Indian Antiquary Vol 06

Author(s): Jas Burgess
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032498/1

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN ARCHEOLOGY, HISTORY, LITERATURE, LANGUAGES, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, FOLKLORE, &c., &c., &c. EDITED BY JAS. BURGESS, M.R.A.S., F.R.G.S., MEMBRE DE LA SOCIETE ASIATIQUE, FELLOW OF THE UNIVERSITY OF BOMBAY, ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEYOR AND REPORTER TO GOVERNMENT, WESTERN INDIA, AUTHOR OF "THE ROCK-TEMPLES OF ELEPHANTA," "THE TEMPLES OF SATRUNJAYA," "VIEWS OF ARCHITECTURE AND SCENERY IN GUJARAT AND RAJPUTANA," &c. VOL. VI.-1877. Swati Publications Delhi 1984

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS. NICAL TERMS .. ... .. .. .. .. 107 noient .. . 69 Authors' names arranged alphabetically. PAGE PAGE Rev. J. D. BATE, Allahabad : NILKANTHA JANARDAN KIRTANE: The Barisal Guns... ... BAY . ... 807 On TRRR MALAVA INSCRIPTIONS, Sann. 1081, 1078, TRE HON'BLE SIR E. CLIVE BAYLEY, K.C.S.L. : and 1190 ... ... .. ... .. Notes on GUPTA COINS ... 67 Rev. F. KITTEL, Merkara Pror. RAMKKISHNA GOPAL BHANDARKAR Pror. RAMKRISHNA GOPAL BENDAREAD T HREE KORCU INSCRIPTIONS ... ... 99 Dr. GOLDSTUCKER'S THEORY about PANINI'S TECH J. W. MOCRINDLE, M.A., Govt. College, P&ta : The FRAGMENTS of the INDIKA Of MEOASTHENES ... 118 G. BUHLER, Ph.D. : Epitome of Megasthenes from Diodorus 120 FURTAER VALABR GRANTS . Book I. ... ... 124 Note on Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji's Book II. ... 131 * Nagari Numerals .... Book III. ... ... ... 236 A NEW GRANT of GOVINDA III., Rathor Book IV. ... .. ... 246 THREE NEw ASOKA EDICTS .. Doubtful Fragments ... 333 ELEVEN LAND-GEANTS of the CHAULUKYAS of JOHN MUIR, D.C.L., LL.D., Ph.D., Edinburgh:Anhilavid NOTES on the Lax Observance of CASTE RULES and The Rajataranginf (extract from official report) ... 264 other featares of social and religious life in The Rr. Rev. BISHOP R. CALDWELL, D.D., LL.D. Ancient India ... ... .. ... ...251 EXPLORATIONS at KORKEI and KAYAL .. .. 80 On the QUESTION whether POLYANDRY ever existed Excavations at Kayal in Northern Hindustan ... ... .. ... 315 SUBSTANCE of Two TAMIL SASANAS in Sir Walter SHANKAR PANDURANG PANDIT, M.A.:Eliot's Collection ... .. 142 VAkpatirkja ...143 SEPULCERAL URNs in Southern India .. ... 279 E. REHATSEK, M.C.E. (see Weber and Book G. H. DAMANT, B.C.S., Manipur : ... ... 160, 161, 177 The STORY of KHAMBA and Thorst, a Manipur Tale 219 W. F. SINCLAIR, Bo.C.S.:THE EDITOR: Notes on the Muharram Festival ... .. 70, 930 MEMORANDUM on the BUDDHIST CAVES of JUNNAR.. 83 Norrs on the CAVE of PANCHALEAVARA, Bhamburde, ROCK-CUT TEMPLES at BADAMI ... 854 naar Pun ... ... 98 Hem Sdpent ... Nurhags and Dakhmas ... Jewish Sasanam ... ... ... 866 Bijapur ... .. 380 81x WALTER ELLIOT, C.B., K.C.S.I., Wolfelee: Karambhars and Dolmens BANSKRIT and OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS ... 926 Hem&dpant and the Gauli Rejas (see p. 366) J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.8.: ED. THOMAS, F.R.S., &o., London SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS : EARLY COINS of WESTERN INDIA ... ... ... 274 No. XX.-Kadamba Grant of KAkusthavarma ... 29 M. J. WALHOUSE, late M.C.S., London: XXI. Mrigesa ARCHEOLOGICAL NOTES: No.XIV.-Curious Tombs XXII. Rarirarms... and Entombments. 41 XXHI. Bhanuvarma... > > XV.-Gold TreasureXXIV. Ravivarma... trove in Madras ... 215 xxv., XXVI. Harivarma ... Barisal Guns, &c. *** ** " ... XXVII.--ChAlukya Grant of Pulikesi II. ... ... 914 MAJOR J. W. WATSON: XXVIII. Vikramaditya I. ... HISTORICAL SKETCH of the Hill Fortress of Piw. XXIX.-XXXI. Vinayaditya GADH in Gujarat, &c. XXXII. Inscrip. at Kattageri, &c. of $. 1018 The Derivation of the word Mehwasi... ... ... 79 XXXIII. at BAdAmi, S. 1061 PRCFESSOR ALBRECHT WEBER, Ph.D., Berlin - F. S. GROWSE, M.A., B.O.S.: On the KRISHNAJANMESHTAMT, or Krishna's Birth MATHURA INSCRIPTIONS... ... ... festival - 1 Translated by E. Rehataek, M.O.E. . 161 The late C. HORNE, B.C.S.: $ 2 Translated by M. T. ... ... ... 381 PAPER-MAKING in the HIMALAYAS ... $ 4 ... ... ... ... .. ... 849 PANDIT BHAGVANLAL INDRAJI: On the Mahabhashya ... On the ANCIENT NAGARI NUMERALS ... Pror. MONIER WILLIAMS, D.O.L., Boden Prof. Pror. H. KERN, Ph.D., Leiden : of Sanskrit, Oxford :The INSCRIPTIONS in the Bauddha Caves at JUNNAR. Pirst FUNERAL and INITIATORY RITES, and the On Ancient Nagari Numerals ... ... ... ... 143 PArst RELIGION .... .. .. .. ... 366 980

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CONTENTS. ... 231 MISCELLANEA. PAGE PAGE Donation of Oriental MSS. to the Edinburgla Univer. Chimirs and Panks ... .. ... sity ... .. Dr. Hang's Oriental MSS. ... ... 378 .. Translation of a Japanese Song ... ... .. ... 107 Hemachandra's Praktit Grammar ... Vedio Sanskrit ... ... 298 Hindu Sacrifice ... .. ... ... 307 *T&za ba tazal ... 228 NamamAlA nnd Pali Grammars ... ... 308 Champa, by the Hon'ble Major-Gen. H. Yule, C.B....228 Sanskrit Chair at Madrid... Is the Sultan the Khalif ? ... ... ... ... 231, 308 Records of the Buddhistic Kingdoms, by A. Giles ... 306 ... ... 107 ... 278 BOOK NOTICES. PAGE Musharrah Fiqra'i Bible, Naya A'hdnama, by J.M.M. 85 Fergusson's History of Indian and Eastern Architec ture, by W. S. ... ... ... ... ... .. 103 Carr Stephen's Archaeology and Monumental Remains of Dehli, by W. S. Bellew's Kashmir and Kashgar, and Drew's Northern Barrier of India, by W. F. S. ... ... ... 148 Garcin de Tassy's La Langue et La Litterature Hindou. stanies en 1876, by E. R. . Piachel's Cakuntals of KAlidasa, by A. C. Burnell, M.O.S., Ph.D. .. . .. ...232 Wilson's Aboriginal Tribes of the Bombay Presidency, by W.F.S. .. ... Dowson's History of India as told by its own His torians. The Posthumous Papers of Sir H. M. Elliot, K.C.B., continued, vol. VII. ... ... ... 234 PAGE Kittel's Ueber den Ursprung des Lingacultas in Indien ... ... ... ... ... .. ... 278 Talboys Wheeler's Travels in India in the seventeenth century, by Sir T. Roe and Dr. John Fryer ... ... 278 Growse's Ramayana of Tulsi Das-Book I. ... ... 309 Markham's Narratives of the Mission of George Bogle to Tibet, and of the Journey of Thomas Manning to LhaM .. . Talboys Wheeler's History of India, Vol. IV. parti. ... ... Jarrett's Nalopakhyanam, or the Tale of Nals... Jolly's Naradiya Dharmasastra, or the Institutes of Narada ... .... . ... .. .. .. Ram Das Sen's Aitihasika Rohasaya ... ... ... 382 - 310 " ... 160 ILLUSTRATIONS. 9 3,6 10 > > 349 PAGE 1 PAGE 1 Valabhi Grant of Dhruvaena II. ... (2 pages) 14, 15 27, 28 Tiruppavanam Seana, No. I.-Sides 1-8 (2 pp.). Siladitya V. ... (2 pages) 18, 19 142 3 Kadamba of Kakusthavarma ... ... .. 23 29 >> Sides 9, 10, and Mrigesa ... ... (2 pages) 24, 25 No. II. (2 pp.). 143 Ravivarma ... . (4 pages) 26, 27 30 Inscription on a Rock at Sahasram ... ... on 155 the reign of Ravivarua ... ... 28 31 Rapnath Edict of Asoka ... .. ...facing 156 Ravivarma... | 32 Grant of Mularaja of Anhilvada, A.D. 986 (2 pp.) 192, 193 Harivarma 33 Mathura Inscriptions ... ... ...(2 pages) 218, 219 Harivarma (9 pages) 32 31 South Indian Sepulchral Urns ... ... ... 279 11 Inscriptions from the Caves of Junnar . 38 35 Fig. 1 Krishna conveyed across the Yamuna by Va. 12, 13 Ancient Nagari Numerals ... ... on pp. 44, 45 sudeva ... ... ... 14 Copperplate Grant of VAkpati Raja of Dhara, A.D. 36 Fig. 2 Krishna nursed by Devaki ... ... ... 350 974 ... to face p. 51 37 Figs. 3, 4, from Niclas Muller; 5 from Lepsius; 15 (2nd plate) ... 52 6 from Moor's Pantheon ... ... ... ... 351 16 Sasana of Bhoja, A.D. 1021-1st plate . .. 53 38 Figs. 7, 8, 9, from De Rossi'e Imagines, Bunsen's 17 > 2nd plate ... .. 54 Die Basiliken, and Mount Athos ... ... ... 352 18 Silaksanam of Vijayapala deva, A.D. 1123-4 39 Sculptures in the Great Cave at Bad&mi: 1 Vishnu; 19 Grant of Govinda III., Rathor-Plate I. ... ... 65 2 Varana 354 Plate II. (2 sides) 66, 67 40 > > 3 Narasifiha: 4 V&mana 856 21 Grant of the Western Chalukyas, dated $. 535 Figs. 5 end 6 ... ... 358 (2 pages) 72, 73 42 Group of Scripture in Cave No. I., Fig. 7... 22 Copperplates of the Western Chalukyas (2 pages), 76, 77 43 Sculptures on the Roof of the Great Cave ... > udated S. 612 (2 pages) 86, 87 44 Frieze in the Verandah of Cave II. ... - S. 614 (2 sides) 88, 89 45 >> 25 Two Kongu Inscriptions.................. (2 pagea) 102, 103 46 Syrian Sasanam ... ... ... ... . 26 Stone Tablet Inscription at kattagiri, s. 1018...... 138 20 ... 359

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH. HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE HILL FORTRESS OF PAWAGAdH, IN GUJARAT, &c. BY MAJOR J. W. WATSON. G UJARAT in former times included a considerable portion of what is now called Rajputana,-Abe, Sirohi, Dungarpur, and even Nagor, being included in its limits; towards the south it comprised Sultanpur and Nandurbar, now part of Khandesh; while the sea-coast as far as and including Bom ba y formed part of its dominion. It included many first-class fortresses, amongst which the most famous were those of Junagadh-Girnar in Sorath, Achalgadh on Mount Abu, Idar in the Mahi Kantha, and the subject of the present sketch. Of all these, that of Pawagadh was incomparably the strongest, so much so as to have been impregnable in latter times except by famine. I distinguish between latter times and the times when it was ruled by the Khichi Chohans, because under these last-mentioned chiefs Pawagadh fortress hardly included the almost impregnable summit, and it is doubtful whether before the Muhammadan times buildings of any consequence existed there. In fact under its Chohan rulers the fortress occupied that lower portion of the hill commencing at the Buria Darwaza and ending with the palace of Patai Rawal (as he is fondly called), which lies on an isolated portion of the hill some 1500 feet below the summit. And when we read of the siege of Pawagadh by Mahmud Begadha, we must disabuse our minds of any idea that the upper plateau was invested, for it was in those days probably not even fortified, being defended, if at all, by a gate only. And it is under these circumstances alone that we can fully realize the conditions of the siege by Mahmud Begadha, which otherwise would be incomprehensible, for no breach could be made in the stubborn rock, nor could guns be got into position; nor, if breaches be dismissed as out of the question, would it have been possible to escalade the place, save under circumstances which would imply the grossest negligence on the part of the garrison. The earliest mention of Pawagadh is that of the time of Bhim Deva I., of Anhilwada, quoted from the bard Chand by Mr. Kinloch Forbes at pp. 95 and 97 of the Ras Mala, vol. I. There R&m Gaur the Tuar is styled Pawa's lord.' The first authentic account, however, that we find of it is that, after the taking of Ranthambhor and Gadh Gagrawn in Khichiwada by the army of Sultan Alau' d-din Khilji, a large body of the Chohans emigrated to Gujarat, and soon, whether by marriage or conquest, became the lords of Pawagadh and Champaner and the sur unding country. The hill itself is called in the local Mahatmya, Pa wakachal, and this name is preserved in an inscription found at Nahani Umarwan under Halol, which is valuable as furnishing the genealogy of the Chohan rulers antecedent to the chief from whom Mahmud Begadha conquered it. This chief is styled in the Mirat-i-Sikandri, one of the most accurate of the Persian histories of Gujarat, Jesingh

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2 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. son of Gangadas, and the inscription in question attests the accuracy of the Muhammadan historians, and it may probably be conceded that now no reasonable doubt exists but that this was his correct name. The name by which he is familiarly known throughout Gujarat, viz. Patai Rawal, is probably merely a contraction of Pawa pati Rawal, or the Rawal lord of Pawa; and this view receives confirmation from the fact that Chohans of this race, if asked their tribe, will tell you they are Pa w apa tis, which name, indeed, has since the fall of Pawagadh become the common name of their branch of the Khichi Chohans. The inscription is as follows: / / svasti saMvata 1525 varSe mAghavadiaSTamI zanau anurAdhA nakSatre adyehaM * zrIpAvakadurge mAhArAjazrIjayasiMhadeva vijayarAjye zrIpRthvIrAjapramukha cahuAMNavaMze ghaNA rAjA hoA kulatilaka rAyazrI hammIradevakule rAjA zrIrAmadeva zrI cAMgadeva zrI (one letter wanting, probably) madeva zrIpAhaNasiMha zrIjitakarNa zrIkUMpurAula zrIvIradhavala zrIsavarAja zrIrAghavadeva zrI triMbaka bhUpa zrIgaMgarAjezvara tatsuta pUrvapuruSo dvaraNadhIra zrIzaktibhakta nitya suvarNadhenudAnakarttA dvijazAsana dAtALAjadAMnI pratApI rAjAdhirAja zrIjayasiMha devatINa aMrAjAM AyasIAMmaNU grAMmi nijajananI zrIphAMmadinI nipuNya nidhikUpara (conda wanting) (words wanting) dhuluka moThAMNI "Hail! In the Samvat year 1525, on the 8th day of the dark half of Magh, on Saturday in the Anuradha nakshatra, on this day, here in the fortunate fortress of P a wa k, during the victorious reign of Maharaja Sri Jayasingh Deva. Many rajas have ruled of the race of Sri Prithviraja, the chief Chohan. In the family of Raisri Ha mira deva, the ornament of his race, was Rajasri Ra made va, (then followed) Sri Changdeva, (then) Sri Chachingdeva, Sri Sonamdeva, Sri Pa lhansingh, Sri Jitkaran, Sri Kumpu Rawal, Sri Viradhaval, Sri Savaraj, Sri Raghava ahaM is an arohnism for atrAye. + Since writing this I am informed by Mr. Sinclair, of [JANUARY, 1877. deva, Sri Trimbak Bhupa, Sri Ganga Rajesvara: his son, renowned for increasing the religious merit of his ancestors, the worshipper of the Sri Sakti, the daily bestower of both cows and gold, and giver of annuities and elephants to Brahmans, the illustrious king of kings Sri Jayasingh Deva; he built this well for the spiritual benefit of his mother, Sri P h a madevi, in the village of A y a sia manu [words wanting]. May it remain for ever! [words wanting] Mehta Dhuluk Modani [words wanting]." The Prithviraj a above mentioned is probably Prithiraja, the famous hero of the Prithiraja Rasau, and Hamira deva may probably be the celebrated Hamiradeva of Rantambhor, which fortress was conquered by Alqu'd-din Khilji in about A.D. 1300. This inscription is dated A.D. 1469, or about fifteen years prior to the conquest of Champiner and Pawagadh by Mahmud gadha. The father of Jay a singh is called Ganga Rajesvara, who evidently corresponds to the Gangadas of the Mirat-i- Sikandri, as doesTrimbak Bhupa to his ancestor Trimbakdas mentioned by the Mirat-i-Sikandri. The Tabakat-i- Akbari alludes to a Vi r S in g h who reigned at Champ a ner in the reign of Ahmad Shah. This would probably be Viradha val, and the reigns of Savaraja and Raghavadeva may have been short. This explanation would make the list of kings here given exactly correspond to what we hear of these chiefs in the Persian historians, and it connects the chief's of Chota Udayapur and Baria not only with Hamiradeva of Ranthambhor, but also with the celebrated Prithiraja, of whom Hamiradeva was an acknowledged descendant. The name of Jayasingh's mother is pat Phamadevi, but probably is Ka madevi.t The Sri Sakti mentioned in the inscription alludes doubtless to the shrine of Kalk a, which crowns the summit of the loftiest pinnacle of Pawakachal. The fortress, too, is styled after the hill, Pawak Durg. But it must not for a moment be supposed that the fortress taken by Mahmud was that now called Pawagadh on the summit of the hill; and, as previously mentioned, that portion of the hill was probably defended by a single gateway, and was only used as a retreat on an emergency. The palace of the chief is still the Bombay Civil Service, that in some Maratha inscriptions of the same period one of the chief archaisms is the cutting of k like ph.

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JANUARY, 1877.] THE HILL FORTRESS OF PA WAGADH. 3 shown on an abutting spar of the hill scarped by singh, because in A.H. 887, during which year rocks at least a thousand feet in height, and there was a scarcity in Gujarat owing to a small only accessible by a narrow neck from the main fall of rain, Malik Asad, the Thanadar of Momass of the hill. Here are the remains of the ramli under the Sultan, having made a foray into palace from which the devoted garrison watch- Champaner territory, was attacked, defeated, ed the construction of the Jamat Masjid at and slain by Rawal Jayasingh, and two eleChampaner, and here it was that Jay a singh phants and all his baggage also fell into the himself and his minister fell wounded into the Champa ner chieftain's hands. Although the hands of the Gujarat Sultan's army; neither Rawal had acted strictly in self-defence, and he nor his minister would seem to have ever although the foray into his territory by Malik gone to the modern Pawagadh at all. Both the Asad was wholly unjustifiable, the Sultan was Mirat-i-Sikandri and the Tabal:dt give a very exceedingly enraged and determined to conquer interesting account of the siege by Mahmud. Champaner, and collecting a powerful army he But this was not the first time Champaner and advanced to Baroda. On hearing of the SulPa wagadh had been besieged by the banners of tan's arrival at Baroda thu Rawal became seriIslam. In A... 821, according to the Tabakut- i ously alarmed, and sent ambassadors with most Akbari and Mirat-i-Silcandri, Ahmad Shah submissive messages and humble apologies, but unsuccessfully besieged the fortress. Ferish- the Sultan refused to listen to any overtures for tah places this siege in A.H. 822. In A.H. peace, saying to the ambassadors, according 853 according to the Tabakat-i-Akbari, and A.H. to the Mirat-i-Sikundri, "Except the sword 855 according to the Mirat-i-Sikandri, Sultan and the dagger, no other message should pass Muhammad Shah, son of Ahmad Shah, besieged between me and you." The Tabakat-i-Akbari the fortress, and invested it so closely that the represents him saying, "The sword of ada. garrison, had they not been relieved by a diver- mant will answer your message to-morrow." sion made in their favour by the Sultan of The Sultan then sent in advance Taj Khan, Malwa, Sultan Mahmud Khilji, which caused Aziu'l-Mulk, Bahram Khan, and Ikhtiyar the king of Gujarat to raise the siege, might Khan, and there were daily conflicts between have been reduced to estremities. The Malwa the besieged and the army commanded by these Sultans appear always to have been allies of the nobles. Shortly afterwards the Sultan himself Riwals of Champaner until the time of the moved his camp to the vicinity of Champaner bigot Ghiya su'd-din, who, though appealed and pressed the siege. After the siege had lasted to for help by Jayasingh in his extremity, about a year the Rawal again made overtures through fear or bigotry neglected to aid him. of peace, offering to pay nine mans (or 360 It is clear that the fortress of Pa wagadh, as it ibs.) of gold if the siege were raised, but the was in the time of the Rawals of Chempaner, Sultan declared that he would not leave the though proof against a sudden attack, was not place until the fortress was conquered. The calculated to stand a long siege by a superior Rawal now, seeing that no submission would force, and when an enemy once got a footing on avail him, sent his vakil to Sultan Ghiya su'. the hill they could easily dominate the fortressd-d in of Malwa, imploring aid, and proand render it untenable; and, indeed, as will be mising to pay one lakh of tankas for every seen hereafter, this is what eventually happened. murch made to his aid by the MalwA army. After the conquest of the Girnar fortress and Sultan Ghiyasu'd-din at once marched from Junagadh, Sultan Mahmud Begadha was al-Mandu to Nalchah, a few kos distant from his ways determined to conquer Chimpaner, and capital and purposed advancing on Chamthough the conquest of Dwarka, and the sup- paner vid Dohad. As soon as the Gujarat pression of the disturbances created by the Jats monarch got news of his intention, he entrusted and other turbulent tribes in Kachh and on the the conduct of the siege to his nobles, and Sindh frontier, and other warlike operations, himself advanced to Dohad to oppose Sultan delayed him for some years, yet eventually he Ghiyasu'd-din. The Malwa Snltan, however, found no difficulty in picking a quarrel with Jaya- alarmed at his advance, consulted the Muham J&mk or Jamsa, 20h

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1877. madan priests as to whether it were lawful for powder with a slow match attached to it. This, him to succour an infidel when attacked by a however, was, fortanately for the assailants, true believer, and on their replying in the blown off the gate by the wind in the direction negative he returned to Mandu without striking of the Rawal's palace, and there harmlessly exa blow in defence of Champaner. Sultan Mahmudploded. It was now too late for any further now returned to Champaner and laid the founda- advance, but the whole of the Muhammadan army tions of the Jamaa Mosque, to show the besieged remained under arms all night, while the Rajputs, that not only was their hope of aid from lighting the javhar, burned all their wives and Malwa gone, but that until the fortress was children. They then separated into two bodies, conquered he would never depart. in spite of a few hundreds flying to the upper fortress this, and though the garrison must have known (Pawagadh), while seven hundred Rajputs, baththat their surrender was now merely a matter ing, determined to conquer or die. In the morning of time, owing to the difficulty of introducing the gate was forced open, and a great slaughter fresh supplies of provisions into the fortress, ensued of the gallant defenders, and both the the Rawal continued gallantly to defend the Rawal and his minister Dungarshi fell wounded place. At last the approaches came so near he into the hands of the Sultan, who handed them walls that the soldiers of the approach, presided over to Muha fiz Khan in order that their wounds over by the Sultan in person, were able to over- might be dressed. It is said that when RAwal look the walls and see what the garrison were Jayasingh was brought wounded into the Sultan's doing. This statement, which is taken from presence he refused to do him obeisance, though the Tabakat-i-Akbari, distinctly shows that it is urged to do so by his guards. This happened not the upper fortress that is here alluded to, on the 2nd of Zilkad A.H. 889, and on this day that fortress being surrounded on all sides by a the Sultan named Champaner Muhammad ascarp which is nowhere, save at the gate, much bad. Three days after this the Rajputs who had lower than two hundred feet of sheer rock; fled to the upper fortress, being probably ill whereas near the ruins of the Rawal's palace on provided with provisions as well as demoralized the lower spur it is quite possible that approach by their defeat, surrendered. es might have been constructed which would Five or six months afterwards, in A.H. 890, overlook the defences. The soldiers observed when the Rawal's wounds were healed, tbat in the early morning the defenders were he was sent for to the Sultan's presence wont to disperse, to obey calls of nature and and ordered to embrace Islam, and on his refor other reasons, and that consequently at that fusal was slain, together with his minister time the batteries were badly manned. The Dungarshi. RAwal Jayasingh had two, if not siege had now lasted about two years, and, as three. sons. One of these, Raisinghji, who the Sultan was exceedingly anxious to obtain died before the siege of Chempaner, left two possession of the place, he directed Kiwamu'l- sons, Prithviraja and Dungarji, the founMulk to scale the fort next day at first dawn. ders of the houses of Chota Udayapu rand Kiwamu'l-Mulk accordingly, with a body of Baria respectively. Another son, Limbaji, picked men, entering the fort when the garrison is said (vide Bombay Government Selections No. were off their guard, attacked the Rajputs, and XXIII., New Series, note to p. 146) to have after much slanghter drove them within the emigrated to Sasrodia (wherever that may be), citadel. The Rawal and his Rajputs now pre- and the third embraced Islamism. The Mirat-ipared the javhar, or funeral pile, and continued Sikandri only mentions two danghters and one to defend themselves. But during the previous son, and says that the daughters were sent to cannonade several breaches had been made in the Sultan's harim, and that the son was made a the western face of the fortifications, and Malik Muhammadan and entrusted to Saifu'l-Mulk to Ayaz Sultani, mounting one of these, suddenly educate, who brought him up, and in the reign arrived over the big gate. Sultan Mahmud, ob- of SultAn Muzaffar, son of Mahmud, this youth serving this from his post, sent strong reinforce- was ennobled by the title of Nizamu'l-Mulk. ments. The Rajputa vainly tried to dislodge The Sultan now, making Muhammadabad Malik Ayaz and his men from their position over Champaner his capital, built the fortificathe gate, by throwing there a large canister of tions of the town called Jahan Panah, and con

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JANUABY, 1877.) THE HILL FORTRESS OF PAWAGADH. structed numerous noble buildings. He further bestowed on him large presents and a dress of strengthened the fortress on the hill, both the honour. The writer goes on to say: "And lower and upper forts, and made them what that garden is well known and famous, and by they are, viz. almost impregnable. the natives of Gujarat this garden is called The author of the Mirat-i-Sikandri is most Halol." Afterwards a village sprang up near eloquent in praise of the different kinds of fruit this gardea, which gradually grew into a town, grown at Champaner, and especially of the man and close to this town the unfortunate Sikangoos, which appear to have been as famous in dar Shah and his equally ill-fated brother Latif their time as those of Bombay in ours. But Khan lie buried. It seems singular that, while after the reign of Sultan Bahadur, Champaner the once proud capital of Gujarat lies waste, seems to have been not only relinquished as a the little village which sprang up near the capital, but to have rapidly become wholly de- | carpenter's garden is still a flourishing town. serted: for the same author, writing in Ak. Chimpaner remained, as mentioned abova, the bar's time, describes it as being then even quite capital of Gujarat till the close of the reign of waste. After a long description of the various Bahadur Shah, after which Ahmad a bad fruits and flowers grown there, he says :-"They resumed its former position and importance, say that, besides fruit trees and flowers such as which it has ever since retained. caused envy, there was so much sandal to Since its capture by Mahmud, Champaner, as be found in the neighbourhood of Champaner well as Pawagadh, was so strongly fortified that that it was used by the inhabitants in building the upper fortress both was and is almost impregtheir houses, and it sufficed them. O Purity nable; nevertheless, whenever it has since been of God! Is that this Champaner which now is besieged, it has invariably fallen, strange to the lair of the tiger and lion ? Its buildings say, with scarcely any resistance. have fallen into ruin, its inhabitants have given The Mirat-i-Sikandri gives an animated detheir property to the wind of destruction, its cription of the next siege of Chempaner and water is as it were poisoned water, and the Pawagadhin A.H. 942 (A.D. 1535), when Humayun climate is such that it rapidly enfeebles the after defeating the Sultan Bahadur near Manhuman body, and in the place of each flower disor chased him to Mandu, and after capturing thorns are growing, and in place of each garden that fortress pursued him to Champaner, whence there is a dense interlaced jungle, and there is Sultan Bahadur fled to Khambhat, and thenco neither the name nor trace of sandal trees. to Div. Humayun followed the Sultan to ChamHowever, the truth of this verse has been here paner, where he gave up the lower town to shown, pillage, and then pursued him to Khambhat, but Everything on the earth shall perish, failing to overtake him returned to prosecute And God does what He willeth.'" the siege of this fortress, which contained all The same author describes the introduction the treasure of the AhmadAbad kings. The of fountains into Gujarat by a Khurasani, and fortress, however, which was commanded by the laying out by him of a garden with fountains, Raja Narsingh Deva and Ikhtiyar Khan on artificial waterfalls, &c., with which the Sultan behalf of the Sultan, held out gallantly. An was very pleased. It seems that this man enormous cannon, called the Bahadur Shahi, the anxious to keep the secret of his fountains un- garrison were unable, on account of its weight known, employed only ignorant labourers, and and size, to take up to the fort, and they had only wonld not allow any one to inspect the work got it up halfway when Humayun's army arwhile in progress. A carpenter of Champaner rived; they therefore drilled three holes in it and determined to discover the secret, disguised | left it where it was. When Rami Khan, wbo, himself as a labourer, and discovered how to deserting Bahadur Shah, had now taken service make them. He then laid out a still finer gar with his enemy Humayun, saw the cannon, he den, which pleased the Sultan even more than said he could repair it, and did so by pouring the first one, and on inquiring from the carpen- into the holes a mixture of several metals; and ter how he had learned the art of constructing though now it took a little less charge of powder, fountains, the Sultan was so pleased at his re- and the range was somewhat diminished, it was cital of the str .tagem he had practised, that he still a very formidable weapon. Regarding this

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6 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. the author of the Mirat-i-Sikandri thus expresses himself:-"They say that the very first shot that Rami Khan fired with it cast down the gate of the fortress, and with the second shot he rooted up a great tree which was near the gate. In the mean time the garrison, seeing this, began to tremble. Now there was a Faringhi in the fortress, by name Sakta, who had been made a Musalman by Sultan Bahadur with the title of Farang Khan. He said to Ikhtiyar Khan, 'Since matters are thus, shall I fire a ball down the muzzle of that cannon ?' Ikhtiyar Khan said, 'If you can do what you say, I will enrich you beyond your wants.' The Faringhi at the first shot so struck that cannon that he broke it into pieces, and the garrison were delighted. Ikhtiyar Khan, however, gave him but a small recompense, but Raja Narsingh Deva gave him seven mans of gold." [JANUARY, 1877. only unknown to the army of Humayun, but of which the garrison even were ignorant. The Emperor that very night sent some picked men under the guardianship of these Kolis, who were as good as their word, and took them by a road whereby they arrived at the foot of the fortress at an unguarded spot, and scaling the rock with some difficulty they climbed over the battlements,SS and shouting Allah! Allah! furiously attacked the garrison, who were astonished and confounded at this sudden appearance of an enemy who had as it were dropped from the skies, and in their alarm some threw themselves over the walls of the fort, and some were slain; while others, amongst whom was Ikhtiyar Khan, fled to the lofty citadel now crowned by Kalka's fane, which citadel was in those days called the Mauliyah (so named from the Arabic maulaha, a lord), because it, so to speak, dominated over the whole interior of the upper fortress. This conquest of the fortress took place on the 7th Safar A.H. 942 (August 1535), and two days afterwards Ikhtiyar Khan also surrendered. After this reverse Humayun was unable to make any impression on the fortress. Raja Narsingh Deva, however, shortly after this event died of his wounds, and, as he was the soul of the defence, the ardour of the garrison somewhat abated. But the natural strength of the fortress defied Humayun's utmost efforts. This strength has only to be seen to be appreciated, and so great is it that the following extract from the Mirat-i-Sikandri is scarcely an exaggeration:"It is related that one of God's servants named Sayad Jalal, who had also the title of Munawaru'l-Mulk Bukhari, often used to say that the fortress of Champaner is such that if an old woman were but to hurl a stone from the top of the fort, all the men in the world could not continue the siege; wonderful was the good fortune of Humayun Badshah that so strong a fortress was so easily conquered." Eight years after this, viz. in A.H. 950, when Sultan Mahmud II. became independent of Darya Khan's control, the latter, when expelled from Ahmadabad by the Sultan and Alam Khan, depositing his women and treasure in the Champaner fortress, fled to Burhanpur. The command of the fortress was entrusted to one of his devoted followers named Fatuji, who, it is said, made a gallant defence. But the young king, emulating the courage of his great namesake, pressed the siege in person vigorously, and, though several men were slain by his side, he would neither leave the field, nor consent that the royal umbrella, which made him so conspicuous a mark, should be lowered. Such gallant conduct did not fail to make an impression on the garrison, who were out of heart both at fighting against their lawful sovereign, and at seeing that their leader had deserted them and fled to Khandesh. They made, therefore, but a halfhearted resistance, and the fortress was conquered; and Fatuji, who fled to the Mauliyah citadel, was captured and bound and brought before the Sultan, who sent him to be confined in the fort of Surat. The way in which the fortress was eventually conquered was this. The garrison, though they had, it is said, supplies of grain sufficient to last them for ten years, nevertheless one night sent down two hundred Kolis to bring up further supplies. These Kolis, incautiously going too near one of the outposts of the army, were captured and brought before Humayan, who ordered them to be put to death one after another. When seventy or eighty of them had been thus killed, one of the survivors said that if his life were spared, he would show the besiegers a road whereby to ascend the fortress, which was not SS They climbed the scarp by the aid of iron spikes which they drove into the rock. Afterwards, during the reign of the last Muzafar, when Gujarat was divided among the

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JANUARY, 1877.] THE HILL FORTRESS OF PAWAGADH. nobles, Champaner fell to the share of Changez the history of each of them. The kiladari of that Khan, who for a short time exercised almost place is subordinate to the farjdari of Godhrah, kingly power. As soon, however, as that ac- and it has fifty savars attached to it." complished noble was assassinated by Jhujhar And in another place I find in the same Khan Habshi, Champaner was seized on by author the following notice :-" (Mount) Pawa Shah Mirzit. Previous to this, Champaner had, is situated in the sarkur of Champaner, and is during the inglorious reign of Ahmad Shah II., three kos in height. It has both springs of fallen to the share of Sayad Mubarak, who gave water and tanks, and there is a stream behind it to Alam Khan, but it remained in their hands one of the kunds there, and there are trees there only a short time. both of known and unknown kinds, amongst When the emperor Akbar conquered Gujarat which are some myrobalan trees. And the the Mirzas were expelled, and Chempaner be- fortress is very strong, (and there is a palace for came an imperial possession, Pawagadh now a residence constructed by the old zamindars,) received an imperial garrison, and remain- with twelve gates, and the road is most diffied in the hands of the house of Timur until cult of access. And near the eighth gate is A.D. 1727, when Krishna ji, foster-son of a yawning abyss, over which they place beams Kantaji Kadam Bande, made a sudden like a bridge, and thus they ascend to the fortattack upon Champaner, and captured the fort- ress, and when occasion arises they remove ress, the garrison being surprised, and from that them; this place is known as the Patid pul. time Kantaji's agents remained permanently And the shrine of Bhawani is on the summit in Gujarat to collect his share of the tribute. of the rock, and above this temple is the shrine Afterwards it fell into the hands of Sindhia, of Sadan Shah, whom they consider a famous by whom it was handed over to the British saint." Government on August 1st, 1853. It had in There is also this notice of the temple of the mean time been taken, in 1803, from Sindhia Kalka :-"Kalk & Bhaw a ni's terople is on by a small British force commanded by Colonel the summit of Mount Pawa, and on the top of that Woodington, but was, however, restored to him temple is a shrine which is that of Sadan Shah, in 1804. one of the people of God (i.e. Muhammadan), Under the Moghal viceroys Champaner form- and the Brahmans consider that place one of the ed a separate charge or government (sarkar). chief places of Worship, and they tell wonderful The author of the Mirat-i-Ahmadi thus notices stories about it. Large numbers of men come it : to worship there from places both far and near, "The fifth sarkar is that of Champaner, and they also pay their respects to the shrine of which consists of thirteen mahals, and a fortress Sadan Shah." This shrine of Sadan Shah is named Pawagadh on the summit of a lofty moun- built on the spire uf the temple, the top of which tain very rugged, which is nearly four kos in has been removed to make room for the shrine; elevation, and in area the fortress is nearly it was probably done as a concession to Muhamhalf a kos, and it has several gates, and in one madan fanaticism, and to ensure the protectio: place there is an abyss sixty cubits deep, over of the rest of the temple. This temple of Kali which they construct a bridge of planks, and does not appear more than two hundred years when occasion arises they remove thein; they old, and her old shrine is probably the roughly call this the Patia pulplank bridge'). And carved stone smeared with vermilion outside it (the hill) is a pleasant place with green trees, the precincts. The temple is e idently modern, and it has both tanks and springs of water. in that it occupies the site of the old citadel, as Sultan Mahmud Begadha during his own reign well as from its style of architecture. conquered it by force from Rawal Patai, the In the upper fort there are the remains of several zamindar thereof, and building a city which he Jaina temples carved with much spirit, though named Muhammad a bad at the foot of that of no extraordinary excellence. There are the hill, he established his capital there, and most of remains of a mosque near the Machhi Haweli, the Gujarat Sultans made that town their ca- about midway up the hill, forinerly the residence pital, as has been related in the above pages in of Sindhia's Thanadar. In ascending the ! This bridge is still to be seen, and is still called the Pati& pul.

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8 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1877. hill one first comes to the Medi and the Medi | stored in other places, and there is still another tank even higher still, at the foot of the stone steps which lead to the Mata's temple. With a very little trouble, and with bat moderate expense, this upper fortress might be transformed into a very comfortable sanitarium; all that is wanted is the repair of, and additions to, the beautiful domes now standing. Already one of the lower domes has fallen, and unless the upper domes are speedily repaired they will fall too. Dr. Arnott, in 1839, reported on the advantages of the spot; and during the past year Lieutenant Gibbs, R.E., of the Great Trigonometrical Survey, specially reported on the subject to the officer commanding at Baroda, in a very interesting report. Talao. Here, they say, was a palace called the Medi; and here, as everywhere, were fortifications. Then further up comes the Buria Darwaza and the principal fortifications, very strong, and with a terrible ascent for troops in the face of a determined enemy. Next, one arrives at the plateau of the Machhi Haweli to the right of the gate, and as one issues forth on the ascent of the hill, just before reaching the Machhi Haweli, there is a curious sort of palace or summerhouse in three stories, called the Champavati, or Champa Rapina Mahal, which is said to have been the residence of a favourite queen. It was, however, I think, meant for the ladies of the zanana to sit in and witness a grand hunt, as it overlooks a deep valley, and is perfectly secure, while it commands an extensive view. Almost opposite to this is a spring of very good water, called the Panch kuvd. From this point the hill is covered with lines of fortification defending every practicable spot. From hence one ascends, past the Machhi Haweli and a tank near it, to three large domes called the Makai kotar, or maize granaries,' and from here one sees before him the isolated spur with the old ruined palace of Jayasingh Deva. On this spur are the remains of the palace, and covered-in tanks of water, and on the extreme point is a small shrine of Bhadra-Kali (or the favourable, propitious Kali'). From this spur one can form an idea of the difficulty of taking the fortress, even supposing that troops could reach this point, as the whole of this plateau is commanded by the gate and batteries by the Patia pul; and as there is only one narrow path whereby to ascend, advance would be almost impossible. Even supposing this gate won and the Patia pul crossed, and another gate close to the main gateway forced, the troops would have to run along a narrow path for about a hundred yards exposed to the full fire of the garrison, to find themselves in front of a strong double gateway. On entering these two gates one faces the great rock on which Kalka sits in state; and on turning to the right, one arrives, after a walk of a few hundred yards, at the domes or kotars, which overlook a tremendous precipice. Between these domes and this gate, following the fortifications, come tanks of cut stone, and it is evident that water was also Were the fortifications repaired the cost would of course be greater, but it would be a healthy spot, and one of the strongest fortresses in India. The only disadvantage that the place possesses as a sanitarium is that the wind is so violent in the hot weather that no buildings other than domes could stand it unless very strongly constructed. Colonel Wallace, when Resident of Baroda, once built a small bungalow on the hill, but it has long since had its roof blown away into the Baria jungles, and even the walls are considerably out of the perpendicular; but if Government were to build verandahs to the domes, and one or two outhouses, and improve the water supply, the residents of Baroda would doubtless gladly pay a small rent for the occupation of the domes during the hot season. In the Chohan annals Pawagadh occupied a prominent place. Their principal hero is, of course, Prithiraja of Delhi, then Hamiradeva of Ranthambhor, then Patai Rawal of Pawagadh, Kanad Dev a of Songadh Jhalor, and Achaldas of Gagrawn. The more famous of these will be found mentioned in the verses quoted at p. 99, vol. III. of the Indian Antiquary. It will be observed that of the five Rajput heroes therein praised three were Chohans, viz. Hamiradeva of Ranthambhor, Patal (poetical license for Patai, the name by which Rawal Jayasingh of Pawagadh is usually known), and Kanad Deva, the Songadha Chohan of Jhalor. Of the remaining two, Chund Rao is poetical license for Ra o Chonda, the Rathod ancestor of the present Chief of Jodhpur, and There were formerly verandahs, now fallen down.

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JANUARY, 1877.] FURTHER VALABHI GRANTS. Dudo was the Bhati chief of Jesalgadh or Jesalmer. Pawagadh, therefore, together with Ranthambhor and Jhalor, is one of the sacred places in the legends of the tribe, and shines out prominently in the history of this gallant race, and its memory is fondly cherished by all Chohans, and especially by the houses of Chota Udayapur aud Devagadh Baria, who are of the branch called Pa wa pati, or lords of Pawa. FURTHER VALABHI GRANTS. BY G. BUHLER. (Continued from vol. 1. p. 212.) The first of the three Valabbi grants now knowledge of the history of Valabhi. Dhapublished was found in the ruins of Valabhi rasena I. calls himself (Pl. II. 1. 1) mahasd. by Kolis who dug for old bricks. I acquired it manta, 'the great feudal or provincial chief,' as in January 1875. The second was found at well as maharaja,' and shows thereby that down Botad, in the Bhatnagar territory. It was to his times the rulers of Valabhi paid homage kindly forwarded to me for deciphering by to a lord paramount. In my article on the Messrs. Percival and Gaurishankar Ozha, the grant of Dhruvasena I. of Samyat 216, Joint Administrators of the Bhaunagar State. I pointed out that this maharaja was certainly The third grant was found by Mr. Raoji Vithal, & vassal of some greater king, and that Droformerly special Political Assistant in charge nasinha's boasted coronation had not of Lanavada (Revakantha), in the Raja's palace raised him much above that position which his at Lani v a da. I owe its loan to the kindness predecessors, the two Senapatis or generals, of Major J. W. Watson, Acting Political Agent, occupied. Dharasena's confession confirms my Revakanthe. view about Dhruvasena I., and permits the in4.-The Grant of Dharasena I. ference that his grandfather Dharapatta and The grant of Dharasena I. is written on his father Guhasena likewise did not enjoy two platos 9 inches by 16}. The rings with the independence. I will now express my belief that seal have been forcibly half torn half cut out, eventually we shall find it proved that the Valawhereby semicircular pieces of the surface of bhi dynasty was at no period free from vassalage, the lower portion of the first and of the upper except perhaps during the reign of Dharasena portion of the second plate, originally situated IV., who calls himself king of kings, chakravar. round the left-hand ring, have been lost. This tin, emperor, and supreme lord.' accident makes some letters in the first lines I should not wonder if further finds of inof the second plate very faint and indistinct. scriptions, and further investigations regarding They can just be traced with a strong glass. the position of the villages granted by those The second plate has also lost a piece low down of Valabhi,' entirely destroyed the legend of on the right-hand side. Both plates were cover- the power and greatness of the kingdom, which, ed, when I bonght them, with thick layers of first started by Colonel Tod, has since been sand and verdigris. A prolonged immersion in adopted by most Indian historians and antilime-juice cleaned them. But the first plate is quarians. nevertheless not easily readable, and is unsuited The grantee is the "monastery called that for photography. The second gives a tolerable of Sri Bappa pa da, which had been built by photograph. the Acharyya Bhadanta Sthiramati, "he letters of the plates show a predilection and was situated in Valabh 1." (PL. II. lines for round forms like those of Guhasena, and re- 3 and 4.) There can be, I think, no doubt semble the latter in their thinness. The grant that this vihdra is the one which Hiwen is dated from a 'camp of victory,' the location of Thsang ascribes to the Arhat 'Oche-lo. His which is not certain, as the name of the village remarks on this monastery are as follows: appears to be mutilated. The beginning of the (Vemoires, vol. II. p. 164) :-" At a little distance name is Bhadropatta. from the town (Valabht) there is a great convent The vannavali gives the usual list of rulers which was erected in olden times by Arhat from Bhatarka to Dharasena I., the son Oche-lo. It is there that the Bodhisattvas Goof Guhasena. It offers only one addition to our namati and Sthiramati fixed their abode, and

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10 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1877. composed various treatises which have become In the first passnge the reading divirat is famous and widely known." merely a faulty reading of Mr. Troyer's edition The Sthiramati mentioned in our grants and for sivirat, which latter the Calcutt:. edition by Hiwen Thsang is, no doubt, the famous and the Sarada MSS. give. The other two pupil of Vasu bandhu, who composed com- passages have been badly translated by Mr. mentaries on the writings of his master. Troyer. Otherwise it would have been recog. The objects granted are two villages,-Ma- nized that a 'divira' must be an official. The hesvarad a sena ka, in the charani of Has. first, VII. 111, runs as follows :tavapra, and Devabhadripallik A in the purA devamukhAkhyasya divirasya kilAjani / hali of Dharaketha (pl. II. I. 3). Hastavapral cours in the grant of Dhruvasena I. dated ApUpikAyAM vezyAyAM putrazcandramukhAbhidhaH / / 2077 as Hastakavapra, and has been identified and the translation should be with the modern Hatha b, which Colonel Yule "Formerly a son, called Chandramukha.. has since conjectured to be the Greek Astakampron. Mahesvarada sena ka is probably was born to Divira called Deva mukha Mahadevapura, which lies to the south-west of by the courtezan Apu pika." Hathab. Dharasena's grant reads distinct The second passage, VII. 119, is, I think, ly hastavapraharanyam, and thus confirms my as follows: einondation of the reading haranyam,' and my | ityaM maMviSu yogyeSu kSAntizIle ca bhUpatau / statement that aharani' must have denoted a kecidudrekmbhjndrdivirddaamraaH|| territorial division. The purpose for which the two villages were and the correct translation:granted is, as usual in the case of grants to "Whilst the ministers thus were worthy (of Bauddha monasteries, to defray the cost of the their places), and the king of a forgiving disworship of the Divine Buddhas, of clothing, food, position, some Dards, Diviras, and Damaras and medicine for the reverend Bhikshus, and became overbearing." of the repairs of the monastery. (Pl. II. 1. 4.) In the land-grants divira or divirapati is As regards the date of the grant, I now read always used as a title, especially for the officials it as 269 Chaitra, dark half 2. In the interpre- who drew up the sasanas. This position shows tation of the second sign follow Pandit Bhag- also that it denoted the holder of some office. vanlal Indraji, who, in my opinion, has succeeded Kshemendra, the author of the Lokaprakakot... in clearing up the difficulties regarding the gives us a clue to the exact meaning of the wovd signs for 40-70, with the help of a number of Firstly, in Prakasa III., he speaks of various Kshatrapa coins in his possession. I classes of diviras, ganjadiviras, nagaradivirus, As regards the language of the grant, the gramadiviras, khavasadiviras; and the next incorrect phrase hastavapraharanyain mahesva. word is kedyastha. Secondly, when beginning radasenakagrami dharakhetusthalydon chi deva, to give the forms for hundis and other bonds, bhadripallikagramau, instead of adasenakagramo he says, "I will now propound all written do and pallikagramah, shows that the writer ha- cuments according the details of each, in their bitually spoke Prakrit, and possessed bat an im- proper order, for the benefit of the Diviras. perfect knowledge of Sanskrit grammar. Honoe it becomes evident that these officials In conclusion I may add the explanation of the had to do with writing and accounts, and we word divira'which oocurs in the title of the writer, may render the word by the modern 'karkun,' Skanda bhata, "sandhivigrahadhiranddhikri- or writer and accountant. Divirapati Skanta divirapatiskandabhatena." (PI. II. 1. 16.) In dabhata means, therefore, Skandabhata the the Petersburg Dictionary, which is followed, as chief clerk or secretary.' I am not able to find an usual, by Prof. Monier Williams, divira is said etymology for the word in Sanskrit. Perhaps it to be a proper name, and the Rajatarangini, VI. may be connected with the Persian dipi, writ130, VII. 111, 119, is quoted as the authority. ing,' which occurs in the cuneiform inscriptions. * Wassiliof, Buddhismus, p. 84. in the next Part of the Indian Antiquary, p. 43. Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 804. Lokaprap. II. -"Evam vibhagaso valoshye pratyelasy I A paper which gives the wobetance of his very remark- yathAkramam diviranah hitArthbya bhrjasAramamu. able discoveries on the ancient Indian numerals will appeurobohayam."

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JANUARY, 1877.] FURTHER VALABHI GRANTS. TRANSCRIPT. Plate I. (') svasti vijayaskandhAvArA [t] bhadropAtta-vAsa [kAt ] prasa [ praNatAmitrANAM maitrakANA // ] matulabalasapanamaNDa[lA ] bhoga saMsakta saMprahArazatalabdha [ pratApaH pratA ](2) [popanata] dAnamAnAjaivopArjitAnurAgAnu [ raktamaula ] mRta [ mitra ] zreNIbalAvAptarAjyazrIH paramamAhezvara zrIsenApatirbhaTArkastasya suta [ statpA ] darajo [ru](') natapavitrIkRtazirAH zirovanatazatrucUDAmaNiprabhAvicchuritapAdanakhapaGktidIdhitiH dInAnAyakRpaNajanopajIvyamAnavibhavaH paramamA(1) hezvaraH zrIsenApatidharasenaH tasyAnuja [statpAda] praNAmamazastatara vimalamaNirmmanvAdipraNItavidhividhAnadharmmA dharmmarAja iva vinayavihita(') vyavasthApadvatirakhilabhuvanamaNDalAbhogeka svAminA paramasvAminA svayamupahitarAjyAbhiSeka mahAvizrANanAvapUtarAjyazrIH paramamAhe. (') zvaraH mahArAjazrI droNasiGghaH siGgha iva tasyAnujasstrabhujabalaparAkrameNa paragajaghaTAnIkAnAmekavijayI zaraNaiSiNAM zaraNamavaboddhA (1) zAstrArthaM tatvAnAM kalpataruriva suddatpraNayinAM yathAbhilaSitakAmaphalabhogadaH paramabhAgavataH mahArAzrIvasenastasyAnujaH (1) [tacca ]raNAravindapraNatipravidhautAvazeSakalmaSaH suvizuddhassvacaritodakaprakSAlitAzeSakalikalaGkaH prasamanirjitArAtiH pra (1) [ pa ]ramAdityabhaktaH zrImahArAjadharapaTTaH tasya sutastatpAda saparyyAvAptapuNyodayazzaizavAtprabhRti khaDgadvitIyabAhureva sama ( 10 ) [ dapara ] gajaghaTAsphoTanaprakAzita satvanikaSastatpratApapraNatArAticUDAratnaprabhAsaMsaktasavyapAdanakhapaGkti dIdhitiH sakalasmRti(1) praNItamArgasamyakparipAlanaprajAhRdayaraMjanAnvartharAjazabdaH rUpakAntisthairyyadhairyyabuddhi saMpadbhiH smarazazAGkAdrirAjodadhitridazaguru 11 (") dhanezAnatizayAnaH zaraNAgatAbhaya [ pradAna ] paratayA tRNavadapAstAzeSasvakAryyaphalaH prArthanAdhikAthapradAnAnaMditavidvatsudda [ praNa ](15) vihRdayaH pAdacArIva [sakalabhuvana maNDalAbhogapramodaH ] paramamAhezvarI mahArAja zrIguhasenaH tastha sutastatpAdanakha[ mayUkhasaMtAna ]( * ) [ visRta ] jAnhavI jalaughapra[ kSAlitAzeSakalmaSaH praNa ]yizatasahastreopaja (vyamAnabhogasaMpadrUpalo[bhA ]divAzritassarasamAbhigAmikairguNaiH ('') sahajazaktizikSAvizeSavismApitAkhiladhanurddharaH prathamanarapatisamatisRSTAnAmanupAlayitA [dha ]dAyAnAmapakarttA prajo(1) paghAtakAriNAmupa [ plavA ] nAM darzayitA zrIsarasvatyorekAdhivAsasya saMhatArAtipakSalakSmIparibhogadakSavikramaH vikrameopasaMprA Letters 11-14 doubtful. Line 1, read saMpanna read maulimaNi. L. 6, read droNasiMha : siMha. L. L. 4, 7, read 'tattvAnAM L. 10. read sattvanikaSa L. 11, insert gAmbhIryaM after 4.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1877. Plate II. (') vimalapArthivazrIH paramamA [hezvaro] mahAsAmantamahArAjazrIdharasenaxkuzalI sarvAneva svAnAyuktakadrAGkikamahattaracATa [bhaTa]---- (2) dhruvAdhikAraNikaviSayapatirAja sthAnIyoparikakumArAmAtyahastyazvArohAdInanyAMzca yathAsaMbadhya mAnakAnsamAjJApayatyastu vassavi: (2) ditaM yathA mayA mAtApitroH puNyApyAyanAyAtmana thaihikAmuSmikayathAbhilaSitaphalAvAptaye valabhyAM AcAryabhadantasthiramatikAritazrIbappapAdIya(') vihAre bhagavatAM buddhAnAM puSpadhUpagandhadIpalAdikriyotsarpaNArtha nAnAdigabhyAgatAryabhikSusaGgasya cacIvarapiNDapAtaglAnabhaivajAdyayaM vihArasya ca kha(') NDasphuTitavizIrNapratisaMskAraNAtya hastavaprAharaNyAM mahezvaradAsenakagrAma dhArAkheTasthalyAM ca devabhadripalikAmAmau sodRGgau soparikarau sabA(1) tabhUtapratyAyasadhAnyabhAgabhogaharaNyAdeyau sotpadyamAnaviSTikarau sadazAparAdhI samastarAjakIyA nAmahastaprakSepaNIyau bhUmicchidranyA [yena] (') AcandrArkArNavasarikSitisthitiparvatasamakAlInau udakAtisargeNa devadAyau nisRSTau yata ucitayA devavihArasthityA bhuMjataH kRSa [taH] (1) karSayataH pratidizato vA na kaizvidvayAghAte vartitavyo AgAmibhadranupatibhirasma_zajairanyA nityAnyaizvaryANyasthirAM mAnuSyaM sAmAnyaM ca [bhUmi (1) [dAnaphala] mavagacchadirayamasmadAyonumantavyaH paripAlayitavyazca yazcainamAcchindyAdAcchidyamanAM vAnumodeta sa paJcabhirmahApA [takaiH] (1) [ssopa] pAtakaissaMyuktaH syAt ityuktaM ca bhagavatA vedavyAsena vyAsena // SaSTivarSasahasrANi svarge. modati bhUmidaH / AcchettA cAnumantA ca [tAnyeva nara-] (") ke vaset // bahubhirvamudhA bhuktA rAjabhissagarAdibhiH yasya yasya yadA bhUmiH tasya tasya tadA phalam // anodakeSvaraNyeSu [zuSkakoTara-] (1) vAsinaH kRSNasarpA hi jAyante dhrmdaayaaphaarkaaH|| svadattAM paradattAM vA yo hareta vasundharAM / gavAM zatasa [hasrasya hantuH prApnoti] (1) kilbiSam // yAnIha dAridrabhayAnarendrarddhanAni dharmAyatanIkRtAni / nirmAlyavAntapratimAni tAni ko nAma [ sAdhuH punarAdadIta] (") lakSmIniketaM yadapAzrayeNa prApto kobhimataM nRpAyaM / tAnyeva puNyAni vivarddhayethA na hApanIyo hyupakAripakSaH // (11) svahasto mama mahAdhirAjazrIdharasenasya dUtakaH sAmantazIlAdityaH / / (1) likhitaM sandhivigrahAdhikaraNAdhikRtadivIrapatiskandabhaTena / saM 269 caitra ba 2 // B.-The Grant of Dhruvasena II. and seal are in their proper places. The plates The grant of Dhruvasena II. is written are now extremely thin, and in some places on two plates 10 inches by 12, each. The rings | pierced by small holes. It would seem that, as *L. 1, aksharas 9-12 and 16-17 are extremely faint. L. patrikAmAmo. L.6, read hiraNyA . L.7, read kAlInA 2, aksharas 11-13 and 15-18 are extremely faint. L. 3, | aksLars 9-16 are very faint. L. 4, akaharas 11-18 are L.8, read vartitavyaH sthira. L.9, reed cchidyamAnaM. L. 11, , very faint, and some doubtful. L.s, read dAsenakagrAmo - read anudakeSva. L. 16, read divira.

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JANUARY, 1877.) FURTHER VALABAI GRANTS. 13 the surfaces were badly corroded and covered certain that I have got the exact meaning of by verdigris, the finder knocked off the upper valabhisvatalasannivishta, literally seated on the layers. Fortanately a kernel of sound copper own surface of Valabhi.' It may mean, as I had remained in the centre, in which the strokes have rendered it, situated in Valabhi proper, of the letters were visible. Nevertheless, when i.e. within the walls.' But possibly the comI received the plates, I doubted whether I poundsvatala' may have a technical meaning should ever be able to make out the whole The purpose for which the grant was made grant. But, when I had filled up all the strokes is the same as that mentioned in the preceding visible with white paint, I found, to my delight, sasana of Dharasena II. that the whole was readable except a line or The object granted is (Pl. II. 1. 13) the vil. two, which could easily be restored by means of lage Bhasanta in Kala pakapathag in Sarashthe published plates. tra. Kala pakapatha must be the name of a The grant is dated from Valabhi. The subdivision of Sorath. Regarding Surashvasavau offers nothing new. But it ought to tra' it ought to be noted that the word is albe noticed that the grantor, Dhruvasena II., ways used in the plural, Surdshdh, and that it called also B & l& ditya, does not assume the is, therefore, really the name of the people who title 'Maharaja,' and that none of his predeces- inhabited the country, just as PanchalAh,' sors receive any epithet but Sri, the illustrious.' Kasmirah,' &c. The form Sorath is probably . It may be that the omission is due to an accident; not a corruption of Surashtrah,' but of Saurashbut, considering the habitual grandiloquence of tram' (mandalam). For Sanskrit au caused by Indian princes, the case is suspicious, and it a Taddhita affix is regularly represented by would not be surprising if it were found even- Prakrit o. Raosaheb Gopalji S. Desai, Deputy tually that Dhruvasena II. had some cogent Educational Inspector of Kathiavad, suggests to reasons for being silent about his magnificence. me that Bhasanta is probably the modern The grantee is (P1.II.1. 11) "the community of Bhese n, a village of the Sorath Prant, belongthe reverend Bhikshas dwelling in the monas- ing to the Navab of Junagadh. tery erected by Gohaka, which was included As regards the relation of Saurashtra to the in the precincts of the monastery built by princess kinge of Valabhi, Hiwen Thsang also states Dudd a, and situated in Vala bhi proper." (Memoires, vol. II. p. 165) that "this country is Dodd a and ler vihara are known from the subject to the kingdom of Valabhi." sasanas of Dhravagena I. + and of Guhasena. I In the date, the year is Samvat 310, and the If she is here called rajfi, literally queen,' I month Asvayaja. The day may be read either presume that the writer means to indicate that baha 5, i.e. baha (lapaksha), dark half 5,' or 'ba she was of royal blood, -not that she was mar- 15, dark half 15.' For on this plate the letter ried to a king. For Dhruvasena I. calls her ha and the sign for 10 bear a very close resem" my own sister's daughter." I am not quite blance. Plate I. (1) svastivalabhIta prasabhapraNatAmitraNA maitrakANAmatulabalasaMpantramaNDalAbhogasaMsaktaprahArazatalabdhapratA-ga (') pAtpratApopanatadAnamAnA vopArjitAnurAgAdanuraktamaulabhRtazraNIbalAvAptarAjyazriyaH paramamAhe. zvaraH zrImaTArkAdavyava(1) cchinnarAjavaMzAnmAtApitRcaraNAravindapraNatipravidhautAzeSakalmaSazzaizavAtprabhRti khaDadvitIyabAhureva samadaparagajaghaTAsphoTana(') prakAzitasalanikaSastatprabhAvapraNatArAticUDAratnaprabhAsasaktapAdanakharazmisa~hatissakalasmRtipraNI tamArgasamyakparipa(1) lanaprajAhRdayarajanArtyarAjazabdo rUpakAntisthairyagAmbhIryyabuddhisaMpadbhiH smarazazAGkAdirAjo dadhitridazagurudhanezAnatiyAnazzara+ Ind. Ant. vol. IV. p. 106. . Ibid. p. 174. Pathaka' occurs in the sense of machi n e TL. 1, read TETTI. L. 2, read ir EVT. on the Chalukya plates of Anbilvad pretty frequently. L. 4, read #To: tho L. 6, read tarp

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14 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. sahajazaktizi prajopa (1) nAgatAbhayapradAnaparatayA triNavada pAstAzeSasvakAryyaphala prArthanAdhikArtyapradAnAnanditavidvatsuhRtpraNayihRdayaH pAdacArI * (') va sakalabhuvanamaNDalAbhogapramoda parama mAhezvaraH zrI guhasenastasya sutastatpadanakhamayUkhasaMtAnavisRtajAnhavIjalaigha( 8 ) prakSAlitAzeSakalmaSaH praNayizatasahasropajIvyamAnasaMpadrUpalobhAdivAzritassarabhasamAgAmikairguNai(1) kSAvizeSavismApitAkhiladhanurddharaH prathamanarapatisamati sRSTAnAmanupAlayitA dharmmadAyAnAmapAkarttA ( 10 ) ghAtakAriNAmupaplavAnAM dazayitA zrIsarasvatyorekAdhivAsasya sa~hRtArAtipakSalakSmIparibhogadakSavi kramo vikramopasa('') [prA ] tatrimala patthivAzrI paramamAhezvaraH zrIdharasenastasya sutastatpAdAnudhyA tassakalajagadAnandanAtyadbhutaguNasamudayastha('') [gi] tasamagradiGkaNDalassamarazatavida zatobhAsanAyamaNDalAgra dudyutibhAsurAnsapITho vyUDhagurumanoratha(13) [ sa ] vidyAparAparavibhAgAdhigamavimalamatirapi sarvvatassubhASitalavenApi sukhapapAdanIyaparitobassamagra lokAgAdha(*) gAmbhIryyahRdayopi sucaritAtizaya suvyaktaparamakalyANasvabhavaH khilIbhUta kRtayuganRpatipatha vizodhanAdhigatodagraaiiparamamAhezvaraH zrIzalAdityastasvA mahAbhAra [JANUARY, 1877. ( '' ) rddharmmAnuparodhojjvalatarikRtArtyasukha saMpadupasevAnirUDhadhamrmAdityadvitIyanAmA (") nujastatpAdAnudhyAtaH svayamupendraguruNeva guruNAtyAdaravatA samabhilaSaNIyAmArpa skandhAsaktA paramabhadra iva dhu('') rthyastadAjJA[saM]pAdanaikarasatayaivodvahankheTa sukharatibhyAmanAyAsita satva saMpattiH prabhAvasaMpadvazIkRtanRpatizataziro(") ratnacchAyopagUDhapadapIThopi parAvajJAbhimAnarasAnAliGgitamanovRttiH praNatimekA parityajya prakhyAtaparuSAbhi[mAnaira](1) pyakatibhiranAsAditapratikriyopAyaH kRtanikhilabhuvanAmodavimalaguNa saMhati prasabha [ [vigha ]TitasakalakalavilasitagatinI [ca](10) janAdhirohibhirazeSairdoSairanA mRSTAtyunnata hRdayaH prakhyAtapauruSAstrakauzalAtizayagaNatiyavipakSakSi tipatilakSmIsvayagrAha [ pra] - (21) kAzitapravIrapuruSaprathama saMkhyAdhigamaH paramamAhezvaraH zrIkhara grahastasya tanayastatpAdAnuSyAtaH sakalavidyAdhigama[vihita] (14) nikhilavidvajjanamanaH paritoSAtizayassatvasaMpadA tyAgaudAryeNa ca vigatAnusandhAnAzamahitArAtipakSamanorayAkSabhaMGga L. 17, read sava: L. 18, read mekAM; pauruSA. L. 19, rend pyarAtibhiH saMhatiH kaliklisita. L. 21, read paramamahezvara:L. 22, read samAhitA: * L. 6, read phala I. 7, read statpAda jalIya. I. 10, read darzayitA L. 11, read pArthiva zrI. 1. 12, read [vijayazo pITho mahAbhAra: L. 13, read sukhoSa L. 14, read svabhAva. L. 15, road 'jjvalatarIkRtA. L. 16, read skandhAsakAM

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OF ORIGINAL SIZE * ** ** * k , Top Qual STIRB31HIER:Vip ) 88pg thaa maan a v3tx5ke244 * Ron Bians! y Rip ARLES Purbalinelubunun sob 2 883 8g2pE4IQ8Bn-BigCeletgage nnnnnnyetB gEE SEARCauniyu is ning qnk B diipunSupEETBnkhnyuMmreek2 B0%eap 3ges! nnnnnniimea3Rdge s.21 +32ERSAC -tEa a8 v=8$3 893@222 1nMgpaghan ISR ei, RE;&nkhit193\ngbhaabngngkhnyuM 18*otbvio&Rdeg33oFrofia8yz quukhung VALABHI GRANT OF DHRUVASENA II - PLATE I. Indian Antiquary. Vol VI. p. 14

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PLAgEDKART gili: Realities NTERESEART tea in hSmaram RARE PatanamaRRESPECralu Root Continuous Te n se AgEoXRhymellaJYPESORCLEAS E Teaser In Royagreen TRSEPRLrampaign Terracerapogu Rasipl 3 RR anannERRIER STAR PLEApN Follars a g o ANTERARAO1283RDER BARNEREAgainETE R IN THE Re puulu K 23nNgaaERO -7981) Reamin 1:uddiceetaa AN, lootul s - aattl - 2016 KALABHI GRANT OF DHRUVASENA I . PLATE II.

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JANUARY, 1877.] FURTHER VALABAI GRANTS. (13) ssamyagupalakSitAnekazAstrakalAlokacaritagavharavibhAgopi paramabhadraprakRtirapyakRti[maprazra](*) ya vinayazobhAvibhUSaNaH samarazatajayapatAkAharaNapratyalodagrabAhuvidhvaMsita] Plate II. (') nikhilapratipakSapodayaH svadhanuprabhAvaparibhUtAstrakauzalAbhimAnasakalanRpatimaNDalA-1 (') bhinanditazAsanaH paramamAhezvaraH zrIdharasenastasyAnujastatpAdAnudhyAtaH saccaritAtizayita(3) sakalapUrvanarapatira] tidussAdhAnAmapi prasAdha[yi]tA visayANAM mUrtimAniva puruSakAraH parivRddhaguNAnu(') rAganirbhara[cittavR]tirmanuriva svayamabhyupapannaH prakRtibhira[dhi]gatakalAkalApaH kAntimA nirvRtiheturakalaGkakumuda(') nAthaH prAjyapratApasthagitadigantarAlapradhvansitadhvAntarAzissatatoditassavitA prakRtibhyaH parapratya yamarthavanta(6) matibahutiyaprayojanAnubandhamAgamaparipUrNaM vidadhAnassandhivigrahasamAsanizcayanipuNaH sthAnenurU pamAdezaM (') dadaguNavRddhavidhAnajanitasaMskArassAdhUnAM rAjyasAlAturIyatantrayorubhayorapi niSNAta prakRSTavi ___ kramopi ka(deg ) ruNAmRduhRdayaH zrutavAnappagarvita xkAntopi prazamI sthirasauhRdayyobhi nirasitA doSavattAmudaya samayasa(2) mupajatitajanatAnurAgaparipihitabhuvanasamarthitaprathitabAlAdityadvitIyanAmA paramamAhezvaraH zrIdhruvase(0) na X kuzalI sarvAneva yayAsamvadhyamAnaka samAjJApayatyastu vassaMviditaM yathA mayA mAtApitroH puNyApyayanAya (") valabhIsvatalasaniviSTarAjJIduDmAkAritavihAramaNDalaMtargatagohakakAritavihAranivAsyAyaMbhikSusaGkAya cIvarapiNDapAtaza [ya] (*) nAzanaglAnapratyayabhiSajyapratiskArAya buddhAnAM ca bhagavatA pUjAsnAnagandhadhUpapuSpadIpatailAdyatyaM vihAra (') [sya] khaNDasphuTitapratisaMskArAya pAdamUlapajIvanAya surASTreSu kAlApakapathake bhasantagrAmaH ___sodrakasso (*) parikaraH sabhUtavAtapratyAyassadhAnyahiraNyadeyassadazAparAdhassotpadyamAnaviSTika sarvarAjakIyAnA mahastaprakSepaNIya(1") pUrvadattadevabrahmadeyaM rahitaH AcandrArkArNavakSatasariparbatasamakAlInaH AyaMbhikSusaGkaparibhogya uda kAtisa [geM](16) Na brahmadAyopramRSTo yatAsyocitayA devAgrAhArasthisyA bhuJjataH kRSataH karSayataH pradizato vA na kaizcidvacAsedhe +L.1, read dappodaya. L. 3, read viSayANAM- L.5, read | L. 11, read maNDalAntargadeg. L. 12, read 'nAsana, pratisaMpradhyAsitaparaM. L.7, read vRddhi zAlAtarIya niSNAtaH | skArAya. L.14, rend hiraNyA viSTikaH prakSepaNIyaH. L. 15. L. 8, read sauhadayyopi doSavatA. L. 10, rend badhyamAnakAn- | read brahmadeyarahitaH kSiti. L.16, read yotisRSTo.

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16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1877. (") vartitavyamAgAmibhadranRpatibhirasmadvaMzajairanyai| anityAnyaizvANyasyaraM mAnuSyaMH sAmAnyaM ca bhUmi dAnaphalamava (18) gacchadvirayamasmahAyonumantavyaH paripAlayitavyazcetyuktaM bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhissagarAdibhiH __ yasya yasya (") yadA bhUmistasyatasya tadA phalaM // yAnIha dAridyabhayAnarendrardhanAni dharmAyatanIkRtAni nirbAntamA lyapratimAni (20) tAni ko nAma sAdhuH punarAdadItaH SaSTiM varSasahasrANi svarge tiSThati bhUmidaH AcchettA cAnumantA ca tAnyeva narake vasye (1) dUtakotra sAmantazilAdityaH / / likhitamidaM sndhivigrhaadhikRtdivirptivshbhttttinaa|| saM 31. Azvayujabaha 5 REFIT H II? 0.- The Grant of sudditya V. minative affix ka, and godraha means 'a lake for The grant of Siladitya V. is written on Cows,' or the lake of the cow;' compare also two plates of the largest size, 11 inches by 17. nagadraha in Vakpati's grant.' Now this name The left-hand ring has been lost. The right- fits Godhr& very well, which possesses a hand one, to which the seal is attached, is in very large taldo. The name Godraha occurs also its proper place. The latter is, even for Valabhi in Somokvara's Kirtikaumudi, IV. 57, where it is plates, excessively massive. It bears the usual stated that the lords of Godraha and Late cognizance and inscription. betrayed their master, Rana Viradhavala The letters resemble in general those of the of Dholka, and joined the kings of Marudesa who Baroda and Kavi Rashtrakuta plates. But they fought against him. In that passage Godraha show some curious forms, which I have never can only refer to Godhra. I do not feel so conmet with before. Thus da is invariably repre- fident that it designates the same place in our sented by 2, which in the older inscriptions plate. For it is quite possible that another Gowould be hra or phra ; for ksha we find some dhra may have existed in Kathiavad, though I times a sign which resembles bha; and for sha a am not at present in a position to prove this. sign resembling ja-E, or tha-0. The varneavali carries us one step further than The execution of the plates is slovenly in the the Gondal plates translated by Raosaheb extreme. Not only does every line abound with V. N. Mandlik. || It appears that there was a mistakes, and whole lines have been left onto fifth prince who bore the name Siladitya. bat frequently the engraver has not taken the Oar sasana (pl. II. 11. 20-22) gives the following trouble to connect his strokes, whereby the description of this new king :letters become rather doubtful. It would be " His (i.e. the fourth siladityadeva's) son is impossible to read the plate if we had not the ardent devotee of Mahesvara, the great numerous nearly identical inscriptions. The king of kings, the supreme lord, the illustrious preservation of the plates is nearly perfect. Siladityadeva, who meditates on the feet There are only two small rents, one high up of the supreme sovereign, the great king of kings, on the right-hand side, and one low down on the the supreme lord Bappa, who humbles the pride left-hand side of the second plate. of all (hostile) armies, who is an abode of auThe grant is dated from "the camp of vic- spiciousness produced) by great victories, who tory fixed at Godraha ka." Godrahaks may resembles) 'Purushottama, because his possibly be Godhra, the chief town of the bosom is caressed by the embraces of Fortune, Panch Mahals. The word Godranaka is formed because he is possessed of marvellous power by from Godraha by the individualizing or deter- assuming the shape of a man-lion, and because IL. 17, read feet. L. 20, read ; * Narasimha is one of the incarnations of Vishnu. $ Especially Pl. IL. 11. 26-29. The king may be likened to a man-lion on soooont of his Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. XI. p. 331. bravery. The compound Narasimha has to be explained 1 Lakshmi, the goddess of fortune, is the wife of differently in onoh me. Vishnu-Purushottama.

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JANUARY, 1877.] FURTHER VALABHI GRANTS. he protects the whole earth (gomandala) by de- lives now at Luna vada. The grantee prostroying hostile princes (samuddhata vipaksha- bably was one of their ancestors. The object bhubhrit), just as Purushottama protected the granted is the village Bahu abata ka, situatherds (gomandala) by raising a wingless mountain ed in the zilla (vishaya) of Suryapura, (samuddhatavipakshabhabhrit),+ whose toe-nails on the banks of the Vappoik a river (P1. possess a brilliancy enhanced by the jewels in the II. 1. 24). diadems of numerous princes prostrated (at his The purpose for which the village was given feet), and who has effected a conquest of the faces is to defray the expenses of an agnihotra and of the nymphs of all quarters of the universe." other sacrifices. Siladitya deva V. is the eighteenth king The date I am inclined to read as "Sarvat of the dynasty who has become known. The 441, Kartika Suddha 5," or "the fifth day of the number of Siladityas who have now revealed bright half of Kartika of the year 441." The themselves becomes rather perplexing. It is first two signs must be taken together and evident that the Jaina legend, attributing the read as 400. This is perfectly certain, as the reestablishment of their faith to "Siladitya of Gondal grants of Siladitya IV. are dated 403. Valabhi," is about as explicit as a narrative The next following figure might be read as 4 would be which referred an event to the reign on account of its resemblance to the second sign. of "Louis of France." which must be taken with the sign for 100. The grantee is an Atharvavedi Brahman of But as a horizontal stroke follows, which apthe Parasara gotra, called Sambhulla, the pears to represent 1, it must be taken as a son of Datalla, who resided at Dahaka. He figure denoting one of the numbers between is called tachchaturvidya, i.e. "a member of the 10 and 90, and it comes nearest the sign for 40. community of the Chaturvedis of that (town)." I admit, however, that the last horizontal stroke (Pl. II. 11. 23-4.) The three names are not may in reality be meant to form part of the Sanskrit, but apparently Desi words. It ought third sign. In that case the whole stands for to be noted that a small colony of Atharvavedis 404. Plate I. (') svasti godrahakasamAvasitajayaskandhAvArAtprasabhapraNatAmitrANAM maitrakANAmatulabalasaMpannamaMDalAbho gasasaMktaprahArazatalabdhapra(2) tApAtpratApopanatadAnamAnArjayopArjitAnurAgaskhanuraktamaulabhRtazreNIbalAvAptarAjyazriyaH paramamA TT: ftraei641(') chinnavaMzAnmAtApitricaraNAravindapaNatipavitrIkAzeSakalmaSaH zaizavAtprabhRti khaDudvitIyabAhureva samadagajaghaTAsphoTanaprakazitasabanika(1) SaH tatprabhAvapraNatArAticUDAratnapravAsaMsatapAdananarazmisaMhatiH sakalasmRtipraNItamArgasamyakriyApA lanaprajAhRdayaraMjanAnvartharA(*) 71021lenailareddamategia: Hyfa: FICTING geriafugatuara arrastar _ naH zaraNAgatAbhayapradANaparatayA (deg) tRNavadupAstAzeSasvavIryaphalaH prArthanAdikArthapradAnaMditavidvatmahatpraNayihRdaya pAdacArIva sakalabhuva nasaMDalAbhogat I take the compound samuddhatavipakshabhabhrin. that it may be Surnt. This identification cannot stand, as mikhilagomandalarakshah to consist of Bahuvrihi-80- Surat is a modern town. I am unable to offer wuy kux. muddhatt vipakshabhbhrito vena 80-and a Tatpurusha gestion as to the whereabouts of the town. nikhilasya gomandalasya arakshah-which together Line 1, read ALATT . L. 2, read THEY form a Karmadhiraya compound. It is possible to explain the grammatical connection of the first part differently, L. 3, read fua; Torranato ; 4 deg L. 4.reant but the general sense remains the same. There is a pun on the words samuddhatavipakshabhubhrit and gomandala, 7H h ; f . L. 5, read ET; frwhich the story of Ktishna's lifting Mount Govardhana sug. grei; PETTY Tro. L. 6, read am; gested. Forbes, R43 Mara, vol. I. p. 245, names Sury pura as TCC 4:. one of the harbours of the Anhilved kingdom, and thinks 141117184.

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1877. (') pamoda paramamAhezvarazrIguhasenaH tasya sutaH tatpAdanakhamayUkhasaMtAnapisRtajAnhavIjalaughapra kSAlitAzeSakalmaSaH praNayizata-1 (deg) sahasropajIvyamAnasaMpatprapalobhAdivAbhRtaH sarabhasamAbhigAmikairguNaiH sahajazaktI: zikSAdizaSavi smApitaH tadhanurdhara pravima(') narapatisamatisRSTAnAmanupAlayitA dharmayajJAnAmaSikatA prajAghAtakAriNAmupaplavAnA zamayitA zrIsarasvatyorAkAdhivAsaMsya (13) sanAdayavipakSalakSmaparibhogadakSavikrama: vikramopasaMprAptavimalapArthivazrI paramamAhezvaraH zrIdharase - naH tasya sutaH tatpA(") dAnudhyAta satalajagadAnaMdanAtyadbhutaguNasamudrasthagitasamagradigamaMDalaH samarazatapijayazobhAsanAthama DalAyAti bhA(1) surAMsapITho vyUDhagurumanorathamahAbhAraH savavidyApAraparavibhAgAdhigamavimalamatirapi sarvataHsubhASi talavenApi (1) stropapAdanIyaparitoSaH samagralokAgAyagAMbhIryahRdayopi saccaritAtizayamuvyaktaparamakalyANasvabhavaH khilIbhUtakRta(") yuganRpatipathavizodhanAdhigatodayakIrtiH dharmAnurodhobalatarIkRtArthasukhasaMpaduyasevAnirUDhaH A dityadvitInAmA paramamA(") hezvaraH zrIzIlAdityaH tasyAnujaH tatpAdAnudhyAtasvayamupendraguruNeva gukaguruNAdisyAdaravatA samabhilabanIyAnAmapi rA(7) jalakSmIskandhAsaktaparamabhadrANAM dhuryastadAjJAsaMpAdanaikarasatayodAvahanakheTasukharatibhyAmanAyAMsita pattiHprabhAvasaMpadazIkRtana(") patizataziroratnacchAyopagUDhapAdapIThopi parAvajJAbhimAnasAnAliGkitamanovRttiH praNatimerAM paritya jya prakhyAtapopraSAbhimAnerapya(18) rAtibhiranAsAditapratikriyopAya: kRtanikhilabhuvanAmodavinalaguNasaMhati prasabhavighaTitasakalaka . livilasitagaticajanAvidrohi bhi(") razeSardoSairanAmRSTAtyumatihRdaya prakhyAtapAruSaH zastrakausalAtizaya guNagaNatiyavipakSakSitipatila kSmI svayaMsmayagrAhaprakAzitapra(20) vIrapuruSaprathamaH saMkhyAdhigamaH paramamAhezvaraH zrIkharagrahaH tasya sutaH tatpAdAnudhyAtaH sarvavidyA dhigamavihitanikhilavidvajjanamanaHpa(1) ritoSAtizaya satvasaMpatyAgaiH zauryeNa ca vigatAnusaMdhAnasamAhitArAtipakSamanorayarayAkSabha samyagupalakSitAnekaH zAstrakalA L.7, read pramodaH; vista... 8, read saMpadUpa, zaktizi- | guruNAlyAdara', SaNIyAmapi. L. 16, read 'sakA bhAva sAvizeSa: smApita prathama . L.9, read dharmadAyAnAmupakartA yAdahanH sattva. L. 17, read rasAnAli'; 'mekAM; pravAnAM; darzayitA: rekAdhivA . L.10, read hasaMtArAtipakSa- mAnairapva. L. 18, read saMhatiH janAdhirohirazeSai. L. 19, read lakSmI. L. 11, read dhyAtaH sakala samUha vijaya'. L. 12, | "tyunatahadayaH pauruSaH zayaH, dele guga: dele smaya-deg L.90, read sarvavidyAparApa". L. 13, read sukhopa, gAdha svabhAvaH. read prathamasaM . L. 1, dale kdeg in the beginning of the L. 14, read dupasevAnirUDhadharmA . L. 15, read dhyAtaH; I line; read 'tizayaH nakazAma.

