young man smelt the flower, and * Young man, were it not for the service in the form of a parrot flew straight on, till he you have rendered me, I would have devoured reached the Rani's palace. As he sat perched you this instant for daring to come here, but upon the roof be perceived through a chink in it is. I forgive you. Tell me now how I it that the giant king, whose daughter Rani can reward you for your kindness to me." Jhajhani was, was with her at the time. So he "I require no other reward from you," said waited till he saw him take up a stick that lay the young man, "than to be allowed to pass by, touch his daughter gently with it, and by you, in order to reach the palace of Rani throwing her into a trance, walk out of the Jhajhant." palace, leaving the fair Rani alone. The giant was wild with rage at what he When the giant was gone a safe distance, the thought the impudence of the young man in parrot flew into the apartment in which the wishing to reach the Rani's palace. He stamped lady lay, and smelling the flower the wrong his feet and raved, and would have devoured! way, resumed his original shape. He then took him there and then, had not the sense of op the stick that lay by, and touched the lady gratitude he was labouring under, triumphed gently with it, just as he had seen the giant over his desire to kill him; and so he said :- do, when to his great joy, she woke from her "Young man, I not only forgive you your trance, and began to look at him with her impudence and let you go hence in safety, but beautiful eyes, -50 beautiful that for a time he to mark my sense of the debt I owe you for was quite dazzled by their brilliancy! The freeing me from my bonds, I give you this lady on her part also, seemed greatly astonished signet ring. On your way to Rani Jhajheni's to see the youth, having never set eyes on any palace, you will encounter six other giants like human being before. But she soon got over me, but they will all allow you to pass by her surprise and expressed herself greatly anmolested if you show them this ring." delighted at seeing him. Each found the other The young man thanked him very much, so agreeable that they conversed on till dusk, and taking the signet ring from him once more when the lady suddenly recollected that it was set ont on his journey. He soon reached the time for the giant, her father, to return to the place where the second giant was lying and palace. She thereopon requested the youth to serving him as he had done the first, he showed throw her into a trance again by the aid of the him the ring, at sight of which the monster magio wand. Before complying with her re

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JUNE, 1887.) FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA. 191 quest, however, he begged of her to ascertain long. The young man waited till he saw the from her father whether he was mortal, and if giant come wading through the waters, to10 whether he knew in what manner he would wards the island, and as soon as his antagonist come by his death. The lady promised to touched the shore, he wrong the poor parrot's obtain the information for him, and the youth, neck and killed it. And lo! the same instant throwing her into a trance, assumed the shape the huge giant fell down dead, and lay, stretch of a parrot once more, went out of the palace | ing his immense length over half the island. and rested for the night in a niche in the roof. The young man now once again resumed Hardly had the young man left the room when human shape and drawing some water out of the giant entered it, touched the fairy with the well that was hard by, sprinkled it little by the magic wand and brought her to her senses. little on the stones he found lying in different The two then sat down to their dinner parts of the island ; and they soon began to be together, and in course of it the lady inquired transformed into human beings, and to rise up of her father in a casual way whether be was one by one, and walk about. mortal and whether she had cause ever to fear They could scarcely realise where they his death. were, so long had they been lying there lifeless "My daughter," he replied, "you need never as stones; but their deliverer soon brought have any fear of my dying. Nobody can kill them to a sense of their true position and me so long as the parrot on yonder island they all felt very grateful towards him. They lives, for it holds the key of my life." then walked, all together, to the sea-shore, "What parrot, father P and what island P" where to their great joy they found their ships asked the lady innocently, not knowing that lying at anchor. So grateful did they feel toher late visitor was on the roof, in the shape wards the young man, that they all offered to of a parrot, hearing every word they uttered. place their ships at his disposal and to take "Far, far away in the sea," replied the him to his native country; and each and all giant," there is a small island, on which is a pressed upon him rich presents, for most of golden onge hung high up in the air. In that them were either rich merchants, or great cage is the parrot with whose life mine is princes. But he would accept of nothing connected. As soon as some one shall wring from them. He would be amply repaid, he its neck and kill it, I am dead. But I am sure told them, if only they prepared him & dono one can ever do so. In the first place, no oumont setting forth all the services he had one would be able to get to the island ; and rendered them, and put their signatures to it. secondly the cage is hung too high for any one This they did with great pleasure, and presentto reach it. So I am quite certain that no ed the document to him with many expresone will ever cause my death. Some human sions of gratitude. After this they all went on beings that have been by accident thrown board their ships and sailed away. upon the shores of that island from time to The youth then smelt the magic flower and time, have been transformed by me into 1188 uming the shape of a parrot, flow with all stonos, and stones they will remain until a few speed towards the Rani's palace. When he drops of water from a well there is sprinkled arrived into her presence be found her lamenton them." ing her father's death, of which she had come The young man, who had been hearing all to know by certain indications around her. this, waited till daybreak, and as soon as it He soothed her as best he could, and held out was light, spread his wings and flew away into bopes that her father might yet return, for he the sea. After a very long journey he reach-wished to keep her ignorant of the fact that he ed the island and to his great joy, saw the himself was his destroyer. But she was congolden cage hang up there just as the giant vinced that her father was dead, and was inhad said. He flew up to it, and opening the consolable for a long time. A few days after door, caught the parrot by its neck. this, finding her a little calmer, he declared his The giant, at the same moment, felt a tight-love for her and begged her to accompany him ness at his throat and ran with all speed to his native country. To this she readily towards the sea into which he plunged head consented, and the two started together on

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192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1887 their journey, having first transformed them. turbed in the palanquin, until the yonng merselves into parrots by the aid of the magic chant returned with his parents, attended by a flower, and soon arrived within the precincts of long train of musicians, to fetch his bride the city in which the youth's father, the old home. But what was his dismay, on opening merchant, lived. Finding themselves safe there, the doors of the palanquin, to find a strange Rani Jhajhani and her lover resumed their woman lying inside in place of the beauteous original shapes. The latter then purchased a fairy he had left in it a few hours before ! horse for himself, and a magnificent palanquin He way struck dumb at being confronted by for the Rani, and hired a number of attendants such a fright, for be it mentioned, the potter to wait upon her. Then with a view to prepar- woman was one of the ugliest of her sex, and ing his father for the reception of the renown- baving lost one of her eyes was known in ber ed Rani Jhajhans with all fitting pomp, he village by the nick-name of Kant Kobal, (i.e., left the fairy in a fine mango-grove by the side One-eyed Kobai). When he had recovered of a river, and proceeded alone towards his from his astonishment he asked her who she father's residence. was and what she was doing there in place of Whilst he was away, the Rani amused her- the fairy Rani. At this Kant Kobai began to self by talking to such women as happened to sob aloud, and replied that she was no other pass by the place where her palanquin was set than the fairy queen herself, who had been down, for everything around her was new to thus transformed into an ugly one-eyed crea. her and afforded her delight. ture by a wicked magician that had visited her Just then a poor potter woman bappened in his absence. The youth being of a credulous to go by, and seeing such a beautiful lady in disposition believed her story, and quietly took the palanquin, stopped out of curiosity to look her home, having previously countermanded at her. Ranf Jhajhani beckoned her to come all the grand preparations made for the recepnear, and entered into conversation with her, tion of his fairy bride. He did, however, suspect in the course of which she told her who she some treachery, and sounded the attendants ; vas, and what had brought her to that strange but could learn nothing from them as to what city. Now the jewels and rich clothes that had happened. So he consigned Kani Kobai the fairy queen wore excited the cupidity of to a secluded part of his house, where he left her. the potter woman and she resolved to possess to herself, and shutting himself up in his own herself of them by some means. She thereupon apartments remained there brooding over his suggested that the Rani should bathe in the nisfortune. Everybody laughed at him for cool waters of a well that was situated some having gone so far to bring home such an ugly yards away, and, the fairy consenting, they wife, and his sisters-in-law took every occasion went up to it together. After the Rant had to tease him about it. He could not, however, had her bath, the potter woman told her that see his way to getting rid of her, for he feared a strange whim had taken possession of her, that after all she might be his own Rani Jhanamely that they should change dresses to see jhani miraculously transformed into an ugly how each looked in the other's costume. The woman. After some time, finding his grief unsuspecting Rani agreed to this and the unbearable, he walked up to the place where he dresses were interchanged. After wearing the had left Rani Jhajhani and thoroughly examinpottor woman's clothes the Ranf leant over the ed every spot to see if he could find any traces brink of the well, and looked into it, to see her of her. On looking down into the well, howreflection in the waters. The potter woman ever, he saw a beautiful ball of choice taking advantage of this opportunity, seized flowers, floating on the surface. He soon her by the legs and threw her head-first drew it out carried it home with him, and laid into the well. This done, she quickly drew it carefully by the side of his bed. When he the veil of the fairy's dress over her face, rose the next morning he was surprised to see walked up to the palanquin, and got into it the flowers as fresh and beautiful as before. unperceived by any one. In short, so fascinated was he with them by this The bearers, thinking her to be their mistress, time that he could not reat a minute without asked no questions, and she remained undis- seeing and smelling them.

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JUNE, 1887.) FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA. 193 One day while he was away on some busi- mango, which, however, was so large and beaunags, Kani KobAi entered the room and tearing tifal that on coming down he showed it to his the ball of flowers to pieces threw it away. master with great delight. Great was the sorrow of the youth when he "This mango is the best of all that this tree returned to see his favourite flowers gone. He has borne, my good man," said his master, questioned the servants about them, but could "take it home and I am sure you and your get nothing out of them. After a few days, wife will enjoy it greatly." however, happening to go out into the garden The man went home and gave the beautiful he saw the petals of some flowers lying under ripe fruit to his wife who proceeded to cut it. his window. He was so charmed with their Jast, however, as she laid the knife on it a fragrance that he ordered a chair to be placed child's voice from within was heard to say: on the spot, and sat there gazing rapturously at "Be careful, mamma, or you'll hurt me." them. In a short time, however, he was sur The woman shrieked with terror at this exprised to find a sweet-scented herb growing traordinary occurrence, and threw down the out of the petals. He liked it so that he would mango. But her husband took it up and cut sit there for days together inhaling the fra- it open with great care, when lo! a pretty little grance of it. Kini Kobat watched this, and girl popped out of it, and stood before them. growing as jealous of the fragrant herb as she The gardener and his wife were overjoyed at had been of the ball of flowers, she one day seeing her, and felt sare, that as they had not tore it up by the roots and boiled it in a been blessed with any children, Iswar had in quantity of water. She then took the mess to this miraculous manner given them a child the farthest end of the garden, and poured it to gladden their hearts in their old age. into a deep hole dug in the ground. Fearing lost somebody else should claim her, When the young man found the herb also the old people lodged her in a secluded part of gone he was beside himself with grief and their house and brought her up as their own wandered about in the garden every day in the daughter. The girl grow so rapidly that in a hope of finding at least a fragment of the plant few months' time she was a full-grown woman, he loved so well, when one day his attention the light and joy of the poor occupants of the was attracted by # magnificent mango-tree cottage, who made much of her. which he saw growing at one end of it, and so | Now it happened that ever since the day the much was he charmed with the beauty of it that merchant's son gave the mango to the gardener, he was loath to leave the spot where it grew. the gardener's cottage had such fascination for So he got a summer-house built for him under him that he left his favourite seat under the its shade and his chief delight was to sit there mango tree and began roaming round the humenjoying the refreshing odour of its blossoms. ble abode. He was at & loss to understand In a few days' time the tree bore a fine crop of what it was that attracted him, till one day he fruit, which ripened into extraordinarily large happened to see a beautiful young lady very and beautiful mangoes. So the old merchant much like his own Rani Jhajhant at one of the had them distributed amongst all his friends windows, She drew her head in just as their and servants, who all declared that they had | eyes met, and the young man, after waiting for never tasted such mangoes before. One even- some time in the hope that she would return ing, however, after the tree had been stripped once more to the window, sent for the gardener of nearly all its fruit, while the poor heart and questioned him narrowly as to who the fair broken youth was sitting under its shade, one lady was and what had brought her to his house. of the gardener's approached him and said, that, "She is my own daughter, Maharaj !" he though each and all of his brother-servants had said, joining his hands together in supplica& mango or two given them, he was the only tion. one who had not had his share. Upon this his "You were never known to have any chil. young master ordered him to go up the tree dren, my man, and how come you to have a and take as many as he could find there. The daughter now P" said his master, "you have gardener climbed the tree and after & great nothing to fear from me. Only tell me who deal of search succeeded in finding only one she is and where she has come from."

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194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1887. Then the poor man told his master how he how Kani Kobai had persuaded her to exchange had found her in the mango he himself had clothes with her, and thrown her into & well; given him, and how he had brought her up as how she was soon after changed into the ball of his own child, and concluded by begging him flowers, which he had found and taken home; not to take her away. So the youth expressed how Kani Kobai had torn it to pieces, and how a desire to see the lady, and the gardenera precious herb had grown out of the petals; accordingly took him into the cottage and pre- how that herb, too, was boiled into a mess by sented him to her. No sooner had he seen her Kant Kobal and poured into a deep hole, and than he cried out : how, on that spot the mango-tree had grown, on "My own Jhajhani! Where were you all this which his gardener had found the mango time away from me P I have been so miserable that contained her. The youth flow into & and unhappy without you." rage at this narration of his fairy bride's But she tarned away from him and said wrongs, and running up to the house seized coldly : Kani Kobaf by the hair and dragged her before "Go and ask your beloved Kani Kobal, and Rani Jhajhani. The two then extracted from she will tell you." her a confession of her guilt, and the young The youth was so startled at these words merchant immediately had her driven away that he could not speak for some minutes; but with great disgrace. at last he recovered himself and said: Soon afterwards the young lover succeeded "For mercy's sake tell me how Kini Kabat in persuading Ranf Jhajhani to marry him, and came to be in your place, for I know nothing the wedding was celebrated with great pomp, about it." and they lived very happily ever afterwards. Now the maiden had heard all about the Nor were the gardener and his wife forgotten. vonth's disappointment at finding Kani Kobai The young merchant bestowed upon them a in place of his beautiful fairy bride from the handsome pension for life and gave them a gardener and his wife, and how he had been pass- nice new house to live in, next to his own, ing & miserable life ever since. So her heart where they spent the rest of their lives in great melted towards him and she related to him comfort and happiness. FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. BY PANDIT 8. M. NATESA SASTRI. XVII.-Light Makes Prosperity. had many grew troublesome. All his property There is a Tami] proverb dipam lakshmi- had to be sold to clear his debts, and in a karam, meaning, "light makes prosperity," and month or two after his father's death Vinita the following story is related to explain it was reduced to the condition of penniless In the town of Govindapathi there lived a pauper. But being a sensible person he patientmerchant named Pasupati Setti, who had a son ly bore up against his calamity, and tried his and a daughter. The son's name was Vinftabest to live an honest life on what little was and the daughter's Garvi,' and while still left to him. playmates they made a mutual vow, that in His sister Garvi, was, as has been already case they ever had children that could be said, married into a rich family, and when she married together, they would certainly see that saw the penniless condition of her brother the this was done. Garvi grew up to marry a very engagements she had entered into with him rich merchant, and gave birth in due course began to trouble her. To give or not to give to three daughters, the last of whom was named her daughters in marriage to the sons of her Sugupt. Vinita, too, had three sons. Before, brother! This was the question that oocupied however, this brother and sister could fulfil her thoughts for several months, till at last she their vow an event happened which threw a determined within herself never to give poor gloom over all their expectations. husbands to her children. Fortunately for her Pasupati Setti died, and his creditors-for heltwo young merchants of respectable family