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= == * .3*S, , F 1. \ At 1 fn ?ning * att2 1 # - p9ad 59 V 12>>3 VALABHI GRANT OF SILADITYA V-2 na FLATE 4.2 . 'jc|f6248 1941 : 1 ::ttth ? 4 , (~ 40 * * p i n e a 23 *Pan c ) { jnj00 9.65 5ljaa, 2 cJgoe 42 1 th:giga bu q5X2 is just arfa,Be Bio ma` r jm. pHuuv btaa) 98degpksm3926 27 apHnynng ningpd upuungpng" n diidii 4 004/ CB) kh 65 sngkhn 0je :p ngkh . 93 ktm kh8-9 31 32 33 - maanppMpaang Azzu .pnnrps **ptyvmr598969 pd -%A7 2 pda` q sthaa e 22 2ooHthm1tng 1 et 138E maara`pr 5 67 t s 208od46108 auth ekjlruampprm 480- 47 6 mms 4% 'a j2:0jukhspngpaaysaamiilrng tngdb $ 0degng 8sse ng * r r 1 22: maan . 4. p? 2 ; } < {} , kh- u rMtr - == GE ' 15 a >> J fi , ur Y :aa 8 ' 158 5: : 22 . 3. Au 1 pp - IP ( 02 X-, rvaang. v A . 2).3 khaemraagMrum {}, c ? vd **auprM ~ 6 **ttMrooHryy jhnH, raaM 15

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JANUARY, 1877.] FURTHER VALABHI GRANTS. ( 4 ) loka caritagavhara vibhAbhAgopi paramabhadraprakRtirakRtRmaprazrayeopi vinayazeovAvibhUSaNaH samarazatajayapAtAkAharaNa pratyalodagra- * {3) bAhudaNDavidhvaMsitapratipakSada padayaH svadhanuprabhAvaparibhUtAstrakauzalAbhimAna sakalanRpatimaNDalAbhinaMditazAsanaH paramAmA ( * ) hezvaraH zrIdharasenaH tasyAnujaH tatpAdAnudhyAtaH saccaritAtizayita sakalapUrvanarapatiratiduHsAdhanAmapi prasAdhayitA viSayANAM mUrtimAniva ( ** ) puruSAkAraH parivRddhaguNAnurAganirbharacittavRttiH manuriva svayamabhyupapannaH prakRtibhiradhigatakalAkalApa kAntitiraskRta salAMcchana kumu( 26 ) danAya prAjyapratApa sthagita digaMtarAla pradhvasitadhvAntarAziH satatodita savitA prakRtibhyaH paraM pratyayamarthavantamati bahutiyaprayojanAnubana mAga( 27 ) maparipUrNa vidadhAna saMdhivigrahasamAsanizcayanipuNa sthAnamanupAdezaM dadataM guNavRddhividhAjanitasaMskArAsAdhUnAM rAjyazAlAturIyaM ta( 28 ) ntrayorubhayorapi niSNAtaH prakRtivikramopi karuNAmRduhRdayaH zrutavAnapyagarvitaH kAntopi prazramI sthirasauhAddapi nirasitAdoSadoSavatAmuda( 9 ) yasamupajanitajanAnurAgaparibRMhitabhuvana samarpitaprathita bAlAdityadvitIyanAmA paramezvaraH zrIdharasenaH tasya sutaH vatpAdakamalapraNAmadharaNi( 50 ) kaSaNajanitahAriNalAMcchanalalATa caMdrazakala zizubhAva eva zravaNanihitamautikAlaMkAravibhramAmazrutavizeSa pradAnasalilakSAlitAgrahastA ( 1 ) viMda: vyAsa iva mRdukaragrahaNAdamaMdIkRtAnandavidhiH vasuMdharAyAH kArmuke va dhanurveda iva bhAvitA gapralakSyakalApa praNatasamasta sAmana ( * ) maNDalopamolibhRtacUDAmaNikriyamanazAsanaH paramezvaraH paramabhaTTAraka mahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazcakravatta zrIdharasenaH ( * ) tatpitAmahabhrAtRzrIzIlIdityasya zArGgapANerivAyajanmano bhakti bandhurarAvayava.. ratidhavaleyA tatpAdAraviMdapravata......... (*) caraNanakhamaNirucA maMdAkinyeva nityamalitottamAMgadezasyAgastyasyeva rAjarSerdAkSiNyamAtanvAnasya ( 35 ) limnA yayazasAM valayena maMDitakakubhA navasiviralitAzeSAkhaMDapari( 36 ) vezamaMDalasyA 19 * L. 29, read vRtrimaprazrayavinayazAMbhA patAkA Line 30, read svadhanuH paramamA L. 21. read duHkhadhAnA. I. 25. read vRttibhiH kalApa:. 1. 26, read nAthaH; pratApa; tarAla pradhvaMsita satatoditaH "nubandhana" L. 7, read vidadhAnaH sthAnenurUpamAdezaM dadaDu vidhAnajanita: turIyata 1. 28, read prazamI dele first doSa. L. 29, read parama mAhezvaraH zrI dhruva sena : L. 30. read janitakiNalA : zakala: mauktikA vizeSa :. L. 31, read viMdaH sAmanta '. kanyAyA iva kArmuke dha; saMbhAvitAzeSala ; kalApa: prabaladhava Plate II. (1) payodazyAmazikharacUcukarucisamA vindhyastastanayugAyAH kSiteH patyuH zrIderabhaTaspAgrajaH kSitisahaterbhuvibhA - pazuciyazAzukrabhRtaH svayaMvarAzizala[rAjya]-+ L. 32, read maMDala magadhUta maniyamANa: paramamAhezvara:: cakravatithI". L. 33, read vAjanna. The two dots on the plate indicate that after six syllables have been left out. Probably the engraver could not read his manuscript head dhavalayA vittayA L. 1, read nityamamali L. 35, read snAyazasAM namasi vida akhaMDa 7. + Line 1, read rucitsadyavibhyastana khAjaH kSitipa saMha teranurAgiNyAH svayaMvaramAlAbhiva.

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20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1877. (2) zriyamalyantyAH kRtaparigrahaH zauryapratihatapratagadarapavasipracaNDaripumaNDalamaNDalAgramivAlaMbamAnaM zaradi prasabhamAkRSTazilImukhabANAsanA [pAdita] prasA(') dhanAvA parAbhuvAM vidhivadAcaritakaragrahaNa: pUrvameva vividhavarNojvalanazrutAtizinodbhAsitazravaNayu gala punaH punarukteneva ratnAlaMkAre: parisphuratkarakasakaTakITapakSatanukiraNamavicchinnapradAnasalilanivahAvasakavisala navazaivalAMku mivAprapANamuda-] (3) handhRtavizAlaratnavalanAjaladhivelAtaTAyamAnajapariSvatavizvavaraH paramamAhezvarazrIdhavasenaH tasyAyajo paramamahIpatispardhAdoH ( 1 ) panAzanadhiyeva lakSmyA svayamatispaSTaceSTamAzlaSTAGgayaSTaratirucirataracaritagarimaparikalita sakalanarapatiratiprakRSTAnurAgasarabha1) savajIkRtapraNatasamastasAmantacakracUDAmaNimayUkhakhadita caraNakamalayugalaH proddAmadAradoINDada litadviSargadarpaH prasapatpaTIyaH pratApa(1) ploSaHtAzeSazatruvaMza praNayIpakSanikSiptalakSmIkaH preritagadokSiptasudarzanacAraH parihRtabAlekIDonaddhaH kRtadijAtirekavikramaprasAdhitadharitItalona(') zrIkRtajalazayyopUrvapurusottamaH sAkSAddharma iva samyagvyavasthApitavarNAzramAcAraH pUrvapyuvIpatibhiH tRSNAlavalubdhairyAnyapahRtAni devabrahmadeyAni (") teSAmapyatisakalamanaprasaramutsakalAnAnumAdanAbhyAM parimuditatRbhuvanAbhananditocchritotkRSTa dhabaladharmadhvajaprakAzitanijavaMzo devadvijagurU(') prati yathArha manavaratapravartitamaH hodaGgAdidAna pasanAnupajAtasatApopAttodArakIrtA . parAdanturi tanikhiladivAlaH spaSTameva yathArtha (5) dharmAdityadvitIyanAmA paramamAhezvaraH zrIkharagrahastasyAgrajanmanaH kumudapaNDazrIvikAsinyAM kalApovatazcandrikayeva kA dhavalitasakaladiU~) Dalasya khaNDitAgukavilepanapiMDazyAmalavindhyamAlavipulayayodharAyAH kSita: patyuH zrIzolAdityasya sUnurnavaprAlayakiraNa iva pratidinasaM('') vardhamAnakalAcandravAla kesarIndrazizuriva rAjalakSmIsakalavanasthalImivAlaMku NaH zikhaNDike tana ivadviSatAM paramamAhezvara: paramabhaTTA(1) rakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrIbappapAdAnudhyAtaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvara . zrAzAlAdityadeva : tasya suta : pAramezvarya kopA(") kRSThanimnazapAtavidalitArAtikarikumbhasthalolasatprasRtamahApratApAnalapraparigatajaganaMNDalalabdhasthi ti vikaTanijadordaNDAvalaMbinA saka. L.2, road "pratihatabyApAramAnamitA'. L.s, ral nibhuvanA LIP.ra mahAdUga' satA kAti; titiot on this dhavAnA tizaye'. L. , rend kaTakavikaTa' pakSAtna : plate indicates the omission of fournylables. L. 12, read the belonging to bheja in the lower line has got sinyA kalAva, kAga. L.13. rai kI zailadeg payo". into the upper, when it appears that the engraver copert! 'prAlaya . L. 11, read cakavAlaH; rAjalakSmInacalava', after froin a Ms. seka'. L.a, rend valayajaladhi', bhujapasvina'; 1973 a whole line has been omitti. L. 15, all other vizvaMbharaH; sparzado . L.G, read panAzana; mAliSTAMgayaSTi'. plates have a179747; after a two lires have been omitted L.7, roud vazIkRta sthagitacANa prodAmodAra. L.s, rearl Road pAramadharya:- L.16, nud nisAdA prAkArapari jaganmaprASitA, pragayi bAla'; cakaH, nadha: L.b, d puruSo / NDala'. namaH ivasamya" tRNala". L. 10, read srtmnH| mAdanAbhyAM

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JANUARY, 1877.] FURTHER VALABHI GRANTS. (7) labhuvanAbhogabhAjA manyAsphAlina vidhutadugdhasindhukena piNDapANDurayazovitAnena pihitAtapatra: paramezvaraH parabhaTTAraka mahArAjAdhirAjaparama(") varazrIpAdAnudhyAnaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparama sarazrIzolAdityadeSaH tatpunaH pratApAnurAgapraNatasamastasAmanta cUDAmaNimayU(3) khanicitaraMjeitapAdAravindaH paramazvaraH paramabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamazvarazrIvaNyA dAnudhyAta paramabhaTTAraka mahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrozIlA(10) dityadeva tasyAtmajaH prazamitAzapavaladapanipula jayamaMgalAzrayaH zrIsamAliGganalAlitarakSA rAmapATanArasiMddhanipahADuti(+-1) zaktiH samuddhatavipakSabhUbhRnnikhila gomaNDalAratyaH puruSottamaH paNataprabhUtapArthivakarITamANikyamasRNitacaraNanakhamayUka jitAzeSadi(") vadhUmukhaH paramamADezvaraH paramabhaTTAraka mahArAjAdharAjaparamazvara zrIvadhyapAdAnudhyAnaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvara zrIzIlAdityade (13) vaH sarvAneva samAjJApayatyastu vaH saMviditaM yathA mayA mAtApitrorAtmanazca puNyayazovivRddhaya aihikAmuSmika phalAvApyarthaM Dahaka vAstavyaMtaccAturvidyasA(*) mAnyapArAzarasagotrAyAyaNasabrahmacAribrAhmaNasaMbhulAya brAhmaNaDAupAya malica rukavaide kriyApurasarpiNArthaM (2) sUryApuravisathe vappoikA nadItAhe bahuana kayAma sodRGgaH saparikara sotpadadyamAnaviSTikAH sabhUtapAta: sapratyundaya :(*) sadazAkararAdhaH sabhogabhogaH sadhAnyahiraNyANayaH sarAjakIyAnAmahastaprakSepaNIyaH bhUmicchidadeva(2) bhUmipadranyAyenAcandrakIrNavasarikSitipatasamakAlIna putrikApautrAnvayabhogyamudakAtisamaNa(a) pratipAditaH pattosyocitayA brahmadAyasthiyA bhuMjataH kRSataH karSayatorAprarimizato vA na kaizvidyAbAgha varttata(20) vyamAgAmibhadranRpatibhiresmismadvaMzajaranyairvvAnityAnyavanAsthiramAnuSyaka sAmAnyaM ca bhUmidAyapha(30) lamavagacchadbhirayamasmaddAyAnumantavyaH paripAlayitavyazca / uktaM ca bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiH yasyaya( 51 ) sya yadA bhUmistasyatasya tadA phala || yAnIha dAridrabhayA narendrairdhanAni dharmAyatanIkRtAni nimAlya(32) vAntapratimAni tAni ko nAma sAdhu punamAdadIta / SaSTivarSasihakhANaM svarge tiSTha P brahmadAyava brahadAyatvena ( 3 ) ti bhUmidaH ( * ) likhitaMmipaM 3 AcchottA cAnumaMtA ca tAnyeva narake vasediti / / dUtakotra gAjazAtizrIjajjuH lampacatarurana sayargumeneti / saMvat 441 - kArttika zra 3 (8) (34) svahasto mama. 21 $ L. 17, read sphAlana; paramamAhezvara: paramabha para me. L. 18, read deva:- L. 19, read paramamAhezvaraH; paramezvara:. L. 20, read prazamitAzeSabaladarpo 'maMgala' 'vakSAH samupADhanArasiMhavigrahAMjitAdbhuta. L. 21, read TArakSa: praNata: kirITa, mayUkhA. L. 22. read mahArAjAdhirAja paramezvara L. 23, read vApyarthaM. L. 24, read nihotra; tsarpaNArtha. L. 25, sUryA doubtful vappoDakA, first two letters may be vacA; tAhe perhaps intended for taTaM or kAMThe; read viSTikaH sabhUtavA tamanyAya: L. 26, read sadazAparAdha raNyAdeyaH bhUmicchidranyAyena. L. 27. The beginning of this, like the end of the last line, consists merely of detached strokes. Read 'samakA lInaH brahma L. 25, read vA pratidizatAM vayAsedhe vartita. L. 20, read rasmadvaMzajaira; nyaizvaryAya mAnuSyakaM. L. 30, read hAyo L. 31, read nirmA L. 32. read punarA; sahasrANi I. 33, perhaps gajapati. L. 34, read tamidaM sUnunA zani

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1877. SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.8. (Continued from vol. V. p. 346.) No. XX. the Juin religion. Their capital was Pal & bika, This and the following six copper-plate in the modern Halsi itself* ; but we have also scriptions have been previously published by the mention of the city of Vaijayanti, or the me in the Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., vol. IX., modern Bana w a si, as a residence of MriNo. xxvii., pp. 229 et seqq. I now give revised gesa. transcriptions of them, with full translations. The exact date of these kings cannot be deter The originals, which now belong to myself, mined at present, no reference to any known era were found some sixteen years ago in a mound being made in these inscriptions. But the type of earth close to a small well called Chakra of the alphabet, and the contemporaneous al. tirtha, a short distance outside Halsi on the lusions, enable us to allot them with tolerable road to Nandigad, in the Bidi Taluka of certainty to about the fifth century A.D., and to the Belgaum District. They are all in the decide that these must be the Kadambas whose Cave-alphabet characters not yet developed into power the Chaluky a king Kirttivarm & I. the Old Canarese characters, and in the Sans- is said, in lines 4 and 5 of the A i hole inscripkrit language. tion, No. XIII. of this series, to have overThey record the grants of an old dynasty of thrown. Kadamba kings, and, in connexion with three The application of the term 'Pausha year more recently discovered copper-charters noticed to the third year of Mrigesa's reign in one below, they establish the following genealogy: - of the Dharwad plates, and of the term Kakustha, or "Vaig a kha year' to the eighth year of his Kakusthavarma. reign in No. XXI. below,- and the mention of the eighth fortnight of the rainy season in one of Santivarma, or (not named.) Mige sa 's grants from Dharwad, and of Santivaravarma. the sixth fortnight of the winter season in No. XXIII. below, indicating that, at the time of Mrigesa, (not named.) these grants, the primitive division of the year Mrigesvara, into three seasons only, not into six as now, Mpigesavarma, or Msigesavaravarma. was still followed, probably contain the clue, . which will enable us hereafter to determine the exact date of these kings with accuracy. Ravi. BhanuVarma. Varma. ratha. As I have intimated, three more copperHarivarma. charters of the same dynasty were found about a year ago in the Dharwad District. When This dynasty is known as yet only from the I can see the originals, I hope to include them present inscriptions, though other branches of in this series. Meanwhile, I have seen tranthe Kadamba stock have been noticed by scriptions and translations of them by Mr. Sir W. Elliot and by myself. Kakustha- Pandurang Venkates Chintamanpetkar, of the varm a was probably the first of the family to Educational Department. Two of them are dated enjoy regal power; but, as allusion is made in in the third and fourth years respectively of lines 4-5 of the first of these inscriptions to Mrige sa of the above table, or as he is called an era dating from some victory over a hostile in these plates, Mrige sa va ravar ma or dynasty that took place eighty years before his Mrigesa varma, and are issued at the time, the way must have been prepared for him by city of Vaijayanti. We learn from one of his father or grandfather. These kings were of them, that the Kadam bas were of the Siva An Old Canaresep is frequently changed into 'Nin the modern dialect. As intermediate forms of the name, we have Palasika (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., vol. IX., No. xxvii., D. 943, line 10), l'alasige (id., p. 297, line 2), and Palasi (id., p. 279, line 11). C.der the later Kadambas, feudatories of the ChAlukya kings, Pala sige was the chiet town of a district of twelve thousand villages. Vol. V. p. 67.

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1 lla II b /// Indian Antiquary. Vol VI 1.2 KADAMBA GRANT OF KAKUSTHAVARMMA. gyym SRkna Y EL FT nau 1 BY + FUL.A 5 .a ) las PEURazoeflat Je IEURs HD " 313HBRA 25*4/ *018^ 313 s+ 1Ongkngnaavaasms 1 pC/EDA]2_zz 1x zin PXA12b3mmmm siitngpaaraaquuryystng 5,1Y-/g0 [taahgu tuang, kh paaykh a ){ Page #33
JANUARY, 1877.] SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 23 Angirasa gotra. The third is of the time | Nagamandaia plates being dated sa ka of Deva varma, the son and Yuvaraja of 699, in the time of Kongan i-Mahadhi the Kadamba Maharaja K sishna varma, raja, who was subsequent to Madhava II. and is issued at (the city of) Triparvata. by nine generations, we havo about sa ka 360 There is nothing at all in this inscription to (A.D. 438-9) as the date of Krishna var ma. indicate the date of Krishna varma and | This will make him and his son anterior to Devavar ma, or the place to which they KAkustha varma and his successors, acshould be referred in the above genealogy. cording to the estimate that I have formed of There can be little doubt, however, that they the date of the latter. belong to this same branch of the Kada mba stock; rather than to the other branch, of The present inscription, No. XX., the earliest which the genealogy, commencing with May u. of the set, is the smallest and most illegible; in ra varmad&va, followed by his son Krish- some places the plates have been completely na varmad e va, followed by his son NA- eaten through with rust. It consists of three yavarma de va, and so on, is given by Sir plates, about 6" long by 13" broad, fastened W. Elliot. And, equally, there can be little together with a ring, the seal of which bears the doubt that this same Krishna varma is the figure of apparently a dog. The inscription, in Kadamba king who is mentioned in Mr. this and the remaining six cases, begins on the Rice's Merkar a and Nagamandala cop inside of the first plate and ends on the inside of per-plates, and whose sister married the Che. the last plate. It records the grant of a field at ra king Madhava II. The Merkara the village of Khetagra ma to the General plate f being dated (P Sa ka) 388, in the Srutak irtti by Kakustha varma, the time of the son of Madhava II., and the Kadamba Yuvardja. Transcription. First plate. [1] 74: 11 Top afsta TOTES: afla 9 *]#1670 : [23 trailokyAzvAsakarI dayApatAkocchritA yasya // parama[3] ffa 57TATATA T ATATATTOTTE-TTTH It Second plate ; first side. [4] kadambAnAm yuvarAjaH zrIkAkusthavarmA svavaijayike azItitame [5] saMvatsare bhagavatAmarhatAm sarvabhUtazaraNyAnAm trailokyanistAra[6] FTTH eta a satira (FT) A 19 1131 Second plate; second side. [7] TEATEATTTRA CAT ] [11] a [f]aita ETIBT: [9]tisut at [8] # 95TATAKHTdi afta) [] A faraft(a) JET HETE SOTT[9] orgona: [11] a [!] agraight TAI 1199 Third plate. [10] [CI] ST TEATERET: TET TET T[ET]FT TET TET TET 3 [11] [1] svadattAM paradattAM vA yo hareta vasundharAM SaSTivarSasahasra (nA)NI(Ni) [12] Th qua : II TFT: U U TTA: 11 I Vol. I.,. p. 363. S Vol.Il., p. 155. This mark of punctuation is superfluous. Contrary to the rule of these seven plates, the origi- 11 This mark of punctuation, also, is superfluous. nal here has the risarga itself, and not the wpadhmaniya. SS The corrected reading must be either saruva-guna, . These three syllables are omitted altogether in the c., omitting the tya as inserted by mistake, or satyam original, but they are required to make up both the metre sarouegua, &c. and the sense. TT This inark of punctuation, also, is superfluous.

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24 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1877. Translation. own lineage or in the lineage of another; be, Reverence! Victorious is the holy one, Ji | who preserves it, shall verily obtain the religious nendra, who abounds in t good qualities, merit of all virtuous qualities! Moreover it has and who is renowned as being extremely com.' been said:-Land has been given by many kings, passionate ; the banner of his tenderness, which commencing with Sagara; he, who for the comforts the three worlds, is lifted up on high ! time being possesses land, enjoys the fruit of it! At the most glorious and victorious (city He is tormented in hell for the duration of sixty of) Palasika, in the eightieth year of his thousand years, who seizes apon land that has victory, Sri-Kakust havar mat, -the been given, whether by himself or by another ! Yuvara ja of the Kadambas, who enjoy the | Reverence; reverence! Reverence to Ri. general good wishes of their subjects-gave to |shabha!. the General sruta kirtti, as a reward for No. XXI. Baving himself, the field called Badovera- This inscription consists of three plates, kshetra, in the village of Khetagram a, about 8' long by2f" broad, fastened by a ring. which belongs to the holy Arhatss, who are | the seal of which bears the name of 'Sri-Mrithe refuge of created beings and the saviours of gesvarah.' It records how Mriga sa the three worlds. caused a Jain temple to be built at Palabika. He incurs the guilt of the five great sinsil, and endowed it with a grant of land, in the who injures this grant, whether he is born in his eighth year of his reign. Transcription. First plate. 1] svasti [u] jayati bhagavAnji(ji)nendro guNarundra prathitaparamakAruNikaH trailokyAzvAsakarI [1] dayApatAkocchritA yasya [1] kadambakulasatketoH heto puNyaikasaM[3] padAm [9 varmeti rAjA rAjIvalocanaH khaleva vanitAkRSTA Second plate ; first side. [5] yena ___ lakSmIdiSadgRhAt // ] tatpriyajyeSThatanayaH zrImRgezanarAdhipaH [7] lokaikadharmavijayI dvijasAmantapUjitaH [u] matvA dAnaM daridrANAm [7] mahAphalamitIva yaH svayaM bhayadaridrA(do) pi zatrubhyo dAgrahAbhayam [u] [8] tuGgagaGgakulotsAdI palavapralayAnalaH svAryake nRpatI bhakkyA Second plate ; second side. [2] kArayitvA jinAlayam [u] zrIvijayapalAzikAyAm yApani(nI)yaniryanyakarca[10] kAnAm svavaijayika aSTame vaizAkhe saMvatsare kArtikapaurNamAsyAma [I] mAtRsarita Arabhya A iDiNIsaGgamAt rAjamAnenaM trayo(ya)tri(stri) bhivartanaM [12] zrIvijayavaijayantInivAsI dattavAn bhagavadbhayo hadvacaH [0] tatrAjJAptiH * Jinendra, Jain saint, a Buddha. Sc. 'thedonor's.' + 'Ruindra's-see vol. IV.,p. 204, notes..Guna-ram- The first Arhat, the first of the twenty-four Jain Ter dra' in evidently equivalent to guya-mahat,' 'which, | thanhkaras or sanctified teachers, of the present age. though it is not an expression of frequent occurrence, we + With this method of expressing the nasal,--properly have had in No. XV. of this series, line 6. vol. V., p. 155. Annisvara here, --compare Jayasinhavallabhah in line 3 The classical spelling would be 'Kikutathavarma': of the Aibole Inscription, No. XIII. of this series, vol. but 'KAkustha' is manifestly an established corruption V., p. 69, and Manavya-sagotranan-Hariti-putrinam in of 'Kakatatha.' line 1 of the B&dami Cave Inscription, Ind. Ant. vol. III., 6. Arhat, lit., venerable,- superior Jain saint or p. 305, and Sinha-senapati-sulena in lines 8-9 of No. divinity. Xxv. of this series, and vansa in Pl. I., line 3, of a Chi. Vi..-among the Jains, destruction of life, lying, lukys grant, published in the Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., von stealing, unchastity, and immoderate desire. |x., No.xx., p. 348, by Mr.K. T. Telang. zrIkAkusthanarendrasya sUnurbhAnurivAparaH [I] zrIzAntivara

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KADAMBA GRANT OF MRIGESA. Indian Antiquary. Vol VI. p. 24. ningtaek rttthp,614 2 77 10 11 gyy16. 191 - 3:29 t2 . -- 15(1. - du p8t, ng . ] (115mcryy 1,4541 414141 : 6] caaMkhnyuM. jaaruaooH ="aa]naa, (27: fauH 13811 ndeg 1 1 11 . * 69 ga1b1) 1 |H

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KADAMBA GRANT OF MRIGESA. 116, fixx, 89331fmm hennnnnikh111t. Free Red Leper Lig Bestill fa frek3.1 kcal researches en - frshbrmnnisi "nigNnnnn prkRti sh: . Pektosklo Briffe ftrz :lsxxfep kellrom "BXzCREER ?OeJPRE RYBho bii t02 Texddike: iaash37 shishissttutisi 15 shaja sty ! .. FROM THE ORIGINALS * *

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JANUARY, 1877.] SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. Third plate. [13] 274*iffrist: 774-**: alergerar a [W] af 7 [14] uktam [1] bahubhirvasudhA dattA rAjabhissagarAdibhiH yasya yasya yadA [15] T Ten af aar 105H (11) FG FT(FI) PREFT(FTI) 47(T) ria - [18] ndharAm SaSTivarSasahasrANi kumbhIpAke sa pacyate [1] siddhirastu / Translation. | Vaijayantis, through devotion for the king Hail! Victorious is the holy one, Jinen (his father) who was dead, cansed to be built a dra, who abounds in good qualities, &c.! temple of Jina at thegloriousand victorious (city The son of the king Sri-Kakustha, who of) Palasik i, and gave to the holy Arhats was the glory of the family of the Kadambaa | thirty-three nivartanus (of land), from the on account of his riches which consisted entirely river Matris arit up to the sacred contluence of meritorious actions, was the king rid of rivers called Ingin is a gama, for the Santivara varma, who was, as it were, & purpose of supporting the Kurchak a sl, who second son, and whose eyes were like the blue are naked religious mendicants. The specificalotus-flower; as if she were a woman of easy tion of the principal grantees) was-Damavirtue, the goddess of the fortunes of his enemies kirtti, the Bhajaka; and Jiyanta, the was enticed by him from their abodes. minister and the general superintendent.* His beloved eldest son was the king Sri. Moreover it has been said :--Land has been Mrige sa, who was most eminent in piety given by many kings, commencing with Saamong all mankind, and who was worshipped gara; &c.! He is tormented in the hell called by the twice-born and by chieftains. Having Kumbhakto the Kumbhi pika for the duration of sixty thoita reflected upon the saying that "The gifts of the sand years, &c.! Muy there be success! poor have a rich reward," he, though poor himself in the sensation of fear, gave great fear to No. XXII. his enemies. This inscription consists of five plates, about On the day of the full-moon of (tre month) 7}" long by 9 broad; the device on the seal Karttika, in the Vaisakha years, the of the ring is almost entirely worn away, but eighth of his victory, he, -who uprooted the seems to have been the same as the dog on family of Tungaganga, and who was a very the seal of No. XX. It records grants and fire of destruction to the Palla vas,--while re- ordinances, for the celebration of the Jain residing at the glorious and victorious (city of) ligion, made by Ravivarma and others. Transcription. First plate. [1] jayati bhagavAjinendro guNarundra prathitaparamakAruNikaH T[2] * rarifegare FIATTA TATTI (33 szt(arat 7TH Tatami qfareMT(S)[f] The meaning of this expression Vaizakha year' is not Apparent, Vais&kha' being the name of a month, and not of any of the sixty sathutsaras. Vaisakhan was not ori ginally the initial month of the solar year. Perhaps at the time of this inscription it was usual to speak of each year as a 'Vaisakha year, in order to bring constantly to notice, and so to firmly establish, a method of computation that had been only newly introduced. Or it may even be that the year in which this grant was made was the first the initial month of which was Vai Akha; and, if so, it would follow, from the table given at p. 149 of the Useful Tables of vol. II. of. Thomas's edition of Prinsep's Antiquities, that the date of this inscription was A.1. 538. As noted in my remarks above, the contemporary historical allusions, and the style of the alphabet, point to about this time as the date of Kakasthavarma and his sucsors. Cariously enough, I find that in one of the plate from Dharwad the third year of Mrigeu's reigu is called in a similar way. 'Pausla year. But, by the Useful Tables, the year commoncel with the month Pausha in .c. 451 ! $. Another form of 'Jayantipura', an old wanne of Va, na vasi, modern Banawisi, which was always a Kalamba capital. Apparently some Jain sect; they are uentioned again Bhojobe, name of a class of officiating priests in Jain temples: in No. XXII., line 6, we have again Bhajat ind in No. XVIII., line 11, Rajaka. *Conf.the amended rading and translation of No. XV!.. Il. 10-11, as notified in the mi to vol. V.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. JANUARY, 1877 Second plate ; first side. [4] pAragANAm svakRtapuNyaphalopabhoktRNAM(NA)m svabAhuvIryopAji[4] taizvaryyabhogabhAginAm saddharmasadambAnAM kadambAnAm // kAkustha[7] varmanRpalabdhamahAprasAdaM (daH) saMbhuktavAJchrutanidhi zrutakIrtibhojaH Second plate ; second side. (7 yAma purA nRSu vara purupuNyabhAgI kheTADakaM yajanadAnadayo[8] papannaH // tasminsva-te zAntivAvanIzaH mAtre dharmArtha dattavAndA[9] makIrteH bhUmau vikhyAtastatsutazrImRgezaH pitrAnujJAtaM dhArmiko dAna Third plate; first side. [10] meva // zrIdAmakIrterurupuNyakIrteH saddharmamArgasthitazuddhabuddheH jyAyA[1] suto dharmaparo yazasvI vizuddhabuddhayA (ya) Dyuto guNAdyaH // AcAryairbandhu[12] SeNAH nimittajJAnapAragaiH sthApito bhuvi yadaMzaH zrIkIrti[13] kulavRddhaye // ] tatprasAdena labdhazrIH dAnapUnAkriyodyataH . guru Third plate ; second side. [14] bhakto vinItAtmA parAtmahitakAmyayA // jayakIrtipratIhAra prasAdApa[16] te raveH puNyAtyaM svapiturmAtre dattavAnpurukheTakaM // jinendra mahimA [10] kAryA pratisaMvatsaraM kramAt aSTAhakRtamaryAdA kArtikyAntaddhanA[17] gamAt // vArSikAMzcaturo mAsAn yApanIyAstapasvinaH bhujIraMstu] Fourth plate ; first side. [18] yathAnyAyyam mahimAzeSavastukam [1] kumAradattapramukhA hi sUrayaH -19 / anekazAstrAgamakhinnabuddhayaH jagatyatItAsmutapodhanAnvitAH gaNo (20] sya teSAM bhavati pramANataH // dharmepsubhirjAnapadaissanAgaraiH [A] jinendrapUjA satataM praNeyA iti sthiti sthApitavAtravIza palA zikA Fourth plate ; second side [22] yAM nagare vizAle // sthisyAnayA pUrvanRpAnujuSTayA yattAmrapatreSu ni[23] baddhamAdau dharmApramattena nRpeNa rakSyaM saMsAradoSaM pravicArya [24] buddhayA [1] bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhissagarAdibhiH yasya yasya [25] yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA phalam // svadattAM paradattAM vA yo hareta - Fifth plate. [26] vasundharAM SaSTiM varSasahasrANi narake pacyate bhRzam // addhittaM vibhi[27] (ktaM sadbhizca paripAlitam etAni na nivartante pUrvarAjakRtAni ca [1] (28] yasminjineMdrapUjA pravartate tatra tatra dezaparivRddhiH [29] nagarANAM nirbhayatA taddezasvAminAJcorjA // namo namaH [1]

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Indian Antiquary. Vol VI. p. 26. GRANT OF THE KADAMBA KING RAVIVARMA. - * Eullige : ? i63ddi >> *#* 78 ( 2ssaa# kaitmitr 23a4 ge # # 53 154 165i5498433 999, 43 sirnitti * ANAPA, khaastyte 240AE:

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1lb. Illa. U * c F F F klees mnmukh hr gl nuuN kr kli atee D d z J J j ih s: GRANT OF THE KADAMBA KING RAVIVARMA. sunn can Exp kr lgaa nuuN deenn naa i j n n'd jHtt 2 baalii, naam tee kaalaa scdee bnnaa loo| udaas naa dee naam hHdbuu a daa s nuuN s: s A

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Crygf.pkg& xbfw crab yuraklea Iva sol kecehkalet iterumuza flor e Per Meter pellet Pumpu pie la ferfinek reperiune poigh Court. magne buda Argek a behet Rhircule Perig pf tr 3 ure Refrug fur fix yollar 'YWIVAIAVI ONIY VAVAVY IHL IO INVI!

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cervejs Pr B&BET BIR EST SUP C 20 T ant * of!?!).-19 fupra liv elevene prema Php cit Full LUNG og moderna a garajy wojzazadaj bunga magsaytgangaga unangene GRANT OF THE KADAMBA KING RAVIVARMA.

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JANUARY, 1877.] SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 27 Trans Translation. Victorious is the holy one, Jinendra, who abounds in good qualities, &c. ! In former times the Bhoja priest srutakirtti, the best among men, who was the receptacle of sacred learning, who enjoyed the rewards of many meritorious actions, and who was possessed of the qualities of performing sacrifices and bestowing gifts and tenderness, --he who had acquired the great favour of Kakustha varma, the king of the Kada mbas, who meditate on the assemblage of the motherst of the lord Mahasena; who are of the kindred of Mana vya; who are the descendants of Hariti; who are thoroughly well versed in the system of private study and prayer that they have adopted; who enjoy the rewards of meritorious actions performed by themselves; who partake of the enjoyment of the riches acquired by the prowess of their own arms; and who are the abiding-places of the true religion,-enjoyed the village of Kh@ta. When he died, there was) the king santivarm At; and his son, the pious Sri-Msig@sa, who was renowned in the world, gavo the grant (again), for the sake of piety, and according to the direction of his father, to the mother of D a ma kirtti. The eldest son of Sri-D a makirtti, who was widely renowned for his meritorious actions, and whose pure intellect adhered to the path of true religion, was the doorkeeper Jaya kirtti,--who was intent upon religion ; who was famous; who was possessed of a pure intellect and limbs; who was first in good qualities; whose family had been established in the world by the Acharyas called Bandhushena, who were versed in the knowledge of omens; who had acquired fortune through hiss favour; who was diligent in the rites of charity and worship; who was devoted to his spiritual preceptor; and who was well-behaved through his desire for the welfare of others and of hia. self. In order to increase his good fortune and fame and family, and for the sake of religious merit, he, through the favour of king Ravi, gave (the village of) Puruk het a k all to the mother of his own father. The lord Ravi established the ordinance at the mighty city of Pala si ka, that the glory of Jinendra, (the festival of) which lasts for eight days, should be celebrated regularly every year on the full-moon of the month) Karttika from the revenues of that (village); that ascetics should be supported during the four months of the rainy season; that the learned men, the chief of whom was Kumaradatta, whose intellects had been wearied by (excessive study of many scriptures and collections of precepts; who were renowned in the world ; who abounded in good penances; and whose sect was his authority for what he did, --should according to justice enjoy all the material substance of that greatness; and that the worship of Jinendra should be perpetually performed by the pions countrymen and citizens. That (land 3-c.,)-which has been conveyed by copper charters under that same ordinance, as accepted by previous kings-should be preserved by the king, not inattentive to religion, having pondered over the misfortune of being born again and again if he does not comply with this command)! Land has been enjoyed by many kings, commencing with Sa gara; &c.! He is tormented in hell for the duration of sixty thousand years, &c.! That (grant) which is bestowed with libations of water, and that which is enjoyed by three (generations), and that which is preserved by good people",-these are not resumed ; and also (grants) that have been made by former kings! Wheresoever the worship of Jinen. dra is kept up, there there is increase of the country, and the cities are free from fear, and the lords of those countries acquire strength! Reverence, reverence! No. XXIII. This inscription consists of three plates, about + The six Krittikas, the Pleiades, who nursed Mah Asena, 9 Either Mrigesa's, or Ravi's. Skanda, or Karttikeya, the god of war; hence one of the Il Sc. 'the larger Khetaka or Kheta. names of Karttikeya is Shanmatura, 'he who had six mothers. This and the following two expressions are also The tribhoga' is referred to here ; 800 vol. IV., Chalukya titles. p. 277, note T. 1 Objection may be taken here and there to my render- I notice that, instead of the present reading 'sado his ing of the middle portion of this inscription. But the cha paripalitam', which is quite distinct, Mr. Rice, in the construction is very obscure and bad. In the present last two lines of the second Chera grant published by him passage, for instance, if we connect the verb 'dattavin' in the Ind. Ant. vol. V., p. 139, reads shadbhirucha with antivarma' as the subject, no verb remains or can paripalitam', and translates 'one' (.e. a grant) 'mainbe supplied of which Afrigasa' can be made the subject. ltained for six generations.'

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28 [ JANUARY, 1877. Orientalists of 1874. Thus, No. 27, at p. 338, runs Sidham ranno Vasathi-putasa sara-Padumayasa savachhare chha (P) the 6 Gima-pakhe pacham[e] 5 divase',-and is translated "To the Perfect One. In the sixth year of the King, the prosperous Padumaya, the son of Vasishthi, in the .. fortnight of Grishma, on the fifth (?) day." But the analogy of the expressions containing the dates of the other inscriptions of the same series shows that the word and numeral 'pachame 5' belong to Gima pakhe' and not to 'divase', and that the word and numeral denoting the day stood after 'divase' and have been effaced. Accordingly, the date of it is "In the sixth in the fifth fortnight of the summer season, on the ......day." No. 25, again, at page 319,-in line 6 of which the Professor reads Vasa-pakhe 4(?) divase ', is possibly dated in the fifth, sixth, seventh, or eighth fortnight of the Rains. Transcription. First plate. year [1] svasti || jayati bhagavAJjanendro dayApatAkocchritA [2] trailokyAzva (zvA) sakarI [3] zrImatkAkustharAjapriyahitatanayazzAntivarmmAvanIzaH (4) tasyaiva jyeSTha sUnuH prathitapRthuyazA zrImRgezo Second plate; first side... dIptatejA THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 53" long by 2" broad; the characters on the scal of the ring that fastens the plates together are too much worn to be legible. It records a grant made by Bhanuvarma, and another by a follower or subordinate of his, in the eleventh year of the reign of his elder brother Ravivarma. It is dated in the sixth fortnight of the winter season. These inscriptions, therefore, as I have already intimated, belong to a time at which the primitive division of the year,--into three seasons only, Summer, the Rains, and Winter, each of eight pakshas or fortnights, instead of into six seasons, each of four fortnights, as is now the practice,-was still followed; and this should enable us hereafter to determine the era of these grants with accuracy. I observe that the same division of the year into three seasons only is followed in the Nasi k Cave-inscriptions, a paper on which, by Professor Bhandarkar, is published in the Transactions of the International Congress of [5] tatputro [6] tAtA bhAnuvamma [7] teneyaM vasudhA dattA [8] snapanArthaM hi [9] paJcadazanivarttanA [10] vivarjitA [11] jakena (12) dharma mahArAjaspa C guNarundra prathitaparamakAruNikaH yasya jinebhyo bhu(bhU) timicchatA sarvvadA // palAzikAyAm nareza: ravinRpatirabhUtsavadhaitizrIH svaparahitakaro bhAti bhUpa X kanIyAn || | This mark of punctuation is superfluous. 11(1) // paurNama (maa)siissvnucchidy|+ kardamapaTyAm rAjamAnena Second plate; second side. tanizAsane bhUmirnibaddhA zrImadbhAnuvarmarAjalabdhapAdaM prasAdena paramAdbhatena ucchakarabharAdipaNDarabhI pravarddhamAnarAjyazrIraviva hemantaSaSThapakSe ekAdaze saMvatsare Third plate. [13] dazamyAm tithau // tAM yo hinasti svavaMzyaH paravaMzya (iyo) vA sa paJcamahA [14] pAtakasaMyukto bhavati // uktaJju // mahubhiva (I) sudhA dattA rAjabhi[16] [sagarAdibhi (bhiH) yasya yadA bhUmita (sta) sya tasya tadA [10]] ] || vadatAM paradatAM vA yo hareta vasuMdharAM paSTivarSasahasra (sAM) Ni kumbhIpAke sa pathya[17] te yasya pha ||

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Iniian Antiquary. Vol VI. p. 28 KADAMBA GRANT OF THE REIGN OF RAVIVARMA * (3A1 ( ayny - ayn 43 P338aabwk)]}}) Xayassa194989chaak 21 2 19iik 6 pii. ,351 3 5 dad. ayg 11 7 8 9 /la. 7 21: 125 136 137 138 1siibM 3 31 - 5 = 2 7 pii e46285eaijma ) khny3383 .112 ! suurggw3-882. kh`beJnyeak = //b..! 2 9 32641543 24 1 2 33, @^@,sugamabnyenyks9nyng hmw:37* (3+ bneaoz 77e > 40 $phaa n) 9 J 12141 sz?) Gathaasomkwaapaa 14wnynsiazpb, `nepn

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Indian Antiquary. Tol VI. p. 29 KADAMBA GRINT OF RAVIVARMA. -- --- 4 ila E R456 2157ewaa), 33418 $ 331 m3 r mrryaay (mii 3 oruu23 16 ngaammsuung 5 srngkrasun m ray/hyla `nngb 43 34339846333 thueng 434333 16 (58DI 4raabpii, naaw 5 aiys 33 sr8, ching8 535wsaarmwim3 $ m ng 8ft lng+ 18I3Ikhrngsasm Fia " chukhsa37 138 13 563milli lg 28:43J520 (. neriiynruu 3 aidT138 ] : rmthm &palblng 3 "" 116

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JANUARY, 1877.] SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 29 Translation. sixth fortnight of the winter season in the Hail! Victorious is the holy one, Jinendra, eleventh year of the reign of the pious Great who abounds in good qualities, &c.! King Sri-Ravivarma, by the Bhojaka Pan. The beloved eldest son of the glorious king dara, the worshipper of the supreme Arhat, Kakustha was king Santivarma; and his who had acquired the favour of the feet of the eldest son was the king Sri-Mrige sa, who was glorious king Bhanu var ma.|| possessed of renowned and wide-spread fame. He who injures this land, whether he is born His son was the glorious king Ravi, who ac- | in his own lineage or in the lineage of another, quired good fortune by his excellence and forti- ! incurs the guilt of having committed the five tude ; and his younger brother is king Bh a nu- great sins! And it has been said:-Land has varma, who is resplendent, and who effects the been given by many kings, commencing with welfare of himself and of others. Sagara; &c.! He is tormented in the hell By him, desirous of prosperity, this land was called Kumbhipa ka for the duration of sixty given to the Jinas, in order that the ceremony thousand years, &c: ! of ablution might always be performed without No. XXIV. fail on the days of the full-moon. This inscription consists of three plates, about Land of the measure of fifteen nivartanas, in 57" long by 21 broad; the seal of the ring (the field called) Karda m apatit at Pala- that fastens the plates together has the device sika, free from the gleaning-tax and all other of a dog, as in the case of Nos. X. and XXII. burdens, was assigned in a copper charter (and It records a grant of land to the god Jinen dra 80 was given), on the tenth lunar day in the ' by Ravivarma. Transcription. First plate. [1] jayati* bhagavAjinendro guNarundra prathitaparamakAru[2] Nika: trailokyAzvAsakarI dayApatAkocchtiA yasya // [3] zrIviSNuvarmaprabhRtInarendrAn nihatya jitvA pRthivIM sama[stA] [4] utsAdya kAJcIzvaracaNDadaNDam palAzikAyAM samavasthitassaH [1] Second plate; first side. [5] ravi x kadamborukulAmbarasya guNAMzubhirvyApya jagatsama staM] [6] mAnena catvAri nivarttanAni dadau jinendrAya mahI(hIm) mahendra: [1] [7] saMprApya mAtuzcaraNaprasAda dhammaikamUrterapi dAmakIrteH [8] tatpuNyavRddhacarthamabhUnnimittam zrIkIrtinAmA tu ca ttknisstthH|| Second plate; second side. [9] rAgAtpramAdAdathavApi lobhAt yastAni hiMsyAdiha bhUmi[10] pAlaH AsaptamaM tasya kulaM kadAcit nApati kRtsnAnnirayAnnimamama [1] [11] tAnyeva yo rakSAta puNyakAM(kA)GgaH svavaMzajo vA paravaMzajo vA [12] sa modamAnassurasundarIbhiH ciraM sadA krIDati nAkapRSThe // Third plate. [13] api coktaM manunA D] bahubhirvasudhA dattA rAjabhissagarAdibhiH . [14] yasya yasya yadA bhUmiH tasya tasya tadA phalam // + Patr is probably for 'patel', 'strip, slip', which, in | (paksha). both Canarese and Marathi, is commonly used for a strip of || Apparently, then, Ravivarma and Bhanuvarma were - land'; 'pattika' is used in thesame sense in other inscriptions, reigning jointly. According to the present method the year consists of Sc. the donor's.' six seasons (ritu), -Vasanta, spring; Grishma, the hot The word 'svasti seems to have been engraved before weather, or summer; Varshah, the rains ; Sarad, autumn; | jayati,' but to have been cut off in shaping the plate, so Hemanta, the cold season, or winter, and Sisira, the dewy that only part of the second syllable can be seen in the season, and each season consists of only four fortnight m argin.

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30 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1877. [15] svadattAM paradattAM vA yo hareta vasundharAm [16] SaSTiM varSasahakhANi niraye sa vipacyate // Translation. shall be planged into hell and shall not escape Victorious is the holy one, Jinendra, from it up to the seventh generation; but he, who abounds in good qualitios, &c.! whether born in his own lineage or in the linThat mighty king, the sunt of the sky of eage of another, who, being desirous of acquiring the mighty family of the Kadam bas,-who, | religious merit, preserves them, shall disport having slain Sri-Vishnuvarma and other himself for a long time in heaven with the lovekings, and having conquered the whole world, | ly women of the gods! and having uprooted Chan dad and as, the Moreover, it has been said by Manu :-Land lord of Ka i chi, had established himself at has been given by many kings, commencing Pal a sika,-having pervaded the whole earth with Sagara;&c.! He is tormented in hell with his rays, which were his virtuous qualities, for the duration of sixty thousand years, &c.! gave four nivartanas (of land) by measure to No. XXV. Jinen dra, having obtained the favour of the This inscription consists of three plates, about feet of the mother of Da ma kiriti, who was a 63" long by 13" broad; the seal of the ring convery incarnation of religion; the motive that necting the plates bears apparently the name of incited him was to increase his religious merit. Sri-Harivarma.' It records the grant of And he, who bore the name of Sri-Kirtti, the village of Vasunta va ta ka, in the diswas his younger (brother)||. trict of Suddikun dura, to a Jain sect, That king who, from envy or negligence or by Harivarma, in the fourth year of his even avarice, injures those (nivartanas), his family | reign. Transcription. First plate. [1] siddham / / svasti svAmimahAsenamAtRgaNAnudhyAtAbhiSiktAnAm mAnavyasago. [2] trANAm hAritIputrANAm pratikRtastrAdhyAyacarcikAnAm kadammA(mbA)nA[3] mmahArAjaH zrIhariva*rmA bahubhavakRtaiH puNyai rAjyazriyaM nirupadravAma [4] prakRtiSu hitaH prApto vyApto jagadyazasAkhilam zrutajalanidhiH vi[5] dyAvRddhapradiSTapathi sthitaH svabalakulizAghAlocchinna dviSa(pa) Second plate; first side. [6] dvasudhAdharaH [1] svarAjyasaMvatsare caturthe phAlguNazuklatrayodazyAm ucca[7] gRyAm sarvajanamanoDDAdanavacanakarmaNA sa pitRvyeNa ziva[8] rathanAmadha(dhe)yenopadiSTaH palAzikAyAm bhAradvAjasagotrasiGa senA(9) pati sutena mRgezena kAritasyAhadAyatanasya prativarSamASTAhika - [10] mahAmahasatatacarUpalepanakriyArthaM tadavaziSTaM sarvasaMgha Second plate ; second side. [11] bhojanAyota suddi(li kundUraviSaye vasuntavATakaM sarvaparihArasaMyutaM [12] kUrcukAnAm vAriSeNAcAyyesaGgrahaste candrakSAntaM pramukham + The name of Ravi, or Ravivarning the son of Mrigtia | connected way; and it is not at all clear whose younger in introduced here by a play on worde, the word used for | brother Kirtti was. san' being 'ravi.' I Possibly the Pallava king Vishnugopa or Vishnugopa Sc. the 'donor's.' varma; see vol. V., p. 50, text, and note* * The original has 'mana' but partially erased son to S Probably the person of this name who is mentioned in show that'va' is intended. line 10 of the Aihole inscription, No. XIII. of this series. HSee notet to line ll of the text of No. XXI. of this || This statement is introduced in a very casual and dis. I series, p.24.

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1 Ila 11b " KADAMBA GRANT OF HARIVARMA. beettaa, akhee brtn hunn baat n pur (JL Indian Antiquary. Vol VI. p.80 kr vHdhnn jvaan iHk diHtii aattaavaa kii kr $? paaru n plaaoo pr engon (FER baaii gii kh R gurmukh pnnee oo v, arcn dee din Huge Stage ddaan prtnn dee baaa roog laannee s'u prblaa hoov hoo abbaagnnaa bbaayteeg pee| ttrHk kruuN hoo prcaa,bbaaii mrkl nuuN jaanuuN aryana dii vrtooN pNjaa sunn mle A1 knaat daa dii hr suurii nuurj F joo tsittpaaurtshkroa kaarn cur hdhaarii gurb dhrm is dee ptn daa bbeetii JAJ! bbaar ee bbaag deenn daa pr pNen rv prm rNgaal dee raaj

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JANUARY, 1877.] * SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 31 [13] Fiat CTTT [11] T uvar ra youmarato [14] yazcainaM rAgadveSalobhamoharapaharati sa nikRSTatamA gatimavA Third plate. [15] a [ll] 357 [UFITTI TEHI AT TT TTATGTH afer - [16] Harlo TA qe I #: [l] agrafa #TTTT[17] FHITIT TETT TETT YTTET Te at fata [1] [18] vardhatAM vardhamAnArhacchAsanaM saMyamAsanam yenAdyApi jaga[19] 5511491905gth [11] A 4914 [ll] Translation. sacrifice, the perpetual anointing with clarified It is accomplished ! Hail ! $ ri-Harivarma, butter for the temple of the Arhat which Msi--the Great King of the Kadambas, who are ges a, the son of the General Sinha of the lineconsecrated by meditating on the assemblage of age of Bharad v a ja, had caused to be built at the mothers of the lord Mah a se na; who are of Pa labika, and that whatever might remain the lineage of Ma navya; who are the descend over after this was to be devoted to the purpose ants of Hariti; and who have adopted the prac- of feeding the whole sect. tice of private study and prayer,-being kindly He, who with justice protects this grant, disposed towards his subjects, acquired, through shares in the reward of the religious merit of the the pious acts performer! by him in many (previ- grant; but he, who through envy or hatred ous) states of existence, a sovereignty that was free or avarice or folly confiscates it, falls into the from all troubles, and pervaded the whole world most low condition! And it has been said :with his fame, and, being the receptacle of the He is tormented in hell for the duration of sixty waters which are the sacred writings, adhered to thousand years, &c.! Land has been enjoyed the path prescribed by those who were mature by many kings, commencing with Sagara; in science, and cleft open the mountains which &c.! were his enemies by the blows of the thunder- May the practice of sitting in abstract meditabolt which was his own arm. tion, which is the doctrine of the Arhat Var In the fourth year of his reign, on the thir- dham a na $, and by which is effected), even teenth day of the bright fortnight of the in the present time, the destruction of the sins month) Phalguna, at the hill or village, called of worldly existence, flourish! Reverence to the Uchchasing it, he, giving such a promise Arhat Vardhamana! as gladdened the hearts of all people, at the No. XXVI. advice of his father's brother Sivaratha, This inscription consists of three plates, about having made Chandra kshanta the prin- 87" long by 2 broad; the seal of the ring concipal (donee), gave into the posession of the sect necting the plates bears the word Sri-Harivarmof Varis he nach a rya of the Kirchakas mand,' i.e. by Sri-Ha rivar ma', preceded (the village of) Vasunta v a taka in the and followed by a Svastik.. It records the district of Sud dikund ur, free from all grant of a village by Harivar ma, in the fifth claims, saying that it was for the purpose year of his reign, at the request of king Bha nuof providing annually, at the great eight-days sakti of the family of the Sendra kas. Transcription : First plato. [I] siddhm|| svasti / svAmimahAsenamAtRgaNAnudhyAnAbhiSiktAnAmmAnavyasagotrANA [m] [2] hAritIputrANAm pratikRtasvAdhyAyacarcApArANAm CERT I Either the hill of the high peak,' or 'the village where there is the hill of the high peak.' $ The last and most celebrated of the twenty-four Jain Tirthaikams of the present age. A mystical mark, to denoto good luck, shaped like a Greek cross with the extremities of the four arms bent round in the same direction. This word is given in the margin of the plate, by the side of the hole for the ring, instrad of in its usual and proper place as the first word of the inscription.

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Dolor THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. . [JANUARY, 1 877. [3] mahArAjazrIravivarmaNaH svabhujaklaparAkramAvAptAniravadyavipula[4] rAjyazriyaH vidvanmatisuvarNanikaSabhUtasya kAmAdyarigaNa Second plate; first side. [5] tyAgAbhivyajitendriyajayasya nyAyopArjitArtha[saMhitasAdhujana sya [B] kSititalapatatavimalayazasaH . priyatanayaH pUrvasucaritopacitavipula M] puNyasampAditazarIrabuddhisabaH . sarvaprajAhRdayakumudacandramAH mahArAja[8] zrIharidarmA svarAjyasaMvatsare paJcame palAzikAdhiSThAne ahariSThisamAvhaya-* Second plate ; second side [9] zramaNasaGgAnvayavastunaH , dharmanandyAcAryAdhiSThitaprAmANyasya caityAlayasya 110] pUjAsaMskAranimittam sAdhujanopayogAya'Jca, sendrakANAM kulalalAma pUtasya [u] bhAnuzaktirAjasya vijJApanayA maradegrAmandattavAna [u] ya etalobhAyai X kadAcidapa[12] haretsa paJcamahApAtakasaMyukto bhavati yazyAbhirakSati sa tatpuNyaphalam _Third plate... [13] avAmotIti [i] uktaJca // svadattAM paradattAM vA yo hareta vasundharAm SaSTivarSa][14] sahasrANi narake pacyate tu sH|| bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhissagarAdi[bhiH] [15] yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasyAM tadA phalam // ye setUnabhirakSanti [10] bhamAnsaMsthApayanti ca dviguNaM ..pUrvakartRbhyaH tatphalaM samudAhRtam [1] Translation. crated by meditating on the assemblage of the It is accomplished ! Hail! In the fifth year mothers of the lord Mahasena, and who are of his own reign, at the capital of Palasika, at of the lincage of Manavya and the descendants the request of king Bhanusakti, who was the of Hariti, and who are thoroughly well versed .glory of the family of the sdndrakast, the in the system of private study and prayer that Great King Sri-Harivarma, the excellence | they have adopted-gave the village of Maof whose body and intellect had been produced rad & for the use of holy people and for the by the great religious merit acquired by good purposes of the celebration of the rites of the actions performed in a previous state of exist- temple which was the property of the sect of ence, and who was a moon to the blue lotuses Srama na sg called A harish ti and the that were the hearts of all his subjects,- authority of which was superintended by the the beloved son of Sri-Ravivarma, who Acharya Dharmanandi. possessed blameless and mighty regal power | He, who through avarice, &c., takes away that had been acquired by the strength and this grant, incurs the guilt of having commitprowess of his own arm, who was the touchstone ted the five great sins; but he, who preserves it, to test the gold which was the minds of learned acquires the reward of that meritorious action ! people, who had manifested his victory over And it has been said :-He is tormented in his passions by freeing himself from lust and hell for the duration of sixty thousand years, other such enemies, who supported holy people |&c.! Land has been enjoyed by many kings, with the wealth that he had amassed by just commencing with Sagara; &c.! The reward means, and whose pure fame was spread abroad of them who preserve bridges and repair them over the surface of the earth, and who was the when broken, is declared to be twice as great Great King of the Kadam bas who are conse- as (the reward of) the original builders of them. * There being no roon for this letter, at the end collection, a snall stone-tablet inscription in the Cave. of the line, it is inserted below the letters 'sama.' alphabet characters at Balagarhve belonging to the time of + This word was omitted in its proper place in the line, one of the Vikramadityas of the Chalukya family-proand was then inserted in the margin at the end of the lin?, bably the first of that name in Sir W. Elliot's list; but the and two Sustikas were employed to indicate the place to photograph is very small and indistinct, and I cannot make which it belongs.. out the whole passage. I Notices of the Sendrakas are not frequent. I find the S sramana, - Jain (as well as a Bauddha) religious family meutioned in line 3 of No. 98 of Major Dixon's mendicant, or ascetio.

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Indian Antiquary. Tol VI. p. 32 GRANT OF THE KADAMBA KING HARIVARMMA ( 2 ) Flo R23uku San 444 45 B ( 74 37520sntti- R7 Perfng:

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}lt I! OF THE KADAMBA KING HARIVARMMA sshustwglgsbrulthmaau Y=glgrgy-my z(r)vpy skyma'H / RAmo'inwntun / naandrri / my / rbiddhip'i a' / ttgus / spyisnytss' 8 ny / m[haatonnMsaau / nizhnzh 1p aunnhaawaa8 rnn.syaarnaaMwkundm0, #dzdziBE mH X/ 1zhurgy / nynjgmkhrn-ontu p-lmp7kmu' pnY ktomtsom, duH X/ / u / zhsgyu-u c my 3 -y GRANT

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FEBRUARY, 1877.] THE BUDDHIST CAVES AT JUNNAR. MEMORANDUM ON THE BUDDHIST CAVES AT JUNNAR. THE caves of Junnar,* like those of Bhiji, of centuries: bot all instances of its occurrence 1 Bedsa, Talaja, Sina, Kudi, and other groups, are noted in the following brief descriptions. are remarkably devoid of figure ornament or im- The Ganosa Paha r group of caves is about agery: in this respect contrasting strongly with three miles north-east of the town, and about those at Ajanta, Elora, Karla, Aurangibad, and 360 feet above it. The ascent is partly by a elsewhere. The Dah go ba alone is common to built stair, which leads up to the front of the all: and, on comparing the different groups, one Chaitya. This Chaityn faces due sonth, and might alnost suppose that the Dah goba and measures inside 40 ft. in length by 22 ft 5 in. Buddhist rail were the earliest ornaments as wide and 24 ft 2 in. high. It has a verandah well as furniture of the caves : that the Chaitya 20 ft 5 in long by 4 ft. 2 in wide, reached by or horse-shoe window with its latticed aperturo about six steps, with two pillars and two demiwas next developed, both as a structural feature pillars in front, of the style so prevalent at and an ornament,--and at Junnar there are Nasik,--the capitals consisting of an abacus of some peculiar applications of it; and that figures three, four, or five thin square tile-sbaped memof Buddha, as in the later caves at Nasik, at bers, each projecting a little over the one below Kanheri, and at Ajanta, Elora, and Aurangibid, it. Under this is a deep member resembling were introduced at a later dato. Or is it! an inverted water-jar. The shaft is octagonal, possible that a puritan sect of Bauddhas, object- ! and the base is just the capital reversed. Over ing to all anthropomorphic forms, made the Dah- the abacus are figures of elephants roughly goba their only qeblah, while a separate school chisellel out, somewhat in the style of those in delighted in pictures and images of their Great the Vibira to the right of the Pan du Lena Teacher, his Mother, and all the Bauddha Chaityn to be noticed below. The door is perSaints? This is a point deserving the attention fectly plain, 5 ft. 9 in wide, and lofty, and is the of archaeologists in attempting to arrange the only entrance for light to the cave; for the Buddhist remains in anything like chronologi. arched window is merely indicated as a slight cal order. We know that in early times it was rocess, high up in the rock, -too high to have usual for one school or sect almost to monopolize corresponded with the arch of the cave : but its the popular religious attachment of particular carefully smoothed area shows that it was never cities or even provinces: these sects doubtless intended to drive it through. Over the endiffered in their ritual and its accossories; and trance is a well-cut inscription in one long line. this might account for the prevalence at Ajanta (No. 1.) and elsewhere of images of Buddha, both in The nave is abont 12 ft 9 in wide, and 24 ft. the sanctuaries and on the fa ades, and for the 6) in up to the Dahgoba, limited on each side entire absence of such symbols at Bhij, in the by five columns and one domi-column 10 ft 10 older and middle series of about ten caves et in high, similar to those in the front, and with Nasik, and at Junnar. It has yet, I think, to lions or tigers and elephants over the capitals, be decided how far the former class of caves are fairly weil cut. In the apse round the Dahgoba, subsequent to the latter, or how far they may about 3 ft. froin it, are six plain octagon shafts be regarded as synchronous. 16 in. in diameter without base or capital. The Other ornainent is but sparingly found at aisle behind the pillars is 3 ft. 6 in. wide, and Junnar,-partly perhaps because the facades of is ribbad over, like the roof of the nave, in imita any of the caves have peeled off in the lapsetion of wooden ribs. The Dahgoba is of the # This Memorandum was originally prepared for Govern- tions. Dr. Stevenson attempted the translation of nearly ment and printed in November 1874, and is now revised for the whole of the inscriptions from Junnar, from rough these pages. Previous to its appearance the only published and inaccurate transcripts by Lieat. Brett (Jour. Bo. Br. R. accounts of the Junnar Caves were very short one by As, Soc. vol. V. pn. 100 et se .), but the result was very Dr. Bird in his Jaina Researches, derived from the notos oi uoxetisfactory. Tie translations in the following article by Professor Orlebar; one by Dr. J. Wilson in the Jour. Dr. II. Kern will be read with interest. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. III. pt. ii. (for January 1850) i la Dr. Bird's transcript (Jaina Researches, No. IX. pp. 62-64, founded on memoranda cuminunicated by Dr. pl L.) two letters are omitted, and others incorrectly copied : Gibson; and that by Mr. W.F. Sinclair, C.S., in the Indian it is more correctly given by Colonel Sykes as No. 10 of his Antiquary, vol. II. (1874) p. 434. In the Journal of th> copies in the Jour. R. A. Soc. vol. IV. (1833) p. 290, also Royal Asiatic Society, vol. IV. (1833) typ 337.901, Colonel Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. VI. p. 10:15. Conf. No. 2, Jour. Sykes gave copies of a number of the inscriptions from Bo. Br. R. 18. Soc. vol. V. p. 161. these caves, but without any detailed account of the excava.

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31 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1877. usual form, a plain circular drum or base 8 ft. 9 in. in diameter and 6 ft. 4; in. high, with a Buddhist-rail cornice, supporting the garbha or dome on which stands the torana or capital, consisting of a square block, representing a box ornamented with the Buddhist-rail pattern, surmounted by an abacus of five thin slab-like. inembors, each in succession wider than the one helow, until the uppermost is 5 ft. 10 in. square, with a hole in the centre of it to support the shaft of a wooden umbrella, I as at Karla, and four shallow square ones for relics : for it was on this turana, as on an altar, that the relics of Buddha or of Bauddha saints were deposited for adoration. In some cases, as at Bhaja, the box under the capital of the tee was hollow, for the preservation of the relics. The whole height of this Dahgoba is 16 ft. 5 in. The next cave cast of this is a Vihara,-the door-jambs now broken away. It has two windows, is 25 ft. wide by 29 deep, and 8 ft. 2 in. high, with a bench or seat 16 ft. 10 in. wide round the three inner sides. At the back are three cells, and at each side two, for the resident monks. In the cells are high stone benches for their beds : on these they spread their quilt and enjoyed their rest,--simple beds for simple livers. Their shala or hall, which they doubtless regarded as spacious, is now used as a goat-shed. Over the left window is the inscription No. 2.9 The next cave is higher up in the rock and is a small squ..re one, with a stone bench-bed at the right end. The next, still to the east, is similar, about 8 ft. square, with a bench at the left end. The next again is similar, with a bench at the left end and one large cell at the back, also a small recoss-probably for a watervessel. In the wall is a square hole into the next cave, which is 13 ft. 8 in. deep at the left or west side, but at the other has a cell about 7 ft. by 6 inside, having a bed at the east end. In front of this is a verandah, with two pillars, supporting a projecting frieze carved with the Buddhist-rail pattern as in several of the caves nt Nasik. Returning now to the Chaitya, and proceeding westwards, an ascending stair enters under the rock and comes out in the verandah of the largest Vihara cave here, now known as the Ganesa Lena, because this fine cave has been appropriated by some low Brahman in which to enshrine an image of the pot-bellied, elephant-snouted Ganapati.| This personification of the misformed is named Asht Vinayaka, as being, according to the Ganesa Purana, the eighth avatars of this deva, performed here to please his mother, Girija. He is a favourite idol of the populace, and is visited from far and near at the annual jatru or fair held in his honour. The shrine is taken care of by a panch or committee, who pay the guri's wages out of a yearly endowment of Rs. 62 per annum. The guru goes there daily from Junnar. The stair originally came up in front of the east end of the verandah : as it now stands, it is built, and closes the entrance to a cell or cistern partly under the Vihara. The hall is 50 ft. 6 in. by 56 ft. 6 in., and 10 ft. 2 in. high, with three doors and two windows in front, and a stone sea round the three inner sides. It has seven cells on each side, and five at the back-the central one altered to make a shrine for the rat-riding god, whose large image is cut out of the rock, probably, from a Dabgoba that may originally have occupied this cell. It is smeared red, and the shrine is enclosed by wooden doors. Outside the cave is a verandah 7 ft. wide with six pillars and two demi ones, rising from a bench as in Cave III. at Nasik, the back of this bench forming the upper part of a basement carved in the old Buddhist-rail pattern : this also resembles the general style of the Nasik Cave just mentioned, in having animal figures over the capitals, but on the outside only, and in having a projecting frieze above, carved with rail pattern ornamentation. Further west are two cells, noways peculiar; then a Vihara without cells, the verandah of four columns totally gone except the bases. It had a door in the centre, another at the west 1 Dr. Wilson, writing twenty-six years ago, says this Dahgoba was surmounted by an unbrella; but if so, this is not the only case among others in which the woodwork has recently disappeared from Buddhist caves of Western India. See Jouy. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. III. pt. ii. p. 69. $ This is No. 9 of those copied by Colonel Sykes; and No. 1 of Lieut. Brett's, Jour. Bo. Br. R.As. Soc. vol. V. . 160: see alvo Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. VI.p. 1044, where Prinsep, correcting the second anomalous letter conjecturally,' reads it "Dhammika sentyasata gabhar udhi cha dayadhaman. which corresponds precisely with the Sanskrit dharmmik kasentya satagarbharts udhrfcha dayadharmath- The hundred caves and the tank of Dharmiks Seni-bis act of piety and compassion.'" But for udht we should surely read pati. | See Notes on Junnar Talukd by W. F. Sinclair, Bo. C.S., Indian Antiquary, vol. II. p. 44.

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FEBRUARY, 1877.] THE BUDDHIST CAVES AT JUNNAR. end, and two windows, and measures 31 ft. 3 in. wide by 23 ft. 2 in. deep. The next is diffi- cult of access, and of the plan of the most easterly cave, which is a very common type here. Passing along a ledge of rock and over a small water-cistern, we come to the next, also a small Vihara about 25 ft. wide, the front entirely gone, and with a cell at the left end and stone bed in it. Close to it is another sinilar to the most easterly one,-that is, a cell in the corner of a large one. Lower in the rock the next is like the last, and has a verandah with two pillars and a low screen in front, with 1 cistern outside at the east end. The next is a rectangular flat-roofed Chaitya 21 ft. 10 in. deep by 12 ft. 9 in. wide and 13 ft. 8in. high, with a Dahgoba 6 ft. 11 in. in diameter standing 3 ft. from the back wall. The cylinder is 5 ft. 7 in. high, including a base of 7 in. formed of three projecting annuli, and a cornice 12} in. deep, of the Buddhist-rail pattern. The dome rises about 3 ft. 4 in., and the torana 2 ft. 4 in., and is 4 ft. 4 in. square at the top. This is connected with the roof by the stone shaft of the umbrella, for here, as in the case of several at Bhaja, the canopy of the umbrella is carved on the roof. To this cave there is & verandah 2 ft. 7 in. wide and 19 ft. 5 in. in length, which has had two pillars in front. On the left of the door outside is an inscription in two lines. (No. 3.)T Above this are(1) a cell with a stone bed at the right side; (2) a small room enclosing a cell, after the common plan here; (3) another similar, but a horizontal flaw in the rock has opened the top of the inner cell and of the whole of the next cave; (4) a Vihara, with two cells at the back, and a bench seat along each side, but the front wall is gone. Under the left front corner is a cistern, and outside is another; and (5) farther along are three more cisterns. Over the first of these is an inscription in two lines (No. 4),* and over the second is one in three lines (No. 5), but the letters have a slant, and are not so neatly cut as most of the inscriptions here. We now come to a Vihara 29 ft. 5 in. deep by 24 ft. 3 in. wide, the front wall much destroyed, but which was perforated by a door, and probably two windows. It has no cells, but has a stone bench round the three inner sides, and may have been a refectory or a school. Under the left corner is a well with abundance of cool water. Still westwards is a cell and cistern, then a small hall,--the front wall gone and without any cells ; next, one or two more cisterng, beyond which the advance becomes more difficult, and leads to, or through, three more small caves, on the wall outside the last of which is an inscription in three lines (No. 6) measuring about 2 ft. by 8 in., with the Sustika to the right of it, and a curious trisular symbol at the commencement, which appears also in a modified form at the beginning of No. 2, and sometimes on other caves and on coins. To the left of this is a recess, then two cells, and still further west are two or three others, which aro almost inaccessible. An avenue of trees said to have been planted by Amritrao, the adopted son of Raghoba, runs from the Kukadi river to the foot of the hill in which these caves are, and which is said to be mentioned in the Ganesa Purana under the name of the Lehan a dri: locally it is known as the Ganesa Pahar or Sulaiman Pahar. The Manmodi Hill lies to the southsouth-west of Junnar, about a mile west of the main road. Proceeding to the east face of the hill, I went up to the level of the most southerly group of caves. The first reached was a recess over a cell or cistern, the front fallen away ; on the left side of the recess is an inscription (No. 7) 8 in one line. A little to the north of this, on the left side of a larger recess over the side of a cistern, is another inscription (No. 8),|| in three lines, of which, however, the No. 3 in Lieat. Brett's copies, Jour. Bo. Br. R. AS. Soc. vol. V. p. 161. This is No. 12 among Colonel Sykes's copies; No. 5 in Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. VI. p. 1046; and No. 4 of Lient. Brett's, Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. V. p. 161. + This is given by Colonel Sykes se No. 11 among his, and No. 5 among Lieut. Brett's copies. I This is No. 6 of Brett and Stevenson, Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. V. p. 162; No. 13 in Colonel Sykes's copies; and No. 6 of those sent by him to Prinsep, who read it samadapasakasa putasa, Sivakukhisa daya dhama danam, Kapavibhasa yase niyutakam. 8Amada pasaka putrasya sivakukshikasya ( dayadhar madanan krip dvibhasyd yasase niyukta kam-The pious and charitable endowment of Siva Kukhi), the son of Amarapa saka (7), redounding to the glory of this most compassionate person. Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. VI. p. 1047. No. 36 of Brett's, Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. IV. p. 169. * No. 28 of Brett and Stevenson, Jour. Bo. Br. R.As. Soc. vol. V. p. 169.

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36 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1877. first letters are quite obliterated. Above & Chaitya has a verandah with two columns of the precipice to the north of this are-(1) a single Nasik type in front, which support the entablaoell, (2) a broken cistern, and then (3) seventure above the great window. Inside it is cells in a line. wholly unfinished: the aisles have not been comReturning from these and scrambling along menced, for a great fault in the rock seems to the precipice to the south, we reach first a have stopped operations. The capital of the small Vihara without cells, then another with Dabgoba is blocked out, and portions of a square two octagonal columns and two pilasters in mass from which to carve the dome. The floor front of the verandah, rising from a seat. The is now much filled up with mud. The cave door is 5 ft. 10 in. wide and reaches to the roof faces north by east. of the hall, which has been frescoed. The ve. At the east side of it is a cell, alsu deep in randah is about 2 ft. higher than the cave, and earth, in which is a Dahgoba, the chhatri or the back of the seat or low screen outside is umbrella carved on the roof, but the staff has carved with the rail ornament. The hall is 33 been broken, -evidently with a view to conft. deep and varies from 11 to 13 ft. wide, but at vert it into the usual Saiva emblem. Beyond the back stands a mass of rock over 8 ft. wide it are portions of other cells and a fragment of an by 5) thick, with a squatting figure roughly inscription beside some modern steps leading sketched out on the front of it. This mass of up to five cells above those last mentioned. rock is very rotten behind, and at the left side of The two at the west end are converted into one it is a well of excellent water. The verandah by cutting away the partition. In the back is 4 ft. 7 in. wide and 19 ft. 10 in. long; the wall of this apartment are two defaced figures columns are of the usual Nasik pattern but of Buddha, and in the west wall a third sitting without animal figures above: over them the under foliage, with diminutive attendants or frieze projects considerably, and is carved in figures in the parigara. The stiha or lion is the style of Cave IV. at Nasik, - the ends of traceable on one or two of the asanas or seats, the rafters projecting on the lower fasoia, and and & wooden framework seems to have been the upper being carved with rail pattern. Over fitted to them, for thore are holes in the stones this is a recess some 2 or 3 feet deep with for the wood to hold. This is now dedicated to the Chaitya arch over it, but without any the goddess Ambika,-& name of Parvati carving. indeed, but also the sa sanadevi or patron goddess Lower down in the face of the cliff and of Neminatha, one of the favourite Tirthansomewhat to the north of this are some cells karas of the Jains,-by whom she may have choked with priokly-pear and milk-bash. A been borrowed from some Buddhist sect. Here few yards south of the larger gave above men- we have Brahmans worshipping the matilated tioned is a Vihira with two pillars and pilasters images of Buddha as a Saiva goddess! In the in the verandah, and with three doors leading outer wall of the first of these cells there bavo into as many cells. Still farther on aro one or been a standing and a sitting figure of Buddha, two others almost inaccessible. bat these are now almost obliterated. They Returning from this point to the north and are the only figures of the kind I have met winding round the hill to the north-west side, with in the caves here. we come upon another group of caves, the On the west of the Chaitya are some cells lower ones of easy access. Among them is much choked up with earth, and with at least an unfinished Chaitya the front of which is three inscriptions in them, and high up above almost covered with inscriptions; but from their these are a few more cells, but inacessible. positions, and the circumstance that in most Further to the west is a cistern under a tree. cases the surface of the rock has not been Two of the inscriptions (Nos. 9 and 10) are smoothed before cutting them, it may be in- in the cells on the right or west of the ferred that they are only the work of visitors, Chaitya; a third-one of those on the left side and not the records of the original excavators of the facade- is given by Dr. Bird as No. VI., Three of them are givon by Colonel Sykes, and but this copy is certainly wrong, at least in others by Dr. Bird and Lieut. Brett. This some of the letters. Nos. 12 and 11 raspectively of Brett and Stevenson, Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soo, vol. V. pp. 164, 165.

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FEBRUARY, 1877.] THE BUDDHIST CAVES AT JUNNAR. 87 Proceeding a considerable way round to the ment along the top. There is one plain cell north-west on the slope of the hill, another un- west of these ; and rather higher up on the east finished Chaitya is reached, facing north-east are four others. Under these latter is a Vihara by north, towards Junnar. This is the cave of with two cells in the back and two in the left or which & very imperfect sketch by Professor east side, but the front is gone. It communicates Orlebar is given by Dr. Bird (plate XVI.) The by a passage with another to the west of it, door is nearly the whole width of the cave; the nearly filled up with mud. West of the Chaitya lintel of it is broken; and the top of the aper are two small cells high up in the rock. ture of the window is much lower than the The Ta lja Lena group of caves lies in a arched roof of the cave. The great arch hill about a mile and a half or two miles west over it in the facade, however, is high, and over from Junnar, and are so named because one the window the space is divided fan-wise into of them has been appropriated by the modern seven petal-shaped compartments; in the upper | Brahmans to Tulja Devi. or middle one is a female figure with a lotus- They face north-east, but all the facades have flower on each side; the compartments next fallen away. Beginning from the south-east to this have each an elephant standing on we come to (1) two sides of a cell; (2) a small a lotus and holding up a water-jar, as fre- Vihara with two cells on the left side, two in quently represented beside figures of Laksh- the back, and one in the right side ; and (3) a mi or Sri on old Vaishnava temples. In the Chaitya of a form qnite unique: it is circular, 25 compartment behind each elephantstands a male ft. 6 in. across, with a Dabgoba 8 ft. 2 in. in figure, his hands over or in front of the head, diameter in the centre, surrounded by twelve doing puja towards the central figure; and in plain octagonal shafts 11 ft. 4 in. high, supportthe lowest or outer petals are two females in ing a lofty dome over the Dahgoba. The outer similar attitudes: beside each is a lotus flower aisle is arched over, from a wall line 9 ft. 1 in. and bud. Over and outside this the architrave from the floor, to the upper side of an archior jamb of the great arch projects, and on each trave 7 or 8 in. deep over the pillars. The side of the finial of the arch is a figure (very Dahgoba is plain, the cylinder being 4 ft. 4 in. unlike those in Professor Orlebar's sketch): high, but the capital has been hewn off to conthat on the left holds a chauri and has wings, vert it into a pinda of Siva, and even the dome and some animal's head above his jaunty turban; is much hacked. Before the last care, this, and the other holds some object in his right hand, the next is a platform built by the modern votaand behind ench shoulder are two snake-hoods ries of Tulja Devi. The next (4) is the back with their tongues (?) hanging out. Right of a cell with a recess appropriated to Talja; and left of these are Dahgobas in high relief but then come the remains of three more cells, and roughly formed. On the projecting frieze over a fourth on which is hung a wooden door, all are seven Chaitya-window ornaments, with the cell being appropriated by the priest. The smaller ones between their finials; and two on | next is a plain cell, and beyond it the backs of the faces of the jambs. Inside the cave three two cells, -over the front of one of them are octagonal pillars on the right side are blocked Chaitya-window ornaments and two or three out, as is also the Dahgoba, but without the figures: then two more plain fronts, and two capital. There is a horizontal soft stratum in with Chaitya-window heads over the doors, and the rock, which has probably led to the work smaller ones between, and the rail ornament, being relinquished in its present state. and quadrantal carved roll supported by slender Higher up the rock, on the east side of this, brackets in entire relief, as at Bhaja. The are four cells with neatly-carved facade, each last cave is a hall 23 feet wide, with one large door having a Chaitya-window arch over it, pro- cell at the left corner, and a seat round the three jecting about 15 in.; and between the arches are sides. In front of and considerably below the two Dahgobas with chhatris in half-relief, while cells towards the north-west end is a tank over the shoulder of each aroh is a smaller one with masonry walls on two sides. The rock as an ornament, and the Buddhist-rail orna. is so cut away in front of the cells above, that See Plan and Section of this cave, from the writer's drawingy, in Ferguson's History of Indian and Eastern Architecture (1876), p. 167.

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38 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. it must have undermined the fronts of them, and aided in causing their destruction. Possibly this tank was originally a large cistern in the rock underneath the cells, and the pressure at the same time destroyed its roof and the front of the caves. The Sivaneri hill fort lies to the west of the town, and going well along the east face of the hill towards the south, after visiting several cells in the lower scarp, we come to a cave which has had originally two columns and pilasters in front of a narrow verandah. The cave has a wide door, and inside is a large square cell with the cylindrical base of a Dahgoba-all coarsely hewn. Can the top have been of wood or other perishable or removeable material? This cave faces E.N.E. On the sides of the scarp to the north of these excavations are several cisterns. The side of the hill is peculiarly steep, and, owing to the slippery dry grass, it was ascended with difficulty. At the south end of the upper scarp a cave is reached, and in the north end of this cave is a stair leading to an upper floor. It has been a small hall, but the front is entirely gone except one pilaster at the sonth end. In the south wall is a small roughly hewn recess, and along the wall near the roof is an inscription (No. 11)+ in one line of deeply incised letters, with a raised device at the commencement. The hall below this has three cells on each side and four at the back-several of them quite unfinished. [FEBRUARY, 1877. door of the style of about the 10th century, and a well-wrought lattice stone window let into the wall. These were probably substituted by some Hindu sect not Bauddha. There is a fragment of an inscription at the north end, over a bench outside. North of this are some cells, much decayed, but which had probably all wooden fronts: holes in the rock seem to indicate this. Further north and somewhat higher, beyond a recess and a cistern with two openings, is a Vihara, the entire front of which is open, with a plain pilaster at each side having holes in them for the fastenings of the wooden front that has once screened the interior. There is a bench round the walls, and an advanced seat at the back as if. for an image, or perhaps a guru or teacher. The cave has been occupied in more recent times, as evidenced by a mud wall. inside. Next we come to some large cisterns of which the roof has fallen in, and over the north side of them is a large Vihara with four cells at the back and two in the south end. In this case, again, there seems to have been originally only a wooden front; but for it has been substituted a stone one of ten courses of ashlar most carefully jointed, with a neatly carved + Not given among Lieut. Brett's transcripts, After a difficult and painful scramble from the last group, I reached the Bara Kotri group, so called from a large Vihara with twelve cells. First, over a cistern broken in, is a Dahgoba in half-relief in front of a large cell with one stone bed, and having on the south side of the door a long inscription in five lines of varying length and in somewhat florid characters. Time did not permit my copying this, but, as the letters had all been painted, I doubt not it was copied by Dr. Bhau Daji's pandit. Next come four cells, the last with a stone bed; third, three wells, with a small hall over the last, which once had two square pillars in front; it is reached by a stair-landing in the north end of the verandah. Fourth, the Bara Kotri, 36 ft. 8 in. wide and 33 ft. 5 in. deep, with four cells on each side, and a bench round all four. It has two doors and two large windows, one of them measuring 9 ft. 10 in. in width, with a groove in the sill for the wooden framework. Beyond this are several cells and a well, then a small Vihara with three cells on the south side, and two at the back, with a Dahgoba in half-relief, in a recess-probably an older form than that in Cave III. at Nasik. The next is a fine cave; it is a lofty flat-roofed Chaitya. The front wall was probably originally pierced for two windows and the central door 6 ft. 1 in. wide, but the south window has been hewn down until it forms a door; inside the front wall is an outer cross aisle or vestibule 4 ft. 9 in. wide, separated from the inner hall by two octagonal pillars and two others just attached to the wall: these have the Nasik or water-jar base and capitals, but the latter do not reach the cross beam above; from the capital rises a short square pillar about 2 feet high reaching to the roof, which is perhaps 18 or 19 feet high. The inner hall is 30 ft. 11 in. by 20 ft. 6 in., near the back of which stands a well-proportioned Dahgoba 10 ft. 3 in. in diameter, the cylindrical part 5 ft. 11 in. high, and surroundJour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. V. pp. 160 seqq.

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Indian Antiquary. Vol, V. INSCRIPTIONS FROM THE CAVES OF JUNNAR. Mail *Fv YRAZJIfy houry Ehe ogys wvahuwgrynkua84, fuhOssoas+ Mis 9+2Slen Jouth Ihun leur Framu Byhaft {ULU OBD huwJ2y4i Toto $184hfaut lyhady XI Fjadwalle varit toarsaffrynos cartaruz vars177 Nas zxyzklyziu 2ondualgat 120ULARn 2. Ifurba802 lauryh&l2dZETdor ut 16.6 O U 2 JULICI $ 58c1wyrowsco 4978: Sound 8 sa IYYTT?7.9.1 FILIPIE PPTIPUBPNY El Dany &Db 4.20 emngsikenti~ maakmaiA mm kh ln 88518 777 syafunduar furujLENDIEFLZ JOXLUGI ponos ya Ijumus ug wa 082 orcusor's ww] Puy S5 08217 2rocytter I Borges, script.

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* FEBRUARY, 1877.] THE INSCRIPTIONS OF JUNNAR. 39 ed on the upper margin by the rail pattern and with what are intended to represent the ends of bars projecting out below it. The umbrella is carved on the roof, and connected with the capital by a short shaft. The ceiling has been painted, and still retains large portions of the colouring: the design is in squares, each containing concentric circles in orange, brown, and white; but light was beginning to fail, and I could not be certain of the darker tints. Outside is an inscription in three lines (No. 12), first given by Colonel Sykesi in a not very accurate copy. Beyond this are some wells and fragments of cells. After a four miles' walk and a steep climb the caves in a spur of a hill to the east of the Ganesa Lena are reached, about 400 feet above Jannar. They face S.S.W. The Chaitya, the most easterly of the group, is a small one 8 ft. 3 in. wide inside and 22 ft. 4 in. in length, or about 15 ft. 4 in. from the door to the Dahgoba, which is 4 ft. 10 in. in diameter. The sides or jambs of the facade are carved with Chaitya- window ornaments, some having a Dahgoba inside, and others a lotus-flower, while the rail ornament is interspersed in the usual way. The face of the moulding round the window is also carved with a geometrical pattern. The walls are not straight, nor the floor level, and altogether the work seems to have been left unfinished, except perhaps the upper part of the Dahgoba, the cylinder of which is 4 ft. 10 in. high, and the total height 9 ft. 4 in. The aisle, which is never wanting in a finished Chaitya cave, has not been begun here. To the narrow ledge over the architrave of the walls is 16 ft., and to the roof 18 ft. 2 in. Next to this, but higher up and almost inaccessible, are two cells; then a well; and thirdly a small Vihara with two windows and two cells at the back, one with a stone bed, and some rough cutting in the wall between the cell doors resembling a Dahgoba, but quite unfinished. It has also a cell with stone bed at the left side; outside are two more cells, and a chamber at the end of the verandah, which runs along the front both of the Vihara and the cells. These caves, usually represented as inaccessible, from the precipice being almost perpendicular, are really difficult of access, and dangerous for any one not having a steady head or unaocustomed to climbing. Prof. H. Kern, of Leiden, has translated a number of the inscriptions in a paper in the Indische Studien, XIVter Bd. S. 393--397, of which translation is given in the next paper. J. B. THE INSCRIPTIONS OF JUNNAR, BY PROFESSOR H. KERN, OF LEIDEN. Translated from the Indische Studien,' XIV'ter Band, by Miss M. Tweedie, Edinburgh. J. Burgess, in his Memorandum on the Bud does not exist. The mark occurs only in the dhist Caves at Junnar,* has lately published word for twenty-six,' which is one of frequent again, and very completely, the Cave-inscrip- recurrence. After Prinsep had deciphered that tions, some of which were formerly communi- as chaddavisati, all later expounders, myself cated by Col. Sykes.t included, have followed him. But the reading These inscriptions are indeed of different was false. For, in the first place, the mark gradates, but collectively they are later than those phically is not to be explained as dd ; secondly, of Asoka. To judge by the forms of the charac- a chadda from shad is inadmissible in point of ters, they are perhaps 200 or 300 years later. language; thirdly, the double consonant is noBut the way of writing is quite the same, for where else marked by doubling. If we look the double consonant is either not given at well at the mark under consideration, we see that all, or is indicated by a mark like the anusvara it is a d with a virama placed below. It stands standing before the consonant that is to be everywhere as chad-visati, not chaddavisati. doubled. It is so also in Asoka's inscriptions If I here subjoin my reading and interpretafrom various places. The only exception which tion of some Junnar inscriptions, it is neceswas believed to have been found, namely dda, sary to connect with them some short remarks. I Conf. ante, p. 83, note, and Jour. R. 48. Soc. vol. IV. Archaeological Survey of Western India, Bombay, P. 889, No. 7 Jour. As. Soc. Bong. vol. VI. p. 1045, 1874, reprinted, with additions, above, p. 83. No. 3; and No. 7, Jour. Bom. Br. R. Asiat. Soc. vol. V. t Conf. Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. VI. p. 1044 et sogg. p. 163. [Also Jour. R. As. Soc. vol. IV. (1833) pp. 287-801.-Ed.]

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1877. No. 9 has Dharmanigama I have not met with elseBharukachhakanann Larkuday(a)nan bhatuna where; I suppose it is one for whom the Budhamitasa Budharakkhitasa cha bikhana Dharma is the source of authority.' (? for bhikhunan) deyadhanman.' Nos. 4 and I have the same word at the Between the first and second lines stand in beginning, the reading of which is not perfectly smaller letters 'Asasamasa putanan.' certain; this much, however, is certain, that The translation is "A pious gift of charity of Prinsep's reading (Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. VI. the brothers Buddha mitra and Buddha- p. 1046) is inexact and in contradiction to the rakshita, sons of As&sama (?) dwelling form of the letters. I read in No. 4 in Barygaza (Bharoch), who came to this place kalisunakasa Kutiraputasa suvashnafrom Ceylon." kurasa Sawghakasa pati deyadhamani This proper name A sasama is unknown, That is, " As a pious gift of charity from the at least to me. It may also be read Asesa pure-hearted Sanghaka, goldsmith, son of ma. As the proper name Sivas & m & occurs Kutira." That the proper nume usually fol. in No. 7, and Sama is without doubt the Sans lows the name of the father is seen also from krit Sarman, $o Asesama is perhaps to be No. 10 :read in the Sanskrit as As visarman. Bha Sayitigahapatiputasa gahapatisa Sivadasasa. rukach haka is a regular taddhita formation Pati, prati also stands, as indeed we might exfrom Bharukachha (see the Petersburg Dic pect from the Sanskrit, after the governing tionary, 8.v.). I have great doubt myself about substantive, and in fact in No. 7the correctness of the reading bilchanan. Monks have nothing to give away, all to receive. Sivasamaputasa Sintabhati(P) no deyadhama pati The That is, "For a pious gift of charity, from Simmarks may be read as bikha(m)bhana; in spite of the difference of the gender, this might correspond tabhati, son of Sivasarman." to the Sanskrit vish kambha, prop. Or should No. 1 runs thus :we read chabi gabhe, Sansk. chapi garbhe ? kalisifiasa Haranikaputasa Suldsadalasa (Por No. 3 has Sulisajatasa) thakapurisassa chetiyagharaniyuta Kapila-uparakasa natuno Tapala-updsakasa ka deyadhama : (ni) "A pions gift of charity, designed for the sthaputasa Ana(n)dasa deyadharmari chetiya. sanctuary, by the pure-hearted Sulasadata, tradgharaniyuta er, son of Hara nika." That is: "A pious gift of charity, designed for Thakka, as is clearly seen from the Marathi the sanctuary, by Ananda, youngest son of the thaka and this inscription, is the correct spelling, believer Tapala, and grandson of the believer instead of takka, as is printed in the KathdsaKapila." ritsagara, lxv. 140, 143, 152, and taku, as in Instead of natuno we might be induced to Rajatarangini vii. 415. In the latter place it read natuna; the marks for ra and no are so signifies 'a chafferer,' and probably also in the much alike, that I have chosen no only out of Kathasaritsagara. We see by the word being respect for the known phonetic laws. The stha used in the inscription that in itself it is no agrees with the often recurring st in the Girnir word of abuse, and was only understood as such edicts. In the PAli, so far as I know, there is because merchant' and 'deceiver' come to no trace of it; in the Prakrit of the dramas, pretty much the same thing according to Indian however, and even in the Gipsy language, the ideas, since the period of the Veda (let us think union of the consonants st is in part retained. of the pani). A similar case as with pani and No. 12 has thakka, thaka is afforded by the term kiragt. Virasenakasa gahap tipamughasa This by itself signifies trader,' and is used by dhamanigamasa deyadhanmann chetiyaghare Utpala as the customary paraphrase for varij; niyuta savalok hitasulchayarn in Rajatarangini viii. 132, however, it occurs That is : "A pious gift of charity, designed for as a term of contempt. According to this the sanctuary, for the common weal and happi- idea the taddhitu-formation keratiko contained ness, by Virasenaka, a distinguished house in the PAli denotes hypocrite, charlatan, holder, confessor of the Dharma." Thumbug' (perhaps cheat' also). The pas

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FEBRUARY, 1877.] ARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTES. 41 sage in the Rajatarangini is instructive and vanik gurupadesopaskarair visishtah gavi. pretty, and as it has been entirely spoilt by the shasishah || editors, as has generally been the case with the chandanankalike svetansoke dhupadhivasini whole excellent work of Kalhana, I present the | visvastah syat kirate yo viprakrishtah sa pa following reading of the strophes referred to "padah Il (128-134) : lalatadriksatrasrotradvandvahridgrastachandasrotobhir vyastam ambhodhau labhyam megha- nah shadbinduvrischika iva kshanat pramukhaih payah praptir bhuyas tu na 'sty nantaksid vanik | eva vaniggrastasya vastunah | pandusyamo 'gnidhumirdrah suchyasyo gahatailasnigdhamukhah svalpalapo mridvakritir nodarah tumbiphalopamah Sreshthi raktai bhavan nyasagrasavivadogro vanig vya- mansam cha karshati || ghrad visishyate 11 The etymology of the word thakka is un. vivade sreshthina sathyam smitaih praksa- known; it may have been originally the name khyadarsanaih sustham-susthan jnayama- of a tribe. At least takva is interchanged with nam pranAnte 'pi na muchyate | Ba hika. It is known that the Bahika also nisargavanchaka vesyah, kayastho 'pi, varo did not enjoy a good reputation. ARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTES. BY M. J. WALHOUSE, LATE M.C.S. (Contined from vol. V. p. 241.) XIV.-Curious Tombs and Entombments. purposes, and place the long water-worn pebbles In an account of a Tod a dry funeral (Ind. in them. Mr. Breeks reports that the KurumAnt. vol. III. p. 95), when speaking of the bas in the neighbourhood of the Rangacircle of stones within which the last remains s vami Peak and the Barlia r burn their dead. were finally burnt, doubt was expressed whether and place a bone and a small round stone in the the circle was ancient or new ; from the late Mr. savri-mani---death-house, an old cromlech. On Breeks's exhaustive work on the Primitive the Travancore mountains, the Malei ArriTribes of the Nilagiris, lately published by the I yans, a numerous tribe, make miniature cromIndia Office, it appears to be doubtful whether lechs of small slabs of stone, and place withir: these circles, called by the Todas A za rams, them a long pebble to represent the deceased. (See are old, or made for the occasion. It seems that Fergusson's Rude Stone Monuments, p. 479.) sometimes a circle of old date is used, and some- The same practice is said to prevail amongst times a new one is formed; the ashes of the jungal tribes in Orissa. Dr. Livingstone noticed a deceased are scraped together and buried under similar custom in Africa :-" In various villages a large stone at the entrance of the Aza ram. we have observed miniature huts about two feet At any rate it is clear these circles are claimed high, very neatly thatched and plastered; here and formed by the Todas. We learn also from we noticed them in dozens. On inquiry we were Mr. Breeks that when all depart hurriedly after | told that when a child or relative dies, one is the final farewell rite in the gray dusk of the made, and when any pleasant food is cooked or morning, none may look back-a point occurring beer brewed, a little is placed in the tiny hut in the superstition of many races. The Kurumbas for the departed soul, which is believed to enand Irulas of the same mountains, after everydeath joy it." (Livingstone's Last Journals, vol. I. amongst them, bring a long water-worn stone p. 156.) So the Malei Arriyans offer arak and (devva kotta kallu) and put it into one of the old sweetmeats to the departed spirit supposed cromlechs sprinkled over the plateau. Some of to be hovering near the miniature cromlech. the larger of these have been found piled up to the All these instancos existing to-day are of especapstone with such pebbles, which must have been cial value as showing a connection of funeral the work of generations. Occasionally, too, the rites with monuments of pre-historic type tribes mentioned make smal' cromlechs for burial - stone circles and cromlechs-amongst living * Driksatra (edition drik-kshatra, the manuscript perhaps dri-kahatra) signifies eyelid' (compare netrach hada).

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42 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1877. tribes who most nearly represent pre-bistoric come down, with little change in many of its peoples.* features, from the remotest antiquity. The eight In 1874 the Right Reverend Mar Karillas feet square tomb filled up with spices and incense, Jehoiakim, Syrian Metropolitan of Malabar, died in which the dead was seated in his habit as he at Kottayam,-a venerable and highly re- lived, recalls Egyptian and Etruscan tomb chamspected prelate. The Madras papers at the time bers, as well as medieval modes of interment; contained the following account of the faneral, and possibly all may be developments of the which has an interest and air of antiquity about kistvaen or sepulchral stone chamber of prethe details that make it worthy of record in historic times, in which, too, skeletons have at an antiquarian journal :-"The body was dress- times, as in Guernsey, been found placed in a ed in full canonicals and placed in a sitting sitting posture. postare on a chair, and then removed into the Here perhaps a place may be found for rechurch, where it was left in that position, with cording another funeral memorial of bygone the pastoral staff and crozier placed in the hands, days. The port of Batkal, in South Kanara, until the third day, and during this time the was once important, possessing a factory, and usual ceremonies prescribed by the Syrian frequented by vessels from Europe. It is now ritual were performed. On the third day-it deserted except by native craft, and three is rather singular that about this time only mouldering tombs preserve the else forgotten signs of decay showed themselves--nearly two names of some of those bold and enterprising hundred priests and about ten thousand people | pioneer Englishmen who, in times before "the assembled for the funeral. The body, still seated Company,"sought their fortunes in the then halfon the chair, was carried by priests under a fabulous East. Many such memorials survive canopy in solemn procession to some distance, in now deserted nooks and spots in India, mute and brought back to the north-east side of the witnesses of daring and wasted lives. Copies of church, where a tomb measuring eight square the inscriptions on the Batkal tombs are subfeet, with a seat inside like a chair, was built. joined :The custom hitherto was to bury bishops within the church, but the deceased had desired that Here lyeth the Body of William Barton, his body should be buried outside, but close to C. H. Y. R. U. R. G. I. O.N., Dec. XXX. the church. In this seat the body was placed Nov. A.D., Ntri Christi, Salv. Mund. again in & sitting posture, facing the east, and M.D.C.X.X.X. the burial service was chanted. The brother of 2. the deceased then removed the ring, pastoral Here lyeth the Body of George Wye, Merstaff and crozier, to be sent to the Patriarch of chant. Antioch. From the roof of the tomb a globe Dec. XXXI. March. A.D. Ntri Xti Salv. lamp was hung up about a foot or so before Mundi. the face of the deceased, and after the entomb M.D.C.X.X.X.I. ment it was lit, and a large quantity of incense 3. thrown into the tomb until it reached the neck Here lyeth the Body of Anto. Vem. Worthy, of the corpse, when the stones were piled up, and Merchant. Dec. I. April. A.D. Ntri. Xti. the builders' closed the tomb." This antique Salv. Mandi. ceremonial of in antique church has probably M.D.C.X.X.X.V.I.I. ON THE ANCIENT NAGARI NUMERALS. BY PANDIT BHAGVANLAL INDRAJI. The researches of Mr. Thomas, Dr. Bhautions eroploys four sets of different signs, viz. Daji, and General Canningham have proved be one for the numbers from 1 to 9; a second for the yond doubt that the system of numeral notation numbers 10 to 90; a third for the numbers from used in the most ancient Indian Nagari inscrip- 100 to 900; and a fourth for the thousands. Most It is noteworthy that whereas the Todas always in Sorapar and Haidarabad (Dekhan), found several place a body on the funeral pile face downwards, Col. skeletons laid in the stone cists with the face downwarda Meadows Taylor, in his exploration of cairns and kistranstoo.

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FEBRUARY, 1877.] of the signs employed for this notation are now well known through the numerous inscriptions which express numbers both in words and in figures, and it is only regarding the signs for 40, 50, 60, and 70 that some confusion is observable. THE ANCIENT NAGARI NUMERALS. The object of the present paper will be-firstly, to settle definitively the signs for these numbers, and, secondly, to explain the origin of the whole of this ancient system of notation. The explanation will, I trust, give further proofs of the correctness of the value assigned to the signs. As regards the first point, the figures for the four doubtful signs are as follows: Y 40 50 pii pii 60 70 49 U XL The signs for 40 have already been correctly read by General Cunningham. Prof. Bhandarkar has mistaken its Valabhi form for 50, and Dr. Buhler for 60. The proof that it is really the sign for 40 may be derived from the coins of the Kshatrapa kings. In the Jasdan inscription Rudrasena I., the son of Kudrasimha and grandson of Rudrad a man, gives as his date the year 127 or 129. A coin issued by the same Rudrasena bears the date 138. A second, on which the father's name, Rudrasimha (putrasa), is clearly legible and certain, while Rudrasena's name is obliterated, shows, after the sign for 100, the doubtful figure (V), which, under the circumstances, can only be reau as 40. The sign for 50 occurs on a third coin which bears the name of Damasen a, another son of Rudrasimha. The coins of sons of Damasena show the signs for 60 and 70, viz. Viradaman 160, Vijayasena 168, 174, Da majadasri 174, and finally two coins of Viradaman's son Rudrasena II. are dated 188 and 189. The old forms of the figure for 70, which slightly differ from those given above, appear also in the Girnar inscription of Rudrada man [], and in the inscription of U shavada ta, Nasik Cave No. 16 9. In the former the words varshe dvisaptatitame,' and in the latter 'sahasrani sattari' are added.* This sign has been read correctly by General Cunningham, Jour. Beng. As. Soc. vol. XXXIII. p. 38. 43 As regards the origin of these figures, I believe that I can confidently assert that all of them except the three first express letters or groups of letters, and that the variations which occur in their forms in the inscriptions of different dynasties and centuries are caused chiefly by the variations of the forms of the letters in the alphabets of the same times and dynasties. At the same time, however, it seems that there was a tendency to distinguish the signs which were to be read as letters from the corresponding ones which were to be taken as numbers, by very slightly changing the forms of the latter. The resemblance of very many figures in the Kshatrapa, Valabhi, and Gupta inscriptions and coins to letters, e.g. of (7) to 5 gra, of [5] to tri, struck me a long time ago. When I then found that the Jainas on their palm-leaf manuscripts, and the Bauddhas of Nipal both on their palm-leaf and paper manuscripts, marked the pages both by the ordinary numerals, and by letters and groups of letters which correspond to the alphabetical value of the old numerals, I felt that my conjecture was more than a mere haphazard guess. But I gained only the full conviction that my views were correct when I found the numerals expressed by letters in the plates of Vinayakapala,t of Mahendrapala, of Balavarman, of Bhanja, and in the late inscriptions of Nipal. I now give a conspectus of the figures found in the following inscriptions, coins, and manuscripts:-(1) in the inscriptions of the Satavahana dynasty on the Nanaghat, (2) of the Kshatra pa and Andhrabhrity a inscrip. tions of Nasik, Kanheri, and Junnar, (3) on the Kshatrapa (vulgo Saha) coins and in their inscriptions at Girnar and Jasdan, (4) in the Gupta inscriptions of Sanchi, Malwa, and Central India, and in the Lichhavi inscriptions of Nipal, (5) on the Valabbi and Chalukya plates, (6) on the P ala and other plates from Eastern India, (7) on the margin of a palm-leaf manuscript of the Prajna paramita acquired in Nipal, (8) on the margin of the Sraddha Dinalitya and the Brihatkalpasutra (collection of the Bombay Government 1872-73), (9) on the margin of modern Bauddha paper manuscripts. Jour. Beng. As. Soc. vol. XXXIII. p. 320.

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Numerals. A 2 3 * m 44 1 2 NAnaghat Kshatrapa Inscriptions. 1. = BAKLY INDIAN NUMERALS.-FROM INSCRIPTIONS AND Comms. 30 3 Kshatrapa Andhrabari- Coins and tya Inso. Inscriptions. = = 9 In |17|7 I 11 10 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY 4 *** F 74 4 5 5 5 trkt FEL 5 55 1e 45055 20 o Be e Gupta Inscrip tions. lh 5 aa 235 e Valahht Plates. 9233337 () 10 a oc geulro JuJ 6 Fastern Plates, 8th-10th century. d 7 Benddha Nipal Palm-leaf M88. [FEBRUARY, 1877. FROM MS8. 8 Jaina Palm-leaf M88. Paper M88. 1 0 Bauddha Nipal 2 > dvi 4305555 TEG jh 330 phU ZZ & h TFI H H 4 llu a 066 tha J la lA la

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FEBRUARY, 1877.] Numerals. 40 50 60 70 80 90 200 1 Nanaghat Inscrip tions. 3 3 Kebatrapa Kshatrapa crip- Andhrabhri- Coins and Inscriptions. tya Inso. T 8 200 | sa Nanaghat Kshatrapa Inscriptions. 600 700 2+1 4 pratra p J JJ + 997 THE ANCIENT NAGARI NUMERALS. lAla 32 Inscriptions. 300 4.00 27 2+ 500 rha Gupta Inscrip tions. pa tions. 5 Valabh! Plates. 285 w y vU 5 868 - 7335 ma sa co 76.8 Valabht and Chalukya Inscrip- Gupta Inscriptions. 73 2F J 277777774 zdo 6 Bauddha Nipal sth-10th Palm-leaf Eastern Plates, contury. tsa M88. CG A I X v n lau al cca rpu lU 3.000 tai I 6000 Nana ghat. 8 Jaina Palm-leaf 88. Fy 8000 10,000 FO 20000 Fo Goood F 70000 880 prapha ghU CC 2000 T 9 J F 2,000 45 9 Bauddha Nipal Andhrabbritya. Paper M88. mI m I Vakata. J 9539

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46 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1877. I think that a careful comparison of these Eran inscription. The fourth sign of col. 4 figures with each other and with the correspond- seems to owe its upper right-hand stroke to a ing groups of letters will go far to establish my desire to show a difference between the syllable proposition. But I must add some further and the figure. The fifth sign of the same considerations regarding each numeral. column, and that in col. 9, may be read hri. The oldest sign for 4 appears to be (p. 44, But it seems to me that they are merely a corcol. 1) kf; in the Kshatrapa and Andhrabhsitya ruption of the second form in col. 5, the vertical inscriptions (col. 3) it resembles partly ki and stroke of which was curved towards the right. partly nka. The latter group is clearly obser- The Valabhi figures in col. 6 offer at first vable in the Gupta inscriptions and on the sight some difficulties. But the first figure is Valabhi plates (col. 5), on which latter, how clearly tra, and the sign for the long i which ever, ku also occurs, and the sign from the we found already in the fourth Gupta form is manuscripts resembles nka or shka --mistakes probably owing to the desire for differentiation. I think, for nka. Now the remarkable fact is The following two signs, which look like na, are that, though the upper part of the sign is not mere corruptions of tra. For the J for t does always the same, the lower always shows the appear occasionally instead of h in other inscripfigure of that form of ka which is used in the tions, e.g. in the Nasik inscription No. 12, 1. alphabet of the period. Thus the first two 1,1-velidataputasa. The loop was no doubt columns show the simple cross, which is the oldest caused by hasty writing form of the letter ka, and the third a cross where The sign for 6 in the Bauddha books (cols. the vertical stroke is curved towards the left, 7 and 8) is clearly phra, and all the other signs just as we find the ka in Rudradaman's Girnar represent the same gronp or phra, with the and the Jasdan inscriptions, while the manu- exception of the second sign in col. 4 and that scripts give the usual Devanagari ka. The 4 of in col. 8. The former may be read pha, and the Gupta and Valabhi inscriptions likewise seems to be a mutilation of the full figure, made shows the particular ka of those alphabets. for convenience sake. The latter, which re The sign for 5 is in the old Bauddha and presents rphu, is apparently owing to the fact Jaina manuscripts distinctly tri. The signs in that the scribes mistook the subjoined ra in the Andhrabhritya and Naha pana inscriptions the old books for u, and the r before the ph is may be read in the same manner, though the remnant of the long a vhich we find in the the ri vowel is not, as usual, attached to the Valabhi and Gupta figures. right-hand curved horizontal, but to the left- The sign for 7 is throughout gra or gra. hand vertical stroke of the t. This discrep- It ought, however, to be observed that only the ancy may be either the result of the desire second sign of col. 4 shows the little notch att to distinguish the numeral sign from the syl- junction of the two letters, which is usual when lable tri (in order to prevent unistakes), or be the syllable is not to be taken as a numeral. owing to the indifference which the old writers The sign for 8 is clearly hrd or hra in the felt as to the manner in which they joined the manuscripts, on the Eastern piates, and on the parts of compound letters. Similarly kri is Valabhi plates. On the latter the ra is, howsometimes 3 and sometimes for even F. The ever, joined to the ha in a manner different from same remark applies to the Kshatrapa signs that in the words, where we have (5). The (vol. 4), but it ought to be observed that as the reason is probably the desire for differentiation. ri in their inscriptions receives a stronger curve The other columns show mostly ha. to the left, so the sign for 5 shows the same The sign for 9 is throughout 8. The shape peculiarity. The first two signs in col. 5 are gomewhat differs from that usually employed simply repetitions of those in col. 3, but it in the texts, but agrees exactly with that used agrees with the nature of the Gupta characters in the word ori : compare, e.g., the ori svasti ot that the left-hand stroke has no curve to the the Valabhi plates with the sign for 9 in the left. The third sign of the same column is clearly same inscriptions. a tri in the later form. The same sign actually The sign for 10 is in the ancient Baudulha occurs as tri in the name Matrivishnu in the (col. 8) and in the Jaina manuscripts clearly 1 Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. VII. 4th plate at p. 52. Hot!!

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L'EBRUARY, 1877.] THE ANCIENT NAGARI NUMERALS. 47 lri. On the Eastern plates it looks more like lu, for which it has been mistaken by Babu Prata pohandra Ghose. But there is no objection to reading the sign loi. The fourth sign of col. 6 is likewise clearly Iri. The signs in cols. 2, 3, 4, the first two in col. 5, and the first in col. 6, correspond to the letter !a, as it appears in the inscription of Rudrada man, and on one Valabhi plate. The second and third figures of col. 6 appear to be corruptions of this letter. It ought, however, to be kept in mind that we do not know what was the oldest form of Iri; and the signs for !a and lti may have been identical. The sign in col. 10 is clearly da, which stands for !a, as the Nipalese have no !a. The fifth sign in col. 6 and the third in col. 5 may be read nda and ndo, and appear to be corruptions of da. * The signs for 20 and 30 offer no difficulties, as they exactly correspond each to the tha and la (tha, id) of the period. The sign for 40 is in the older inscriptions and in the manuscripts clearly pta. On the Valabhi plates and in the coins of the later Kshatrapas it looks like sa. The difference is caused by the omission of the lower part of the right-hand vertical stroke, and is perhaps intentional. The sign for 50 used in the manuscripts and on the Eastern plates corresponds to the Anunasika ( as it occurs in the manuscripts of the Madhyandinu Sukhd of the White Yajur. veda. The sign on the Kshatrapa coins is the same, only turned the other way, and that on the Valabhi plates a further corruption of the latter. The original meaning of the signs for 60 and 70 is doubtful to me. Only this much seems certain, that 70 is derived from the former by the addition of a horizontal stroke on the right. The manuscripts read them thu or chr, and thi or chui, respectively. The sign for 80 corresponds to the ancient Upadhmaniya, such as we find on the Valabhi plates and in the alphabets of Kasmir and Nipal (0). The sign for.90 is the Jihvamiliyr. In some cases it occurs also for the Upadhmaniya. The sign for a hundred corresponds originally to the syliable su or su, and appears as such in cols. 2, 5, and 9. Cols. 7 and 10 show a, which seems to be a mistake, arising out of the great resemblance of the ancient forms of 81 and u [ 4 ]. The signs in cols. 3, 4, 6, and the second in 5, I take for mutilated forms of the ancient su, caused by hasty writing. The la in col. 8 another corruption of a. The oldest sign for thousands may be read ru, later it is clearly dhra. POSTSCRIPT BY G. BUHLER. At the request of Pandit Bhagvanlal, who is not able to express himself in English, I have translated the above article on the Nagari numerals from his Gujarati notes. I undertook this task because, after considering all his arguments, I felt convinced of the general correctness of his views, and because I wished to secure for my fellow-Sanskritists a speedy publication of this important discovery, and to the Pandit the credit due to him. I now use this opportunity to add a few remarks of my own on the subject. Firstly, as regards the Pandit's chief point, that the Nagari numerals are aksharas or syllables : its correctness can be proved by the statement of Malayagiri, a Jaina writer of the 13th century, which Professor A. Weber first brought to light. This statement occurs in the commentary on the beginning of the Suryaprajnapti, where a short-hand description of the town of Mithila is given. The text runs as follows: teNaM kAleNaM teNaM samayeNa mithilA nAma nayarI hosthA riddhithimiyasamiddhA pamuiyajaNajANavayA jAva pAsAdIyA ka "At that time, during that period there was a town called Mithila, rich in wealthy men, filled with joyful citizens and country-peopledown to-adorned with palaces, khka." In commenting on the latter portion of this passage, Malayagiri states first that the word java, "down to," indicates that the description of the town is not given in full, and that a whole paragraph has to be supplied, in accordance with the conventional descriptions occurring in other works. Then he goes on according to Professor Weber's text, to say kiyan drashtavya itydha: pdd fyd kehka iti, atra k k a sab dopadandt prds ddiydityanenn pademt saha padachatushtayasya suchd krita, Jour. Beng. As. Soc. vol. XL. p. 166. i Bhagavati, p. 243. My manuscript has a sign which may be read shka or nka, or even khka, just as that used by Professor Weber.

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48 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1877. tani cha padanyamini: prisidiya, larsaniyd, old Kasmir Bhurja manuscript acquired last abhirupa, pratirupa: year for the Government of Bombay I have also "(In order to show) how much has to be found 2 for the usual Sarada I (4), and this supplied, the author) says: "adorned with sign is likewise a representative of Ichka. palaces, khka.' By adding here the word chka, 1 The Kshatrapa, Valabhi, and Gupta sign for an indication has been given that including the 100 m I take, not for a corruption of su 7, but noun adorned-with-palaces' (padadiya) FOUR of eg, which it resembles very closely. Su nouns (have to be read)." was probably a faulty pronunciation for su. Now two things are clear from this passage, - The third point, and the most interesting firstly, that Malayagiri knew chka to express the one, is the question of the origin of these Nagari numeral four; and, secondly, that he considered numerals. The old idea of Prinsep, according the sign shka to be a word, and not a figure or to which the figures were to be representaanku. He consequently pronounced khka, and tives of the initial letters of the cardinal nursedid not read chatvari (4) for it, as he would have rals, has to be given up. But hitherto no done for the anki y. That is exactly what satisfactory solution of the problem has been Pandit Bhagvanlal asserts; and Malayagiri's found. Pandit Bhagvanlal has tried, as he tells statement shows that the nature of the Nagari me, the syllabic method of notating numbers of numerals was known, to the Jainas at least, as Arya bh a ta and those used in the Mantralate as the thirteenth century of our era. . sastra, without success. Nor can I pretend to In the second place I have to express my produce the key to this mystery. I would only dissent from the Pandit's views on some details. point out that the occurrence of the Anuna. It seems to me that he is mistaken about the silca, of the Jihv amiliya, and of the Upadh maphonetic value of the Nagari numerals for 'four.' niya among these figures indicates that they I think all the various signs are intended for were invented by Brahmans, not by Vanias, nor khka (X), 1.e. the Jihvamaliya plus ka. There by Buddhists, who used Prakrit. I shonld not is a form of the Jihva muliya which consists wonder if they were finally traced to one of the merely of a loop attached to the left-hand side ancient Brahmanical schools or charanas, where of ka, just above the horizontal stroke. It the practice of designating certain collections occurs in the Gupta inscriptions, e.g. in the of roots or words, e.g. of the roots da, do, de, Jhalrapathan inscription of Durgagana, dai by ghre, and the use of letters and syllables 1. 9*, in the Kasmirian sarada alphabet (), to denote affixes (e.g. pha for ayan, tha for ika, and in the Jaina manuscripts, where it looks dha for eya), and to indicate changes in the like sha, e.g. a 3 aniakhkanina. In an | roots, have existed since very early times. ON THREE MALWA INSCRIPTIONS. BY NILKANTHA JANARDAN KIRTANE. While at Ujjain in November 1875, I obtain average, contains 35 letters. In the left corner ed & copper-plate grant or inscription, which of the second or last plate is engraved the had been brought to the local authorities by a figure of Garuda holding in his right hand a farmer, who found it while digging in his field. cobra de capello ;for what purpose the reader This led to the acquisition of two more inscrip- will easily imagine. The numeral stands at tions, one of which is a copper-plate grant, the beginning of the grant. The last two the other is engraven on a stone. characteristics are common to both the copperThe first in chronological order is that of Sri plate inscriptions; and the characters in which Vak pati Raja Deva. This inscription is on all the three are written are those of the old two plates of copper, that were held together by Kayastha Sanskrit alphabet, in which the padtwo copper rings inserted through holes made in matra is very frequently used. I got this the plates. The rings are now wanting. Each inscription of Vak pati from the archives of the of the plates measures 12 by 86 inches. The in- Contral India Agency, and am indebted for it scription contains 34 lines, and each line, on an to the kindness of Sir Henry Daly and Pandit * Ind. Ant. vol. V. plate to p. 180.

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FEBRUARY, 1877.] THREE MALWA INSCRIPTIONS. 49 Sarupa Narayana. This grant has already been tion, which is dated Ashadha Sukla Ekadasi of translated and commented on by Dr. FitzEd- the Samvat year 1190, or 1123-4 A.D. ward Hall in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. vol. XXX. The numerale (if it be not meant for "On"), pp. 195-210. and the figure of Garuda holding the hooded The second copper-plate inscription I got at snake, in the first two inscriptions, are not, Ujjain through the kindness of the local autho- I presume, without significance. The numerrities there. It is signed by the famous Raja al may suggest that the writers of the gran Bhoja of Dhar, and purports to be a grant were Buddhists, the 9 standing for the wellof a village by name Vira naka to a certain known nine pranams or salutations to the Brahman of the country of Radha Sura- deities of the followers of Buddha;t and the sanga Karnata, by name Dhanapati Bhatta, figure of Garuda, I conjecture, signifies that the who had come into Malwa from Srivad a, in king whose royal device it is, is of the line of the country or division of Vellu Valla. This the Sesha ri kings of Ujjain or Malwe inscription also is on two plates of copper the hereditary enemies of S Aliv a hana of joined together by two rings of copper. Each Pratishthan a or Paithana on the Godaof the plates measures 12 inches by 8. variin other words, the successors or descendThis second grant connects itself with the ants of the famous, but almost fabulous, Vikrafirst by enumerating some of the kings men- maditya of Avanti or Ujjain. I tioned in the first grant, thus enhancing the It may be remarked of these inscriptions that value of both. It was turned up by a farmer they were found in or near the identical places while digging in his field, which adjoins a small which they respectively purport to give away stream now called Nagaj hari, which must Vakpati Raja Deva may or may not have apparently be the same as the Nagadraha been the grandfather of Bhoja, and my reason mentioned in the grant. This stream is included for doubt is that the grandfather of Bhoja is said within the holy Panchakroshi of Ujjain. to be (vide Asiatic Researches, vol. IX. p. 166) The date of this inscription is Chaitra Suddhi one Mahendra PAIS As this statement is not, Chaturdasi of the Samvat year 1078, i.e. 1021 however, corroborated by any satisfactory eviA.D.; the date of the grant is Magha Asitatritiya dence, I incline to the belief that Vakpati was of the same year. the grandfather of Bhoja, and that the line of The third inscription is engraved on a slab kings as given in this and the other inscriptions of stone measuring about 20 inches by 14, is in the order of natural descent from father to which is now let into the wall of a newly son, or of those who stood to each other in built temple at Ing noda, in the territory that relation by the rite of adoption. The very of the junior Raja of Devas. It pur- words made use of in the documents-"465ports to be a grant of a village, called Aga- "-meditating on the feet of, "HACETTsiya ka towards the expenses of a temple of 972 g o ta"- for the extension of the Mahadeva by name Gohadesvara. Sri Vija- merits of mother and father (= ancestors) as yap a la de va is the grantor of this inscrip- well as of ourselves'--tends to lead to the I am told that they were exhumed at Dharampuri-60 Lassen, Alterthumskunde III. 822-869, and 1100, miles froin Indor. a list of the kings of Udayapura (30 miles N. F. of Bilsa) from which the following is an extract:+ at afsaTT, TT TT, TT TT &c. 1. Vairisiuba, after A.D. 921. 1 The Bhairagis called Naths sing a song of Bhartsi. 2. Siyaka, son of V. which is a strange mixture of kings and places. The song says there was a marriage between Rani Pingala, whom it 3. Munja, son of S., after A.D. 961. makes the daughter of Bhoja, and the Raja Bharti of 4. Sinharija, younger br. of M, after about 965. Ujjain. Bhartri is asked to accept the hand of Pingala by 5. Bhoja, son of S., after A.D. 997 a Brahman on the part of Bhoja. Bharti wants to know the family and race of the damsel. The reply of the Brah- Lassen's list was founded on the 'Ain.i-Albari, vol. II. man, which is the only true and valuable assertion in the pp. 46-50, and inscriptions known when he wrote, 20d whole song, is omita Vakpati Raja. Dr. Hall (Jour. .4s. Soc. Beng. vol. XXX. pp. 199-205) continues the list thus:jAta batalAI sisIdyAkI / gajamanadhAraka povaarkii|| 6. Udayaditya, son of Bhoja. TIGEST THET &c. &c. 7. Naravarman, son of U., A.D. 1104-1133. 8. Yakovarman, son of N., A.D. 1133-1143 This song supports the view I have taken above. Garda- 9. Jayavarman, son of Y. bhasena, as the reader will easily remember, is the reputed 10. Vindbyavarman, son of J. father of the Vikram Mitya, who is supposed to have reigned 11. Subhatavarman, son of V. at Ujjain 465 A.D. 12. Arjuna, son of S., A.D. 1210-1225.--En.

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50 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. latter belief, which gains strength from Munja's name being omitted from the list of kings in both inscriptions. Munja, it is notorious, was elected to rule the state after the death of Sindhu Raja Deva, the father of Bhoja, as the latter was then a minor of only eight years of age, and that he tried to usurp the regal power after Bhoja his nephew had come of age. Bhoja is said to have addressed to Munja several couplets, still well known,|| wherein, reproaching Munja with his base schemes, he said, "Karna Raja Vikrama is no more, and he carried nothing with him of his immense treasures, but died like other men." This Karna Raja Vikrama had, it is said, usurped the powers of his master, who was a great monarch. There was disseminated a prophecy which said that Bhoja would be a fortunate and powerful prince, and that he would reign over Malwa, the Central Provinces, and the Dakhan. This prophecy, it is said, had the desired effect, and Munja resigned his powers into the hands of Bhoja, and himself leading an army into the Dakhan in the service of the state died in battle there. All this, I think, shows the existence of bad blood between the uncle and the nephew; yet, I presume, the natural aversion of a high-spirited and gifted youth towards a regent who tried to delay his desires is not sufficient to explain the omission of a brave and learned predecessor, if the end in view were not to mention one's own lineal ancestors only. This much I advance to support my assertion that the kings mentioned in Vakpati's and Bhoja's inscriptions stand to each other in the relation of direct ancestorship. The Danchandrika certainly supports this view in cases of all sorts of religious grants, as it is incumbent on the grantor to name in the deed of grant at least the names of his father and grandfather. Of the proper names mentioned in Vakpati's "The verses said to have been reported to Munja,-when he supposed that Bhoja had been put to death in pursuance of his orders, -as his victim's last words, are these: mAndhAtA sa mahIpatiH kRtayuge'laGkArabhUto gataH setuyena mahodadhA viracitaH kA'sau dazAsyAntakaH / anye cApi yudhiSThiraprabhRtayo yAvanta evA'bhavan naikenApi samaM gatA vasumatI manye (or mujja ) tvayA yAsyati / / King Mandhatri, the ornament of the golden age, has passed away and where, too, is the slayer of Daskaya, PAma, who threw a bridge over Mahodadhi, the southern sea? All other monarchs, likewise, that have flourished, Yudhishthira and the rest, where are they? None of these did the earth accompany: but I imagine that it will accompany thee.' [FEBRUARY, 1877. inscription, the most notable is the Ahichchhatra from which the philosopher V as a ntacharya, as the grant says, emigrated into Malwa, which to him naturally was a 'Dakshina Dhama,' or Southern country.' The locality of the place granted by this inscription cau even now be clearly identified. The Pishacha Tirtha remains till this day, and also Chikkilika, now called Chikhalda-a talaka of Holkar's. The Gardhaba Nadi is now called Kharja, a word of the same meaning. This place now is in the Dharampuri taluka of H. H. the Raja of Dhar. Of AhichchhatraP it will be sufficient to say that it was formerly the capital of the North Panchal, and is now identified with AdhiKotha, near Ramnagar, in Rohilkhand. A pretty fall account of A hich chhatra is given by General Cunningham in his Ancient Geography of India (pp. 359, 360, 363). The grantee of the second inscription-D hanapati Bhat, I am told by Balkrishna Sastri of Indor, was a very learned man at the court of Bhoja. I do not know anything of Rad Sura Sang Karnatta or of Vellu Vella. The village Virana ka no longer exists in Malwa. There is a certain Virana ka mentioned in the Rajatarangini; but that is not the Viranaka of the present grant, I suppose. The Inga napat of the third grant is the modern village of Ingnoda, in Western Malwa. A ga siya k no longer exists. About seven miles from Ingnoda there are to be seen on the banks of the Kshipra the ruins of a Saiva temple of large dimensions. I think this must have been the temple of G o hadeevara named in the grant. As Bhoja is not mentioned by any foreign writer, it was impossible, until very lately, to ascertain with any near approach to the time at which he lived. Dr. Buhler says:- "The date "These lines are wrought into the Bhoja-pra bandha. An earlier work in which they occur is the sarngadharapaddhati, written in A. D. 1363. There they appear as an anonymous extract."-Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. XXXI. pp. 202-3.-ED. T Dr. Hall thinks Ahichchhatra may not have been far from the Vindhyas, and Wilson supposed there were several places of the name. The former adds:"Many is the pious Maratha who never subraits himself. to the hands of his barber without repeating these lines: Anata hicchatraH pATaliputreo'ditirditiH zrIzaH / bAre smaraNAdeSAM doSA nazyanti niHzeSAH || "By the recollection, on shaving, of Anarta, Ahichchhatra, Pataliputra, Aditi, Diti, and Srias, the evils incident to the operation are all obviated.'"-ED.

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Indian Antiquary COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF VAKPATI RAJA OF DHARA. A.D. 9741 TIME 9zalAhAra sahie galahilamAyA basavAhotaramazAra toTiyATa gaTAlA tayAyamAlyA nasariDAtApAtAta rikAsimAmA zIta TAkAhAratATha rAtaH adhAkizuSpAtArAsIvadAna mAgasahira tayArita mArita tArATAlajiGa manAsakAra zAhAnA(natiyAra pAdira sadasagairazAsarA zAmitatAtAtiradAurA rriyaa| yA DAyaramasahAratamadArAkAti rADAisarazItapaNDadatavAdA zata paramala ratamahArAjAti rAkaparamazvarazIta risihararAyArAmazAtayaramasahAratamadArAhAvarA OM parAzara (jIyakaratyArAguThamAtparamarutamadArAkA tiraahaayrmeshraamrgo| yatikhera sAyarAhiAnazI maskAtirAhAratAtIsarazItAsagArazadata zalapAnIja gorAhATa rAimabAjIrAjAharumAnIyamAdi kI utaraNAripiyAri kaamaamaarddaarem| yAnAkAmarAjaguru ghAsAdAlAna rAni tAsi kiDanayarAisAtArA tAsa gada lAyA taDAroyamayAsirAbATa pUrvamA TikAyAvAdalAmozAta zoDaramA ((((palidAsatyayAsamAyatAsAmagoTA vAcanagArAzagahamAgabArAta zarat suzizIrAsAvAra tatitamorAratatarAvArAlAhAlalAzayA (rAvAsAzAsAra pazukAu pati vazyatalImaradhanIrajAtAnAtaH (tataDAmAmalinAlotarAtarazurAmazaraThUlanItimahAnimAramA ramAidhA tAtisUdhAra tamutAtiyAmAgatamAma rAtieTAyanArAyAnAlAlati / e.ThA va sAgarAzayaragadApara kaTAnamA bhAratakA tArAtAramiTanIjiye yayAve . darArA mAragaralA tihAsAta tinazza rema /

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FEBRUARY, 1872.] THREE MALWA INSCRIPTIONS. 51 of Bhoja is, unfortunately, not yet satisfactorily lieved was a very short one, and deduct eight ascertained. Lassen places his reign between years from it, we get the year 986 as that of 997 and 1053. But the only certain date in his Bhoja's birth, and again if we add eighteen reign is the year 1043, in which his karana, the years to this time we get the year 1004 as Rajmriganka, is dated. My reasons for placing that of Bhoja's accession to the throne. Add him later are, firstly, that Bilhana states that about fifty-five years to this--Bhoja is said to during Bhoja's reign, Somesvara I. (1040-1069) | have reigned 55 years and some months*-and took Dhara by storm, and secondly that Kal. we get the year 1059 as that of Bhoja's death, hana asserts (Rajatarangini vii. 259) that Bhoja surely within a few years of the real dates. and Kshiti. Raja or Kshiti Pati were, after 1062, | There remain now about 19 years, in which we the only true friends of the poets, &c.. must place part at least of Vakpati's reign, Now the date of our inscription is Samvat 1078, and the whole of Sindhu Raja's. Chaitra Sudi Chatturdashi, i.e. A.D. 1022, and The two inscriptions taken together give the it is evident that the Rajmriganka was written following line of kings :nearly twenty-one years after the date of the pre- | 1 Krishna Raja Deva. sent grant, which, there is reason to suppose, was drawn after Bhoja had attained indisputed au --2 Vaira Sinha Deva. thority in the state. Let us now suppose that --13 Siyaka Deva. this happened in his eighteenth year, according to the provision of the Hindu Law in such cases. |-14 Vakpati Raja Deva. But we have further aid ; for the Jain poet - A mitagati, in his work called the Subha Sindhu Raja Deva. shitaratnasandoha, says that he composed it in 6 Bhoja Deva. the Sanvat year 1050 (994 A.D.), when Raja Munja was reigning. We know also that I do not know much about the kings mentioned when Sindhu Raja, the father of Bhoja, died, the | in the third inscription. Malwa, at and before latter was a minor of some eight years only. the time of the Muhammadan invasion, was If we take now the year 994 A.D. as the first | split into a number of small kingdoms, and of Munja's regency, which it is generally be- | the kings in this grant may be some of them. I.--Vakpati's Inscription. 1st Plate. 1 o yAH sphUjatphaNabhRdviSAnalamilaDhUmaprabhAH prolasanmUrdhAbaddhazazAGkakoTighaTitA yAH sai DikeyopamAH / / yAzcaMcagirijAkapolalulitAH kastUrikAvibhramAstAH zrIkaNThakaThorakaNTharucayaH zreyAnsi puSNantu vaH // yalakSmIvadanendunA na sukhitaM yannA''timvAridhervArA yanna nijena nAbhisara* sIpona zAntikRtaM / yaccheSAhiphaNAsahasramadhurazvAsaina cA''zvAsitaM tadrAdhAvirahAturaM murariporkhe ladvapuH pAtu vaH // paramabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrIkRSNarAjadevapAdAnudhyAtaparamabha* DArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvara zrIvairisiGgadevapAdAnudhyAtaparamabhaTTArakaH mahArAjAdhirA7 japaramezvara zrIsIyakadevapAdAnudhyAtaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrImadamoghavarSadevAparAbhidhAnazrImadvAkpatirAjadevapRthvIvallabhazrIvallabhanarendradevaH kuzalI // zrIna1rmadAtaTe gardabhapAnIyabhoge gaIbhapAnIyasambaddhinI uttarasyAM dizi pipparikAnAmnA taDAre sa mupagatAnsamastarAjapuruSAnbrAhmaNottarAnprativAsipaTTakilajanapadAdIMzca bodhayatyastu kA sa" viditaM / yathA taDAro'yamasmAbhirAghATA: pUrvasyAM dizi / agAravAhalA maryAdA / tatho uttarasyAM " dizi nikhilikAsatkagAyAsamAyatA sA maryAdA / tathA pazcimadizau gaIbhanadI mryaadaa| ta. 15 thA dakSiNasyAM dizau zrIpisAcadevattiryamaryAdA / evaM caturAghATopalakSitAbhirekatuMzasA*paMcAzat paMcavarSANi saptamAsA dinatrayaM rAjJo bhojasya bhoktavyaM | + Read sambandhiniH Read bodhayati / astu va: pacAca yavano bhavet , 55 years, 7 months, and a days. Hond dizi

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1877. hastrikasamvatsaresmina bhAdrapadazukla caturdasyAM pavitrakaparvaNi zrImadujjayanIsamAvAsitaiH 15 zivataDAgAmbhasi snAtya carAcaraguruM bhagavanta bhavAnIpatimabhyarcya saMsArasyA'sAratAM dRssttr|| 16 vAtAbhravibhramamidaM vasudhAdhipatyamApAtamAtramadhuro viSayopabhogaH prANAstRNAgrajalabi " ndusamA narANAM dharmaH sakhA paramaho paralokayAne // bhramatsaMsAracakrAmadhArAdhArAmimAM zriyaM 18 prApya ye na dadusteSAM pazcAttApaH paraM phalaM // iti jagato vinazvaraM sa 2nd Plate. 19 kalamidamAkalayyoparilikhitataDAraH svasImAtRNakASThayUtigocaraparyantaH savRkSamAlAkula' sahiraNyabhAgabhogaH soparikaraH sAdAyasametaH ahicchatravinirgatAya dhA madakSiNaprapannAya jJAnavijJAnasaMpannAya zrImadatsantAcAryAya zrIdhanikapaNDitasUnave / / 55 mAtApitrorAtmanazca puNyayazobhivRddhaye adRSTaphalamaGgIkRtyAcaMdrArkArNavakSitisamakAlaM para yA bhaktyA zAsanenodakapUrvakaM pratipAdita iti matvA tannivAsijanapadairyathAdIyamAnabhAgabho2+ gakarahiraNyAdikaM sarvamAjAzravaNavizeyairbhUtvA sarvadAsmai samupanetavyaM / sAmAnyaM caitatpuNyapha laM buddhA 'smadvaMzajairanyairapibhAvibhoktRbhirasmatpradattadharmAdAyoyamanumantavyaH pAlanIyazca uktaM c| bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiH yasyayasya yadA bhuumistsytsytdaaphlN| yAnIha dattAni parAnarendranAnidharmArthayazaskarANi nimmAlyavAntapratimAni tAni ko nAma sAdhu punraaddiit|asmskuulkrmmudaarmudaahdbhirnyaishc dAnamidamabhyanumodanIyaM / lakSmyAstaDitsalilabuhRdacaJcalAyA dA 5 naM phalaM parayazaHparipAlanaM ca / sarvAnetAnbhAvinaH pArthivendrAnbhUyo bhUyo yAcate 50 rAmabhadraH // sAmAnyoyaM dharmaseturnRpANAM kAlekAle pAlanIyo bhavadbhiH / iti Garuda. 51 kamaladalAmbuvindulolAM zriyamanucinya manuSyajIvitaM ca sakalamidamudAha3 taM ca buddhA na hi puruSaiH parakIrtayo vilopyAH // iti saM 1031 bhAdrapada 35 zudi 14 svayamAjAdAyakazcAtra zrIkaNhapaikaH // svahastoyaM zrIvAkpa 5* tirAjadevasya // Translation of Vakpati's Inscription. was powerless to pacify, and which could not be May the resplendent beauties of the manly soothed by the fragrant breath issuing from the throat of Srikantha (Mahadeva), smoky in ap- thousand mouths of Sesha : that body of Krishna pearance from their mixing with the smoke so heated by Radba's separation, protect you ! issuing, as from the fire-like poison of the hissing Happy be the great monarch, the king of snake, which, as they reach where the ever- kings, the lord paramount, the illustrious Amochanging and shining crescent is placed on his gha varsha Deva, otherwise called the illushead, may appropriately be compared to Rahu,- trious Vakpatira ya Deva, the lord of the beauties which are the result of frequent contact earth, the lord of wealth, and the lord of kings. with the quivering cheeks of Girija (Parvati), successor of the great monarch, king of kings. and which are mistaken for the musk applied the lord paramount, the illustrious Sigaks to them,-increase your prosperity! Deva, successor of the great monarch, king May the active body of the enemy of Mura of kings, the lord paramount, the illustrious (Krishna), which the face of Lakshmi could not Vairisinha Deva, successor of the great please, which the waters of the ocean could not monarch, king of kings, the lord paramount, cool, which the lotus of the lake of his own navel the illustrious Krishna raja Deva!" He - Read 'kulaH Do doubt, with much greater fidelity than was observed by * An inscription very like this, "naming the same kings, the dilettante who first published it."-Dr. F. Hall,Jour. einanating likewise from V Akpatirkja, and dated only four As. Soc. Beng. vol. XXX. p. 197 n. This Vakpati in.. years later, in A.V. 1036, has appeared in the Jour. As. Soc. scription may assist in settling the date of Bhavabhuti if Beng. for 1850, pp. 475-480. Another inscription from the assertion of Kalhana in the Rajatarang ini be true Nagpur, which speaks of Vairisisha and of Siyaka,mis. read Bhimaka,will be found in the Jour. Bo. Br. P. "kavirvAkpatirAjazrI bhavabhUtyAdisevitaH / As. Soc., vol. I. (No. vi.) pp. 259-986. It has since been deciphered and translated anew by Professor Lassen, and, jitau yayau yazovarmA taguNastutibaMhitA" w eite!

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IndianAntiguary. COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF VAKPATI RAJA OF DHARA.. A.D. 974. II. dalagirama karanA (hinAmA gaekA chaTAni zAta ekacUma dAjAlA kutrasahi ra zumArAsa sopAekA rAtrIdAdAjAjata dilAutiniyoga yA mUraha pakAye dAna zikSA jasaMganAyazI mahasanAtAgoyazAlika pArasakatA AtA virAmanArANayAriyaralAlamahI nAtyAta yAkA vaditisamatAla para / yAmAhAsakAra ta pUktatipAritA timatAtahitAsinapArayazarAmAvatArAsI / eka rati raNArisamAvAtalatirAharU vAsavadAmasamupalatAkhAmAmAsatagulya lAsmaharAkAralAraeikAtimA kirasAyanAmosAdagAemAmalA zAlanIyalAuna tAndasimAsukArA misarArAdiziyAyazayAsUmiyatarAtarAlayAkI nAgi suheimejistteiimaahiisnyjiibqblttrijekiimaasud(uHmutthoy' laramamuramurAdadi rozAvamirAkAmonIyAnalamAMkhaDislalatuharavilAghATa! ela parayazaparipAlajasanolatAnavinayAzila zugaracayArata ra 2 mamarAmAmAzAya emosapA kAlakAlapAlIhAsvari ebila malaralAmuvi lAlAjiyamati gamachADItitarasakalamaramadAda, nakhar3A nadipuravaHyara kI dhAdilANAta 031sArapada HTi 14 svayamADAdAyakA vazIka dasyakA ra dazA meM jI rA ( NE (RV , hAti 16864 / /

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Ind. Ant.rol. VI.P.58. SASANA OF BHOJA, dated Samvat 1078. eDayAnADAmAkAmAya mAyavinarvinI cI miramAlagyAMkanahIkojArA knim|| ta upaHsArArAta:kalgaraminizaMkAya kelyAnama mAyA homana ilaye (pjholaaH||prmndaar kamahArA kAdirAUparAmA razImI ya ka da da podA jugatapara mara hAra kAmadArAjAdirA parAmavarajI vAnara ni rAjAra pAdAnuganaparamanahAra kumahArAjAdhirApura (murazImithurAbAre pAdAlayona paramana hAratA mahArAjodi roDa parAmarazInAmAra va zilA(nAgadapAzmapakSa mAnaH patidIrAlAdAsamupagatArAmagRror3apuruSAhAsAgAva rAtinirA sipAha ke lajanapadAdIzasamAdizatAyukgavidina yAtanApUyapradika sAhasika masAra mAvAsinaTa nA yAyo mAra rAle deyayanapaI / kalpanA lAnAlAgarAdhImuhArI yAmamitimAniHmAvAna rIsara parunabAva nAnopanisamAbhimAraNAmAranAha hADAnAivimamire suvAdiyoM bhopAnamAzmatArAviSAyApamogaH pAgAlAya UlakriyamAna rolAdImA gvApara madaekatAka yAnAIma abhAra skAyarAmasAma moziyApaNAyana rahasraSApazAvAya paraparalAUgAnAdana zarata mAlagopari lAsnigAmadhya mAmoharalAgAra rauniyantraNa varunAyakIlopharavasa tthaa

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FEBRUARY, 1877.] THREE MALWA INSCRIPTIONS. orders all the Government officers, Brahmans as well as of himself, with singleness of heart and others, patils, and inhabitants, and cultiva- and the ceremony of pouring water (on the tors assembled in the Tadart by name Pip- palms of the hands of the grantee) does hereby parika, situate on the banks of the holy give away the above-mentioned Tadar, with Narmada, to the north of the portion of waters all its proper boundaries, which extend as far called the Garda bha pani, that it be known as the ground for the tending of the cattle and to them that the said Tadar (?), which is for cutting grass and fuel extends, covering bounded on the east by the Agarva hala, the space of one kos, -with all the rows of trees and on the north by the rivulet which flows thereon and the minerals therein, with all the into the ditch belonging to Chikhillika, gold, the land revenne, and the servitude and and on the west by the Garda bha river, and sundry other revenues or fines, and with all on the south by the Pisa chatirth-the sorts of rights belonging to it to the very Tadar whose boundaries on the four sides have learned Brahman philosopher the illustrious V athus been described the king being at Ujjain santa charya, son of Dhanika Pandit, on the fourteenth day of the bright fortnight who has emigrated from Ahichchhatra into of the month of Bhadrapada, the auspicious this southern realm,--As long as the sun and day of the Pavitrak Parvani of the Samvat moon, the earth and the seas endure. year 1031, after bathing himself in the waters Knowing this, they are henceforth to give to of the Siva lake and worshipping the lord of this Brahman, in obedience to the royal order, all every living as well as lifeless thing, the lord established rents, servitudes, taxes, and the gold. and husband of Bhavani, and considering on "Considering that the merit," &c. the vanity of the world "This earth has been enjoyed by many The dominion of the earth is as shifting as the princes," &c. tempest clouds," &c. "Of wealth, which is as transitory as a "The life of man is like a drop of water," &c. bubble of water," &c. " Wealth is changing like the edge of the cir- "To all future kings of this earth," &c. 1 cumference of a revolving wheel," &c. "Looking upon wealth," &c.t --being thus convinced of the vanity of all Dated 1031 Bhadrapada Sudi Chattardagi created things, and choosing to abide by the un- 14. This order has been given by Sri Kanhaforeseen rewards for meritorious deeds, bent on paika. This is the signature in Vakpati. furthering the merits of his mother and father raja Deva's own handwriting. II.-Bhoja's Inscription. Plate I. / jayati vyomakezosau yaH saya bitti tAM / aindavIM zirasA lekhAM jgdiijaaNkuraakRtim|| tanvaMtu vaH smarArAtaH kalyANamAnizaM jaTAH kalpAntasamayodAmataDidvalaya'piGgalAH // paramabhaTTAraka mahArAjAdhirAja paramezvara zrI sIyakadeva pAdA* nudhyAta paramabhaTTAraka mahArAjAdhirAja paramezvara zrIvAkpatirAjadeva' pAdAnudhyAta paramabhaTTAraka mahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvara zrIsindhurAjadevapAdAnubhyAta'parama bhaTTAraka mahArAjAdhirAja paramezvara zrIbhojadevaH kuzalI // nAgadaha pazcima patha' kAMtaH pAti vIrANake samupagatAnsamastarAjapuruSAnbrAhmaNottarAnpratinivAsipaki la janapadAdIMzca samAdizayastu vaH saMviditaM // yayA atItASTasaptatyadhikasAhasika ' samvatsare mAghAsitatRtIyAyAm / ravAvudagayanaparvaNi kalpita ha10 lAnA lekhye // zrImadArAyAmavasthitarasmAbhiH sAtvA carAcaraguruM bhagava + Dr. Hall reads this Vadar.-D. * The full translation of the slokas marked thus I is given in the translation of the second inscription, where they occur again,

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..THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1877. "ntanbhavAnIpati samabhyarthya saMsArasyAsAratAM dRSTvA / 'vAtAbhravibhramamidambasudhAdhipatya" mApAtamAtramadhuro viSayopabhogaH prANAstRNAyajalabindusamA narANAM dharmassa khA paramaho paralokayAne // bhramatsansAracakrAyadhArAdhArAmimAM zriyaM / prApya yena " dadusteSAM pazcAttApaH paraM phalaM // iti jagato vinazvaraM svarUpamAkalayyopari likhitagrAmaH svasImAtRNagocara yUtiparyantassahiraNyabhAgabho16 saha sto ya zrI bhoja de va sy| ____Plate II. gaH soparikaraH sarbAdAyasametaH / brAhmaNadhanapatibhaTTAya bhaTTagovindasutAya va hRcAzvalAyanazAkhAya agastigotrAya | tripravarAya velavalapratibaddha zrIvAdAvinirgatarA'dhasurasaMga karNATAya / mAtApitrorAtmanazca punyayazobhivRddhaye / adRSTaphalamaMgIkRtya AcandrArkArNavakSitisamakAlaM yAvatparayA bhaktyA zAsanenodakapUrva pratipAdita iti matvA yathA dIyamAnabhAgabhogakarahiraNyAdikamAjJA zravaNavidheyairbhUtvA sarvamasmai samupanetavyaM / sAmAnya caitatpuNyaphalamvuvAsmadvansajarainyairApa bhAvi bhoktRbhirasmatpradattadharmAdAyo ya7 manumantavyaH pAlanIyazca / uktaM ca / bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA raajbhissgraadibhiH| yasyayasya yadA bhUmistasya tasyatadA phalaM / / yAnIha dattAni purA narendranAni dharmArthayasaskarANi / nirmAlya1 vAntipratimAni tAni ko nAma sAdhuH punarAdadIta || asmatkulakramamudAramudAharadvi ranyaizca 10 dAnamidamabhyanumodanIyaM / lakSmyAstaDicchalilabuhudacaMcalAyA dAnaM phalaMparayasaSparipA " lanaM ca // sa netAnbhAvinaH pArthivendrAnbhUyo bhUyo yAcate rAmabhadraH 19 sAmAnyoyaM dharmaseturnRpANAM kAlekAle pAlanIyo. bhavadbhiH // iti ka" maladalAmbubindulolAM zriyamanucitya manuSyajIvitaM ca / sakalami1* damudAhRtaM ca budhvA na hi puruSaiH parakIrtayo vilopyA iti // sambat 10 5.8 caitrazudi 14 svayamAjJAmaMgalaM mahAzrIH // svahastoyaM zrIbhojadevasya Translation of Bhoja's Inscription. assembled in Vira n a ka, situate within the Glory to the god whose hair is the sky (Maha- limits of the division or country to the west of deva), and who bears on his head the horned the Nagudraba, that it be known to them that moon, emblematic of the shoot from which on the 3rd day of the dark fortnight of the month sprang the world! of Magha of the Samvat year 1078, on Sunday May the braids of the enemy of the god of when the sun began his northern journey, he love, brown like the dread lightning of the day being then at the glorious city of Dhar, after of final dissolution, always extend the sphere of bathing himself and worshipping the lord of your prosperity! every living as well as lifeless thing, the lord Happy be the great monarch, king of kings, and husband of Bhavani, and considering on the lord paramount, the illustrious Bhoja the vanity of the world (as in the flokas):deva, the successor of the great monarch, king "The dominion of the earth is as shifting as of kings, the lord paramount, the illustrious the tempest-clouds that are waftod on the Sindhurajadevall the successor of the wind, and the enjoyments which it offers are great monarch, king of kings, the lord para-| pleasing only for a moment. mount, the illustrious Vak patirAjadeva, "The life of man is like a drop of water the successor of the great monarch, king of kings, hanging on the point of a blade of grass, If the lord paramount, the illustrions siya ka- one wish to go to heaven, virtue, O men, is the deva. He orders all the officers of Government, greatest friend in the journey! good Brahmans and others, pdfils and rayats "Wealth is changing, like the edge of the cir Tod read Sindhula on a marble inscription at Madhu. pp. 290, 226, 228; Lassen reads Sinbar is apparently hargarh dated Sarh. 1164. See Trans. R. As. Soc. vol. I. from the Nagpur oopperplate: Ind. Altert. III. 1169.-ED.

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L Ant rol. VI. p. 54. SASANA OF BHOJA (2nd plate). cAyatanAmA dAyamamatAmaNaratpatibAma nahIdiramanAyava havAya lAyanaravAyA homiyozayAvipakrAyAsanalavara jIvAdA nirmAtA zArSikasamakAleSAvAra yAna lAmAmAlanora ke sAI pratipAditakAlimA mAmAlinatApalAma hamArAlA dhamalAlAbAmA yavAdIyamAna nAyagAva harayArakamAnA vasAvAyarasamAmesamupAntamA sAbharAyara panAdAni livanagara va bAyoya manumanaH yAtIya kArAvAdalAI kArAdikArodigiyarayAmA bhimanyalayunAyA sAyAnIvAnipurAnAlAI chAnanivAyaramAnamAlA vAniyatamAlamAnakAnAmasAHpunarAdarInAbAlakamamarAramusAharAhara rAnA(maramarAnamAranIyAlAsAhalalAharararalAyAdAna pralapatyasayatayA bAlabhavAsahInatA mAnAyadhiva dAmAlAmAlapANAlAtavA maladalA hirAlAlAdhyamalatAma rastAvakSanalAlabAra hAdasAvitayA matA pAyagAmAlamAgamA

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FEBRUARY, 1877.] cumference of the revolving wheel of worldly life. Repentance, therefore, will be the sole reward of those who obtaining wealth will not bestow it in works of charity." THREE MALWA INSCRIPTIONS. And being thus convinced of the vanity of all created things, and choosing to abide by the unforeseen rewards for meritorious deeds, bent on furthering the glory and merits of his mother and father as well as of himself, with singleness of heart and the ceremony of pouring water (on the hands of the grantee), by this writ of the ploughs of land to be given (ia charity), he (the king) grants away, as long as the sun and moon, the earth and the seas endure, the above-mentioned village, with all its proper boundaries, which extend over the space of one kos, as far as the ground for tending cattle, with all the gold, the land revenue, and the servitude and sundry other revenues or fines, and with all sorts of rights thereof, to D han apati Bhatta, son of Govinda Bhatta, a Rigvedi Brahman of the Asvala yana sakha, of the Agasti gotra and tripravara, who, being an inhabitant of Radha Surasanga Karnata, has come from Srivada, situate in Vellu Valla. Knowing this, they are henceforth to give to this Brahman, in obedience to the royal will, all established rents, taxes, and cash. Considering that the merit of this charitable deed belongs to them in common with him, all succeeding kings, whether of his family or of any other, ought to acquiesce in this his charitable grant and uphold it; for it is said : "This earth has been enjoyed by many own handwriting. III.-Inscription at Ingnoda. 3 5 6 55 princes, Sagara and others, and the merit (of charitable grants) has successively belonged to those who, for the time being, were possessed of sovereign power over her. Things given away in charity by former kings with aims of philanthropy and renown are likened to rejected things and to vomitings, and what good man would again resume them ? 1 ' cha || OM namaH / saMvatsarazateSvekAdazasu navatyadhikeSu ASADha zuklapakSaikAdazyAM saMvat 1190 AzA di 11 aha iMga * NapaTe samasta rAjAvalIvirAjitabhartRpadAbhidAnamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrI pRthvIpAlapAdAnudhyAta paramabhaTTA rakama hArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrItiguNapAladevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrIvijayapAladevena bhagavaMtaM bha A plough of land in Malwa is equal to a piece of ground one can till with one pair of bullocks. Drona is "This charity of ours should be acquiesced in alike by those who will glory in the nobility of our family, and by those who may be strangers to us. "Of wealth, which is as fleeting as a flash of lightning or a bubble of water, there are two good fruits or uses, and only two: one is its employment in charities, and the other is the maintenance thereby of other men's fame. "To all future kings of this earth does the Sri Ramachandra entreat again and again that as the bridge of charity is a common boon, which benefits all kings in their times alike, it should in successive times be maintained intact by them all." vAnIpati samabhyarcya saMsArasyAsAratAM vidhivya mAtApitrorAtmanazca puNyayazobhivRddhaye AtmIyAmAtyamaM fagirfea ghaTikAvitasamastaparivArasaMviditaM apatyabrahmapUrikAbrAhmaNa: udasAbhiH somadevAdelAka tathA maha kokala tathA rAdhAMdUka tathA zre lAlA tathAtre 0* sADhA tathA zre0lapamaNAdiprabhUtisamastamahAjanapra Therefore, looking upon wealth as if it were a drop of water on the petal of a lotus-flower, and upon life as quite uncertain, and thinking on all that I have said, a man should never try to undo what others have done to commemorate their names. Dated in the Samvat year 1078, Chaitra Suddhi 14 Chaturdasi, Svayamajiya Maugalam Mahasrih. (Witness) this signature in Bhoja Deva's vyakSam / Aanother measure of land mentioned in old grants. may be short for (modern 2).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [ FEBRUARY 1877. zADhazuklapakSekAdazyAM parvvaNi iMgaNapaTadakSiNapathake zrIgohaDezvaradevAya AgAsiyakagrAmaM svasI mApa " yetaM sanRkSamAlAkulaM sakASThatRNedhanopetaM sahiraNyabhAgabhogakaradAnIsametaM udakapUrvakatvenagrAmo pra *ryaMtaM 7 9 " dattAM tathaitabhivAsipaTTakilajanapadAdi lokarAjAbhidheyairbhUlA sarvvamasmai devAya pradAtavyaM / anyaizva bhAvi 10 bhUpAlai pAlanIyA kAlakAlAMtareNApi kenApi paripaMthA na kAryyA | yAnIha dattAni purA nareMdrairdAnAni : dharmArthayaza "skarANi / nirmAlyavattAni va mAnitAni ko nAma sAdhuH punarAdadIta || bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhi: samarAdibhi paspa yasya yadAbhUmI tasya tasya tadA phalaM // svadatAM paradatAM vA yo hareta vasuMdharAM / paSTivarSasahasrANi rAkhe narake vase 12 56 13 t / / vAtAbhravibhramamidaM vasudhAdhipatyaM ApAtamAtramadhuro viSayopabhogaH // prANAstRNAgrajalabiMdusamA narANAM dharma: 14 151 sakhA paramaho paralokayAte / vAlabhAnyayakAyastharAjapAlasyasUnunA || AsAdharasuteneyaM kevhaNenatalekhitAM kukAsasthAnvayasUtradhAramahAbalasya sUnunA Translation of the 3rd Inscription. Adoration to Siva. On the 11th day of the bright fortnight of the month of Ashadha of the Samvat year 1190, here in Inganapat, by me the king of kings, the lord paramount, the illustrious Vijayapaladeva, the successor of the great monarch, king of kings, the lord paramount, the illustrious Tihun apa 1a - de va,_the_successor of the prosperous Prithavipaladeva, who shone resplendent among the row of the kings, and who possessed the titles of the lord, king of kings and lord paramount: (By me) after worshipping the lord and husband of Bhavani, and meditating on the vanity of the world-in order to increase the merit and fame of my mother and father as well as of myself, in the presence of all my councillors, the family priest, and the astrologer, and all other dependants, and of the Brahman Indu Svami Sadelak, resident of the Brahmapuri street of this place, and of Mahakokal, and Radhanduka, and Sri Lala, and Sri Sadha, and Sri Lakshmana, and others of the merchants, on the propitious 11th day of Ashadha, is given, with the ceremony of pouring water, the village of Agasiyaka as far as harasenasutasAjaNena lekhitaM // The last two paragraphs are unintelligible as they stand in the original; the translation is merely a guess at what the writer and engraver may have meant. This inscription, again, it will be observed, is interspersed with glaring its own boundaries extend, with all the trees, shrubs, and riches contained therein, as well as all the rents and servitude, taxes and titles, to the god Gohadesvara, situate within the division or country to the south of Inganapat. In virtue of this, the putils and cultivators of the village should, in deference to the king's order, henceforth pay all this to the abovementioned god. Things granted in charity by former kings, &c. &c. This earth has been enjoyed by many princes, &c. &c. He who resumes land given (in charity) either by himself or by anybody else, lives a worm in the hell called Raurava for sixty thousand years. The dominion of the earth is as shifting as a tempest-cloud, &c. This has been written by Ashadhara, son of Kelahna, son of Rajapala, a Kayastha of the family of Valabha. This is engraved by Sagana, son of Harsena, son of the artizan Mahabal, of the family of Kukas.t grammatical mistakes, which, however, may easily be cor rected. The transliteration given, however, is a faithful copy of the original, of which a reduced facsimile is given in the accompanying plate.

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SILASASANAM OF VIJAYAPALA DEVA.-A.D., 1123-4. gAnama yaya gAna kA daza lava samajAnani na SazivAnama ha Anava varase vasI talapAna vapA Ana Anama dAna patasama bhadhamAna aa mAnAna yamAna O vAna kavitasama khapa vidhi kaka 50: hakaghathalalAnatha- sadha- labamaladi na ma baTalAna thapa gAna idaNipa8 gA zada (c) ana dadila mAna gATa zAna va ca gAna y| kala panavadhAna kA ya yAna sasalatama habhivamati gAba ya satha dA rama taya khtdk|| da O O gAya da ma ma ya gha jadhivama sI na yapAna mana pa bahadhama ma ma [ yAna sama sadha khAna sakhAna ma aa vagA kyaat|| vAna ya ka sIkA khadha W. Griggs photo-lith. from a tracing. Indian Antiquary Vol, V.. SIZE OF ORIGINAL 20 BY 14 vos pama ya vanabhaga bana vaja tazama // sata AtAna ya ma // // AgA saya kaya ma sa sI mava naSapoSayaza jhAna: sa dibhaHya vavaravali ma ma sadhasAna gAna jhala saDala. khina //

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MARCH, 1877.] NOTES ON GUPTA COINS. NOTES ON GUPTA COINS. BY THE HONOURABLE SIR E. C. BAYLEY, K.C.S.I. SIN INCE the publication of Mr. Thomas's latest paper on the dynasty of the Guptas* I have become possessed, through the kindness of Dr. Buhler, of three coins which tend to elucidate some of the points left doubtful by Mr. Thomas. The first of these coins is a duplicate of that in the late Mr. Freeling's cabinet,+ which Mr. Thomas attributes, though doubtfully, to "Sri Gupta." The rough execution of that coin allying it with those of the latest Guptas renders it, as Mr. Thomas points out, a priori unlikely that the coin could have been struck by the founder of the Gupta dynasty; but if the reading were correct it might still be attributed to a later "king of the same name. My coin, however, is in considerably better preservation, and though, unfortunately, the actual name of the king by whom it was struck is not legible, yet the rest of the inscription leaves little doubt that his name was not Sri Gupta. The words "Sri Gupta" undoubtedly occur, but in the beginning of the legend; and though the letters which follow them are, unfortunately, too rudely cut to be legible, still there can be small doubt that the entire word is merely some epithet applied to the king, referring to the Gupta race. The legend reads as follows: or Sri Gupta ra - ptaraja vikramarkasya. Gupta My own impression is that the blank for the fifth word in the above legend should be filled up with the word Kum a ra, but I cannot pretend to make any suggestion as to the emendation of the third word. The next coin is only curious as being allied to the above, for it is undoubtedly one of "Chandra Gupta," and in all probability of Chandra Gupta II. Both coins have the same style of head on the obverse (unfortunately no dates), and the In the Report on the Antiquities of Kathiawad and Kuchh of the Archeological Survey of Western India, pp. 18 ff., also printed separately (Trubner & Co.). + Save that it does show the group of stars on the reverse, which Mr. Freeling's once, apparently, bore. I am indebted for this suggestion to General Cunningham. 57 symbol which Mr. Thomas terms the Parvati symbol on the reverse. I give the legend on the reverse : 1 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 nydztu bhaanthaadaairaanhidzdzi z game shj vklj Of the above twenty-two letters, twelve, forming the latter half of the legend, are quite distinct, viz. Raja Sri Chandra Gupta Vikramankasya. The three first letters seem to be the same as those at the commencement of the legend on the coin already described, viz. Sri Gupta; and the letters 4, 6, 7, and perhaps 8, seem (interrupted by a star) to form the conclusion of the word thus commenced. The 9th and 10th letters are not clear, and may be de, va,-deva Raju being an epithet assumed by Chandra Gupta II.; but while the ninth letter seems preferably to read ja, the tenth may be dhi. The entire legend would therefore readSri Gupta - --- ra-ja-dhi raja Sri Chandra-de-va Gupta-vikramankasya. I believe the epithet Vikramankasya is new to Indian numismatics,-at least I can recall no other example of it. These two coins have, however, rather a purely numismatic than an historic interest. The third coin is of value historically, for it gives the date of a king hitherto unplaced in the Gupta dynasty, viz. Bakra Gupta. I do not give any description of this coin: for, save in the points noticed below, it is exactly the same as that figured by Mr. Thomas in his paper already quoted as No. XII.* (Archaeol. Rep. p. 63). The only points of difference are that the letter B is more clearly B on my coin,-squarer, that is, than in Mr.Thomas's figure, or 3; and secondly the obverse is that of the coin No. X.* of Mr. Thomas's paper: it bears a date, that is to say, behind the head (as in the Kshatrapa coins) = v(arsha)SS 90. The date on both the SS It will be seen that I read the "iota" symbol prefixed to the date as va for varshe. I do this on the authority of an unpublished late Kshatrapa coin (also given me by Dr. Buhler); on it is clearly AU (vasha) 300. See also the prathame of fivaradata's coins.