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JUNE, 1887.) FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA. 195 offered themselves to her two eldest daughters, two girls from a poor family for his other sbe gladly accepted them and had the weddings sons, and celebrated the three weddings as celebrated. The last daughter, Suguni, alone became his position. remained unmarried. Sugapi was as noble in her conduct as in Vinita was sorely troubled in his heart at her love for her poor cousin. She was never this disappointment, as he never thought that proud or insolent on account of having come his sister would thus look down apon his from & rich family. Nor did she every dispoverty; but, being very sensible, he never regard her husband, or his brothers, or father. interfered and never said a word. The vow of Now Vinita and his sons used to go out his childhood was, however, known to every one, in the mornings to gather dried leaves which and some came to sympathise with him; his three daughters-in-law stitched into plates while others spoke in a criticising tone to (patrava!) which the male members of the Garvi for having broken her promise, because family sold in the baadr for about four pasams her brother had become poor through anfore- each.' Sometimes these leaf-plates would go for seen circumstances. Their remarks fell on more, sometimes for less : but whatever money the dars of Sugupi, who was as yet unmarried, the father-in-law brought home his daughtersand also was a very learned and sensible girl. in-law used for the day's expense. The She foqnd her unclo Vinita extremely courteous youngest of them was Sugani, who spent the and respectful, and his song all persons of money most judiciously and fed her father-in-law virtue and good nature. The thought that her and his sons samptuously. Whatever remained mother should have forgotten all these excellent she partook of with her two poor sisters-in-law, and rare qualities in the presence of fleeting and lived mont contentedly. And the family mammon (asthiraibvarya) vexed her heart very respected Suguni as a paragon of virtue, and greatly. So, though it is considered most dis- had a very great regard for her. Her parents, respectful for girl in Hindu society to fix as they had threatened, never returned to see apon a boy as her husband, she approached her how their last, and of course once beloved, mother and thus addressed her : child was doing in her husband's home. Thus ." Mother, I have heard all the story about passed a couple of years. your vow to your brother to marry us-myself One day the king of the town was taking an and my sisters-to his sons, our cousins. But I oil bath, and pulling a ring off his finger, left am ashamed to see that you have unwarrantably it in a niche in the open courtyard. A garuda broken it in the case of my sisters. I cannot (Brahmani kite) was at that moment describing bear with such shame. I cannot marry any circles in the air and, mistaking the glittering one in the world except one of my three rabies in the ring for flesh, pounced apon it cousins. You must make up your mind to give and flew away. Finding it to be no flesh he me your consent." dropped it in the house of Sagan's husband. Garvi was astonished to hear her youngest She happened to be alone working in the courtdaughter talk thus to her. yard, while her sisters-in-law and the others "You wish to marry a beggar p" said she, were in different parts of the honse. So she took "We will never agree to it, and if you persist up the sparkling ring and hid it in her lap. we will give you away to your penniless peuper, Soon afterwards she heard proclamation but we will never see your face again." made in the street that the king had lost a Bat Sagun persisted. So her marriage valuable ring, and that any person who conld with the youngest son of Vinita was arranged. trace it and give it back to him should obtain He had never spoken word about it to his a great reward. Suguni called her husband sister, but he had waited to make matches for and his brothers and thus addressed them :his children till all his sister's daughters had "My lord and brothers, kindly excuse me been given away, and when he heard that for having the king's ring. Exactly at midSugami was determined to marry his youngest day a garuda dropped it in our courtyard and son, he was very pleased. He soon fixed upon here it is. We must all go to the king, and A panam is generally worth two dnds.

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196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1887. there, before you three, I shall deliver ap What Sugani said seemed ridiculous to the the ring, explaining how I got it. When His brothers; but they allowed her to have her Majesty desires me to name my reward I shall way, and waited to see patiently what would do so, and beg of you never to contradict or take place. gainsay my desires, if they appear very humble The whole town was gloomy that night, in your opinion." except Suguni's house : for, by order of His The brothers agreed, and they all started to Majesty, no light was lit in any other house. the palace. They had a very great respeot for The Ashtalakshmis--the Eight ProsperitiesSuguni, and expected a good result from this entered the town that night and went house visit to the king. by house into every street. All of them were The palace was reached, and the ring was dark, and the only house lit up was Suguni's. given back to the king with the explanation. They tried to enter it, but the brother at the His Majesty was charmed at the modesty and door stopped them and ordered them to take truthfulness of Suguni, and asked her to name the oath. This they did, and when he came her reward. to understand that these ladies were the Eight "My most gracions Sovereign! King of Prosperities-he admired the sagacity of his kings! Supreme lord! Only a slight favour brother's wife. . thy dog of a servant requests of your Majesty. A nimisha after the eight ladies had gone in It is this, that on a Friday night all the lights there came out of the house a hideous female in the town be extinguished, and not a lamp and requested permission to go, but the brother be lit even in the palace. Only the house of at the back would not permit this unless she thy dog of a servant must be lighted up with swore never to come back again. She solemnly such lights as it can afford." swore, and the next moment he came to know "Agreed, most modest lady. We grant your that she was the Mudevi, or Adversity, the request, and we permit you to have the privi- elder sister of Prosperity. lege you desire this very next Friday." For she said: "My sisters have come. I Joyfully she bowed before his Majesty and cannot stay here for a minute longer. God returned with her husband and the others to bless you and your people. I swear by everyher house. She then pledged the last jewel thing sacred never to come back." she had by her and procured some money. And so, unable to breathe there any longer, Friday came. She fasted the whole day, and Adversity ran away. as soon as twilight approached she called both When the morning dawned, the Prosperities the brothers of her husband, and thus addressed had already taken up a permanent abode with them : the family. The rice bag became filled. The "My brothers, I have made arrangements cash chest overflowed with money. The pot for lighting up our house with one thousand contained milk. And thus plenty began to lamps to-night. One of you without ever reign in Suguni's house from that day. The closing your eyes for a moment must watch the three brothers and her father-in-law were overfront of our house and the other the back. joyed at the way Sugani had driven away their If a woman of a graceful appearance and of poverty for ever, and even Suguni's parents feminine majesty wishes you to permit her to did not feel it a disgrace to come and beg their enter it, boldly tell her to swear first never to daughter's pardon. She nobly granted it and go out again. If she solemnly agrees to this, lived with all the members of her family in then permit her to come in. If in the same prosperity for a long life. way any woman wishes to go out, make a It is a notion, therefore, among orthodox similar condition that she must swear never to Hindus, that light in the house brings prospereturn at siny time in her life." rity, and darkness adversity." See also the second tale in this series ; ante, Vol. XIII. p. 226.

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JUNE, 1887.] MISCELLANEA 197 --- MISCELLANEA. CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES. day, the 28th October, A.D. 737, when there was No. 6. the Anuradha nakshatra, and most probably In the Dhiniki copper-plate grant of Jaika- no eclipse of the sun and for Vikrama-Samvat deva, from Kathiawad, published by Dr. Buh. 795, Sunday, the 16th November, A.D. 788, ler in this Journal, ante, Vol. XII. p. 151ff., and when there was the Jyeshtha nakshatra ; but Plate, the date (from the published lithograph; there cannot have been an eclipse of the sun, 1. 1ff.) runs-Vikrama-samvatsara-sateshu saptasu since there was one on the preceding new-moon chatur-navaty adhikeshy = arkatah 974 Karttika- tithi, on Friday, the 17th October, A.D. 738, or, mas-epara-pakshe amavasy&yam Adityavere by ithe English Tables, Saturday, the 18th OctoJyeabthA-nakshatre ravigrahana-parvani asyam ber. This, of course, was the new.moon titki samvatsara.masa .paksha - divasa - parvayam ti-of the Parrimanta northern Karttika that fell thavady=eha Bhomilikiyair ; &c,"in seven in A.D. 738; but the supposition that this is centuries, increased by ninety-four, of the years the day intended is barred by the facts that I of Vikrama, (or) in figures,' 974; in the latter have mentioned above, which prevent our under fortnight of the month Karttika; on the new. standing that the month recorded is the Parnimdnmoon tithi; on Sunday, under the Jyechtha ta northern month at all; and also by the fact, nakshatra; on the occasion of an eclipse of the ascertained by Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit, that on the sun; on this lunar day, (specified) as above by 17th October, A.D. 738, the nakshatras were the year, and month, and forcnight, and (solar) Svati and Vibakhe. To complete the details, I day; to-day; here, at Bhamilika," &c. would add that he finds that the English equiva. This gives us for calculation, Vikrama-Sarhvat lent of the new-moon tithi of the Parnimanta 794 (A.D. 737-38), current according to the lite- northern Karttika which fell in A.D. 737, was ral meaning of the text; the month Karttika Saturday, the 28th September, A.D. 737, when (October November); the second, and as shewn the nakshatras were Chitra and Svati, and there by the following mention of the new-moon day was no solar eclipse. and a solar eclipse, the dark fortnight; the new The only English date, therefore, which at moon tithi ; Sunday; an eclipse of the sun; all answers to the record, is Sunday, the 16th and the Jyashtha nakshatra or lunar mansion. November A. D. 788; and this is the date that And, as the details of the inscription connect it was accepted by Dr. Buhler, in publishing the specifically with Surashtra or Kathiawad, we inscription, on calculations made by Prof. Jacobi. have to understand that the Vikrama year quoted In order to arrive at it, however, he translated the is the southern Vikrama year, commencing with record as meaning Vikrama-Samvat 794 expired Karttika sukla 1, and having the Amdnta southern and 795 current. And in dealing with the eclipae, arrangement of the months, in which the second which, according to the same Andnta reckoning, fortnight. of each month is the dark fortnight. occurred one lunation earlier, on the new-moon This is, in fact, proved by the record itself, in al- tithi of the preceding month Asvina, he arrived at lotting to the second fortnight of the month the the conclusions, that the grant was actually made new-moon tithi, which of course belongs to the on the new-moon tithi of Asvina, because, though dark fortnight. And, Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit tells the eclipse was not visible, yet the occurrence of the eclipse was not visible. yet the oce me, it is also shewn by the mention of the Jyesh- it was known, and therefore the occasion was one thi nakshatra, which can never oocur on the new of special merit; but that the actual drafting of moon tithi of the Parnimdnta northern Karttika. the charter was done a month later, on the new. As belonging to southern Vikrama-Samvat 794, moon tithi of Karttika, and the person who draftthe given tithi fell in Saka-Samvat 659 expired; ed it was careless, and omitted to draw a disand, if it belonged to southern Vikrama-Samvat tinction between the two occasions. 795, it would fall in Saka-Sanvat 660 expired. For This date has also been discussed by Gen. these two Saka years, treated as expired according to Cunningham, in his Indian Eras, p. 481. His the requirements of the Tables, Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit conclusions were, that the date belongs to Vigives me the following English equivalents of the krama-Sativat 794, not 795; but that the eclipee recorded date ;--for Vikrama-Samvat 794, Mon. intended really is that of the (17th or) 18th * The interpretation of the figures, with the excep- Cunningham's Indian Eras, p. 311.---The difference tion of the 4, depends purely on the preceding expres- in the day is because the conjunction of the sun and the sion in words. The first two of them present anything moon occurred late at night, or very early in the mornbut the appearance of 7 and 9. ing. For the same reason the eclipse Wis not visible Nope, At least, is recorded in Cunningham's Indian in India. Eras, p. 211.

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198 * THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. .(JUNE, 1887. October, A.D. 738. In onder, however, to arrive remains the same; vis, the month AshAdha in at these conflicting resulte, he assumed that the A.D. 738 being intercalary, from the 29th year commenced, not with the month Karttika, September, A.D. 737, to the 17th October, A.D. but with the month MArgasirsha (November- 738. And, in that year, the given tithi was December), in accordance with a custom which, uridoubtedly not a Sunday, but a Monday, when Albiran tells us, was current among the people there was no solar eclipue, and when the nakshatra of Sindh, Multan, Kanauj, and LAhor. By this was Anuradha, not Jyeshtha. arrangement, of course, the month Karttika of I confess that, from the first, I have thought Vikrama-Samvat 794 would belong to the end of that the Dhiniki grant is not genuine ; partly the year, and would therefore fall in A.D. 788, from the type of the Devanagari characters used not 737. But, by the southern reckoning, the in it, which though they present some apparently new-moon day of Karttika in A.D. 738 would be antique characteristics, are much inferior to those the 16th Noveinber, which was not the day of the used in certain early palm-leaf M88., and are also clipee. Accordingly, there remained something rude, even as compared with the characters of the still to be explained; and Gen. Cunningham Santingad grant of the Rashtrakata king Danti. proposed to complete the arrangement by reading du , of Saka-Samvat 675 expired (A.D. 753. Asrina, instead of Karttika; which would agree 54), and partly from its giving so much earlier with the real eclipse-day, vis. the 17th or) 18th an instance than can be found anywhere else, of October, A.D. 738. "But, as that day was a the use of the name of Vikrama in connection with "Saturday, a very inauspicious day, the writing the era. My impression has been that the graut " of the grant was probably made on the following was made spurious by substituting the word vi. "day, or Sunday, which was the first day of krama for Valabhi. This view, I find, cannot "Karttiks; and this might have led to the sub- be upheld; as the recorded details are not "stitution of the name of Karttika, for that of correct for Valabhi-Sadavat 794 (A.D. 1113), or * "Asvina, is the actual day of the eclipse." year before or after. But, that the grant really There was, really, no reason at all for propos is spurious, is, I think, now certain, from all the ing this alteration of the text; for, from the results that I have recited above, And judging localities mentioned by Albiran, a year commence by the characters, I should be inclined to refer ing with MArgasfrsha could only be coupled with the fabrication of it to about the eleventh or the Purnimdnta northern arrangement of the twelfth century A.D. As the Jyeshtha nakshatra months; and, by that arrangement, the 17th Oc- appears to occur always on, or within two days tober, A.D. 738, on which day, as we have seen, after, the new-moon tithi of Karttiks, this detail the eclipse occurred in India, actually was the was probably selected as a fairly safe one; the new-moon day of Karttika. The Parnimanta others being purely fictitious. northern arrangement, however, is barred in the J. F. FLEET. present case by the points to which I have drawn attention above. And, in respect of the year PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP. commencing with Margasiraha, as also of one No. 4. commencing with Bhadrapada (August-Septem- Revue Critique d'Histoire et de Litterature ; ber), which Albfrant tells us, he found in use in 9th August 1886.-Review by M. Sylvain Levi the vicinity of Kasmir," I think it is not im. of a compendious Sanskrit Grammar, by possible that he may really be only referring to Hjalmar Edgren (one of TYuhner's simplified some particular sanatsaras of the Twelve-year grammars). The writer saye--"The foundation Cycle of Jupiter, commencing in those months. is the inestimable grammar of Whitney. The Gen. Cunningham's proposals, therefore, will | author usually contents himself with follownot do. Nor will Dr. Buhler's interpretation of ing it, only departing from his model at chapters the date; for the reason that the text does not where he judges it to be too complicated. He include any word meaning "expired,' and there has modified the order of the declensions for for refers to Vikrama-Samvat 794 as, in the practical reasons, at the expense, however, of a literal and popular understanding, a current year. scientifio arrangement. After allowing for a few And though, for calculation, the year has to be errors of the press, the work remains good gram. treated as an expired one, yet that is only in wc. mar for the purposes for which it was written." cordance with the requirements of the Tables ; 25th October-Review of the Diwani At'imah, and the period covered by the southern Vikrama- the guatronomic poems of Maulana Abd. Ishaq Samvat 794, treated as expired by those Tables, Shirtzi, the cotton-carder; Persian text, Con * Bainaud'Pragmente Arabes et Pormans, p. 1451.. * ante, Vol. II. p. 1080., and Plate. Reinand'. Pragments Arabes et Person, p. 146.