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58 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1877. known coins of Toramapa (to the style of which this coin closely approximates) is "82":|| in neither case is there any figure to represent the century. The inference which I think may be first drawn from the fact is that, supposing both. kings to use the same era, Bakra Gupta (I imagine Bakra to be a local barbarism for Vakra) was eight years later in date to Toramana, and secondly that both were included in the series of later Gupta kings. As to the era of the date, Mr. Thomas has suggested that it may be applied (1) to the Gupta family era; (2) to the era adopted by the Kshatrapa kings, as for a time used by the Guptas; and (3) to the Seleucidan era (so I understand), omitting the cipher for hundreds. I venture to suggest a fourth, viz. the "Loka Kal," as to which General Cunningham and Dr. Buhler have recently written, and in applying which the century is never mentioned. Accepting the Gupta era, the date cannot be less than 190 of that era, for Chandra Gupta II. is of the year 90, and this coin is of far later date and execution. If the Gupta era be taken as the equivalent of the Saka era, T this would place Bakra Gupta in 268 A.D. If it be taken as representing the (2)90th year of the Kshatra pa dynasty, and that be the equivalent of the Vikramaditya era,* then the date would be 233 A.D. If the Seleucidan era be adopted, the date would be the fifth century of the Seleucidan era being taken) 278 A.D. Again, if the Lola Kal be taken, and supposing the century to be that beginning in 214 A.D. (it could soarcely be earlier with reference to the date of Chandra Gupta II.), then the date of Bakra Gupta would fall as low as 314 A.D., and Toramana would be brought down to 306 A.D. I proceed to consider which of these dates seems the most probable. As to the first, if the Kshatrapa era is to be taken as equivalent to that of Vikramaditya, and the Gupta era as that of the Sakas, or if ever they respectively approximated, then Bakra Gupta would be brought in before Buddha Gupta, whose dates of 155 and 165 of the Gupta era are equal to 234 and 244 A.D. on the theory that they are Saka dates. The style of Bakra Gupta coins hardly warrants this supposition, though it is not impossible. The other three dates appear preferable; the Seleucidan era if applied to Toramana's coin also would place that king in 270 A.D., -about twenty-six years later than Buddha Gupta ; the Gupta era would place Buddha Gupta, Toramana, and Bakra Gupta in closer contact still; while the Loka Kal would doubtless bring down the last named two kings 58 and 66 years respectively later than Buddha Gupta. On the whole I am inclined to believe that the Gupta era is that to be preferred. It is clear from the two Eran inscriptions that the kings Buddha Gupta and Tora mana both were reigning during the life of one and the same man, Dhanya Vishnu, and that the latter was a man of some position and wealth under the earlier king. It is, of course, far from impossible that Dhanya Vishnu may have been young when he caused one monument to be erected, and very old when the other was exe cuted. If he lived even to, say, eighty years of ago, even sixty years may well have elapsed between the execution of the two monuments, i.e. the later years of Buddha Gupta and the earlier of Toramana. Still the shorter interval is certainly the more probable one, and I am therefore inclined to think, with Mr. Thomas, that Toramana should be placed in 260-61 A.D., and Bakra Gupta I would accordingly place in 268-69,-adopting, that is, the Gupta family era as that of both coins, and assuming that to be identical with the Saka era. || Mr. Thomas thinks that the year of the century is obliterated. I confess that on the British Museum coin, which I have closely examined, I see no trace of any oentury date ; this point is of little importance, however, 4s will be sabeequently apparent. This is a disputed point: Albirani (if we can trust at all to his text) states that the Gapta era began in Saka 241 (or A.D. 319), and this is supported by inscriptions quoted by Col. Tod. If this can be depended on, Bakra Gupta may have ruled in 190 + 319 = 509 A.D., and he or his predecessor may have been the Chinese Kio-to or 'Gupta' king whosent an embassy to China in A.D. 502.-Conf. Jour. Asiatique, IV me serie, tom. X. pp. 91, 100; 2nd Archeol. Rep. at sup. pp. 28, 80, 133.-ED. * This assumption is opposed to Prof. Bh And Arkar's opinion in Trans. Orient. Congress, 1874, who regards the Saka era as that from which the Kshatrapas dated. -ED.

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MARCH, 1877.] GRANT OF GOVINDA III., RATHOR. 59 A NEW GRANT OF GOVINDA. III., RATHOR. BY G. BUHLER. In June last Major J. W. Watson, then Acting stead of final n, and of the vowel ri instead Political Agent, Revakantha, informed me that, of the syllable ri, both of which are incorrect, while acting in 1873-4 as Political Agent of but of frequent occurrence in MSS. also. Pahlanpur, he had been shown by the Karbhari As regards its substance, the sasana is for the of Radhanpur two copperplates the writing of greater part identical with the Van Dindori which resembled very closely that of the Morbi grant, which was discovered by L. Reid, Esq.. plate published by Professor Bhandarkar in the and published by Mr. Wathen in the Jour. R. Indian Antiquary. I at once addressed Colonel As. Soc. vol. V. pp. 350 et seq. Both have been Shortt, the present Political Agent, Pahlanpur, issued by the same prince and in the same Saka on the subject, and solicited his good offices year. As might be expected from these circumwith the Radhanpur Darbar for a loan of the stances, their historical portions agree very plates seen by Major Watson. Colonel Shortt closely. But it is very fortunate that the new very kindly acquainted the Navab with my re- grant contains a few more verses than the earlier quest, and procured for me four plates, after one, some of which are of great importance for a troublesome hunt for the half-forgotten grants. the history of Western India. On examining them I found that two of them Govinda III. was one of the most powerful contain three-fourths of a land-grant issued by princes of that great Rashtrakuta, Rathor, or Govinda III., Rathor; while the other two Ratta family which rose to power in the Dekhan belong to Bhimadeva I., Chalukya, of An- about the middle of the eighth century, and for hilva d-Pathan. The latter will be published in the space of two centaries obscured and almost my paper on the land-grants of the A hilvad took the place of its older rival, the Chalukya Chalukyas. The former are so important that race of Kalyana. During the time of its prosthey deserve a separate article. perity it extended its rule not only over the The two plates measure each 12 inches by Dekhan proper, but over the Konkana, a 10, and have one hole in the middle of the left portion of Gujarat, and Central India up to hand side, in which the seal-ring was fixed. the Vindhyas. Its influence, no doubt, made The latter has been lost, as well as the third itself felt much further north. Its power sank sheet. For this grant, like other ancient Rathor again towards the close of the tenth century, sasanas, was written on three plates, tho first when the Chaluk yas, under Taila pa of and last of which are inscribed on the inner Kalyana and his successors, regained their ancient sides only, while the centre one bears letters position. But even after that period we find on both sides. The loss is of small importance, Rashtrakuta states at Devagiri, at Belgam, &c. as the last plate contained only the well-known in the Dekhan, in Central India, and even as verses from the Smriti on the subject of gifts of far north as Kanoj, some of which played a land. The letters of our grant are ancient Deva considerable part during the last period of Hindu nagari, exactly resembling those of the Saman rule, and branches of which flourish even in gadh plate published in the Jour. Bo. Br. R.As. the present day Soc. vol. II. p. 371. The preservation of the We possess a considerable number of grants plates is, on the whole, good. Only in the centre issued by, or referring to this particular Rashof PL. I., and in the first line of Pl. II.a, some let- trakata family, which, according to their dates, tors have become indistinct,--apparently by the may be arranged in the following order :friction of the sheets against each other. The 1. The Samangadh plates of Saka 675.+ execution is also good. A few letters have been 2. The Van Dindori plates of Saks 730. left out accidentally, and a noderate number 3. The Radhanpur plates dated Saka 730. of other mistakes occur. Noticeable peculiari 4. The Baroda plates dated Saka 734.|| ties are the employment of the Anusvara in. 5. The Kavi plates dated Saka 749. * Compare the description of the Kavi grant, Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 144. + Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. II. pp. 371 et seq. I Jour. R. As. Soc. vol. V. p. 350. SS i.e. those now under review. Il Jour. R. As. Soc. Beng. vol. VIII. p. 292. Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 144.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1877. 6. The Sangli plates dated Saka 855. Dekhan. It is, further, as yet impossible to 7. The Salotgt inscription dated Saka 867.7 determine the period when a Rashtrakata em8. The Karda plates dated Saka 894. pire was first founded in the Dekhan. Only this 9. The Kharepatan plates dated Saka 930.8 much is clear, that Rashtrakata kings ruled But, in spite of these considerable materials, over parts of the Dekhan in the fourth and fifth the history of this family has not been made oenturies; because the first Chalukya, Jayasimha, out satisfactorily,-partly because the first dis- destroyed one Indra, the son of Krishna, who covered grants have been badly read, and belonged to this family. Nor is it feasible partly because the last discovered ones give to determine the relation of the latest Rashfaller information than those accessible to H. H. trakuta dynasties, especially those of Kanoj, Wilson, Lassen, Bal Gangadhar, and S. P. from whom the present Rathors of Jodhpur Pandit. Other circumstances, too, have contri- and Idar are descended, to the family of the buted to obscure the real state of things. The grantors of the above $dsanas. The list also of first point is the evil habit of tine Rashtrakt- the kings from Govinda I. to Kakkala, tas (which, indeed, may be observed in the case enumerated in the nine grants, offers a difficulty of many other Indian dynasties of taking a regarding the succession to the tenth prince, large number of birutas, or honorific titles; and Akala varsha, which has already exercised of their poets, who composed the historical por the ingenuity of H. H. Wilson, Bal Gangadhar tions of the grante, of using these names indis- Sastri, and S. P. Pandit. All I shall attempt criminately, or even of substituting synonyms for is, therefore, to give an account of the first ten them. kinga of the nine grants,-& contribution to the The second cause of confusion is the still history of the Dekhan and the adjacent westmore reprehensible practice of some writers of ern coast during the time from 660 to 850 A.D. the sasanas of leaving out in the varsavali any The first three princes --Govinda I., princes whom they considered unworthy of Karka I., and Indra I., -who are noticed notice. Well-authenticated instances of this kind in grants Nos. 1, 4, and 5 only, are described are afforded by the Valabhi grants, most of in general terms. The poets, as in duty bound, which omit the four sons of Bhatarka; by extol their bravery, their justice and piety, but the grants of the Chalukyus of Anhilvad, several without stating how they distinguished themof which pass in silence by the name of Valla- selves. Honce it may be inferred that not bhasena, who reigned for a few months only; much was to be said about them, and especially and by the sdsands of the ancient Chalukyas of that during their reigns the war with the Kalyana. Chalukyas had not yet broken out. In favour Instead of simply giving an analysis of the of this view the fact may be adduced that the Radhanpar plates, I shall now attempt to re- queen of the third, Indra I., was the daughter construnt a portion of the pedigree and of the of a Chalukya father and a Somanvaya (i.e. history of the Dekhani Rashtrakatas from Yadava or Rashtrakuta) mother (grant No. 1, the above nine grants. I do not pretend to v. 9). For, with the state of things which existtrace all Rashtrakutas back to their origin, ed during the succeeding reigns, matrimonial nor even to give the history of all the kings alliances between the two houses would hardly named in the nine grants. The historical docu- have been possible. Counting backwards three ments which are accessible at present are in generations from Saka 675, the date of grant my opinion insufficient to decide whether the No. 1, and allowing twenty-five years for each Rashtrakutas were an Aryan Kshatriya, 1.o. generation, the year 660 A.D. may be roughly Rajput race, which immigrated into the Dekhan assigned to Govinda I. as the initial date of his from the north like the Chalukyas, or a Dra- reign, 685 A.D. to Karka I., and 710 A.D. to vidian family which was received into the Indra I. Aryan community after the conquest of the The fourth prince, Dantidurga, the son * Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. IV. p. 100. A glaring instance of this practice I have noted in Ind. Ant. vol. I. p. 206. my Introduction to the Vikramankacharita, where eight names of the hero are mentioned : Vikram.p. So, note 2. Jour. R. As. Soc. vol. III. p. 94. T See the Minaj plates, v. 7, Jour. R. As. Soc. vol. III. $ Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. I. p. 209. p. 259.

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MARCH, 1877.] GRANT OF GOVINDA III., RATHOR. of Indra I. and of his Chalukya queen, was one correct this version of the manner in which of the great rulers of the family, and for this Dantidurga lost his life and Krishna succeeded reason he has been eonsidered its founder into the throne. It seems to me evident that, as three of the grants, Nos. 6, 8, and 9. it has happened so frequently in the Rajput His own grant apparently attributes two families of India, the younger branch of the great deeds to him,--the subjugation of a family ousted the elder one. prince called Vallabha (No. 1, v. 17), whereby From the last line of the grant No. 1 we leara he obtained the title of Rajadhirdjaparasme- that Dantidurga was also called Dantivarme. svara, "Supreme lord of kings of kings,' or The name may be translated he whose pro*king of kings and supreme lord,' and an easy tection elephants are,' or he who is like an elevictory over the army of Karnata, "which phant that resembles a fort or a suit of armour. was expert in defeating the lords of Kanchi and The same plate mentions two birmlus or gauna Kerala, the Chola, the Pandya, Sriharsha, and namas of this prince,-Prithricallabla and Khan Vajrata" (No. 1, v. 18). Possibly the two gavalok: (P). The former, husband of the earth, verses eontain a 'hen dia dyoin,' and both is a general title common to many kings. The refer to the same event, i.e. Vallabha was the reading of the latter is doubtful; the facsimile Karn a ta king who was defeated. But it is has a nonsensical form Khudgapaloka, which perfectly certain that the Karnata army is in- Bal Gangadhar has changed into Khadga. tended for the Chalukya army,' since the dhararka. Chalukyas of Kalyana are frequently called The fifth king, Krishna I., whose relation the lords of Karnata,' and since it is their to his predecessor and accession to the throne constant boast in their older inscriptions that have already been discussed, was likewise a they conquered Sriharsha.t Grant No. 5 re- ruler of great distinction. Two grants, Nos. peats the two verses of No. 1. Nos. 6 and 8 2 and 3, place him, for this reason, at the head describe the king merely in general terms, and of their enumeration, and most have someNo. 9 contains nothing but the name. He prob- thing particular to relate regarding him. From ably did nothing more of importance, and died grants Nos. 2, 3 (v. 3), and 6 (v. 5) it appears soon after the date of his grant. A remark that he continued the work of Dantidurga. which No. 4 makes about his successor, and further humbled the Chalnk yas. No. 4. Krishna I., proves that he did not reach old v. 10, also states that he changed to a deer the age, and probably died a violent death. All great boar (mahavardhu), who was taken with the grants which mention both Dantidurga and an itching for the battle, and inspired by valoar Krishna I. state that the latter was the paternal flashed his bow-tusk." As the boar is the uncle of the former, i.e. a brother of Indra I. cognizance of the Chalukyas, it is probable that Grant No. 8, v. 5, says that Dantidurga died this verse also refers to the defeat of a Chalukya childless. But No. 4, v. 8, affirms that Krishna prince, not of a person called Mahavaraha. The I. "destroyed his relative, who had fallen into same grant, vv. 11-13, connects him with the il ways, and became king for the good of his hill of El & pura, where he seems to have built race;" though it does not mention Danti- a fort and a splendid temple of Siva. || Nos. 2 and durga's name, and in fact ignores him and his 3 mention that he bore the biruda Vallabha. father altogether. Considering how anxious His accession to the throne may be placed about the court poets must have been, and in some 755 A.D., and, as he was the paternal uncle of his cases can be proved to have been to disguise, predecessor, he cannot have ruled very long. If or to place in the best light, the internal dis- we allow him ten years, until 765, that will be tensions and revolutions in the families of their quite as much as is probable. patrons, I have no hesitation in accepting as After him ruled successively his two sons, * See, e.g., Vikramankacharita, p. 28, note. + I must add that I do not feel as certain as most of my colleagues (nee, e.g., A. Burnell, Elom. of So.-Ind. Palmogr., p. 16) appear to do that the Sriharsha conquered by the Chalukyas is Hiwen-Thang'e and Bana's friend, Harshavardhana of Th Anesar. The question requires reconsideration, se the dates will not it, and Sriharsha is, like Vikrama and Bhoja, a name common to several powerful princes. I Compare my remarks on the subject,--Viiramanka. charita, p. 37, note. $ This translation differs from that given by Pandit Skradapraska, who, as tisual, had only a very dim idea of the meaning of his text. I V. 11 has been badly deciphered or is corrupt.

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62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1877. Govinda II. and Dhruv &. The only par- ticular information which we receive about the former is that he also bore the surname Valla bha. Three grants, Nos. 2, 3, and 4, do not mention his name at all: hence it may be inferred that he did not reign long, and was not particu. larly distinguished. If my view of the interpretation of v. 5 of Nos. 2 and 3 is correct, Govinda II. was dethroned by this younger brother, who appears to have been a much greater ruler and warrior. This king, the seventh from Govinda I., is called Dhruva, 'the constant,' in grants Nos. 4 and 5; while he appears under the appellation Nirupama, the incomparable, in Nos. 6, 8, and 9. In No. 2 he is called Nirupama and Paura, while No. 3 reads clearly Dhora instead of Paura. The preservation of this form is the first important service which the Radhanpur grant (No. 3) renders to the history of the Rashtrakutas. For while Paura,* the form of the Van Dindori plates (No. 2), is utterly irreconcilable with the read. ing Dhruvat in Nos. 4 and 5, Dhoru may be easily recognized as a Prakrit corruption of Dhruva ; and thus our plate furnishes the complete proof that Dhruva and Nirupama are the same person. Only two grunts give parti. culars regarding Dhruva-Nirupama's exploits. Both Nos. 2 (F. 6) and 3 (v. 6) state that he conquered and imprisoned a king called Ganga, and that (v. 7) he dispossessed a ruler named Vatsa or of VATSA, who had conquered the kingdom of Gauda, and that he drove him into the desert of Marvad. From the mention of Gauda it is clear that Vatsa's pater- mal realm must have been situated in Central India. Our grant No. 3 (v.7) states that he also conquered the Palla va king in the south. The same two grants show also that Dhruva- Niraparna had another biruda, Kalivallabha, the beloved of the Kali age' (Nos. 2, v. 8, The translation of No. 6 .sserts that he was born at lndubimba silatala. But the Sanskrit says nothing of the kind. The facsimile reads as follows: 18mad govindi- rijobhad indubimbasilatule yrsykriploshadhamrontakab pra fastir iva likshyate || "From him sprang Govindaraja; a dark spot (caused) by the burning of his enemies is visible on the crystal dise of the moon (in dubimbasilatale) resembling a laudatory inscription." The poet means to say that Govinda destroyed so many enemies that the smoke from their pyres may be considered to have caused the spots in the moon, which latter, therefore, are in reality prajasti, i.e. laudatory inscription executed by the king. I have no doubt that Pauri is merely & mistake of the decipherer. + This identity results also from his position on the list. For while graut No. 5 names the two sons of Fishna and 3, v. 9), and a third, Dharavarsha, as his son and successor is said to "meditate on the feet of the supreme lord," &c., "the illustrious Dhara varsha." The phrase padanudhyata, "meditating on the feet of," is no doubt ambiguous, and the subject of the meditation is in other cases sometimes a spiritual guru, and sometimes a lord paramount. But the epithets given to Dhiravarsha show that he was not a priest, and he cannot have been a lord paramount, because those Rathors acknowledged none. It is, therefore, not doubtfal that Govinda's father is meant. Another name, 'Samudra,' which the translation of No. 6 gives to Dhruva, is nothing but the result of a mistake. As the reign of Govinda II. was probably of short duration, Dhruva-Nirapama's accession to the gadi may be placed about 770 A.D. The next king, Dhruva-Nirupama's son, is called Govinda III. in Nos. 2, 3, 4, and 5, Jagattunga in Nos. 6 and 8, and Jagadrudra in No. 9. As the latter two names are merely birudas, Jagattunga meaning the world-exalted,' and Jagadrudra 'the Siva, i e. Supreme iord of the world,' I do not hesitate to assume that they belong to Govinda III. in order to express the bigla position which he occupied. But I must admit that any one who is hypercritically inclined 10ay contend that Jagattunga was a third son of Dhruva-Nirupama, who succeeded his brother Govinda III. Govinda III. seems to have been the most eminent prince of the dy. nasty. Immediately after his accession to the throne he had to fight a confederacy of twelve kings, who assailed the supremacy of the Rashtrakatas (No. 2, v. 11, No. 3, v. 13, No. 5, v. 27). Grant No. 5 names Stam bha as their chief. The result of the contest was that "Govinda made their lustre pale, as the Suriwarta fire extin. guishes the twelve suns that shine at the end of a kalpa." After he had subdued these enemies, he released king Ganga, whom his 1. Govinda (II.) and Dhruva, Nos. 6, 8, and 9 call them Govinda (II.) and Nirupama. An argument which tends to show that Dhora is corruption of Dhruva is that in Nos. 3 and 3 he is twice called emphatically Dharyavan and Dhairyadhanah, 'the constant." I Possibly the ruler of the Vatsa country may be meant. His capital was Kauskabi, the modern Kosam. It ought also to be noted that most of the kings of this dynasty seem to have had one biruda ending in warsha. Thus, besides the Amoghavarsha and AkelaVarsha of No. 6, 8, and 9, we find a Govinda III. called Prabhatsvarsha, Karks of Bharoch Suvarna varsha, Govinda of Bharoch Prabhutavarsha, Kakkala (the last king) Amoghavsraha, and his father A kalavarsha. These epithets were intended to commemorate the liberality of their wearers.

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March, 1877.] GRANT OF GOVINDA III., RATHOR. 63 father had imprisoned, "from the prolonged pain of his fetters." But Ganga again opposed his benefactor, and bad again to be reduced to obedience (No. 2, v. 12, No. 3, v. 14) and to be imprisoned. Our grant (No. 3) describes his next exploits as follows (vv. 15-18) -He undertook an expedition against the Gurjara king, who fled at his approach, "as the clouds disappear on the approach of the autumnal season." Next he received the submission of the politic' ruler of Mala v a, who by the study of the Nitisastra had learnt to form a just estimate of his own strength. Then, on his reaching the slopes of the Vindhya hills, a king called Marasarva hastened to offer him presents. Finally he spent the rainy season at Sribhavana. The last three statements occur also in grant No 2, vv. 13-15; but the first verse regarding the Garjara, which is of the last importance for the correct appreciation of the expedition and for the history of Gujarat, has been left out. This one piece of information forms the connecting link between several other scraps of information regarding the history of Gujarat. Firstly, we know from the grants of Jay a bhata dated Vikrama 486, and of Dadda II., dated Suka 380, 384, 400, and 417, that during the fifth century A.D. Central Gujarat was governed by a dynasty of Gurjara kings, who had their capital at Nandipura, a fort once situated to the east of Bharoch, close to the Jhadesvar gate. From Hiwen Thsang we learn that further north a Gurjara kingdom existed in the seventh century, the capital of which was Pilomolo, the modern Bhinmal,ll in Southern Marvad, just across the Pahlanpur frontier. The grants of the Gujarat Ritbors, Nos. 4 and 5, finally inform us that Govinda III. conquered the realm of the ruler of LA ta (the region between the Mahi and the Tapti, and between the sea and the Sahyadris), and made it over to his brother Indra, some time before the year 812. If we now read in the Radhaupar grant (No. 3) that the same Govinda III. conquered or drove into fight the Garjara, while on the same expedition he afterwards re The identification of Bhinmal with Pilomolo' belongs to Major J. W. Watson, whose services to the history of GajarAt I have had to acknowledge so frequently. Bhinm Al had two older names, Srim Ala and Bhillem Ala The latter is, I think, le parent of the modora one on our maps, and is represented by Pilomolo.' The Arabic Pahlmahl represents also BhillamAlA. Merutunga stats ceived the submission of the king of Mala va, and a visit from king Maras ar va on the slopes of the Vindhyas, we are, I think, justified in arranging these facts in the following manner : Govinda III. advanced from the highlands of the Dekban by the pass of Bansda or by that of Dharmapur into the districts which are now called Southern Gujarat, and which were formerly considered thenorthernmost part of the Konkana. Next he crossed the Tapti and invaded the Lata, and took this country from the Gurjaras, driving them northwards. After disposing of them, he turned his attention to Malava. This country he may have reached, in case he did not pursue the Gurjaras as far as Bhinmal, by the Dohad-Dhar or Harsol-Ratlam routes. If he did march upon and occupy the Gurjara capital, he had to take the Idar-Dungarpur or the Komalmer pass through the Aravali. He must next have marched right across Malava in order to reach the Vindhyas. Probably he crossed their western portion as he returned to his Dekhan home. It is parely owing to the Radhanpur plate that we are able to give this sketch of Govinda's great expedition to the west, and that we can at last connect two hitherto detached pieces of the history of Gujarat, the Gurjara and the Rathor periods. After Govinda had passed the rainy season at Sribhavana, he marched to the banks of the Tunga bhadra (No.2, v.15, No. 3, v. 18) and again subdued the Palla vas, whom his father had conquered already, and "whose wealth was resting in his hands also." He, apparently, had to undertake an expedition against a foe who, though formerly humbled and made tributary, had again began to lift his head. Finally he ordered the lord of Vengi (No. 2, v. 16, No. 3, v. 19) into his presence, and made him assist in building or fortifying a city. Vengi is the ancient name of the eastern coast between the mouths of the Godavari and Krishna. The tract which Govinda III. either temporarily or permanently brought under his sway extends therefore from the western to the eastern coast, and from the Marvad desert and the Vindhyas in the north to beyond the Tungabhadra in the south. His dominions that Bhoja of Dher called SrimAll-Bhillamala because its people allowed th> puet Magha to die in want. Several castee now met with in Gujarat and Bajputana call them. solves, from the first form, Srimall. 1 I am not able to identify this place. But I feel certain that it is not Cowldurga, in Mysore,' as Mr. Wathen's informanta stated

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64 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. were certainly very considerable, and he fully deserves his titles, Jagattunga or Jagadrudra. Govinda bore, besides these two biradas, three others,-Prithvivallabha, the husband of the earth' (Nos. 2, 3, 4, and 5); Srivallabha, 'the husband of Fortune' (No. 3); and Prabhuta varsha, 'the showerer of prodigious (wealth)' (Nos. 2 and 3). Both his grants are dated from May u rakhandi (No. 3), or Mayurakhindi (No. 2), no doubt the modern Morkhanda, a hill-fort north of V an, in the Nasik district. It does not seem likely to me that this place was his capital, though it may have been an occasional place of residence. For Indian princes do not usually govern their dominions from lonely forts. Govinda's grants are both dated Saka 730, or 808-9 A.D., and it is probable that he did not reign much longer. For, firstly, the number of his wars which the grants mention shows that he must have reigned a good many years before they were issued. Secondly, the manner in which the grant of his nephew Karka (No. 4) speaks of him indicates that he was dead at the time of its issue, i.e. Saka 734, or A.D. 812-13. We shall probably not go far wrong if we place the end of his reign in 810 A.D. His accession to the throne may be put about 785 A.D. Not much is known regarding Govinda III.'s successor, his son Amoghavarsha (No. 6, v. 9, No. 8, v. 9, No. 9, v. 3). We do not even know his real name. For Amoghavarsha, 'he who showers not in vain,' is nothing but a biruda. But the one fact which No. 8 mentions, viz. that his capital was at Manyakheta*, the modern Malkhed, in the Nizam's territory, is of great importance. For it permits the identification of the Dekhani Rathors with the Balharas of the Muhammadan geographers of the tenth century. This identification has already been proposed by Dr. Bhau Daji, who correctly perceived that Tod's wild guess about the Bal ka rai, or Valabhi raja,' and Reinaud's identification with Malavaraja, could not stand. The arguments in favour of Dr. Bhau Daji's view are as follows:-Both Ibn Khordadbaht This, not Mandyakheta, is the correct form of the name: see S. P. Pandit, Ind. Ant. vol. I. p. 206, and the facsimile of grant No. 6. Elliott, The History of India by its own Historians, vol. I. p. 13. [MARCH, 1877. and Masudit allege that Balhara meant king of kings,' and was a title which all kings of the dynasty bore. The corresponding Sanskrit word can only have been Bhattaraka, which means lord,' or 'supreme ruler.' Now, as grants Nos. 2, 3, 6, 7, and 8 show, all the kings of the Rathor dynasty affected the title para mr-bhattaraka, 'supreme lord.' Secondly, the capital of the Balhara is stated to have been Mankir. This word resembles Manyakheta, the name of the capital of Amoghavarsha and of his successors, SS very closely, and it is absolutely identical with the Prakrit form Mankhed or Mankher, which must have preceded the modern form Malkhed. The identity of the two towns is further proved by the statement that Mankir was the great centre of India, and situated 80 farsangs, or 640 miles, from the sea. A glance at the map will show that Malkhed lies almost exactly in the middle, between the western and eastern seas. Its distance from the western coast is, as the crow flies, about 350 miles. But if we assume that Masudi thought not of the straight line from the western sea, but of the distance from one of the northern ports to which the Muhammadans chiefly traded, say Khambay or Bharoch, his estimate of the distance is correct. There is another point in his notes on the town which may be used to support this identification. He says that the language spoken at Mankir is "the Kiriya, called so after the country Kira." The word kira, it is true, is not easily explained. For in Sanskrit kira means a parrot,' and its plural is a name of the Kasmirians. But with a (for the Arabic alphabet) very slight change of the diacritical points we may read Kanara, i.e. Kanada == Karnata, for Kira, i.e. s for 85; and this emendation exactly fits Malkhed, which lies just on the border of the Kanarese-speaking country. A third argument for the identity of the Rathors with the Balharas of Mankir is the circumstance that while the Muhammadan writers of the ninth and tenth centuries state that the great prince of India, the Balhara, resides at Mankir, Al Idrisi in the twelfth century asserts that Nahrwalla was his seat. Elliott: ibid. 19-24. SS Manyakheta is also named as the seat of the king in grants Nos. 6, 7, and 8. See Caldwell, Comp. Gram. Drav. Lang. p. 33.

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sAmUhika kasale sikahile na kevala canulA dalaba marula itara parIsa ne ela livara se calatA ekA dala yA kesame ghisaTAIla pa prati zuihash ma gulAbAlA vRddha talm dusmRtiharu dharAtaliH prayama yoi mAUlI GRANT OF GOVINDA III. RATHOR PLATE I sure tI sahita 7 dar pulisa TrI Adi yahI saddhimA Tule ghura chapare ra tAi ke ke dara para loga garida sadA Traka nhiiN| gaI divAza kA mahAvita laukika isa pAsa ke dekhi hai syAla sulAhAlAthita patra Indian Antiquary Vol Vl. p.65. paTTaddhadula bhAka bhAI va bhedalataM (brupaka prada he yAdava va la kabmkakSabo pada lenama kucha jerhIlAma, rAjadu moha le le suha vaha sodhika UrjA yuddha alsr kura nndnnpaan'-gd/96'dogs-n71978lo C ra sa cAratAra sa T:2

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MARCH, 1877.] We know from the inscriptions of the Chalukyas of Kalyana and from grant No. 9 that the star of the Rathors of Malkhed set in the last quarter of the tenth century, and that Tailapa (973-1008 A.D.) humbled them to the dust, and reestablished the supremacy of the Chalukyas in the Dekhan. At the same time the Chalukyas of Anhilvad (Nahrwalla) rose to importance in the latter half of the eleventh and in the twelfth century, under Jayasimha Siddharaja and his still greater successor Kumarapala; and these princes, too, assumed the title parama-bhattaraica. But to return to Amoghavarsha. It is not clear from the inscriptions if he built Manyakheta. I rather think that Manyakheta is the unnamed town which the king of Vengi fortified for Govinda III. But it seems probable that Amoghavarsha was the first Rathor who made the place his capital. The statements of the Muhammadans about the Balharas of the eighth century allow us to infer that during his reign the power and extent of the Rathor empire remained as great as under his father. The end of his reign may be placed about 835 A.D. GRANT OF GOVINDA III., RATHOR. 65 The same statement is made in the Chalukya Miraj grant, v. 27, where the name is given as Karkara. I suspect that its Sanskrit form was Karkardja. Amoghavarsha's successor is named A kalavarsha. There can be no doubt that the real name of this prince also is unknown-A kalavarsha, 'he who showers (gifts) out of season (as well as in season),' being merely an honorific title or biruda. The inscriptions give no details regarding his reign. Who really succeeded this prince is somewhat doubtful. The statements of grants Nos. 6, 8, and 9 are apparently not quite in harmony. I think, however, that if we obtained a good facsimile of the Karda plate the difficulty would be solved. As this is not within my reach, and, as I learn that a new grant of one of the later Rathors has recently been discovered and will be shortly published by Professor Bhandarkar, I pass over the remaining princes of the dynasty. I will merely remark that Kakkala, who issued grant No. 8, is the last prince of the Manyakheta dynasty. Grant No. 9, v. 9, states distinctly that he was the Rathor whom Taila paPT conquered. No. 8, Kakkala's own grant, is dated in 979 A.D., the very year of Tailapa's accession to the throne. Kakkala's fall must have come soon after. TRANSCRIPT. Plate I. (') 9 sa vovyAdvedhaso dhAma yantrAbhikamalaM kRtaM [1] harazya yasya kAntendukalayA kamalaMkRtaM [||1||] bhUSeobhavadRhadurasthalarAja (2) mAnazrI kaustubhAyatakarerupagUDhakaMNThaH [1] satyAnvito vipulacakavinirjitAricako vyaMkRSNacarito bhu-" (*) vikRSNarAjaH [ ||2|| ] pakSacchedabhavA bhRtAkhilamahAbhUbhRtkulazrAjitAt dulaMpyAdapareranekavimalabhrAjiSNu(*) ratnAnvitAt [1] cAlukyakulAdanUnavibudhavAtAtraya bAridherlakSmInmandaravatsalIlamacirAdAkRevAnvalabhaH [||3||] ( N) tasyAbhUttanayaH pratApavisarairAkrAntadigmaNDala: caMNDAMzoH sadRzopyacaNDakarataH pralhAdita kSmAtala: [1] dhoro (i) dhairyadhano vipakSavanitAvaktrAmbujazrIharo hArIkRtya yazo yadIyamanizaM dinAyikAbhirdhRtaM [ || 4 || ] jyeSTholaMghana - () jAtayApyamalayA lakSmyA sametopi saM yobhUnirmalamaNDalasthitiyuto doSAkaro na kacit [1] karNAsthitadAnasaM(8) tatibhRto yasyAnyadAnAdhikaM dAnaM vIkSya sulajitA iva dizAM prAnte sthitA diggajAH [ ||5 // ] anyena jAtu vijitaM * Line 2, rond kaNTha:. L. 8, read bhayAbhi. L. 4, rend lakSmIM mandara kRSTavAnva L. 5, read caNDAMzo:. L. 6, rend jyeSTholaMghana. 1. 7, read sanyo L. 8, read sulajjitA iba.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1877. cirAya gaMga (1) guruzaktisAramAkrAntabhUtalamananyasamAnamAnaM [1] yeneha' vaddhamavalokya ( 10 ) pUraM svanigrahabhiyeva kaliH prayAtaH [ ||6|| ] ekatrAtmavahena vArinidhinApyanyatra rudhvA ghanaM niSkRSTAri - ('') bhaToddhatena viharagrAhAtibhImena ca [] mAtaMgAnmadavAsinirjharamucaH prApyAnatAtpalavAt (12) taccitraM madalezamapyanudinaM yaspRSTavAM nakkacit [ ||7|| ] helAsvIkRtagauDarAjyakamalAmattaM pravezyAcirAt du(13) rmArgaM marumadhyamapratibalairyo vatsarAjaM valaiH [1] gauDIyaM zaradindupAdadhavalaM cchatradvayaM kevalaM 66 tasmAtrAha ( * ) ta tadyazopi kakubhAM prAnte sthitaM tatkSaNAt [ ||8|| ] labdhapratiSThamacirAya kaliM sudUramutsArya zuddhacaritairdvara(15) NItalasya [1] kRtvA punaH kRtayugazRyamapyazeSaM citraM kathaM nirUpamaH kalivalabhobhUt [ ||9] prAbhUdvairyavataH (16) tato nirupamAdinduryathA vAridheH zuddhAtmA paramezvare nataziraH saMsaktapAdaH sutaH [1] padmAnandakaraH (17) pratApasahito nityodaya: sonnateH pUrvAdrevi bhAnumAnabhimato govindarAjaH satAM [ ||10|| ] yasmi sarva(18) guNAzraye kSitipatau zrIrASTrakUTAnvayo jAte yAdagvaMzavanmadhuri [ pA] vAsIdalaMghyaH paraiH [1] dRSTAzA Plate IIA. (') vadhayaH kRtAsyasadRzA dAnena yenoddhatA muktAhAravibhUSitAsphuTAmeti pratyarthinopyarthino[||11||] pyasyAkAra- + (*) mamAnuSaM tRbhuvanavyApattirakSocitaM kRSNasyeva nirIkSya yacchati pitaryaikAdhipatyaM bhuvaH AstAM tAta ta (5) vaitadapratihatA dattA tvayA kaMNThikA kinAjJeva mayA dhRteti pitaraM yuktaM vaco yobhyadhAt [ // 12 // ] tasmi svarga (1) vibhUSaNAya janake jAte yazaH zeSatAmekIbhUya samudyatAM vasumatIM saMhAramAdhicchayA [1] vicchAyAM (') sahasA vyadhatta nRpatInekopi yo dvAdaza khyAtAnapyadhikapratApaveisaraiH saMvarta korkAniva [ // 13 // ] yenA(1) vyantadayAlunAtha nigaDaklezAdapAsyAyatAt svaM dezaM gamitopi darpavisarAdyaH prAtikUlye sthitaH [I] yA(7) vana bhrukuTI lalATaphalake yasyonate lakSyate vikSepeNa vijitya tAvadacirAdvaddhaH sa gaMgaH punaH [ // 14 // ] saM +L. 10, aksharas 4-10, as well as the last, are very indistinct on tho plate L. 12, read yatspRSTavAna L. 13, read I. 15, rend yugazriyaM L. 17, read yasminsa L. 18. The restoration has been made socording to the Van Dindori grant. chata II. 1, read kRtAH susadRzA rend 'vyarthinAm yasya. L. 2, read tribhuvana L. 3, read kaNThikA tasminsva L. 4, read yAte; samudyatAn mAdhitsayA vicchAyAn. L. 5. Th9 sa of HT looks like T; but the reading adopted is required on account of the sense and of the metre.

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GRANT OF GOVINDA III RATHOR - PLATE ILA A kaThAyataha marakatArakhApArayuThAritA dubA bi Ta rA (TAra ritu kaliyAI kapAla / vara lihalahAta ma ya hariharA banAyA jA skaa| (1kArale liyabadAma tIsa TAyara muddhA darAma sadaramA rAmAviSTa 8 saya parIkeTa ( yAtitapata (esanaH sadA tayAra karA yadayAnuna rAya yAcadaptara sarakArale vidA Ekhar TEAMMESSAMPLES/FIREESDAPap AAREIL2225AYADEMY ASKRITY ENEFTER.NE IN | ETERAN PRASAYARIETARTENTRESEFFERY PILEER MED27)=15555 AEATRIEVEAT) SRADESSENSIDE TEAFONE A LEARNERSE sa hayAyada bApaTA rahA sAda ko dete hai para miyA nAriyA magara nAka para sadA lAlapa:(( {rikI va 8((( cAya yA kr| sTAra Tipara ra Turisara kA dina mArie vikAsa ( dararara cAlavire (ETSYAN 19.2 14. 0Ira ( rA rA rAtA REPRENESA

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Indian Antiquary. Vol VI. pol. GRANT OF GOVINDA IL RATHOR - PLATE II B, lima) pani sTAra (82) ke 21 para hAla (adha:patanadAsa rAmAnaMda parama 4 (pAna (rAja pavAra ( basAyalA MAINMra rAvasAcArAvAsa rahirakA ki sarasalAta tarakArabATa samayAmAhA mAratAta (vArisa rAbahilaviyA mUrale vidAra riTara maharA rahata (TA sA kayAsa naSTara(razika sirayakaratara rAyA nanadara kisa arriyaa| Jha (mahi013 ( REMENT mA UCHI (padinamA la herera (ki sarakAra ha ra riTAriyA lATA rahA sAra | (8(14.sA .(((sAhitasAdara (CE NCERTOU (17 (7. (kara tAnA tara katare (dAi ra 6 ( nadayA karArAvara (hai), Tara( (bara dara (lesa (ra.. sapanA ra rasa (TA sArasa (1 pAvasAta hAya ( rA kare (sATe / yasakA sArA ra 395248 ra (zirA he . satArA machale dilara ( 1939 / /

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GRANT OF GOVINDA III., RATHOR. (a) dhAyAzu zilImukhAM svasamayAM vANAsanasyopari prAptaM varddhitavandhujIvavibhavaM padmAbhivRddhayanvi - S (1) taM [1] sanakSatramudIkSya yaM zaradRtuM parjanyavagurjaro naSTaH kApi bhayAttathA na samaraM sva(10) mepi pazyedyathA [ ||15|| ] yatpAdAnatimAtra kaikazaraNAmAlokya lakSmIM nijAM dUrAnmAlavanA(1) yako nayaparo yaM prANamatprAMjaliH [] ko vidvAM valinA sahAlpavalakasparddhAM vidhatte parAM nI(4) testadvi phalaM yadAtmaparayora | dhikya saMvedanaM [ || 16 || ] viMdhyAdreH kaTake niviSTakaTakaM zrulA carairya nijaiH svaM dezaM (15) samupAgataM dhruvamiva jJAtvA bhiyA preritaH [] mArazarvamahIpatirdutamA [gA ] daprApta pUrvaiH paraiH yasyecchAma(*) nukUlayaM kuladhanaiH pAdau praNAmairapi [||17|| ] nItvA zrIbhavane ghanAghanaghanavyAptAMvarAM prAvRSa MARCH, 1877.] 67 tasmA (1) dAgatavAM samaM nijavalairA tuMgabhadrAtaTaM [[] tatrasthaH svakarasthitAmapi punarniHzeSamAkRSTavAM vikSepairapi ('') citramAnataripuryaH palavAnAM zRya [ || 18 || ] lekhAhAramukhoditArddhavacasA yatraitya veMgIzvaro nityaM kiMkaravadvaca (7) dhAdavirataH karma svazarmecchayA [] bAhyAlIvRtirasya yena racitA vyomAgralagnA na cet rAtrau mauktikemAli(cha) kAmiva dhRtA mUrddhasthatArAgaNaiH [ ||19|| ] saMtrAsAtparacakrarAjakamagAttarbhUva sevA vidhiH vyAvadvAMjali(1) zobhitena zaraNaM mUrdhnA yadaMhRdvayaM [] yadyadattaparArddhabhUSaNagaNairnAlaMkRtaM [ta]ttayA mAbhaiSI Plate II B. (') riti satyapAlitayazasthityA yathA tagirA [I] 201 [ / / ] tenedamanilavidyucaMcalamavalokya jIvitamasAraM [i] kSiti(*) dAnaparamapuNyaH pravartito brahmadAyoyaM [ // 21 // |] sa ca paramabhaTTAraka mahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrIma( ) dvArAvarSadevapAdAnudhyAtaparamabharamabhATTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvara pRthvI valabhazrImatprabhU (') tavarSazrIzrIvallabhanarendradeva : kuzalI sarvAneva yathA saMvadhyamAnakAM rASTrapativiSayapatigrAmakUTAkUyu(Ga) takaniyuktakAdhikArikamahattarAdIM samAdizatyastu vaH saMviditaM yathA zrImayUrakhaNDIsamAvAsite(1) na mayA mAtApitrorAtmanazcaihikAmuSmika puNyayazobhivRddhaye tigaMvivAstavyatattraividyasAmAnyatettirIya(') yasabrahmacAribhAradvAjasagotranAgaiyyabhaTTa pautrAya candriyammagahiyasAhasa putrAya SL. 8, read zilImukhAnsvasamayAn. L. 11, read vidvAnva. L. 13. The restoration of 'gA' is made according to the Van Dindori plate. I. 14, read nukUlayan I. 15, read dAgatavAn mAkRSTavAn. L. 16, read zriyaM. L. 17, read maukti4. L. 18. Dele Visarga after faft, or write faft. L. 19, read yadadhidvayaM. The insertion of ta before tathA is required by the metre and by the sense. L. 1. The sign used for 20 at the end of the Prasasti paramezvarabha of the grant is B 'tha.' It slightly differs from the form of the syllable used otherwise in the grant. The latter is written. It is the only instance of the syllabic notation. of numerals hitherto observed on Rathor grants. Read vidyucca L. 3, read paramabhaTTAraka; 'pRthvIvallabha L. 4, read narendra saMvadhyamAnakAn kUTAyu I. 5, read mahattarAdIn - L. 6, read taittirIya... L. 7, Dele the first akshara of the line.

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68. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1877. () hoya rAsiyanabhuktyantargataH rattajjuNanAmagrAma: tasya cAghATanAni pUrvataH sinhA nadI dakSiNata:ba-* (1) vulAlA pazcimataH miriyaThANa uttarataH vaDahagrAma: evameva caturAghATanopalakSitaH tathA a(1) nantaviSNubhaTTavibhuduvejhagoindramatharaMgaTisavaibhaTTacandaribhaTTakRSNanAgabhaTTamAdha(") vairiyaghuviTTapudevaNoyyabhaTTarAyeyyabhaTTetyevamAdipramukhAnAM brAhmaNA(12) nAM catvArezamahAjanasamanvitAnAM rattajuNagrAmaH . sodraMgaH saparikaraH sa(") dazAparAdhaH sabhUtopAttapratyAyaH sotpadyamAnaviSTikaH sadhAnyahiraNyAdeyaH acATa(') bhadaprAvezyaH sarvarAjakIyAnAmahastaprakSepaNIyaH AcandrArkArNavakSitisaritparvata(') samakAlInaH putrapautrAnvayakramopabhogyaH pUrvaprattadevabrAhmadAyarahitobhyantarasidhyA bhU(") micchidranyAyena za[ka]nRpakAlAtItasaMvatsarazateSu saptasu dRzaduttareSu sarvajinnAni saMvatsa(") re zrAvaNabahula amAvAsyAM sUryagrahaNaparvaNi balicasvaizyadevAgrihotrapaJcamahAyajJa(") kRyotsarpaNArthaM snAtvAdyodakAtisargeNa pratipAditaH yatosyocitayA brahmadAyasthityA (") bhaMjato bhojayataH kRSato karSayataH pratidizato vA na kaizcidalpApi paripaMthanAM kAryA Translation. | bhrillsulabhrijital), which is difficult to con1. Om! May he protect you, the lotus on quer for others (durlanghyudaparaih), and which whose navel has been made the dwelling-place contains many pure resplendent gems (anekaof Brahma and Hara, whose forehead is adorned vimalabhrdjish ruratnanvitat), just as Mount by the lovely moon-sickle. Mandara, surrounded by a large crowd of im2. There was a truthful king on earth mortals (vibudha), tore the goddess of Fortune called Krishnaraja, whose throat was hid. (Lakshmi) from the ocean, which derives lustre den by the twining arms of Fortune and by the from all the great mountains that, afraid of far-reaching rays of the royal insignia, which the loss of their wings, sought its protection glittered on his broad chest, just as Krishna's (pakshachchhedabhayasritakhilamahabhubhsitkrthroat is hidden by che twining arms of Lak- labhrajitat) is difficult to cross for other (beings) shmi and the far-reaching rays of the Kaustr. (durlanghyadapiraih), and which contains vabha, who, though he conquered a host of foes rious pure resplendent jewels (anekavimalabhra. with his large army (chalenu), just as Krishna jishnuratnanvitat). with his huge war-disc (chakra), lived a pure 4. To him was born a son, (called) Dhora, (akrishna) life. I whose only wealth was fortitude ; who, though 3. He (who was also called) Vallabha,and in conquering the universe by the expansion who was surrounded by a large crowd of ex- of his fierceness he resembled the god' with the ceedingly wise (Pandits, vibudha), in sport and fierce rays, still gladdened the earth by the swiftly tore Fortune (lakshmi) from the ocean- lightness of his taxes (achandaleratah), [while like Chalokya race, which derives lustre from the sun torments it by the fierceness of its rays numerous powerful princes that, afraid of the (chandakaratah)], who destroyed the beauty of destruction of their partizans, sought its pro- the lotus faces of the wives of his enemies, tection (pakshachchhedabhayasritakhilamahabha- whose fame the nymphs that guard the quarters *L.8, read 'TAya. L.9, "meva is not distinet on the plate. Metre Vasantatilaka. The verse contains a seriits of puns. Each epithet bas a double meaning, and fita both the But the reading must either be this or 4 . L. 15, read king and the god Krishna. Compare also the Kavi grant, siddhacA. L. 16, read triMzadu.. L. 7, read amAvAsyAyAM v. 12. The verse is also the second of the Van Dindori grant, but Mr. Wathen's Pandit has not seen all the vaizvadevA'. L.18, read kriyA. L. 19. dele AnushAra over poetical finesses which it contains. The double meaning of dyatakan has escaped him entirely. paripanthanA. $ Metre sardulavikridita. Mr. Wathen's Pandit has + Metre Anushfubh. Compare the Kavi grant (Ind. Ant. misunderstood this verse also, which likewise stands third vol. V. p. 114, note) and the Van Dindori grant, v. l. on the Van Dindori plates.--'Gems,' i.. illustrious princes.

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MARCH, 1877.] GRANT OF GOVINDA III.. BATHOR. 69 of the universe wove into pearl strings and ever victor in battle, and formidable on account of its wore. roaming monsters, -elephants shedding streams 5. Though he was endowed with a splen- of ichor (mada),t he never became in the least dour acquired by a rebellion against his elder intoxicated (mada) with his glory. brother (jyeshthollanghana), still (that splen. 8. Swiftly driving Vatsaraja, who was dour) was pure and, established in a faultless intoxicated with the wealth of the kingdom of realm (nirmala mandala), he was never dis- Gauda that he had easily acquired, on an evil figured by any blot (doshakarz), and he thas road into the heart of Maru (land), he took resembled and surpassed the moon that is en- from him not only the two royal paragols or dowed with a pure splendour after passing the Ganda, resplendent like the rays of the autom. constellation Jyeshtha, and is surrounded by a nal moon, but also, at thesame moment, his fame, spotless halo (nirmala mandala), but always that had reached the extremities of the universe. disfigured by a blot (doshakara)]. Seeing his 9. Wonderful it is how Nirupama came liberality, which surpassed the liberality (dana) to be called) Kalivallabha ('the beloved of the of all other men, the guardian elephants of Kaliyuga'), since by his pure life he drove the quarters that are covered with streams Kali, who had gained a firm footing, swiftly jar of ichor (dana) issuing from beneath their ears, away, and entirely restored on earth the splenhave placed themselves, deeply ashamed, as it dour of the (golden) Ksita age. S were, at the extremities of the four regions of 10. From that constant Nirupama sprang the universe. a son, who is honoured by good men, called 6. Seeing that he (Dhora) had conquered Govindaraja, who may be likened to the impetuons Ganga, who, forsooth, had not been moon produced from the ocean, since he was pare vanquished by others, who excelled through in mind, just as the moon is pure in splendour : venerable regal qualities, who had conquered since his feet were touched by the heads of the the world and possessed a pride not common greatest princes, just as the rays of the moon to others, Kali fled, fearing lest he also should touch the proud head of the supreme lord be punished. (Siva); and since he was the favourite of For. 7. Wonderful it is that having obtained tune (padmanandakara), just as the moon glad. from the humbly bowing Pallava, -whom on 1 dens the night-lotases; who also resembles the theone side (Dhora's) ocean-like Cavalry pressed, sun that comes from the lofty mountain of the that exulted over its crushed foes, that roamed east, since he is endowed with valour (pratapa). about and was formidable on account of its just as the sun is possessed of exceeding heat bravery, while on the other side the self-moving (pratapa); and since he is always prosperous (niocean restrained him, that is uproarious like a tyodaya), just as the sun rises daily (nityorlaya). || Metre sdrd dlavikridita. Pratapa, which I have ren- Metre Vasantatilaka. The Van Dindori reading (v. 6) dered simply by ' fierceness,' has really a double meaning, anyondajatavijitam is nonsense; gangam param, for applied to the king it means 'valour, prowess' applied gangaparam is admissible. Mr. Wathen's translation is ar to the sun it means 'exceeding heat. The tertium com- atter failure, which partly is owing to the misreading parationis between the king's fame and the pearl strings of the first words, and partly to his not having been that of the Digndyikas is the brilliancy or 'whiteness' (wa Ganga is the name of the king who is mentioned below,Hindu would say) common to both. The verse is the v. 12 Van Dindori, and v. 14 Radhanpar. I do not think 4th of the Van Dindorf grant. that any allusion to the "flood of the Ganges" is intendec. Metre sardalavikridita. The verse is identical with The reading of our plate, gangapdram, is decidedly against Van Dindorf 5, though Mr. Wathen's and my renderings the supposition that a pun is intended. differ very considerably. There are only two pointa in his version which require to be noticed. Firstly, it is possible t Metre sdrd alavikridita. Vaha, which I have transto translate with him jyeshthollang hanajataya, 'acquired lated by 'cavalry,' may possibly mean 'army.' The dic. tionaries give neither meaning. Bat the sense of the pas. by overcoming the goddess Jyeshthi or Misfortune, which gage cannot be doubtful. Graha, which I have rendered by is represented as the elder sister of Fortune. But I reject bravery,' is not mentioned in this sense in the dictionaries : this translation, because the contrast to amalay4, (never. thelese) pare,' requires that the fortune of the king should but ita synonym graha is explained by vanodyama. owe its origin to a blamable act. The emphatic state 1 Metre sard dlavikridita. The various readings of the ment that Dhors was "never disfigured by any blemish" Van Dindort plates, v. 7, are evidently caused by mistakes of also favours this explanation. In the second half-verso the decipherer. They have seriously affected the traaslation Maradhasthitadanabhritah, covered by streams of ichor & Metre Vasantatilakd. Mr. Wathen's Finlit has issuing from beneath their temples, can also be referred to utterly misunderstood the verse, because he did not the king, and be translated by endowed with a liberality in- know that Dhora was also called Nirupama, and hence ferior to that of king Karna. But I am unable to staff this could not see that Kalivallabha was another birude of the into the translation. Mr. Wathen's Pandit has had a dim idea same prince. of both these renderings. Tue hatural phenomenon which | Metre sardalavikridit. Van Dindori, v. 9, whica suggested the first series of pune is that after the month of corresponds to this floka, has been badly rendered by Jeth, in the rainy season, the moon is constantly surrounded Mr. Wathen's Pandit, who appeare not to have seen the by a halo. Wathen's varice lectiones are misreadings. double sense contained in most of the epithets. The cor

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70 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1877 11. When that prince, the abode of all good nevertheless, in his great pride, opposed him, qualities, was born, the family of the Ras h- he conquered him by a shower (of arrows), trak u tas became unconquerable to its foes, in less time than was required to observe a just as the Yadava race after the birth of the frown on his lofty brow, and swiftly fettered foe of Madhu. He clearly made his foes and him again. I his dependants resemble each other, since in 15. When the Gurjara (king) saw that consequence of his slashing (rana) the former (Govinda), the protector of the lives and wealth were made acqnainted with the extremities of of his relations, whose fortune was increasing the regions (drishtasavadhayah), were annihilated and who (was born under) an auspicious con(uddhatan), and were made to leave their food stellation, approaching with arrows placed on and their ornaments(muktahararibhashitah), and the bow (and) directed against him, he fled in (the latter) by means of his liberality (dana) | fear to some (unknown hiding-place), so that were made to see the limits of their desires even in his dreams he had no hope of giving (drishtasavadhayah), were made proud (ud- battle; just as the clouds (disappear) at the dhatah), and were adorned with pearl necklaces approach of the autumnal season, wbich in (muktaharavibhushitah). creases the splendour of the Bandhujiva flowers, 12. When his father, seeing his superhuman which is favourable to the growth of lotuses, form fitted like that of Krishna to protect the and during which the stars shine with partiworld from ruin, offered him the sole supremacy cular brilliancy. over the earth, he addressed to him this seemly 16. The politic-lord of Malaya, seeing answer :-"Let it be, father! That belongs to from afar that the only safety for his prosperity thee; have I not kept the necklace bestowed lay in submission at (Govinda's) feet, bowed to by thee, like an order that must not be dis- him with joined hands. What wise man of obeyed P". small power would engage in a desperate conflict 13. When that parent had gone to adorn with a powerful (antagonist)? For the result heaven, and nothing was left of him but his of a study of the rules of) polity is that one fame, (Govinda,) resembling the world-destroy- learns to estimate accurately one's own and the ing fire that extinguishes the (twelve) suns (at enemy's strength.ll the end of the kalpa), bereft, though alone, by 17. Prince Ma rasarva, learning through means of superior valour, twelve famous kings his spies that (Govinda) had pitched his camp of their lustre, who, allied, were bent on de- on the slopes of the Vind hy a hills, and constroying the earth through their desire of ac- sidering him as already within his country, quickquiring its possession. ly went, impelled by fear, to satisfy his desires 14. Exceedingly compassionate, he liberated with excellent heirlooms (such as he had) not Ganga from his protracted, painful captivity, before obtained, and (to worship) his feet by and sent him to his country. When (Ganga) | prostrations. T parison of Nirapa us to the ocean and to the mountain of to have been left out accidentally. I do not feel certain the east indicates that the poet attributes to him gam- about the ulterior meaning of kanthika, a necklace." bherya, 'depth of mind,' and unmatatva, loftineas. Com. Was it a sign of the dignity of Yuvaraja? pare also the description of Guhasena in the Valabhi + Metre sardalautkrivita. The Van Dindort grant, 11 grants. The moon-sickle is one of the well-known attri b and c, gives three padag of this sloka. The omission bates of Siva; hence the elaborate pun on paramefuiron. of the fourth is no doubt accidental, as the remainder natasira sansaktpadah. I am not quite certain about gives no sense. Ita various readings vasumatin and my translation of pad nidnanda kara. I dissolve padmayd duddaufan are ungrammatical. The construction of eam - lakshmyd anandan karotiti padanandakarah. Bat pad dyata with the accusative sath haram is unusual. The ma may be a N. pr., or be taken as a synonym of send, infinitive sarhartum is required. 'army, since one of the senllvydhas is called padmi. 1 Metre sardalivikridit. Compare Van Dindori, v 1 Metre sardala. In the first half of the verge Govin- 12, where the text shows an erroneous varia lectio, and daraja is compared to Krishna. The end of the second the translation is an utter failure. Regarding Ganga comhalf offends against the rules of versification, as it is con- pare above, v. 6. Vik shepa, which I have rendered by a nected by Sandhi with v. 12. Such connexion is only shower, may possibly have a technical meaning, as in the permissible in the case of two pads of the same stanza. Gurjara grants of Dadda II. The text of the Van Dindori grant, v. 10, avoids this. Metre Sirdalavikridita. The first part of the coinBut if its reading orthinam is to be retained, svagadriah pound padmabhivriddhyanvit: if referred to the king in must be changed to susad riidk, which perhaps is the padma-Lakshmi. Regarding the importance of the verse. correct reading. Mr. Wathen's Par Vit has not understood compare above. the second half. Mr. Wathen's own suggestion to change | Metre sirdalavikridit. Compare Van Dindori 13, the rashtrak ulansvrye of the Van Dindori grant to rustrt. the text of which contains a mistake, yit for yarh. The k atan ucuyo is shown to be correct by the reading of our grant. translation is on the whole correct, though not socurate. * Metre sardal wikriiti, The Van Dindori grant has Metre sirdila. Compare Van Dindori. v. 14, the ouly the second half of this verse, lla. The first seems translation of which is satisfactory except in the last pada, infniti vitung mis ragasanin construeerimateminde

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MARCR, 1877.) GRANT OF GOVINDA III., RATHOR. 71 18. Having passed the rainy season, during which the sky is covered by dense clouds, at Sribhavana, he marched thence with his army to the banks of Tung abhadra. Tarrying there, he whose foes are submissive again drew towards himself, by showers (of arrows) even-oh, wonder!-the entire wealth of the Pallava 8, though he already held it in his hand. 19. In obedience to one brief half-sentence which (Govinda) sent by the mouth of his messenger, the lord of Vengi came thither and worked for him like a servant without cessation, desiring his own welfare. If the external circumvallation raised by him for his master has not stack to the summit of the heavens, then the star-crowds above-head wear it as their pearl-garland.+ 20. Out of fear many hostile kings, their beads (bowing, and) adorned by their hands joined in supplication, bent on doing service to him, came to his two feet for protection. Those feet were not so much ornamented by priceless jewels, the gifts of various (princes), as by his word " Fear not," which was famed for its trustworthiness. I 21. He, perceiving this life to be unstable like the wind or the lightning, and worthless, bas effected this gift to a Brahman, which is most meritorious because it consists of a grant of land. And he, the supreme lord, the supreme ruler of the kings of kings, the husband of the earth, the illustrious prince Srivallabha, (called also) Prabh u ta varsha, who meditates on the feet of the supreme lord, the supreme ruler of the kings of kings, the illustrious Dharivars hadeva, being in good health, (thus) admonishes all rulers of provinces, rulers of zillas, heads of villages, officials, officers, and persons in authority, aldermen, and all others, whatever their connexion (with his government) may be : "Be it known to you that I, residing at Sri Mayurakhand i have given to-day-after having bathed, and confirming the gift by a libation of water--on the new moon of the month Sravana, when an eclipse of the sun took place, in the year of the Brihaspati cycle) called Sarvajit,ll after seven hundred and thirty years from the time of the Saka king had passed, for the increase of my own and my parents' spiritual merit and fame both in this world and in the next, the village of Ratajuna, situated in the Rasiyana bhukti, T-the boundaries of which are to the east the river Siih A,* to the south Va vulAla, to the west Miriya thana, and to the north the village of Vada ha-together with ....., together with ...... together with the right of) fine and (deciding cases arising out of) the ten flaws, together with its natural and adventitious produce, together with the right of forced labour, and together with its taxes in grain and gold, formerly granted gifts to gods and Brahmans being excluded, which is not to be entered by irregular or regular soldiers, nor to be meddled with by royal officers, to Paramesvarabhatta the son of Chandriyamma-Gahiyasahasa and the grandson of Nagaiyyabhatta, who dwells at Tiga mbi, is one of the Trivedis of that place, studies the Taittiriyaveda, and belongs to the Bharadvaja gotra,t as well as to the chief Brahmans and forty Mihajans, viz. Anantavishnubhatta, Vibhuduvejhago (P), Indramatharangati, Sarvaibhatta, Chandaribhatta, Krishoanagaibhatta, Madhavairiyaghavitthapudeva, Noyyabhatta (?), RAyebhatta, and others--the same village being to be enjoyed by his sons, grandsons, and their lineal descendants as long ay the moon, the sun, the ocean, the earth, the rivers, and the hills endure,-according to the reasoning from the familiar instance of the ground and the clefts therein,- for defraying the cost of Bali, Charu, and Vaisvadeva offerings, of an Agnihotra, and the five great sacrifices, &c. Metre sardala. Compare Van Dindorf, v. 14. The plain meaning of the second half of the verse is that Govinda again subjected and plundered the Pallavas, whom his father had already subdued ; compare above, v. 7. 1 Metre sardala. Vahyal, which I translate by 'external,' is not to be traced elsewhere. It seems to be compound of vahya and all. The accusative malikam is angrammatical. The poet seems to have employed it in order to avoid a hiatus. The meaning of the whole verse is that the king of Yengi built for Govinda the walls of a town or fort, which were exceedingly high. I Metre sdrdluke Metre Arya. | The year Sarvajit corresponds to Saka 731. T Probably the modern Rasin, in the Ahmadnagar col lectorate, which is still the chief town of a taluk. . Apparently the Sind, which joins the Bhima river. + This passage is somewhat doubtful. The word Rota. junagrama is repeated in the text, and the names of the Brahmans and Mahjans now enumerated stand in the genitive, not in the dative as the name of Parameavarabbatta. The village was, therefore, not given to be shared by them, but they were probably merely allowed to live there. I am not certain that I have correctly divided the string of Telingana names.

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72 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. PEDIGREE OF THE RATHORS OF MALKHED, OR BALHARAS, FROM ABOUT 660 To 850 A.D. I. Govinda I. [A.D. 660.] (Grants 1, 4, 5.) II. Karka I. [A.D. 685.] (Grants 1, 4, 5.) III. Indra I. [710 A.D.] (Grants 1, 5.) V. a. Krishna I. [A.D. 755.] (Grants 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9.) b. Vallabha. IV. a. Dantidurga [A.D. 725-755]. (Grants 1, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9.) b. Dantivarma. (Grant 1.) c. Prithvivallabha. (Grant 1.) d. Khadgavaloka (P). (Grant 1.) Saka 675. VI. a. Govinda II. [A.D. 765.] (Grants 1, 6, 8.) b. Vallabha. (Grant 5.) VIII. a. Govinda [785-810 A.D.], Saka 730. (Grants 2, 3, 4, 5.) b. Prithvivallabha. (Grants 2, 3, 4, 5.) c. Srivallabha. (Grant 3.) [MARCH, 1877. VII. a. Dhruva [A.D. 770]. (Grants 4, 5.) b. Dhora [Paura]. (Grants 2, 3.) c. Nirupama. (Grants 2, 3, 6, 8, 9.) d. Dharavarsha. (Grants 2, 3.) e. Kallivallabha. (Grants 2, 3.) Gujarat Branch. No. XXVII. I continue with the Chalukyas of V atapinagari, or Eada mi, and afterwards of Kalyana, of whom I have already given a notice at Vol. V., pp. 67 et seqq. The present inscription is a copper-plate grant from Sir W. Elliot's facsimile collection, obtained by him from General Fraser, and a transcription of it is given at p. 19 of Vol. I. of his MS. collection now with me. The original belonged to the Jain Guru, Mahendra san tayya, of the Begam Bazar at Haidarabad in the Dekkan; it consists of three plates, about 74" long by 3" broad. The characters are those of the Cave-alphabet, not yet fully developed into the Old Canarese 1. Indra. (Grants 4, 5.) T 2a. Karka, Saka 734. (Grants 4. 5.) 6. Suvarnavarsha. d. Prabhatavarsha. (Grants 2, 3.) e. Jagattunga. (Grants 6, 8.) f. Jagadradra. (Grant 9.) IX. Amoghavarsha [A.D. 810]. (Grants 6, 8, 9.) X. Akalavarsha [A.D. 835]. (Grants 6, 8, 9.) 1 &c. &c. down to Kakkala or Karkara, overthrown by Tailapa of Kalyana between 973 and 990. SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S. (Continued from p. 32.) 3a. Govinda, Saka 749. (Grant 5.) b. Prabhatavarsha. alphabet, and the language is Sanskrit. The impression does not show whether there is any emblem on the ring connecting the plates. It records a grant by the Great King Satyasraya, or Pulikesi II. of my previous notice, in the Sak a year 535.* This inscription introduces the first uncertainty in the history of the Chalukyas. For, whereas we find in No. XIII. that Pulikesi II. was reigning in Sak a 507, we now have the Sa ka year 535 spoken of as the third year of his reign. I can only suggest the fol lowing explanation of this discrepancy. It is well known that the Western and Eastern Chaluky a dynasties were separated in the persons of respectively Palikesi II. and his younger According to the original, "five hundred and thirty-four years of the Saka king having elapsed."

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COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYA DYNASTY. DATED SAKA 535. Indian Antiquary, Vol. VI. p. 72. - ferup Everheres efter EQREM BAISELE OLLUS$6518 Cup Erffuefore kh`kraammh  maaymiiram3002.3arn 591834# 5 fayers 8 5 5 = FR 09882r8oEFORE flere preffurflen ABSGPB Erytrcta 232e8883 rs J & B13A(1 m. 18 nering chuengs45 ) 3 s3k 5 6 0 0% 1. tuun888888823TGx433 4 5 mma miy 523 J3337 Satures JS" ch" JAgo 0 amii 3 e`s258 orris 385 31355 9 ngm 38 39 9 -28 Rank:558 (6 Ferregate 29 Sro & PCP 32 ut of Ehitu erzse up Pro 13 " & EP 8.0 f IP68 8" "T5JIA chm USE FR 18) "r 27 3285 8" ngng ngng +

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SCALE. 0.96 OF THE ORIGINAL Griges Photo-litla London, W SP BEES gue y la Seu Liste bron of PriklP S fuzy robiszneg lureres Eco BeF: POPE roce fees septspel speele 3 E 420 perkaterim 671zR.URTS DRUGI forze Puric gelili tsi tlv E de ga kayvdv lii (r)dv . BBP8cfbeen focuPLGY effefale137:ssas Emrse & e & frente nos presuppo f7s2 BSC Ber: meyrag DATED SAKA 535. COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYA DYNASTY.

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SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. brother Ku bja-Vishnuvardhana. The exact date of the latter has not yet been determined, no inscription of his own time being known of; but, calculating backwards by means of inscriptions which give the duration of the reigns of him and his successors of the Eastern dynasty, Dr. Burnellt places it at about A.D. 630, or $ aka 552. It may well be that the two dynasties were separated in Saka 533, and that Pulikeei II. was then installed afresh on the throne of the Western branch of the family, at the same time when his younger brother, after being already united with him in the government as Yuvaraja, according to the * usual custom, was installed as the separate sovereign of the Eastern branch. The expres sicn made use of in line 11 of the present | successors as the Eastern Chalukyas.' inscription," in the third year of my own installation in the sovereignty,"-seems to point to some such ceremony having been gone through, and thus to support this suggestion. And, the duration of the reign of Kubja-Vishnuvardhan a being always recorded as eighteen years, -if we take Saka 533 as the starting-point, the computation agrees closely enough with the Gate otherwise arrived at by Dr. Burnell. The separation of the two dynasties in the persons of Pulikesi II. and his younger brother is a historical fact, whatever the exact date of the occurrence may be. Accordingly, in future notices I shall speak of the successors of Pulikesi II as the Western Chalukyas' and of Kubja-Vishnuvardhana and his Transcription. First plate. [3] vasti [1] zrImatAM sakalo (la) bhuvanasaMstUyamAnamAnavyasagotrANAM hArI (ri) tIputrANAM sa [2] lokamAtRbhiH saptamAtRbhirabhivarddhitAnAM kArttikeyAnugraha parirakSaNaprAbhagavanArAyaNaprasAdasamAsAditavarAhalA MARCH, 1877.] [3] prakalyANaparaMparANAM [4] JchanekSaNavazIkRtAzeSamahIbhRtAM [5] azvamedhAvabhRthasnAnapavitrIkRtagApasya [6] polikezivalabha mahArAjasya [)] patimaNDalapratibaddhavizuddhakIrtipatAkaspa [8] rAjasya tanayo [17] sanidhi: (15) NArthamudakapU pautraH [13] padAmAvAsyAyAM [14] vAptaye vAsiSThasagotrAya [15] caturvedAvara (1) kulanAmadheyAya [16] kyuttarataH sopanidhiH nayavinayAdiguNavibhuM (bhU) vyAzrayaH Second plate; first side. (*) zrayathinInalabhamahArAjaH samarazatasaMghaTTasaMsaktaparanRpatiparA [10] jayopalabdhaparamezvarAparanAmadheya : sarvAnAjJApacayastu vo viditaM mavAtApInagarI madhitiSThatAtmanaH pravarddhamAnarAjyAbhiSeka saMvatsare [11] yA tRtI [12] ye zakanRpatisaMvatsarateSu catustriMzAdhikeSu paJcasvaSu bhAdra mAtApitrorAtmanaH puNyAtagarAdhivAsine rolkU grAmaH sUryyagrahaNanimittaM calikyAnAM kadappayAmadakSiNataH sakklRptaH kulamalaMkariSNu (SNoH) satyAzrayazrIparAkramAkAntavananAmA (spA) diparanRkIrtivarmmavallabhamahAzrIsatyA [u] dattaH +I do not know of any mention of this person in the grants of the Western dynasty; but his elder brother is always mentioned, usually under the name of Satyasraya Second plate; second side. taitirIyAya jyeSThazarmaNe mAkara pinama 78 soparikaraH ayamasmadAyo paJcamahAyajJanirvRpanyairAgAminRpatibhiranuma Vallabhendra, in such of the grants of the Eastern dynasty as trace the genealogy back to Kirttivarma I., the father of the two brothers. + so. Ind Pal, p. 19.

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74. [19] [layo [20] haretsa vanIyazya varddhanIyazva [21] vANi [22] uktaJca [5] rAjabhistagarAdibhiH narakaM bhagavatA [MARCH, 1877. [1] yo bAjJAnAdajaramamare vAtmAnaM manyamAno papacamahApAtakasaMyuktaH bahUni kalpasaha [24] tadA phalaM [25] matAM zreSThaM (STha) [20] modati bhUmidaH [27] vAsu [28] yante bhUmidAnaM [29] martyayazaskarANi [30] dhupunarAdadItaH (ta) THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. vasati [] pa pAlayati tAnyeva vedavyAsena vyAsena [1] yasya yasya Third plate. [11] [1] sadaat parada vA yatnAdrakSa dAnAcchreyo nupAlanaM Hui paSTi Accha (cche ) tA cAnumantA ca tAnyeva narake zuSkakoTaravAsinaH kRSNAhayo haranti ye [1] dattAni yAnIha purA nirmAlyavAntapratimAni tAni ko [0] iti Translation. Hail! The grandson of the Great King Satyasraya-Sri-Polikesivallabha, whose body was purified by ablutions performed after celebrating horse-sacrifices, and who adorned the family of the glorious Chaliky ass, who are of the kindred of Mana vya which is praised over the whole world, and who are the descendants of Hariti, and who have been nourished by seven mothers who are the seven mothers of mankind, and who have attained an uninterrupted continuity of prosperity by the favour and protection of Kart tikeya, and who have had all kings made subject to them by the mere sight of the sign of the Boar which they acquired through the favour of the holy Narayana;-the son of the Great King Kirttivarmavallabha, the banner of whose pure fame was hung up in the territories of the hostile kings of Vanavasi and other countries that had been invaded by his prowess;-the favourite of the world, the Great King Sri Satya SS This form of the name is not of very common occur rence. The other forms are Chalkya, probably the oldest and original form,-Chalukya,-and Chalukya. Tradition,as recorded in a stone-tablet inscription at the temple of Lokesvaradeva. at Handarike in the Haidarabad territories ; Ell. MS., I. 612, states that the Chalukyas sprang from the spray of a waterpot (chulka, chuluka, chaluka) when Hariti, who wore five tufts of hair on his head, was pouring out a libation to the gods. yadA The seven divine mothers, or personified energies of the principal_deities; viz.. Brahmi or Brahmani, Vaishnavi, Mahesvarf Kanmari, Virahi, Indrani, and Chananda. They are also reckoned as sometimes eight, sometimes svargaM vasati [1] bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA bhUmistasya tasya mahI yudhiSThira mahIM varSasahakhANi vaset [11] vindhyA svarge pi jA narendreH dAnAni dha nAma sA [11] 6 sraya, who is the abode of the power of statesmanship and humility and other good qualities, and who has acquired the second name of Supreme Lord' by victory over hostile kings who applied themselves to the contest of a hundred battles, issues his com - mands to all people : "Be it known to you that, five hundred and thirty-four of the years of the Saka king having elapsed, in the third year of my own installation in the sovereignty, on the day of the new-moon of (the month) Bhadra. pada, on account of an eclipse of the sunt, in order that my parents may acquire my own religious merit, the village of Ma k arappi, with its treasures and deposits and assignments and major taxes++, to the north of (the village of) Rolkuruki and to the south of the village of Kadappa, has been given by me, while governing (at) the city of Vatapinagari, with libations of water, for the purpose of celebrating the five great sacrificess, to Jyeshtha sarma, whose family nine, and sometimes sixteen in number. They are figured several times in the sculptures at Elora. Crest, signet, or ehsign. * Parameivara. The computation of this eclipse would be interesting. -ED. The meaning of klipta and uparikara is somewhat doubtful. SS The Brahmaya jna, or offering of prayer or of repeating the Veda; Devayaja, or burnt sacrifice offered to the gods; Pitriyajna, or sacrifice offered to the Manes; Manushyayajna or Nriyajna, or the sacrifice or act of hospitality due to guests and Bhatayajna, or the oblation of food, &c. to all created beings.

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MARCH, 1877.] SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 75 name is Umbarakhe da, of the kindred of Saka era, or in the year of Vikra ma diVasishtha and of the school of the Tait- tya's reign. The language, again, is decidedly tiriyas, an inhabitant of the city of) Ta- more inaccurate than is usually the case. And garall, who is acquainted with the four Vo- the concluding passage, which commences in das. This my gift should be recognized and in- line 34, and which, in addition to its irregularcreased by other kings who may come after me. ity of diction, contains the Prakrit or Marathi He shall incur the guilt of the five great sins word pannas, ' fifty', is in all probability a later and shall dwell for many thousands of ages in addition, an attempt being made to imitate the hell, who, through ignorance or because he antique writing. But, down to line 34, the esteems himself incapable of decay or immortal, characters of the original appear to be genuinely may confiscate it; he, who preserves it, shall antique. dwell for the same duration of time in heaven!" The genealogy differs from that of the And it has been said by the holy Vyasa, Y 8 w Or stone-tablet inscription, followed by the arranger of the Vedas :-Land has been Sir W. Elliot and transcribed in Vol. I., v. 258, enjoyed by many kings, commencing with Sa- of his MS. collection, which gives Amara as gara, &c.! 0 Yudhishthira, best of the son of Pulike si II. and Aditya varmi kings !, carefully preserve land that has been as the son of Amara, and makes Vikram - given, whether by thyself or by another; pre- ditya I. the son of Aditya varma and, servation (of a grant) is better than making a thus, the great-grandson of Pol'i kesi II. grant! He, who bestows land, enjoys happiness in With reference to this discrepancy in the geneheaven for sixty thousand years; he, who revokes alogical account, I have to remark,-on the one (a grant) or connives at such an act, shall hand;-1, that, down to the mention of Vikradwell for the same number of years in hell! maditya-Tribhuvana malla (Saka 998 They, who woonfiscate a grant of land, are born to 1049), the genealogy given in the Y & wur as black serpents, dwelling in dried-up hollow inscription only professes to be derived from trees in the forests of the Vindhya moun. somo unspecified copper-plate grant of earlier tains, which are destitute of water! What date; and 2, that the inscriptions of Vina y agood man would resume those gifts which have ditya I., the son of Vikramaditya I., been made in former times by kings, and which which I shall give in another paper, agree produce piety and wealth and fame, but which, with the present in making Vikramaditya (if revoked), are like the remains of an oblation I. the son of Pulike si II., and in omitting that are vomited forth ?! any mention of Amara and Aditya varma. No. XXVIII. And, on the other hand; that, as the reign of This is a Western Chaluk ya copper-plate Vinay aditya I. commenced in Sak a 602grant from Sir W. Elliot's facsimile collection, 3, then if only Vikramaditya I. intervened and transcription of it is given in his MS. between him and Pulikasi II., there is, collection, Vol. I, p. 17. The original, which taking into consideration the date which is belonged to the same person as the original of allotted to Pulike si II. in No. XIII. of this No. XXVII., and was also obtained through series, a full century occupied, at first sight, Gen. Fraser, consists of three plates about 81" only by the two reigns of Pulike si II. and long by 37" broad. The facsimile does not show Vikramaditya I. In line 16 of this inwhether there is any emblem on the ring with scription, however, we have a distinct indicawhich the plates are strong together. The cha- tion that Vikramaditya I. did not imracters are of much the same standard as those mediately succeed his father, whoever that of No. XXVII., and the language is Sanskrit. father was, Lat was ousted for a time. And, It records a grant made by Vikra ma- if we admit the possibility of this fact of an inditya I, or Vikramaditya-Satya- terruption of the rule of the Chalu kyan sray a, the son of Polikes i II. being due to their having no capable leader by No date is given, either in the year of the reason of Vikramaditya I. being only of Probably the ancient city mentioned by the author of giri), not far from the cave temples of Elora.-E. the Periplus and Ptolemy, and of which the remains may Viz., killing a Brahman, drinking intoxicating lite, be traced over a wide area, on the plateau to the south of theft, adultery with the wife of a spiritual preceptor's wa Rozah, about four miles from Daulatabad (formerly Deve- associating with any one guilty of these crimes.