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JUNE, 1887.) MISCELLANEA. 199 stantinople, impr. Ebu'zzia, 1303 (1886), 1 Sibinui or Massinai. The certain reading is vol. 8vo. pp. 184, and index. Review by M. Asi, and during the lower epochs Asinai. The Cl. Huart. The East has had many veritable only ancient name connected with the island poets who have sung of Gastronomy-such as which resembles Asinai is that of the town of Ibn-ar-Rami, Abu'l Husen Koshejim, Ibn-al. Asine. On the other hand, Asi at once recalls Mo'tazz, and many others, extracts from whom the ancient name of Asia-Asia. Now, Cyprus have been preserved to us in the pages of Mas'udi. baving been one of the first colonies founded by The present work, known in Persia and Turkey the Greek Achaeans, one may ask if the name of under the popular name of BSshaq-i-Atimah (the Asia, which classical antiquity applied to the BO. Iabag of the cuisine), by abbreviation of the Peninsula, and afterwards to the entire continame of the author, Maulana Aba-Ishaq Hall&j- i nent did not come from this name As, which Shirazi, has just been published at Constantinople the Egyptian' monuments show us as applied to under the direction of the learned Orientalist Cyprus from the time of Thothmes HII., and which Mirz& Habib al-Icfahani, and deserves attention. is unknown to the editors of Assyrian documents. According to the Taskdrat ash-sho'ard of Daulat M. Halevy then continued his memoir on Shah, Abu-Ishaq was a simple cotton-carder Genesis X. He maintained that the account of the (Hallaj, who, owing to the neatness of his sayings, tower of Babel, deals not with all mankind, but became admitted without difficulty into the society only with the Shemites, already separated from the of the great personages of the town of Shiraz, and descendants of Ham and Japhet. According to frequented especially the court of prince Iskandar, this theory, it was only amongst the Shomito son of Omar Shekh, and grandson of Tamerlan that the confusion of tongues and the dispersion The principal use of this new publication will which resulted therefrom took place. be to enrich our lexicons with technical terms on At the meeting of the 29th October, the cookery. We are also promised, on pages 4-5 of the Academy fixed the subjects for the ordinary prices work, a similarly useful poem on costume, entitled for 1889,- vix. A study on the Hindu Theatre, the Diwan-i-Albisth of Nizhamud din Mahmud and a study on the sources of the Annals and Qari. History of Tacitus. The competition for the The present edition depends on two copies of former ought to interest Indian readers. different editions published in Persia, and long 1 Miscellaneous.His Majesty the King of Swe. since out of print. This text has been corrected den and Norway has instituted two prizes for the by the editor, who is also author of the Alpha- best work on two subjects of high importance relat. betical Glossary, which completes the farhanging to the knowledge of the East, from a historical written by AbQ-Ishaq himself, and to which the and linguistic point of view. Each prize will consist Turkish and Arabic synonyms have been supplied. of a large gold medal of the value of a thousand The book is strongly recommended as a most Swedish crowns, and of a sum of one thousand useful edition to our Library of Persian Classics. two hundred and fifty Swedish crowns in money. although disfigured here and there by bad mis- The first subjects fixed upon are: (1) the history takes and misprints. of the Shemitic languages, and (2) the state of Proceedings of the Academie des Inscriptions civilization of the Arabe before Muhammad. et Belles-Lettres.-At the meeting of the 13th Manuscripts may be written in a Scandinavian August 1886, M. Halevy continued the read. language, or in Latin, German, French, English, ing of his essay on the Genealogical Table Italian or Arabic. They should be submitted, in Genesis X., and proposed new ideutifications without the author's name, but carrying a motto. for several geographical names which have not before the 30th June 1888. Full particulars will yet been satisfactorily explained. Differing from be found on p. 318 of the Revue Critique for those who attribute this table to three different 25th October 1886. G. A. GRIERSON. authors, he maintained its unity. The people enumerated in Chapter X. are classed according to a CURIOSITIES OF INDIAN LITERATURE. CALUMNY. geographical system. Behind this arrangement is concealed the arriere pensee of forming an alliance The following verses on Calumny are very between the Israelites and Japhetitea, or peoples of popular in Mithila. The first two are said to be the north, against the Phoenicians, whose prepon. anonymous, the latter are said to be in the Bhsia. derance gave great anxiety to the Hebrew patriots. prabandhasdra, a work which I have not seen. and which I am assured is a distinct work from At the meeting of the 20th August, M. Maspero submitted an hypothesis regarding the Origin of the well-known Bhojaprabandha. the Name of Asia. The name for the island of the area anu Cyprus in Egyptian has been read 'Amavi, Asi, karNamUlaM dazatvanyaM haratyanbasva jIvanam //

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200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1887. : * There is a wondrous snake,--the tongue- dwelling in its hole-the month of a bad man. It bites one man behind his ear, and thereby takes away the life of another.' froascal : TTT e: yadava nakulahaSI sa kulopI punaH pidhunH|| * The wise say not untruly that a wicked man is far worse than a poisonous serpent. For while the latter is the enemy only of the ichneumon, a calumniator is the enemy of everyone.' Here V is threefold pun. It means either hating the ichneumon,' or 'not hating his own race,' or 'not hating the members of the family of the man he has bitten.' #4: : : : : : 1 sarpa ekAkinaM hanti khalaH sarvavinAzakRt / / khalaH sarSapamAcANi pararandhrANi pazyati / Asmano vilyamAcANi pazyannapi ma pazyati // purjanaH parihartabbo vidhayAlaMkRto'pi sH| maNinA bhUSitaH sarpaH kimasIna bhyNkrH|| * The snake is cruel, and the bad man is cruel, but the bad man is more cruel than the snake. The snake kills only the one man (whom he bites), but the bad man is all-destroying. He spies out holes the size of a grain of mustard in others, but even when he is looking at some as big as bel. fruit in himself, he does not see them. The evil man should be shunned, even when he is adorned with knowledge. A enake is not less deadly because he bears a precious jewel on his head. santaskRNottAraNamuttamAnAt suvarNakoTagharpaNamAmananti / prANavyayenApi kRtopakArAH khalAH paraM vairamivodvahanti / The good are as grateful for the lifting away of a straw from the head, as if it were the gift of present of ten million pieces of gold. But the wicked when befriended even at the expense of the aider's life, are as ungrateful for the obliga. tion as if it were an act of the greatest enmity.' T VERSES IN MIXED BIHARI AND SANSKRIT REGARDING INTUITION. The following curious doggrel was told me by a MithilA Pandit. It does not profess to be Sanskrit, but is partially in that language : meSI vikArAbhyAm / jJAbate hRdayaM nRNAm / / This is said to mean, The hearts of men are known from the motions of their eyes and eyebrows.' G. A. GRIERSON. BOOK NOTICE. A BANSKRIT GRAMMAR for Beginnern, by F. MAX of the short summaries and notes added by the MOLLER. Now and Abridged edition by A. A. Mac- editor are most valuable, reflecting doubtless his donell. Longman & Co., London, 1886. Pp. XVI., 192. practical experience as a teacher. See, for example. The number of elementary Sanskrit Gram- his notes on vocative forms at pp. 30 and 52. mars in English is already considerable, but the In his transliteration the use of thickened type present volume will prove, we think, no unwelcome to call attention to phonetic peculiarities is most addition to their number. The previous editions commendable and judicious. In another point he of Prof. Max Muller's Grammar were, indeed, deviates from the transcription of the old editions styled "for beginners;" but they were used to far less advantage, ris, in the case of the by those students chiefly who had advanced palatals which he transcribes 'k,'g,' etc., "because some distance under the guidance of some less they are derived from the gutturals," a singularly elaborate manual. Mr. Maodonell justly claims to feeble reason, surely, from a learner's point of have gained something in simplicity by the com- view. Possibly & more cogent reason was a pression of certain of the rules of sardhi, which desire to assimilate this work to Professor Max in the earlier editions were given with such length Muller's " Missionary Alphabet;" if so, we could of bye-law and illustration, as must have rather have wished to find here also the macron for long ularmed the class for whom they were intended. vowels, if only to avoid odd-looking forms like 'A' It is, however, most surprising that the new editor and 'A' For consonant-bases at pp. 36 ff., where should have sacrificed so much to brevity, as to transferences of aspirates occur, the learner would have given not even a summary or selection from have been helped by an actual reference back to the valuable chapter on the intermediate 'i.' Though the rules for the transference, to supplement the tbo rules for this may "take almost yours to assistance given by the thickened type in the master thoroughly," we cannot at all agree that form bhutsu' (beside "kakupsu'). The outlines of they are of minor practical importance," indeed syntax with which the text of the work concludes without some knowledge of them one does not quite form another welcome feature of this edition. see how, for instance, the student can avail himself Their perusal may be now supplemented by Dr. to much advantage of the rules for the first aorist, J S. Speijer's new and excellent work on this which the editor has taken pains to simplify. Many department of Sanskrit grammar.

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JULY, 1887.] THREE CHANDELLA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS. THREE CHANDELLA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS. BY PROF. F. KIELHORN, C.I.E., GOTTINGEN. I EDIT these grants from excellent ink- | Kalanjara, Devavarmadeva, the son of queen impressions, made and supplied to me by Bhuvanadevi. Devavarmadeva, when at SuMr. Fleet. The three grants have been already havasa, gave the village of Kathahau (?), published; the first and second (marked by situated in Ranamaua, in the Rajapura me A and B), by Mr. V. A. Smith, in the avastha, to the Brahman Abhimanyu, an emiJour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol XLVII. Part I. page grant from the Bhatta-village Phakari. The 84 and page 81; and the third (marked by grant is dated Somadina or Monday, the 3rd me C), by Dr. Rajendralal Mitra, in the same of the dark half of Vaisakha in the year 1107. volume, page 73. My own readings will be found to differ considerably from those of my predecessors; and I therefore venture to hope that my work in re-editing and translating afresh these documents, will not be considered I have not succeeded in identifying the places on my maps. The date, too, cannot in my opinion be fixed with absolute certainty. According to General Cunningham's Tables the 3rd of the dark half of Vaisakha of Vikrama-Samvat 1107, unnecessary. The three grants are composed in Sanskrit, and written in the Devanagari characters. A summary of their contents is as follows: by the northern reckoning, should be Thursday, the 15th March, A.D. 1050; but the true date seems to be Wednesday the 14th, because the full moon fell on the 11th (about 4 P.M., Benares time). In the preceding year (VikramaSamvat 1106) the 3rd of the dark half of Vaisakha, by the northern reckoning, according to the Tables, should be Sunday, the 26th March, A.D. 1049; but here again the true date seems to be Saturday, the 25th, because the full-moon fell on the 22nd (about 11 A.M., Benares time). And in the year again preceding that year, the 3rd of the dark half of Vaisakha (Vikrama-Samvat 1105), by the northern reckoning, according to the Tables, should be Tuesday, the 5th April, A.D. 1048; but in reality the date seems to be Monday, the 4th, because the full-moon fell on the 1st April (about 10 P.M., Benares time). In the year following upon 1107, the 3rd of the dark half of Vaisakha (Vikrama-Samvat 1108), by the northern reckoning, according to the Tables, should be Wednesday, the 3rd April, A.D. 1051; and here again the true date seems to be the preceding day, Tuesday, the 2nd April, because the full-moon fell on the 30th March (about 10 A.M., Benares time). Of the four years for which I have made the calculations, the only year in which the 3rd of the dark half of Vaisakha (following the northern reckoning) did fall on a Monday, is therefore VikramaSamvat 1105. Unfortunately the year is not given in the grant in words, but the figure 1107 is perfectly clear; and as I am most unwilling * Cunningham's Indian Eras, p. 218. A. In the family of the sage Chandratreya there was a king Harshadeva, whose son was the king Yasovarmadova, whose son again was the king Dhangadeva, ruler of Kalanjara. Dhangadeva, when at Kasika (Benares), gave the village of Yulli (?), situated in Usharavaha, to the Bhatta Yasodhara, an emigrant from Tarkarika, whose ancestors had been settled at Darvahara. The grant is dated Ravidina or Sunday, the 15th of the light half of Karttika, in the year 1055, when there was a lunar eclipse-The name Yasodhara, in connection with Dhangadeva, we meet again in line 29 of the Khajuraho inscription of Dhanga and Jayavarman of [Vikrama]-Samvat 1059 and 1173, which I hope to re-edit in this Journal. The same inscription also contains, in line 29, the adjective Tarkarika, derived from Tarkarika, the name of one of the places mentioned in this grant. I am not at present able to identify, on the maps at my disposal, the places mentioned. 201 The corresponding English date of the grant, in the Vikrama era, is Sunday, the 6th November, A.D. 998, when there was an eclipse of the moon, as required. Calculated by General Cunningham's Tables, the result would be the following day, Monday, the 7th November.. B. The king Vidyadharadeva was succeeded by the king Vijayapaladeva, who again was succeeded by the king, the ruler of

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202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1887. to assume an error in the grant, I hope that peasant, in ploughing, at the village of Nan. others versed in the subject will point out my yaura, in the Panwari-Jaitpur Tabsil of the error, and will calculate both the date of this Hamirpur Distriot in the North-West Progrant and also that of the next which offers a vinces. The original plates, of both this and similar difficulty. B. below, are now in the Library of the Bengal C.-In the race of the Chandratreya princes Asiatic Society at Calcutta; having been there was the king Kirtivarmedevs, who was presented by Mr. V. A. Smith, who obtained succeeded by the king Prithvivermadeva, them through Mr. W. Martin, B.C.S. who again was succeeded by the king Madane The plate, which is inscribed on one side varmadava, ruler of Kalajara. Madanavar- only, measures about 147' by 78". The edges madeva, when in residence near Bhailasva- of it were turned up, so as to form high min, gave ten ploughs' of land of the village raised rim all round, which was fastened, by Vambaraca, in the sadali vishayn, to the fasing, at two of the corners, but not at the Brahman Rabhalasarman(P), an emigrant from other two. The plate is rather thin; and the the village Dhakart (mentioned in the grant letters, being fairly deep, shew through very B.). The piece of land given was bounded on plainly on the back of it. The engraving is the east by the village Rana sua, on the south good; but, as usual, the interiors of most of the by Kamanauda, and on the north by Vijaull. letters show marks of the working of the enThe grant is dated 88mavara or Monday, the graver's tool.-There is no ring-hole in the 15th of the light half of Magha, being the day plate, for a ring, with a serl attached to it; of the full-moon, in the year 1190. and no indications of a seal heving ever been Bhailasvamin is evidently the same as soldered on to it. Bhaillasvamin, which occurs in a grant pub. The preservation of the plate is perfect. lished by Dr. F. E. Hall (Jour. Beng. As. Soc., With the exception of perhaps one single Vol. XXXI. p. 125, line 5), and has been letter (the consonant of the eighth akshara identified with the modern Bhilss. The other from the end in line 10, read by me yu), every places I am unable to identify. letter is perfectly clear and distinct; so that, As to the date, the 15th of the light balf of with the one exception referred to, there can Magha of Vikrama-Samvat 1190, by the Tables, be no doubt whatever about the actual readshould be the 12th January A.D. 1134, andings of the plate. The mistakes made by the on this day there was fall-moon (about 3 P.x., engraver are few and unimportant; and they Benares time); but the 12th Jantary, A.D. 1184, admit of any correction. Ba is always dewas a Friday, not a Monday. noted by the sign for va; bat va and dha are A.-Plate of Dhangador. throughout clearly distinguished. Thore are # few slight mistakes of orthography. The [Vikrama]-Samhvat 1068. language is correct; excepting that, in line This inscription is on a copper-plate, which 8, prave flerita has been employed in the sense was found, with B. below, in 1872, by aof. pravisha or pravetita. TEXT.' 1 Om Svasti (W) Asit-kalpatarul" pranayinanm'-Ananda-kandah satat mitranarn nayan-ampitam para-vaba)lasy-tp[4]ta-ketuh parah aetuh sangara-varidhere bhagavatas-trailokya-chudimanes-Chandratreya 2 mandremmahiyasi kuld brf-Harshadevo nripah 11 Prachanda-mandal-187grasya kara krinta-mahibhritah | nidagha-bhaskarasydva pratapo yasya duhaahah Ari.' timira-nikara-taranih para-ks : From the ink-impression. writing. One expects something like suheit-pranayindm. Metre, Sardolavikridita. * The anusura (th) before m should be struck ost. * Here two syllables ( -) have been omitted in the Metro, Sloks (Anushtabh). text; it is just possible, that they may stand in the margin above rub pra, where there appears to be some | Metre, Arya.

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T???(sli702dhgiiskoxx beg637 . "daa / x 'ds I{: 754759:s: laa Tjjnn : :: bik| haassl haaraambesaa/ deh baanaaiy'aamaahaameshaa haas: 095/8/tthaanmnnipaatthbaaesnaa hle bomaashaasidhymaa heber kaalaamelaa aalokimaakaadhiikbaadmaadhule / smntaaphsiilotbbaaenaasHmaani(sekmaay'saay'es/dhaay'aanmsks / . jaasnaa2827Sjy+Nrembaagaan maasuraanggnnemosiibikaann deb / dhaartoraaesedhimbodhybbhi+greinsaaphlechilen|naaly' / delosaar`aar'saamraahr'ighsgobhiny'er paataagonisttraadhssh"| ebNneyaasaasnaalaay'ensmaadhsmsaamsulmaaliiryntshliilsiimaay' / saaN70935/maasiisaajaassss dile km ||baah(nyaay'saakomaastti| kaasaaraalen (5aasttisum(mRHhaasimsynyaay' / (Grvtthkaanaasttaalaaetthaalaasisilaassmuusksbaasaaehaaraasaadmsh / is.4717 esisttyaans / Nanyaura Plate of Dhangadeva.-The Year 1055 . . . J. F. FLEET, BO. C.8. SCALE 60 W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

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JULY, 1887.) THREE CHANDELLA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS. 203 3 ri-karat-avabh[@]dana-kutharah | Lakshmi-lat-Alavalas-tasmaj-jato Yakovarmma 11 Yasy="8ndu-kunda-subhrena yasas dhavaliktitah kulachala-guhah sovya jatah Kinnara-yoshita4 m | Tasya sri-Dhangadavowbhat=putrah patra jaya-sriyah asamkhya-samkhyu vikhyatah khadga-dhara-parkkramah || Chitram yad-ari-narina hridaye virah-inalah ajasram=asru-paniya-sichyama5 no=pi varddhate | Bhango='ntahpurik-klakeshu sarata-kridasu kosa-grahah kathinyan kuchayor-bhruvoh kutilata chandre kalanka-sthitih[io] svachchhandyan ka (ka)vi-vichi kairava-vane mitr-odaya8 dveshiti yasminnreka-mahipatau kadalika-kandeshu nihsarata Paramabhattaraka maharajadhiraja -paramesvara-bri-sri-Harshadeva - padanudhyata - paramabhattaraka mahara7 jadhiraja-paramesvara-sri - Yakovarmmadova - padanudhyata - paramabhattaraka-maharaja dhiraja-paramesvara-bri-Kalanjar-adhipati-sri-Dhangadhvah samvatsara-sahasre papicha-paficha8 sad-adhik& Kirttika-paurnnamisyam Ravi-dine evam samvat 1055 K[AR]rttiska su di 15 Ravau ady=&h=[aiva" Kasikayan Sainhik@ya-"'graha-grasa-pravosikrita mandale Rohini-hsiday-ana9 nda-kanda-harinala chhane || Bharadvaja-sagotraya tri-pravariya Bharadvaja Angi TRAS VA(ba rhaspatya Vajasaneya-sakhine Tarkkarika-vinirggata-Daruva hard-gram-Abhijanaya bhatta10 sri-Yasodharya bhatta-Jaya[ku]mara-sutaya Usharavaha-prativa(ba)ddham Sa-jala sthalam Sa-Dimn-Onnata -limra-madhakan SA-skr-Oshara[m] prakhyata chatul-simi-paryantam Yullt"-namadheya-grama11 [m] Nri(vri)ddhay& punya-yasasoremmatapitror=ath=&tmanah [gr]mammagramya charital sa dadau dharmma-vatsalah | Dat[t]va didesa tatratyan-janin -janapada-priyah | bhaga-bhoga-hirany-adi 12 dadanaih sukham=isyatam 11 Uktan=cha smtiti-kkraih | Va(ba)hubhiruvvasudhi bhuktu rajabhih Sagar-Adibhih i yasya yasya yad bhumisetasya tasya tada phalam | Bhumim yah pratigrihna(ha) 13 ti yas cha bhumim prayachchhati i ubhau tau punya-karmmanau niyatau svargga gaminau | Gam-ekin suvarynamrekam bhumoreapykamangulam haran narakam-ayati yavad-Ahutasamplavam(llo] 14 Idam sri-Dhangadhvasya basanam sasan-arjjita-pratapa-tapit-arati-chakrasya kramavarttina[b] #1 Sri-Dhamga 11 TRANSLATION. bridge across the ocean of battle. The prowess of this (prince), who was inspiring fear by his Om ! May it be well! terrific arrays of troops, (and) who had made (L. 1.)- In the exalted family of the vener- tributary (to himself other) sovereigns, was able sage Chandratreya, the crest-jewel of the difficult to endure, like the brilliancy of the three worlds, there was a prince, the illustrious summer-sun, which is fierce with its burning Harshadova, (who was) a tree of paradise to orb, (and) which scorches with its rays the those attached to him), a root of joy to the mountains. good, nectar for the eyes of his friends, a mighty (L. 2.)-From him was born Yabovarman, comet boding evil to the host of his enemies, a who scattered the host of the enemies as the * Metro, Sloka (Anushtabh); and in the next two verses. * Metre, Sardalsvikridita. 10 This sign of punctuation is superfluous. Originally adythave, but it looks (though I am not certain about this), mil the d of ha had been struck ont, and some other vowel-sign written above h. I should have expected to read adyha frf-Kafikdydm. 13 Metre, Sloka (Anushtubh).. 1 The first akshara of this word might possibly be read chu. Metro, S18ks (Anushtubh); and in the following verses.

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204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1887. sun does the mass of darkness, an axe in cleav. himself, has given the village named Yulll (P), ing the temples of his opponents' elephants, which appertains to Usharavaha, with its (and) # watering-basin around the creeper water and dry land, with its low and high (land), Fortune. Illuminated by his fame, radiant like with its mango and madhika-trees, with its the moon and like jasmine, the caves of the fertile and saline soil, up to its well-known mountain ranges became a suitable resort for four boundaries, to the Bhatta the illustrious the wives of the Kinnaras. Yasddhara, son of the Bhalla Jayakumara, of (L. 4.)-His son was the illustrious Dhanga- the Bharadvaja gotra (and) whose three pradeva, a fit dwelling for the goddess of victory, varas are Bharadvaja, Angirasa (and) Borhasrenowned in countless battles, valorous (above patya, of the Vajasaneya sakha, who has come everything) by the blade of his sword." from Tarkarika and whose ancestors were Strange it is, that the fire of separation is ever settled at the village Durvahara. (And) having increasing in the hearts of the wives of his given (it), he, who is fond of the people, has enemies, although it is incessantly sprinkled commanded the people therein, -"Give the with the water of their tears. So long as he share of the produce, the money-rent and so is the sole lord of the earth, (only) the curls of forth, and (having done so) live happily" !" the damsels of the female apartments are loose," (L. 12).-And it has been said by the writers there is seizure by the hair (only) in amorous on law :-[Here follow three of the customary dalliance, hard are (only) the two breasts, benedictive and imprecatory verses, which it is crooked (only) the brows, a stain shows (only) | unnecessary to translate.] in the moon, selfwilledness there is only) in (L. 14).- This is the order of the illustrious the speech of poets, aversion to the rise of a Dhangadeva, who has distressed the circle of friend" (only) in the cluster of night-lotuses, his enemies by the majesty which he has frailty (only) in the stems of plantains. acquired by his government, (and) who acts in (L. 6.)-The most worshipful, the supreme Acoordance with the law." king of Mahardjas, the supreme lord, the illu- (L. 15).-The illustrious Dhanga. strious Dhangadeva, the ruler of the glorious Kalajara, -who meditates on the feet of the B.-Plate of Devavarmadeva. most worshipful, the supreme king of Mahdru (Vikrama]-Samvat 1107. jas, the supreme lord, the illustrious Yalo. This inscription is on another copper-plate varmadava,-who meditated on the feet of the which was found, with A. above, in 1872, by most worshipful, the supreme king of Mahard & peasant, in ploughing, at the village of jas, the supreme lord, the very" illustrious Nanyaura, in the Panwari Jaitpur Tahsil of Harshadova, -whr is devoted to the law (and) the Hamirpur Distriot in the North-West Prowhose conduct is not rustic, "-in the year one vinces. As stated above, the original plate is thousand increased by fifty-five on the full- now in the Library of the Bengal Asiatic moon day of Karttika, on Sunday,-thus (in Society, at Calcutta. figures) on Sunday the 15th day of the light The plate, which is inscribed on one side half of Karttika in the year 1055,--when the only, measures about 151' by 10% It is quite deer-marked' (moon), the root of joy to the smooth; the edges of it having been neither heart of Rohini, had his orb swallowed by fashioned thicker, nor raised into rims. The (Rahu) the son of Bimhika, 90-on this day, here plate is not very thick; but the letters are at Kasike (Benares) to increase the (spiritual) rather shallow, and do not shew through on the merit and fame of his parents as well as of reverse side at all. The engraving is very # I am almost inclined to think that the writer, mount to sayvikhyata kharga-dhard-pardkramah. * kaow that the above translation does not do justice to the original. The word bhanga in bhangantahpuri dlaklahu-(compare Kadambarf, Bo. Ed., p. 6, 1. 16, antahpurikdlaktahu bhangab)- means 'a break, fracture, ruin, defeat, fight,' eto. all these were not found in the king's dominions. But bhanga alao means, and means still I believe in Marathi, curling': and in this laudable sense bhanga did erist. " Mitra, the original for 'friend,' also means 'sun.' I do not think, that, in this particular instance, any importance has to be attached to the double for of the original This epithet has been put in merely to get the play on the words grimam agramya.charitah. 10 1.c. when there was a lunar eclipse. Comparge.g. ante, Vol. XIII. p. 121, L. 15, iad p. 122, 1. 17. a krama in krama-vartin I take in the sense of vidhivat,

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JULY, 1887.) THREE CHANDELLA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS. 205 good; many of the letters, however, are filled and jana) for jananah in line 6), and in a few in with a hard incrustation of rust, which it instances he has formed certain letters or comwas impossible to clear ont altogether; of binations of letters somewhat carelessly. A those that are not so filled-in, some show, as strange form of the letter pha occurs in the ugual, in the interiors, marks of the working word phalam in line 16, while the ordinary of the engraver's tool.-At the top of the plate, form of that letter has been used in line 18. about the centre, there is a mark as if a ring- Ba is always denoted by the sign for va, and hole was made, or half made, and was then the signs for va, dha, and cha are occasionally filled-in again, either intentionally, or acci- confounded. There are a few mistakes of dentally by the accumulation of rust; but no orthography, notably Sachi for Sachi in line 4, ring and seal are now forthcoming. saila for baila in line 12, sasana for sasana in The preservation of the plate is almost per- line 13, and punya for punya in line 10. As fect. There are only two aksharas, which are regards the language, attention may be drawn indistinct, the last in line 7 and the first into the causal form krishapayatu in line 15, and line 15. The writer or engraver has made a few to the masculine Dvandva-compound kshitymistakes (oh for kah, and gun for jnah in line 5, udadhim in the same line. TEXT." 1.0 Svasti (11) Paramabhataraka-maharajadhiraja- paramesvara- eri. Vidyadhara deve pa danadhyata-paramabhattAraka-mabarajadhi2 raja-parameavara bri- Vijayapaladeva-padanadhyata-paramabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja paramdsvara paramamahesvara-bri-Kalajar-Adhi3 pati-brimad-Devavarmmadevah kusali || pratap-Anala-kavalit-Akhila-dik-chakravalah samgram-amgana-nihat-Arati-vanita-vaidhavya-dana-di4 ksha-garuh 11 Yah" satyona Yudhishthiram vijayatd tydgens Champ-Adhipa gambhiryena mah-dadhim prabhutayl devam SA(sa)ch-vallabham rapen= api Manobhavam patata5 ya Sukram sa-Vadha(cha)spatim tasy-inyair-visad-erdu-dhama-dhavalaih kim kirttitaih syad-gunaih | Vu(buddhiman"-dharmmiva(ka)b strah satya-vadi jit-endriyah 1 krita-guljna)b saj-ja6 n-Ananda-jana[na]h subha-darsanab 11 Itthamanka-guna-gana-samlamkrita-sarirah Dihskra-sundaratar-aloka-kadall-garvbha(rbbha)-vibhram-Akara-samsaram-Akalayya ! 7 samvat 1107 Vaisakha-mAsd kri[shpal-pakshe tritiyAyan Soma-dine Buhavasa samkvhad Rajapur-Avasthayam Ranamau(a)-samva(mba)ddha-Katha[hau(P)]." 8 grame nivasi-mahattama-janapadan vra(bra)hman-Ottarin raja-purusham[6-cha] vo(68). va (dha)yati (W) Atmiya-matuh rajni-sri-Bhuvanadevyah samva9 tsari(ri)ke jale vidhivatagnatva deva-manushyapurvvan pitrin sa-darbha-til-dakens samtarpya raver-argham dat[t]ve bhaga"vantar Bhavani-patim samabhya10 (rchya) yathavat hutabhaji hutva cha matapitror-atmana[secha] punya(nya)-yabo bhivriddhaye I Dhakart-bhatta-grama-vinirggataya Bharadvaja-gotraya A(&)igi11 rasa VA(b)rhaspatya-Bharadvaja-tri-pravardya Yajurveda-sakhind vra(brahmana Abhimanyavd bhatta-[JUA-putriya Jasavara-naptre veda-vedanga-paragli12 ya shat-karmm-Abhirataya 10-bilya gramo-yam-asmabhi[l] sa-jala-sthalah s-& [mra]:mava(dha)kah | sa-gartt-Oshara-pasharah 88-sai(sai)la-vahalah | 88-18 13 ha-lavan-Akarah 8 8-Vana-nidhanah chatur-Aghita-visuddhah! Sva-Bima-trina-yuti gohara-paryantah parv verdatta-deva-vra(brahmana-varjitab s&(64) #From the ink-impression. Here and in many places below, which it is not DOOOBAY to mark with separate botes, the signs of panotustion are superfluous. "Metre, Sardilavikuifita. Metre, Sloks (Anushtabh). I am doubtful about the last akshara, which appears to be somewhat damaged in the original. It contains be perhaps group of consonants, the first of which can in my opinion only be h; the vowel must be either as or su. The whole akshara can be neither ghai nor dau. * ** This akshara ga had originally been omitted and is I written below the line.