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76 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. MARCH, 1877. tender years at the time of the death of Puli- fesses only to be based upon an earlier copperkes1 II., and allow that the reign of Puli- plate grant, and consequently is, at the best, k 8 41 II. continued till about Saka 550, which of only precisely the same authority as a copis perfectly possible, the lapse of time is suffi- per-plate grant; and it has, moreover, all the ciently well accounted for. style of being a tonched-up and amplified verIn the case of such a discrepancy as the sion of the original. present, between a stone-tablet and a copper- ___Accordingly, I accept VikramadityaI. plate grant, I should be inclined, caeteris paribus, as the son, and not the grandson, of Puli kesi to allow a preferential authority to the stone- II. And I would further suggest the probabitablet, as being a record of a more public lity of Amara and Adityavarma being nature and in every way less easy to fabricate. really not of the Chaluk ya family at all, but But, in the present instance, we have the con- two of the three confederate kings, who seized comitant testimony of other copper-plate grants upon the sovereignty after the reign of Puli. in support of the one under notice. And the kosi II., and from whom Vikran, aditya stone-tablet, with which it is at variance, pro- | I. wrested it again. Transcription. First plate. [1] svasti [u] jayatyAviSkRtaM viSNo rAhaM zobhitArNavaM dakSiNona(na)tadaMSTrAgra[2] vizrAntabhuvanaM vapuH [u] zrImatAM sakalabhuvanasaMstUyamAnamAnavyasa[3] gotrANAM hAriti(tI)putrANAM saptalokamAtRbhi(bhiH) saptamAtRbhirabhivAtA[4] nAM kArtikeyaparirakSaNaprAptakalyANaparamparANAM bhagavannA[6] rAyaNaprasAdasamAsAditavarAhalAJchanekSaNakSaNava[8] zIkRtAzeSamahIbhRtAM calukyAnAM kulamala (laM)kaM (ka)riSNorazvamedhAvabhR[7] thasnAnapavitrIkRtagAtrasya zrIpulakezivallabhamahArAjasya prapo[8] traH parAkramAkrAntavanavAsyAdiparanRpatimaNDalapraNibaddhavizu[9] dvakIrti (ti)zrIkIrti (tti)varmapri(pR)thivIvallabhamahArAjasya pautraH samara Second plate; first side. [10] saMsaktasakalottarApathezvarazrIharSavarddhanaparAjayopalabdhaparame[11] zvara(rA)paranA(nA)madheyasya satyAzrayazrIpri(pa)thivIvala bhimahArAjAdhirAjapa[12] ramezvarasya priyatanayaH citrakaNThAkhyapravaraturaMgameNe]kenaiva [13] preritA(to) nekasamaramukheSu ripunRpatirudhirajalasvAdanarasAnAyamanajva-* [[14] li(?Li)tadhavaLanizitanistri(khi)zaM(za)dhArayA dhRtadharaNIbharabhujagabhoga[15] sazanijabhujavijitavijigISuH AtmakavacAmamAnekapra[16] hAra(ra.) svaguro(roH) zriyamavanipatitritA(tayA)ntaritAmAtmaka sAka(kR)ya kRtakA[17] dhiSThitAzeSarAjyabharastasmitrAjyatrayeNa vinaSTAni devasvaM (sva)brahma[18] deyAni dharmayazobhivRddhayeM . svamukhena sthApitavAna(na) raNazirasi [19] ripunarendrAdizi dizi jitvA svavaMzajAn lakSmI(kSmI) prAptaparamezva * Some emendation seems necessary here. I would This 'syllable--na-is superfluous, as the locativo suggest jala-svadana-nama-rasdyana-jvalita, and have rdjya-traye is required with tasmin. Or, if rd jya-trayana adopted this in my translation. | in to be upheld, tasmin must be corrected into tina.. * This syllable,-ka-issuperfluons, the nsnal form, and, | We must read here either sva-vavinsa-janam, or sear Iapprehend, the only correct form, being atmasat-kritya. | vailaba-jam.

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GIRES Photo lith. London W pakupti V PS 33 DE En plus 318, prin care Hys AUD @friere fraffet pa Paper PE02 cowoce CZ ZGOL? }na Y COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYA DYNASTY.

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MARCH, 1877.) SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 77 Second plate; second side. [20] ratAmanivAritA vikramAditya (tyA) [u] api ca mRditanarasiMhayazasA vi[A] hite(ta)mahendrapratApavilayena nayana vijitezvareNa prabhuNA [22] zrIvallabhena jitaH kRtapalavamaI (do) dakSiNadigyuvatimattakAJcI(Jci)kAyo(yAM) [3] bhRzamAbhiranApi sutarA(rA) zrIvallabhavamidaM vahati svamartyavanta raNa[24] rasikazrImadurubalaskandha(ndho) yo rAjamalazabdavihitamahAmala[25] kulapArAjitasya [i] dula(la)gha(naya)duSkaravibhedavizAlasAlA dugdhadusta[26] rabRhatparikhApari(rI)tA agrAhi yena jayatezvarapotarAja(ja)kAJcIva [27] dakSiNa dizAkSitipena kAJcI [1] sa vikramAkrAntasakalamahImaNDalAdhi[28] rAjyo vikramAdityasatyAzrayazrIpri(gha)thivIvalabhamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezva[29] ra: sAnevamAjJApayati ] viditamastu vo smAbhiH kauzikasagotrasya Third plate. [30] nandisvAminA(ne) kRccA(cchrA)tikRchra(cchra)cAndrAyaNAdikena bahuvidhena tapasA sakala. [31] vedAntaparamAAdhigatasatatve(ttvA)na(ya) kaNNaviSaye kandugullAmagrAmapUrva[32] syAndizi cintakuNThanAmagrAmo dattaH [0] kAzyapasagotrasya zAntizarmasoma[39] yAjina(ne) hAritasagotrasya azititarkasya AdityazarmaNe somayAjina [38] etayoyo [ra"]pi grAmArddhandattam [u] bharadvAjagotrasya agunyu(?)[35] bhoyopidizarmaNe dvAdazabhAgaH dAmazarma eka[38] bhAgaH lohasvAmi ekabhAgaH mANDavyagotrasya bhalasvAmi e. [37] kabhAgaH bAdizarma ekabhAgaH pidizarma ekabhAgaH kAzyapago[38] trasya niz2a(?)bhoyodoNazarma ekabhAgaH gandabhoyo ekabhAgaH [] [39] grAme sambe pannAsabhAgam Translation. I purified by ablutions performed after celeHail! Victorious is the body, which was brating horse-sacrifices, and who adorned the that of a Boar, that was manifested of Vishnu, family of the Chalu k yas, who are of the which agitated the ocean, and which had the kindred of Manavya (&c., as in No.XXVII.); earth resting upon the tip of its up-lifted right --the grandson of the favourite of the world, tusk! the Great King Sri-Kirttivarma, whose The great-grandson of the Great King fame was established in the territories (&c., as Sri-Pulakeki-vallabha, whose body was in No. XXVII.) ;-the beloved son of the mAma Some verb, such aachakara,'he made', or prdpayam- | SProbably tho ronding intended in mahamala-kularit dsa, has to be supplied here to complete the sentence. pardjitavdn. * A better reading would be naya for nayana, as the Probably the reading intended is adhtta-tarkaya. latter is hardly capable of use in the sense of maya orniti ** This letter is omitted altogether in the original. Ht From here to the end the characters are of a larger and which is evidently intended here. inferior type, and this portion seems to have been added at + The reading intended is probably, abhiramann-api. a later data. The language also is very inaccurate, and the I The letters are clear, but what they are intended for use in the last line of the Prakpit or Markthi word pannas, is not very spparent. | 'fifty', is peculiar.

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78 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1877 favourite of the world, the Great King, the supreme king, the supreme Lord, Satya- sraya, who was possessed of the second name of Supreme Lord' acquired by defeating srl Harshavardhana, the warlike lord of all the country of the north ;-(was) Vikram - ditya, who,-borne by one horse of the breed called Chitrakanth ag, and having with his arm, that was like the coils of the serpent who sustains the burden of the earth, conquered those who were desirons of conquering him,-though many blows fell upon his armour, acquired for with his pure and sharp and cruel sword that was irradiated by the elixir which consisted of tasting the blood of the hostile kings in the front ranks of many battles, the royalty of his father, which had been interrupted by a confederacy|l of three kings, and who, having effected the subordination of the whole king. dom to one (sovereign), reestablished, by his own (word of) month, in order to increase his piety and fame, the grants which had been made to gods and Brahmans, but had been destroyed by those three reigns, and, having conquered the hostile kings in country after country in the van of war, without any impediment (made) the goddess of the fortunes of those of his lineage to possess the position of supreme lordship. And again, when he was conquered by the 'lord, Sri-Vallabha, who' trampled upon the fame of Narasimhat and etfecced the destruction of Mahendra prat apa and surpassed even i svara in the art of government, -he achieved the rain of the Palla v&s, and, thongh delighting much in KAichikat, which is, as it were, the wanton girdle of the woman who is the country of the south, he bears preeminently, the condition of being the favourite of the goddess of fortune. Having shoulders that delighted in war and were glorious and of great strength, he con I Cf. No. XIII., Transcr., 1. 11, Vol. V., p. 70. $Sc., speckle-throated.' Tritaya, a collection of three', denotes clearly some confederacy that was formed against Vikramaditya. Probably the reference is to the three kings of Chola, Pandya, and Kerala, who, as we learn from the inscriptions of Viday&ditya I., were conquered by Vikramaditya I. Or, the reference may be to the Trair&jya-Pallavas, 'the Pallavas, whose kingdom consists of three dominions', of Vinayadi. tya's inscriptions, who were conquered by Vinayaditya at the command of his father, Vikramaditya, and whose lead. er, previously overcome also by Vikramaditya himself, is described as having been "the cause of the humiliation of that family (of the Chalukyas) which was as pare as the rays of the moon." T See note to line 20 of the text, as it stands in the original, the sentence is incomplete, being without a verb. quered that family of mighty wrestlers|who were possessed of the title of Royal Wrestler.' By him, the ruler of the southern region, was Kaichi captured, the mighty abode of enmity that was hard to be surmounted and difficult to be borne, -which was girt about by a moat that was very deep and difficult to be crossed, and which was as it were the girdle of the sea-king Jaya tosvara. He, Vikramaditya-Satyasra ya, the favourite of the world, the Great King, the supreme king, the supreme lord, who possesses the supreme sovereignty over all the countries of the world, which have been invaded by his prow. ess, thus issues his commands to all people : "Be it known to you. The village of Chinta kuntha, to the east of the village of Kandugu!, in the district of Kanna, has been given by us to Nandis vami, of the lineage of Kasya pa, who has attained the excellence of the supreme knowledge of the whole of the Vedanta by means of his manifold penances which comprise the Krichchhra and Atikrichchhra and Chandrdyana and other ascetic exercises. And half of a village each has been given to Santisarm of the lineage of Kas y apa, who celebrates the Soma sacrifice, and Adityasarma, of the lineage of Harita, who has studied the science of reasoning, and who celebrates the Som a sacrifice." Twelve shares were given) to Agundubh o y opid disarma, and one to Damasarma, and one to Lo ha sva mi, of the Bharad v aja gotra. One share was given) to Bhallas ve mi, and one to Badi. sarma, and one to Pidisarma, of the Mandavya gotra. One share was given to Nijubhoyd dona sarma, and one to Gandab h 0 y 0, of the Kasyap gotra. In the whole village there are fifty shares. . I do not know to what dynasties Sri-Vallabha and Mahendra prat&pa belong. From the context, Sri Vallabha may perhaps be a Pallava king. # Whether the god or some king is alluded to, is not clear. I K oht, the capital of the Pallavas : Hoe No. XIII., Transcr., 1. 14, Vol. V., p. 70. $ See note s to line 23 of the texty which is corrapt here. What particular family is alluded to, is not clear. It was probably from this conquest that the Chalukyas came to assume, 48 secondary Dames, titles ending in malla, Yudhamalla, Abavamalla, Tribhuvanamalla, &c. Pataraja, lit. the king of ships.' Who Jayattavars was, I do not know. * See note it to l. 84 of the text.

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MABCH, 1877.) MISCELLANEA. 79 MISCELLANEA. NOTES ON THE MUHARRAM FESTIVAL. the strongest resemblance to the mutual visits of I have seen many accounts of the Muharram Hindu idols borne in rathe (chariots) or pallis, ceremonies, and it is well known that the Indian to the distribution of ashes from Gosains' fires, form of them is confined to this country, and even the wild fire-dances of the Holi, and the occahere regarded with disfavour by many of the more sional sacrifice of life under the wheels of the educated Sunnis. I do not think, however, that rathe. attention has been drawn to their exceeding re W. F. SINCLAIR. semblance, as observed in some places, to the Hindu processions of gods' cars and palicie. In the THE DERIVATION OF THE WORD 'MEHWASI.'. course of my own service I have been obliged to The derivation of the little words 'Mehwasi' spend many weary hours in the saddle, keeping and 'Meh w&s,' so commonly used in Gujarat, has order about the tabuts, but never noticed this not, as far as I know, been hitherto attempted, feature of the festival so much as this year. The except by Sir John Malcolm, Central India, vol. I. scene was Kalyan, a port of the Thana collectorate, inhabited by about 12,000 souls, of whom, p. 216, where he says:-"The chiefs on tho Ner budda are generally called Mowassee, which at the outside, about 2,500 are Muhammadans. Nearly all these are of the Sunni sect, and of the refers to the place they have chosen for their race called Konkani Musalmans,--descended chief residence, mowass signifying, in the colloquial dialect of the country, a stronghold or fastness." ly, I believe, from Arab settlers on the coast. There were half-a-dozen tabuts and as many panjds, The words occur in the Persian histories of the province, and are commonly used in the English or standards. On the ninth night of the Muharrem most of the correspondence and records regarding Gujarat. In the Persian histories the word is generally panjas and one tabut paraded particular streets used in conjunction with the word Girds, thus with music and lights. This is ngual; what is, I believe, less so is that each of the panjds went to Girds and Mehwds, or in contradistinction to Rasti or settled districts. Both Colonel Walker visit its neighbours, when greetings were ex and Mr. Kinloch Forbes use the word Mehude changed by bows of the Punch and Judy sort, and by a dance of the attendants of both host and as signifying country inhabited by turbulent guest round a hole full of fire. The rest of the tribes,' or strong country' where those who exer* fun of the fair' was of the usual type,-shouts cised control over the province could with diffi. culty penetrate; and, in its modern meaning, a of Din' and 'Ulld,' fireworks, dances, Meh was holding, no doubt, implies tho possession "Songs and quavers, roaring, humming, of a inore than ordinary amount of independence, Guitars, and every other sort of strumming." On the tenth day, when the tabuts were taken and the absence, more or less, of the subordination to be cooled (thanda karnd) in a tank, the start which distinguishes other more ordinary tenures. and progress of every one of them was impeded But the original signification of the word, as far as I am able to ascertain, is merely & contraction by dozens of Hindu women rushing out with for Mahiw&si,' or dweller on the Mahi;' female infants, whose noses and ears it is consi Mehwds would therefore be a dwelling on the dered auspicious to pierce for the first time literally Mahi,' and I believe both Mehwds and Mehwasi under the tdbut. Some brought out water to are used only in Gujarat and part of Malwa, in pour out under the tabuts (not before them), and which latter province the Mahf has its source. every one threw sweetmeats and coloured threads Dr. Buhler informs me that he considers this deriupon them, the fall of which on the ground was thought a great misfortune. vation the correct ono, and that there are analo gous derivations. Thus he quotes mahisha Some of the tabuts belonged to the tombs of Sanskrit for 'buffalo,' which has been contracted saints, and each of these had before it a censer, the ashes from which were distributed by attend. into mhens =bhens, and other words. And Joshi ant faqers to Hindu women (at one house, at least, Atamram Dulabhram of Baroda informs me that to Brahmanis), who made themselves "beautiful this view is supported by the following blola :for ever" therewith on the spot, and in the sight of all men. Whenever one tabut came to the place of an mahI mahImaMDalagA vibhAti other, or of a panjd, both solemnly circumambu. prabhUtacaurA nivasati yatra lated the firepits, and the attendants danced round them also, both before and after. bAlopi caurataruNopi cauraIt is impossible not to see in these ceremonies UEFT T That -r: 1111

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80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. "The river Mahi is one of the most excellent in the world. There reside only thieves; Children even are thieves, the young men are also thieves, And except thieves women give birth to none other." Under the Marathas, as is well known, tributary Gujarat was divided into two portions, viz. Mahi Kantha and Kathiawad, and this broad definition of the Mahi banks would include all the Mehwas holdings. The sloka quoted sufficiently shows the predatory character of the inhabitants from the earliest times. The first instance of the use of this word that I am acquainted with, occurs in the Dvaiashardya (see Ind. Ant. vol. IV. p. 74), and it is there translated as 'forest.' This shows that so far back as early in the 12th century Samivat the word was in common use for a holding in difficult country. Mr. Sinclair has drawn my attention to Professor Dowson's notes to Minhaj-us-Siraj (Elliot, vol. II.); and while I cannot agree with that distinguished scholar that so palpably Aryan a word as 'Meh was' is derived from the Semitic root // / E rsy it seems probable that the word r my or sy Mehwas' or Mewas' had become so generally accepted a term for a holding in difficult country, like that on the banks of the Mahi, that it may have reached distant Dihli, and thus come to Minhaj-us-Siraj's knowledge. JOHN W. WATSON, Acting Political Agent, Rewa Kant ha. EXPLORATIONS AT KORKEI AND KAYAL. BY THE REV. DR. R. CALDWELL. I visited Korkei once many years ago, and, though my visit was a hurried, one, yet from what I saw, and from the inquiries I made, I came to the conclusion that Korkei (in Tamil properly Kolkei, euphonized into Korkei), though now so insignificant, was to be identified with the Kol you of the Greeks, which Lassen had identified with Kilakarei, a place on the Madura coast. The Greeks came to Koaxo, to purchase pearls, certainly soon after the Christian era,-probably many years before, and represented it as the head-quarters of the pearl trade between Cape Kumari and the place they called Kopu, properly Koti, now R& mesvaram, which was also an emporium of the same trade. It must have been regarded as a considerable place at that time, seeing that from its name they called the Gulf of Mannar the Kolchic Gulf. It was easy to conclude also that this was the Korkei to which all native traditions pointed as the cradle of South Indian civilization, the place [MARCH, 1877. where the three brothers Cheran, Cholan, and Pandyan were said to have been born and brought up, and from whence they set forth to form dyaasties and kingdoms,-or, as might more readily be admitted, the place where the rule of the Pandy as commenced, and from whence they afterwards migrated to Madura. The meaning of the name Korkei is an army, a camp.' The interest of this identification was heightened by the conclusion at which I arrived at the same time, that an insignificant place called Old K & y a 1, about halfway between Korkei and the sea, was to be identified with the Cael of Marco Polo, the most important city and seaport on the eastern coast of India during the Middle Ages. (See Colonel Yule's Marco Polo.) The sites of two famous places were thus discovered in the same neighbourhood, and a glance at the geology of the neighbourhood disclosed the reason why each had been abandoned in turn. Both places are situated on the delta of the T&mraparni,Korkei within five, Kayal within two miles of the sea, and each was originally on the sea-coast. As the silt accumulated in the sea near the mouth of the river, or as the land rose,-or from both causes,-Korkei was found at length to be too far inland for the convenience of a sea-borne trade, and Kayal (meaning a lagoon opening into the sea') rose in its stead on the sea-shore, and attained to still greater dimensions. Kayal carried on an immense direct trade with China and Arabia, the evidences of which are found lying all over the open plain on which the city stood. In time, however, through the continuous operation of the same causes, Kayal came to be too far from the sea; and accordingly, shortly after the Portuguese arrived on the Coromandel Coast, they abandoned Kayal, and established themselves instead at Tuticorin, which has ever since been the principal seaport of Tinnevelly, there being no river near to silt up the harbour and roads. It would seem as if Korkei, though probably never so important an emporium of trade as Kayal, must at one time have been nearly as large. This is proved by the relics of pottery, &c. scattered about the country for miles, and especially by the circumstance that places, such as Akkasalei ('the Mint"), which are now at a distance from Korkei, are ascertained, by the inscriptions I have found on the walls of the temples, to have been portions of Korkei originally. Whilst in Korkei and the neighbourhood I employed ten or twelve coolies for four days to make excavations here and there, under the superintendence of one of my assistants; whilst it was made the duty of the choir boys-much more a pleasure to them than a duty-to examine every shovelful of the earth that was thrown up, to see whether it contained any objects of interest. The Collector

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MARCH, 1877.] MISCELLANEA. 81 of the District, Mr. Stuart, kindly sent me a peon, the neighbourhood to find some traces of the Greeks, to let the people of the place see that nothing but in this I was doomed to be disappointed. The illegal or improper was going to be done, and in ancient level of the village is about eight feet below return I sent him a list of the articles found, its present level, which of itself is a proof of great though unfortunately they were of no particular antiquity. When the diggers reached this depth interest. they invariably found traces of human habitations, The geology of the place seemed to me more in- shreds of Indian pottery, &c., but nothing of the teresting than its antiquities. The whole of the nature I hoped to find. On the surface we found country in this neighbourhood is included in the two Singhalese copper coins (I conclude them to delta of the Tamr& parni, the great river of be Singhalese from the management of the draTinnevelly; and this place is situated in the last- pery), but the inscriptions were quite obliterated. formed portion of the delta, lowest and nearest I also found two images of Buddha, sitting, in the sea, so that the mode in which the delta was his usual attitude of contemplation. One of them formed, which is doubtless more or less the mode in was out in the fields, the other in the village. I which all deltas have been formed, could be easily | suspected that the latter was worshipped, though studied. The upper stratum is composed of stiff it was known to belong to a different religion. alluvial clay, which had been brought down by the The people strenuously denied this, but one morn. river and deposited in the bed of the adjacent sea. ing when I happened to pass I saw a garland of Every portion of this allavium contains sea-shells flowers which had been placed by some person in great abundance, not merely sea-shore shells, round its neck. The person who did so evidently but deep-sea shells, such as the chank and the pearl. thought that if ever Buddha got his head above Oyster. So abundant are they that in places where water again, he had a chance of being rememthe surface of the ground has been washed away by bered for good! The most interesting things that rain, and cultivation has not been carried on, were found were three of those mysterious sepulthe white shell-covered surface glitters almost like chral urns which have hitherto puzzled everybody. water in the moonlight, and in some places as you The natives know nothing about them, and the walk along the roads, especially near Maraman- common opinion amongst Europeans is that they galam, the shells go crackling under your feet pertained to a race which died out, but of which as they would by the sea-shore when the tide is out. no relic remains except these urns. The urns are This being the last formed portion of the delta, made of the ordinary pottery of the country, but the alluvial stratum is very shallow. The average there are always some little vessels found inside, depth cannot be more than six feet, and at the bot. some of which are beautifully shaped, with a polish toms of tanks I have found it no more than three. or glaze which the potters of these days cannot Underneath this I invariably found a layer of grit- imitate. Two of the urns I found contained no stone (called by the people" salt-stone"), rarely bones, but only traces of bone-dust; but one, a more than a foot in thickness, composed of the monster urn, 11 feet in circumference-unfortularger grains of sex-sand, such as lie on the surface, nately found broken--contained a complete set of mixed with comminuted shells. This had evident- entire human bones, including a perfect skull. ly been the surface of the ancient sea-bed, for un- The circumstances in which this urn was found derneath I invariably came upon beautiful white were very interesting. The people to whom it sea-sand, in smaller grains, containing great quan- belonged had dug down through the alluvial soil tities of unbroken shells. Doubtless the grit stone of the delta and the grit-stone till they came to the had been formed by the infiltration of the alluvium white sea-sand, and in this they had deposited the from above. I found it impossible to ascertain the urn. The grit-stone had then partially re-formed depth of the sand, or what it rested on, for after all round, and I found the cavity of the skull filled digging into it for a few feet the hole always got up with grit-stone. The notion invariably enterfilled with water, and the water flowed in so fast tained by the natives of these days is that the that baling out was useless. Strange to say, some people buried in these urns were a race of pygmies, of the shells I found in this ancient sea-bed re- but the bones found in this urn were admitted by tained a portion of their original colour. One in the nativos who were standing about when it was particular--a Conus-looked as if it had been alive opened to be those of a full-grown man of the only a few years ago. What makes this so remark- usual size. Strange to say, a deputation of women able is that this portion of the delta must have been came to my tent one day for the purpose of seeing inhabited at least 2500 years ago, and it must have the bones. been many ages earlier that the deposition of the I visited Old K& y al (Marco Polo's Cael) alluvium commenced. twice, and set my excavators at work for a day in I hoped by making excavations in Korke i and a place about two miles from the present village,

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82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. which represents only the western boundary of the ancient city. At a depth of three feet beneath the present surface they came on the chunammed floor of a house, but found nothing of importance. The extent of the site of Kayal was so great that it would take a month, instead of a single day merely, to explore it properly. I found, however, the whole surface of the ground, literally for miles, covered with evidences of the perfect truth of Marco Polo's statements respecting the trade of the place, confirmed by those of the Muhammadan historians. According to those statements, K &y al was frequented by great numbers of vessels from the Arabian coast and from China-(junks),in one of which latter Marco Polo himself arrived; and accordingly I picked up everywhere on the open plain broken pieces of China porcelain of all qualities, and broken pieces of Arabian pottery. I could easily, if I had chosen, have collected a cartload, but the pieces had been broken again and again by the plough and the feet of bullocks, so that, though the material in each case was ob vious enough, all trace of the shape of the article had disappeared. Old Kayal, or what remains of it, is now inhabited almost exclusively by Labbis (native Muhammadans) and Roman Catholic fisher men. The people of these parts, as generally through. out India, have not the remotest notion of the object Europeans have in view in searching for antiquities. Whatever we may say, they think our real object is to endeavour to discover hidden treasures; and this they consider a very risky business, for all hidden treasures are in the custody of demons, who will not allow them to be rifled with impunity. At Korkei, before my explorations commenced, many of the people expressed an earnest hope that I would not make any excava tions near any temple or image, because, although very likely there might be treasure underneath, the demons in charge would be so enraged that they would destroy the village outright. I assured the people that I would take care not to come near any temple or image, and I scrupulously kept my word. My old friend Manikavasagar of Arumugamangalam professes to have received a dreadful fright some years ago from the demons that watch over hidden treasure, when he heiped Mr. Puckle, the then Collector of Tinnevelly, to make some explorations near Kayal. The night after the first day's exploration a she-demon appeared to him in From the appendix to the Rev. Dr. Caldwell's Second Journal of Evangelistic Work in Tinnevelly, 1876. Vide Col. Yale's Marco Polo, 2nd ed. 1875, vol. II. p. 857. The five Brother-Kings were descendants of the old Pandion race, and gave themselves the title of the Pancha-Pandeyal, acknowledging no subordination to any other prince. In the Pandion Chronicle the great king [MARCH, 1877. a dream, and asked him in terrible tones how he dared to meddle with her treasures. In the morning when he awoke, he found-dreadful to relatethat his feet were fastened round the back of his neck in such a way that he was unable to loose them without assistance! I need scarcely add that no further part in the exploration was taken by him. I wanted him to tell me the story; but he was afraid, I suppose, I should laugh at him, and so I failed; but he told it quite gravely to my assistants, and has told the story so often that he evidently believes it himself now. Even Europeans, it seems, are not quite so free from danger as they suppose. Many years ago there was a Collector of Tinnevelly, it is said, who determined to dig for the treasure which was believed to have been hidden in a certain place by a woman who intended to make use of it in some subsequent birth, and which for the time being, of course, was under the custody of demons. He was warned that something dreadful would happen, but, being an European, he did not care. He pitched his tent near the place, and the whole of the first day was occupied by himself, his peons, and his coolies in digging. At length, as night drew on, they came to a carefully built stone receptacle; and, justly concluding that this was the place where the treasure was hidden, the Collector set a watch over it and went to sleep in his tent, with the intention of opening the stone receptacle the next morning. The next morning came, and the Collector found himself, not in his tent, but in bed in his own bungalow at Palamkotta; the tent was found pitched at the other side of the river, and of the excavations that had been made the previous day not a trace remained !* EXCAVATIONS AT KAYAL. THE Cael of Ma Polo having been identified by Dr. Caldwell as K & y a 1, a port at the mouth of the Tamraparni river, in Tinnevelly, ... The ancient city-whose name signifies a lagoonwas one of those enormous emporiums of the East, the first mentioned of which is Ophir. At Kayal the sea has greatly receded, for the Tamraparni river, rushing down through the clays and ricefields of Tinnevelly, has, in the course of centuries, made for itself a large delta. The Cael (Kayal) of Marco Polo is thus described by him+:-"Cael is a great and noble city, and belongs to Ashar, the eldest of the five Brother-Kings. It is at this city that all the ships touch that come from the west, as Vishvanatha Naiker, who was installed ruler of Madura and the adjacent countries of the south in S.S. 1482 (A.D. 1559), is spoken of as defeating them. The words of the Chronicle are:-"On coming to Madur & he constructed seventy-two bastions to the fort, and appointed seventy-two Palliya-karers (Polygars), corresponding with the bastions. He also caused the fort of Tiruchinapalli to be

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MARCH, 1877.) 83 MISCELLANEA. from Hormos, and from Kis, and from Aden, and all Arabia, laden with horses and with other things for sale. And this brings a great concourse of people from the country round about, and so there is great business done in the city of Cael. The king possesses vast treasures, and wears upon his person great store of rich jewels. He maintains great state, and administers his kingdom with great equity, and extends great favourto merchants and foreigners, so that they are very glad to visit his city. This king has some 300 wives; for in those parts the man who has inost wives is most thought of." Marco Polo goes on to speak of the One mother of the five Brother-Kings of the South India of his day, of whom the chief was the king of Cael, and to all of whom, in their disputes, the mother, who was then alive, acted as a mediator. He also alludes to the use of the betel-leaf in Cael. The following extracts (dated June 23, Shepherd's-land--Ideiyarkddu, Tinnevelly), from a private letter by Dr. Caldwell, written on the outskirts of Kayal, will be read with interest: I set my coolies last evening to dig for sepul. chral urns in the lowest ground in the neighbourhood. These are 'jare'--matonmattantii-in which a race of people, of whom nothing is known, used to bury 8 Before long they found one in the deepest part of a tank which is now dry. It was a nouster, eleven feet in circumference. Unfortunately it had been so often soaked in water that it was found broken in three. The contents, however, were perfect, the bones of a man with an exceed. ingly perfect skull. There is a small hole in one part of the skull, apparently made by a weapon. The grand interest, however, is this. This place is a portion of the Tamraparni delta, and the ancient people had dug right through the alluvium of the delta till they had come to the white seasand underneath, in which they had deposited the urn. The upper stratum of the sea-sand has generally turned into a grit-stone, through the infiltration of the alluvium deposited above. The grit stone accordingly had formed round the urn, and even inside, and the carity of the skull is filled with compact grit-stone! The teeth are very perfect and complete. Altogether, the skull would be an interesting addition to a naturalist's studio. I have found no traces of the Greeks here, but plenty to prove that the place is of great antiquity. I have had ten coolies digging for several days, and wherever they dig they find nothing till they get to a depth of about eight feet. Then brick floors, &c. are found. The thorough excavation of a place like this would prove very expensive. The Collector sent me a peon, to be present as a sign of Government authorization. I am to send in a list of what I find to the Government. "A certain Dr. J- of Berlin, was in Tinnevelly in the beginning of the year. He made a considerable collection of urns, skulls, &c., which he carried off to Germany without communication with the Madras authorities. For this the Collector, it is said, was reprimanded..... "I am taking the greatest possible care not to irritate the people in any way; 80 I make no excavations near their temples, and have not dug about the numerous images of Buddha, even though they are not now worshipped. There is an image of Buddha, near Ka y al, which the people have turned back upwards, and the washermen use it for beating their clothes upon ! "Saturday 24th.--I have been this morning to KAyal again, and returned. This time I went in a palanquin, and did my journey comfortably. I went two miles beyond what now remains of Kayal, and still found myself only in the centre of the remains of the great city of Marco Polo's time. I marked out several places for excavation, and left ten men to do as much work as ten men could do in a day... I intend to cross the mouth of the Tamraparni, and see Pinn ei-K A ya l.... "Yesterday my people found a couple of urus at Maramangalam. One was as large as the one found at Korkei, but empty. The meaning of that is that it only contained the bone-dust of the dead. The other was a smaller one, which my coolies were able to take out whole. It contained two beautiful little polished kalasame, or vessels. but no bones. The inside is black, and so are the kalasams...." -Atheneum, 12th August 1876. BOOK NOTICE. MUSHAKRAH FIQRA'T BIBLE: Naya 'Ahdnama. (The New on the whole Bible under the title of Maharvah Testament portion of the Annotated Paragraph Bible in Roman Urdu.) London: The Religious Triet Socy. 1876. fiqra's Bible. (We must confee that we stumble This is the first part issued of & Commentary on the threshold; the word Bible may pass, but built. He likewise conquered the five independent princes to the south, who acknowledge no earthly superior." Many of the Palliya-karers or Polygars, constituted by Vishvanaths Naiker, exjat to the present day. The estates or Pall yams, given on the feudal tenure of rendering military service and defending the bastions of the metropolitan fort allot. ted to their holders, are all well known; most of them were forfeited in the Polygar war, which fills so many pages of Wilks and Hume, and the history and traditions of each, which doubtless survive in the families, would, if collected, throw much light on the antiquities and affairs of the days of the Southern Rajas.-M. J. W. See the last chap., Appendix, to Dr. C's Comp. Gram.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1877. surely not in the English spelling.) The work is published in London by the Religious Tract Society. It extends to 534 pages royal 8vo, comprising both the text of the New Testament, and notes about equal in extent to the text itself. The whole is in the Roman character. Dissertations on several important points are given. Two carefully constructed maps enhance the value of the work.--one presenting Palestine as it was at the Christian ere, and another shoving the travels of the Apostles. It indicates progress on the part of missions in India, and a considerable amount of education as prevailing in the native Christian community, when a work of this kind is required. For we presume the Commentary is not intended chiefly for the missionaries, European or American, but for the native churches, The version adopted is that of the North India Bible Society; the commentary accompanying is now published for the first time. We must put a force on our inclinations and refrain from entering on the many and difficult questions connected with the translation of the Scriptures. Is the textus receptus to be followed even when recent investigation has shown its readings to be inaccurate P How far is it desirable that versions should be literal, striving to give the exact sense even when the idiom of the language is sacrificed P Questions of this kind start up at once; but we resolutely pass them by. One of our chief complaints against our own, generally excellent, English version, is the variety of renderings given to the same word. Much of the force of a passage is often, in this way, missed. For example, in 1 John ii. 24 the verb pavu cours three times, the repetition being emphatic and significant; but, with ingenious perversity, the English translators dissipate the force of the passage by using three different words-abide, continue, remain. We have just now turned to the Valgate, and find it nees maneo once, and permaneo twice, which is a near approach to what we insist on. In the version before us we find two different words employed-baend once, and rahnd twice. We object to this, though the rendering is better than that of the English translation. So in Heb. xii. 27, 28, our translation gives two words-shaken and moved-where the Greek, with evident purpose, has only one. The Hindustani, we are sorry to see, follows here the bad example of the English, Jerome was wiser. The Commentary-on which, as new, we should especially comment-Beems executed with much care and no small success. It is simple, and as brief as is consistent with perspicuity. Thus, on the verse "The Word was made flesh" (John i. 14) it sufficiently explains the meaning, and so supplements, or rather corrects, the somewhat peculiar rendering of the text, Kaldm mujassam had. And, throughout, the annotations are unpretending. sensible, and such as will recommend themselves to the members of Protestant churches generally. On the question of style we must express ourselves with some hesitation. We start with a perfect abhorrence of that "Babylonish dialect Which learned pedants much affect." We shudder when Urdd is stuffed fall of Arabic and Persian terms, and when Hindi or Bengali becomes half Sanskrit. Further, we hold that while Urdd and Hindi must both advance, they should do so not on divergent, but if possible on oonvergent, or at all events parallel lines. Sanskrit and Arabic are wide as the poles asunder. We hope to have, in the future, not an Arabicized Urdd and a Sanskritized Hindi, but two dialects of one language not inuch more apart, perhaps, than the "Johnsonese" of the great lexicographer, and the Saxon English of Addison.or Swift. Now 'we by no means think this Commentary 80 faulty as many, or even most, Urdd compositions. Still it is higher than we expected or desired. We believe it is somewhat too much so for the native Christians generally, even for those who speak Urdd. To the multitudes of Hindf-speaking natives much of it must be unintelligible. Such, briefly, is our judgment on the style, and we feel bound to express it, although we are fully aware that all the munshis, and many of the missionaries, will take a different view. We are very glad to see this work appear in Roman character. It is to the credit of the missions planted among the Hindi-speaking and Urdd. speaking populations that, instead of the cumbrous DevanAgart and the rather enigmatical Persian, they should so often employ the clear, compact, and comparatively inexpensive Roman letters. The array of diacritical marks looks by no means formidable. The type is small, in order to keep the size of the work within moderate bounds, but the letters are perfectly distinct. The getting up of the whole book is remarkably good, and most creditable to all concerned. We congratulate the venerable missionary Dr. Cotton Mather, who is, we believe, the translator of the notes and disbertations, and also the editor of the work. Dy, Mather has performed his im portant task both diligently and successfully,

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APRIL, 1877.] SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 85 SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.B. (Continued from p. 78.) No. XXIX. the ruined town of Hampe is still known. THIS and the following two inscriptions Whether Pampa' is another name of the 1 carry us one step further in the Western Tungabhadra, I cannot say. But this conChaluky a genealogy, being Sanskrit copper- junction of names leaves no doubt as to the plate charters of Vinayaditya-Satya- neighbourhood in which Vinayaditya's sraya, the son of Vikran aditya I. of my camp was pitched at the time of making this last notice. grant, and as to the part of the country that had The present one is from Sir W. Elliot's just been subjugated by him. facsimile collection, and is marked as having I cannot trace on the map the villages affected been found at Togarshod e' in the Kar- by the grant, or the district,-named in line 28; n a l District. It consists of three plates, about where, however, there is some doubt as to the 94" long by 4' broad. It is not stated whether exact reading, in which they were situated. the seal of the ring connecting the plates bears The grant was of certain dues, perquisites, or any emblem. The characters are the customary taxes, called Adityunchhamaruinanna and MaruriWestern Chala kya characters derived from chhamarumanna. These are Dravidian terms, the Cave-alphabet, and nearly fully developed which I am not able to explain; but one cominto the Old Canarese alphabet. They are not ponent part of them is plainly the Sanskrit 80 neatly formed as those of the inscriptions unchha, 'gleaning.' last published by me, and they have a decided The record of the grant was made by Raslant from left to right. It is also to be noted mapunyavallabha, Vinayaditya's that the practice as to writing the Anusvara is Minister for peace and war. not uniform; sometimes it is written above In the epithets applied to Vikramaditya the line, as was the role in the earliest adapt- I., a clear allusion is made to a confederacy that ations of the Cave-alphabet, and sometimes, was formed against him by the three kings in agrann(gra)-vieranta, 1. 1; vamsa, l. 13; of Ch8la, Pandya, and Kerala, and to mana-fringa, 1. 17; and chanchala, 1. 31,- some interruption of the Western Chalukya on, or just a trifle below, the upper line of the rule that was effected by the leader of the writing. Palla vas, the lord of Kanchi. I have had The inscription is dated in the saka year occasion to allade to this already, in my in612, and records a grant by Vinay aditya, troductory remarks to No. XXVIII. of this made by him in the tenth year of his reign, series. It wonld seem that the results of the conin celebration of some victory, while encamped quest of the ruler of Kanch i by Vikramaon the banks of the Pampa river or lake. ditya I were not very decisive or permanent. The locality is certainly the Hampe, Vijay & For we find Vina yaditya again campaignnagara, or Bijnagar of modern times, ing against the Pallav&s, as the leader of eferred to in Sanskrit books by the name of his father's army. And a short inscription at Pa mpakshetra,' on the south bank of Pattadakal in the Kaladgi District, rethe Tungabhadra, in the Balla ri district. cently uncovered by me and thus brought There is a sacred pool at Hampe which is to light for the first time, states, almost in so still called 'Pampasarovara,' and Mr. many words, that the great temple theret, Sanderson, in his Canarese Dictionary, gives the temple of Virpakshadeva as it is Hampe,' or Pampa,' as another name of now called, or of Loke svarade va as it was the Tungabhadra itself. Mr. Garrett, also, then called, was built by Loka mah Ad & vi, in his Classical Dictionary, gives 'Pampa' as the queen-consort of Vikramaditya II., the name of a river that rises at Rishya maka expressly to celebrate another victory over the in the Dekkan. And Rishyam a ka' is king of Kanchi by her husband, who was the the name by which a small hill on the north of great-grandson of Vikramaditya I. According to the original, "six hundred and eleven + Plates muxviii. and axxix. of Mr. Burgess's Archeologia years of the Saka (era) having elapsed." Ioal Report for 1873-4.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1877. Transcription. First plate. [1] svasti [I] jayatyAviSkRtaM viSNo[] rAhaM kSobhitArNavaM dakSiNonnatadaMSTrAya(ya)vizrAnta[2] bhuvanaM vapuH [u] zrImatAM sakalabhuvanasaMstUyamAnamAnavyasagotrANAM hA. [3] ritIputrANAM saptalokamAtRbhissaptamAtRbhirabhivaditAnAM kArtikeyapari: [4] rakSaNaprAptakalyANaparamparANAM bhagavanArAyaNaprasAdasamA[6] sAditavarAhalAJchanekSaNakSaNavazIkRtAzeSamahIbhRtA calukyA[8] nAM kulamalaGkariSNorazvamedhAvabhRyasnAnapavitrIkRtagAtrasya zrIpu[7] lakezivallabhamahArAjasya sUnuH parAkramAkrAntavanavAsyAdiparana[8] patimaNDalapraNibaddhavizuddhakIrtiH kIrtivarmaprathivIvallabhamahArASecond plate; first side. [2] jastasyAtmajassamarasaMsaktasakalottarApathe zva[razrI][] varddhana[10] [pa] rAjayopalabdhaparamezvarAparanAmadheyaH [satyA]zrayazrI[1] []thivIvallabhamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarastatpi[ya] sutasya vikra[12] [mAdityaparamezvarabhaTTArakasya matisahAyasAhasamAtrasamadhi[13] gatanijavaMzasamucitacitarAjyavibhavasya vividhara[sita]siti[14] samaramukhagatari]punarapativijayasamupalabdhakIrtipatAkAvabhA[15] sitadigantarasya himakarakaravimalakulaparibhavavilayahetu[16] palava[pa]tiparAjayAnantaraparigRhItakAjIpurasya prabhAvakuSecond plate ; second side. [11] [lizadalitacoLapANDcakeraLadharaNIdharakR(tra)yamAnamAnabhaMgasya ananyasama[18] vana[ta]kAjIpatimaNimakuTakuTakiraNasalilAbhiSiktacaraNakamalasya trI(tri)sa[19] mudramadhya(dhya)vartibhuvanamaNDalAdhIzvarasya sUnuH piturAjJayA bAli(le)nduzekharasyeva [20] senAnItyabalamAtasamuddhataM trairAjyapalavabalamavaSTabhya samastaviSa[I] yaprazamanAdvihitatanmanonurajanaH . atyantavatsalatvAyudhiSThira iva zrI[22] rAmatvAdvAsudeva iva nRpAMkuzatvAtparazurAma iva rAjAzrayatvAdara[23] ta iva vinayAdisyasatyAzrayazrIpRthivIvallabhamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarabha[A] TArakassarvAnevamAjJApayati [] viditamastu vo smAbhirekAdazottaraSTuteSu [25] zakavarSeSvatIteSu pravarddhamAnavijayarAjyasaMvatsare dazame vartamAne pampA[26] taTamadhivasati vijayaskandhAvAre kArtikapaurNamAsyAM bhAradvAjasagotrasya de Third plate. FAT] vazarmaNaH pautrAya durgazarmaNaH putrAya bhImazarmaNe sarvazAstravizAradAya ve. [28] davedAMgavide pede(?De)ku (ka)lviSaye to....dugrAme AdityuJchamadhumanno gu[29] veLeNDa(?ndo)yAme mAJchamadhumanno vareyUgrAme mAthuJchamamano baTTeyU I There are no marks of punctuation in the original. Il Two letters are illegible with any approach to cer insert them for the sake of clearness. Itainty here.

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OF ORIGINAL SIZE SCALE Nee Palgrils gPSdegka ! PSPS3012522 paaPFA) 29+ oo ! ! 2 4 Rama E F Adrea68lE A { Pm Ex PSlyric#S? F/SAFE 4 35 O Be ar RHEIGer:34 2 ! Gos172303FDDRES263 vevrm truk e E i tuvrmpraapaartm paeS:65 :23 PayaERE Pana Guru Ra ?s4 ARRaw Rare Prana E85RD 9EAL 3 kaatu vairaakcaar ayyaakaatu Kange Pin AprieAsia#tHS poTELE THREE .2 8 33 34 3: 1 COPPER-PLATE GRANT' OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYA DYNASTY. DATED SAKA 612, Indian Antiquary. Vel VIP. 56.

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98 ( 4 ? SASTYE SAMEERLIGA ;8 81 GRTFPERUEHPALA22(82A mm eppEBROZORA LOG/FRE:HTTPRREEid tkaaRFgadurg521 H EAGPUFEATURs 7 feur/DA ADHIRI 3, PPROPPRESPEEFER SAEELEGE E757 seed Bekk keettk DALEE RWANDEZ 22Z EaE30mitt ENAFETHEUSL Ez maaHREERLEAD REFERI270 . AD? yooReeegisteE Hg386113 PA AERAHAPer Satira EERAPPA EE6AREA AFAA7 miyARF35.5 PIERR415 PA123 4 palu GABE ALRE325 ESP mee 2m paamaa,HE EPPER - iPLES (ZiteFREEAUTIWEEPS35 ra teekaa PAPA, ePaz AN EEEEER IEEE 2/EALAs an A/L E KI5YLE EXPERIERAN FORALLERPL8,428 : 2TEL DE FRAGRI PEEDEE - -- A// - '119 VXVS IIIVA A.ISVNAI VAARTYH) NAILSIM THI 10 INVYD I.I.VII-YIddo)

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APRIL, 1877.] SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. [30] A 9955HH.... 1 HT(H) FT (W) EM E ST - [31] TATOUETTE vilasitamacirAMzucaMcalamavagacchaddhirAcandrArkadharANa[32] vasthitisamakAlaM svadattinirvizeSa paripAlanIyamukta bhagavatA vedavyAsena vyA[38] sena [I] bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhissagarAdibhiryasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya ta[34] dA phalaM [ // ] vandAtuM sumahacchakyaM duHkhamanyasya pAlanaM dAnaM vA pAlanaM veti dAnAcchyo nupA[35] [U] FACHICGFIFI) at a TFTI TE THTETIT PT AM - [36] : [w] HETHTETuitinftragoza fareal shafaa [1] Translation. supremo lord, the venerable one-who acquired, Hail! Victorious is the body, which was that only by his impetuosity assisted by his intellect, of a Boar, that was manifested of Vishnu,- the appropriate and accumulated regal power of which agitated the ocean, and which had the his own family; who illumined the distant regions arth resting upon the tip of its aplifted right with the banner of his fame, that was acquired by hand task! the conquestof hostile kings who engaged in wars The son of the great king Sri-Pulake. of various kinds that were brought to an end (by sivallabha,--whose body was purified by him)*; who seized the city of Kanchi after ablutions performed after celebrating horse-sacri- the defeat of the leader of the Palla vas, who fices, and who adorned the family of the glorious had been the cause of the humiliation and Chaluky as, who are of the kindred of destruction of that familyt which was as pure Mana vya, which is praised over the whole as the rays of the moon; who rent open with the world, and who are the descendants of Ha riti, thunderbolt that was his prowess the proud sumand who are nourished by seven mothers who mits of the haughtiness of the three mountains are the seven mothers of mankind, and who which were the kings of Cho!a, Pandy a, and have attained an uninterrupted continuity of Kerala; who had the lotuses which were his prosperity by the protection of Karttikeya, feet besprinkled with the waters which were the and who have all kings made subject to them rays of the watering-pot which was the jewelled on the instant at the sight of the sign of the diadem of the lord of Kaichi, who bowed Boar, which they acquired through the favour down before no other (but who performed oberof the holy Nara yana,-(was) the great king sance to him); and who was the supreme lord Kirttiva rma, the favourite of the world, of the whole extent of the earth included within whose pure fame was established in Vana va si the three oceans. and other territories of hostile kings that had His sont, Vinay aditya-Saty a sraya, been invaded by his prowess. the fuvourite of the world, the great king, the His son (was) Satyasraya, the favourite supreme king, the supreme lord, the venerable of the world, the great king, the supreme king, one-who, having at the coinmand of his the supreme lord, -who acquired the second father arrested the extremely exalted power of name of "supreme lord' by defeating Sri the Palla vas, whose kingdom consisted Harshavardhana, the warlike lord of all of three component) dominions, as The Genethe region of the north. rals did arrest the strength of the Daityas His dear son was) Vikramaditya, the (at the command) of him f who bears the young Two letters are quite illegible here; only the Visarga madityasya sunuh Vinayaditya) Ajnapayati il', which after them is discernible. Some word meaning tar, due, or 1 could only be literally followed by taking the relative perquisite, in apposition with Adityunchhamar umannah pronoun is the basis of the construction in the translatiota. ant Maruschhamar manna, stands here in the original, In all such involved passages, it is preferable to avoid the but I cannot decipher it in the facsimile. use of the relative pronoun as much possible, by break. Vividha-rasito-sita-samara', &c., 11. 13-14; sita here i ing up the sentences. seems to be the past participle passive of 80, 'to destroy, | Karttik@ya, the leader of the armies of the gods. finish, bring to an end." + The Chalukyavamia, which was one of the offshoots of The demons, the descendants of Diti. the Somayatna or race of the moon.' Siva. Karttikeya being the son of Siva, this is ans The construction of the original, 11. 10 to 24, is different, other point of comparison hinted at in the epitheta applied being, in outline, 'Satyrayal Tat-priya-subtsya Vikra. 'to Vinay Aditya.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1877. moon on his crest-tuft, and having pleased his is born as a worm in ordure for the duration mind by bringing all countries into a state of of sixty thousand years, who confiscates land quiet, was like Yudhishthira on account of that has been bestowed, whether by himself or his excessive affection, and like Va sud e va* by another! This chartez has been written by on account of his being the beloved of the god. - $ r 1-R a ma punya vallabha, the High dess of fortanet, and like Parasurama on (Minister), who is entrusted with the arrangeaccount of his being the elephant-goad of kings, ment of peace and war." and like Bharata on account of his being the refage of kingst--thus issues his commands to No. XXX. all people This is another from Sir W. Elliot's facsimile "Be it known to you! Six hundred and eleven collection. It is marked as having been obtainyears of the Saka (era) having elapsed, in the ed through Captain Newbold from the Karnul tenth year of (Our) angmenting and victorious district. The original consists of three plates reign, at (Our) Victorious camp which is located about 9" long by 4'' broad, and the seal of the on the bank of the Pampa (river, or lake), on ring connecting them bears the emblem of a the day of the fall-moon of the month) Kart- boar. The charactors are still more carelessly tika, there is given by Us, with the right of formed than those of the preceding; so much enjoyment, to Bhima sarma, who is pro- so that in lines 28 to 42, where many proper ficient in all the sacred writings and who knows names occur, the reading is in many places very the Vedas and the Veda ngas, the son's doubtful. This is, in fact, the most indifferent son of De vasarma and the son of Durga- specimen of an early copper plate charter that sarma, of the lineage of Bharad v a ja, I have yet seen. The slant of the letters from .........$, (viz.) the Adityunchhamaru- left to right is still more distinct than in the manna at the village of T8 .........du, preceding grant. (and) the Marunchhamarumanna at the village The inscription is dated in the Saka year of Gulla vel endaru, (and) the Marunchha- 614, (according to the original, six hundred and marumanna. at the village of Vare y u, (and) the thirteen years of the Saka (era] having elapsed)', Marunchhamarumanna at the village of Bat- in the thirtec: fi year of Vina y a ditya's tey u, in the district of Pedek ul. This (grant, reign, and, like the preceding, records a grant to or charter) should be preserved by future kings, celebrate some victory that he had just gained. whether they belong to Our lineage or to other At the time of making this grant, he was enfamilies, as long as the moon and the sun and camped at the village of Elumpundale, the earth and the ocean last, just as if it were a and the principal grant is of the village of grant bestowed by themselves, bearing in mind Musuniparu. This village was somewhere that the charms of life and riches &o. are as on the north bank of the Krishna v erna, evanescent as the lightning. And it has been i.e of the Krishna after its confluence with said by the holy V y a sa, the arranger of the the Verna.ll Except thus far, I cannot identiVedas:-Land has been enjoyed by many kings fy the locality in question; and the other two from Sagara downwards; he, who for the names in line 28 are very doubtful. The grant time being possesses land, enjoys the fruits of was made at the request of Vinay aditya's it! It is a very easy thing to bestow a grant son, Vijay aditya, who at that time was oneself, (but) the preservation of the grant of) holding the post of Yuvaraja, and who succeeded another is difficult; (if the question is) whether his father on the throne. The record of this giving or preserving (is the more commendable grant, again, was made by the Peace and War act), -preservation is better than giving! He Minister, Rama punya valla bih a. * Krishna. * Supply, to complete the comparison, the second mean. ing intended in sri-ramatuut, vis. 'just as Vasudeva was the beloved of the goddess Sri, 8c. because he was an incarnation of Vishnu, the husband of Srl or Lakshmi.' 1 In No. 98 of Major Dixon's collection (see below) he is called 'Vinay&ditya-Rajasraya.' S See note to l. 30 of the text; some such word as two, due, or perquisite has to be supplied here. || Conf. Gadag Inscription No. 2, Ind. ant., vol. III., p. 300, Transcription line 13. The Verna would seem to be the Vena or Venya near Satara. The 'Kudala-Krishraveni', or the Krishna and the Veni of the confidence', of line 14 of a Devagiri-YAdava inscription at Khedrapur in the Kolh&pur territory (published by me in the Jour. Eo Br. R. As. Soc., No. xxxiii., vol. XII.), seems to be another form of the same name.

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0-96 OP ORIGINAL SIZE w br ss `mrt khy tyr y dr dygr b l nh n mjhy khy nkhm bn th, y y dry kh kht `rwskh , lkhrm t ` hy mm h drh kh z khrym dy. s ny dykhh rh khr khh khh nw mymh n rh nd zy khy khy gy khh slm t mm t`lym kh fn sy m r b . khy jy ym sy tr khrdh w dr khnr sm lkly lk n mr`t ny khy hy wr n kh y ngr m | synh r rsm khy sw tmm H kh y rh kh rty wr dygr r m m mr , w y "" / sm tblt ) - fy Hl myN hy m llh wr ykh hy ( brm lh m fd w grm w b gy y w mslm khy Hmyt khy hm tryn mr bh smt `mh ) | , mg r myry tlgrm rsmy mrkh khy khmy khy dsth jm`y b tm hw ( ) by ty try twrh shwr y ykh sngy ) m jy wy sy ty ) " y s kh hy n kh ml ml `mr khy ds sy mdy mrr khy rykhy synh . b byj myN mrykhy khm my nmyd m dr my ny wly mnyr nrynh ) 1 m jy w myrty khm h y mlkhy syrb my khnym t b khmy nm gyry ngr khy khy | gr n trm t y m mly /// / r m m m m m * r khr gy , rt 2 . n lkh wy m DATED SAKA 614. Indian Antiquary, Vol. VI. p. 68. COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE WESTERN CHALUKYA DYNASTY.

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w Griges. Phero-lith, London - : m m , bl nh , khryy r b mdyrn khr dy jt . m m | , b m m r w t r m m m w m m y ) ) | kh sn prdys hy sh m, tnh t rm dyn khy myt 2 brs yh sb kh y r bry nglys dr tlr nt , t sl khmkhy nm y khnd, b m | m sm rby`y r b sl h) kh n m r l l m n ` w `r. khrm | hm gr ykhy r b m bry ykh , / dst pyd khrd w 2 khh ykhy dr msty s rt khy sy sy nkhl khr - " rb khy ym syly dry mly w bzy y s khy nt ny'y mty w stnm sy s khy sy st m t d `ly khy gr m t m m m hy , yh n kh s khy mrym ) nsly 2 khr m snd sh sh khr ty sy by mlkh kh ngy, y mkhrr / ply rwd bh bwrm khn / gh m drml khtm sr sr rsl m khy bw sy bw l Hmr - ` m l khr hm y rm 2 y dy ( d h ( khy Hl b m b m mhm fy m n r ) khw tyr sryl st mly tn r br zmyn pr n kh yh khh myN ny s dr mrz tkh hy ( m j m ` pr ykh y ) pr nh ly snty mtr w dr zy mn : myr myn 2 tm ) - dy tw wh s gym m m m m t l " l: ( m `d //b. DATED SAKA 614 Indian Arary 7 COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE WESTERN CHALPKYA DYNASTY. VIP 89.

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APRIL, 1877.] SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 89 sUnuH Transcription. First plate. [1] svasti [04 jayatyAviSkRtaM viSNoH vArAhaM kSobhitArNavaM dakSiNocatadaMSTrAyavi[2] zrAntabhuvanaM vapuH [u] zrImatAM sakalabhuvanasaMstUyamAnamAnavyasagotrA[3] NAM hArI(ri)tIputrANAM saptalokamAtRbhissaptamAtRbhirabhivarddhitAnAM kArtikeya[4] parirakSaNaprAptakalyANaparaMparANAM . bhagavannArAyaNaprasAdasamAsAdita[3] varAhalAJchanekSaNakSaNavazIkRtAzeSamahIbhRtAM calukyAnAM kulamalaM[0] kariSNorazvamedhAvabhRthasnAnapavitrIkRtagAtrasya zrIpulakezivallabhama[7] hArAjasya parAkramAkrAntavanavAsyAdiparanapatimaNDalapraNibaddhavi[8] zuddhakIrtiH kIrtivarmapRthivIvallabhamahArAjastasyAtmajassamarasaMsaktasa[7] kalottarApathezvarazrIharSa(rSa)vaInaparAjayopalabdhaparamezvarApa[10] ranAmadheyassatyAzrayazrIpRthivIvallabhamahArAma(jA)dhirAjapara Second plate; first side. [1] mezvarastatpriyasutasya . vikramAdityaparamezvarabhaTTArakasya matisahA[12] yasAhasamAtrasamadhigatanijavaMzasamupacitarAjyavibhavasya [13] vidharasitasitasamaramukhagataripunarapativijayasamupalabdha[14] kIrtipatAkAvabhAsitadigantarasya himakarakaravimalakulapari[15] bhavavilayahetupalavapatiparAjayAnantaraparigRhItakAjI[16] purasya prabhAvakulizadalitacoLapANDyakeraLadharaNIdharata(tra)[17] yamAnamAnazRMgasya ananyasamavanatakAjIpatimANimakuTa[18] kuTakiraNasalilAbhiSiktacaraNakamalasya trisamudramadhyava[19] rtibhuvanamaNDalAdhIzvarasya sUnuH piturAjJayA bAlenduzekhara[20] syeva senAnIyabalamatisamuddhataM rAjyapallavabalamaSecond plate; second side. [A] vaSTabhya samastaviSayaprazamanAdvihitamano nurajanaH atyantavatsala[tvA][22] yudhiSThira iva zrIrAmatvAdvAsudeva iva nRpAMkuzatvAtparazurAma iva rAjAzra[23] yatvAdbharata vinayAdityasatyAzrayazrIpRthivIvallabhamahArAjAdhirAja[24] paramezvarabhaTTArakassarvAnevamAjJApayati [] viditamastu vo smAbhiH trayodazo[25] taraSaTa teSu zakavarSeSvatIteSu pravarddhamAnavijayarAjyasaMvatsare : ekA[28] daze vartamAne epundalegrAmamadhivasati vijayaskandhAvAre mA[7] ghapaurNamAsyAM zrIvijayAdityayuta(va)rAjavijJApanayA kRSNaverNAyA [28] tarataTe ganyatatraye velahi (?)Na(?)(?)bhAge musuNipAnAmagrAmaH pro(?)kte (?)bhyo [29] brAhmaNebhyo dattaH / teSAM nAmagotrANyucyante [0] kauzikasagotrAya ravizarmAdvi The original has no marks of punctuation. * The proper reading, a shown by No. XXIX., 1. 21, No. XXXI. 1. 19, and No. 5 of Major Dixon's copper-plate granta, PL. II.a, 1. 16.(ne below), is 'vilita-tan-mans., &c.

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90 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (APRIL, 1877. [30] vedAya punaH kauzikasagotrAya AdiyaSaDaMgavide kAzyapasagotrA[31] ya zivazarmaNe kautsasagotrAya mahAkALAya kauzikasagotrAya dAsa'[39] zarmaNe ko(?)tsa(?)sagotrAya deva(?)zarmaNe kAmu(?)kAyanasagotrAbhyAM zaMkara Third plate. .. [33] svAmizarmAbhyAM bhAradvAjasagotrAya pati(?)zarmaNe kAzyapasagotrAya devazarmaNe bhAratA[34] jasagotrAya mAdizarmaNe kAzyapasagotrAya ta(?)mAnazarmaNe vA......... kauzikasa[35] gotrAya dAsazarmaNe' va.... triMzato(?) grAmA nAma.... satyA(?)zrayA dattAH(?) [36] kaduvapave(?)pu(?)nAmagrAme bhAradvAjasagotrAya doNazarmaNe pajaviMzatinivarttanaM rAjamAne[37] na kSetra kauNDinyasagotrAya vRddhazarmaNe tathA patrAzabhivarttanaM kSetra kauzikasagotrAya Aditya[38] SaDaMgavide tathA paJjAzanivarttanaM kSetraM tasyaiva sihukUre paviMzatinivarttanaM kSetraM [30] prAjApatyaM kAzyapasagotrAya devazarmaNe rAjamAnena paJaviMzatinivarttanaM kSetraM [40] mAnavyasagotrAya vAsudevAya (?) yu(?)sAsAya tathA patruviMzatinivarttanaM kSetraM [41] mAnavyasagotrAyai bAhmaNyai dvAdazanivarttanaM kSetraM prAjApatyaM satti(?)ka(?)rayAme kauNDinyasago[42] trAya he (?)tizarmaNe pajaviMzatinivarttanaM kSetraM prAjApatyaM [0] uktAni nAmagotrANi vRttayazca [u] ta143] dAgAmibhirasmadvaM zyairanyaizca rAjabhirApuraizvaryAdInAM vilasitamacirAMsu(zu)caMcalamavaga[44] cchadvirAcandrArkadharArNavasthitisamakAlaM yazazcicISubhiH svadattinirvizeSaM paripAlanIyaM [1] [45] utaJja [1] svadattA paradattAM vA yo hareta vasundharAM SaSTivarSasahasrANi viSThAyAM jAyate kRmiH [I] [46] iti [1] mahAsAndhivigrahikazrIrAmapuNyavalabhena likhitamidaM zAsanaM [1] Translation. father (&c., as in No. XXIX.),--thus issues his Hail! Victorious is the body, which was | commands to all people:that of a Boar, that was manifested of Vish- .."Be it known to you! Six hundred and nu (&c., as in No. XXIX.)! thirteen years of the Saka (era) having elapsed, The son of the great king srl-Pulak di- in the eleventh year of (Our), augmenting and vallabha-whose body was purified (&c.,as in victorious reign, at (Qur) victorious camp which No. XXIX.)-(was) the great king Kirtti. is located at the village of Elumpundale, on varma, the favourite of the world, (&c., as in the day of the full-moon of (the month) MaNo. XXIX.). gha, at the request of the Yuvaraja sriHis son (evas) Satyasraya the favouriteof | Vijayaditya, the village of M us uniparu, the world, the great king, (&c., as in No.XXLX.). | in the division of Vela hinaru (P), in the ___His dear son (ewas) Vikramaditya, the | three Ganyatas, on the north bank of the supreme lord, the venerable one-who acquired Krishnaverna, is given by us to the (&c., as in No.XXIX)|| Brah mans (herein) mentioned. Their names His son, Vinayadity.a-Satyas raya, and gotras are declared. To Ravisarma, of the favourite of the world, the great king, the Kausika gotra, who is familiar with the supreme king, the supreme lord, the vener- two V ed&s; to Aditya, again of the K&uable one,-who, having at the command of his bika gotra, who is acquainted with the Sha + There are seven letters here, which I cannot read with any approach to oertainty. Similarly, there are eight letters here, of which I can make no intelligible words. . $ Here, again, there are four, or perhaps five, letters, of which I can make no sense. And such letters as are clear in the latter part of this line do not give any satisfactory meaning. Excepting the y. 2 samupachita' in l. 12, for 'samu. chita-chita in 1. 18 of No. XXIX.

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APRIL, 1877.] SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 91 danga; to Siva sarma, of the Kasyapa No. XXXI. gotra; to Mahakala, of the Kantsa gotra; This is from No. 3 of the photographs of to Da sa sarma, of the Kausika gotra; copper-plate grants at the end of Major Dixon's to Devesarma (?), of the Kautsa (?) collection. The original consists of three plates, gotra; to Sam karasarma and Sva mi- and is stated to be at Harihar in Maisur; sarma, of the Ka muka yana gotra; to I tried to obtain it to edit from, but failed to Patisarma (P), of the Bharad vaja trace the owner of it. The original plates would gotra ; to De vasarma, of the Kasya pa seem to be very well preserved; but the photogotra; to Madisarma, of the Bharad vaja graph is imperfect in several places, owing to gotra; to Tamanasarma (?), of the Ka s- the letters not having been properly filled in y&p & gotra; . . . with white paint or chalk when it was taken. to Da sasarma, of the Kansika gotra ; The characters are of a much better stan dard than those of either of the two precedAt the village of Kaduva pa vepu (?), ing inscriptions, and do not blant as much. (there is given) to Donasarma, of the The Anusvara is uniformly written above the Bharad vaja gotra, a field of the measure of line. twenty-five nivartanas by the royal measure ; This inscription, again, records a grant made likewise & field of the measure of fifty nivartanasin celebration of some victory gained by Vi. to V siddhasar ma, of the Kaundinya nay aditya. It is dated in the Saka year gotra; likewise a field of the measure of fifty 617, (according to the original, six hundred nivartanas to Aditya, of the Kausik a gotra, and sixteen years of the Saka [eru] having who is acquainted with the Shadanga, (and) he elapsed), in the fourteenth year of his reign, has also a tield of the measure of twenty-five while he was encamped at the village of nivartanas at (the village of) Sihu kura, for Karanja patra near the city of Hareshathe Prajapatya rites (?); a field of the measure pura. These places must be somewhere of twenty-five nivartanas by the royal measure in the neighbourhood of Bana w a si and to Devasarma, of the Kas y ap & gotra ; | Harihar; and possibly 'Haresh a' should likewise a field of the measure of twenty-five be Haresa', and is the old name of Hari. nivartanas to Vasud e va, .......... har.' The grant was of the village of Kiru. of the Manavys gotra; (and) a field of the Kagam asi, or the smaller Kaga masi', in measure of twelve nivartanas to a Brahman the Ede volal division and in the Vana vasi woman of the Manavya gotra, for the Praja- district. The grant was made at the request of patya rites (?). At the village of Sattik. Alu varaja, who was probably the hostile kara (P), (there is given) a field of the measure king just subjugated by Vinay Aditya. I of twenty-five nivartanas to Hetisarma (P), take it that dluva has to be interpreted here as a of the Kaundinya gotra, for the Prajapatya proper name; but it might also be taken as the rites (?). The names and gotras have been de- present relative participle of the Canaresc diu clared, and the shares. This (grant, or charter) to rule', in which case dluva-raja would mean should be preserved by future kings, who are the reigning king'; this, however, does not give desirous of acquiring fame, whether they be any suitable sense. The record of this grant. long to Our lineage or to other families, &o.! again, was made by the Peace and War MinisAnd it has been said He is born as a worm ter, Rama punya vallabha. in ordure for the duration of sixty thousand In line 21 the Haihayas are mentioned years, &c.!" This charter has been written among the royal races subjugated by Vinaby Sri-Rama punya vallabha, the High y aditya. Loka ma ha de vi, the wife of (Minister) who is entrusted with the arrange- Vikramaditya II., the grandson of Vinament of peace and war. y aditya, was from this family. Also Vidanga'; the sir works auxiliary to the Vadas;-vis., 1, Siksha, 'the science of proper articulation and pronunciation'; 2, Onhandas, 'metre' 3, Vydkarana, linguistic analysis, or grammar'; 4, Nirukta, explanation of difficult Vedic words; 5, Jyotisha, astronomy ; and 6, I Kalpa, 'ceremonial rules.' . See note to l. 84 of the text. . + See notes to 1. 35 of the text I Yusdsdya' is unintelligible, in l. 40.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1877. Transcription. First plate. [1] svasti [1] jayatyAviSkRtaM viSNorAhaM kSobhitArNavaM dakSiNonnatadaMSTrAyavizrAntabhu12] vanaM vapuH [u] zrImatAM sakalabhuvanasaMstUyamAnamAnavyasagotrANAM hArI(ri)tIputrANAM [3] saptalokamAtRbhissaptamAtRbhirabhivardvitAnAM kArtikeyaparirakSaNaprAptakalyANa[4] paraMparANAM bhagavannArAyaNaprasAdasamAsAditavarAhalAJchanekSaNakSaNava[5] zIkRtAzeSamahIbhRtAM calukyAnAM kulamala(la)kariSNorazvamedhAvabhRthasnAnapa[6] vitrIkRtagAtrasya zrIpulikezivalabhamahArAjasya sUnuH parAkramAkAntavanavA[7] syAdiparanRpatimaNDalapraNibaddhavizuddhakIrtiH zrIkIrtivarmapRthivIvalla[8] bhamahArAjastasyAtmajassamarasaMsaktasakalottarApathezvarazrI[2harSavarddhanaparAjayopalabdhaparamezvarAparanAmadheyaH satyA[10] zrayazrIpathivIvallabhamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarastatpriyasu[1] tasya vikramAdityaparamezvarabhaTTArakasya matisahAyasAhasamAtrasaSecond plate; first side. [12] madhigatanijavaMzasamucitacitarAjyavibhavasya vividharasitasitasamaramukha[13] gataripunarapativijayasamupalabdhakIrtipatAkAvabhAsitadigantasya himakara[14] karavimalakulaparibhavavilayahetupalavapatiparAjayAnantaraparigRhIta[15] kAjIpurasya prabhAva kulizadalitacoLapANDyakeraLadharaNi(NI)dharatrayamAnamAnazrRM[16] gasya ananyasamavana [tapA] kAjIpatimaNimakuTakuTakiraNasalilAbhiSiktacara[17] Nakamalasya trisamudramadhyavattibhuvanamaNDalAdhIzvarasya sUnuH pitu[18] rAjJayA bAlI(le)nduzekharasyeva senAni(nI)daityabalamatisamuddhataM trairAjyapallava[19] balamavaSTabhyaH(bhya) samastaviSayaprazamanAdvihita[ta*manonuraM(ra)janaH atyantavatsala[20] vAyudhiSTi(Thi)ra iva zrIrAmatvAdvAsudeva iva nRpAMkuzatvAtparazurAma iva rAjAzrayatvA[1] dvarata iva pallavakaLaMbhrakeraLahaihayaviLamaLavacoLapANDyAdyA (dyA) yenAlu.... + rgAyai[22] mmaulaissamabhRtyatAnItAH (tA) vinayAdityasatyAzrayazrIpRthivIvallabhama Second plate; second side. [B] hArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarabhaTTArakassarvAnevamAjJApayati [] viditamamastu vo smAbhiH SoDazottara[4] SaTuteSu zakavarSeSvatIteSu pravarddhamAnavijayarAjyasaMvatsare caturdaze vartta[mAne] [2] hareSapuramatyAsane karajapatragrAmamadhivasati vijayaskandhAvAre kArtikapIrNa[28] mAsyAM zrImadALuvarAjavijJApanayA vAtsyasagotrasya zrIzarmaNaH somayA~[17] jinaH pautrAya mArazarmaNaH putrAya zAnazarmaNe vedavedAMga Except in line 27, 82, 83, and 84, the original has no marks of panctuation. This letter ta is omitted in the original. * Thin lotter ta, also, is omitted in the original. +Two letters, probably part of some proper name, are quite illegible in the photograph here. This word is followed in the original by the letter na, with a dot like an Anusvans on each side of it. This is an old mark of punctuation, and is out of place in this passage. It occurs several times in the inscriptions at Patfadakal, which I have recently examined in original, and from which I first learnt the meaning of it; 88 s published instance see Pl. xliv., No. 28, of Mr Burgess's Archaological Report for 1878-4-[1]Sri-Vethgamma pratimo[9]yain kattidon; Trans., "Srt-Vangamma made the image."

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April, 1877.] SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 98 [28] pAragAya vanavAsi(sI)maNDala ede(?De)vo lAge kikAgAmAsi[20] nA[ma]yAmassabhogassarvabAdhAparihAropeto dattaH peggAgAmAsi[30] grAmapazcimabhAgaga(?)to kRtaM kSetraM ca tasya kSetrasya [31] sImA pUrvottaradibhA(gbhA)ge sirigodugrAmasIna pUli[32] vatu / tata Agatya / kasurigodu / tata pedA(?)tu / tata Third plate. [33] Alele / tata ........La / tata nitta kallu(?) / tata prAggato nechi[34] (!) / tata kuThapake / tata dakSiNadizamAvRtya pa......kaTTa [u] [35] tadAgAmibhirasmadvezyairanyaizca rAjabhirApuraizvaryAdInAM vilasitamacirAMzucaJca[36] lamavagacchadvirAcandrArkadharArNavasthitisame(ma)kAlaM yazazcici(cI bhissvadattini[37] vizeSa paripAlanIyamuktaja bhagavatA vedavyAsena vyAsena ] bahubhi[38] sudhA bhuktA rAjabhissagarAdibhiryyasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya [39] tadA phalaM [m] svandAtuM sumahacchakyaM duHkhamanyasya pAlanaM dAnaM vA pAla[40] naM ceti dAnAccheyo nuH pAlanaM [u] svadattAM paradattAM vA yo hareti(ta) vasundharAM Sa[41] TiM varSasahasrANi viSTAyAM jAyate kRmiH [u] mahAsandhivigrahika[42] zrIrAmapuNyavalabhena likhitamidaM zAsanaM Translation. | Vilas, the Malavas, thecholas, the PanHail! Victorious is the body, which was dyas and others were brought into a similar that of a Boar, that was manifested of Vishnu, stateof servitude with the Alu. . . . rgatand (&c., as in No.XXIX.)! others, who were hereditarily (subject to him),The son of the great king Sri-Pulike si-l thus issues bis commands to all people : vallabha',-whose body was purified (&c., "Be it known to you! Six hundred and as in No. XXIX.)-(was) the great king Sri- sixteen years of the Saka (era) baving elapsed, Kirttivarmi, the favourite of the world, in the fourteenth year of (Our) augmenting (&c., as in No.XXLX.). and victorious reign, at (Our) victorious camp, His son (evas) Satyasraya, the favourite which is located at the village of Karanjaof the world, the great king, (&c., as in No. patra in the neighbourhood of (the city of) XXIX.). Harshapura, on the day of the full-moon His dear son (was) Vikramaditya, the | of (the month) Karttika, at the request of the supreme lord, the venerable one-who acquired illustrious Alu varaja, the village of Kiru. (&o., as in No. XXIX.). Kaga masi, in the Ede volal division in His son, Vinayaditya-Satyasraya, the Vanavasi district, is given by Us, with the favourite of the world, the great king, the the right of enjoyment, and free from all opsupreme king, the supreme lord, the venerable posing claims, to sanasar m a, who is thorone-who, having at the command of his father oughly well versed in the Vedas and the (&c., as in No. XXIX.), (was) like Bharata, Vodangas, the son's son of Srisarma, on account of his being the refuge of kings, who performed the Soma sacrifice of the and by whom the Pallavas, the Kalam-| VAtsy agotra, (and) the son of Marasarma. bhras, the Keralas, the Haihayas, the (Also there is given) an uncultivated (P) field S Two letters are quite illegible in the photograph here. the name is spelt Pulakesivallabha.' In 11. 3 and 7 of Two letters are illegible in the photograph'here. the Aihole inscription, No. XIII., the reading is distinctly . In No XXVIIL,1.7, No.XIX.,I1.6-7,No. Xxx., 'Paliked. In No. XXVII., 1. & it is 'Polikekivallabba." 1. 6, and Major Dixon's copper-plate graat No. , PL. I., L. 5, + See note to l. 21 of the text. Akritash; 1. 30.

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94 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1877. on the west of the village of Pergiga masi. to edit from it. Down to djhapayati,' PI. II., And the boundaries of that field (are):-On the a, 1. 17, the language is the same as in the cornorth-east, .......... || in the boundaries responding part of No. XXIX. now published. of the village of Sirigodu; coming thence, It is dated in the Saka year 615, (according (the village of) (?) Karvesurigodu; thence, to the original, six hundred and fourteen years (the village of) (?) Perd&tu (?); thence, the of the Saka (era] having elapsed), the thirteenth village of) (?) Alere; thence .........1 year of his reign, and apparently on Saturday, thence, a stone (?)............*; the day of the sun's commencing his progress to thence, to the east, (the village of) (?) Nerire the south. It records another grant in celebra(?); thence, (the tank, or village, called) Kuruction of a victory, and is issued from the camp pa kere; thence turning to the south,..... at the village of Chitrase du in the district ...katta.t This (grant, or charter) should be of Tora vara or Toramara. The grant preserved by future kings, who are desirous of is made at the request of the Great King Sri. acquiring fame, whether they belong to Our Chitra pa da, the son of Upendra. The lineage or to other families, &c.! And it has name of the village bestowed seems to be sabeen said by the holy Vya sa, the arranger of thivoge, in the Ede volal division, and the Vedas:-Land has been enjoyed by many near to Vaijayantipura or Vana va s i. kings, from Sagara downwards ; &c.! It is The record of this grant, again, is made by a very easy thing to bestow a grant oneself, &c.! Ramapunya vallabha, the Peace and He is born as a worm in ordure for the dura- War Minister.-2, No. 98 of Major Dixon's tion of sixty thousand years, &c.! This char- Collection; a stone-tablet 3' 6' high by 1' 10" ter has been written by Sri-Ramapunya- broad at Balaga m ve. The photograph is so valla bha, the High (Minister) who is en- small,- only 31" by 1,-and so blurred, that trusted with the arrangement of peace and only a few detached and familiar words can be war." made out here and there. The language is Old Canarese. It records & grant by one of the Before leaving this part of my subject, I Sendra ka family, while Vinayadityashould notice two more inscriptions of Vinaya-Raja sray at was the reigning paramount ditya.--1, No. 5 of Major Dixon's copper-plate sovereign. It does not seem to be dated. At grants. The original is at Surab in Maisur, the top of the stone is an elephant, standing; and seems to be fairly well preserved; but the this is the earliest stone-tablet that I am aware photograph is too small and indistinct for me of with any emblems on it. PAPER-MAKING IN THE HIMALAYAS. BY THE LATE CHARLES HORNE, B.C.S., M.R.A.S., &c. At a time when the scarcity of rags for paper is from the Daphne papyracea, a shrub abundant making, combined with an increased demand at certain heights, and the paper produced is for the manufactured article, has set every one very tough and durable. I almost fear, how. seeking for substances wherewith to manu- ever, that the material could neither be supfacture, I have thought that a short account of plied in sufficient quantity, nor that it would the paper-making in the Himalayas might prove bear the heavy cost of carriage to the coast. I of interest. will, however, gather together all I can find on The reports on the manufacture of paper in the subject scattered in various works, and then Japan, published as a Parliamentary paper conclude with my own experience in the matter, (No. 4 of 1871), have shown how the inner as for many years I was in the Hills and bark of various trees, notably the mulberry, is witnessed the manufacture. there used. That used in the Hills of India Almost every one who has been residing at Si.e. the larger Kagamlei.' Palivatu, 11. 31-2; meaning not known. T See note to 1. 33 of the text. * Nitta, 1. 33; meaning not known. + See note to l. 34 of the text. Conf. Rajasrayatvad Bharata iva,' No. XXIX., 11. 22-3, And in the corresponding place in each of the remaining inscriptions.