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206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1887. 14 Sanatvena pradattah (11) Tad-bhavadbhir -[ja]-sravana-vidheyair-bhutva samasta bhaga [bh]ga-kara-hiranya-damd-aday-adikam=uchit-Anuchitan ch-kay-Opaneta vyam 15 [Sa(P)] chandr-arkan kshity-udadhi yavat sva-putra-pautra-samtatya bhunaktu | bhogena va praytechchhatu Bnyasya va dadatu vikrinatu krishntn krish payatt va[1deg) Na kair=api bha16 vi-bhokt;ibhih paripamthibhir=bhavitavyam | Va(ba)habhir="vasudha bhukta rajabhih Sagar-adibhih | yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam (11) Bhumim yah prati17 (sri]hnati ya[secha] bhumim prayachchhati | ubhan tan punya-karmmanau niyatam svargga-gaminau (11) Samkham bhadr-asanam chhatram var-asvaha vart vahanah bhumi-danasya chihna18 ni phalai svarggah Paramdara (n). Sva-dattam para-dattam=va ye harota vasumdharam s & vishthayam krimir-bhutva pitsibhih saha majjati (11) - Sva(suvarnnamsakan tam=(k[a*]m bhumer=apy=eka19 m-angula haran-narakam-ayati yavad-khutasamplavam || Mangalam mahs-srih 11 Srimad-Devavarmmadevah 11 TRANSLATION. joy to good men, of quspicious aspect-thus his person is adorned with a mass of many noble Om ! May it be well! qualities. (L. 1.)-The most worshipful, the supreme (L. 6.)-He, having reflected, that (this) king of Mahdrajas, the supreme lord, the worldly existenee with its graceful appearance devout worshipper of Mahsvara, the illustrious resembles the inside of the plantain-stem, which, Dovavarmadova, the ruler of the glorious beautiful indeed to look at, is void of substance, Kalanjara, -who meditates on the feet of the (being) in residence at Suhavasa, on Monday most worshipful, the supreme king of Mahara- the third of the dark half of the month Vaishjus, the supreme lord, the illustrious Vijayapa- kha in the year 1107, informs the Mahattamas ladova, -who meditated on the feet of the and the people, Brihmans and others, dwelling most worshipful, the supreme king of Mahardjas, at the village of Kathahau (?), which apperthe supreme lord, the illustrious Vidyadhara- tains to Ranamaua in the Rajapura avastha, deva,-the prosperons, -01 and the king's officers (as follows) - (L. 3).-By the fire of his prowess he has (L. 8.)-On the anniversary (funeral ceredevoured the whole circle of the regions. He mony in honour) of our mother, the queen, the is the spiritual guide to initiate into widowhood illustrious Bhuvanadevi,--having according to the wives of the enemies slain (by him) on the rule bathed in water, having satisfied with battle-field. Since he surpasses by his truth-water containing darbha-grass and sesamum the fulness Yudhishthira, by his generosity (Karna) | divinities and men as well as the ancestors, the ruler of Champa, by his depth the great having presented the argha (offering) to the sun, ocean, by his might the god (Indra) who is the having adored the holy lord of Bhavani, and beloved of Sachi, by his beauty too the 'mind having duly sacrificed to fire-we have, in born' (god of love), by his shrewdness Sukra-order to increase the (spiritual) merit and fame together with Vachaspati,"--what would be of our parents and ourself, given as a grant the use of recounting his other qualities, brilli. this village, with its water and dry land, with ant like the splendour of the clear moon ? In- its mango and madhaka-trees, with its ravines, tolligent, devoted to the law, valorous, speaking saline wastes and stones, with its hills and the truth, subduing the senses, grateful, causing water-courses (?), with its mines of iron and * Metre, Sloka (Anushtabh); and in the following The word vahald occurs in the Kharepku plates of verses. Satyaaraya II. and has there been translated by torrent 50 This is superfluous. (Jour. Bo: Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. I. P. 829). One may The sentence is continued in line 6, he, having compare vdling 's river,' and vdhaka "water-channel reflected ... in the Gwalior inscription of Samvat 933Hultaach in >> The preceptor of the Daityas and the preceptor of Jour. D. Morg. Ges. Vol. XL. p. 87; (baha, 'watertho gode. course' Elliot, Suppl. Glossary, Vol. II. p. 320; Grierson, "I am somewhat doubtful about this translation. Bihar Pewwant Life, $ 954).

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9svanimasApakamA upame na lAvAvApAdAnazAtapamahAsabhAmA tAni 164maraNavijayapAla va pArA 14-16566 ko vinA upasamma mAdezakA nAgari pani gIbhare vAre va nAlIrApatApAnalakavalitArilAyakavAlA yA bhAgAgAna tA pani vanitA vaivaapaanii| + | kAgunAyAsana) na yuvivivi nayane nArA nava pAnipagAlI (mAdAranidAuna yAdavasacIva urabhAtalApi madAra 2062 lAvAvaraspati tusAda diDAbAlekina tasyAhAlagAimAcA vA848savAdIsita, yasa nAnamanaHsane galatIrAtilAna rajatamAlokakara lI gaI vinamA kAranapAsamAkala yaa|| va tU 1200 te gA taya mAnA 2 514. nI nAmadina masavAsayamAvAsye pAra pAvasAyAlAmAvayavaka 6 / mAmevAri bamajana parosA sAmAjakaNa vAcayatipAlI yamarAjIvAuca nvaayaa| lIla titakAcA .5 tAta vitAMda nilAra ke namana karane kA yattA navaradAnI pani mny| pAvana ta unihatvAcA mAtApinI rAjaghayatAnihATakAtIla izAravinimtAyasAyadAnagI naaylaagi| enatA hai nAtA nAya mAnisalAya yadi mAlinatAlalavakamajvala lAurAyajasa vacana devadAgapAyaNa pari tI yazAlAyAyA mAyamAnisajalasulahAnAmumatakAmagaSayapASAlAmabhailavAhalahAyalA nApati rAvata nivapanahAnAhArativamAnAnapatagAvasyaye kahAvayaka yeva dAna MilfrgI sapAsakA rimAlavitAyeI vAmamayamA jogavAda hinA rAyAdi kAla ninA nu vilAsopate / mAnita guraviyata ravapAtanakAra nahakogenavAparA. 5 pAhAvA yA vikAsAladhApa45 tAna tana (12: / / vimA pani vitita vitavaviyukAtAsi tAthi(sApa cAvApAnimAmA dAda lAmiyAnA kAya upaya09/183 (monA' gIgAniyatavartagAminAlIrava kA nara talAvAvarAtIla nAmAniyAnayAti / / mAmA kuna dalavayAparasA dAvA yojana tayu tathA mAdevAya bhidApi (samatAbhagAme karamenA.ka malA ni ta mAyAlayAvayA ina prAtmA maMgalamasAkSI bImahe va vAparatA Nanyaura Plate of Devavarmadeva.-The Year 1107. 1.F.FLEET, BO.C.s.. SCALE .80 W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

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2(83 cakAlA HT kA (sa kA Raman pApA samAjakalyANa . nAtAbamAbAdapAvacinAvalAvara kAhAnAharUkA (vApAsapasI kA vikAsa tApamAnaTArakama tApAlikA upamanamAnI __ + vamo.upajamAnatamahAlAja va nAupajasapara gorocakolA latA madanavAda bovichayA papaDoSApatApalA(patrakalAnikalakalavA pAtA bAlasunAvakala(ktale tibalatAta sAnahAyAnazAniya manDa mAgAporA kAlA sAmAna kA prayAni kA manikiTovolavitAmA pAnasara kapihale sajA hA bATAmA sirAya mAnavakAvA nazaphalmoDAgAIDakAvA ina baDonAmAmada kI vanAdhararAvanAnAmaharAiyAnamArasamalA 10 tane varSamAta tighADAmA matitAnA mAnahAlasvAhArAbApAcArI tavatvayaka sanomAsarAlAlamalinAsamosapA netA nAvinavatA ra samuha 1. sAmAnagodake totA 12 tAnAjI mAtIkAmanapAtaranivAti vinomAnatalavAmapvAtIpAjAma mAtrAmA nasatArivAsihAyatAkAsAmoziyasapAhatAsAsApApanApAnAmAsA(taspotAsImA 14 talAvAta kuzalatApUtatAmoDakaLazidAtanapavavAhakasamakAlapuvAmAhAnagAbhinetA vAyatimavAravAzAyadalavisarta nAnAgatogApiksamiramasapanAvatADanAspatAlatAta 16 sAtapAtale chokaNasiMkrasaMtasajAyaja kAttivanaravati hilAtAmrapatra nApasAmAna tAlamA THbAkara mato rAtArAta vikalavAkuvatInavAlA vakA vidAma diyA tA EASES matavijipAle paalnaamaanit| vAnikAruvAnamanamAmAlisagajArikA samayakA (annasAtaspanara pAlAvarata tasviAtI pAuna nava viklomonaa| Banda District Plate of Madanavarmadeva.The Year 1190. -- ". 12 T ma ..F.FLEET, Bo.c.s. SCALE -60 W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

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JULY, 1887.] THREE CHANDELLA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS. 207 salt, with the treasure in its forests, well- do not shew through on the back of it. defined as to its four abuttals, up to its proper The engraving is only fairly good; and the boundaries, the grass and pasture land, exclu- interiors of most of the letters shew, as usgal, sive of what has before this been given to the marks of the working of the engraver's tool.gods and to Brahmans,-to the Brahman There is a ring-hole in the lower part of the Abhimanyu, the son of the Bhatta Ella, (and) plate; but the ring, with the seal attached grandson of Jasavara, of the Bharadvaja gotra to it, is not now forthcoming. In the upper (and) whose three pravaras are Angirasa, Bar. part of the plate itself, however, there is haspatya (and) Bharadvaja, of the Yajurveda engraved the goddess Lakshmi, squatting on a sekha, who has come from the Bhalta-village four-legged stool, with, at each side, an eleDhakari, who completely knows the Vedasphant, standing on an expanded waterlily, and and the Vedangas, delights in the six duties pouring water over her head; the trunks of the (enjoined on Bruhmans), as (and) is of excellent elephants are hidden under the rim fastenod on disposition. to the plate. (L. 13.) - You, therefore, being ready to obey The preservation of the plate is almost (our) commands, shall make over to him every perfect, and, to judge from the ink-impression, kind of income, fixed and not fixed, so the share there are only two instances where the forms of of the produce, taxes, money-rent, fines, and the letters engraved cannot be made out with 80 forth. And he may enjoy, or permit to certainty, the third akshara from the end in line enjoy, or give to another, sell, plough, or cause 7, and the first akshara in line 8. But the to be ploughed (this land) in the unbroken letters have not always been formed clearly and succession of his sons and son's sops, so long as distinctly by the engraver, and in this respect moon and sun, the earth and the sea endure. I would particularly note, that ya has mostly No future rolers whatever shall obstruct him. been written like sa, that the signs for va and (L. 16).- [Here follow five of the customary cha are almost or entirely alike, and that it is benedictive and imprecatory verses, which it is often difficult and sometimes impossible to disunnecessary to translate). tinguish between the signs for ta' and na, and (L. 19).-(May) bliss (and) good fortune those for da and da. Ba is always denoted by (attend)! the sign for va; and the same sign several times The illustrions Devavarmadeva. serves for dha. Mistakes of orthography are more numerous than in the preceding grants. C.-Plate of Madanavarmadava. We find the dental sibilant for the palatal, in [Vikrams)-Samvat 1190. visva 1, 1, visvesvara l. 1, vamsa 1. 1, paramesThis inscription is on a copper-plate which vara L 3 and 1. 4, mahesvara l. 4, visuddha 1. 9, was obtained somewhere in the Augasi Parganasata l. 10, sukla 1. 11, sdkhin 1. 13, sarmman in the Babera Tahsil of the Banda District 1. 14, sravana l. 15, pravesx 1. 16, and sana 1. 16; in the North-West Provinces. The original the dental nasal for the lingual, in punya 1. 11 plate is now in the Library of the Bengal and 1. 12; and the word tri for tri in l. 13. Asiatic Society, at Calcutta; having been A wrong form is karshatah for krishatah in l. apparently presented by Mr. A. Cadell, B.C.S. 17; and peculiar and contrary to grammar is The plate, which is inscribed on one side the position of the numeral in hala-dasa 1. 7, only, measures about 16" by 10%. The plate drona-sardhasapta l. 8, and sataika 1. 10. Highly itself is quite smooth ; but all round it there is interesting are the Apabhramsa Nominative flat rim, about broad and thick, fasten- cases danndaku for dandako, dandakah in 1. 8 and ed on very tightly by twenty-one rivets, which 1. 9, valmiku for valmiko, valmikah in 1. 9, and could not conveniently be removed in order var for vapa, vdpah in l. 7, for which I refer to get a perfectly clear impression of some the reader to Hemachandra's Prakrit Grammar, of the letters lying close up to it. The plate IV. 331, and Hoernle and Grierson's Bihus is not very thick; but the letters, being shallow, Dictionary, 8.v. akhandal. ** In the original one would have expootod to read bruhmarkudya (or diya)-varjitah. Compare, e.g., ante, Vol. XIII. p. 57, note 14. 20 uchitunuchita niyataniyata.