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APRIL, 1877.) PAPER-MAKING IN THE HIMALAYAS. others. Naini Tal, the well-known sanitarium in Ku answer as well); a fireplace, however rude; maon, and has had a garden, must well know and lastly quant. sufficit of slips of the inner the Daphne plant, the bark of which, as the bark of the paper tree, such as is peeled off the plant grows ready to hand, is stripped off and plant by the paper-makers, who commonly used for tying up plants, securing trellis-work use the peelings when fresh from the plant, of rangal (or small bamboos), and for all kindred but that is not indispensable. With these 'apuses. Many a sportsman, too, has been saved pliances and means to boot,' suppose you take from an unpleasant slide by catching at its tough four sers of ashes of oak, put them into the basket twigs, off which, however, the bark sometimes above mentioned, place the earthen receiver slips in the hand, leaving a white slippery core. or vessel beneath the basket, and then gradual. Still I fear that where a large quantity would |ly pour five sers of clear water upon the ashes, be required, as for export, it would be very hard and let the water drip slowly through the ashes to obtain. and fall into the receiver. This juice of ashes I will now, however, without further digres- must be strong, of dark bark-like red colour, sion, proceed firstly to detail the accounts of and in quantity about two pounds; and if the first filtering yield not such a produce, pass In Jour. R. As. Soc. vol. I. p. 8 is a paper the juice through the ashes a second time. by B. H. Hodgson, Esq., Nipal, on the native Next, pour this extract of ashes into the metal method of making the paper denominated in 1 pot already described, and boil the extract; and Hindustani Nipalese. It is extracted entire, so soon as it begins to boil, throw into it as many as it is not susceptible of abridgment: slips or peelings of the inner bark of the paper "For the manufacture of Nipalese paper the plant as you can easily grasp, each slip being following implements are necessary, but a very. about a cubit long and an inch wide in fact rude construction of them suffices for the end the quantity of the slips of bark should be to in view : the quantity of juice of ashes such that the "1st.-A stone mortar, of shallow and wide former should float freely in the latter, and that cavity, or a large block of stone, slightly but the juice shall not be absorbed or evaporated smoothly excavated. 2nd.-A mallet or pestle with less than half an hour's boiling). Boil of hard wood, such as oak, and in size propor. the slips for about half an hour, at the expira. tioned to the mortar, and to the quantity of tion of which time the juice will be nearly abboiled rind of the paper plant which it is desired sorbed, and the slips quite soft. Then take the to pound into pulp. 3rd.--A basket of close softened slips and put them into the stone mor. wicker-work, to put the ashes in, and through tar, and beat them with the oaken mallet till which water will only pass drop by drop. 4th. they are reduced to a homogeneous or uniform --An earthen vessel or receiver, to receive the palp, like so much dough. Take this pulp, put juice of the ashes after they have been watered. | it into any wide-mouthed vessel, add a little 5th.-A motallio open-mouthed pot, to boil the pure water to it, and churn it with a wooden rind of the plant in. It may be of iron, or cop- instrument, like a chocolate mill, for ten mi. per, or brass, indifferently; an earthen one would nutes, or until it loses all its stringiness and hardly bear the requisite degree of fire. 6th.-A will spread itself out when shaken about under sieve, the reticulation of the bottom of which water. Next, take as much of this prepared is wide and open, so as to let all the pulp pass pulp as will cover your paper-frame (with a through, save only the lumpy portion of it. thicker or thinner coat, according to the 7th.-A frame with stout wooden sides, so that strength of the paper you need), toss it into it will float well in water, and with a bottom of such a sieve as I have described, and lay the a cloth only so porous that the meshes of it will sieve upon the paper-frame and let both sieve stay all the pulp, even when diluted and diffused and frame float in the cistern; agitate them in water, but will let the water pass off when and the pulp will spread itself over the sieve; the frame is raised out of the cistern. the grosser and knotty parts of the pulp will "The operator must also have the command remain in the sieve, but all the rest will ooze of a cistern of clear water, plenty of firewood, through into the frame. Then put away the ashes of oak (though I fancy other ashes might sieve, and, taking the frame in your left hand

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96 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1877. as it floats on the water, shake the water and curable everywhere in the same region. I cannot pulp smartly with your right hand, and the learn by whom or when the valuable properties pulp will readily diffuse itself in a uniform of the paper plant were discovered; but the manner over the bottom of the frame. When Nipalese say that any one of their books now exit is thus properly diffused, raise the frame out istent which is made of palmyra leaves may be of the water, easing off the water in such & safely pronounced on that account to be five manner that the uniformity of the pulp spread hundred years old, whence we may perhaps infer shall continue after the frame is clear of the that the paper manufacture was founded about water, and the paper is made. that time. I conjecture that the art of paper"To dry it the frame is set endwise near a making was got by the Cis-Himalayan Bhotias large fire, and so soon as it is dry the sheet is via Lhassa from China, & paper of the very peeled off the bottom of the frame and folded same sort being manufactured at Lhassa, and up. When, (which is seldom the case) it is most of the useful arts of these regions having deemed necessary to smooth and polish the sur- flowed upon them, through Tibet, from China, face of the paper, the dry sheets are laid upon and not from Hindustan. wooden boards and rubbed with the convex "P.S." (abridged.) "Dr. Wallich has fully entire side of the conch-shell, or, in case of the described Asiatic Researches, vol. XIII. p. 387) sheets of paper being large, with the flat surface the paper-plant. The raw produce or pulp (beat of a large rubber of hard smooth-grained wood; up into bricks) has been sent to England, and no sort of size is ever needed or applied to pre- declared upon competent authority to be of vent the ink from running. It would probably unrivalled excellence for the manufacture of that surprise the papermakers of England to hear sort of paper upon which proof engravings that the Kachar Bhotias can make up this paper are taken off." into fine smooth sheets of seven yards square. I subjoin the botanical description of the "This paper may be purchased (in 1831) at paper-producing plant, with a few remarks for Katmandu, in almost any quantity, at the price the reader who may not be a botanist. of seventeen annas rikka per dharni of three sers, As far as my own experience goes, this plant and the bricks of dried pulp may be had at the is but small, being a shrub of generally three to same place for from eight to ten annas sikka perfour feet; although, I am told, it often grows dharni. Though called Nipalese, the paper is higher. The thickness of the stem is not gennot in fact made in Nipal Proper. It is mand- erally greater than one's finger, and it would factured exclusively in Cis-Himalayan Bhdt, and bear cutting down every year; although of by the race of Bhotias denominated in their course by this process, in such a cold climate own tongue) Rangbo, in contradistinction to the as that in which it grows, -at 5000 to 9000 feet Trans-Himalayan Bhotias, whose vernacular above the sea-level, -it should properly be left name is Sokpo. ...... To return to our paper- some two or three years to grow up again. making-most of the Cis-Himalayan Bhotias east Even without maceration in water the inner as of the Kali river make the Nipalese paper ; but well as the outer bark is easily separated from the greatest part of it is manufactured in the the wood. For tying purposes, both inner and tract above Nipal Proper, and the best market outer bark are nsed at the same time. for it is afforded by the Nipalese people, and The leaves are small and glabrons, being hence probably it derived its name; a great somewhat glossy; and the flower is insignificant, quantity is annually made and exported south- but with a slightly pleasant odour. The berries, wards to Nipal and Hindustan, and northwards which come on the tree in April to June, are to Sakya-Gumba, Digarchi, and other places showy, red, and very aorid. It will grow where in Transmontane Bhot. The manufactories are there is very little soil, ----preferring, however, like mere sheds, established in the midst of the im- most planta, leaf-mould caused by the decomposimense forests of Cis-Himalayan Bhot, which tion of the fallen oak-leaves, and has a stout afford to the paper-makers an inexhaustible hold by its fibrous roots in the rocks below. supply, on the very spot, of the firewood and As I have never visited Nipal and the forests ashes which they consume so largely : abandance spoken of by Mr. Hodgson, I have never seen of clear water (another requisite) is likewise pro- l it growing in great profusion, but it is scattered

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PAPER-MAKING IN THE HIMALAYAS. APRIL, 1877.] over a wide area, being found, as briefly put by Mr. Edgeworth, from Bhutan to Chambu.' In Major Madden's paper (Jour. R. As. Soc. vol. XVII. Pt. I. p. 368) on the Turaee and outer mountains of Kumaon, he speaks of both the white and purple flowering varieties of the Daphne cannabina,-"set barwa," a synonym of papyracea, as being found at Naini Tal; also the Daphne sericea or "Chumlia." He adds that the Nipal paper is made from the Wikstraemia salicifolia of Jacquemot, and from the purple flowering variety of D. cannabina. There must be many other inner barks of shrubs on the hills which would make paper; but until these have been tried it is of no use to speak of them. Moorcroft, the well-known Himalayan traveller, in Asiatic Researches, vol. XII. p. 375, speaks of the plant, but he merely imagines that the paper is made from a shrub, not unlike butcher'sbroom (), called "Setharua." He adds that it is strong, and used for hundis (or bills of exchange). A glance at the flower will show that he could not have been much of a botanist. In vol. XIII. p. 385 of the Asiatic Researches is a paper by Dr. Wallich-"Description of some rare Indian plants." In this, "Daphne cannabina" (Loureiro ?) is described in nearly the same terms as those used by DeCandolle and above quoted. The English observations appear worthy of quotation, as our notices of this plant are in general very scanty. "Among the extensive and constant supplies of plants and weeds from Nipal which the Botanic Gardens (Calcutta) owe to the liberality of the Honourable Edward Gardner, Resident at Katmandu, are also specimens and plants of the paper shrub, which, I am informed by this gentleman, grows very commonly in that country, and when in flower is exquisitely fragrant. It appears that there are two varieties, one with perfectly white, the other with reddish flowers; both are used for ornament and for the manufacture of paper, of which I am enabled to present to the Society's museum specimens of various dimensions and texture. The common kind measures generally about two feet square. The first kind measures ten feet in length and four feet in breadth, and it is manufactured chiefly in Doti, a province to the eastward of Kumaon. It approaches in softness and size to that which is made in China, and 97 it is not improbable that some of the latter may be produced from the same material. Loureiro mentions that paper is manufactured in the neighbouring kingdom of Cochin-China from the bark of Daphne cannabina, which seems to differ only in having opposite leaves,a circumstance which may perhaps be owing to culture. It comes extremely near to D. odora of Thunberg and D. indica of Osbeck, which (at least that described in the Flora Cochin-chinensis) Dr. Sims, with great propriety, suggests may be only a variety of the former. The question respecting the identity or difference of these three plants can be settled only by those who have the means of comparing them. "I am indebted for an account of the manner of preparing this paper from the bark of this charming shrub, and for some parts of the description given above, to the communications of Lient. H. R. Murray, and to the following notes extracted from the official correspondence of that gentleman with the Military Board at Calcutta : "The set-barua, or paper shrub, is found on the most exposed parts of the mountains, and those the most elevated and covered with snow, throughout the province of Kumaon. "In traversing the oak forests between Bhimal and Ramgur, and again from Almora to Champavat, and down towards the river, it has come under the immediate observation of the writer of these communications that the setbaruu, or paper plant, only thrives luxuriantly where the oak grows; so that it is not likely that it will succeed in the plains. It is hardy, and attains a height of five or six feet, blossoming in January and February, and ripening its acrid red fruit about the end of April. The paper prepared of its bark is particularly calculated for cartridges, being strong, tough, not liable to crack or break,-however much bent or foldedproof against being moth-eaten, and not in the least subject to dampness from any change in the weather; besides if drenched or kept in water for any considerable time it will not rot. It is invariably used all over Kumaon, and in great request in many parts of the plains for the purpose of writing nasab-namis, or genealogical records, deeds, &c., from its extraordinary durability. It is generally made about one yard square, and of three different qualities. The

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98 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Arril, 1877 best sort is retailed at the rate of 40 sheets for a current rupee [18. 10d.], and at wholesale 80 sheets. The second is retailed at the rate of 50 sheets for & current rapee, and 100 at wholesale. The third is of a much smaller size, is retailed at 140 sheets, and wholesale 160 to 170 for the rupee. The following is the very simple method of manufacturing this paper : " After scraping off the outer surface of the bark, what remains is boiled in fair water with a small quantity of the ashes of the oak, most necessary part of the ingredients, which have the effect of cleaning and whitening the staff. After the boiling, it is washed, and immediately beat to & pulp with small mallets on a stone, so that when mixed up in a vat with the fairest water it has the appearance of flour and water. It is then spread on moulds or frames made of common bamboo mats.'" Thus ends Wallich's notice of this interesting who pronounced so favourably upon it, or it may have been through the Court of Directors. From the character of the plant, and the elevation at which it grows, I am of opinion that it might easily be grown in England, even on poor soils. Lieut. Murray says it is found on the bleakest spots; but my experience is quite to the contrary. I have always found it growing best with forest trees, even in shade, and nourished by the free leaf-mould formed of the decayed onk-leaves. At the same time I am bound to admit I have found it growing in other situations, more bleak and exposed. Major Hay, who was long in the hills, always found it with and under trees, and agrees with me that it seldom exceeds three feet in height. (Extract from Journal in 1845.) Near the residence of a Lama at Kardang, in Lahul, we saw a number of Bhotias making paper from the bark of a tree they say they get in Kulld, called " Bujil," a species of Daphne. A number of people were beating it into a pulp, which others made into round balls; and, a little further on, the paper was being made in oblong and square forms of a large size, entirely for the purpose of having religions books printed on it, and not for sale. The form was made of a light wooden frame, covered with rather & coarse cloth, on which the pulp was mashed. I saw a quantity of the paper drying, but not the process of putting it on the cloth. plant. From what has been here written, the general inference would appear to be that the pulp, in bricks or otherwise, could not be procured in any large quantity for the supply of paper factories ; although, as in many other cases, it might be employed to usefully supplement existing and available materials. Perhaps the Society of Arts was the medium through which, as Mr. Hodgson states, the pulp was supplied to the English manufacturers, NOTES ON THE CAVE OF PANCHALESVARA IN MOUJE BHAMBURDE, TALUKA HAVELI, ZILLA PUNA. BY W. F. SINCLAIR, Bo. C.S. This cave is mentioned by Dr. Wilson in swell of the ground" close to the cattle bazaar his first Memorandum on the Ancient Remains of the village of Bhambarde, opposite Pani, of Western India, and by Mr. Fergusson, who immediately north of a small hill crowned by a gives a woodcut from a sketch by Daniell,* Muhammadan pirastran, and east of a large tolerably accurate as representing the style quarry. of architecture, but failing as regards the gene- The entrance is through a tunnel about twenty ral appearance of the place. It has also been feet long and five wide. This-which has sufat least twice photographed, but I am not aware fered a good deal from time, and is now partly that any copies are now in print. During the supported by masonry-opens into the east side past monsoon I had an accurate plan taken of of a court averaging 95 feet north and south by it, which is now with the Archwological bar. 90 east and west, and ten feet below the surface veyor, and I think the following notes may be of the ground around. The centre of this court useful. is oocupied by the Nandi pavilion, which is It is in "a rocky hillock forming a gentle remarkable and, I believe, unique. It is hewn * Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. volIII. pt. ii. p. 56; Fergus- A squaro pavilion stands in front of the large Saiva non's Hist. of Indian and Eastern Architecture, p. 46. care at Amba or Mominabad.-ED.

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APRIL, 1877.] THREE KORGU INSCRIPTIONS. out of the rock in situ, and was originally sup- wide and dark passage leads round the back of ported by twelve pillars round the outside, and the shrine, and it would seem that the architect four in square in the centre. The four eastern meant to have supported all this part of the cave pillars have come down during the last five with pillars and pilasters symmetrical with those years, with that part of the roof which they in front; but much of the work remains merely supported. Between the outer circle and in- blocked out. The maximum depth of the cave ner square of pillars is an annular cistern about in the north-west corner) is 75 feet. The two feet deep, which was within my time kept northern section is now divided from the rest by filled with water. The Nandi and four inneramud wall. Between the pilasters on the true pillars rest upon an insulated plinth or pedestal in north wall I found some traces of figures - the cistern. The roof of this pavilion is external- whether blocked out for sculpture, or destroyed, ly carefully smoothed and dressed into the shape it was impossible to say, and thought I recogof an umbrella, except at the very top; where nized the outline of the Saiva Ashta Matra. the original rock surface remains,-not having Below them were a few conventional ornaments, been high enough, apparently, for the architect especially that derived from the Chaitya, and to finish his design. There is no trace of his found in many Hindu caves, as at Elephanta. having made any structural addition, either here on the faces of the great Nandi's island-pedesor over the main cave. The rest of the court- tal are panels of a pattern which suggests a yard is almost filled up by a modern well and similar derivation from the Buddhist rail. There garden. are no other sculptures, but a few unintelligible The facade of the cave occupies the whole marks in the south wall, and I found no inwest side of the court, and is 96 feet long, ex- scription whatever. There is a small cell; the clusive of the thickness of two pilasters. These front supported by two pillars, in the southand eight free-standing pillars, plain and square, | west corner of the court; and in the hill, about with bracket capitals, support the roof in front. a mile behind, there are three or four more, The eaves are very narrow, and dressed below; which are mere square cells. Modern Hinduism the entrance, a flight of five steps up from the has the whole set in full possession, has adorned court, and three down again into the cave, is the cave of Panchalesvara with marvellous fresbetween the centre pillars. The outer steps coes, and even hewn new images in the cells on are flanked by two stone tigers couchant, hewn the hill. There is nothing to show that the great in situ. An aisle eight feet wide separates the cave has not always been, as now, a Saiva temple. front row of pillars from another precisely similar, As regards its chronological position we have having a great false architrave; and nine feet but little evidence. The long open front and further in is a third row of the same character, but rows of pillars point to the period of the having only three pillars and & pilaster to the BAdami caves; the Nandi pavilion hewn in south of the central interval, as the south side of the court reminds one of Elora and the solid the cave here contracts eleven feetat a right angle, shrine of Dhokesvara, which is in fact the the north side retaining its direction. Between nearest Brahmanical cave (58 miles off as the the third pillar from the south and fourth from crow flies), and the one which to my mind prethe north is a small Nandi hewn in situ; and 6] sents most points of affinity. All of these, howfeet inside of this third row of pillars is the shrine, ever, are much more ornate than the cave of containing three cells hewn in a mass of rock 39 Panchalesvara, which, for its originality and feet long in front by 27; deep to rear, left stand- vigour of design, deserves to be a good deal ing from floor to ceiling. The central cell is occu- better known than it is, though lying at the pied by the linga of Mahadeva Panchalesvara; to very doors of one of the largest European his left is Bhavani, to his right Ganapati. A' stations in India. THREE KONGU INSCRIPTIONS. BY THE Rev. F. KITTEL, MERKARA. The following Old Kanarese inscriptions in the letters of the period (resembling those of * Cf. Ind. Ant. vol. I. pp. 860 et seq. ; vol. II, pp. 155 pronunciation of Kanarese, Kodaga, and other peoples, the et seq., vol. III. pp. 262 et seqq., p. 302. As evinced by the name of the country is Kogu (not Kofilgu with the long

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100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [ATRIL, 1877. the Kada mba inscriptions) are from three brink of a large trench (hudanga), but at present stone-tablets in the woods of Kiggatna du, lies in it, is a small Jindlaya of unpolished the south-eastern taluka of Kodagu (Coorg). stone, quite filled with white-ants' nests. The They are in places neighbouring the Laksh- name of the trench, Pen ne-g a danga, nobody in a natirtha river, which enters theKaveri seems to remember. beyond the frontiers of the province. No. It is Thegeneral title of the donor or donors, Permin the lands of Ferga or Peggu ar (i.e. big manadi(i.e. 'potentate') II, occurs in each of the village'), No. II. in those of Bili ur or Ba- grants. Apparently his real name, or the name li ur (i. e. bright village'), and No. III. in of one of them, Rachamalla T, is given in No. those of Kotur (i. e..well-arranged village') | I., from which it might be concluded that here in the Lakkunda jungle. Neither Lakkunda (Satyavakya) Kongini or Konguni varma (i.e., probably, high tank')S nor Kotur are dharmama haraja dhiraja, which, like mentioned in the grant, but Kalnadu (or Permmanadi, is also in each grant, is nothing *stone district') is, a name which seems to be now but a name of the dynasty, at the head of forgotten. The great river in Nos. I. and II. which, as is known, stands Konganivarma perhaps is the Lakshmana tirtha, which dharmama haraja dhirkja, who has no is still so called, with this difference only, that successor of that name in the sa sanas down till other Kanarese terms are used, viz. dodda A.D. 777. The satyavakya in the beginning of hole (great river') instead of pe d-dore; the title perhaps means the same as, in grant another possibility, however, is that the K & No. II., the satyavakya added to Jinalaya or veri (i.e. red bank') is meant. The basti, or the Jaina doctrine. Jaina temple, for which grant No. I was intend. The inscription No. II. bears the date of ed, was never built. At Bili-ur, not far from . $. 809 (A.D. 887), so that its donor lived one the stone-tablet that originally stood on the hundred and ten years after Prithvi KoiSanskrit 0); an inhabitant of that country, now-a-days contains the expression "the Chalu kya king Ganga often identified with the Koyambuttur (Coimbatore) dis- Permana di Vikram Adityadeva"; in a note is added trict, is called a Konga. Thas also Kodagu (Coorg) is "Gaiga pemenadi or Ganga pemmin mi was also adoptthe country, and Kodaga a native of Coorg. Kongini, Kon- ed as a K&damba title." See p. 210. There seems guni, Kongani nre Sanskritized forms. Though Kongu and to be no doubt that here and in the kiggatnau inscriptions Kodagu more than probably have the same root (Kud). the same title is meant: & writer, for the sake of the there seems to be no historical proof for the identity of the metre, may have lengthened the Kanarose Permanadi inte names. Among the Kodagas of our time there is a well-known Permanadi; in Kanarese (Tamil, and Maleykla), as indicated family called the Koiga house,-a secondary evidence as by the diacritical mark, also the lettere is short (e; cf. to the influence of the Kongas over at least a portion of Pemmadi; see also Perma, Pemma, Hemmadi in the Coorg. It would be of some interest to know in what genealogy of the Chalukyaa in "Old Canarese and document Kodagu is first mentioned. As the Kodaga! Sanskrit Inscriptions, &c. by J. F. Fleet, Esq., Bo. C.S.", do not possess the sounds of the now obsolete letters and reprinted from the Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. pp. 1-2; cf. } in their dialect, it does not appear to be so old as these also the village Peggu, 1. e. Pergu); only when the sisanas; the Badagas on tho Nilagiri hills still use these secondary adjective per (its primitive form is pir-see, e.g.. sounds in their language. piridu punyam, great virtue,' in grant No. I., 1. 18) + See Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 357. in compound is followed by a vowel, ita becomes e I People of Peggu told me that this No. I had been (i.e. long see sabda manidarpana, pp. 213, 214). If no linguistic license bas taken place as to the form of Perme. inspected by Mr. L. Rice; see Ind. Ant. vol. II. p. 155. nadi, the first part of the title is simply taken from the Cf. Dr. Burnell's So.-Ind. Palaeog. p. 27, n. 1. Malcyata Peruman or Perman. & Cf. Lokkigundi (or Lakkundi), Ind. Ant. vol. II. pp. 300-303. The proper name R&chamalla figures also in Lati glyta legende, e.g. in the story of king Bhairava of Sasa la || Permmapadi (or Permanadi-the doubling of the pura, by Nanjunda, wherein (chapter I. v. 885) two consonant after the repha being optional, if this is pre- Langytas of that name are introduced. In Telugu rachut = ceded by a short vowel; cf. Sabdamanidarpana, Man- raja. In the abstract from the list of the Kongwle-a galore edition, p. 140) is Permman a a d i, the great Rajarkal, Ind. Ant. vol. I. pp. 368 et seq., there appears, as one's foot,' a term honorifically used instead of the great the next successor of the donor of the Nagamangala grant (of one' himself. Iu Kanarese poetry, e.g. "I tell your foot or A.D. 777), a R$ja malla deva I., the younger brother feet" is frequently used for "I tell you." Adi, the foot,' of his predecessor; and as the fourth ruler after him, and or adigal, 'the feet' (twice in the present inscriptions), are the second after Satya v&k ya raya (Rija) Malla. often personified in Kannada, Tamil, and Maleyala, so deva II. is mentioned, in whose reign, A.D. 894, a temple that the terms also by themselves mean master; see, e.. was built upon some land in the midst of the Kaveri, adigal in this sense affixed to the names of gurus: Gora- and who was the last king of the dynasty (P). The year vadigal, Guruvadiga!, Dimmadigal, in the inscriptions at 894 is only seven years in advance of the date in No. Belgole (Ind. Ant. vol. II. p. 324;---cf. sayyadi,straight foot,' i.e. teacher; kittadi, short foot,' i.e. ascetic). Per II. of the present plates. mana di is equivalent to the Perum-&! (or Permin) * This supposition becomes more plausible from the cir. of the Malcyalas, a title with which they honoured the cumstance that after A.D. 777 the name of Koigini (KonChera, Chola, and Pindi kings. A play upon the title of guni, Koigani)-varma is not met with in the genealogical Permmanadi we find in the "sarvapada parihara Permma. abstract. nadi" of No. II., - lit. "the great one's foot that is free + The abstract says of Satya vakya raya: "He from any) obligations to all the other feet." Ind. Ant. was never failing in truth, hence he obtained the title of yol. IV. p. 203, an inscription of A.D. 1065-6 in the text Satyavakyardya."

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APRIL, 1877.] THREE KONGU INSCRIPTIONS. 101 gani Mah adhiraja, the donor of the Naga- has the same titles attached to his name. mangala copper-plate grant. The donor of No. I. Kola! apura of Coorg No. I. is written exis called the sovereign of Sripura, which is actly as in the Kadamba grant; the Koralalamentioned also in the Nagamangala grant at pura of Nos. II. and III. (Ko!!apura by syncope) least once, but perhaps thrice (if Sroure neans is the Kuva! A la pura of the Chalukya! the same). According to the Merkara and Naga- grant. On the common epithet of Perma. mangala plates, the sixth Konga king,-Konnad i some remarks are already made in a note. gani Mahadhiraja, was "the beloved son of the After such identity it is only natural to tind sister of Krishnavarma Mahadhiraja, who was that "the 96,000 royal representatives of tho the sun in the sky of the fortunate Kadamba countries" (sharnavatisahasra vishayapral:riraco." This statement connects the rulers of tayah) of the Nagamaigala grant, or, as they Bana vaso with those of Sripara; and are briefly styled in Coorg Nos. I. and II., froin a grant of A.D. 1075-6, published by Mfr. "the 96,000 people," are also adduced in the Fleet, I we learn that even at that time the con- said Chalukya grant. The Malepas (Malanection had not only not been severed, but on pas, Malavas), however, who at the Simo of the contrary had somohow become closer; for Pormali I. (A.D. 950-51), the subordinate of in that grant the very titles of the Koi gas in the Chalnkyn king Vikramaditya II., were the the present grants are used by the Kadambas. enemies of the Chalakyas, and in later times It states : " While the fortunate Gungas Pom- (towards the end of the 12th century) of the minadi...... the supreme king of great Kadamba chieftains of Govc, and probably kings (mahdrajadhirdja), the supreme lord, also of king Viraballa la of the Hoy salas the excellent lord of the city of Kolhapura (A.D. 1193)*, in the Kiggatnadu grants appear (Kolalapuravurekvara), the lord of Nandagirias the friends of the Kongas. (Nandagirinatha)," &e. And further in a grant of The emblem of No. III. is simply an elephant. A.D. 1055-6, published by the samel, the Chalukyawhich combined with others appears also at the king Per mana di Vikrama ditya deva top of the tablets I. and II. : On No 1 Ducrogroupe Dicalo On No 2. Ind. Ant. vol. IV. p. 210. $ Cf. Peddore, the great river,' in the present inscrip- tions. Ind. Ant. vol. IV. p. 203. The last form of the name occurs also in another in. scription, according to note 2. p. 203, foud.;o oftcn changes I place with , as does l with * See the reprint of Mr. Fleet's paper, p. 16.

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102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1877. The meaning of the text in a few instances icmains to be settled; I have refrained from giving any tentative explanations. The traus. lation is as literal as possible. I. ! Svasti Sakauripakalatitasamvatsarasatanga t aneyat 1svarasamvatsoram pravattise svastisatyavakya Konginivarmmadharmmamahi- rajadhiraja KopalapuravaresvaraNandagivina thasrimat 'Rachanalla Peromanadiga! tadvarshasyantarapalgunasuklapakshada Nandisvara talpadevasamagi svastisamastavairigajagliatatopa "kumbhikumbhastalasphutitanarghyasuktapalagralanabhikarakara sonivasitadakshinadorddandamanditaprachhandam chinnana pindapi "dadharanandum srimat rakkasa Boddorugardyanaluttiro bhadrama-stu Ji. nasasanaya sri Bolgolanivasigalappa sri Virasenasiddhantadevara varasishyat sri Gonasenapanditabhattarakara vara- sishyar srimat Atantariryyayyanga! Porggadurum pe"savadayamunanabhyantarasiddhiyagi padodaradarkki sa-18kshitombhattaru sisirbbaramaysamantarum Peddoregaro yelpadimbarumontokkalumidam Kavarnalvar mmaliparu-18 maynurbbaru may. damarigaram Sripurada maharaja bhadattiyanavonorbbanalidir | Banarasiyum sisirbba brahmanarum sisira kavilegumanalida pan. chama hapatakanakkum idanirorbba kadaravargge piridu punyam Chandanandiyayyana likhitam Perggadura basadiya sasanan. Translation. Hail! When the i svara year which was (the eightieth one in connection with ?) the hundreds of the years that had passed since the time of the Saka king ($.$.780 ?), was current;- hail ! Sa ty a va kya Koiginivarma, the supremo king of virtuous sovereigus; the excellent lord of Koala pura; the protector of Nanda giri; the fortunate R a chamalla, the Pormmanadi* ; when the Nandisvara (day) of the bright lunar fortnight of the month) Phalguna in that year was the chairday :-hil! when he who is terrible by being adorned with a strong right fore-arm in which rests tho sword that is formidable when (he) seizes the precious pearls that burst forth out of the globes of the proud globe-bearers, (viz.) the troops of the elephants of all enemies, (and) who is pleased with him who carries the ballplatter of gold (C), vas ruling over the rich shores of the great river of Rakslasas; - prosperity to Jina's order!--the fortunate Anantavi. Tya A y ya, who was the beloved disciple of the Bhataraka Sri Gomasena l'andita that was the beloved disciple of Sri Virasena Siddhantadeva, who was an inhabitant of Sri Bolgolat obtained (then, the village, &'c.), so that the village of Perggu as well as the new rent became (his) acquisition not to be meddled with. Regarding this there are these witnesses: the ninety-six thousand people, the five (tributary) chiefs, the seven ascetics of the great river, and the eight farmors. They who guard this (are) the four Malopas, the five hundred people, and the five spokesmen. Any one who destroys the grant of the sovereign of Sripura becomes guilty of destroying Biranasi, a thousand Brabmans, a thousand brown cows, (and) of the (other) Sve great crimes; to any one who guards this (accrnes) great virtue. Chandanandi Ayya's writing. Grant of the temple of the village of Pirgga. II. Bhadramastu Jiuas isaniya Sakanipa 'tita kalasamvatsarangalintunurumbattancya varsha-m pravattisuttiru svasti satyavakyaKonganivarmmadharinmat ma-harajadhirajaKovalalaparavaresvara Nandagirina thasrimaSt-Pormmanadiya rajyabhishekangoyda padinen The dots denote that in the original a few letters are wreatly mutilated. The letter t proves that at has disap peared just before it in the original-below it), and further that the decimal pattu (ten) in its adjective form pattu. meya has been in the original. Sataiga requires a follow iuz Ithat is, la, -the sign of the genitive plural, --with a vowel and bindu denoting the value of the first part of the decimal number. What is left of the following consonant bears a very slight resemblance to the lower portion of the letter bhe. Thus the reading may have been sutan calonbhattaneya or satangulombhattineya. According to dir. C. P. Brown's Cyclic Tables, s. 8. 779 was an Isvara year, thon 830, then 899, &c. If S. S. 779 could be made correspond to S. S. 780 (80 = embhatta), this year would not be far from the date of $. 8.809 in the second inscription, but still too far to harmonize with the year of the king's coronation mentioned therein, if the same king is to be understood. I In wine before g the varga letter is used instead of the bindet. Letters in italics denote that their value is doubtful : hence chin (of gold') may be annan (of food'). Regarding the final o in see Subdamanidarpana, p. 189. TA slip of the chisel, instead of Baranasi, 18 appears from No. II. * Here the plural is used-Parmmarigol. People generally say Belgula, which is the same (bright or clear tank'). The nasal before in Konguni is expressed by the bindu.

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Indian Antiguary. Vol. VI. p. 109 KONGU INSCRIPTION. No. I. prshshjaati tVV VAAJF2 4 25 srkaar kr krmulu kNknnmu dairigi jbukku khMnaangkhnyuM tii 9592 aa shaard KAM klklNtulu kaaluturu raaju smrigjesh jn mjvunu baarwser. A ARrshnlu vaaddu budNbrN idi rijreejrvgaalu: 87 shaastriiy punaalu aggrNddiyn

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Indian Antiquary. VOL VI. p. 108 KONGU INSCRIPTION No. II. idddi gnnkyNtr | asddkssristhitiyllittaaydshi lled 336Aylefddiddkttttdd pD28D7jturi-18014800 prt atym[bukhjmukhfmvcitr isiaasumshrstillisizrr mhillgNttu aNjmdikkid aashe iddcisi

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APRIL, 1877.] BOOK NOTICE 103 taniyac varshadanda pa-'lgunamasada eripan- five hundred people, and the five spokesmen chamiyandu Sivanandisiddhantada bhatara-'ra (are) the guardians of it. Any one who desisbyarSsarybanandidevargge Pennegadangada stroys this becomes a person that is guilty of satyavakyaJinala-yakke Peddoregarcya Biliur destroying Baranasi, a thousand parvas, ppannir ppalliyumam sarvapadapari-hara thousand brown cows, (and) of the other) five Pormmanadi kottar tombhattaru sisirbbaruma- great crimes. The teacher Seja's writing. ysamantarum Poddo-oregariya el padimbarum Boli ar pays eighty gold coins) of full weight, intokkalum idarkko sakshi malepasasil rbba- as well as eight hundred (measures of) paddy. rumaynurvbarummaydimarigarum idarkko III. kapu idanalidoi "Baranisiyumain sasirvbar Svasti satyavakya Kongunivarmmall pparv barumam sasira kavilegumana lidom panchamahapatakanakkum Sejojana likhitta dharmmamaharajadhirajam Kova1. Boliura enbattu gadyanaponnum entu nuru Pilapuravaresvaram Nandagirinatham batta'mum tiruchom. *srimat Pormmanadiga! Jedala Eruyangangi Vandana magango PermmanuTranslation. 'di vattangatti bido stitikra mama Prosperity to Jina's order! When the eight 'vadindodo siddhayada ponnombattu hundred and ninth year of the time past since *gadyanaponnum biltiya bhathe Saka king (S. S. 809) was current ;-hail ! Ottadol nuru bhattamumam olla Satya v a kya Koigunivar ma, the su 10 kalakkam sasanamagi biprome king of the virtuous sovereigns; the excel 11ttar Bummayyanakkaram mangalam lent lord of Kovalalapura; the protector of Nanda giri;-in the eighteenth year when "Ercyangangi Kalnida mahasri. (after) the kingdom-inangaration of the fortunate Translation. Permmana di was being performed, on the Hail ! Satya vakya Konguoivarma, lucky fifth day of the month Phalguna, Porm- the supreme king of all the virtuous sovereigns; manadi, who is free from obligations to all the excellent lord of Koval alapura; the prothe (other) foet, gave even the twelve hamlets tector of Nandagiri; the fortunato Porm(that formed) Bili ur on the shores of the manadi. When Pormmanad i enfeoffed great river, for the Jina temple of the Word Jedala Erey a nga, the son of that Mun. of Truth of the Ponno trencht, to Sarva- da, the order fixed was this :-he set down (as) nandideva who was 1 disciple of Siva- the gold of land-rent nine (?) gold (coins) nandi, the Bha tara of the established truth. of fall weight, as well as a hundred (measures The ninety-six thousand people, the five (tribu- f) paddy in seed-paddy, to be intended to be tary) chiefs, the seven ascetics of the great a grant for ever. Bumma Ayya's letters. river, and the eight farmers (are) the witnesses May) Kalnadu (be) a blessing to Eruyanga! regarding this. The thousand Malepast, the Great prosperity! BOOK NOTICE. HISTORY OY INDIAN AND EASTERN ARCHITECTURE, by great company of European scholars, the equally JAMES FERGUSSON, D.C.L.,, F.R.S., &c., forming the third volume (but completa in itaelf) of the new edi. attractive field of architectural art was not long tion of the History of Architecture. London: John wanting in enthusiastic explorers, and the blank left Murray, 1876. by the neglect and ignorance of the two preceding When the religions and literature of India had centuries of European settlement and conquest was succumbed to the determined scrutiny of the first rapidly filled up. It was then discovered that, how The syllable ne was at first omitted in the original, Or, if the syllable pa had not been supplied under and afterwards, though not clearly, inserted below its the line in the original," the thousand (personified) hills." place in the line. At all events it is strange that here & thousand Malepas The letter pa is not in the line, but something upre. are mentioned (and the number is quite distinct), wbereas cognizable appears below its place. in No. I. the only number I can make of the (a little inAccording to No. I. and to the meaning that is requir. distinct) letters is that of four'; of that of thousand ed, the ri (expressed by a bindu in the original) before there is no trace in it. maydd &c. is a slip of the chisel. Or houses. Oroverseers,' i.e. Brahmans. + From this it appears to follow that the Coorg kajailgas, or large trenches, originally were intended for || The nasal in Konguni is the bindu. landmarks. The plural-Permmanadigal.

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104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1877. ever strong might be the claims of India to an old Mr. Fergusson's History of Architecture first and high civilization, there were no material evi- appeared in 1855, as part of his well-known Handdences of it which could claim a place beside the Book. A new edition, very liberally enlarged, similar memorials of Egypt, Assyria, and Greece. Appeared in 1862, also as part of a similar general This achievement was accomplished by the History of Architecture in all Countries. The labours of Buchanan, Wilson, Sykes, Mackenzie, present is therefore a third revision; but it has and Prinsep,--not to mention other names nearly borne such an entire remodelling, and has been so as great; but it was reserved for a later writer, considerably added to, that it is practically and Mr. James Fergusson, to leave the limited field professedly a new and distinct work. The bulle of more or less provincial inquiry, and to bring of it, or more than 600 pages out of 750, is taken up together, in one comprehensive body, the com- by the Indian styles, to which the following replete results of all that had been effected by the marks will almost exclusively refer; but the sections several preceding investigators. devoted to Burmah, Siam, Cambodia, Java, and When one considers the influence the religions China are quite as complete as existing materials of the Indian races have on all their actions and permit, and important as the best extant authority aspirations, and the aid to a proper comprehension for the architectural history of the countries to of such influence which is afforded by an intelli- which they refor. gible acquaintance with the architectural remains The great features of the work are that it does of the country, the Government and the public not confine itself to the mere technicalities of alike are under a deep debt of obligation to one architectural science, and that it expresses small who has done, and is doing, so much in this im- sympathy with those who look at the knowledge of portant sphere of knowledge. And the feeling of the exterior phases of structural art merely as so obligation must be accompanied by a large ad- many means of aesthetic enjoyment, and as ends miration for the learning and energy of a writer in themselves. On the contrary, while fully satis. who has effected single-handed, without Govern. fying the reader who may take up the work with ment assistance, not only the first popular in no higher objects than those we have indicated, troduction of the subject to the European and it aims at the broader and deeper task of illusAsiatic public, but who, after a lapse of upwards of trating and explaining, in the full spirit of thirty years, still maintains his position as the sole modern architectural inquiry, the entire body and most able instructor of the world in this of Indian history and progress. To effect this is section of antiquities. The effect which the writ- a Titanic operation, demanding a very familiar ings of Mr. Fergusson have had on the knowledge comprehension of the varied results of the philoand taste of the present generation is admittedly logical, ethnological, and mythological research great; numbers must owe to his architectural of the last century, as well as a personal acworks their first awakening from the ignorance quaintance with much of the Aren of a great or indifference about the country and its peoples country still insufficiently supplied with communiwhich distinguishes but too many of the European cations; but, vast as the toil involved may be, it residents of this country. has been gone through with nerer-flagging freshThe learned societies of Europe and the East ness, and with results which speak plainly for have long acknowledged all this by every means themselves. in their power; but the general public has few To proceed to particulars : the illustrationsopportunities of doing so, and we have therefore which, with a few exceptions, are of the extreme thought fit to preface this brief notice of the beauty and accuracy of the earlier editions--have work under review with some tribute of admira. been increased in number from 200 to 400, and tion and respect for one who has done so much there are two good maps in which the principal to aid in the intelligent government of India, and non-Muhammadan architectural localities are plainto render attractive the country in which so many ly laid down in colours. If we mistake not, these thousands of his countrymen have to find their maps are the first of their kind, and will be found homes. of the utmost value. The body of the text is It is impossible to deal here in any adequate preceded by an Introduction in which the origin, preceded by an Introduction in way with the snbject-matter of a work of this de- movements, and statistics of the pagan rnces are scription. The space of the Quarterly Review clearly and laboriously disentangled from the rewould scarcely allow that to be done. It will only pelling difficulties in which they have, so far as be practicable to refer briefly to the more marked the general reader is concerned, so long lingered ; features of the book, and to point out its unique and at the end of the book about 50 pages are deand indispensable character for the purposes alikevoted to the disputed points of Indian chronology, of the resident and of the European traveller. which necessarily affect so closely the whole

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APRIL 1877.] BOOK NOTICE. 105 framework of the author's conclusions. The rest is divided into seven Books, the two first and the last of which (those, namely, relating to the Buddhist, Jaina, and Indo-Saraconio styles) apply more or less generally to the whole country, and derive their titles from the respective creeds which have now, or had formerly, similar universal lodgmont; while the remaining four books (those, namely, devoted to the Himalayan, Dravidian, Chalukyan, and Northern or Indo-Aryan styles) are limited by the geographical or ethnical boundaries which the titles themselves define. As the oldest existing works are those of the Buddhist period, the author commences with them, and this section will be found to be a marked advance on the previous editions, both in text and illustrations. It is still impossible to announce the discovery of any remains anterior to the time of Asoka, or the second half of the third century before Christ, but the work which has been done in filling up the gaps behind that starting-point in the architectural history of India is great and important. First and foremost it is shown that the store of information we have derived from the beautiful and peculiar tope railings has been unexpectedly and lavishly increased by General Cunningham's discoveries at Barhut, in the state of Rewa. The rail found at this spot is said to date 200 B.C., and offers to furnish us with as full information of the worship and life of that re- mote age as do the richly sculptured similar works, of a later period, at Sanobi, Amravati, and else- where. Next, there are fresh illustrations and particulars of the gloomy and impressive Chaitya caves at Bhaja, Bedsa, NAsik, and other places on the western side of India-excavations which are also believed to be prior to the Christian era; and, finally, plans are furnished, with all that can be made out, of the remains of the extensive structural monasteries of the Panjab, which may be found to be almost as old, and which offer to settle 80 many points of complexity left undetermined by the examination of the cave examples. The last-mentioned discoveries have attracted more popular attention than such matters usually do, owing to the marked traces they disclose of Grecian influence in their orders and sculpture, and would attract more if most of the objects found were not buried in the Lahor museum. The foregoing are merely the more prominent features of novelty in the Buddhist section. It is quite impossible here to say more, as every page teoms with facts or illustrations which bring this remote period of the history of India much nearer to us than has yet been effected for that of some much later times. The second Book deals with the Juina styles, to which we believe the author was the first to direct the attention they deserve, not only on account of their beauty in arrangement and ornament, but also for their present significance as the architectural expressions of a peculiar and wealthy sect whose building tendencies have not been exhausted by the passage of two thousand years. In the earlier editions of his book Mr. Fergusson was unable to point to any Jaina work earlier than the eleventh century, but he now shows that discoveries at Mathura may be reasonably expected to throw back the date, perhaps to the first or second century before Christ. If research proceeds at this pace, and is followed up by intermediate supporting facts, we shall shortly be better acquainted than we are at present with the exact relations of Buddhism and Jainism, and we shall stand face to face with a style which can boast alike of a remote antiquity and a present active progression and development. The history of the Jaina styles, if it is ever completed, may place us in possession of one of the most remarkable chapters in the architectural history of the world. The clusters of temples reared by this sect at Palitana, Girnar, Abu, and Parasnath are amongst the most striking groups India anywhere affords. and the beauty of individual examples ranges from that of the smallest shrines to that of the massive and lofty towers which still crown the summit of the fortress of Chittor, in Rajputana. All will be found effectively illustrated and treated by Mr. Fergusson, as well as accompanied by an exposition of the history and belief of their founders. There is one effective feature in the Jaina temples-shared in to some extent by those of the Chalukyan style-which reminds one strongly of the Ptolemaic structures of Egypt. We refer to the half-length screens placed in front of or between the pillars of the porticos. Those who some years ago tried so hard to find resemblances between the Egyptian and Indian styles can hardly have failed to notice this, but we do not remember their having done so. Book III. ranges over the entire extent of the Himalayas, got omitting the utterances of some hope that the architectural treasures of Tibet will not much longer remain sealed to the subjects of the--in that direction-powerless Empress of India. With respect to Kasmir there is small novelty, but the Nepalese and Kangra divisions for the first time take their proper place, and are copiously illustrated. of the Book devoted to the Dravidian style, it is only needful to point to the last chapter, relating to the civil examples, as the remainder of this part of the work deals with ground already well trodden,

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106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1877 though it will by no means be exhausted until & Buopessor to Colonel Mackenzie appear. The Chalukyan style has received only quite a recent recognition, and a great deal yet remains to be revealed regarding it; but we think it is des. tined to take a very high place in popular favour. The specimens of it range upwards from the Krishna to the Mahanadi and Taptt. None of the Koishna examples are of much antiquity, but all, without exception, are of considerable originality and very great beauty of detail, and a greater contrast could not be imagined than that between these tasteful and lavishly decorated structures and some of the more or less clumsy and repulsive-though otherwise interesting and important-buildings of Orissa, whose boundary they touch on the northeast. We must confess we have personally a strong admiration for the Chalukyan style, and the Bombay presidency is to be congratulated on possessing 80 fair a share of its examples, if suitability to European taste is to be any criterion in our judgment of Indian architecture. The next Book, containing the history of what the author calls the Northern or Indo-Aryan style, is much longer than the foregoing, as it embraces the immense area between the Indus and Brahmaputra west and east, and the Himalayas and Vindhyas north and south, -not without extending here and there into the ground appropriated principally by other orders. The author explains why he has adopted this title for the style that prevailed among the Hindus in Northern and Central India from the seventh century to the present day:but, although we cannot presume to offer a better name for it, we think the alternative term Indo-Aryan is inuch wanting in distinctive- ness, as it embraces alike the structural Hindu works of the North-West Provinces, Orissa, and Central India, as well as some of those of Dharwad, and the Brahmanical rock-cut temples of that district and of the western presidency generally. This important section contains much that we cannot pretend to have yet done much more than skimmed, and we would only point to its multitude of illustrations, and its merits as containing, amongst other novelties, the results of R&jendra Ala Mitra's researches in the north-east, and of those of the Bombay Archaeological Survey in the south-west; while in this instance, as in others, the chapter on the civil architecture is new and attractive. It only remains to refer to the book devoted to the Muhammadan orders. Although the examples of the works of the Pathans and Mughuls are so wide-spread and striking, they have been less fortunate in illustration than the provincial styles of Bijapur and AhmadAbad, and Mr. Fergusson's account of them-in the continued absence of adequate illustrations in the Bengal Archaeologi. cal Reports-must long remain our only means of enlightenment. It omits illustrations of none of the more important groups those. namely, of Ghazni, Dilhi, Jaunpur, Bengal, Gujarat, Malwa, Kulbarga, and Bijapur ; and, under two or three of these heads there are material additions, both in text and drawings-mostly the entire work of the author himself, as it is not necessary to remind the readers of this journal that Mr. Fergusson's labours are nowhere con. fined to mere compilation or criticism of the work of others : he is always equally at home in the Buddhist, Jaina, Hindu, and Saracenic styles, and has his own materials and longdigested conclusion in all cases. Chief among the new features of this book is a complete set of drawings-elevation, plan, and section-of the great Tomb of Akbar at Sikandra, near Agria work which has hitherto never been properly dealt with With respect to our knowledge of the main features and principal examples of the Muham. madan styles little now remains to be performed, but a great deal yet remains to be done in detail, The province of the Panjab, for instance, which contains one of the old capitals-Lahor, eur. rounded by Mughul monuments of the greatest historical interest and beauty,-is entirely unknown to the architectural public, and apparently will long remain so, although even some of its minor cities, such as Multan and Sirhind, contain buildings second to none in interest in their proper grade. The coloured tile-work decorations of Lahor and Multan have yet to be illustrated. and it may be predicted that they will delight those who admire that vivid and beautiful, though perish able, class of ornament. When commencing our remarks it was stated that they would be limited to the Indian section but we cannot close without some reference to the author's chapter on the architecture of the island of Java. This will prove of absorbing interest to those who are unacquainted with the previous editions of the work, or with the Dutch and other books from which the information is drawn. We are so accustomed to consider the Indian races as non-maritime and unenterprising beyond the sens. that, although many years have elapsed since the discovery of the Indian origin of the Javan works, the new facts and illustrations now fur nished by Mr. Fergusson cannot fail to be widely acceptable, and to heighten the interest which has always been felt in this romantic chapter in the history of Eastern architecture. Not the least valuable and curious feature of the remains of Java

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APRIL, 1877.] is that of the disclosure of traces of tree and serpent worship,-two forms of early religious veneration which are apparently destined to afford a wide ground of controversy for some years to come, a ground which Mr. Fergusson has hitherto made peculiarly his own. Many of the new MISCELLANEA. MISCELLANEA. DONATION OF ORIENTAL MSS. TO THE EDINBURGH UNIVERSITY. Mr. John B. Baillie, of Leys, has presented to the University a fine collection of Persian, Arabic, and Sanskrit manuscripts, formed by his grandfather, Lieutenant-Colonel John Baillie, who wished them made heirlooms of his estate of Leys. His representatives, however, being desirous that they should be placed in some public institution, have handed them over to the University of Edinburgh under certain conditions, one of which is that they are to be kept separate as the "Leys Collection." Among them is a complete copy of the Mahabharata in the form of a roll 228 feet long, 5 inches wide, profusely illustrated in colours and gold, representing scenes from the poem. The writing (Devanagart character) is very minute, there being twelve lines in every inch. This MS. is perhaps one of the most beautiful of the kind that has reached this country. Another fine MS. is a copy of the Shah Ndmeh of Firdausi, also richly illustrated with illuminations of Oriental scenes. The rest of the collection consists of historical works, firmans beautifully illuminated, &c., and numbers in all about 125 volumes. -Scotsman. TRANSLATION OF A JAPANESE SONG. The woods are green in summer time. And bright with blossoms gay; The murmur of the happy leaves .Sounds all the golden day. But here a tree, by lightning struck. Is black, and bent, and bare; It lifts its arms like phantom fell, And dims the sunny air. A bird, that built its dainty nest 'Mong branches blossomed-o'er, Still sings upon the withered bough As blithely as before. O fond and faithful as the bird That haunts the leafless tree, Though darkest clouds of sorrow came. My sweet love stayed with me! illustrations in this volume, although inserted for other purposes, would serve as additions to those of the author's great special work on this subject,-of Tree and Serpent Worship. Lahor. 107 W. S. DR. GOLDSTUCKER'S. THEORY ABOUT PANINI'S TECHNICAL TERMS. BY PROF. RAMKRISHNA G. BHANDARKAR, M.A. The following article on Goldstucker's Panini was published in two issues of Native Opinion. 21st and 28th August 1864. Appearing in a mere newspaper, it probably did not then attract the notice of scholars generally, and is now inaccessible. I am encouraged to reprint it in the Indian Antiquary by the suggestion of Prof. F. Kielhorn in a note to his article on the Mahabhashya (ante, vol. V. p. 251). I have given it as it was, save misprints. and a remark of a personal nature omitted from the last paragraph. Dr. Burnell, in his recent work, The Aindra School of Sanskrit Grammarians, has adopted Prof. Goldstucker's theory about Panini's technical terms, which, as was shown by me twelve years ago, is based on a misapprehension of the sense of certain passages in the Mahabhashya and Kaiyata, and like him is led to awkward conclusions. He gives some technical terms used by the older grammarians, which, he says, Panini does not define in accordance with the theory. Of these, however, ekavachana, dvivachana, and bahuvachana are defined in I. 4. 103. Upasarga, nipata, dhatu, and pratyaya Panini defines likewise, but, as observed by me in the following paper, he defines them by enumeration, or by unfolding the denotation of the term instead of the connotation, and in the case of dhatu in the * pAThena dhAtusaMjJetyetadupapanna bhavati / p. 229a. latter way also. All Indian grammarians so understand him, and Patanjali himself does s0. Dhatu is defined in I. 3. 1. This sutra is interpreted in several ways. First, that bhu and others are dhdtus, i.e. the name dhatu is given to bhu and others. The effect of this, we are told in the Mahabhashya, is that these get the name from the fact of their being put in that list. Secondly, bhu and others which are of the nature of va, i.e. which show action, are roots; and thirdly, vd and others which are of the nature of bhu, i.e. signify being, are roots. What is to be gathered from the last two is that words which show action or being

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108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. are roots. This is a connotative definition. After finishing his explanation in this way, Patanjali says, "Well, then, if we have got a connotative definition now, the enumeration should not be made," which means that the purpose of a connotative definition and enumeration is the same, viz. the explanation of a term. In the same manner the word nipata is explained in I. 4. 56. This is an adhikara, wherefore the term is to be repeated in each of the sutras that follow, up to I. 4.97; and the sense is that all the particles contained in these sutras are nipatas. Upasarga is defined, i.e. explained by enumeration, in I. 4. 59. As to pratyaya it is defined in III. 1. 1. This also is an adhikara, and by this adhikara we are told a name is given to certain things which are set forth in the following sutras, to which the adhikara extends. Bhavishyat and Vartamana are no sanjnds, or technical terms, of Panini,-they are no more so than the words bhita, adyatana, and paroksha, which are also used. The same remark applies to anta, pradhana, and prayatna. Anusvara, like visarga, is merely the name of a sound, and is not a sanjnd, the object of which in Panini's grammar is abbreviation, or to be able to state much in a short compass. Then follow terms which, according to the theory, Panini should not define, but as a matter of fact he does. Dr. Burnell gives reasons why he does, the chief of which is that Panini's new anubandhas and the pratydhara sutras rendered the definition of these terms necessary. Prof. Goldstucker's theory is that Panini does not define those terms which admit of an etymology and which are "known and settled otherwise." Now these terms have an etymology, were settled by the previous grammarians, were known before Panini, Panini uses them in the same sense, and there is no difference whatever; why, then, should he define them if the theory be true? What difference does his new system of anubandhas and the pratyahara sutras make? He would be justified in defining them only if he used them in a different sense. But this is not the case. And if his new anubandhas make any difference, why should he not define the names of cases, prathama, dvittyd, &c. where also he has got new anubandhas. There are also some terms with the definition of which his innovations have nothing to do, but still he defines them notwithstanding they were used by writers who are believed to have preceded him. Panini defines sanhita as parah sannikarshah (I. 4. 109), and these are exactly the words in which Yaska explains the term.SS Yaska uses + yadi tA lakSaNaM kriyate nedAnIM pAThaH kartavyaH / * pratyayaH / AdhikAraNeyaM pratyayasaMjJA kriyate / [APRIL, 1877. the terms abhyasa and abhyastal also, and in Panini's definition of them there are no anubandhas or pratyaharas. The first of these observations will also stand against the reason advanced by Dr. Burnell for defining anundsika. Panini's definition of amantrita he considers to be no definition. I do not see why. It is as good a definition as that of guna or vriddhi. The sense of the sutra (II. 3. 48) is, "the first case as used in addressing is called amantrita." In the definition of upadha Dr. Burnell thinks that the reason given in the Mahabhashya for the use of alah is to avoid making it apply to the indicatory letters. I do not find this reason in that work. The quotation given in the footnote to support the statement means quite another thing. Its purport is this:-A question is raised whether the "alah is to be taken as an adjective to antya." The answer is, "Yes, it deserves to be so taken." What follows is a vartika setting forth an objection against this construction. The objection is, "If alah is to be taken as an adjective to antya, there should be a prohibition against [the application of the term to] a collection of letters," i. e. in this construction, the sense of the sutra is "what precedes the last letter (lit. the end in the shape of a letter) is upadhd," in which case the term would apply to the two letters ed of the root ede. A long discussion follows, with which we have nothing to do at present. I need say nothing more. PANINI, HIS PLACE IN SANSKRIT LITERATURE; an Investigation of some Literary and Chronological Questions which may be settled by a Study of his Works. By Theodor Goldstucker: London, Trubner & Co. Dr. Goldstucker is undoubtedly one of the most learned, laborious, and accurate European Sanskrit scholars we have known, and the wide and, in many cases, precise knowledge he has shown of Indian grammatical literature is particularly striking to a Hindu, especially when we call to mind that he has not had the advantage of oral instruction, which is available only in India. Of course a minute knowledge of the complicated and subtle speculations of Indian grammarians can only be acquired after a hard study of at least five years, and from a Panditteacher. But much of what they have written is barren and useless, and no European Sanskritist, or Indian scholar of the new stamp, would consider it worth his while to study it. The doctor's critical acumen, the skill with which he has brought together stray facts to illustrate and SS p. 38, 1. 2, Roth's ed. p. 40, 1. 2 from bottom; p. 41, 1 8; p. 74, 1. 2; p. 83, 1. 2 from bottom; p. 94, 1. 8.

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APRIL, 1877.] prove his points, and the success with which he has combated the opinions of several scholars, command our admiration, though we are rather inclined to think he has handled some of his German friends somewhat roughly. His book is, however, not without its weak points, and there are three or four places where it appears to us to be particularly so. It is not our intention at present to write an elaborate review of it, but we will notice one point which bears materially on his " theory about Panini, the Indian grammatical legislator. MISCELLANEA. At page 166, Dr. Goldstucker lays down the four following propositions : 1. That his (Panini's) Grammar does not treat of those sanjnds or conventional names which are known and settled otherwise. 2. That this term sanjna must be understood in our rule to concern only such conventional names as have an etymology. 3. That it applies also to grammatical terms which admit of an etymology, but not to those which are merely grammatical symbols. 4. That such terms as ti, ghu, and bha were known and settled before Panini's Grammar, but that nevertheless they are defined by Panini, because they are not etymological terms. These four statements contain, according to Dr. Goldstucker, the principles which guided Panini in the composition of his work, and are deduced as conclusions from one of his sutras, Patanjali's Bhashya on it, and Kaiyata's gloss on the latter. Leaving these points for fuller examination at the end, let us in the first place consider if these principles are worthy of being made the basis of a stupendous grammatical superstructure, and bear an air of truthfulness about them, or if there is any external evidence to support them. According to the first two statements, Panini does not propose to teach sanjnds, and such sanjnas only as have an etymology. Does he, then, propose to teach sanjnds which are without etymology? The "only" would show that he does propose this. What, then, is meant by sanjnas without etymology? Are such sanjnds as Panchdldh, Varanah, Angah, which are given by the commentators as instances of this sutra and the previous one to which it refers, and which, therefore, are the sanjnds Panini, according to them, does not propose to teach,-are these sanjnds, we ask, without etymology? If they are, according to Dr. Goldstucker, Panini should teach them. If they are not, no instance can be given of a word existing in the language which is a sanjnd without etymology. If we bear in mind that two schools of etymology existed in India, viz. vyutpatti paksha, according to which all words have an 109 etymology, and avyutpatti paksha, according to which some have, and some have not, and that Panini belonged to the latter, as, is asserted and believed by all sastris, such words as panchalah and angdh are sanjnds without etymology. And if this be joined with Dr. Goldstucker's statement it will follow that Panini should teach them. But as a fact he does not, if we believe the commentators. Now with regard to the vyutpatti paksha, we see that the rule in question contradicts its doctrine, for according to that paksha all words, sanjnds included, have etymology, while the rule makes a distinction between words with and words without etymology. If we suppose, then, that Panini belonged to this paksha, and at the same time that he observed the rule given by Dr. Goldstucker, we must either suppose him to have possessed an extremely illogical mind, or not to have proposed such a rule for his guidance. Upon either view of etymology, therefore, we maintain that the rule laid down in statements Nos. 1 and 2 could not have been followed by Panini. We perfectly agree with statement No. 1 if it be separated from No. 2, and not interpreted according to the sense of the word sanjnd given in the latter. In the next two statements, this rule is applied to grammatical sanjnds. Such as are settled are not to be defined, but an exception is to be made in favour of such as have no etymology, e.g. ti, ghu, bha, &c. We see no reason why Panini should select for definition, out of settled sanjnds, such as have no etymology. For, both those with and those without etymology are settled, i.e. have a fixed meaning. The mere circumstance of some sanjnds having etymology, which may be considered as the reason why they are not to be defined, is immaterial, as the presence of etymology in the one case is nearly the same thing as its absence in the other. The etymology of a technical term is not sufficient to explain its sense, and in some cases it affords no clue to it whatever. How can the etymology of the terms bahuvrthi, pratyaya, &c. enable one to understand their grammatical signification ? In so far, then, as words with etymology are used in philosophical treatises in a sense different from the etymological, or from that they have in common language, they are in the same predicament as unmeaning words, such as ti, ghu, &c. We see, therefore, no reason why Panini should have selected the latter for definition, and not the former. Having laid down this theory about Panini's technical terms, Dr. Goldstucker proceeds to test its accuracy with reference to several sanjnas which he knows were settled before Panini's time, such as pratyaya, prathama, dvitiya, tatpurusha,

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110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1877. the fallacy anaikantika is defined as that which is any one of Sadharana, &c., i.e. anaikantika is either Sadhdrana, Aeddhdrana, or Anupasanharin. The fallacy is thus defined by enumerating its several kinds. We need not stop here to quote other instances. Any one who takes the trouble will find many in any Sanskrit philosophical treatise. What we maintain, then, is that, so far as this view of definition is concerned (and we are convinced that that is the Hindu view), Panini has defined the terms pratyaya, tatpurusha, bahuvrthi, &c., which Dr. Goldstucker says he has not; but he has defined them by enumerating the several kinds or individuals contained under them. To Hindu writers such a definition is as good as the other, especially when the latter is difficult to give. We think Panini in defining terms by enumeration was not guided by any such rule as the learned doctor lays down, but he simply consulted his own convenience. When he found it difficult to give a connotative definition, he gave a denotative one. How difficult I would it have been to give a connotative definition of bahuvythi, for instance, containing as it does such compounds as uttarapUrvA, saputra, daNDAdaNDi, BO different from such a one as kamalanayana. We now proceed to examine the principal evidence upon which Dr. Goldstucker's theory is based. As we said before, he quotes a sutra of Panini, the bhashya on it, and Kaiyata's gloss on the latter, and deduces his theory from these. When we read this portion of the book for the first time, we were surprised to find that the doctor had not understood one of the passages correctly. The sutra referred to is tadaziSyaM saMjJApramANatvAt / Dr. Goldstucker's translation:-" Such matter will not be taught by me, for it falls under the category of conventional terms which are settled (and therefore do not require any rule of mine;" literally, "for it has the authority of a sanjnd or conventional term)." &c., and finds that he has not defined them, as they have an etymology. He then mentions other sanjnds, such as karmadharaya, sanyoga, anundsika, hrasva, dirgha, udatta, anuddtta, &c., and since they are defined and possess etymology, he conIcludes that they must have been first used by Panini himself. We cannot help thinking that there is here an instance of the fallacy of reasoning in a circle, or of the Anyonyaeraya of Hindu logicians. In order that Dr. Goldstucker's theory may be true, it is necessary that these defined sanjnas possessing etymology should be inventions of Panini, and they are inventions of Panini because the theory is true. Or, in plainer terms, the theory is true because these defined sanjnds are Panini's inventions, and they are Panini's inventions because the theory is true. These defined sanjnds may have been settled before Panini's time, in which case the doctor's theory would be false. And in fact we have reason to believe that such sanjnds as hrasva, dirgha, pluta, udatta, anudatta, &c. were invented before Panini. We are sorry we have not got any treatise on Siksha to refer to just now, but considering that the names for accents and for long and short vowels must have been very early invented by grammarians, as they are the most elementary distinctions, and likely to strike a lingual philosopher before many others, and bearing also in mind that if different terms for these had existed before Panini, they would not have been altogether lost, and we should have known them, we are inclined to believe that the names in question were settled before his time. Dr. Goldstucker himself mentions one such word (), and is not inclined to disbelieve that there may be many more. But the supposition he makes, to save his theory, that Panini used them in a sense somewhat different from that in which they were before used, has, in our opinion, no basis. We have all along used the word definition in Dr. Goldstucker's sense. He seems to understand by the term definition such a definition as is commonly given in European books, viz. that which unfolds the connotation or comprehension of a term. But the principal object of a definition is to point out or distinguish certain things (definitum) from the rest, and this may be done in other ways than by unfolding the connotation. Unfolding the extension or denotation is often an easier process, and may in several cases be resorted to. Even European logicians call this latter a definition, no less than the former. Sanskrit writers do not confine themselves to the former, but frequently use the latter and several other kinda. For instance, in Visvanatha Pancha nana's Muktavali (p. 71 Asiatic Society's edition) This translation is generally correct. We would, however, translate it more closely, thus :-"About that no rule ought to be made, or, that should not be taught, for [the knowledge derived from] the meaning of conventional terms in common usage is an authority in itself." The word l is explained by Patanjali es, which again Kaiyata interprets by saMpratyayaH, avagamaH, ie knowledge obtained (from usage). In a note on that portion of the Siddhanta Kaumudi (Cowell's edition), where this sutra is explained, we find the following:"sanjnds-that is, usages-are here an authority or evidence." The bhashya on this sutra is as follows:-fr

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APRIL, 1877.] MISCELLANEA. etAH kRtrimASTiSubhAdisaMjJAstatprAmANyAdaziSyam | netyAha / saMjJAnaM Dr. Goldstucker's translation::-"When Panini speaks of conventional terms which he will not teach, because they are settled, does he mean, by this expression, such technical terms as ti, ghu, bha, and the like? No; for sanjna is here the same as sanjnana, understanding (i.e. a name which has a real meaning, that may be traced etymologically)." We do not see whence he gets the first portion up to "settled." If by implication, we do not think it necessary to understand anything. There is nothing even in the sutra which has the sense of the words "which he will not teach, because they are settled." For, what Panini says he will not teach is that something which he has alluded to in the last sutra but one, and which we shall explain hereafter. We do not deny that this sense may be inferred from what Panini actually says. We have, however, a particular objection to the expression "are settled" if it is to be made applicable to the terms ti, ghu, bha, &c., and understood to mean "settled before Panini's time." There is nothing in the original corresponding to the words enclosed in brackets in the above extract, nor is the sense deducible from any word occurring in the Sanskrit passage. There is, no doubt, the word sanjnanam, but we do not know upon what authority Dr. Goldstucker renders it by "a name which has a real meaning that may be traced etymologically." Kaiyata explains it by , as noticed above, which means knowing, comprehending,' as is evident from his use of the word znfa (differing from 3 only in the form and not in the sense of the termination) in the sentence which follows. It is this:tatra yathApo dArAH sikatA varSA ityukte liGgasaMkhyAvizeSAvagatirutpadyamAnA pramANamevaM paJcAlA varaNAH ityAdAvapiH - " As when one pronounces the words Apa, dArA, sikatAH, varSa:, the avagati (knowledge or comprehension) of a particular number and gender which is produced is authority, so is it in the case of :, :," &c. Our translation of the passage in question is as follows:-"Is it on account of the authority of (or evidence afforded by) such artificial sanjnas as ti, ghu, bha, &c. that that (the thing mentioned in a previous sutra alluded to before) should not be taught." "No," says he (Gonardiya -Patanjali). "Sanjnd is knowing, comprehending." Upon the whole, Dr. Goldstucker's translation of these two passages is not very objectionable, but they do not afford any basis for his theory, except for that portion of it which is comprehend ed in the first statement. But the quotation from Kaiyata is altogether misunderstood. It runs thus: 111 kiM yA etA iti / pratyAsattinyAyAzrayeNa praznaH / netyAheti / pratyAsatteH sAmarthyaM balavat / nahi TighubhAdisaMjJAnAM pramANatvaM yukavadbhAvazAstrasyAziSyatve heturupapadyate / saMbandhAbhAvAt / saMjJAnamiti / avagamaH saMpratyaya ityarthaH / And Dr. Goldstucker's translation of this is as follows: "The question of Patanjali is suggested by the rule of analogy. His answer is in the negative because the context itself has greater weight than (mere) analogy. Now, though such terms as ti, ghu, bha, and the like, are settled terms, this circumstance would not have been a sufficient reason. in an etymological work (like that of Panini) for leaving them untaught, for they have no etymology. Understanding' (as Patanjali paraphrases sanjna, means mentally entering into, understanding the component parts of a word [or it means the words which admit of this mental process]." In the first sentence of this, the word analogy is not, we think, a correct translation of refer though it will do. "Proximity" is the word that is equivalent to it, and it ought to have been used here, for a reason which we shall presently explain. But it is the third sentence that is the most objectionable of all. We have no hesitation in saying that the translation here is totally wrong, and it is upon this misapprehension of the sense of the original that the doctor's peculiar theory is based. We hope our readers will excuse us for the assurance with which we speak ; for we feel that no native scholar acquainted with grammatical phraseology would ever think of translating or interpreting the passage thus. As Dr. Goldstucker translates it, he appears to connect the nouns pramANatvam and bhaziSyatve with the genitive TighubhAdisaMjJAnAM, and renders the former by "being settled." But as ought really to be taken with the genitive yuktavadbhAvazAstrasya; and then the translation would be "for leaving - . untaught," instead of " for leaving them (ie. ti, ghu, bha, &c.) untaught," as the Doctor translates it. is rendered "an etymological work," which, if one remembers what the sitra is about, he will at once see is altogether wrong. The word can by no stretch of sense mean that. means here 'a rule,' as it frequently and primarily does, and not a work.' Various instances may be quoted in support of this, the last pada of the verse about Unadi, etacchAstramuNAdiSu, being one. is rendered as "having no etymology," for which, however, there is not the slightest authority. never means etymology; it means connection. Besides, from the context it is clear that the sentence cannot have the sense Dr. Goldstucker attaches to it. For, the whole subject

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. here discussed by these several writers is this:The last but one sutra of Panini is lupi yuktavadvacakivacane, which is thus explained in the Siddhanta Kaumudi :---lupi sati * prakRtivacane staH / paJcAlAnAM 'nivAso janapadaH paJcAlAH / kuravaH / aGgA / &c., meaning that when an elision called takes place, the gender and number (of the noun) are like those of the base; q: &c. are instances. This requires some explanation. In virtue of the sutra Far: 4, 2, 69, the termination a should be added to the noun q: for instance, when we have to form a derivative signifying the place of residence or the country of the Panchalas,' a race of Kshatriyas (hence the above example from the Kaumudi is worded paJcAlAnAM nivAso janapada ). Now, this termination is elided in virtue of the sutra 4, 2, 81. If the termination were not dropped, the word expressing 'the country of the Panchalas' would be :. Then the question is, when it is dropped, what should be the gender and number of the noun signifying the country? Should it be masculine and singular, as the word country is? If so, the derived word would be q But "No," says Panini (in the sutra ga &c.); "the gender and number should be like those of the original base," which is q, and, consequently, masculine and plural. Hence the noun signifying the residence or country of the Panchalas is "Now," says Panini (in the satra tadaziSyaM saMjJApramANatvAt), "what is the use of teaching by a rule the number and gender of these?" though he himself, in conformity with the practice of former writers, has done so. "They are to be learnt from usage, which has itself an anthority, just as the gender and number of : and RT: are, and the authority of a grammarian is not required. For q art, &c. in the plural are actually the names of certain countries, and, as such, ought to be used in the plural, in deference to the existing usage, and there is no necessity of a grammarian's teaching it." Upon this Patanjali raises the question, "Panini speaks of the authority (of usage in matters) of names. Are they such names as ti, ghu, bha, &c., which have an authority" (as used by Papini, not necessarily by any other writer) P "No," says he. Kaiyata explains why Patanjali put to himself such a question. "He was led," he says, "to it by the proximity of these artificial grammatical sanjnds, or that he wanted to determine which were the sanjnds meant by Panini; because if he did not do so, a reader might, on ' yukta is explained as prakRti, because in a word the sense of the base is intimately joined to that of the T44 or ter [APRIL, 1877. reading the sutra in question, be led to think first of them (the grammatical names) rather than of any other, on account of their proximity to or connection with the science he is studying. In order, therefore, to avoid all such confusion, he proposes the question, and answers it by saying No.'" Why not? "() Because," says Kaiyata, "(f) the authority of the grammatical sanjnds, ti, ghu, bha, &c. (PPPa) is no reason (as the authority of sanjnds in common language such as Panchaldh, Angah, &c. is) why yuktavadbhAvazAstram [a sutra or rule expounding that when a termination is elided by the use of the term, the gender and number are like those of the base] (a) should not be taught." And why is it no reason P " (saMbadhAbhAvAt) Because there is no connection" (i.e. no connection between such sanjnas as ti, ghu, &c. and y). This is the whole sense of the three quotations. i.e. like the base, is the word used by Panini in the last but one sutra (fay),&c.; and Kaiyata first adds the word a to it, when the whole means "the being like the base," and then the word zAstram a rule, and thus the expression yuktavadbhAvazAstram signifies literally "the rule about the being like the base," and not an etymological work, as Dr. Goldstucker understands. It will thus be apparent that Dr. Goldstucker's theory is based upon a misapprehension of a passage in Kaiyata; and, now that we have explained its true sense, and have also shown that the theory is not supported by any external evidence, it must, we think, be given up. The first of the doctor's four propositions if separated from the second we agree with, as we have already intimated. Dr. Goldstucker's opinion, that the sanjnde ti, ghu, and bha were known before Panini's time, may be true, for aught we know, but it does not at all follow from anything in the passages commented on. He was, no doubt, led to it by the expression TiyubhAdisaMjJAnAM pramANatvam, which he renders by "such terms as ti, ghu, bha, are settled terms." We would translate it as the authority of such sanjnas or terms as ti, ghu, bha, &c., and this authority they derive from their having been used and defined by Panini. The whole grammatical literature based on his work does not admit the authority of any other person except him, his continuator and critic Katyayana, and his bhdshyakdra. And even if we take Dr. Goldstucker's translation, the expression "are settled terms" does not necessarily mean " settled" before Panini's time, or by any other person than Papini himself. mination (see note 70, p. 549, Cowell's edition of the Kaumudi: pratyayArthena nityasaMbaddhArthakatayA yuktamatra prakRtiH )

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APRIL, 1877.] Dr. Goldstucker has also misunderstood the sense of the sttra pradhAnapratyayArthavacanamarthasyAnyapramANa THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. which is thus explained in the Kaumudt: pratyayArthaH pradhAnamityevaMrUpaM vacanamapyaziSyam / kutaH | arthasya i.e. "the saying that the sense of a termination is the principal sense of a word (and that that of the base is attributively joined to it) should not be taught. Why? Because the sense [of a word] is to be gathered from, or is established by, usage." We do not know whence Dr. Goldstucker brings in the idea of a compound and its "principal part" in his translation. We do not think it necessary to enter at greater length into the explanation of the sutra in this place. THE FRAGMENTS OF THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. Collected by Dr. E. A. Schwanbeck: Bonn, 1846. TRANSLATED BY J. W. MCCRINDLE, M.A., GOVERNMENT COLLEGE, PATNA. INTRODUCTION. India to the Ancient Greeks, even till a comparatively late period in their history, was all but a terra incognita. It is scarcely so much as mentioned by name in their greatest poets, whether epic, lyric, or dramatic. They did not, in fact, become distinctly aware of its existence till the time of the Persian wars. The first historian who speaks clearly of it is Hekataios of Miletos (B.c. 549486), and fuller accounts are preserved in Herodotos and in the remains of his contemporary Ktesias, who having lived for some years in Persia as private physician to king Artaxerxes Mnemon, collected materials during his stay for a treatise on India, the first work on the subject written in the Greek language. His descriptions were, unfortunately, vitiated by a large intermixture of fable, and it was left to the followers of Alexander to give to the Western world for the first time fairly accurate accounts of the country and its inhabitants. The great conqueror, it is well known, carried men of learning with him to chronicle his achievements, and describe the countries to which he might carry his arms, and among his officers there were some who could wield the pen as well as the sword. Hence the expedition produced quite a crop of narratives and memoirs relating to India, such as those of Baeto, Diognetos, Nearchos, Onesikritos, Aristoboulos, and Kallisthenes. These works are all lost, but their substance is to be found condensed in Strabo, Plinius, and Arrianus. Subsequent to these writers were some others, who made considerable additions to the stock of information regarding India, as Deimachos, who resided for a long time in Palibothra, whither he was sent on an embassy by Seleukos to Allitrocha 113 We must here close our remarks; our space does not admit of a more lengthened notice, at least for the present. We hope our observations will be calmly and patiently attended to by European Sanskritists.... In several cases, though not in all native students of Sanskrit have a greater right to be listened to than Europeans. We are also desirous that these few remarks should not give pain to Dr. Goldstucker, who, especially by his articles on our religious difficulties published in the Westminster Review, has shown himself to be our decided friend, who sympathizes with our fallen condition, and is ready to help us by his friendly advice in our race towards a brighter future. des, the successor of Sandra kottos; as Patrokles, the admiral of Seleukos, who thought that India could be circumnavigated, and who is called by Strabo the least mendacious of all writers concerning India; as Timosthenes, admiral of the fleet of Ptolemaios Philadelphos, and author of a work on harbours; and, lastly, as Megasthenes, whose work on India was the principal source whence succeeding writers drew their accounts of the country. This work, which appears to have been entitled ra 'Ivoixa, no longer exists, but it has been so often abridged and quoted by the ancient writers that we have a fair knowledge of the nature and arrangement of its contents. Schwanbeck, with great industry and learning, has collected all the fragments that have been anywhere preserved, and has prefixed to the collection an Introduction in Latin, the contents of which he has exhibited under the following heads :I. De cognitione Indiae, qualis ante Megasthenem apud Graecos fuerit. II. De Megasthene : 1. De Indico Megasthenis itinere. 2. De Indicis Megasthenis, eorumque argumento. 3. De fide Megasthenis, auctoritate et pretio. III. De Scriptoribus eis qui post Megasthenem de India scripserint. From this Introduction, and from another, written also in Latin, by C. Muller, the editor of the Geographi Graeci Minores, the following extracts are translated. Megasthenes was sent, as is well known, by Seleukos Nikator, on an embassy to Sandrakottos (Chandragupta), king of the Pra sii, whose capital was Palibothra. Our first extract (from Muller) throws light on the relations which existed between these two sovereigns, and also on the

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1877. disputed point how far Seleukos had carried his and with six hundred thousand men attacked and arms into India when he attempted its conquest- subdued all India.' Phylarchos (Fragm. 28) in "Justinus (xv. 4) says of Seleukos Nikator, Atheneus, p. 18 D., refers to sone other wonder. He carried on many wars in the East after the ful enough presents as being sent to Seleukos by division of the Makedonian kingdom between Sandrokottos. himself and the other successors of Alexander, "Diodorus (lib.xx.), in setting forth the affairs first seizing Babylonia, and then reducing Bak. of Seleukos, has not said a single word about triang, his power being increased by the first suc- the Iudian war. But it would be strange that cess. Thereafter he passed into India, which that expedition should be mentioned so incidentally had, since Alexander's death, killed its governors, by other historians, if it were true, as many recent thinking thereby to shake off from its neck the writers have contended, that Seleukos in this war yoke of slavery. Sandrokottos had made it reached the middle of India as far as the Ganges free: but when victory was gained he changed the and the town Palimbothra,-nay, even advanc. uame of freedom to that of bondage, for he him- ed as far as the mouths of the Ganges, and thereself oppressed with servitude the very people fore left Alexander far behind him. This baseless which he had rescued from foreign dominion.. theory has been well refuted by Lassen (De Pentap. Sandrokottos, having thus gained the crown, Ind. 61),- by A. G. Schlegel (Berliner Calender, held India at the time when Seleukos was laying 1829, p. 31 ; yet see Benfey, Erech. u. Gruber. Encycl. the foundations of his future greatness. Seleukos 0. Indien, p. 67), and quite recently by Schwancame to an agreement with him, and, after set. beck, in a work of great learning and value entling affairs in the East, engaged in the war titled Megasthenis Indica (Bonn, 1846). In the first against Antigonos (302 B.C.).' place, Schwanbeck (p. 13) mentions the passage Besides Justinus, Appianus (Syr. c. 55) of Justinus (I. ii. 10) where it is said that no one makes mention of the war which Seleukos had | had entered India but Semiramis and Alexander; with Sandrokottos or Chandragupta king whence it would appear that the expedition of the Prasii, or, as they are called in the of Seleukos was considered so insignificant by Indian language, Prachy a *:-He (Seleu- Trogus as not even to be on a par with the Indian kos) crossed the Indus and waged war on war of Alexander. Then he says that Arrianus, Sandrokottos, king of the Indians who dwelt | if he had known of that remoto expedition u bout it, until he made friends and entered of Seleukos, would doubtless have spoken dif. into relations of marriage with him.' So also ferently in his Indika (c. 5. 4), where he says Strabo (XF. p. 724): -Seleukos Nikator gave to that Megasthenes did not travel over much of Sandrokottos' (sc. a large part of Ariane). Conf. India, but yet more than those who invaded it p. 699:-The Indians afterwards held a large part along with Alexander the son of Philip.' Now in of Ariane, (which they had received from the this passage the author could have compared Meg. Makedonians), 'entering into marriage relations asthenes much more suitably and easily with Seleuwith him, and receiving in return five hundred kos. I pass over other proofs of less moment, nor elephants' (of which Sandrakottos had nine thou- indeed is it expedient to set forth in detail here all sand-Plinius, vi. 22-5); and Plutarch, Alex. 62 :- the reasons from which it is improbable of itself For not long after, Androkottos, being king, that the arms of Seleukos ever reached the region presented Seleukos with five hundred elephants, of the Ganges. Let us now examine the passage The adjective arpacakos in AElianus On the Nature of 'Ivdov, of the Indians around it,' as Schwanbeck himself Animals, xvii. 30 (Megasthen. Fragm. 13. init.) bears a very has written it (p. 13). close resemblance to the Indian word Pr&ch yas (that I The following passage of the Indian comedy Mudri. is, dwellers in the East'). The substantive would be IIpat rakshasa seems to favour the Indian expedition "MeanOl, and Schwanbeck (Megasthenis Indien, p. 82) thinks while Kusumapura (i.e. Pataliputra, Palimbothra) the city of Chandragupta and the king of the mountain regions, that this reading should probably be restored in Stephanus was invested on every side by the Kirktas, Yavanas, Kambo of Byzantium, where the MSS. exhibit IIpao lot, a form jas, Persians, Baktrians, and the rest." But that drama", Entermediate between Praxilos And Pras. But they are (Schwanbeck, p. 18), "to follow the authority of Wilson, was called IIpaciou by Strabo, Arrianus, and Plinius; Ipaiolou written in the tenth century after Christy-certainly ten cenin Plutarch (Aler. chap. 62), and frequently in lianus; turies after Seleukos. When even the Indian historians have II paciou by Nicolaus of Damascus, and in the Florile. no authority in history, what proof can dramas give written after many centuries? Yavanas, which was also in later siiim of Stobaeus, 87, 88; Breisioi And Braisioi are the times the Indian name for the Greeks, was very anciently MS. readings in Diodorus, xvii. 93 ; Pharragii in Curtias, IX. ii. 3; ProBid se in Justinus, XII. viii. 9. See the name given to a certain nation which the Indians say dwelt on the north-western boundaries of India and the note on Fragm. 13. same nation (Manu, I. 44) is also numbered with the + Moreover, Schwanbeck calls attention (p. 14) to the weirds of Appianus (i. 1), where when he says, somewhat in Kambojas, the Sakas, the Paradas, the Pallavas, and the curately, that Sandrakottos was king of the Indians around Kirtas as being corrupted among the Kshatriyas. (Conf. the Indus (TV Tepl Toy 'Ivody 'Ivo Lassen, Zeitschrift fur d. Kunde des Morgenlandes, III. ) he seems to meanD. 245.) These Yavanas are to be understood in this pasthat the war was carried on on the boundaries of India. But age also, where they are mentioned along with those tribes this is of no importance, for Appianus has TO Tepi auroy with which they are usually classed.