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208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1887 TEXT.97 i Om Svasti | Jayaty-Ahladayan-visva(sva)i visv(sv)-dsva(sva)ra-siro-dhritah Chathdratreya-naremdranam vamsa(sa)s=chandra iv=oj[j*]valah 1(tt) Tatra prava 2 rddhamane virovi(dhi)-vijaya-bhrajishnu-jayasakti-vijayasakty-Adi-vir-avirbhava-bhasvare paramabhattaraka-mahara3 javi(dbi)raja-paramesva(sva)ra-sri-Kirttivarmmadova-padanndhyata-paramabhatfaraka-ma harajadhiraja-paramesva(sva)ra-bri-Pri4 thvivarmmadava-padanadhyata-paramabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja-paramesva(sva)ra-para mamah[@]sva(sva)ra-Kalamjar-Adhipa5 ti-bripa(ma)n-Madanavarmmadevo vijayi Il Sa Esha durvvishahatara-pratapa-tapita sakala-ripu-kulah kula-vava(aha)m=iva vasundharani nirkkulam ya(pa)6 ripalayann-avikala-viveka-nirmmaliktita-matih 109 Sadali-vishay-antahpati-Vamharada gram-opagatan kutumvi(bi)-kayastha-mahattar-&din earvvan samajb&payati 7 Asta vah samviditam yathoparilikhites mmi (smi)n-grame' hala-das=amke=pi hala 10 satka-bhumir-yatra van[ge?]"kora8 [de?]" drona-sarddha-sapta pa(ya)tr-aghatah puryvasya in disi Ranasu-grama damdaku ** dakshinasyan disi Kamanauca-grasma(r)]-da odaku | paschimayam disi madhuka9 vsikshn (ksha)-valmiku 1 attare Vijauls-grama-dandakui evam chatar-aghata-visu (so)ddha bhumih jadiA-kshotrena sahasa-jala-sthal sa-sthavara-janga10 ma s-Adha-ar[dhva] bhuta-bhavishyad-varttamana-ninsesh-adaya-sahita ch=asmabhira Bheilasvami-samip-& vase navaty-adhika-sa-(sa)taik-8peta-sa11 hasratame samvatsare Maghe masi su(su) kla-pakshe purnnimayan Soma-vire amkato-pi sanvat 1190 Magha sudi 15 Some I puny (ny)-odakena vidhiva12 tsntva ddv-Adinsamtarpya bhaskaram Bhavani-pati ch-abhyarchchya hutabhuji hutva matapitrorektmanascha punya(nya)ya Dhakari-grama-vinirggataya Vaja13 san@ya-sa(s&)khine Bha[4*]radvAja-gotraya Bharadvaja- ! Angirasa-I VA(ba). *rhaspatya. I tri(tri)-pravaraya | Vapana-prapautraya | Sanhi-pautraya Jata-patraya 14 Ra[bha]"lasa (6A)rmmand vra(bra)hmanaya kusa-lata-putena hast-8dakena svastivachana purvvam chandr-arkka-sama-kalam putra-pautr-ady-anvay-anugamitvena buba15 nam kritvadattati matva bhavadbhir=ajna-Bra(sra)vana-viv@(dhe)yair-bhatva bhaga bhog-Adikan sarvvampasmai samupanetavyan [11] Tad=enam asya bh&mimin sa-nirggama-pra[ve)." 16 sa(6) 88-8&ryv-&sav-eksha-karppasa-kusurbba-sa(sa)n-amra-madhak-adi-bhfiruhai $& vana-khani-nidhanam=aparairfapi simp-antarggatair=vastubhih sahitam 17 $a-vahy-Abhyantar-Adayam bhurnjanasya karshatab karshayato dan-adhina-vikraya ve karvvat8 na kenachit=kachid=vadha karttavga (11) Idamn ch=asmad-da18 nam-anhchchhedyam-andharyam [ch]-eti bhavibhir api bhumipalaih palanjyam-iti II Uktan cha ! Vasba)hubhir"=yvasudha bhakta rajabhih Sagar-adibhih. 19 yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalan | Likhita[m] cha dharmmalekhi Thaatsthens utkirnnam cha vijfanika-Jalhanon=eti 11 st From the ink-impression. Decessary to mark with separate note, the signs of * Metro, Sloka (Annahabh). punctuation are superfluous. >> This sign of ponctuation is superfluous. This akshara pa is perfectly clear, bat it is not im "I am very doubtful about this akshara ; it might possible that (as in spat for rimet in line 5) pe may possibly be dha (hardly md), but it is also possible, that have been put wrongly for ma. the whole akshara may have been struck out. This akshara might possibly be rond na. "This akahara might possibly be,di; the consonant " The vowel e is only very faintly visible; the cons appears certainly to be d. Bonant is certain. Here and in several places below, which it is not "Metre, sloka (Anushtabh).

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JULY, 1887.] THREE CHANDELLA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS. 209 TRANSLATION. of the light half of Magha in the year 1190, having bathed according to rule in holy Om ! May it be well! water, having satisfied the divinities and (L. 1.)-Victorious is the race of the Chan- the rest, having adored the sun and the lord dratreya princes, which causes joy to all, is of Bhavani, (and) having sacrificed to fire,humbly revered by all rulers, (and) is resplen- have given in this the above-written village dent like the moon, that gladdens the universe a piece of ground measuring" ten ploughs and) is borne on the head by the Ruler of (hala),"S-in figures too, 10 ploughs, which for the universe ! sowing requires seven dronas and a half of. In this flourishing (race), lustrous because ... (?), ** (and) of which the abuttals are, in of the appearance (in it) of warriors whose the eastern direction the boundary-mark" of power of victory, power of conquest' and so the village Ranasua, in the southern direction forth derived -splendour from the defeat of the boundary-mark of the village Kamanauda, (their) adversaries, the most worshipful, the in the western direction an ant-hill by a madhusupreme king of Maharajas, the supreme lord, ka-tree, on the north the boundary-mark of the the devont worshipper of Maheavara, the illu- village Vijault, the ground thus well-defined strious Madanavarmadova, raler of Kalan. as to its four abuttals, together with the jadid. jara, -who meditates on the feet of the most field (?), with its water and dry land, with worshipful, the supreme king of Maharajas, what is stationary and movable, with what is the supreme lord, the illustrious Prithvivar. below and above, accompanied by every kind madeva, -who meditated on the feet of the of income, past, future, and present, - most worshipful, the supreme king of Maha! (L. 12.)--to the Brahman RAbhalasarman," rajas, the supreme lord, the illustrious Kirti- son of Jata, son's son of Sanhi, (and) son of the varmadeve, son's son of Vapana, " of the Bharadvaja gotra (L. 5.)--He, the victorious, who has dis- (and) whose three pravaras are Bharadvaja, tressed the whole host of his enemies by his Angirasa, (and) BArhaspatya, of the Vajasandprowess, which is indeed most difficult to en- ya adkha, who has come from the village dure, who is keeping the earth like a noble Dhakari, -confirming our gift) with the pour wife free from trouble, (and) whose intellect is ing out) from our hand (of) water purified with rendered spotless by his perfect discernment, kusa-grass, having performed (the rite of svastivd. he commands all cultivators (Kutumbins), Kaya-chana" (and) having ordained that this ground) sthas, Mahattaras and others assembled at the 1 shall descend in the line of his song, sons' sons, village of Vamharada, which lies within the and so forth, so long as moon and sun endure. sadali vishaya, (as follows) : (L. 15.) Aware of this, you, being ready to (L. 7.) Be it known to you, that, for the obey (our) commands, shall make over to him (spiritual) merit of our parents and ourself, every (cind of income), the share of the prowe (being) in residence near Bhailasvamin, duce and so forth. Nobody then shall cause in the year one thousand increased by one any obstmction whatever to him, when he may hundred and ninety, on the full-moon day in enjoy, plough, cause to be plonghed, give away, the light half of the month Magha, on a mortgage, or sell this his ground, with the Monday,-in figures too, on Monday the 15th ways from it and to it, with all its palm-trees, For satka in the different sense of belonging to, Bee ante, Vol. XI. p. 309, lines 22 and 23; Vol. XIII. p. 78, 1, 24, eto. hala s & montre of land (bhdmi-hala) frequently occurs 6.g. in the Chanlukya land-grants edited by Dr. Buhler, ante, Vol. VI. The word vau in the original I take to be the Sanskrit word vdpah, seed-grain,' (compare also Grierson, Bihar Peasant Life, $ 855, bawag, bog, bdug); the following four syllables, which should denote some pare ticular find or kinds of grain, I am not able to explain. With the whole phrase compare ... ante, Vol. XV., p. 840, lines 43 and 48, and yayoraggpagirlya-mdpyena Audpd yavindt drond badala in line of the GHLIO inscription of Sarvat 983 ed. by Dr. Hultanch, 2. D. Korg. Ges. VoL XL. p. 84. 0 The word danhdaku for Sanskrit dandaka stands in the place of the word end of the Chanluky and other land-grants; compare dand or dond'land-matk' in Elliot, Suppl. Glossary, Vol. II. p. 280.. "I am unable to explain the words jadid-kahatrina saha. * Compare ardhuddhas, ante, Vol. XV. p. 11, 1.23, and sanimninnata in the grant A. here publiahed. " For the reading of these names see notes 43 and 44 above. 'A religious rito preparatory to sacrifice of any solemn observance (performed by soattering boiled rice on the ground and invoking blessings by the repetition of certain Mantras). Monier-Williams, Dictionary.

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210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1887. sagar-cane, cotton, safflower, hemp, mango, (L. 18.) And it has been said: The earth madhuka, and other trees, with the treasure in has been enjoyed by many kings, Sagara its forests and mines, and together with the and the rest; to whomsoever belongs the other things contained within its boundaries, land, he for the time being enjoys the fruit (and) with the income from without and of it. witbin. And this our gift shall be preserved (L. 19.) Written by the law-writer also by future rulers, being one that should ThAsistidha, and engraved by the skilful neither be confiscated nor resumed. Jalhana. FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA. BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA. No. VIII.-Lalpari and Kevrapari. forest, and putting himself at the head of & Once upon a time there was in a certain trusty band of followers, which he hadamong the country a powerful Raja, who lived very hap- escort, marched with them to the king's palace. pily with his queen and his little son in a When the Rant, who was anxiously watching strong fortress. He was very fond of hunting, for the Raja's return from the window of the and generally spent whole days in that pur- palace, with her little son on her knee, saw suit, away in the forest, with his prime minis- the Wazir from a distance galloping up with ter and his attendants. out his Royal master, she at once suspected that One day the Raja and the Wazir started at the Wazir had killed him, and was riding in full speed in pursuit of some game, leaving the hot haste to besiege the fortress, and to capture escort behind. After a time they came to a her and her son. She was so frightened that beautiful well, situated in a thick forest. The for some time she did not know what to do, well was so nicely built, that they halted near when suddenly a thought struck her. She it to examine it, and were very much surprised twisted her sdri into a rope, and tying her boy to see so magnificent & specimen of architec-1 on her back, slid down by one of the back ture in a place where no human footstep ever windows of her room and made her way out of trod. While they were admiring the work the fortress. manship of the well the Wazir's eye happened When the Wazir entered and discovered the to rest on an insoription carved on one side of queen's escape he immediately set out in it, which he thus deciphered : pursuit of her with a number of his men, and "Should the Wazir miss this opportunity of overtook her just as she had reached the seamurdering the Raja, the Raja will get the shore. Finding him so close, the Rani, in despair, Wazir murdered twelve years hence." plunged headlong into the foaming waves. When the Wazir road these lines he was The Wazir gave her up for lost, but to his great seized with so strong a desire to kill the Raja surprise he saw that the waters divided before on the spot that he did not care to read an- her as she fell, and disclosed a path over which other inscription that was just underneath, she could walk on unhurt. He tried to follow and which ran thus : her, when lo ! the waters closed around him and "Should the Wazir murder the Raja on this his men, and it was with the greatest difficulty day, the Raja will rise up into life twelve years that they managed to save themselves. hence and murder the Wazir." While the Rani walked on through the waves The Raja was so lost in admiration of the with her son tied to her back, he amused himbeauties of the well that for some time he saw self by picking up some sparkling red things neither of the two inscriptions. When at last, that he saw floating past him and showing however, his eye happened to rest upon them, them to his mother with great delight. She at he stooped to read them and the wicked Wazir, once saw that they were rubies of great value. taking advantage of the opportunity, throw a After a while she reached the shore and noose round his neck and strangled him. found herself in a small village. Here she He then tied up the dead body in a bundle hired a little cottage and lived in it like a and leaving it by the side of the well, left the private individual. After some time her little

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JULY, 1887.] FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA. 211 son grew up into a fine boy, made friends with rubies. The boy related to him how he had Beveral of the neighbours' children, and often picked them up from the sea, and the Raja went out to play with them. One day as they thereapon bade him go once more into the sea were playing a game of marbles, the little and bring him some more. prince displayed his magnificent rubies, and Overjoyed at being entrusted with such a began to use them in place of ordinary marbles. mission, the young prince forthwith went home Now a carpenter's son, who was one of his and acquainted his mother with all that had playmates, took a fancy to the rubies, and happened. She too, was glad at the idea of quietly slipped two of them into his pocket, her son having found such an opportunity of and carrying them home showed them to his serving the king of the country, and joyfully father. The father at once knew what they permitted him to go in search of the rubies. were, and forth with went with them to the The young man immediately went to the seaRaja of the country, and offered them to him shore and walked fearlessly into the waters. for sale. The Raja demanded to know where Again & path was opened up for him, by. he had got them, and was surprised to hear which he proceeded onwards till he was stopped that the poor man's son had obtained them by something that touched his feet. On stooping from & playmate. Struck by the richness of to examine it, he found it to be the roof of a the jewels, the king was curious to know who large sub-marine palace. He soon contrived was the owner of such rare gems, and ordered to find an entrance into it, and was very much the carpenter to bring his son's playmate into struck with its beauty and grandeur. But his presence. He bought the jewels, however, what was his surprise when, as he proceeded at # high price and made a present of them further, he beheld a beautiful damsel lying to his only daughter. The young princess upon a golden bedstead, with her head severed hung them in a ribbon round her neck and in from her body and placed on a pillow by her her joy went to her pet parrot and said : 1 side, while the life-blood that trickled from ber "Dear Poll! don't I look very pretty throat rolled down the golden bedstead, and princess with my rubies? Do look at them!" each drop, turning immediately into a beauti "What!" cried the bird disdainfully, "only ful ruby, made its way into the sea ! The lad two rubios why, a princess like you shonld stood amazed at the sight for some time, anhave a string of them long enough to reach certain what to do, when suddenly he heard down to your toes and then my pretty mistress voice loud as thunder in the distance. He would certainly look every inch a queen!" immediately ran out of the room and hid him This set the princess a-thinking for a while, self under & hay-stack that was near. No And then she said: "But, Polly dear, how am I sooner had he done so than he saw a fierce to obtain any more of these rubies P" giant enter the room, who sniffed about here "Go to the king, your father," was the bird's and there for a while, and at last exclaimed:reply, "throw these two rubies at him, and "I smell a man! I smell some human being ! leave him in a pet, and then shut yourself up who is it ! come forth I". in your room and refuse to eat or drink. Meeting, however, with no response he took & When he comes to you and inquires into the sword that lay neer the bedstead, and placing cause of your grief, tell him that you want & the head in its proper place upon the body, string of rubies like these long enough to hang passed the sword up and down the neck of the down to your toes, and as sure as I am living lady three times, when lo! the fair maiden your father will procure them for you." rose and left the bed. The young lady acted upon this advice, and The giant then bade her tell him who had the Rajh, who spared, nothing that conld give entered the palace during his absence, and her pleasure, sent messengers to the carpenter, when she replied that nobody bad done so to and ordered him into his presence, together with her knowledge, he stamped his feet with rage. the boy from whom his son had obtained the At last, however, the soft words and blandishrubies. When the young prince appeared ments of the fair lady soothed him and calmed before him he inquired of him how he had his tempor. The young prince, who had come to be in possession of such precious watched all this from under the bay-stack,