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THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. APRIL, 1877.] in Plinius which causes many to adopt contrary opinions. Plinius (Hist. Nat. vi. 21), after finding from Diognetos and Baeto the distances of the places from Porta Caspia to the Hupasis, the end of Alexander's march, thus proceeds: The other journeys made for Seleukos Nikator are as follows:-One hundred and sixty-eight miles to the Hesidrus, and to the river Jomanes as many (some copies add five miles); from thence to the Ganges one hundred and twelve miles. One hundred and nineteen miles to the Rhodophas (others give three hundred and twenty-five miles for this distance). To the town Kalinipa xa one hundred and sixty-seven. Five hundred (others give two hundred and sixty-five miles), and from thence to the confluence of the Jomanes and Ganges six hundred and twenty-five miles (several add thirteen miles), and to the town Palimbothra four hundred and twenty-five. To the mouth of the Ganges six hundred and thirtyeight' (or seven hundred and thirty-eight, to follow Schwanbeck's correction), that is, six thousand stadia, as Megasthenes puts it. " "The ambiguous expression reliqua Seleuco Nicatori peragrata sunt, translated above as 'the other journeys made for Seleukos Nikator,' according to Schwanbeck's opinion, contain a dative of advantage,' and therefore can bear no other meaning. The reference is to the journeys of Megasthenes, Deimachos, and Patrokles, whom Seleukos had sent to explore the more remote regions of Asia. Nor is the statement of Plinius in a passage before this more distinct. (India,') he says, was thrown open not only by the arms of Alexander the Great, and the kings who were his successors, of whom Seleucus and Antiochus even travelled to the Hyrcanian and Caspian seas, Patrocles being commander of their fleet, but all the Greek writers who stayed behind with the Indian kings (for instance, Megasthenes and Dionysios, sent by Philadelphos for that purpose) have given accounts of the military force of each nation.' Schwanbeck thinks that the words circumvectis etiam...... Seleuco et Antiocho et Patrocle are properly meant to convey nothing but additional confirmation, and also an explanation how India was opened up by the arms of the kings who succeeded Alexander." "The following statements," continues Muller, "contain all that is related about Megasthenes:"Megasthenes the historian, who lived with Seleu SS Bohlen (Alte Indien, I. p. 68) says that Megasthenes was a Persian. No one gives this account of him but Annius Viterbiensis, that forger, whom Bohlen appears to have followed. But it is evidently a Greek name. Strabo (v. p. 243; comp. Velleius Paterculus, i. 4) mentions a Megasthenes of Chalkis, who is said to have founded Cuma in Italy along with Hippokles of Kume. Il Sibyrtios, according to Diodorus (XVIII. iii. 8), had 115 kos Nikator',-Clem. Alex. p. 132 Sylb. (Fragm. 42); 'Megasthenes, who lived with Sibyrtios || the satrap of Arachosia, and who says that he often visited Sandrakottos, king of the Indians,'-Arrian, Exp. Alex. V. vi. 2 (Fragm. 2);-To Sandrokottos, to whom "Megasthenes came on an embassy,'-Strabo, xv. p. 702 (Fragm. 25);- Megasthenes and Deimachos were sent on an embassy, the former to Sandrokottos at Palimbothra, the other to Allitrocha des his son; and they left accounts of their sojourn in the country,'-Strabo, ii. p. 70 (Fragm. 29 note); Megasthenes says that he often visited Sandrokottos, the greatest king (raharaja : v. Bohlen, Alte Indien, I. p. 19) of the Indians, and Poros, still greater than he:'-Arrian, Ind. c. 5 (Fragm. 24). Add the passage of Plinius, which Solinus (Polyhistor. c. 60) thus renders:- Megasthenes remained for some time with the Indian kings, and wrote a history of Indian affairs, that he might hand down to posterity a faithful account of all that he had witnessed. Dionysius, who was sent by Philadelphus to put the truth to the test by personal inspection, wrote also as much.' "From these sources, then, we gather that MegasthenesSS was the representative of Seleukos at the court of Sibyrtios, satrap of Arachosia, and that he was sent from thence as the king's ambassador to Sandrokottos at Palimbothra, and that not once, but frequently-whether to convey to him the presents of Seleukos, or for some other cause. According to the statement of Arrianus, Megasthenes also visited king Poros, who was (Diod. xix. 14) already dead in 317 B.C. (Olymp. CXV. 4.) These events should not be referred to the period of Seleukos, but they may very easily be placed in the reign of Alexander, as Bohlen (Alte Indien, vol. I. p. 68) appears to have believed they should, when he says Megasthenes was one of the companions of Alexander. But the structure of the sentences does not admit of this conclusion. For Arrianus says, 'It appears to me that Megasthenes did not see much of India, but yet more than the companions of Alexander, for he says that he visited Sandrokottos, the greatest king of the Indians, and Poros, even greater than he (kai Poro eti toutou mezoni).'We should be disposed to say, then, that he made a journey on some occasion or other to Poros, if the obscurity of the language did not lead us to suspect it a corrupt reading. Lassen (De Pentap. p. 44) thinks the mention of Poros a careless addition of a chance gained the satrapy of Arachosia in the third year of the 114th Olympiad (B.c. 323), and was firmly established in his satrapy by Antipater (Arrianda, De Success. Alex. SS 86, ed. Didot). He joined Eumenes in 316 (Diod. xix. 14. 6), but being called to account by him he sought safety in flight (ibid. XIX. xxiii. 4). After the defeat of Eumenes, Antigonos delivered to him the most troublesome of the Argyraspides (ibid. C. xlviii. 3). He must have afterwards joined Seleukos.

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. transcriber, but I prefer Schwanbeck's opinion, who.thinks it should be written kai Porou eti touto petom, and who was even greater than Poros.' If this correction is admitted, everything fits well. [APRIL, 1877. and Arrianus (V. vi. 2) that Megasthenes had been sent to Sandrokottos,-which is an argument utterly futile. Nevertheless from the time of Casaubon the wrong reading yerouevos which he promulgated has held its ground." That Megasthenes paid more than one visit to India Schwanbeck is not at all inclined to believe. On this point he says (p. 23) "That Megasthenes frequently visited India recent writers, all with one consent, following Robertson, are wont to maintain; nevertheless this opinion is far from being certain. For what Arrianus has said in his Exped. Ale. V. vi. 2,Pollakis de legei (Megas thenes) aphikesthai para Sandrakotton ton Indon basilea, does not solve the question, for he right have meant by the words that Megasthenes during his embassy had frequent interviews with Chandragupta. Nor, if we look to the context, does any other explanation seem admissible; and in fact no other writer besides has mentioned his making frequent visits, although occasion for making such mention was by no means wanting, and in the Indika itself of Megasthenes not the slightest indication of his having made numerous visits is to be found. But perhaps some may say that to this view is opposed the accurate knowledge which he possessed on all Indian matters; but this may equally well be accounted for by believing that he made a protracted stay at Pataliputra as by supposing that he frequently visited India. Robertson's conjecture appears, therefore, uncertain, not to say hardly credible." Regarding the veracity of Megasthenes, and his value as a writer, Schwanbeck writes (p. 59) to this effect: "The time when he discharged his embassy or embassies, and how long he stayed in India, cannot be determined, but he was probably sent after the treaty had been struck and friendship had sprung up between the two kings. If, therefore, we make the reign of Saudrokottos extend to the year 288, Megasthenes would have set out for Palimbothra between 302 and 288. Clinton (F. H. vol. III. p. 482) thinks he came to the Indian king a little before B.C. 302." While the date of the visit of Megasthenes to India is thus uncertain, there is less doubt as to what were the parts of the country which he saw; and on this point Schwanbeck thus writes (p. 21): "Both from what he himself says, and because he has enumerated more accurately than any of the companions of Alexander, or any other Greek, the rivers of Kabul and the Panjab, it is clear that he had passed through these countries. Then, again, we know that he reached Pataliputra by travelling along the royal road. But he does not appear to have seen more of India than those parts of it, and he acknowledges himself that he knew the lower part of the country traversed by the Ganges only by hearsay and report. It is commonly supposed that he also spent some time in the Indian camp, and therefore in some part of the country, but where cannot now be known. This opinion, however, is based on a corrupt reading which the editions of Strabo exhibit. For in all the MSS. of Strabo (p. 709) is found this reading:-Genomenous d oun en to Sandrokottou stratopedo phesin o Megasthenes, tettarakonta muriadon plethous idrumenou, medemian emeran idein anenegmena klemmata pleionon e diakosion drakhmon axia. 'Megasthenes says that those who were in the camp of Sandrokottos saw,' &c. From this translation that given by Guarini and Gregorio alone is different. They render thus:- Megasthenes refert, quum in Sandrocotti castra venisset... vidisse, Megasthenes relates that when he had come into the camp of Sandrokottos, he saw,' &c. From this it appears that the translator had found written yevouevos. But since that translation is hardly equal in authority even to a single MS., and since the word yevouevous can be changed more readily into the word genomenos than genomevos into yevouevous, there is no reason at all why we should depart from the reading of all the MSS., which Casaubon disturbed by a baseless conjecture, contending that yerouevos should be substituted,-inasmuch as it is evident from Strabo Regarding the manner in which Strabo, Arrianus, "The ancient writers, whenever they judge of those who have written on Indian matters, are without doubt wont to reckon Megasthenes among those writers who are given to lying and least worthy of credit, and to rank him almost on a par with Ktesias. Arrianus alone has judged better of him, and delivers his opinion of him in these words :Regarding the Indians I shall set down in a special work all that is most credible for narration in the accounts penned by those who accompanied Alexander on his expedition, and by Nearchus, who navigated the great sea which washes the shores of India, and also by Megasthenes and Eratosthenes, who are both approved men (doxime avope): Arr. Exped. Alex. V. v. "The foremost amongst those who disparage him is Eratosthenes, and in open agreement with him are Strabo and Pliny. Others, among whom is Diodorus, by omitting certain particulars related by Megasthenes, sufficiently show that they discredit that part of his narrative.T Diodorus, and Plinius used the Indika of Megasthenes,

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APRIL, 1877.] "Strabo (p. 70) says, Generally speaking, the men who have hitherto written on the affairs of India were a set of liars,-Deimachos holds the first place in the list, Megasthenes comes next; while Onesikritos and Nearchos, with others of the same class, manage to stammer out a few words (of truth). Of this we became the more convinced whilst writing the history of Alexander. No faith whatever can be placed in Deimachos and Megasthenes. They coined the fables concerning men with ears large enough to sleep in, men without any mouths, without noses, with only one eye, with spider legs, and with fingers bent backward. They renewed Homer's fables concerning the battles of the cranes and pygmies, and asserted the latter to be three spans high. They told of ants digging for gold, and Pans with wedgeshaped heads, of serpents swallowing down oxen and stags, horns and all,-meantime, as Eratosthenes has observed, accusing each other of falsehood. Both of these men were sent as ambassadors to Palimbothra,-Megasthenes to S androkottos, Deimachos to Amitrocha des his son,-and such are the notes of their residence abroad, which, I know not why, they thought fit to leave. "When he adds, 'Patrokles certainly does not resemble them, nor do any other of the authorities consulted by Eratosthenes contain such absurdities,' we may well wonder, seeing that, of all the writers on India, Eratosthenes has chiefly followed Megasthenes. Plinius (Hist. Nat. VI. xxi. 3) says: 'India was opened up to our knowledge... even by other Greek writers, who, having resided with Indian kings, as for instance Megasthenes and Dionysius,-made known the strength of the races which peopled the country. It is not, however, worth while to study their accounts with care, so conflicting are they, and incredible.' THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. Schwanbeck remarks:-" Strabo, and-not unlike to Strabo-Arrianus, who, however, gave a much less carefully considered account of India, abridged the descriptions of Megasthenes, yet in such a way that they wrote at once in an agreeable style and with strict regard to accuracy. But when Strabo designed not merely to instruct but also to delight his readers, he omitted whatever would be out of place in an entertaining narrative or picturesque description, and avoided above all things aught that would look like a dry list of names. Now though this may not be a fault, still it is not to be denied that those particulars which he has omitted would have very greatly helped our knowledge of Ancient India. Nay, Strabo, in his eagerness to be interesting, has gone so far that the topography of India is almost entirely a blank in his pages. "Diodorus, however, in applying this principle of composi tion has exceeded all bounds. For as he did not aim at writing learnedly for the instruction of others, but in a light, amusing style, so as to be read with delight by the multitude, he selected for extract such parts as best suited this purpose. He has therefore omitted not only the most accurate narrations of fact, but also the fables which his readers might consider as incredible, and has been best pleased to describe instead that part of Indian life which to the Greeks would appear singular and diverting. Nevertheless his epitome is not without its value; for although we do not learn much that is new from its 117 "These same writers, however, seeing they have copied into their own pages a great part of his Indika, cannot by any means have so entirely distrusted his veracity as one might easily infer they did from these judgments. And what of this, that Eratosthenes himself, who did not quote him sparingly, says in Strabo (p. 689) that "he sets down the breadth of India from the register of the Stathmi, which were received as authentic,'-a passage which can have reference to Megasthenes alone. The fact is they find fault with only two parts of the narrative of Megasthenes,-the one in which he writes of the fabulous races of India, and the other where he gives an account of Herakles and the Indian Dionysus; although it so happens that on other matters also they regarded the account given by others as true, rather than that of Megasthenes. "The Aryan Indians were from the remotest period surrounded on all sides by indigenous tribes in a state of barbarism, from whom they differed both in mind and disposition. They were most acutely sensible of this difference, and gave it a very pointed expression. For as barbarians, even by the sanction of the gods themselves, are excluded from the Indian commonwealth, so they seem to have been currently regarded by the Indians as of a nature and disposition lower than their own, and bestial rather than human. A difference existing between minds is not easily perceived, but the Indians were quick to discern how unlike the barbarous tribes were to themselves in bodily figure; and the divergence they exaggerated, making bad worse. and so framed to themselves a mental picture of these tribes beyond measure hideous. When reports in circulation regarding them had given fixity to this conception, the poets seized on it as a basis for further exaggeration, and embellished it with fables. Other races, and these even contents, still it has the advantage over all the others of being the most coherent, while at the same time it enables us to attribute with certainty an oecasional passage to Megasthenes, which without its help we could but conjecture proceeded from his pen. "Since Strabo, Arrianus, and Diodorus have directed their attention to relate nearly the same things, it has resulted that the greatest part of the Indika has been completely lost, and that of many passages, singularly enough, three epitomes are extant, to which occasionally a fourth is added by Plinius. "At a great distance from these writers, and especially from Diodorus, stands Plinius: whence it happens that he both differs most from that writer, and also best supplements his epitome. Where the narrative of Strabo and Arrianus is at once pleasing and instructive, and Diodorus charms us with a lively sketch, Pliny gives instead, in the baldest language, an ill-digested enumeration of names. With his usual wonderful diligence he has written this part, but more frequently still he writes with too little care and judg ment, a fact of which we have already seen numerous instances. In a careless way, as is usual, he commends authors, so that if you compared his accounts of Taprobane and the kingdom of the Prasii you would think that he had lived at different periods. He frequently commends Megasthenes, but more frequently seems to transcribe him without acknowledgment."-pp. 56-58.

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118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Indian, since they had originated in an intermixture of tribes, or since they did not sufficiently follow Indian manners, and especially the system of caste, so roused the common hatred of the Indians that they were reckoned in the same category with the barbarians, and represented as equally hideous of aspect. Accordingly in the epic poems we see all Brahmanical India surrounded by races not at all real, but so imaginary that sometimes it cannot be discovered how the fable originated. Forms still more wonderful you will find by bestowing a look at the gods of the Indians and their retinue, among whom particularly the attendants of Kuvera and Kartikeya are described in such a manner (conf. Mahabh. ix. 2558 et seq). that hardly anything which it is possible for the human imagination to invent seems omitted. These, however, the Indians now sufficiently distinguish from the fabulous races, since they neither believe that they live within the borders of India, nor have any intercourse with the human race. These, therefore, the Greeks could not confound with the races of India. [APRIL, 1877. the lower animals as talking to each other have been diffused through almost every country in the world, in a way we cannot understand. Other fables found their way to the Greeks before even the name of India was known to them. In this class some fables even in Homer must be reckoned, a matter which, before the Vedas were better known, admitted only of probable conjecture, but could not be established by unquestionable proofs. We perceive, moreover, that the further the epic poems of the Greeks depart from their original simplicity the more, for that very reason, do those fables creep into them; while a very liberal use of them is made by the poets of a later age. It would be a great mistake to suppose that those fables only in which India is mentioned proceeded from India; for a fable in becoming current carries along with it the name of the locality in which the scene of it is laid. An example will make this clear. The Indians supposed that towards the north, beyond the Himalaya, dwelt the Uttarakuri, a people who enjoyed a long and happy life, to whom disease and care were unknown, and who revelled in every delight in a land all paradise. This fable made its way to the West, carrying with it the name of the locality to which it related, and so it came to pass that from the time of Hesiod the Greeks supposed that towards the north lived the Hyperboreans, whose very name was fashioned after some likeness to the Indian name. The reason why the Indians placed the seat of this happy people towards the north is manifest; but there was not the slightest reason which can be discovered why the Greeks should have done so. Nay, the locality assigned to the Hyperboreans is not only out of harmony, but in direct conflict, with that conception of the world which the Greeks entertained. These races, however, might be more readily confounded with other creatures of the Indian imagination, who held a sort of intermediate place between demons and men, and whose number was legion. For the Rakshasas and other Pisach as are said to have the same characteristics as the fabulous races, and the only difference between them is that, while a single (evil) attribute only is ascribed to each race, many or all of these are assigned to the Rakshasas and the Pisachas. Altogether so slight is the distinction between the two that any strict lines of demarcation can hardly be drawn between them. For the Rakshasas, though described as very terrible beings, are nevertheless believed to be human, and both to live on the earth and take part in Indian battles, so that an ordinary Indian could hardly define how the nature of a Rakshasa differs from that of a man. There is scarcely any one thing found to characterize the Rakshasas which is not attributed to some race or other. Therefore, although the .Greeks might have heard of these by report,which cannot be proved for certain, they could scarcely, by reason of that, have erred in describing the manners of the races according to the Indian conception. "That reports about these tribes should have reached Greece is not to be wondered at. For fables invented with some glow of poetic fervour have a remarkable facility in gaining a wide currency, which is all the greater in proportion to the boldness displayed in their invention. Those tables also in which the Indians have represented "The first knowledge of the mythical geography of the Indians dates from this period, when the Greeks were the unconscious recipients of Indian fables. Fresh knowledge was imparted by Skylax, who first gave a description of India; and all writers from the time of Skylax, with not a single exception, mention those fabulous races, but in such a way that they are wont to speak of them as AEthiopians; by doing which they have incurred obloquy and the suspicion of dishonesty, especially K tesias. This writer, however, is not at all untruthful when he says, in the conclusion of his Indika (33), that 'he omits many of these stories, and others still more marvellous, that he may not appear, to such as have not seen these, to be telling what is incredible;' for he could have described many other fabulous races, as for example men with the heads of tigers (vydghramuchas), others with the necks of snakes

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APRIL, 1877.3 THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. 119 (vyalagrivcs), others having horses' heads(turanga. "Of the slight mistakes into which he fell, some cadanas, afvamuchds), others with feet like dogs are of that kind into which even the most careful (svepadis), others with four feet (chatushpadas), observer may be betrayed, as for instance his others with three eyes (trinetras), and others with incorrectly stating that the Vipas pours its six hundred. waters into the Ira vati. Others had their "Nor were the companions of Alexander able to origin in his misapprehension of the meaning of disregard these fables,-in fact, scarcely any of Indian words; to which head must be referred his then doubted their truth. For, generally speaking, assertion that among the Indians laws were not they were communicated to them by the Brah- written, but everything decided by memory. Bemans, whose learning and wisdom they held in sides he alleges that on those Brahmans who had the utmost veneration. Why, then, should we be thrice erred in making up the calendar silence for surprised that Megasthenes also, following exam- the rest of their lives was enjoined as a punishment. ples so high and numerous, should have handled | This passage, which has not yet been cleared up. those fables ? His account of them is to be found I would explain by supposing that he had heardi in Strabo711; Pliny, Hist. Nat. vii. 2. 14-22; Solinus the Indian word dunin, a name which is applied 52." (Sch. p. 64.) both to a taciturn person and to any ascetic. Schwinbeck then examines the fables related by Finally, some errors had their source in this, Megasthenes, and having shown that they were of that he looked at Indian matters from a Greek's Indian origin, thus proceeds (p. 74) : point of view, from which it resulted that he did "The relative veracity of Megasthenos, thon, can- not correctly enumerate the castes, and gave a mis. not be questioned, for he related truthfully both taken account of the Indian gods and other matwhat he actually saw, and what was told him by ters. others. If we therefore seek to know what re- "Notwithstanding, the work of Megasthenes-in liance is to be placed on any particular narrative, so far as it is a part of Greek literature and of Greek this other point must be considered, how far his and Roman learning-is, as it were, the culmina. informants were worthy of credit. But here no tion of the knowledge which the ancients ever ground for suspicion exists; for on those matters acquired of India: for although the geographical which did not come under his own observation science of the Greeks attained afterwards a perhe had his information from those Brahmans fect form, nevertheless the knowledge of India who were the rulers of the state, to whom he derived from the books of Megasthenes has only again and again appeals as his authorities. Ac- approached perfect accuracy the more closely those cordingly he was able not only to describe how who have written after him on India have followed the kingdom of the Prasii was governed, but his Indika. And it is not only on account of his also to give an estimate of the power of other own merit that Megasthenos is a writer of great nations and the strength of their armies. Hence importance, but also on this other ground, that we cannot wonder that Indian ideas are to be while other writers have borrowed a great part of found in the books of Megasthenes mixed up with what they relate from him, he exercised a powerful accounts of what he personally observed and with influence on the whole sphere of Latin and Greek ideas. Greek scientific knowledge. " Therefore to him, as to the companions of Al- "Besides this authority which the Indika of exander. it cannot be objected that he told too Megasthenes holds in Greek literature, his remains inuch. That he did not tell too little to give an have another value, since they hold not the last adequate account of Indian affairs to Greek place among the sources whence we derive our readers we know. For he has described the knowledge of Indian antiquity. For as there country, its soil, climate, animals, and plants, its now exists a knowledge of our own of ancient government and religion, the manners of its India, still on some points he increases the know. people and their arts,-in short, the whole of ledge which we have acquired from other sources, Indian life from the king to the remotest tribe ; even though his narrative not seldom requires to and he has scanned every object with a mind be supplemented and corrected. Notwithstanding, sound and unprejudiced, without overlooking even it must be conceded that the new information we trifling and minute circumstances. If we see any have learned from him is neither extremely great in part omitted, a little only said about the religion amount nor weight. What is of greater importance and gods of the Indians, and nothing at all about than all that is new in what he has told us, is-tbat their literature, we should reflect that we are not 1 he has recalled a picture of the condition of India reading his veritable book, but only an epitome at a definite period, -- service of all the greater and some particular fragments that have survived value, because Indian literature, always self-conthe wreck of time." (p. 75.) sistent, is wont to leave us in the greatest doubt

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120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1877. if we seek to know what happened at any particular It is yet an unsettled question whether the Indika time." (pp. 76, 77). was written'in the Attic or the Ionic dialect. FRAGMENT I., OR AN EPITOME OF MEGASTHENES. (Diod. II. 35-42.) (85.) India, which is in shape quadrilateral, consequence the ordinary stature, and are distinhas its eastern as well as its western side guished by their proud bearing. They are also bounded by the great sea, but on the north- found to be well skilled in the arts, as might be ern side it is divided by Mount Hemodos expected of men who inhale a pure air and from that part of Skythia which is inhabited drink the very finest water. And while the hy those Skythians who are called the Sakai, soil bears on its surface all kinds of fruits while the fourth or western side is bounded by which are known to cultivation, it has also the river called the Indus, which is perhaps under ground numerous veins of all sorts of the largest of all rivers in the world after the metals, for it contains much gold and silver, Xile. The extent of the whole country from and copper and iron in no small quantity, and east to west is said to be 28,000 stadia, and even tin and other metals, which are employed from north to south 32,000. Being thus of in making articles of use and ornament, as well such vast extent, it seems well-nigh to em- as the implements and accoutrements of war. brace the whole of the northern tropic zone In addition to cereals, there grows throughout of the earth, and in fact at the extreme point of India much millet, which is kept well watered India the gnomon of the sundial may frequent- by the profusion of river-streams, and much ly be observed to cast no shadow, while the pulse of different sorts, and rice also, and what constellation of the Bear is by night invisible, is called bosporum, as well as many other plants and in the remotest parts even Arcturus dis- useful for food, of which most grow sponappears from view. Consistently with this, it is taneously. 10 The soil yields, moreover, not a also stated that shadows there fall to the south- few other edible products fit for the subsistence ward. of animals, about which it would be tedions to *India has many huge mountains which abound write. It is accordingly affirmed that famine in fruit-trees of every kind, and many vast has never visited India, and that there has plains of great fertility-more or less beautiful, never been a general scarcity in the supply of but all alike intersected by a multitude of rivers. nourishing food. 11 For, since there is a double * The greater part of the soil, moreover, is under rainfall in the course of each year, ---one in the irrigation, and consequently bears two crops in | winter season, when the sowing of wheat takes the course of the year. It teems at the same place as in other countries, and the second time with animals of all sorts,-beasts of the field at the time of the summer solstice, which is the and fowls of the air, -of all different degrees of proper season for sowing rice and bosporum, as strength and size. It is prolific, besides, in ele also sesamum and millet--the inhabitants of phants, which are of monstrous bulk, as its India almost always gather in two harvests an. soil supplies food in unsparing profusion, mak- nually, and even should one of the sowings prove ing these animals far to exceed in strength more or less abortive they are always sure of the those that are bred in Libya. It results also other crop. The fruits, moreover, of sponthat, since they are caught in great numbers by taneous growth, and the esculent roots which the Indians and trained for war, they are of grow in marshy places and are of varied sweetgreat moment in turning the scale of victory. ness, afford abundant sustenance for man. The (36.) The inhabitants, in like manner, hav- fact is, almost all the plains in the country ing abundant means of subsistence, exceed in have a moisture which is alike genial, whether The following authorities are quoted by Schwanbeek (pp. 23. 24) to show that the Indika of Megasthenes was divided into four books Athen. IV. p. 153-where the 2nd book is mentioned ; Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 132 Eylb., where the Srd book is mentioned ; Joseph. contra Apion, I. 20, and Antiq. Jud. X. xi. 1, where the 4th book is, mentioned-ef. G. Syncell. tom. I. p. 419, Bonn. The assignment of the fragments to their respective books was a matter of some difficulty, as the order of their connection varies in different authors. With Epit. 1, conf. Fragm. i., iii. (in Ind. Ant. vol. V p. 86, c. 2). 1. Conf. Fragm. iv. Conf. Fragm. ix. ... Conf. Fragm. i.

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MAY, 1877.] THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. 121 it is derived from the rivers, or from the rains of the summer season, which are wont to fall every year at a stated period with surprising regularity; while the great heat which prevails ripens the roots which grow in the marshes, and especially those of the tall reeds. "But, further, there are usages observed by the Indians which contribute to prevent the occurrence of famine among them; for whereas among other nations it is usual, in the contests of war, to ravage the soil, and thus to reduce it to an uncultivated waste, among the Indians, on the contrary, by whom husbandmen are re- garded as a class that is sacred and inviolable, the tillers of the soil, even when battle is raging in their neighbourhood, are undisturbed by any sense of danger, for the combatants on either side in waging the conflict make carnage of each other, but allow those engaged in hus. bandry to remain quite unmoleated. Besides, they neither ravage an enemy's land with fire, nor cut down its trees. (37.) India, again, possesses many rivers both largo and navigable, which, having their sources in the mountains which stretch along the northern frontier, traverse the level country, and not a few of these, after uniting with each other, fall into the river called the Ganges. 16 Now this river, which at its source is 30 stadia broad, flows from north to south, and ompties its waters into the ocean forming the eastern boundary of the Gangaridai, a nation which possesses a vast force of the largest-sized elephants. Owing to this, their country has never been conquered by any foreign king : for all other nations dread the overwhelming number and strength of these animals. 15 [Thus Alexander the Macedonian, after conquering all Asia, did not make war upon the Gangaridait as he did on all others; for when he had arrived with all his troops at the river Ganges, and had subdued all the other Indians, he abandoned as hopeless an invasion of the Gangaridai when he learned that they possessed four thousand elephants well trained and equipped for war.] Another river, about the same size as the Ganges, called the Indus, has its sources, like its rival, in the north, and falling into the ocean forms on its way the boundary of India; in its passage through the vast stretch of level country it receives not a few tributary streams which aro navigable, the most notable of them being the H u panis, the Hudas pes, and the Akesin ds. Besides these rivers there are a great many others of every description, which pormeate the country, and supply water for the nurture of garden vegetables and crops of all sorts. Now to account for the rivers being so numerous, and the supply of water so superabundant, the native philosophers and proficients in natural science advance the following reasons - They say that the countries which surround Indiathose of the Skythians and Baktrians, and also of the Aryans-are more elevated than India, so that their waters, agreeably to natural law, flow down together from all sides to the plains beneath, where they gradually saturate the soil with moisture, and generate a multitude of rivers. A peculiarity is found to exist in one of the rivers of India, -that called the Sillas, which flows from a fountain bearing tho samo name. It differs from all other rivers in this respect, that nothing cast into it will float, but everything, strange to say, sinks down to the bottom. (38.) **It is said that India, being of enormous size when taken as a whole, is peopled by races both numerous and diverse, of which not even one was originally of foreign descent, but all were evidently indigenous ; " and moreover that India neither received a colony from abroad, nor sent out a colony to any other nation. "The legends further inform us that in primitive times the inhabitants subsisted on such fruits as the earth yielded spontaneously, and were clothed with the skins of the beasts found in the country, as was the case with the Greeks; and that, in like manner as with them, the arts and other appliances which improve human life were gradually invented, Necessity herself teaching them to an animal at once docile and furnished not only with hands ready to second all his efforts, but also with reason and a keen intelligence. * The men of greatest learning among the + Conf. Lassen, Pentapot. lo. 11 Conf. Fragm. xxi. in Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 88, c. vi. 2-3. 15.10 Conf. Fragm. x. in Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 87, c. iv. 8-18. 15 Conf. Fragm. xlvi. 15 et seqq. Conf. Fragm. lvii. 15.30 Conf. Fragm. 1. in Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 89, c. vii.-" He tells us further," &c. to c. viii.--"on the principle 1 of merit."

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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1877. Indians tell certain legends, of which it may be gether many.great and noble works, he was reproper to give a brief summary. I They relate garded as a deity and gained immortal honours. that in the most primitive times, when the It is related also of him that he led about with people of the country were still living in vil- his army a great host of women, and employed, lages, Dionusos made his appearance com- in marshalling his troops for battle, druias and ing from the regions lying to the west, and cymbals, as the trumpet had not in his days been at the head of a considerable army. He over- invented; " and thav after reigning over the ran the whole of India, as there was no great whole of India for two and fifty years he died of city capable of resisting his arms. "The heat, old age, while his sons, succeeding to the gohowever, having become excessive, and the vernment, transmitted the sceptre in unbroken soldiers of Dionusos being afflicted with a pes. succession to their posterity. * At last, after tilence, the leader, who was remarkable for many generations had come and gone, the sohis sagacity, carried his troops away from the vereignty, it is said, was dissolved, and demoplains up to the hills. There the army, re. cratic governments were set up in the cities. cruited by the cool breezes and the waters (39.) * Such, then, are the traditions regard. that flowed fresh from the fountains, recovered ing Dionu so s and his descendants current from sickness. "The place among the moun. among the Indians who inhabit the hill country, tains where Dionusos restored his troops to 5* They further assert that Herakle s also health was called Meros; from which cir was born among them. 3* They assign to him, cumstance, no doubt, the Greeks have trans- like the Greeks, the club and the lion's skin. He mitted to posterity the legend concerning the far surpassed other men in personal strength and god, that Dionusos was bred in his father's prowess, and cleared sea and land of evil beasts. thigh. ' Having after this turned his attention * Marrying many wives he begot many sons, but to the artificial propagation of useful plants, he one daughter only. The sons having reached communicated the secret to the Indians, and man's estate, he divided all India into equal portaught them the way to make wine, as well as tions for his children, whom he made kings in other arts conducive to human well-being. "Ho different parts of his dominions. He provided was, besides, the founder of large cities, which similarly for his only daughter, whom he reared he formed by removing the villages to conve- up and made a queen. * He was the founder, nient sites, while he also showed the people how also, of no small number of cities, the most reto worship the deity, and introduced laws and nowned and greatest of which he called Palicourts of justice. Having thus achieved alto- bothra. He built therein many sumptuous FRAGM. I. B. Diod. III. 63. Concerning Dion ulos. Now some, as I have already said, supposing their beards with great care to the very end of that there were three individuals of this name, who their life. Dionusos then, at the head of an army, lived in different ages, assign to each appropriate marched to every part of the world, and taught achievements. They say, then, that the most an. mankind the planting of the vine, and how to cient of them was Indos, and that as the country, crush grapes in the winepress, whence he was callwith its genial temperature, produced spontane- ed Lena ios. Having in like manner imparted ously the vine-tree in great abundance, he was to all a knowledge of his other inventions, he obthe first who crushed grapes and discovered the tained after his departure from among men use of the properties of wine. In like manner he immortal honour from those who had benefited by ascertained what culture was requisite for figs and his labours. It is further said that the place is ther fruit trees, and transmitted this knowledge pointed out in India even to this day where the to after-times; and, in a word, it was he who found god had been, and that cities are called by his out how these fruits should be gathered in, name in the vernacular dialects, and that many whence also he was called Len aios. This same other important evidences still exist of his having Dionusos, however, they call also Kata pogon, been born in India, about which it would be tedi. since it is a custom among the Indians to nourish ous to write. vid, from " But that Hercules," &c. to "of his daughter." Conf. Fragm. li. Apparently Siva is meant, though his many wives and 30.3. Conf. Fragm. 1. in Ind. Ant. vol. V. pp. 89-99, c. sons are unknown to Hindu mythology...ED unpos.

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MAY, 1877.] THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. 123 palaces, and settled within its walls a numerous population. The city he fortified with trenches of notable dimensions, which were filled with water introduced from the river. "Herakles, accordingly, after his removal from among men, obtained immortal honour; and his descendants, having reigned for many generations and signalized themselves by great achievements, nei. ther made any expedition beyond the confines of India, nor sent out any colony abroad. * At last, however, after many years had gone, most of the cities adopted the democratic form of government, though soine retained the kingly until she invasion of the country by Alexan- der. "Of several remarkable customs existing among the Indians, there is one prescribed by their ancient philosophers which one may regard as truly admirable : for the law ordains that no one among them shall, under any circumstances, be a slave, but that, enjoying free- dom, they shall respect the equal right to it which all possess : for those, they thought, who have learned neither to domineer over nor to cringe to others will attain the life best adapted for all vicissitades of lot: for it is but fair and reasonable to institute laws which bind all equally, but allow property to be unevenly distributed (40.) The whole population of India is divided into seven castes, of which the first is formed by the collective body of the Philosophers, which in point of number is inferior to the other classes, but in point of dignity preeminent over all. For the philosophers, being exempted from all public duties, are neither the masters nor the servants of others. They are, however, engaged by private persons to offer the sacrifices due in lifetime, and to celebrate the obsequies of the dead : for they are believed to be most dear to the gods, and to be the most conversant with matters pertaining to Hades. In requital of such services they receive valuable gifts and privileges." To the people of India at large they also render great benefits, when, gathered together at the beginning of the year, they forewarn the assembled multitudes about droughts and wet weather, and also about propitious winds, and diseases, and other topics capable of profiting the hearers. "Thus the people and the sovereign, learning beforehand what is to happen, always make adequate provision against & coming deficiency, and never fail to prepare beforehand what will help in a time of need. The philosopher who errs in his predictions incurs no other penalty than obloquy, and he then observes silence for the rest of his life. The second caste consists of the Husbandmen, who appear to be far more numerous than the others. Being, moreover, exempted from fighting and other public services, they devote the whole of their time to tillage ; nor would an enemy coming upon a husband nan at work on his land do him any harm, for men of this class, being regarded as public benefactors, are protected from all injury. The land, thus remaining unravaged, and producing heavy crops, supplies the inhabitants with all that is requisite to make life very enjoyable. * The husbandmen themselves, with their wives and children, live in the country, and entirely avoid going into town." They pay a land-tribute to the king, because all India is the property of the crown, and no private person is permitted to own land. Besides the land-tribute, they pay into the royal treasury a fourth part of the produce of the soil. "The third caste consists of the Neatherds and Shepherds, and in general of all herdsmen who neither settle in towns nor in villages, but live in tents. By hunting and trapping they clear the country of noxious birds and wild beasts. As they apply themselves eagerly and assiduously to this pursuit, they free India from the pests with which it abounds,-ail sorts of wild beasts, and birds which devour the seeds sown by the husbandmen. (41.) * The fourth caste consists of the Artizans. Of these soine are armourers, while others make the implements which husbandmen and others find useful in their different callings. This class is not onls exempted from paying taxes, but even receives maintenance from the royal exchequer. The fifth caste is the Military. It is well * Conf. Fragm. IV. T ibo opol, Strabo, Diod. Zolotai, Arr. 0.6 Conf. Fragm. xii. in Ind. Ant. vol. V. pp. 91-92, cc. i. and xii. * reupyol, Strab. Arr. Diod. + Borkodot Kal prospives kai kadoov Tarres al vouees, Diou. Thomeves kal Onpeurai, Strab. Iloweves Te kai Bourdos, Arr. I Shepherds and hunters were not a caste of Hindus, out were probably tribes like the Abbirs or Ahir, Dhan. gars, &e.-ED. Texvirai. Toplotai, Strab. Arr.

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124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1877. organized and equipped for war, holds the second dies they bury him, and deliver over such proplace in point of numbers, and gives itself up toperty as he leaves to his relatives. The judges idleness and amusement in the times of peace. also decide cases in which foreigners are conThe entire force-men-at-arms, war-horses, cerned, with the greatest care, and come down war-elephants, and all-are maintained at the sharply on those who lake unfair advantage of king's expense. them. [What we have now said regarding 50 The sixth caste consists of the Overseers. India and its antiquities will suffice for our preIt is their province to inquire into and superin- sent purpose.] tend all that goes on in India, and make report to the king, or, where there is not a king, to BOOK I. the magistrates. FRAGM. II. The seventh caste consists of the Coun. Arr. Erped. Aleo. V. 6. 2-11. cillors and Assessors, of those who de- Of the Boundaries of India, its General liberate on public affairs. It is the smallest : Character, and its Rivers.t class, looking to number, but the most respected, According to Eratosthenes, and Megasthenes on account of the high character and wisdom of who lived with Siburtios the satrap of its members ; " for from their ranks the advisers Aracho sia, and who, as he himself tells us, of the king are taken, and the treasurers of the often visited Sandrakott oss the king of the state, and the arbiters who settle disputes. The Indians, India forms the largest of the four parts generals of the army also, and the chief magis- into which Southern Asia is divided, while trates, usually belong to this class. the smallest part is that region which is includ68 Such, then, are about the parts into which ed between the Euphrates and our own sea. the body politic in India is divided. No one is The two remaining parts, which are separated allowed to marry out of his own caste, or to from the others by the Euphrates and the exercise any calling or art except his own: for Indus, and lie between these rivers, are scarcely instance, a soldier cannot become a husbandman, of sufficient size to be compared with India, or an artizan a philosopher. even should they be taken both together. The (42.) 5* India possesses a vast number of huge same writers say that India is bounded on its elephants, which far surpass those found elsewhere eastern side, right onwards to the south, by the both in strength and size. This animal does great ooean; that its northern frontier is formed not cover the female in a peculiar way, as some by the Kaukasos range as far as the junction of affirm, but like horses and other quadrupeds. that range with Tauros; and that the boundary "The period of gestation is at shortest sixteen towards the west and the north-west, as far as months, and at farthest eighteen. Like mares, the great ocean, is formed by the river Indus. they generally bring forth but one young one A considerable portion of India consists of a at a time, which the dam suckles for six years. level plain, and this, as they conjecture, has 5. Most elephants live to be as old as an ex. been formed from the alluvial deposits of the tremely old man, but the most aged live two river,-inferring this from the fact that in other hundred years. countries plains which are far away from the 51 Among the Indians officers are appointed sea are generally formations of their respective even for foreigners, whose duty is to see that rivers, so that in old times a country was even no foreigner is wronged. Should any of them called by the name of its river. As an instance, lose his health, they send physicians to attend there is the so-called plain of the Hermog him, and take care of him otherwise, and if he river in Asia (Minor), wbich, flowing from the 1. "Epopo, Diod. Strab. 'Errio KOTO!, Arr. Is this the class of officers referred to as sheriffs-mahamatra-in the Asoka inscriptions ? Conf. Ind. Ant. vol. V. pp. 267-8.-ED. "It appears strange that Megasthenes should have divided the people of India into seven castes... Herodotus, however, had divided the people of Egypt into seven castes, namely priests, soldiers, herdsmen, swineherds, tradesmen, interpreters, and steersmen; and Megasthenes may therefore have taken it for granted that there were seven castes in India. It is a curious fact that, from the time of Alexander's expedition to comparatively recent date, geographers and others have continually drawn analogies between Egypt and India."-Wheeler's Hist. of India, vol. III. p. 192, note 16.6. Conf. Fragm. xxxvi. + For some remarks on this point see Blochmann's translation of the Ain-i Akbart, p. 118. I Conf. Epit. ad init: The name of Chandragupta is written by the Greeka. Sandrokottos, Sandrakottas, Sandrakottos, Androkottoe, and (best) Sandrokoptos. Cf. Schlegel, Bibl. Ind. I. 245.Schwanbeok, p. 12, n. 6.

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May, 1877.] THE INDIRA OF MEGASTHENES. 125 Mount of Mother Dindumone, falls into the sea through Europe, can for a moment be compared. near the AEolian city of Smyrna. There is also Nay, the whole of these if combined all into the Lydian plain of the Kaustros, named one are not equal even to the Indos, which is after that Lydian river; and another, that of the already a large river where it rises from its Kaikos, in Mysia; and one also in Karia, fountains, and which after receiving as tribn. that of the Maiandros, which extends even to taries fifteen rivers all greater than those of Miletos, which is an Ionian city. [As for Egypt, Asia, and bearing off from its rival the honour both the historians Herodotos and Hekataios (or of giving name to the country, falls at last into at any rate the author of the work on Egypt if the sea.* he was other than Hekataios) alike agree in de FRAGM. III. claring it to be the gift of the Nile, so that that Arr. Indica, II. 1.7. country was perhaps even called after the river; Of the Boundaries of India.t for in early times Aiguptos was the name of (For this fragment see Indian Antiquary, vol. V. the river which now-a-days both the Egyptians p. 86, chap. II.) and other nations call the Nile, as the words FRAGM. IV. of Homer clearly prove, when he says that Strabo, XV. i. 11,--p. 689. Menelaos stationed his ships at the mouth of Of the Boundaries and Extent of India. the river Aiguptos. If, then, there is but a India is bounded on the north by the extresingle river in each plain, and these rivers, mities of Tauros, and from Ariana to the though by no means large, are capable of Eastern Sea by the mountains which are variously forming, as they flow to the sea, much new land, called by the natives of these regions Para paby carrying down silt from the uplands, where mis os, and Hem odos, and Himao s, and their sources are, it would be unreasonable to other names, but by the Macedonians Kaureject the belief in the case of India that a great kaso s. The boundary on the west is the part of it is a level plain, and that this plain is river Indus, but the southern and eastern sides, formed from the silt deposited by the rivers, which are both much greater than the others, seeing that the Hermos, and the Kaustros, and run out into the Atlantic Ocean. The shape of the Kaikos, and the Maiandros, and all the many the country is thus rhomboidal, since each of rivers of Asia which fall into the Mediterranean, the greater sides exceeds its opposite side by even if united, would not be fit to be compared 3000 stadia, which is the length of the proin volume of water with an ordinary Indian montory common to the south and the east river, and much less with the greatest of them coast, which projects equally in these two direcall, the Ganges, with which neither the Egyp- tions. [The length of the western side, measured tian Nile, nor the Danube which flows from the Kaukasian mountains to the southern * Strabo, XV. 1. 82, p. 700.-(All the rivers mentioned tance in some places exceeds 30,000 stadia"! by which he (the last of which is the Hapanis) unite in one, the Indus. quite excludes Megasthenes from this opinion. And at They say that fifteen considerable rivers, in all, flow into it. p. 72, where he mentions the 30,000 stadia of Deimachos, t Cons. Epit. 1, and for notes on the same see vol. V. p. he does not say a word of Megasthenes. But it must be 330.-ED. certain that 16,000 stadia is the only measure Megastheni's I Conf. Epit. 1, 2. Pliny (Hist. Nat. VI. 31. 2) states that gave of the breadth of India. For not only Strabo (p. 669) India extends from north to south 28,150 thousand paces. and Arrian (Ind. iii. 7) have not quoted a larger number This number, though it is not exactly equal to 22,300 stadia, from Megasthenes, but Hipparchos also (Strabo, p. 69),but to 22,800, nevertheless approaches the number given by where he shows that Patrokles is unworthy of confidence, Megasthenea nearer than any other. From the numbers because he has given smaller dimensions for India than which both Arrian (Ind. iii. 8) and Strabo (pp. 68-69, 690) Megasthenes-only mentions the measure of 16,000 stadia; give, Diodorus differs remarkably, for he says the breadth where, for what Hipparchos wanted, the greatest number extends to 28,000, and the length to 32,000 stadia. It was the most suitable for his proof. I think the numbers would be rash to deny that Megasthenes may also have were augmented because Megasthenes regarded as Indian, indicated the larger numbers of Diodorus, for Arrian "Kabul and that part of Ariana which Chandragupta had (Ind. iij. 7-8) adds to the number the words " where taken from Seleukos; and on the north the frontier nations shortest and where narrowest;" and Strabo (p. 689) Uttarakuras, which he mentions elsewhere. What Megas. has added to the expression of the breadth the words "at thenes said about the breadth of India remained fixed the shortest," and, referring to Megasthenes and Deima throughout the whole geography of the Greeks, so that not chor, says distinctly "who state that in some places the even Ptolemy, who says India extends 16,800 stadia, differs distance from the southern sea is 20,000 stadia, and in much from it. But bis measure of length has either been others 30,000 (pp. 68-69). There can be no doubt, however, rejected by all, for fear of opposing the ancient opinion, that Megasthenes regarded the smaller, and Deimachos that the torrid zone could not be inhabited, or (like Hipthe larger number correct; for the larger seemed to parchus) erroneously carried it much too far to the northArrian unworthy of mention, and Strabo (p. 690) says Schwanbeck, pp. 29, 30, n. 24. decidedly, "Megasthenis and Deimachos incline to be $ Schmieder enggests Thaos in Arrian. more moderate in their estimate, for according to them ii.e. The Himala yas. the distance from the southern sea to Caucasus is over The world was anciently regarded as an island sur. 90,000 stadia: Deimachos, however, allows that the dis- rounded by the Atlantic Sea.

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126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MAY, 1877. sea along the course of the river Indus to its is over 20,000 stadia.--[Deimachos, however, mouths, is said to be 13,000 stadia, so that the allows that the distance in some places exceeds eastern side opposite, with the addition of the 1 30,000 stadia. Of these notice has been taken 3000 stadia of the promontory, will be some- in an earlier part of the work.] where about 16,000 stadia. This is the breadth FRAGM. VII. of India where it is both smallest and greatest.] Strabo, II. i. 4, pp. 68-69. The length from west to east as far as Pali. Of the Size of India. both ra can be stated with greater certainty, Hipparchos controverts this view, arging the for the royal road which leads to that city has fatility of the proofs on which it rests. Patrobeen measured by schooni, and is in length 10,000 kles, he says, is unworthy of trust, opposed as stadia. The extent of the parts beyond can he is by two competent authorities, Ddimachos only be conjectured from the time taken to and Megasthenes, who state that in some places make voyages from the sea to Palibothra the distance from the southern ses is 20,000 by the Ganges, and may be about 6000 stadia. stadia, and in others 30,000. Sach, he says, is The entire length, computed at the shortest, the account they give, and it agrees with the anwill be 16,000 stadia. This is the estimate of cient charts of the country. Eratosthenes, who says he derived it principally FRAGM. VIII. from the authoritative register of the stages Arr. Indica, III. 7-8. on the Royal Road. Herein Megasthenes agrees with him. [Patrokles, however, makes the length Of the Size of India. With Megasthenes the breadth of India is its less by 1000 stadia.] Conf. Arr. Ind. iii. 1-5. extent from east to west, though this is called FRAGM. V. by others its length. His account is that the Strabo, II. i. 7,-p. 69. breadth at shortest is 16,000 stadia, and its Of the Size of India. length-by which he means its extent from Again, Hipparchos, in the 2nd volume of his north to south-is at the narrowest 22,800 commentary, charges Eratosthenes himself with stadia. throwing discredit on Patrokles for differing from Megasthenes about the length of India on FRAGM. IX. its northern side, Megasthenes making it 16,000 Strabo, II. i. 19,- p. 76. stadia, and Patrokles 1000 less. of the setting of the Bear, and shadows falling FRAGM. VI. in contrary directions.f Strabo, XV. i. 12,--pp. 689-690. Again, he (Eratosthenes] wished to show the Of the Size of India. ignorance of Deimachos, and his want of # [From this, one can readily see how the ac- practical knowledge of such subjects, evidenced counts of the other writers vary from one an- as it was by his thinking that India lay between other. Thus Ktesias says that India is not of the autumnal equinox and the winter tropic, less size than the rest of Asia; Onesikritos and by his contradicting the assertion of Me. regards it as the third part of the habitable gasthends that in the southern parts of India world; and Nearchos says it takes one four the constellation of the Bear disappeared from months to traverse the plain only.] Megasthenes view, and shadows fell in opposite directions, Iand Ddimachos incline to be more moderate phenomena which he assures us are never seen in their estimate, for according to them the in India, thereby exhibiting the sheerest ignodistance from the Southern Sea to Kaukasos rance. He does not agree in this opinion, but * All the textu read dismurion instead of murion. Te and also by the Chinese pilgrims (Foe koue-ki, 87-88), and all the MSS. of Strabo also we read yod love and in by Moguthenes himself, in Strabo (p. 708, Fragm. edy. 3). Arrian, who extracts the same passage from Megasthenes, from which it seems certain that ten stadis are equal to some Indian mesure which cannot be smaller one than everywhere OXOLVOLS. Though there is nothing to blame the krka.-Schw. p. 27, n. 33. in either lection, yet it is easier to change yoivous than oxourious, for Strabo may have been surprised to find the . Conf. Epit. 8. Greek schoenus in use also in India. The schoen us, how 1 Conf. Diod. II. 85, Plin. Hist. Nat. VI. 29. 6. The ever, which with Eratosthenes is a measure of 40 stadia writers of Alexander's time who affirmed similar things (Plin. Hist. Nat. XII. 30), coincides precisely with the Indian were Nearobos and Onesikritos, and Baeto who exceeded yojana of four krisas. I do not forget that usually double all bounda. Conf. Lassen, Instit. Ling. Prac. Append. p. 8. this length is assigned to the yojana, but also that it is -Schwanb. p. 29. shorter than the Hindus reckon it (Asiat. Res. vol. V. p. 106),

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May, 1877.] THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. 127 accuses Deimachos of ignorance for asserting Eratosthenes uses here a peculiar expression : that the Bears do nowhere in India disappear for what is called by others the ripening of fruits from sight, nor shadows fall in opposite direc- and the juices of plants is called among the tions, as Megasthenes supposed. Indians coction, which is as effective in producing FRAGM. X. a good flavour as the coction by fire itself. To Pliny, Hist. Nat. VI. 22. 6. the heat of the water the same writer ascribes Of the Setting of the Bear. the wonderful flexibility of the branches of trees, from which wheels are made, as also the fact of Next to the Prasii] in the interior are the Monedes and the Suari, to whom belongs there being trees on which wool grows. [] Mount Males, on which shadows fall towards Conf. Eratosth. ap. Strabo. XV. i. 18,-p. 690 :the north in winter, and in summer to the south, From the vapours arising from such vast for six months alternately. The Bears, Baeton rivers, and from the Etesian winds, as Eratossays, in that part of the country are only once thenes states, India is watered by the summer visible in the course of the year, and not for rains, and the plains are overflowed. During more than fifteen days. Megasthenes says that these rains, accordingly, flax is sown and this takes place in many parts of India. millet, also sesamum, rice, and bosmorum,t and Conf. Solin, 52. 18: in the winter time wheat, barley, pulse, and Beyond Palibothra is Mount Maleus, on other esculent fruits unknown to us. which shadows fall in winter towards the north, FRAGM. XII. and in summer towards the south, for six Strabo, XV. i. 87,--p. 703. months altornately. The North Pole is visible in Of some Wild Beasts of India. that part of the country once in the course of the According to Megasthenes the largest tigers year, and not for longer than fifteen days, as are found among the Prabii, being nearly Baeton informs us, who allows that this occurs in twice the size of the lion, and so strong that a many parts of India. tame tiger led by four men having seized a mule FRAGM. XI. by the hinder leg overpowered it and dragged Strabo, XV. i. 20,--p. 693. it to him. "The monkeys are larger than the Of the Fertility of India.ll largest dogs; they are white except in the face, Megasthenos indicates the fertility of India which is black, though the contrary is observed by the fact of the soil producing two crops every elsewhere. Their tails are more than two cubits year both of fruits and grain. [Eratosthenes in length. They are very tame, and not of a writes to the same effect, for be speaks of a malicious disposition : so that they neither at. winter and a summer sowing, which both have tack man nor steal. *Stones are dug up which rain: for a year, he says, is never found to be are of the colour of frankincense, and sweeter without rain at both those seasons, whence en than figs or honey. "In some parts of the coungues a great abundance, since the soil is always try there are serpents two cubite long which productive. Much fruit is produced by trees; s have membranous wings like bats. They fly and the roots of plants, particularly of tall reeds, about by night, when they let fall drops of urine are sweet both by nature and by coction, since the or sweat, which blister the skin of persons not moisture by which they eru nourished is heated on their guard, with patrid sorer, There are by the rays of the sun, whether it has fallen also winged scorpions of an extraordinary size. from the clouds or been drawn from the rivers. Ebony grows there. There are also dogs of 6 "The Mandali would seem to be the same people m The Malli or Malei would therefore be the same people us the Monedes of Pliny, who with the Buari, occupied Ptolemy's Mandalne, who occupied the right bank of the the inland oountry to the south of the Palibothri. As this Ganges to the south of Palibothra, or they may be the peois the exact position of the country of the Mandas and Suara, ple of the Rajmahal hills who are called Maler : ..... I think it quito certain that they must be the same moe ...... The Sunri of Pliny are the Babarrs of Ptolemy, the Monedes and Suari of Pliny. In another page Pliny mentions the Mandei and Malli M Occupying the and both may be identified with the aboriginal Bavarus country between the Calings and the Ganges. Amongst or Suars, wild race of woodcutters who live in the jun. the Malli there was a mountain named Mallas, which gles without any fixed habitation."-Ounningham's Anc. would seem to be the same as the famous mount Malens of Geog. of India, pp. 508-9. the Monedes and Susri. I think it highly probable that | Conf. Epit. 5, 9. both names may be intended for the celebrated mount Conf. Herod. II. 86. "Velleraque ut foliis depectant Mandar, to the south of Bhagalpur, which is fabled to have ten wis Seres? -Virgil, Goor. ii. 181.-Falooner. been wed by the gods and demond at the churning of the livov, perhaps the Alvor od dmd derdpemy of Arrian. OOD. The Mandei I would identify with the inhabitants + Boopopov-Strabo XV. i. 18.

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.R [MAY, 1877. great strength and courage, which will not let go their hold till water is poured into their nostrils: they bite so eagerly that the eyes of some become distorted, and the eyes of others fall out. Both a lion and a ball were held fast by a dog. The bull was seized by the muzzle, and died before the dog could be taken off. FRAGM. XIII. in India of enormous size, which sting Europeans and natives alike. There are also serpents which are likewise winged. These do not go abroad during the day, but by night, when they let fall urine, which if it lights upon any one's skin at once raises putrid sores t thereon. Such is the statement of Megasthenes. t 71 Elian, Hist. Anim. XVII. 39. Conf. Frag. XII. 2. Of Indian Apes. In the country of the Praxii,s who are an Indian people, Megasthenes says there are apes not inferior in size to the largest dogs. They have tails five cubits long, hair grows on their forehead, and they have luxuriant beards hanging down their breast. Their face is entirely white, and all the rest of the body black. They are tame and attached to man, and not malicious by nature like the apes of other countries. FRAGM. XIV. Elian, Hist. Anim. XVI. 41. Conf. Fragm. XII. 4. Of Winged, Scorpions and Serpents. Megasthenes says there are winged scorpions o poke yak banged box to F puts and herbed FRAGM. XV. Strabo, XV. i. 56, pp. 710-711. Of the Beasts of India, and the Reed. He (Magathens) mys there are monkeys, rollers of rocks, which climb precipices whence they roll down stones upon their pursuers. Most animals, he says, which are tame with us are wild in India, and he speaks of horses which are one-horned and have heads like those of deer; and also of reeds some of which grow straight up to the height of thirty orguice, while others grow along the ground to the length of fifty. They vary in thickness from three to six cubits in diameter. FRAGM. XV.B. Elian, Hist. Anim. XVI. 20. 21. Conf. Fragm. XV. 2. 1. Va Of some Beasts of India. (20.) In certain districts of India (I speak of those which are most inland) they say there are inaccessible mountains infested by wild beasts, and which are also the haunts of animals like those of our own country except that they are wild; for even sheep, they say, run wild there, as well as dogs and goats and oxen, which roam about at their own pleasure, being independent and free from the dominion of the herdsman. That their number is beyond calenlation is stated not only by writers on India, but also by the learned men of the country, among whom the Brachmans deserve to be reckoned, whose testimony is to the I FRAGM, XIII. B. Elian, Hist, Anim. XVI. 10. Of Indian Apes. 15 55 Among the Prasii in India there is found, they say, a species of apes of human-like intelligence, and which are to appearance about the size of Hurkanian dogs. Nature, has furnished them with foreiocks, which one ignorant of the reality would take to be artificial. Their chin, like that of a satyr, turns upward, and their tail is like the potent one of the lion. Their body is white all over except the face and the tip of the tail, which are of a reddish colour. They are very intelligent, and naturally tame. They are bred in the woods, where also they live, subsisting on the fruits which they find growing wild on the hills. They resort in great numbers to the suburbs of Sp Cheng same effect. It is also said that there exists in India a one-horned animal, called by the natives the Kartazon. It is of the size of a full-grown horse, and has a crest, and yellow hair soft as wool. It is furnished with very good legs and is very fleet. Its legs are jointless and formed like those of the elephant, and it has a tail like a swine's. A horn sprouts out from between its eyebrows, and this is not straight, but curved into the most natural wreaths, and is of a black colour. It is said to be extremely sharp, this horn. The animal, as I learn, has a voice beyond all example loud-ringing and dissonant. It allows Latage, an Indian city, where they eat rice which has been laid down for them by the king's orders. In fact, every day a ready-prepared meal is set out for their use. It is said that when they have satisfied their appetite they retire in an orderly manner to their haunts in the woods, without injuring a single thing that comes in their way. The Prachyas (i.e. Easterns) are called by Strabo, Arrian, and Pliny Prasioi, Prsait ; by Plutarch (Alen. 62) Praisioi, a name often used by Elian also; by Nikolaus Damas, (ap. Stob. Floril. 37, 38) Ppavoias; by Diodorus (xvii. 93) Bphotos; by Curtius (IX. 2,3) Pharrasii; by Justin (xii. 8, 9) Praesides. Megasthenes attempted to approximate more closely to the Sanskrit Prachya, for here he uses Ppatiaxos. And it appears that should be substituted for Prasioi La Stephan. Bynaut, Giade it omes between the words Ipagios and Ipao. Schwanbeck, p. 82, not. 6. The orguia was four cubite, or equal to 6 feet 1 inch...

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MAY, 1877.] THE FRAGMENTS OF THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. 129 FRAGM. XVI. FBGM. XVIII. Pliny, Hist. Nat. VIII. 14. 1. Pliny, Hist. Nat. VI. 84. 1. Of the Boa-Constrictor. Of Taprobane. According to Megasthenes, serpents in India Megasthenes says that Taproban'e is grow to such a size that they swallow stags and separated from the mainland by a river ; that bulls whole. their habitants are called Palaiogonoi, and O" u Solinua, 52. 33. that their country is more productive of gold So huge are the serpents that they swallow-stags and large pearls than India. whole, and other animals of equal size. Solin. 58. 8. FRAGM. XVII. Taprobane is separated from India by a AElisn, Hist. Anim. VIII.7... river flowing between : for one part of it abounds Of the Electric Eel. with wild beasts and elephants much larger than I learn from Megasthenes that there is in the India breeds, and man claims the other part. Indian Sea a small kind of fish which is never Fridy'xix ! seen when alive, as it always swims in deep Antigon Caryst oz. water, and only floats on the stirface after it is Of Marine Treer. dead. Should any one touch it he becomes faint Megasthenes, the author of the Indika, men. and swoons--nay, even dies at last. t ions that trees grow in the Indian Sea. other animals to approach it, and is good- which skirt that frontier of India which is most natured towards them, though they say that with inland meets, they say, with ravines which are its congeners it is rather quarrelsome. The males clothed with very dense jungle, in a district called are reported to have a natural propensity not only by the Indians Korouda. These ravines are to fight among themselves, by butting with said to be the haunts of a peculiar kind of animal their horns, but to display a like animosity | shaped like a satyr, covered all over with shaggy against the female, and to be so obstinate in their hair, and having a tail like a horso's, depending quarrels that they will not desist till a worsted from its ramp. If these creatures are left un. rival is killed outright. But, again, not only is molested, they keep within the coppices living on every member of the body of this animal endued the wild fruits'; 'but should they hear the hunter's with great strength, but such is the potency of halloo and the baying of the hounds they dart up its horn that nothing can withstand it. It loves the precipices with incredible speed, for they are to feed in secluded pastures, and wanders about habituated to climbing the mountains. They alone, but at the rutting season it seeks the defend themselves by rolling down tone on society of the female, and is then gentle towards their assailants, which often kill those they hit, her,-nay, the two oven food in company. The The most difficult to catch are those whickor Renson being over and the female pregnant, the the stones. Some are said to have been brought, Indian Kartazon again becomes ferocious and seeks though with difficulty and after long intervils, to" solitude. The foals, it is said, are taken when the Prasii, but these were either suffering from quite young to the king of the Prasii, and are diseases or were females heavy with young, the set to fight each other at the great public spec former being too weak to escape, and the latter tacles. No fall-grown specimen is remembered being impeded by the burden of the womb.-Conf. to have ever been caught. .. Fm. Plin. Hist. Nat. VII. 2. 17. 1 . A VIL. 2. 1.. . (21.) The traveller who crosses the mountains This island has been known by maay naman 2 thun (Dissert. de instela Tagrob. p. 9). "Wo must suppose that Megastbenes was acquainted with the Indian mytla 1. Lanka. The only name it goes by in Sanskrit, and that the first inhabitants of the island were said to have quite unknown to the Greeks and Romana. been Rakshasas or giants, the sons of the progenitors of 2. Bim unda or Palesimundo. Probably a Greek the world, whom he might not inaptly call Palaiogonoi." form of the Sanskrit Pali-Simanta. This name had gone Against this it may be remarked that, by this unusual term out of use before the time of Ptolemy the Geographer, and so uncommon, Megasthenes meant to name the nation, 8. Taprobane-Supposed to represent the Sanskrit not describe it ; and next that Megasthenes is not in the P&mrapat ni red-leaved or copper-coloured sand'), habit of translating names, but of rendering them sooorda slightly altered form of the PAli Tai bapaknt, which : ing to sound with some degree of parondmasis lastly, that, is found in the inscription of Adoks on the Girnar rock. shortly after, we find the name of Taprobateand of itu capital Vide ante, vol. V. p. 272. Ilalawipourdos, quite like to talatoyovos. Acoordingly w 4. Blige (perhaps properly Salino), Seren di Taman atnlama llamolaourdos. the name of the capital, by" Birledibi. Serondlb, Zollani, Coylon. These are the Sanskrit Palindi idea to be derivatives from Sisla, the Pali (hend of the Ancred doctrines I wonld also prefer to explain the name of the Palamono Ca s h the aboda, oftions. The uffix dib from the Sanskrit Pan-sands (lamen of the bacred doc. representa the Sanskrit dupa, an and" trine').-Schwanbeck, 88, n.35 ) Lassen bas tried to accortot for the name Palaiogonpi l . Kouvoa. A tion

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130 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1877. Fragm. XX. Arr. Ind. 4.2-13. Of the Indus and the Ganges. I See translation of this in Ind. Ant. vol. V. pp. 86-87. FRAGM. XXI. Arr. Ind. 6. 2-3. of the River Silas. For translation see Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 88. FRAGM. XXII. Boissonsde, Anecd. Groec. I. p. 419. Of the River Silas. There is in India a river called the Silas, named after the fountain from which it flows, on which nothing will float that is thrown into it, but everything sinks to the bottom, contrary to the usual law. FRAGM. XXIII. Strabo, XV. i. 38, p. 703. Of the River Silas. (Megasthenes says) that in the mountainous country is a river, the Silas, on the waters of which nothing will float. Demokritos, who had travelled over a large part of Asia, disbelieves this, and so do es Aristotle. FRAGM. XXIV. Arr. Ind. 6. 2. Of the Number of Indian Rivers. For translation see Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 87. FRAGA. XX.B. Pliny. Hist. Nat. VI. 21. 9-22. 1. The Priaas and the Cainas (a tributary of the Ganges) are both navigable rivers. The tribes which dwell by the Ganges are the Calingae, nearest the sea, and higher up the Mandei, also the Malli, among whom is Mount Mallus, the boundary of all that region being the Ganges. Some have asserted that this river, like the Nile, rises from unknown sources, and in a similar way waters the country it flows through, while others trace its source to the Skythian mountains. Nineteen rivers are said to flow into it, of which, besides those already mentioned, the Condochates, Erannoboas, Cosoagus, and Songs are navigable. According to other accounts, it bursts at once with thundering roar from its fountain, and tumbling down a steep and rocky channel lodges in a lake as soon as it reaches the level plain, whence it issues forth with a gentle current, being nowhere I Conf. Epit. 15-19, and Notes on Arrian, Ind. Ant. vol. V. pp. 831, 832. Strab. 708, Diod. II. 37, and afterwards an anonymous writer whom Buhnken (ad Callimach. fragm. p. 448) has praised, and whose account may be road in Boisson. Anecd. Groc. I. 419. The name is written as in Diodorus, in Strabo Silias, but best Silas, in the epitome of Strabo and in the Anecd. Graec. Bahr, 369, hae collected the passages from Ktesins. Lassen has also illustrated this fable (Zeitschrift. II. 63) from Indian literature -" The Indiana think that the river Silas is in the north, that it petrifies everything plunged in it, whence everything sinks and nothing swims." (Conf. Mahabhar. II. 1858.) Sile means' stone.'-Schw. p. 87, n. 32. I V. L. Pamas. A great and widely diffused tribe settled mainly between the Mahanadt and the Godavart. Their capital was Partualis (called by Ptolemy Kalligra), on the Mahanadi, higher up than the site of Katak. The name is preserved in Koring, a great port at the mouth of the Godkvart. * V. LL. Canncam, Vamam. + "The BhAghratt (which we shall here regard as the trae Gangeu) first come to light near Gangotri, in the terri. less than eight miles broad, while its mean breadth is a hundred stadia, and its least depth twenty fathoms. Solin. 52. 6-7. In India the largest rivers are the Ganges and the Indus-the Ganges, as some maintain, rising from uncertain sources, and, like the Nile, overflowing its banks; while others think that it rises in the Skythian mountains. In India there is also the Hupanis, & very noble river, which formed the limit of Alexander's march, as the altars set up on its banks testify. I The least breadth of the Ganges is eight miles, and the greatest twenty. Its depth where least is fully one hundred feet. Conf. Fragm. XXV. 1. Some say that the least breadth is thirty stadia, but others only three; while Megasthenes says that the mean breadth is a hundred stadia, and its least depth twenty orguiae. tory of Garhwal, in lat. 80deg 54', long. 79deg 7", issuing from under a very low arch, at the base of great snow-bed, estimated to be 300 feet thick, which lies between the lofty mountains termed St. Patrick, St. George, and the Pyramid, the two higher having elevations above the sea, respectively, of 22,798 and 22,664 feet, and the other, on the opposite side, having an elevation of 21,379. From the brow of this curious wall of snow, and immediately above the outlet of the stream, large and hoary icicles depend. They are formed by the freezing of the melted snow-water at the top of the bed; for in the middle of the day the sun is powerful, and the water produced by its action falls over this place in cascade, but is frozen at night.... At Sukhi the river may be said to break though the 'Himalaya Proper,' and the elevation of the waterway is here 7,608 foet. At Devprag it is joined on the left side by the Alaknanda... ...... From Devprag the united stream is now called the Ganges . . . . . Its descent by the Dehra Dan is rather rapid to Haridwar .... sometimes called Gang&dwars, or the gate of the Ganges, being situate on its western or right bank at the southern base of the Sivalik range, here intersected by a revine or gorge by which the river, finally leaving the mountainous region, commences ita course over the plains of Hindustan. The breadth of the river in the rainy season..is represented to be a full mile." -Thornton. The same as the Huphasis or Satlej.

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MAY, 1877.] THE FRAGMENTS OF THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. 131 BOOK II. FRAGM. XXV. time,--so destructive are the heavy rains which Strab. XV. i. 35. 36, p. 702. pour down, and the rivers also when they overOf the city Pataliputra. flow their banks and inundate the plains, -whilo According to Megasthenos the mean breadth those cities which stand on commanding situa(of the Ganges) is 100 stadia, and its least depth tions and lofty eminences are built of brick and 20 fathoms. At the meeting of this river and mud; that the greatest city in India is that another is situated Palibothra, a city eighty stadia which is called Palim bothra, in the domiin length and fifteen in breadth. It is of the shape nions of the Prasians, where the streams of of a parallelogram, and is girded with a wooden the Eranno boas and the Ganges unite, - wall, pierced with loopholes for the dis- the Ganges being the greatest of all rivers, and charge of arrows. It has a ditch in front for the Erannoboas being perhaps the third largest detence and for receiving the sewage of the city of Indian rivers, though greater than the greatThe people in whose country this city is situated est rivers elsewhere; but it is smaller than the is the most distinguished in all India, and is called Ganges where it falls into it. Megasthenes the Prasii. The king, in addition to his family informs us that this city stretched in the inname, must adopt the surname of Palibothros, habited quarters to an extremo length on each as Sandrakottos, for instance, did, to whom side of eighty stadia, and that its breadth way * Megasthenes was sent on an embassy. [This fifteen stadia, and that a ditch encompassed it custom also prevails among the Parthians, for all round, which was six hundred foet in breadth all are called Arakai, though each has his own and thirty cubits in depth, and that the wall peculiar name, as Orodes, Phraates, or some was crownod with 570 towers and had four-andother.] sixty gates. The same writer tells us further Then follow these words : this remarkable fact about India, that all the All the country beyond the Hupanis is allowed to be very fertile, but little is accurately known regarding it. Partly Indians are free, and not one of them is a slave. frora ignorance and the remoteness of its situation, every- The Lake daemonians and the Indians are thing about it is exaggerated or represented a marvellous : here so far in agreement. The Lakedaemonians, for instance, there are the stories of the gold digging ante, of animals and men of peculiar shapes, and possessing however, hold the Helots as slaves, and these wonderful faculties; as the Seres, who, they say, are so Helota do servile labour ; but the Indians do long-lived that they attain an age beyond that of two not even use aliens as slaves, and much less a hundred years. They mention also an aristocratical form of government consisting of five thousand councillors, each countryman of their own. of whom furnishes the state with an elephant. Fragm. XXVII. According to Megasthenes the largest tigers Strab. XV. i. 53-56, pp. 709.10. are found in the country of the Prasii, &c. (Cf. Of the Manners of the Indians. Fragm. XII.) The Indians all live frugally, especially when FRAGM. XXVI. in camp. They dislike a great undisciplined Arr. Ind. 10. multitudo, and consequently they observo good Of Pataliputra and the Manners of the Indians. order. Theft is of very rare occurrence. Ne It is farther said that the Indians do not gasthends says that those who were in the rear monuments to the dead, but consider the camp of Sandrakottos, wherein lay 400,0) virtues which men have displayed in life, and men, found that the thefts reported on any one the songs in which their praises are celebrated, day did not exceed the value of two hundred sufficient to preserve their memory after death. drachmw, and this among a people who have But of their cities it is said that the number is no written laws, but are ignorant of writing, so great that it cannot be stated with precision, and must therefore in all the business of life but that such cities as are situated on the banks trust to memory. They live, nevertheless, hapof rivers or on the sea-coast are built of wood pily enough, being simple in their manners instead of brick, being meant to last only for & and frugal. They never drink wino except at Conf. Epit. 36. (Serica) in Eastern Mongolia and the north-east of China, This was not the name of any particular nation, but but it has also been bought for in Eastern Turkestan, Was vaguely used to designate the inhabitants of the re-l in the Him Alayn towards the sources of the Ganges, in gion producing silk, of which ser is the namo in Chinese Assam, and even in Pegu. The name is first met with in and in Japanese. Tue general opinion places this region Ktesias.

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132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. - [May, 1877. sacrifices. Their beverage is a liquor composed from rice instead of barley, and their food is principally a rice-pottage. The simplicity of their laws and their contracts is proved by the fact that they seldom go to law. They have no suits about pledges or deposits, nor do they require either seals or witnesses, but make their deposits and confide in each other. Their houses and property they generally leave unguarded. These things indicate that they possess good, sober sense; but other things they do which one cannot approve: for instance, that they eat always alone, and that they have no fixed hours when meals are to be taken by all in common, but each one eats when he feels inclined. The contrary custom would be better for the ends of social and civil life. Their favourite mode of exercising the body is by friction, applied in various ways, but espe- cially by passing smooth ebony rollers over the skin. Their tombs are plain, and the mounds raised over the dead lowly. In contrast to the general simplicity of their style, they love finery and ornament. Their robes are worked in gold, and ornamented with precious stones, and they wear also flowered garments made of the finest maslin. Attendants walking behind hold up nmbrellas over them: for they have a high regard for beanty, and avail themselves of every device to improve their looks. Truth and virtue they hold alike in esteem. Hence they accord no special privileges to the old unless they possess superior wisdom. They marry many wives, whom they buy from their parents, giving in exchange a yoke of oxen. Some they marry hoping to find in them willing helpmates; and others for pleasure and to fill their houses with children. The wives prostitute themselves unless they are compelled to be chaste. No one wears a crown at & sacrifice or libation, and they do not stab the victim, but strangle it, so that nothing mutilated, but only what is entire, may be presented to the deity. A person convicted of bearing false witness suffers mutilation of his extremities. He who maims any one not only suffers in return the loss of the same limb, but his hand also is cut off. If he causes an artizan to lose his hand or his eye, he is put to death. The same writer says that none of the Indians employ slaves; [but Onesikritos says that this was peculiar to that part of the country over which Musikanos ruled.]t The care of the king's person is entrusted to women, who also are bought from their parents. The guards and the rest of the soldiery attend outside the gates. A woman who kills the king when drunk becomes the wife of his successor. The sons succeed the father. The king may not sleep during the daytime, and by night he is obliged to change his couch from time to time, with a view to defeat plots against his life. The king leaves his palace not only in time of war, but also for the purpose of judging causes. He then remains in court for the whole day, without allowing the business to be interrapted, even though the hour arrives when he must needs attend to his person, -that is, when he is to be rubbed with cylinders of wood. He continnes hearing cases while the friction, which is performed by four attendants, is still proceeding. Another purpose for which he leaves his palace is to offer sacrifice; a third is to go to the chase, for which he departs in Bacchanalian fashion. Crowds of women surround him, and outside of this circle spearmen are ranged. The road is marked off with ropes, and it is death, for man and woman alike, to pass within the ropes. Men with drums and gongs lead the procession. The king hunts in the enclosures and shoots arrows from a platform. At his side stand two or three armed women. If he hunts in the open grounds he shoots from the back of an elephant. Of the women, some are in chariots, some on horses, and some even on elephants, and they are equipped with weapons of every kind, as if they were going on a campaign. [These customs are very strange when compared with our own, but the following are still more so; ] for Megasthenes states that the This wine was probably Soma juice. Curry and rice, no doubt. His kingdom lay in Sindhu, along the banks of the Indus, and his capital was probably near Bakkar. This was not unknown in native courts of later times. Conf. Idrisi's account of the Balbara king. 6 "The present king of Ava, who evidently belongs to be Indo-Chinese type, although he claims a Kshatriya origin, leads a life of seclusion very similar to that of Sandrokottos. He changes his bedroom every night, as a safeguard against sudden treachery." (Wheeler's Hist. of India, vol. III. p. 182, note.) , In the drama of Sakuntala, Raja Dushyanta is represented as attended in the chase by Yavana women, with bow in their hands, and wearing garlands of wild flowers.