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212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1887. thought it prudent to remain where he was till other than his danghter, and though she prothe giant departed again. tested ever so much at this want of confidence With the morning the giant went out again, in her, he disregarded her entreaties, and sepebut before doing so he again separated the poor rating her head from her body as usual, went out girl's head from her body, and left her as be- of the palace. The young man, as soon as he fore, with the blood trickling from her throat saw the giant's back turned, flew to the place on to the golden bedstead. When he was where he had placed the white powder, smelt quite clear of the palace, the lad came out of it, and resumed his own shape again. He then his hiding-place and placing the fair lady's brought the damsel to life and entreated her head upon the shoulders, passed the sword to leave her father's roof and accompany him that lay by, three times up and down her into the great world above the waters. After throat, just as he had seen the giant do, and & great deal of persuasion she consented and to his great delight, found the young lady they left the sub-marine palace together. In restored to life. The poor creature was their haste, however, they forgot to carry away greatly surprised as well as delighted to see with them some of the rabies that were scatsuch a being as the young man near her, nevertered about. Just as they were nearing the having seen any human creature before. They coast the lad thought of the errand he had soon made great friends, and the prince told been sent upon, but being so far away from the her of the bright and happy world that there place where the rubies were lying, he was at a was beyond the son, and of the many millions of loss what to do. His fair companion, however, beings like him inhabiting it, and exclaimed showed him & way out of the difficulty. She how nice it would be for her to leave that told him to cut her throat with the giant's dreary palace and to accompany him to his sword which he had brought away with him. native country. They were so taken up with and to allow the blood to trickle into the sea each other that they quite forgot that there when each drop would be changed into a preWas suchbeing as the giant in existence, cions raby. He did so, and collecting as large when suddenly the damsel observed the shades & quantity of the rabies as he could carry, he of night setting in. She was greatly terrified put the head and the body together and reand begged her companion to separate her head stored the fair damsel to life by the aid of his from her body, and place her in the position sword, in which he had found her; bat before he did After a long journey through the sea they so she gave him two two separate powders, arrived at the young prince's house; the good ono black and the other white, and said that by Rani was greatly delighted to see her boy como molling the former he would be transformed back safe and sound, and to find that he was into a fly, while if he smelt the latter he would accompanied by so lovely a lady. Soon after resume his own shape again. The young man wards the young couple got themselves married thereupon decapitated the young lady and and in due time the prince went into the immediately smelt the black powder, and had presence of the Raja with the rabies, and scarcely stuck himself against the ceiling just displaying them before him claimed his reward. over the golden bed, when the giant entered The princess, who had been anxiously waiting the room. for the rubies was so pleased with the young He at once brought the young lady to life man for having brought her the precious gems as before, and questioned her very sharply As amentioned her very sharply as that she would bestow no less a reward upon to whether anyone had come near her, during him than her own hand in marriago, and as the his absence, for he again smelt a haman being king, her father, raised no objection to their somewhere. The girl replied that she had union, they were married with great pomp after been lying a hondless corpse since he had left a few days. her, and know of nobody having entered the The Raja gave them a large palace to live in, room. Rensured by these words he retired and the widowed Ranf and the prince's first wife for the night, and soon fell fast asleep. LAlpert, or Fairy Ruby, as she was called, and Next morning the giant again proceeded to the princess, all went and lived together in it. cat the thront of the young girl, who was no The princess got a large necklace made of the

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JULY, 1887.] rubies, and putting it on one day she went with her heart full of joy near the cage of her pet parrot, and said: FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA. "Pretty Polly! pretty Polly! What do I look like now ?. Don't I look every inch a queen, with this necklace of rubies reaching down to my toes ?" The cunning bird, however, damped her spirits by exclaming:-"Oh, what is this necklace to a princess like you, when you cannot wear in your hair that sweet-smelling kevra flower which sends forth its fragrance for a hundred miles round!" This made the princess unhappy again, and she said:" Where, do you think, Polly, I could get such a flower ?" "Your father will procure it for you somehow, if you will sit dejected in a corner, refusing either to dress or to eat your food till he promises to get it for you." The princess followed the advice of the parrot in every particular, and when the Raja saw his pet child so unhappy he could not but promise to get the flower for her at any cost, if she would but consent to be her usual self again. The princess, upon this, left off sulking,tree, and soon was as gay as ever, while the Raja ordered it to be proclaimed throughout the city that whoever brought the hevra flower, that sent forth its fragrance for a hundred miles round, would be rewarded by having a large portion of the king's dominions made over to him. Just about this time, Lalpart happened to remark to her husband that though she had been very happy with him, she had one source of grief. She had a sister, who was also a fairy, living far away in the jungles in a small box within an elephant's ear, and whom she had not seen for many years. She knew that her sister was very unhappy where she was, and would be only too glad to get out of her narrow prison to liberty and life. The prince, for his wife's sake, undertook to go and fetch her if she would but. describe to him her whereabouts. "Walk on," she said, "towards the South, till you arrive at an extraordinarily large tree, and there you'll see a monstrous elephant lying under it. You must climb up the tree unseen, if you value your life, and must hide yourself in it for some time. You will then 213 see that as soon as the elephant flaps his ears a box will fall out of one of them, from which a fairy will pop out and forthwith commence shampooing the monstrous beast. As soon as you see her, drop this letter, which I give you for her, right into her lap, and you'll find that as soon as the elephant goes to sleep, she will allow you to bring her away with you here. She is known by the name of Kevrapari." "Yery well," said the prince, "I shall find her out, if only to please my dear Lalpart." So taking leave of the Raja, of his mother, and of both his wives, the Prince set out once more on a long, long journey. After some time he came to where the elephant was lying and climbing up the tree under which he lay he waited till Kevrapart popped out of her box, and shampooed the elephant till he went to sleep. He then gently threw the letter into her lap. She took it up and read it, and then looked up to him with a meaning smile, as much as to say that she would be glad to be delivered from the companionship of the loathsome brute. So when the elephant fell fast asleep, the prince cautiously slipped down the and shutting the little fairy up in her box, he took her away with him, leaving the elephant to sleep at his ease. Great was the joy of every one to see the prince once more amongst them. Everybody accorded him a cordial welcome, save his second wife, the princess, who had been staying at her father's house during her husband's absence. The next morning, the lovely Kevrapari sat down to rinse out her mouth, when out of it dropped a beautiful sweet-smelling keurd flower, and the people for miles round were regaled with its powerful fragrance, so that every one thought that the kevra flower, for which the Raja had proclaimed so great a reward had been found at last. The sweet odour of the kevra reached the princess, and her joy knew no bounds. She was all anxiety to set her eyes upon it, when her husband went up to her with the wonderful flower in his hand, and made her a present of it! Some days later the prince married Kevrapari too, and became the happy husband of three wives! Twelve years had by this time rolled over the widowed queen's head. One day the prince

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214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1887. went to hunt in the forest, and had gone far expectedly meeting his father, told him who in parsuit of some game and was hot and tired, he was himself, and, mounting him upon his when by chance he arrived at the same well own horse, took him joyfully home to his near which his father had been murdered. He, mother. The good Rani's joy knew no bounds however, knew nothing about his father's death, when she saw her husband alive again, and save that he had been killed by his prime there were great rejoicings in the palace on minister, but his glance happened to fall on his account. The RAjA, too, welcomed the the two inscriptions upon the sides of the old man as his pet child's father-in-law, and well and then the whole truth flashed upon honoured him greatly as the ex-ruler of a him. He argued also that as twelve years had neighbouring state. By his help the prince already rolled by since his father's death he soon afterwards succeeded in regaining posmust have come to life again. session of his father's territories, and in He determined, therefore, to go in search driving the usurper from the throne. of him, when he encountered an old man in It need hardly be mentioned that the Wazir, close proximity to the well. He soon got into who fled from the fortress, was easily overconversation with him and the old man told taken and killed, and the prince with his aged him that he was a RAjd, who had been murdered father and mother and his three wives soon by his Wazir twelve years ago on that very spot, returned to his native country, and restored and that he had but recently come to life again. his father to the throne, which he occupiec The prince, who was overjoyed at thus an- andisturbed for many years afterwards. FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. BY S. M. NATESA SASTRI PANDIT. XVIII.-The Five Cups. Such was their daily routine. If fortunately In a certain village there lived an extremely Bhikshu ever brought more rice than was poor Brihman, named Bhikshu, who had sufficient for one meal for himself and his wife, nothing to live upon. Every morning he rose the hearth glowed a second time with fire, and in the Brahmamuhurta' from his bed, went to a second meal was cooked. If not, they had to the river, bathed, and finished his prayers by be content with a single meal for the day, and the third or fourth ghafikdo of the day. Afterpassed their night in hunger and in sorrowing this his wifo gave him a copper vessel cleaned over their poverty. and washred, which he ased to take in his This kind of life went on for several years hand and went a-begging street by street, and till one day Bhikshu's wife was much vexed, house by house, reciting the Upanishads. At and calling her husband to her side thus ad about the tenth ghatika Bhiksha used to return dressed him :home with the vessel filled with rice and a few "My dearest Bhikshu, we have remained in vegetables with which the charitably disposed this misery so long that death seems more had presented to him. He then performed his welcome to us than life. But the great god noonday ablutions and the devatarchana-the Mahdsvara will not take us to his abode, until worship of his household gods. His wife the full punishment for all our sins 'committed cooked the rice meanwhile, and after each in a former life is duly undergone in this life platter had been duly offered to the god, Bhikshu in the shape of extreme poverty. And as for sat down to his dinner. Whatever remained yourself you never cared to learn anything by After serying her husband the Brihmani ate. which to gain an honourable livelihood. The 1 (Thin tale in particularly useful as embodying into the "ogs hero" class : see Folktales of Bengal, itxell incidents belonging to several different tales PP-78-78: Indian Folktale. pp. 11, 81, 143-146: Wide current in India regarding the sleeping beauty." awake Stories, PR. 79-85, 16911, 303 oia Deccan Daya, Thus,she lives in a sub-marine palace in charge of giant pp. 95-101.- ED.) or ogre much above, in Folkbilea of Bengal, pp. 211, Brahmamuhita, the second half of the last watch 818 55111; Indian Folktales, pp. 5411, 1801 Wide-anake of night, from 1 to 6 A.X. so called as being sacred to Stories, p. 868: and ante, Vol. I. p. 116. The peculiar Brahma. origin for rabies above given is to be found in Wide- See ante, Vol. xIv. p. 186, note 8. Gratke Stories, p. 56t and Folktaler of Bengal, p. 224. 1. Upanishad, snored writings of the Brahmane, explainThe latter part of the story about Kerrepart belongs ing the true sense of the Vedas

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JULT, 1887.) FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. 216 only thing you seem to have studied in your The rice he brought for his meal is hanging younger days was sichchhadritti-the collection in the ingudi tree. I am very hangry. Let of alma! I beseech you to go somewhere and as both eat of the bundle and then pursue return with some learning in yon." our way." The Brahmani's words infused shame into The great god could not bat agree. He her husband, and he resolved within himself to himself took down the bundle and went up to start the next morning in search of some know- the flowing stream. Parvati followed and they ledge to eke out honourably the remainder of both ate their fill and came back, while Bhikshu his life. His wife, too, did not cook all the was still asleep. rice he got that day, but reserved a portion to "Poor soul, he sleeps soundly enough, withgive to him for the way. out knowing that we have emptied his bundle Early next day whon Bhikshu went for his of rice. What will he do for his meal when bath-for Brahmanism is lost if the morning he gets up P" said Parvati, and the great god, bath and ablation are renounced for & day asking her not to be concerned abont it, took even-his wife rose up and bathing hastily in five gold oups from under his feet, and tied the well in her garden, cooked the remaining them ap in the empty cloth. The goddess's rice and made ready a small bundle of food for face glowed with joy and she huing the bundle her husband's use. When Bhikshu came back with the five cups in it where the bundle of he smiled upon his wife for her kindness, and rice had been, and went behind her lord to passing his left hand under the bundle placed | Mount Kailasa. it firmly on his left shoulder. His wife then In the evening Bhikshu. awoke, and there ran out before him to see whether the ometa were only five or six ghatikds remaining before was good. An old lady with a ghara (pot) the sun would set. He snatched down his fall of newly drawn water was coming towards bundle hastily and flew to the stream. It felt a her: little heavier, and not knowing how to account "My dear husband, the great god favours for this he opened it, when lo ! five cups madu your journey. A sumangalis approaches. Start of gold and arranged one over another met his at once," cried she, and off went her husband. eyes. As he separated the cups, from out Bhikshu had to go through a pathless forest of each there came out a being of the Divine to find some strange country in his search after World (devaloka), and served him with # knowledge. The scorching sun was too much for thousand varieties of dishes. He was delighted him, and he was greatly tired; but though his at what he saw, and at once interpreted it to hunger was great he did not mind. He walked be a divine gift. When he put the cups back and walked, till he came to the banks of a dry into their original position the goddesses river bed in one part of which, however a small disappeared, and he thought within himself that stream was flowing gently. His fatigue was so his poverty must have left him from that moment, great that he took the bundle off his shoulder, and returned home hastily with a cheerful and after hanging it on the branch of an countenance to meet his wife. ingudi tree fell into a deep slumber beneath it. Alas, poor woman! She had given away the Fortunately for him, while he was thus sound little rice she had that morning to her husband, asleep, Parvati and Paramebvara happened to when she sent him on his expedition in search pass that way. The goddess was very hungry. of knowledge, and as there was no one to give Said she to her lord ! her another handful she had fasted the whole "My great lord, here sleeps a poor Brahman. night, and was praying for death or the return A married woman, whose approach is a good omen. Omens differ in different countries among tho Dravidians the good omens' are married woman, virgin, dancing-woman," double Brahman, music, flowers, fruits, flag, umbrella, sugar-oane, cooked rice, milk, Reah, fre, tal, elephant, horne, 00W, cloth, king. pearls. clarified rice (akshata) and fried rico (14ja). If any of there approach the omen is supposed to be good and the purpose for which one goes out will succeed. The bed omens are & widow, "single" Brahma, three Vaiiyas, two Sadras, tiger, serpent, fuel, soythe, wood-axe, crow bar, oil, now pot, a man in a masque, butter-milk (chach) eurde, cough, any utterance of a preventivo anturo, untimely rain, thunder, wind, fasting person, pornon with his head newly shaved, sorrowful exclamations of Ha! Hala! &c. . (Terminalia catappa), s tree that grows in marrhy places and by the sido of rivers always described by Sanskrit poets in wild scenes; it occurs in the Randyana, sakuntall and other works. The abode of siva in the Himalayas..

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1887. of her lord to put an end to her miseries. At Bhikshu went inside and opened his bundle of about the seventh ghatika-for it took this five cups and separated them. Several divine much time for her husband to reach home-& damsels came out from each cup, highly ornacouple of taps were heard at the door accom- mented. Wreaths of sweet-scented jasmines panied by "Adiye- lady"- and she ran at were entwined in their coiled locks, and each once to open the lateh, for she recognised had a dish in her hand. The first lady spread. the voice to be her lord's. A small light from a the leaves. The second sprinkled water and thin single wick was burning in her left hand, placed # 181&' by the side of each guest, while with her right hand she opened the latch while the others served the contents of their and she discovered her husband standing with platters into the leaves of the guests. It was & cheerful face at the gate. & most charming sight to see this bevy of "Has my lord returned so soon?" said she fair maidens at their work, until the whole "Yes, my lady. The gift of Paramdsvara party was served. Foolish gaests, they were has been so great," replied Bhikshu, and after not prepared to eat, for they had eaten their carefully bolting the door, he went in, followed fill at home. So, after enjoying the sight more by his wife. than their meal they all returned home, congraHe then related to her how Paramdavars had tulating Bhikshu on this manifestation of the conferred upon him five gold cups of extraordi- divine favour. nary merit, and to prove that what he told her Now there was a rich land-holder in the was not untrue, he fed her by means of the newly village, who was notorious for bis ambition for acquired vessels. She was extremely delighted anything and everything, whose name was at the divine favour which had thus dawned Asavan. He came to Bhikshu and requested him opon her, and in honour of it wished to give a to give fall particulars as to how he had obtained public feast to the villagers. Bhikshu agreed to the cups. Bhikshu related to him the whole story the idea and was much pleased at the charitable to which A savan listened quite unconcernedly, disposition of his wife. And then they had and went his way. He then ordered his wife Tothing to lose by it, for the cups would feed any to give him some food tied up in a bundle number of persons ! So Bhiksha undertook and started with it next morning to the ingudi to invite in the morning all the males of the tree. There he suspended his rice, as Bhiksha village and ordered his wife to invite all the had done, and pretended to sleep, but only females. kept his eyes closed. That day, too, Parvati Accordingly, after his morning duties were and Paramdavara passed that way and ate of over, Bhikshu went to all the houses and invited his bundle. On returning to the bank the great the male inhabitants of the village to a dinner god placed five cups also in Astvan's bundle, at his house, and his wife invited all the as he had done in Bhikshu's. A skvan observed members of the fair sex. But they were all that had passed and was delighted at the amazed to hear that he was to give them all a divine favour. He did not even open his bundle, dinner! but came running home. "How could a beggar do such a thing ?" said His great idea now was to invite all the they, "but if we do not go he may think that villagers and give them a grand feast bewe have insulted his poverty. So we must go fore he himself tested the boon. Accordingly for form's sake, after dining at home." I the whole village was called in the next morn In this way they all duly came to Bhikshu's ing, and all came hungry, and sat in a row to house, and seeing no signs of cooking or of a taste of the divine dishes. Asavan treated them dinner in the place, they were all glad of having courteously and going inside opened the cups. eaten first in their own homes. r own homes When lo ! several barbers came out of each cup Bhikshu received all the male guests and and shaved the guests clean ! And as they were seated them in their proper places, while his divine the guests could not get out of their wife received and arranged for all the female clutches, and one and all left the house cursing guests. When the arrangements were complete Askvan! A drinking cup with a neck smaller than ita body,

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JULY, 1887.] FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. 217 XIX.-The Brahmarakshasa. In my former life I was a Brahman, and learnt In a certain village of the country of all the intricacies of music, but I was unwilling Sengalinirppattu there dwelt & Brahman, to impart my hard-earned knowledge to gaining his living by the alms he collected others. Paramesvara was so greatly displeased daily, and so he was in extremely poor cir. with me that he made me a Brahmarakshasa in cumstances. Poverty indeed had taken such this life and even now his rage seems not to have a firm hold of him that he wished to fly to been appeased. At the distance of a quarter Banaras. Accordingly, depending as usual of a ghatika from this spot is a ruined temple, upon what charity would provide for him on the in which pujd (worship) is conducted in a very way, he started with only one day's supplies rough way, and during the ceremony & piper tied up in a bundle. plays upon a nagasvara pipe so very awkwardly, When there wanted yet four ghatikas before that its causes me the utmost mortification to sunset he had approached a thick wilderness, listen to him. My only hope of escape is that which was also long and wide, and studded with a Brahman will rescue me from this tree. You small villages here and there. After journeying are the first Brahman I have ever met with in through this for more than the four gharikas this wilderness, and I have grown quite thin he reached a splendid tank just as the sun was from the worry of hearing that awkward piper setting. Ablutions must never be foregone by day after day! If I continue much longer in & Brahman, so he neared the tank to wash this tree, it will be the death of me! So pity his hands and legs, to perform his prayers, and my condition, I beseech you, and remove me to eat what little his bundle contained. As to some tree five or six ghatikds' distance from soon as he placed his foot in the water he this place, and leave me in peace there, so heard a voice calling out :-"Put not thy foot that I may be out of the reach of that horrible in this water ! Thou art not permitted to do piper and get a little stouter. In return demand from me any boon and I will grant He looked round about him and discovered it." nothing, and so not heeding the threat he Thus said the Brahmarakshasa and in its Washed his hands and feet, and sat down to very voice the Brahman could discover its perform his sandhyavandana or evening wor failing strength. Said he :-"I am an ex-. ship, when again he heard & voice :-"Per- tremely poor Brahman, and if you promise to form not thy sandhyavandana! Thou art not mend my condition and to make me rich I permitted to do so!" will remove you to a good distance where the A second time he gave no heed to the voice sound of the cracked ndgasvara shall never bat proceeded with his prayers, and when affect your ears." they were over opened his bundle of food. The Brahmarakshasa thought for a few As soon as he began to eat the same voice was nimishas and thus replied: "Holy Brahman, again heard, but the Brahman paid no atten- every person must undergo what is cut upon tion, and finished his meal. Then getting op his forehead by Brahma, in this world. Five he pursued his journey, so as, if possible, to more years of poverty are allotted to you by fate, reach a village to sleep in for the night. He after which I shall go and possess the Princess had scarcely advanced a step, when again the of Maistr, and none of the incantations which same voice forbade him to go on ! learned magicians may pronounce upon me Having thus been barred four times the shall drive me out, until you have presented Brahman boldly broke out and said :-"Who yourself before the king of Maisur and proart thou, thou wretch ? And why dost thou mised to cure her of me. He will promise thus forbid me every reasonable action." yon ample rewards, and you must commence Replied a voice from a pipal tree above him: the core, when I will leave her. The king will "I am a Brahmardkshasa, named Ganapriya.' be pleased and grant you several boons, which BO !" Sengalintrpaffu means "the land of the blae lily" now corrupted into Chingleput. * This means merely "lover of music." * It is common notion among Hindus, especially among Brahmaps, that he who does not freely impart his knowledge to others is born in the next life as a kind of demon called Brahmardkahasa.

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218 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1887. will make you happy. But you must never and now cultivated that science secretly, so afterwards visit any place where I may be. that he soon became a master of it, and all over It may be that I shall possess several prin- the country he became famous' as a mastercesses, but if you come there with the view magician. He also became a favourite with of curing them I shall take your life at a blow. the king of Maisur, and married a beautiful Beware!" Brahmani girl by whom he became the father Thus spake the Brahmarakshasa and the of three children. Thus passed full ten years. Brahman agreed to all the conditions and | Meanwhile the Brahmarakshasa, after going removed it to another pipal tree seven ghafikas to several places, went to the country of distant from its then abode. If found its new Tiruvanandapuram (Trivandrum) and possessed home comfortable, and let the Brahman pursue the Princess of Travancore. Many masters his way north to Banaras, which he reached in of magic were called in, but to no effect. At six months. length rumours abont the master-magician of For five years he lived in the Hanumanta Maisur reached the ears of the king of TiruGhatta at Banaras, performing ablutions to vanandapuram. He at once wrote to the wash himself pure of all his sins. Then Maharaja of Maisur, who showed the letter thinking of the Brahmarakshasa's promise, he to the Brahman. The invitation was a death returned towards the south and after travelling stroke to our hero; for if he refused to go he for five months reached Maisur, where he would lose his good name and the favour of his sojourned in an old woman's house and en- king, and if he went he would lose his life! quired the news of the day. He preferred the latter alternative, and at Said she :-"My son, the princess of this once wrote out a will, leaving his estate to his country, who is the only daughter of the king, children and confiding them to careful hands. has been possessed by a furious devil for the He then started from Maisur for Tiruvanandalast five months and all the exorcists of parm, which he reached after journeying for Jambudvipa have tried their skill on her, but a month. The king had so arranged for his to no purpose. He who cares her will become comfort that he performed the journey with the master of a vast fortune." apparent ease: but his heart beating painfully! So said the old woman to the secret joy of He reached Tiruvanandapuram and tried to the Brahman at the faithful observance of its postpone his exorcisms for this reason or that promise by the Brahmarakshasa. He bathed for a short time, but the king was determined and hastily took his meal, and then presented to prove him. So he was asked to leave no himself at the darbdr that very day. The king stone unturned in order to effect the perfect promised him several villages and whole cure of the princess. He had now no hope in elephant-loads of mohars should he effect a this world, and thinking that his days were cure. numbered he undertook the cure. As usual he On these conditions he commenced his pre- made a pretence for a few days with his incantatended exorcisms, and on the third day asked tations, but he thought : "After all, what is the all the persons assembled to vacate the room use of my thus prolonging my miseries, as it is in which the possessed princess was seated. settled that I must die? The sooner there is. Then he explained to his friend the Brahma- an end to them the better!" So with a deterrakshasa, who was now possessing her, that he mined will to fall before the blow of the Brahwas the Brahman who had assisted him in marakshasa he entered the chamber in which the wood five years previously. The demon the princess was seated, but just as he entered was greatly pleased to meet its old friend again, & thonght came into his mind and he said and wishing him prosperity and warning him boldly :-"Will you now abandon her, you never to come again to any other place where Brahmarakshasa, or shall I at once bring in the it might go for shelter, took its leave. The piper of the ruined temple near the wood, who princess came back to her former self, and is waiting outside P" the Brahman, loaded with wealth and lands, No sooner had the name of the awkward piper settled down in Maisur. fallen on the ears of the Brahmarakshasa, than He had thus earned a name as an exorcist, he threw down the long pole, which he had in

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JULY, 1887.] THE THREE PRINCES. 219 his hand to thrash the Brahman with, and fell at his feet, saying : "Brother Brahman, I will never even look back, but run away at once, if you will only never bring that piper to me again!" "Agreed," said our hero, and Ganapriya disappeared. Of course, our hero was greatly rewarded for his success and became doubly famous throughout the world as a master-magician! him. THE THREE PRINCES. BY THE REV. J. HINTON KNOWLES, F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &o. A KASMIRI STORY. | One day, while he was meditating what he Once upon a time there lived a king, who should do with his money, a gosdin' came and was celebrated for his learning, power and stayed with him for three days. The holy prowess. This king had three song, who were man was so pleased with the respect and atall in every way worthy of such a father, fortention shown to him, that he determined to they were brave, and clever, and handsome, and reward the prince. wise, and good. "I am very grateful for your piety and One day the king, wishing to arrange for a goodness," he said. "Tell me your name, successor to his throne, summoned the wazirs whence you came, and whither you are and bade them to help him in the matter. going." The prince explained everything to "Take the princes," he said; "and examine them thoroughly, and the one whom you ap- "I understand," said the gosdir. "You must prove of I will appoint to sit on the throne i stay here. Do not go any further, but remain after me." here till your brothers return. Send your In the course of a few days the wasirs waited servants into the city to buy as much corn as on His Majesty with their answer. The chief possible, and when they bring it throw some wasir was spokesman, and said: of it into the sea every day, till it is all gone. "Concerning the appointment of a successor Then wait and you shall reap an abundant let the king not be angry, and we will speak. harvest." Saying this the holy man blessed Our counsel is to send the princes out into him and departed. the world and bid them trade; and then The prince acted according to the advice of decide that whichever of them amasses the the goedin. He bought an immense quantity of greatest fortune shall be king." corn and had it piled up near his encampment. Upon this all the wazirs bowed their heads Every day for about six months be threw in token of their unanimous approval of the certain measure of it into the sea, till the whole plan. was spent. "Now," thought he, "I shall have "Be it so," said the king, and he immediately, my reward." He waited in great expectation told his pleasure to the princes. for several days, but nothing appeared. "The When everything was ready the three princes gosain has deceived me," he said to himself. started. They all travelled together to the sea "I am a ruined man! Why was I so foolish and there took ship for some foreign country. as to listen to his wicked advice? What will As soon as they reached their destination they my father and my brothers say to me when parted; one went in this direction, another in they hear that I have thrown all my money into that, and the third in another, but before they the sea P How they will laugh at me! I shall separated they each bound themselves to return never be able to show my face to them again! by a certain time to the spot whence they Ah me! Ah me! I will now go to another had parted. country. The day after to-morrow I will leave The two elder brothers went and traded this cursed place." But these words were with their money and gained immense wealth, hastily spoken. When all was ready and the but the youngest brother wandered along prince and his retinne were about to start, the sea-coast, encamping here and there as it something happened. The corn that the prince pleased him. had thrown into the river had been eaten by a 1 Told me by a Pandit living at Shupiyan. A Hindu saint ; holy person.

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1887. big fish, and as the news of the prince's Now in order that his valuable treasures liberality spread far and wide in the waters, might not be discovered the prince had them shoals upon shoals of fish had come together placed in cakes of dung, that were dried in the to the place. The king of the fish* had also san; and after a while the day arrived for him come with them : but at last the supply had sud- to leave, so that he might reach the place where denly stopped ! he was to meet his brothers by the appointed "Why is this p" the king-fish asked. "We time. He was so punctual that he arrived have been receiving corn for the last six months, there a day or two earlier than the other two and now for several days we have had nothing ! princes. "Well, what luck p" they said to Has the prince been rewarded for his kindness each other, when they all met. to us P." Said the eldest prince, "I have been trading "No," said the whole company. "We have as & cloth-merchant and have gained such and not received any order to that effect." such wealth," mentioning an enormous sum << Then hear the ord