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MAY, 1877.] THE FRAGMENTS OF THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. 133 tribes inhabiting the Kaukasos have intercourse cranes, for it is in their country the cranes lay with women in public, and eat the bodies of their eggs, and thus the eggs and the young their relatives, and that there are monkeys cranes are not to be found anywhere else. which roll down stones, &c. (Fragm. XV. fol. Frequently a crane escapes having the brazen lows, and then Fragm. XXIX.) point of a weapon in its body, from wounds reFRAGM. XXIX. ceived in that country. Equally absurd is Strab. XV. i. 57,-p.711. the account given of the Enoto koitai, I Of fabulous tribes. of the wild men, and of other monsters. The But deviating into fables he says there are wild men could not be brought to Sandrakottos, men five spans and even three spans in height, for they refused to take food and died. Their some of whom want the nose, having only two heels are in front, and the instep and toes are orifices above the mouth through which they turned backwards. Some were brought to the breathe. Against the men of three spans, war, court who had no mouths and were tame. They ag Homer has sung, is waged by the cranes, and dwell near the sources of the Ganges, and subsist also by partridges, which are as large as geese.tl or the savour of roasted flesh and the perfumes These people collect and destroy the eggs of the ' of fruits and flowers, having instead of mouths FRAGM. XXVII. B. AElian. V. L. iv. 1. The Indians neither put out money at usury, nor know how to borrow. It is contrary to estab. lished usage for an Indian either to do or suffer a wrong, and therefore they neither make contracts nor require securities. Conf. Suid. V. Ivdol. FRAGM. XXVII. C. Nicol. Damasc. 44; Stob. Serm. 42. Among the Indians one who is unable to recover & loan or a deposit has no remedy at law. All the creditor can do is to blame himself for trusting a rogue. FRAGX. XXVIII. Athen. iv. p. 153. Of the Suppers of the Indians. Megasthenes, in the second book of his Indila, says that when the Indians are at supper a table is placed before each person, this being like a tripod. There is placed upon it a golden bowl, into which they first put rice, boiled as one would boil barley, and then they add many dainties prepared according to Indian receipts. FRAGM. XXVII. D. Nicol. Damasc. 44; Stob. Serm. 42. He who causes an artisan to lose his eye or his hand is put to death. If one is guilty of a very heinous offence the king orders his hair to be cropped, this being a punishment to the last degree infamous. Herodotus (bk. iii. 38, 99, 101) has noted the oxistence of both practices among certain Indian tribes. . Cf. Strab. II. i. 9,--p. 70:-Deimachos and Megas. thenes are especially unworthy of credit. It is they who tell those stories about the men who sleep in their ears. the men without mouths, the men without nostrils, the mon with one eye, the men with long legs, and the men with their toes turned backward. They renewed Homer's fa ble about the battle between the Cranes and the Pygmies, asserting that the latter were three spins in height. They told of the ants that dig for gold, of Pans with wedge-shaped heads, and of serpente swallow. ing down oxen and stage, horns and all,--the one author meanwhile accusing the other of falsehood, as Eratosthenes bas remarked. Ktesias in his Indika mentions Pygmies as belonging to India. The Indians themselves considered them as belonging to the race of the Kirkta, a barbarous people who inhabited woods and mountains and lived by hunting, and who were so diminutive that their name became a synonym for dwarf. They were thought to fight with vultures and eagles. As they were of Mongolian origin, the Indians represented them with the distinctive features of that race, but with their repulsiveness exaggerated. Hence Megins. thenes spoke of the Amukteres, men without noses, who bad merely breathing-boles above the mouth. The Kirste are no doubt identical with the Soyrites (V. L. Syrictes) of Plinius and the Kirrhadai of the Periplus Maris Erythraei. I The Endtokoitai are called in Sanskrit Karnapravaramas, and are frequently referred to in the great epio poeme-e.g. Mahabh. II. 1170, 1875. The opinion was universally prevalent among the Indians that berbaru tribes had large ears: thus not only are the Karnapravo. ramas mentioned, but also Kamikas, Lambakarnas, Mahd. kamas (i.e. long or large eared), Ushtrakamnus (i.e. camel. eared), Oshthakarnas (i.e. having the cars close to the lipe), Panikamas (i.e. having hands for ears). Schwanb. 66. "It is easy," says Wheeler (Hist. Ind. vol. III. p. 179), "for any one conversant with India to point out the origin of many of the so-called fables. The ants are not na big as foxes, but they are very extraordinary excavators, The stories of men pulling up trees, and using them nu clubs, are common enough in the Mahabharata, especially in the legends of the exploits of Bhima. Men do not have ears hanging down to their feet, but both men and women will occasionally elongate their ears after a very extraordinary fashion by thrusting articles through the lobe.... If there was one story more than another which excited the wrath of Strabo, it was that of a people whose ears hung down to their feet. Yet the story is still current in Hindustan. BAbu Johari Das says: An old woman once told me that her husband, a sepoy in the British army, had seen a people who slept on one ear, and covered themselves with the other.' (Domestic Mannersand Customs of the Hindus, Banaras, 1860.)" The story may be referred to the Himalayas. Fitch, who travelled in India about 1585, says that a people in Bhutan had ears & span long." These wild men are mentioned both by Ktesias and Baeto. They were called Antipodes on account of the peculiar structure of their foot, and were reckoned among AEthiopian roes, though they are often referred to in the Indian epics under the name Paschadangulajas, of which the duo dodakTudo of Megasthenes is an exact translation. Vide Schwanb. 68.

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134 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1877 orifices through which they breathe. They are people without nostrils, who devour everything, distressed with things of evil smell, and hence eat raw meat, and are short-lived, and die before it is with difficulty they keep their hold on life, old age supervenes.* The upper part of the especially in a camp. Referring to the other mouth protrudes far over the lower lip. With monstrosities, the philosophers told him of the regard to the Hyperboreans, who live a Okupedes, a people whoin running could leave thousand years, they give the same account as the horse behind :ll of the Enotokoitai, Simonides, Pindaros, and other mythological who had ear's reaching down to their feet, so that writers.t 10 The story told by Timagenes, that they could sleep in them, and were so strong that showers fall of drops of copper, which are swept they could pull up trees and break a bowstring together, is a fable. 11 Megasthenes states* Of others the Monommatoi, who have the what is more open to belief, since the same is ears of a dog, their one eye set in the middle of the case in Iberiat--that the rivers carry down their forehead, the hair standing erect, and their gold dust, and that a part of this is paid by breasts shaggy; 1 of the Amukteres, also a way of tribute to the king. What Mogastberts by the Indians atttekakshas or . out to call thated to several. Indian Cusuthe men with Okupedes' is a transliteration into Greek, with a slight change, of the Sanskrit kapadas, ('having one foot'), the pamg of a tribe of the Kirata noted for swiftness of foot, the quality iadicated by the Greek term. The Monopodes are mentioned by Ktesias, who confounded them with the Skiapodes, the men who covered themselves with the shadow of their foot. 9 What Mogastbends here mentions as the characteristaca of a single tribe are by the Indians attributed to several The one eyed men they are wont to call ekakshds or eka ilo-chanas--the men with hairstanding erect, urdhuikea. Indiau Cwclpes even are mentioned uuder the name of Lalatakshas, i.e. having one eye in the for head : vide Schwamb. 70. "That the Astomi are mentioned in the Iudian books we cannot show so well as in the case of the Amukteres, wharm Megasthenes describes as pamphagous, omophagous, Ayoxpovibus. Nevertheless the very words of the description are a proof that he followed the narratives of the Indians, for the words Ilaubuyos, &c. by which he has described the Amukteres, are very rarely used in Greek, and are translations of Indian words." Schwanb. 69. + Pindar, who locates the Hyperboreans somewhere about the mouths of the Ister, thus sings of them : But who with venturous course through wave or Wiate; To Hyperborean haunts and wilds untraced E'er found his wondrous way? There Perseus pressed amain, And 'midst the feast entered their strange abode, Where hecatombs of anses slain To soothe the radiant god Astounded he bebeld. Their rude solennities, Their barbarous shouts, Apollo's heart delight: Laughing the rampant brute he sees Insult the solemn rite. Still their sights, their custoins strange, Scare not the Muse,' while all around The dancing virgins range, And melting lyres aud piercing pipes resound. With braids of golden bays entwined l'heir soft resplendent locks they biud, And feast iu bliss the genial hour: Nor foul disease, nor wastiug age, Visit the sacred race; nor wars they wago, Nor toil for wealth or power." 110th. Pythian ode, 11. 46 to 69, A. Moore's metrical verBou.) Megasthenes had the penetration to perecive that the Greek fable of the Hyperboreanis had an Indian source in the fables regarding the Uttarakes. This word means literaily the Kuru of the North.' "The historic origin," says P. V. de Saint-Martin," of the Sanskrit appellation UttaTakeru is unknown, but its acceptation never varies. In all the documenta of Upavedie literature, in tae great poems, in the Pitrinas, -wherever, in short, the word is found.it pertains to the domain of pretio and mythological geogra. phy, Uttarakuru is situated in the uttermost regions of the north at the foot of the mountains which surround Mount Meru, far beyond the habitable world. It is the abode of demigods and holy Rishia whose lives extend to several thousands of years. All access to it is forbidden to mortals. Like the Hyperborean region of Western my. thologists, this too enjoys the happy privilege of an eternal spring, equally exempt from excess of cold and excess of heat, and there the sorrows of the soul and the pains of the body are slike unknown..... It is clear enough that this land of the bleat is not of our world. "In their intercourse with the Indians after the expedi. tion of Alexander, the Greeks became acquainted with those fictions of Brahmanic poetry, as well as with a good many other stories which made them look upon India as a land of prodigies. Megasthenes, like Ktesias before him, had collected a great number of such stories, and either from his memoirs or from contemporary narratives, such as that of Deimachos, the fable of the Uttarakurus had spread to the West, since, from what Pliny tells us (vi. 17. p. 316) one Am@metas had composed a treatise regarding them analogous to that of Hecataeus regarding the Hyperboreans. It is certainly from this treatise of Amo. mctus that Pliny borrows the two lines which he devotes to bis Attacore, that a girdle of mountains warmed with the sun sheltered them from the blasts of noxious winds, and that they enjoyed, like the Hyperboreans, an eternal spring. . Gens hominum Attacorum, apricis ab omni noxio afflatu secluse colibus, eadem, qua Hyperborei degunt, temperie.' (Plin. loc. cit. Ammianus Marcellinus, Ixii. 6, 64.) Wagner transfera this description to the Serea in general, (of whom the Attacora of Pliny form part), and some modern critics (Mannert, vol. IV. p. 250, 1875; Morbiger Handb. der alten Geogr. vol. II. p. 472, 1844) have be. lieved they could see in it a reference to the great wall of China.) We see froin a host of examples besides this, that the poetic fables and popular legends of India had taken, in passing into the Greek narratives, an appearance of reality, and a sort of historical consistency." (E'tule eur lr Geographie Grecque et Latine de l'Inde, pr. 413-414.) The same author (p. 419) ways, "Among the peoples of Serica, Ptolemy reckons the Ottorocorrhoe, a name which in Pliny is written Attacore, and which Ammianus Mar. cellinus, who copies Ptolemy, distorts inta Opurocarri. There is no difficulty in recognizing under this name the Uttarakuru of Sanskrit books." Schwanbeck (p. 70) quotee Lassen, who writes somewbat to the same effoet : Uttarakuru is a part of Sirica, and as the first accounts of India came to the West from the Seres, perhaps a part of the description of the peaceful happy life of the Seree is to be explained from the Indian stories of the Uttarakur. Tbe story of the long life of the Seres may be sirnilarly explained, especially when Megas thenes reckons the life attained by the Hyperboreans at 1000 years. The Mahabharata (VI. 26 ) says that the Uttarakurns live 1000 or 10,000 years. We conclude from this that Megasthens also wrote of the Uttarakurus, and that he not improperly rendered their name by that of the Hyperboreans."-Zeitschr. II. 67. I Not Spain, but the country betwoen tue Black See and the Caspian, now called Georgia. of Sanskrit bookenizing ander th: purocarra

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MAY, 1877.) THE FRAGMENTS OF THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENS. 135 FRAGM. XXX. Plin. Hist. Nat. VII. u. 14-2.. Of fabulous races. According to Megasthenes, on a mountain called Nulo & there live men whose feet are turned backward, and who have eight toes on each foot; * while on many of the mountains there lives a race of'men having heads like those of dogs, who are clothed with the skins of wild beasts, whose speech is barking, and who, being armed with claws, live by hunting and fowling. || ["Ktesias asserts on his own authority that the number of these men was upwards of 120,000, and that there is a race in India whose females bear offspring but once in the course of their life, and that their children become at once grey-haired.] Megasthenes speaks of a race of men among the Nomadic Indians who instead of nostrils have merely orifices, whose legs are contorted like snakes, and who are called Scyritae. He speaks also of a race living on the very confines of India on the east, near the source of the Ganges, the Astomi, who have no mouth; who cover their body, which is all over hairy, with the soft down found upon the leaves of trees; and who live merely by breathing, and the perfume inhaled by the nostrils. They eat nothing, and they drink nothing. They require merely & variety of odours of roots and of flowers and of wild apples. The apples they carry with them when they go on a distant journey, that they may always have something to smell. Too strong an odour would readily kill them. * Beyond the Astomi, in the remotest part of the mountains, the Trispitha mi and the Pyginies are said to have their abode. They are each three spans in height--that is, not more than seven-and-twenty inches. Their climate is salubrious and they enjoy a perpetual spring, FRAGM. XXX.B. Solin. 53. 36-30. Near a mountain which is called Nulo there live met whose feet are turned backwards and have eight tocs on each foot. Megasthenes writes that ort different mountains in India there are tribes of men with dog-shaped heads, armed with olaws. clothed with skins, who speak not in the accents of human language, but only bark, and have fierce grinning jaws. [In Ktesias we read $ V. L. Nallo. Called by Ktains Kuvoke us, and in Sanskrit Suna. muchas or Sedmuchas. Possibly we should read Piada i, unless perhaps under shelter of a barrier of mountains which rise on the north. They are the same whom Homer mentions as being harassed by the attacks of the cranes. The story about them is-that mounted on the backs of rams and goats, and equipped with arrows, they march down in spring-time all in a body to the sea, and destroy the eggs and the young of these birds. It takes them always three months to finish this yearly campaign, and were it not undertaken they could not defend themselves against the vast flocks of subsequent years. Their huts are made of clay and feathers and egg-shells. [Aristotle says that they live in caves, bat otherwise he gives the same account of them as others..... [From Ktosias we learn that there is a people belonging to this race, which is called Pandore and settled in the valleys, who live two hundred years, having in youth hoary hair, whick in old age turns black. On the other hand, others do not live beyond the age of fortynearly related to the Macrobii, whose women bear offspring but once. Agatharchides says the same of them, adding that they subsist on locusts, and are swift of foot.] Clitarchus and Megasthenes call them Mandi,T and reckon the number of their villages at three hundred. The females bear children at the age of seven, and are old women at forty. Fragm. XXXI. Plutarch, de facis in orbe luna. (Opp. ed. Reisk, tom. ir. p.701.) Of the race of men without mouths. For how could one find growing thero that Indian root which Megasthenes says a race of men who neither eat nor drink, and in fact have not even mouths, set on fire and burn like incense, in order to sustain their existence with its odorous fumes, unless it received mois. ture from the moon ? that in some parts the females bear offspring but once, and that the children are white-haired from their birth, &c.] . . . . . . . . . . . . Those who live near the source of the Ganges, requiring nothing in the shape of food, subsist on the odour of wild apples, and when they go on a long journey they carry these with them for safety of their life, which they can support by inhaling their perfume. Should they inhale very foul air, death is inevitable. Megasthenes referred to the inhabitants of Mount Mandars. * Conf. Fragm. L. 21, LI. + Conf. Fragm. XXIX. 5, XXX. 3.

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136 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1877. SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S. (Continued from p. 94.) I propose henceforth to transcribe the original texts of my inscriptions into Roman characters. The system of transliteration to be followod is this :Sanakit. Canarese. Transliteration. da dha na pa pba & $ 3 ba UE es d eltuda al bha 52 & 3 633 .. Sa al al - : Visarga. X, Jihvamuliya, or old Visarga before Fand , Upadhmaniya, or old Visarga before Fandr.. ****, Amsvara. ... Anunasika. - .. | 1 ak 2 8 1 13 a 3X3 P 2 A single hyphen will be used to separate bases in composition, as far as it is desirable to divide them. It will readily be seen where the single hyphen is only used in the ordinary way, at the end of a line, to indicate that the word runs on into the next line. A double hyphen will be used to separate words in a sentence, which in the original are written as one word, being joined together by the rales of Sandhi. Where this double hyphen is used, it will be understood that a final consonant and the following initial vowel or consonant-and-vowel are in the original expressed by one complex sign. Where it is not used, it will be understood of the orthography of the original,-1, that, according to the stage of the alphabet, the final consonant either has the modified broken form, which, in the oldest stages of the alphabet, was used to indicate a consonant with no vowel attached to it, or has the distinct sign of the Virama attached to it;- and 2, that the following initial vowel or consonant has its full initial form. On the subject of the Virdma, I have to remark that it is expressed in two ways in the Old Cansrese alphabet, as it stood when fully developed from the Cave-alphabet :-1, less commonly, by a slight modification of one of the forms of the &

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MAY, 1877.) SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 137 vowel e or das written abovo a preceding con- to make up the metro ;-e.g. in 11. 6-7 of No. II. sonant. Compare, for instance, in the facsimile of my Devagiri-Yadava inscriptions, Jour. Bo. Br. plate of No. I. of this series, the form of the R. As. Soc., No. xxxiii., vol. XII., p. 11, we are vowel & in kald kala, 1.20, and in sarvvan-etan, and obliged, for the sake of the metre, to pronounce, as partthivindran, l. 21, with the sign for the Virdma written, Art-Ved wydaa-Kutsar=Jamadaguni-Va. attached to the final n twice in etan and partthiven- sishthar, &c., and in l. 16 of the same, Adigo-dantidran, 1. 21 ; and compare, in the facsimile plate of darta-sakal-orviyan, &c., and in l. 27 of No. IV. of No. II. t, the form of e in saluttam-ire, l. 12, the same set Sanu-margar baring-iral, &c. In order with the sign for the Virdma attached to the to have constantly in view the importance of this final in Gayeyol, 1. 35. The modern Canarese vowel-sign u as used for the Virama, I shall resign for the Virama is derived directly from this present it in my transliterations by the italicized modification of the vowel 6 or 8.- And 2, more U, and, vice versd, by the ordinary 'u' in italicized commonly, by either of the two later signs used quotations. In metrical passages, it may then be for the vowel # as written with a preceding con- vocalized or not according to the exigencies of sonant. Usually the form of u made use of in this the metre; while, in prose passages, it will be way is that which is written entirely on the line, treated as an orthographical sign, or as a vowel, as in the modern characters; as instances, see according to the opinion formed by the reader of e Virdma attached to the final in nclo-virtinol, the linguistic stage of the inscription. 1. 25, and to the final l in paduval and ba lagal, Oue sign remains to be noticed, the Avagraha, 1. 40, of No. IX.S, and to the final t of brimat in which indicates the clision of an initial a. It is 1 6 of No. XXXIII. below. It is but rarely that of very rare occurrence in inscriptions, and the second and older form of u-which is some- the only instance that I can call to mind is the times entirely subscript, and sometimes partly Gadag inscription published by me at Vol. II., p. BO, commencing below the line and running up to 299. Wherever it occurs, it will be most conthe top of it is used for the Virdma. Instances venient to represent it by its own Devanagarf sign, of it will be found in 11. 9 and 12 of the fol- $, as in that transcription. lowing inscription, No. XXXII. And as used to No. XXXII. represent the vowel, it will be found in the facsimile plate of No. I., in kula-tilakan and Ohd This is an inscription in the Old Canarese luky-abharanaria, 1. 4, and Vishnu-nilayam and characters and language from Katt agerit Muni-gana-nil (Lt)yam, 1. 27, and in the facsimile in the Dadami Taluka of the Kaladgi plate of No. II., in Santalige-sdsiramumasa Mando- District. It is on the front or north face of one of li-sdsiranura Padineriut-Agrahdramumam dushta- a row of stones forming the entrance to the nigraha, 11. 22-4. As a peculiarity in the use of steps at the north end of the small tank the vowel-sign w for the Virdma, I may mention under the wall of the fort. The emblems at that I do not find it used with a final m. Having regard to the number of forms in which the top of the stone, which is fixed upright in occurs as a termination in modern Canarese, while the ground, are:- In the centre, a cow and calf; in the older dialect the same forms were shortor by above them, the sun, with a linga above it; and one syllable and ended in a consonant, this on the left of the centre, a curved sword, with use of the vowel u to represent the Virama the moon above it. They are only roughly cut, must have played an important part in the de- in outline. On the right of the centre there are velopment of the language. In Old Canarese, the no emblems. The inscription covers 1'6}'' high scansion of metrical passages shows that, with by 1'4'' broad. The average sizo of the letters very few exceptions, it was only an orthographical is !". The characters are well-formod types of sign. In prose passages, where no such test the period to which they belong, and call for can be applied, I have hitherto treated it as an orthographical sign, or as a vowel, according to no remark, except that the subscript form of the the age and general style of the particular in. ! vowel u is used to represent the Virana in lines scription. Bat, in some fow cases, the metrical 9 and 12. test shows that, even when used as an orthogra. The inscription is dated in the twenty-first phical sign, it was liable to be vocalized, if roquired year of the Western Chalu kya Vikrama* Vol. IV., p. 179. Vol. V., p. 15. t Vol. IV. p. 208, and Vol. V., p. 356. The orthography of the name is very doubtful; but, 1 The third and oldest sign, Scrook attached to the as far as I could ascertain, this is the correct form. Keri, onsonant and tarned downwards, occurs in some of the 'street', and kere or keri (old form, kece), 'tank', are oldest Old Canarese inscriptions, but it is strictly, a cha- common terminations in the names of Canarese villages, racter of the Oavo-alphabet class. I have never found it and, owing to carelessness in writing, are very liable to be used to represent the Dir&ma. confused one with the other.

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138 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Mar, 1877. dity a-Tribhuana malla, i.e. in the is a larger tank, on a slightly higher level, Saka year 1018 (A.D. 1096-7), the Dhata which, if repaired, would, when full, include saivatsara. It records how a certain guild the preceding in itself,formed by an embank. or corporation, called "The Five-hundred", set ment running to the south from just below the apart the proceeds of an impost that belonged south-east corner of the fort. And thirdly, to them, for the purpose of maintaining & about a quarter of a mile away to the southtank. east of the preceding, and on a lower level, there The system of tanks at Katta geri was are the remains of a large embankment, now formerly a large one. First, there is the small breached and quite useless, which, when in tank, on the west of the fort and close under repair, evidently formed a tank of very conthe walls, which has recently been reconstruct- siderable area. This must be the larger big ed as a Famine Relief Work. Secondly, there tank" referred to in the inscription. Transcription. {'] Svasti Srimach-Chalukya-Vikrama-varsha['] da 21neya Dhata-samvatsarada Chai[deg] tra $(su)ddha 5 Adityavarad-andu srimad-A[ ] y-nurvvarum tava(ma)ge nadeva sumkamam ['] piriya per-ggereg=&-chandr-arkka-taram [ ] baram bittaru Kramatdimd=int=idan=eyde ['] kava purushamg=ayam jaya-sriyu[] m-akke gidar kayade kayva papige Ku[deg] rukshatramgalolu Banarasiyo!-er-kko[O] ti munirdraram kavileyan Ved-adya(dhya)ram ko["] ndadrom(em)dayasham(sam) sarggum=id=endu sari["] dapud= i s ail-Aksharam dhatriyolu [**] sloka || Sva-dattar(ttan) para-dattam(ttari) va 1 yd ha[] roti(ta) vasundhara (ra) |sa(sha)shtir-vvarishat-saha["] era (sra)ni vishtayam jayate krimi(mih) [1] Translation. versed in the Vedas, at Kurukshetra Hail! On Sunday, the fifth day of the bright or Banar a si."! | He is born for the durafortnight of the month) Chaitra of the tion of sixty thousand years as a worm in Dha tu samvatsara, which was the twenty- ordure, who confiscates land that has been given, first of the years of the glorious Chalu kya whether by himself or by another! Vikrama, the honourable Five-hundred made over the impost, that was payable to them, to There is another inscription requiring notice the larger big tank, for as long as the moon at Katta geri-on part of a stone-tablet and sun and stars might last. near the shrine of the god Hanumanta in This writing on stone proclaims in the the fort. It is in the Old Canarese characters world, -"May there be long life and victory and language, and a transcription of it is given and wealth to the man who well preserves this in the Elliot MS. Collection, vol. I., p. 659. (grant) in continuation ; (but) to the wicked The emblems at the top of the stone are :-In man, who fails to preserve it, (may there attach) the centre, a linga and officiating priest; on its the disgrace of slaying two crores of saints, or right, a cow and a calf, with the sun directly of tawny-coloured cows, or of (Brakmans) well above them and towards the edge of the stone; * Corporate bodies are frequently mentioned in inserip- Sc., shashti-varsho.... tions, but there is seldom anything to explain the allusion. The original has distinctly er-kkoti. But perhaps it The present is probably the "Five-hundred of Ayyhole" should be corrected into or-kkoti, 'one crore', as or is one of other inscriptions; and the earliest mention 1 hare of of the substitutes for ondu in composition, whereas I this corporation is in an Old Canarese inscription, in charac- cannot find an instance in which er is substituted for tors of about the commencement of the eighth century eradu. A.D., on the front wall of an old Hindu temple, now called |The forms Arnasi', 'Varanisi', and 'BAnar Asi', as " the temple of Lad Khan", at Aihole itself. here, -further multiplied by v and being interchanged, + The Prasa, or alliteration of the second consonant of and by $ being sometimes written for 8, all occur in inavery line in each stanza of Canarovo poetry, is violated scriptions. The present form, 'B&nar Aai', is the nearest to bere. the Kuropean corrupted form 'Benares'.

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Inti. n e tary rol I. p. 135 ETINE - TABLET INSCRIPTION AT KATTAGERI SAKA 1018. idpdr, vishrvr diiNnyddtugvtsrddvu . vaaridgddu adi ROLIMPRESSION EYERFLEET SCALE

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MAY, 1877.] SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 139 and on its left, a figure of B as a va, with the no remark, except that the use of the old l is moon above it. The fragment contains 19 an affectation of archaism in an inscription of lines, more or less imperfect, of about 25 letters. this date. The tablet is of sandstone, and the The rest of the stone is lost, and the fragment surface is very much abraded. Not many letters that exists has recently broken in two, since are absolutely illegible; but in many instances the time when Sir W. Elliot's copyist visited only very faint, though distinctly perceptible, it. After the usual introductory verse in praise traces of letters remain, and the whole of the of the god Sambhu, the inscription begins writing has become very shallow. This preby referring itself to the time of the Chi- vented my taking a paper cast of this inscrip!uk y a king (Vikramaditya-) Tribh a- tion, and, from the same cause, the photograph van amalla deva, when he was ruling at of this inscription given at Pl. 15 of Mr. Hope's the capital of Kaly ana. It then mentions Collection represents it very imperfectly; when his subordinate 1, the Mahapradhana or Prime the stone was photographed, only such letters as Minister Naranay ya, the Dandandyaka, who were quite clear were filled in with chalk, and was governing the district of Ba gadage.* many of them were filled in and developed wrong Among the titles given to N arana y ya, i.e. ly. The temple in front of which the tablet stands Nara yana, are the supreme chief of Great is evidently originally a Jain building, and Chieftains, who has attained the five mahasab- must be the temple of the god Y og & svara, dast', 'he who does not speak again when he has referred to in the inscription, to which the grant -spoken (once)t', 'the choice elephant of Annas', was made. It has been subsequently adapted, and the head of the family of) Bhanas u.'|| and is now used, as a temple of Ellamma. It then proceeds, in line 15, to introduce and It is of no size or architectural pretensions. describe the grantee; but the part of the stone The inscription records how, in the second containing his name, and the date, and the year of the reign of Jaga de kamalla, the details of the grant, is lost. Siddharthi sanvatsara, two of his suborNo. XXXIII. dinate Dandanayakus, Ma ha d eva and PaThis is another Western Chalu ky a in- lade va, at the request of a certain noble scription, in the Old Canarese characters and named Ramad eva, allotted to the temple a language, on a stone-tablet standing in front of yearly grant of ten gadydnas out of the proa partially ruined temple near the centre of the ceeds of the tax or impost called Siddhaya. embankment of the tank at Ba dami. The em- There are two Jaga deka mallas in the blems at the top of the stone are :- In the centre, Chalukya genealogy -J a y asimha II., a figure of Jinendra, seated on a pedestal whose date, by Sir W. Elliot, is Sak a 940 ? with a trongh to receive and carry off the water to 962 ?,--and the eldest son and successor poured over the image in the performance of of So me svarad e va III., whose title only, abhisheka or ablution'; on its right, a cow and and not his proper name, is given in the incalf, with the sun above them; and on its left, scriptions, and whose date, by the same autowards the top of the stone, the moon. The thority, is Saka 1060 to 1072. There being tablet measures about 5' 8}" high by l' 10" thus an interval of exactly one hundred and broad, and the inscription covers aboat 35" of twenty years, or two cycles, between the comthe total height. The average size of the letters mencement of the reign of each Jaga deis *". The characters are neatly formed types kamalla, the name of the sanatsara and of the period to which they belong, and call for the year of the reign still leave the date of Tat-pada-padm-opajfvi.. Annana gandha-viranan. In 1. 11 of the Kadaroli * See vol. V., p. 175. The Bagadage or Bagadige Soventy inscriptiou, vol. I, p. 141, this same title is applied to district is mentioned, as far as my present knowledge goes, another Mahapradhana and Dandanayaka, Someavara. only in the Sindavam a inscriptions of the KalAdgi District bhatta, the sabordinate of Bhuvanaikamalladeva. and its immediate neighbourhood. Bagadage must be the Bhanasu-verggude. From other inscriptions that I modern Bagawadi, famous as the birthplace of Basava, - have collected, this seems to be a Sindavamsa title. Bamasa, the chief town of the Taluka of the same name in the en passant, is given by Sanderson as a Tadbhava corrupKalddgi District. tion of the Sanskrit mahanaga, and as meaning 'cooking'; 1 Samadhigata - pancha-mahalabda-mahdsdmomt-adhi. also banasiga, 'a cook.' pati. See the undoubtedly correct explanation of this This is the Canarese name of RenukA, the wife of title now given by Mr. Growse, at vol. V., p. 854. Jamadagni, and the mother of Parasurama. Her principal Nudidu matt = ennan. Conf. the nudid-ante-gan- shrine is the well-known temple on the hills at Ugargo!, damn-' he who sees as he speaks', 1.e., who is true to his near Saundatti, in the Perasgad Talukd of the Belgaum word', or 'who enforces his commands'--of other inscriptions. District.

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140 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. MAT, 1877. the inscription doubtful. But I find from the Kara di fragment was found in & Jain EHiot MS. Collection that the title 'glorious Basti which has been converted into a linga and valorous universal emperor'* is never as- temple of the god Ramalinga. It is a vory sumed by Jayasinh a II., and, on the other old building, with a roof of sloping slabs, now hand, is almost always included among the titles almost buried under the centre of the village, of the successor of Some s vara d & va III. the level of which has been gradually rising for Accordingly, this inscription is of the time of centuries past from the accumulation of dust, the second Jagadeka malls, and the date ruins, &c. The upper part of the tablet is lost. of it is Saka 1061 (A.D. 1139-40), which was The fragment has 22 lines, of which several at the Siddharthi sasivatsara. the top are imperfect where the stone was broWhile on this subject I may mention that ken, of about 27 letters each. The characters I am somewhat inclined to think that Jagad e. and language are Old Canarese. The inscripkamalla is the title, not of a son of So- tion is very much abraded. The date is lost, me svaradeva III., but of a brother of his with the missing apper portion of the stone. probably a younger brother--named Jay & But the inscription refers itself to the time of karna. Jayakarna is not mentioned by some Mahasamanta or Great Chieftain who weg Sir W. Elliot, bat his name occurs in one of my the minister of the Chalukya) king Jaya - Ratta inscriptionst, in which he is stated to karna deva, and records grants made by the be a son of Vikramadity, and also in a Gavunda, or village-headman, Chavanda, fragment of a Western Chaluky a inscription and others, to the temple of the god Kesava. recently discovered at Karadi in the Hun. In this inscription, Jay akarna's name is gond Taluka of the Kalad gi District. The misspelt Jayakharna Transcription. [?] Nama(mah) Sri-Vasudovaya bhoging yoga-murtta['] ye Har-esvaraya nityaya [deg] param-ftmane | Svasti samasta-bhuvan-asraya ['] eri-prithvi-vallabha maharaj-adhiraja param-esvara [deg] parama-bhattaraka [Satya]sraya-kala-ti. [deg] laka Chaluky-abharana [sri]matu-prata pa-chakra['] vartti Jayadekamalladeva[ra]. vijaya-rajyam=u. [] ttar-Ottar-abhivriddhi-pravarddhamanam-A-[char]dr-arkka-taram [deg] baram saluttam-ire. [1] [Ta]t-pada-pa[dm-]pajivi [1] [10] Sri-vallabhan-amalam bha[d8]v-amghri-sardja-bhrim"] gan=Angaja-kalpam kovida-suka-sahakaram de["] var Sri-Kalidesa-dandadhi[sa] . Samadhigata-pam[^] (cha)-mahasabda-mahasa[ma]m-a[dhi]pati maha[] prachanda-dandanayasa samast-adhikari mane[TM] verggade Kalim-a[ra]sa ........ ne(P)galda (?) Kalida[] sa-chamunathan=ada ...................3 gu-ja["] n-aika-nilayam Sri-na .......... 1 dhisam | Matt-ante Ka["] lim-arasang-uttama ....... .... Mahadeva-chama["] p-ottaman=udagra-mahimam matt-ebha-balam vinitan-atata-sau(sau)[] ryya Imteenisida Mahadeva-dandanayakanum Pa["] ladeva-dandanayakanum Chalukya-Jagadokamalla[TM] varishada erade (da)neya Siddhartthi-samvatsarada Kartti["] ka su(su)ddha trayodasi(si) Somavarad=amdu Srimad-yo satyaya * Sremat-pratapa-chakravarti ; 11. 6-7 of the present in. ordiption. No. VIII., st Konnor in the Gokak Talukd of the Belgaum District; Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., No. xxix., vol. X., p. 287, transor. 11. 8 and 64. I One or two letters are quite illegible here. Eight or nine letters are quite illogiblo here. Six or seven letters are quite illegible here. Five or six letters, representing eight short-syllable. instante, are quite illegible here. Probably the original stood uttamd-sw-putram-ogedarh.

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SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. MAY, 1877.] 141 [") gi-jana-hriday-Anamdan-enipa Paramanamdadevaru ma. ["] disida Yogesvara-devargge Badaviya Siddhiyadola["] ge hatu(ttu) gadyana ponnu barisa-varisakke kuduha[TM] demd=a-chamdr-arkka-sthayiy=&ge(gi) Peggade-Ramadev-arasa["] na binnapadim bittaru [Kramat]dimd=int=ida[n-eyde kava pu["] rushang=&yun (jaya)-srlyn[m=akke) S y idam [R] kayade [kayva papige Kurakshetram]galolu [*] Vara[nabiyo!=er-kkoti munindrara k avile]yam Ve. "] [d-Adhyaran komdud=emd=ayasam sarggu]m=id-en["] [du saridapud=i bail-Aksharam dhatriyo! || ] Translation. ; the sole abiding-place of good Reverence to Sri Vasudevat, who is people :. people ; . . . . . . . of the full of enjoyment, who is the very incarnation goddess of fortune; the supreme lord of of the practice of religious abstraction of the And to the noble Kalima (was born an thoughts, who is the lord Hara, who is true, excellent son), Mahadeva, the best of the who is eternal, and who is the supreme spirit ! leaders of armies ;-possessed of eminent great Hail! While the victorious reign of the nese'; as strong as an elephant in rut; of glorious and valorous universal emperor J&- refined behaviour; of great bravery. gad & ka mallad & va,-the asylum of the On Monday, the thirteenth day of the bright universe, the favourite of the world, the supreme fortnight of the month) Karttika of the king of great kings, the supreme lord, the most Siddharthi samvatsara, which was the venerable, the glory of the family of Saty - second of the years of the Chalu kya Jagasraya, the ornament of the Chaluky & s.- dekamalla, - the Dandanayaka Mahawas continuing with perpetual increase, so as d&va, who has been thus described, and the to endure as long as the moon and san and Dandanayaka Pala de va, at the request of stars might last : the noble Ra made va, the headman, He, who subsisted, (as if he were a bee), on allotted to the temple of the god Y ogsthe lotuses which were his feet, (was the vara, which Paramanandad e va, the honourable Sri-Kalid a sa T, the Commander delight of the hearts of those who practise of the forces, who was the favourite of the religious abstraction of the thoughts, had goddess of fortune; who was spotless; who caused to be built, ten gadyanas* of gold out was a very bee at the lotuses which are the of the impost called) Siddhdyat of B & da vi, feet of Brahmans; who was almost like for as long as the moon and sun might last, Angaja; and who was a very mango-tree saying that they were to be paidt year by year. to the parrots which were learned people. The This writing on stone proclaims in the famous Kalid & sa, the leader of the forces, world, -"May there be long life and victory the supreme chief of Great Chieftains, who and wealth to the man who well preserves this has attained the five Mahasabdas; the most (grant) in continuation ; (brit) to the wicked fierce Dandandyaka; the general superinten- man, who fails to preserve it, (may there attache) dent; the head of the familytt; the noble11 the disgrace of slaying two crores of saints, or Kalima; . . . . . . . of tawny-coloured cows, or of (Brahman) well + See note to 1. 6 of the transcription of No. XXXII. son gives as meaning the headman of a village' ;-kuruba I Vishnu, Hart, incarnate as Krishna, the son of V . heggade, 'a head or chief among shepherds. deva and Devakt. It Arasa, lit. 'king', is used in such cases as this in the Tat-pada-padm-Opajfvi. This is the una figurative sense of a nobleman. expression to denote the relations of a feudatory or sub- See note to 1. 18 of the text. ordinate with the paramount sovereign. Arasa. Deva. Peggade. Mentioned also in the Raibag inscription of Jayadeka Gadyana; Sanderson says 'a weight used in, weighing malla, -dated in the same year as this,referred to by me si ver.' at Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., No. xix., vol. X., pp. 183-4, t From ita rise in other inscriptions, this seems to be the and transcribed in the Elliot M8. Collection, vol. I. p. 789. technical name of a particular tai. But, the word may be In that inscription, also, he is called both 'Kalilea' and Kalima broken up into siddha + dya, 'the established hereditary due. * Kamadeva. I Kuuhadu would be rendered more closely by the # Pergade, peggade, or in composition, where, vergade, French on donnera. or veggade. The modern form is Heggade, which Sander $5 See note to the translation of No. XXXII.

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142 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1877. versed in the Vedas, at Kurukshetra or Varanasi." Among the numerous other inscriptions at Bad a mi, there is only one more of the later kings of the Western Chaluky a dynasty. It is on a fragment of a black stonu tablet, leaning against the east wall in the yard of She rif Khan's house, just below the enbankment of the tank, at the south-east corner of the town. It is in the Old Canarese characters and lan- guage, in well-formed letters of from the tenth to the twelfth century. There are remains, more or less imperfect, of 27 lines, of about 39 letters each; the rest of the stone is lost. It begins with the Vaishna va invocation Jayaty=dvishkritan Vishnor, &c., and is undoubtedly & Chaluky a inscription; but, after this, hardly a connected passage is now legible anywhere, and I could not trace the name of the king, the date, &c. The emblema at the top of the stone are somewhat unusual :-In the centre three standing gods-Brahma, Vishnu, and siva; on their right, a seated Ganapati; and on their left, & cow and calf. SUBSTANCE OF TWO SASANAS IN SIR WALTER ELLIOTS COLLECTION OF SOUTH INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS. BY THE REV. R. CALDWELL, D.D., LL.D., TINNEVELLY. The originals are on copper plates, preserved | sits on on a royal throne surrounded by, &c. in the Temple at Tiruppu vanam, in the praised by, &c., possessed of such and such zamindari of Sivagangei, district of Madura. good qualities, promoter of such and such pious The language is generally Tamil; but the in actions) he [that is, apparently, Raja Gambhira troductory portion of No. 1 is Sanskrit, in old Deva) seated on the altar-couch, in the sacred Grantha characters. sleeping-chamber of the temple at MadakuNo. I. la in, East Madura, in the fourishing Chola country, out of the 1200 shares into which the "Svasti Sri! The first thing that made village (or district) called Raja Gambhira its appearance was Water. Upon the water chatur-vedi mangalam, in the district Hari slept, reclining on Sasha. From Hari's of Raja Gambhira-vala-Nada, were divided, navel, Brahma, the Creator of the world, spon including ten villages, each of which is fully taneously appeared. From him Atri was born. described, grants 1080 of those shares to 1080 From Atri's eyes the Moon appeared. The Bhattas, and 120 shares to the temple, for the Moon's son was Budha. From him arose Pardravas, and from Paruravas the Pandya lords. subsistence of the temple Brahmans; and for the confirmation of the same, at the request of Sri Raja Gambhira De VA, in order to settle Sastri Bhattarska, issues this sasana, duly the bonndaries of the district called by his attested by many witnesses." name (see below), after ascertaining from Sun Reference is made in several places in this ideana daresvara [Siva of Madura] the proper junc to the measurement of land by" the measuring-rod ture of time for doing so, in his 25th year, in of Vira Pandiyan." This Vira Pandya must the month of Margali [December-January], have preceded Kulasekhara Deve, and probably in the dark fortnight, on Saturday, in the yoga there was a considerable interval of time between called Svati, ordered an elephant to be let loose the two. A Vira Pandi, doubtless a later prince [whatever path the elephant took to be regarded of that name, succeeded to the throne of Madura as the divinely appointed boundary]." in A.D. 1437. This is the only Vira Pandi whose The above in Sanskrit verse; what follows is date is known as yet with certainty. The " Vira in Tamil : Pandu" mentioned in the Singhalese annals (Mahd vanso) was not a predecessor of Kula gokhara, "In the 18th year, 4364th day, of the lord of but a rival and successor. His date was probably the earth, Sri Kochchadei (royal ascetic- about A.D. 1175 (see my Dravidian Comparative Rajarshil] Varma, emperor of the three Grammar, p. 538). The Kulasekhera of this inworlds, sri Kulasekhara Deva, (who scription is not styled Pandya Deva, but simply * On five plates measuring 167 by 5t inches, engraved on both sides, but without ring or soal. -ED.

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TIRUPPUVANAM SASANA No. I. Indian finkiquary, Vol. VI. p. 142. AAN. A HAWKWARIAkkeyr naaraa paatk paa. 3 My vivaatmr civaavru tikaarjTransui || 27 Remely love iznenzertiesLOS uz lien entre locales Colre?05$82 GoFPTTONErcAOF AN EFFETTIES - alon0| -2Qtter (J4gr Di LS 29kooLaiIOGRATIOETRE LIL |ET = ; 3 207 OL VI989wch- virrkppttukinnnimaak niiky 2pttraamrunaijyppuyttirupplllttlttttkai -kaal pinnn kttiraiyil nnnnaitl nil verrippaaraittukllm vntirm oru paapnULAkpnkaiyaimitt ttumiinnnaannnkaarlaak ukppaakirikmntpttlettupaamillennn. -niitti tturngkrnnn ttukaattung LL204a7949 191 E E AedenteriL-ilr LJILLAG - ISRpaamaa!!28OETTITTOF4OULTILISIOLUNaa ASTrikaa 1TLTTLohr. GolphLLn OragurceWEEL IEUTO-GrocF jaa-749PROaaALETOLOLS_TAlllaaraa-Tela, 7aarOUTU 71*15) 22.vnnnaak vciklHeTQ22kyaa kyaavk naallnaalaayiaaktulllnkaak pkinnn k . 2. ornaattnnnmaattngkllkkitti.mnnnaikkoy paalliyaak nttt tupp ttmmtti jaalorukrulliyiruntuttupurm poyI TTN | 5. kaatumettttaakllpoyaakkennnptinnnmruppvr aayitkelaang tevtaannnp paannn cey viruttipngk naatirupkttiyppngku pyirttiru kaapkppkaannnee caati tir-tinnnnnnpttmaattum tl-peymraakaarmaakttntkmngklmum uttaiy pkiaappuvnnn pttaiyaattutaakaanm 2lkkyeA2ttpttum kaattttnnn tiru vrm krutukkiyrumkivnaakkottttaiyum pukaavettmiyutt- pngkennn ntttai plitiyaakittuymvttivellllttai vennnttunnnmppt pttiymyvm G2G kttttaiyungkttnnnettmikaaympnnnngaa naattttu atiklryum mittu vaaliyumttuvlingkmttekiyaannnemplucaalttuyriyungruttaikaapiyumaa vraipukkrulltittkraiyu-ttum-kvyuttpittaarumpnnnngkvraannn pnnmit -ITT>vaa ceyy klltmriknnn yuttaiyaareekaannnpp amryurungkk ceriy mriyaaaaaipaariyumaannn kaam kaamiyum virtngkttttupaattttunnnmplm '', paattiyttttuppttumaippmottiyttullmttlmttlkkaaknnnmplmcit 6 31. pmpnnnaamaa-peypoottm vytlkaacaannntmiyettiyaa ''mtiyaakttaa -2 kaayottukotttt kai taayum ,J, (5)5 HALF THE ORIGINAL SIZE. cnigos epne HITRT PECHHAM

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'3ZIS TVNIDIAO ZHI ATYH Ar (014 LrF HTPLA> Los IT.--- -OIL(2Als474OLIT-TKTWESLLLT -02 LDCLEOFITNEBai POO TITCHEntirYEFT THI-TIST ( 14-OLSLSMS SLIPOATTULFI T S - IF(SIDHEOEA) 4LHE4taae LWROL IFIETIE). CBLE-gry m201mYTO07L4ONTOTTESIKATWOLFAREE6 17AL.MPLLSpray mElE PLALPOaataarWATLE4 (VLAE4Fra) -OTALULL771 01TTPiraT TOOLSTORIEHUMST |Loo-hrines-ceLa9eED 109LL SllllaannnaaOEBLyr orEEN 27OY TI0OlalertPSSP L LLELUILLEDIWFELDEemy THTS poolranamaa raionFIEOLEnnnaarOT | Irr T -OLROorres .00ATES DOINI POEFICATIO LaDOEterceOLELL Prin T ROSE Vora maamaa 9.GUD417 mraaloomoo 1917 - D IL AT EIDAMEYAADIssL4aesal e elai -12 ! iraaci X IC O NTEST TABOLILEOS kw GLOBIA rOFFERVOTppaa ccilSIS SILEEPERFEITIESIN ournals p otloE - -- --- -- itireelci kaayAFELTHBOEROES HEE P ISROS -Co -704 TET OFFERIC Letkolfralloyrubatange leolirom sirenetesenluolueetorutry.com YPE ELLOELTER/mruttp m - --- 70 7 14 ci ( L kaa17-1 - LringEnterstep coalart2L, NALATTLEFIFIGITIENDLER banorernire.cheer 'ulares e Sorohoi chhod Pee-matngorria LILE ON="1 7H7ALA ODIPOrurveTFLAT CFmies mirveSHADHAAR ErorNGLr... -1.TITUESKrATEG O rOmPwarn777LEILOFFIttirOLLEOSHIONFCiAE roTLravElAGEPage #193
TIRUPPUVANAM SASANA. No. 1 R 1... nllaarum taal.) yaatttttaapicemymke )044 )77P7 00T197LLrr79 mEL, AE9.4-ASara +at+144 pttiyaak HAFPEEC70777 41 144POLIL HLsy S7. B PITHA GUI4r077l T9109m! kkllkkll uaayum mecettiyaak prraacyoo ptkllaakkttmpu vkail uraam ekttyum comnnnaaymaak pttaittiympmttaiyaaaatiruppuunnttai to paannnk civkillaakkaatttturumciy mitiyumk pttntaannn, peetttmtkll -vennn-lm tttuppuurkll pttintetaannnmtt viruntmkaannnmai paannn nilm niikki niikkiyupnilmettaiyaarum mttttu-ruumttu ullllnnn vkaiy mllluklnt virttu orunaattu m orurum oruttaavumaattiraatrvllnaattllaatir - kmengklmntirunaamttul vyyokaannn lyu knnkaallettu paatttt pttkruttu pttnttnt ellaikku vttk kttukkyennnptiruvaaymorukoonnnmaiylyaattiy raaknntaakm 2 55 vie vprkkaatl vr 3 uttaiyaannn raiy raam -- - OSh -A CJlr mttttiaaltaatt ktr kooppu UTHIS /!! b. mttiyyaannnmyaa memaa raaylmttlaattutttaaprmaak ittaiyaannnaaku keetrttu kvnnnp pvttaittaiyaamaitiyai ketti vippu --pottaattaiyaannn ponnnnnnnnnkaayteevnnnaiceytu paalaivraiyaak konnttutaammnnttlttu kru munnnaippaapinaattttukkru kruttaiyaannnpireeyttiyaakrnnn ponnnm plttukknnnumpoyyaamettukraiknnkkungkttinaattttutik -OT cintiyirrvly kllaavellnnnaakaaEaikaamukiittm uailkllnt klluurpplaattuttaiyaannn mnnnkkttaiyaak pokkppi cettikaaaiaanntovngkyaattttuvllyaa pttaiyaakraaynnnnnaak plltaittnnnmpttklaacempiraattttuaaykkuttyumaaypaannttynlluuri * lemtiymnnn yaallm kaattaakkaannpermyuu ttttu ngkll pttaiyaannn kmluttaiy mttivaayaaknnntaannn tiynkaikaattttupaalaiyrnnnk HIT lolorinorth LalbrUL RIa1wm-7TUS.VISAALI E LSELLN2LATEISREETYLCHEIFEST samRRum 7LL? N InvEPO714brar-srin7 PLATFETC HALF THE ORIGINAL SIZE

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TIRUPPUVANAM SASANA. No. I iva. - -Ath'T 5vocingknnnOTTGHT-pttmkttttaattai) pnnn - 4 akkaalml poruttknnnaiaiairynnnaaraakteevrumaannnkrnnnaiyaak ttnkaikttkttttu--T tuttaiaakpptttt kaaynnnai nynntttttt pttitittaat vllnaaraa -ttvmttumaa-tiruniilknntttttt ttttaimjaatponnn | aa tttt poottttpttum uttuy--THTTttmnnnmk kaarnnnm krekyraatv | m ktaik krikaarttrutai aatitunnnraakrennnpttttmaipr maiti | T22 ttttpklyynnn vnnkaantttttttnnnume paalaiyaannn vllaat paatng ktaanaamttttmelTE HTOTyjiyaarum naaynnnai naary ptttt vmc vnnn ppaannnttttmai mnnnpmcmttttmttpl tttuttlvaattyeey nnnnvernnnnnnrliytraiynnn mvnnn kaay umaak kaangkee22umkl upyilkm vttaiyeriynnnttumv maak PTEGaakaattttut umaayuurnaattttuppompaannnpaat Gkll *150vaappaacaaykm am ukynnn urunntevnnnai puriypaannttypprai utynnnaa taannnnnncngkirmcingkppllvraiynnnumkeentaakkotti kttnnn paae -tevmaippnaattttukkaaraakmttaannnpurvu urinlluur kaa2py Ivb. - urukaannnaicetymai -kknnn riyaalm pnnnmomuttukaannnairemmynnn villl ppraiymaipu5 tuuynnnpttnnnnnn tyaaraakivnnnmkaataiyiruklyikaari yaannnnekirmaannn nll pllliyaanilai cuuriyteevnnn tmilllnnnmaivellaallr uttaiyaacai kaappllvraiynnnumaaaaraat mngkltkttnnnaattttm prkvkttlmaakttutk-kaattmiruaataikkvnnnveliyumpukk kllmmaa sa?tiyumkaaviti nllaaru mkttmpmngkllll mrttiyaamolmkaataiy rutraiy er eettilmnkrimnnnaapaillpaayaakaannttaannnremprtikti nt tiyullllnil cimkaakllmunnnttaiyaattumpmmpeyrumlllklntvtu orunaattum orumaa kaattttaak 4 cngkaattmiruktaimitnnnaannnvraacentircingknllaallnnnnnnu mttutttt urvriyilittttmaiyil meemittaaknnnnnnaarmaintaakiaannncelvmllaannnai mtvaa %ESP) T0+5061907LLU PILGO POYL1aa LLLFor | T r FPSPIT-TOOEOS | SPLIEVrrrrrILrnilE-ISIT spreALT7L ALPGA S WISITIETHEEFIT m WHALt9FMls (49PLES. itt u EELRIETETISALT-Io..- E+FT?ro 4 1PEETHAPPATE kaa404153-ettaannncempk tnnn knnttnnnaikiruTTUTTONST25vm ttok, W, Griggs, Photo-lith. London. HALF THE ORIGINAL SIZE

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TIRUPPUVANAM SASANA. No. I. ittutttaiyaannnumvllvttoNT ttaim T2 vaattu-G)vellaattiy va. m'cevnnnaavlnnntttt miryaam kaacu mrmumngkltturaiyum WFSS. 23>> vaaknnnkaamptttttumkttkraaynnNDrai -- -) vmri vraatuttttutt DTsu | kaatmngklttuttyynnnm periyaatti pr tturntp kmlmttttkontttaantu yeynnnm 2. 1, 20mttttm ampnnttykmumaarrperaannn R' kipe220 pennnaamktaintrppttaiyaaveekkaatumaiyonnncirillGHT utt. veyottttnnn tiruvaavtai turukraamvrnnnupaaym populi yaak NTSELttttnnnumm kaamaaknnn. ptti -ttnnnumtirttrttttum plllkpprnnttmklvrm myvrut, m peeprttl ceconnnaattttaa-kruyruntingkll ulkll kaatttti aannnttnnnaaritaannn kllttitttiruppu pnnttupmmmaiyaatttl lperumaannnaipllvtraiymai meyppu mlynnnconnnnnnviructtraiy vm kev l lyaamtuteyppll vraiytumrikmirtttt l plaay mkpti' mktaaprnnttyppllraiytumtnnnpoyaa paattaiyyai kraiytum potuvaalllttaiyaannn lliyaataitlroo vb| CL ppl or coru 8 pittttTIttnt pttkaa-4 verlceytuttupoo mtvaat paannnr mnnpeeraiypktvtiyum - 5 mymaarp cottaatt molaiyai kttttikkaatt-k) 'yennnppoaapp-tt-2 ttottukittiaattaittutaampittnaattutnnninnn vaat koAIGAye, paatttttinnnm ktt-mykttpttupaatt vllliyaiyuuttttt kottungk vaatiyaatennnmukkkottu yutcaamaannnmrai vilp ttuvaattkaappotivllli paattttu tirukknotrrennnp paattl OT potttte-kppoperumaiyottttupuli SUELOaaaacaa57-TO45 kaalairn FPTTPPPP 170CIronLINELIA 1-10-aattmWISATISH | or 40POPULAAGA ttilaapaayaiWYVOF 11TH tottupvm 4-vtukttukmutoktirennnpittaaltinnn armaippttiyettttvrututtennntirttkoticrennn >o) 1 - k lllkm-koy peyttut laannnteti muttok mtimkaal kltkkrreeyrlaiyuuttaatumettnnnmai potipainttukaatikko A115 ppoynnnmmellyeycoknnn w, Griggs, Photo-lith, London. HAI.F THE ORIGINAL. SIZE.

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"32Is 1N15180 HL TYH . . h . m m . nh , 00, srm r j Hh wl r mHdd m nh btl m` 7- y' h . lh ) l h , . m m jy yrn w mw st , z dl . zy d m zh y r bry rwn dr 11 s lh - ( dy yrn ( 7 ) . " " 1 " - ) s .1 khh d r Hj w- w- m m - -- 1 >> rd~ l: 14 `mdtn brdh dry bhr .. ) -- - .. ) mr bh Hy@ d. wly * * * wwr ) ( ) ) . n ly n rt - 95) n h l lh l . . - rdkh - - - ... ) - y m 1437 Hml@ " l " h 5 bwr brdr w mkhm r hmwrh ykhy z jy jr l t y . " 'd 18 - 3 ) - rh bh r wz b h ryzh ym. m m : m. . h b 27, ly m` , nhl st m sh - sr`- -t ) yh dh m r 1. m l 1 w r , w , j4, 0 b 1 161 140. yr 11 It b dm Pr41 . . . . . . m m : 'w m } 2: 18 mrh h w y r mrdd mh , 91r h w n n ndhmy""= , r :15 b 3- mm hy ryh w h byth - lm 36 mh t mnz` - Ft * mslm n sh ... shbT 1.07 rml b yn dhrt n r` tnwrm lkhwyt )2 n lHq) y m w zm 10 br r b m h m bh ( f = t@ ) 29 309] wl 1 11 w .. bh m . t h . , , .2325 16) mh d 'bH lh l`ml, m 9 2 . y , w m m ` bl , mnh lym - 1 m m m m m 41.11 j- m m - : " " 11 ) ` hll 1-1 1 - H m 122- , r m . . hr sl bh , 313 nd. b 40 E) | : 4 - 1 m`n r 22:16 mdrb : l`tdl r 20 - 3 L ( P( ) , m r bh >> .m m (1) - b m , bnkh dl 1 1 1 1 - 1 { rw bT b w 31 m b [ F1 [r , 6 , 3 3 b tym 2 , tbnd. m b m d r my n h ". r1 y ) ) ( 1 0 mhh rmn , ( y bh bzr 12 t 21 Le h , ,rnnh , 21 , l .. y`; 1- d b h - h - ' ] (1-0 ) lblh b sT 1 / hw yd)", (19) h m n 14 dy w l n b 10) Ir m dh , 401317 r . - , bry b br h ---- - - d lyl (1946) 1 mn LG | h 9 t = 2 1 z mbd bh , 11 m - - . . . . m w m 1 w 1 m bh rwnyz b 19, w by - . . , `w m kh rh 'II 'ON 'VNVSYS WvuVANHNull "[t] id 'TA 704 'Aeonbiguzi uvipus

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CORRESPONDENCE: MAY, 1877.] Deva; and it is worthy of notice that the Singhalese annals represent the Kulasekhara who was driven away by the Singhalese army, and in whose stead Vira Pandi was placed on the throne, as a person who did not belong to the P &ndy a race. He was, apparently, a Chola prince, and it may be remarked that, in accordance with this, Madura, though the Pandya capital, is described in this inscription as belonging to the Chola coun try. If the Kulasekhara of this inscription were the same person, his date would be about A.D. 1170. The R&ja Gambhira Deva of this inscription is not represented as a Pandya. He was evidently a feudatory of Kulasekhara Deva, and as the district called by his name is included with in the ancient limits of the Ramnad zamindari, Sivagangei not then being independent, he may have been the Setupati, or guardian of Rama's bridge, of that time, that is, the Ramnad zamindar, who has always been regarded as a sort of royal personage in his own domains. ethodnog CORRESPONDENCE. ON ANCIENT NAGARI NUMERALS. To the Editor of the " Indian Antiquary." In his note on the ancient Nagari numeralst Dr. Buhler expresses his conviction that "the old idea of Prinsep, according to which the figures were to be representatives of the initial letters of the cardinal numerals, has to be given up." I feel confident that few scholars of the present day will be disposed to controvert the opinion of my learned friend. It is evident at first sight that the figures for one, two, three are nothing else but modifications of one, two, three strokes, and have nothing whatever to do with the initial letters of eka, dvi, tri. The figure of the fourth numeral reveals its own origin by its oldest form. Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji, in his most interesting paper on the 'ancient Nagari numerals, makes no mention of the fact that the figure of 4 occurs in one of the Asoka inscriptions; yet the fact is so important, for many reasons, that I think it worth while to draw attention to it. Thanks to General Cunningham, we know a part of the Khalsi inscription.SS There we read, 11. 4 seq.: A(m)tiyoge nama Yona(lajapa)lam cha tena A(m)tiyona (r. Amtiyogena) chatali 4 lajane Tulamaye nama Amtikina (r. 4mtikone) nama Maka nama Alikyasadale nama. EV On a single plate, of the same size as those of No. I., engraved on both sides.ED. Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 48 Archaol. Survey of India, Report, vol. I. plate XLI. 143 No. II.+ The second inscription is merely an appendix to the first, preserved, like it, in the temple at Tiruppavanam. It grants to the same Bhattas three other villages in the same district in addition to the ten already granted. Commencement.- -"Svasti Sri! KononmeiKondan, emperor of the three worlds, to the sacred assembly of Raja Gambhira chatur-vedi mangalam, in the district of Raja Gambhira-vala-Nadu," &c. Kononmei-Kondan seems rather a title than a name. I have found it used as a title in many inscriptions, prefixed to the king's name. Here no name follows, but it may be conclude-l that Baja Gambhira Deva was the person intended. The term means "6 possessor of royal dignity," from the old Tamil ko, king, nonmei, power, dignity, and konddn, he who takes or pos 48071 sesses. The figure for four in this inscription is a simple cross.. The device of indicating the number four by a cross is so natural, and ingenious at the same time, that any comment may be held to be superfluous. Nor will it be necessary to show that all the later forms of 4 in Nagari are the direct offshoots of the ancient sign, such as we find it in the Asoka edict. The figure for five is, as may be inferred from the Valabhi writing, and still more clearly from the ancient Kavi sign, nothing else but four with the addition of one stroke or curved line. The form of 4 in Kavi is 3, that of 5 is ... Buhler thinks that the figures were invented by Brahmans, not by Buddhists. I agree with him in the main, but cannot forbear remarking that the words in which he has couched his opinion are liable to misapprehension. How do we know that the Hindus invented their ankas after the rise of Buddhism? Why should the figures have been unknown before the rise of Buddhism, which, after all, is an Indian invention itself, and no exotic plant? H. KERN. Leiden, March 11. VAKPATIRAJA. At page 52 of Indian Antiquary, vol. VI. the following occurs, 88 sa note to an inscription of The originally neuter chatali, Magadhi for chatvari, instead of the misc., is a counterpart of the common Prakrit tinni; of. Hemachandra(ed. Pischel), III. 121 and 122.

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144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1877. Vakpati Raja, the grandfather of the celebrated usual decision (the external evidence being nil). Bhoja Raja of Dhara, translated by my friend Mr. the purpose for which these buildings were N. J. Kirtane : erected. "Generally," he says, "it is assumed that "This VAkpati inscription may assist in settling they were fire-temples, from their name,-nur in the date of Bhavabhuti if the assertion of Kalhana the Semitic languages signifying fire', - but more in the Rajatarangint be true: from their construction," which he admits to favour this view, but adds, "Why so numerous ? "kavirvAkpatirAjazrI bhvbhuutyaadisevitH| We can count upon our fingers all the fire-temples forat (sic) 4 af a graritala." that exist, or ever were known to exist, in fire worshipping Persia; and if a dozen satisfied her Allow me to correct an obvious error. This spiritual wants, what necessity was there for VAkpati Raja king of Dhara has nothing to do three thousand, or probably twice that number, in with Vakpatireja the poet of Kanoj and the protege the small and sparsely inhabited island of Sarof Yasovarman, who lived at least four centuries dinia." (p. 432.) Finally he appears rather to favour before the time of VAkpati Raja the king. Like the view that they were tombs, and is certain many other statements of Kalhana made in the that if so, "they were those of a people who, like Rdjatarangint, that most useful work, the lines the Parsis of the present day, exposed their dead quoted are indeed valuable. They show that to be devoured by the birds of the air," and " that V Ak pati the poet and Bhavabhat i were con such towers would answer in every respect pertemporaries, and were both patronized by king Ya fectly to the Towers of Silence of the modern sovarman.. This is corroborated by a certain pas Persians; and the little side-chambers in the sage (already published by Prof. Bhandarkar) in towers would suit perfectly as receptacles of the a Prakrit poem of Vakpati's, entitled the Gauda- denuded bones when the time arrived for collect vadha, or the killing of the Gauda king,' lately ing them." discovered by Dr. Buhler, and now undergoing The necessity of sparing your space has obliged preparation for the press by me. me to give only the heads of Mr. Fergusson's SHANKAR P. PANDIT. argument, and that in a maimed and disjointed Mudebihal, 23rd March 1877. fashion. What I have now to point out is that there is no inconsistency between the Fire-temple and Tower of Silence theories. The Nurhags NURHAGS AND DUKHMAS. may have been both at once. SIR-In Mr. James Fergusson's invaluable A modern Tower of Silence is always a round work on Rude Stone Monuments he describes as tower with sides nearly perpendicular to the horifollows (pp. 427 et seqq.) a class of remains zon, its dimensions varying from thirty to sixty found in the island of Sardinia, and nowhere else, feet in diameter, and its height being generally equal called Nurhags: (including the parapet) to about three-fifths of the "A Nurhag is easily recognized and easily base. (These dimensions are rough estimates, and described. It is always a round tower, with sides open to correction.) They are always one story in sloping at an angle of about ten degrees to the height, the centre occupied by a circular chamber, horizon, its dimensions varying from twenty to and the top by a parapeted platform. There is sixty feet in diameter, and its height being gene- invariably a stone external staircase leading to rally equal to the width of the base. Sometimes the platform. And there is invariably, close by, they are one, frequently two, and even three a small solid Fire-temple. The following rough stories in height, the centre being always occu- dimensions are those of one attached to a tower pied by circular chambers, constructed by pro- near Kalyana in the Thand collectorate :-On a jecting stones forming & dome with the section foundation of trap-rock there is a plinth of coursed of a pointed arch. The chamber generally occu- rubble one foot high and 13 feet 6 inches square, pies one-third of the diameter, the thickness of and on this another two feet high and 13 feet square. the walls forming the remaining two-thirds. Three stone steps ascend the double plinth to the There is invariably a ramp or staircase leading to Fire-templo, which is of brick and mortar, nine feet the platform at the top of the tower." square outside and seven inside, set back to within Mr. Fergusson then proceeds to give numerous eighteen inches of the rear (or western) edge of the illustrations and details, among which, as bearing | plinth. The walls are 5 feet 6 inches high, and upon my argument, I shall only notice the fact surmounted by a roof apparently of about half that that there are remains of at least three thousand height, and the same thickness, forming (if the of these buildings in the island. term be admissible) a curvilinear pyramid. In the Next he proceeds to discuss, with less than his I west side is a niche for the sacred lamp; in the

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MAY, 1877.] BOOK NOTICES. 145 east a door 43 inches high in opening, and 26 wide, surmounted by a small cornice (the only ornament about the building), and flanked by two small ball's-eye ventilators. It is obvious that if such a building were combined with the Tower, instead of erected besido it, the resemblance to the Nurhag would be very close,-- quite as close as that of a modern Hindu temple to one of the tenth century A.D. It may be added that as the Towers of Silence are aban doned, and new ones built, every thirty or forty years, a population practising this method of sepulture would not take many centuries to erect three thousand of them. I hope some writer better acquainted than myself with fire-worship in Iran and India will correct any errors which I may havo fallen into, and supplement my deficiencies, but that in any case I may prove to have. advanced one step towards the solution of this curious problem. BOOK NOTICES. The ARCHXOLOGY and MONUMENTAL REMAINS of DEHLI. But the city was also frequently visited, and occa By Carr Stephen, late Judge of the Court of Small Causes, Dehli. 1 vol. (with photographs). Ludhiana Mission sionally described, by Europeans during the last Press, 1876. three hundred years. It may have been visited Dehli has long claimed a monograph which shall even earlier by them, as Rubruquis, who wrote in do justice to its historical preeminence, commer- the thirteenth century, mentions that Europeans cial importance, and architectural magnificence. were then in the service of the great Tatar Khans The materials for such a work exist in abundance, of Central Asia, as they were in the following and the present time too would have been one century,-the notorious Sir John de Mandeville peculiarly fitting for such a publication. It has, having been thus employed during part of his chehowever, been left to a private individual to do for quered career. It is quite justifiable to conjecture the city, with some degree of completeness, what that some of these adventurers found their way to was obviously so long required to be done. northern India and Dehli, as they afterwards did The materials for the reconstruction of Hindu to the western coast in the galleys of the Turks Dehli, both in monuments, coins, and manu- (see Webbe's Travels in Arber's Reprints). scripts, are exceedingly scanty. Unless the Ar. The Englishman Newberry must have passed chaeological Survey or some wealthy antiquarian through Dehli about 1585-86 when he parted undertakes excavations at the supposed site of company with Fitch, at Agra, to proceed to Persia Indraprastha, and at the more modern city of vil Lahor. Eighteen years afterwards (1603), and which the massive walls still encircle the Kutb five after the establishment of the English East Minar, we must be content to remain profoundly India Company, John Mildenhall passed the opignorant of the events of the 2700 years of posite way, from LAhor to Agra. Salbank, who conjectured existence which preceded the capture was in the neighbourhood in 1609, mentions the of the city by the Muhammadan contemporaries place, but does not seem to have been there. In of our king Richard I. All that is known of 1611 Finch visited Dehli, and has left a lengthy Hindu Dehli will be found collected by General account of it, which has been useful to living anti. Cunningham in the first volume of his Archwo- ! qnaries. Tom Coryat came shortly afterwards. logical Reports. and is apparently responsible for some of the Of later times there is no lack of record. The absurdities which appeared in the contempora. Kutb Minar marks with unfading freshness and neous descriptions of Sir Thomas Roe, Terry, dignity the exultant feeling of the first Muslim Sir Thomas Herbert, and others. John Albert conquerors; and all around are the mosques, de Mandelslo, a gentleman in the service of the palaces, and tombs of every succeeding genera- Duke of Holstein, travelled from Agra to bahor tion. Nor is the record confined, even in the in 1838, but does not refer to Dehli, though he remotest times, to these large and solid works. describos Agra at some length. As Dehli was then In the ditch of Kila Rai Pithora still exists the the capital of Shah Jehan, Mandelslo cannot have grave of the man who led the assault in 1191, avoided it. This deficiency, however, if it really and who was killed at the head of the storming exists, is supplied by Tavernier, who was in party. India at various times between 1638 and 1669, and The notices of the city in Muhammadan authors has left, from personal observation, a long account are necessarily very numerous, and are suffi- of Debli, which he calls Gehanabad.' His conciently exact to be of great use to European in. temporary Bernier, as physician to the emperor vestigators; they are now familiar to the English Aurangzib, was likewise some time in the city, and reader through the labours of Elliot and Dowson. has left the vivid and minutely detailed description

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146 THE INDIAN AN ANTIQUARY. which is so well known. About the same time (1631) De Laet's description of the city appeared. In 1717 the Emperor Farukhsir received at Dehli a deputation from the East India Company, and the 4. Dehli descriptions left by Tieffenthaler, Franklin, and others, towards the end of the eighteenth century, close the accounts we have of the city while its Moghul rulers possessed any remnant of authority for you as dinisen [MAY, 1877. in Cunningham, and the only plan a bad copy of one by Mr. Fergusson of the palace of Shah Jehan); there are no illustrations besides the photographs; there is no bibliography, and the index is very imperfect; but what the author has tindertaken he has done thoroughly well. We have tested' his measurements and descriptions, and found them invariably correct. His authorities" es generally quoted, and his dates well supported; ; and, most creditable of all, he has firmly avoided the tall writing to which Dehli, of all other cities in India, invites the unwary. Mr. Carr Stephen, too, has refrained from the incongruous parallels which are The preseitt century has necessarily been prolifie in general descriptions of the old and modern cities; bnt, excepting those of Heber (1824), Jacquemont (1831-32), Sleeman (1844), Mrs. Colin Mackenzie (1847), Bayard Taylor (1853), and Norman Macleodso much the fashion, and which led not long ago (1868), 1 t of them are already forgotten, and none to the neglected and mutilated Shalamar garden of them reach service to the archeologist. at being styled Versailles not backward in so Panjab"! Imagine a Versailles without a palace, important a field. In 1801 Colebrooke attacked without a picture gallery, without fountains, and the inscriptions on the Dehli pillars, and therewithout parterres! s1 Delli has been without much after, in the Asiatic Society's Journal and olsewhere, the archaeology of the city continued to receive due treatment by such as Prinsep, Thomas, Cunningham, Campbell, Tremlett, and Ahmad. In 1847 the local interest in the subject had become so general that the Dehli Archeological Society was formed, and this body published a journal which, so long as it lasted," was a mino of special information. The year 1855 produced the results of u of Mr. J. Fergusson's examination of the Muhammadan, monuments, This was principally directed unfitness described as the Rome of Asia, but parallels should cease there. It is but bare justice to say of Mr. Carr Stephen's book that the traveller, unless he be provided with Generat Cunningham's Reports, cannot properly appreciate the city without it. The book, so far as it goes, is a decided acquisition, and the appreciative reader will regret that it does not contain six hundred pages, instead of less than half that number." first attractive objects, but was important as architectural introduction of the subject to to the home public, In 1862-63 General Cunningham, then Archaulogical Surveyor to Government, went over the ground, and issued a report which, besides containing much that was new, collected the results of all the previous piecemeal inquiries. This publication was wanting in illustrations and plans, and did not treat any but the more he more portant It is refreshing, in the first place, to find a Government officer resident at Dehli taking the trouble to perform the tiresome work which has been done in this case, as neither the European community not occasional visitors impress one as caring much for this architectural paradise. 'Most persons deem two days sufficient for doing the forty-five square miles of ruins. Under these circumstances it is not surprising that the Panjab Government can only afford an annual budget allotment of two or three thousand rupees for the repair of the monuments of the old capital, while as many lakhs are being lavishly spent on Gothic structures of very questionable correctness and taste at Bahor. It must not be understood from this remark, however, that we are un we are ungrateful f what Government has done. On the contrary, it has laid the public under much obligation" by up of building very comfortable ban estions in detail, but it has been the basis and guide of later investigators. It was supplement." ed in 1874 by Mr. Beglar, of the Archaological Survey; but as he principally confined himself to the further elucidation of a few fundamental points, such as the sites of the successive cities and the origin of the Kutb Minar and Masjid, there still remained a great deal to be done, both in exploration of the Hindu remains, Juice Faid the at Kutb, Tughlakabad, and Humayun's detailed examination of those of the Man ed and fees are Muhamma at the tomb free dans. At this stage the work was taken up by Me. Carr Stephen, who has confined his labours closely to the historical and architectural branches of the antiquities of Debli. His work is destitute of proper maps and plans (the only maps being two indifferent, copies of the old gold sketches of General 206 betraod qua my bed fle access is allowed to the Lal Kila! where demanded Government probably spends quite as as much money on the pre servation old as the Key df'T The speciale hohen' work are the numerous and new t translations of Muhammadan inscriptions; some judicious criticisms of former attempts to fix the ALTER Bite ef of the Pathan orties. The soil to anodal oda agiould obat ww video

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Ma, 1877.] Y BOOK NOTICES. 147 descriptions of little known and, in some instances, unidentified buildings, such as the tombs of the Sayyad and Lodi, kings; a rather full account of the royal and other cemeteries at the village of Mahrauli; and the production of a readable de. scription of the principal Moghul public buildings of the modern city, Generally speaking, the author has, while collecting and condensing all that has been written by others, supplied the deficiencies in detail left by General Cunningham and his assistants. In this way the work done in the shape of dry but useful specifications and measurements is immense, and a marked foature of the book, --quite two hundred distinct sites and monuments being thus placed beyond the hazard of the entire effacement which sooner or later accompanies the arlyantages of British rule. With respect to Lalkot (the first of the forts of old Dehli), Mr. Carr Stephen differs from General Cunningham, as others have done, and apparently with justice. Our author, disbelieves: altogether in its existence as a fortress. It is questionable, however, whether hig, agreement with. General Cunningham in regard to the southern boundary of Debli Shershahi (the last Pathan capital).,can be accepted 88, final until he disposes of the insurmountable, stambling-block of the 80-called LAL Darwaze, nearly opposite Dinpanah. This gateway (which should not be confounded with the other L4L Darwaza of Dehli Shershahi, which is more properly called the Kabuli Darweze, and stands opposite Firuz Shah's Kotila) is situated more than a mile within General Cunningham's southern bonndary, and it impresses one on inspection, either as a grand-port of the southern wall, or the remains of some inner rampart. Al. though the southern boundary wall of Sher, Shah's capital may be fixed below Humayun's tomb, on the authority of Finch and others, no traces of it have been found there, and, until something tangi ble is discovered, one is warranted in considering the Lal Darweze near Dinpanah as marking the real southern:boundary of the walled city, and the streets and the buildings so plainly markea outside it as extramural suburbs. The author eneral Cunningham with respect to the site of Siri (the city of Alau'd-din Khilji, the conqueror of the Dakhan and the second 'king of the third Pathani dynasty), and disposes for ever of the nttempts made to fix it near the Kutby In the cases of most of these city sites Mr. Carr Stephen has omitted to perform one useful task, --that, namely, of describing the ground as it now RE !! ! LOL ! 1. To this list of deficiencies we ada a few blemishes which have escaped,deteqtion in the pepofa: 'The Haus'Alai can scarcely have had "stone and masonry wall" (p. 83). The foundation, not the walls, of the Kalan Masjid must be "six feet deep" (p. 140). The "stamp" of Firus Sheh's lies under cultivation or mounds of ruins. He has preferred the more attractive duty of treating of the appearance and remains of the solid public buildings scattered over their areas. This re inds us of the extreme want there is of large scale archaeological map, of old Debli. That of Lieutenant Burgess, plotted from survey in 1849-50, is the only one existing that we are aware of. It is good so far as it goes, but the boundaries of some of the cities are unreliable, and it not only omits to mark important standing, buildings, but is also on too small a scale to allow of the loca, tion of strepte end of minor ruins being delineated We have already referred to some of the deficiencies of the book. To these must be added the want of any mention of the canals; the gardens (including the famous Shalamar); the palaces of nobles in the modern city, and of such buildings as the Jaina temple and Badli-kd-Sarai. Generally, too, the modern city is not described in sufficient detail. All the important Moghul baildings are specified, but there is little or no account of the streets as they now lie compared with those of former times, and there is nothing about the baths, wells, garais, sewers, and other domestic works, which, taking Lahor as an instance, are so curibus'in Muhammadan cities.. . The canals were well worthy of a page or two. The walled garden's have of late gears sb rapidly decreased in number that, unless they are described and measured at once, all "traide of them will be lost. When last in Dehli, in 1873, we had difficulty in finding Shalamar at all, and when we got there we found the famous Imperial Garden had almost 'disappeared. All that remained was an angle of the enclosure wall, surmounted by a common plaster-domed pavilion, and two palety 'baraddris, one of which & locat agriculturist digui fied by the name of Shish Mahal. The remsitis of some of the minor gardens are much more splendid, several having imposing gateways of fitie ma terlal. Not far from Shalamat is Badli-ka-Sarai, rendered famous by the engagement of June 1857. It is a small rectangular enclosure, with massive high battlemented walls of brick. It reeked with smoke and filth. Had "space allowed, we should have liked to enter into some discussion of the very numerous points in the archaeology of Dehlt yet remaining unsettled. Every page of such a work as that under notice reminds one of how much remains to be done, but any attempt of the kind would be impossible here. $0.33 : : : 4 . no deplotewhich is referredito ( ) As being on the fifth story of the Kath, Miner, must, mean the final or kalas. It octagonal Paviliona manned the ware of the garden of Jeh lara Begabo ( p 50), they are to be lenvidd... At p. 192 there is "oylinder with 16 siden."

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148 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1877. Mr. Fergusson is well able to defend him- self when he requires it, but we cannot refrain from noticing with dissent Mr. Carr Stephen's remark that Mr. Fergusson las committed himself to statements, about the doings of British officials at Dehli, which cannot be accepted. We consider Mr. Fergusson has been astonishingly moderate in his denouncement of European Vandallism. The ignorant destroyer has done his worst there, to the eternal disgrace of the British reputation for taste. Without going further efield, the first thing one sees on entering Dehli by railway is a mutilation of the walls of the Forty--the walls which prompted the warm admiration of Heber,-in order that one or two honey. combed guns may have a clear sweep across the bridge. In respect to these barbarities the mouths of state officials are shut, and it becomes indispensable that independent writers like Mr. Fergusson should speak the truth, while there is an enlightened government, both here and at home, able and willing to put down these acts of ruthless destruction. KASHMIR AND KASHGAR: & Narrative of the Journey of the Embassy of Kashgar in 1873-74. By H. W. BELLEW, C.8.I., Surgeon-Major, Bengal Staff Corps (sic in orig.), author of Journal of a Mission to Kandahar in 1857-58, &c., &c. London: Trubner & Co. TEE NORTHERN BARRIER OP INDIA : & popular account of the Jummoo and Kashmir Territories. By FREDE RICK DREW, Assoc. of the Royal School of Mines, Assistant Master of Eton College, formerly of the Maha. raja of Kashmir's service. London: Edward Stanford. The two works noted above deal with the same region, but are of very different pretensions and character. Dr. Bellew is an almost official writer, who has already related the adventures of two important Missions, has distinguished himself in the philology of Khurasan and Mekran, and been highly honoured by the Government he serves. It would be natural to expect from his powers, experience, and opportunities & work which should be a vade-mecum to future travellers and inquirers. The hope would be grievously disappointed by the volume before ns. It contains no map (a sine qud non of a good book of travels), though the author might surely have made use of the researches of his comrades, Captains Trotter and Biddulph and Colonel Gordon. It has no illus trations, though the Mission included draughts- * men and photographers; and it has no index. The book may, for the purpose of review, be divided into two parts,--the itinerary of the Mission, and the author's ethnological opinions and bistorical researches. The former may be briefly dismissed, as the most part of it furnishes but littlo information not already before the public, and Dr. Bellew himself appears to think that the interchange of the regulation civilities between Raja, Resident, and Envoy at Srinagar are quite as worthy of note as any other event of their travels. The other portion, however, requires some notice. It is, in the first place, very hard upon the 19th century that its now declining days should be insulted with a rechauffe of the wildest dreams of Tod and Wilford; with nonsense about the "pure Caucasian, the representative of the original Saka, Sui, or Sacae who were pushed up from the plains by kindred tribes of the Yuchi, Getae, Jatta, or Goth"! who, according to our author, "in the west transplanted to the soil of their adoption, as in Gothland, Jutland, England, Saxony, &c. (Saxony from Saka!] the names of their colonizing tribes; and in the south," to cut a long story short, christened Banaras Kist, after Kashghar, Herat after Yarkand, and Katak in Orissa after an elder sister in Turkestan! At least so Dr. Bellew ventures to conclude " from the similarity of the names, and the historical record of the emigration," document about which he is provoking enough to give us no further information. His researches, however, into the history of the country in times rather more within the ken of modern man are apparently reliable, and would be useful if they were comfortably sorted out into an appendix. But they are, throughout the work, intermixed with the itinerary, as never were victuals in a pie; so that the bewildered reader emerges from the flockings and fightings of the children of Chinghiz Khan into the festive hall of the Maharaja of Kasmir, or the crowded camp of the Mission, whence, at the sight of some wayside monument, the doctor drags him off again into the civil troubles of the "Khitay" and "Mughol." It would perhaps be too much to ask for systematic orthography in such a work, -at any rate it would be fruitless, and it is something that Dr. Bellew no longer calls the race of the Prophet "Saggids." In wading through this confused medley of travel, history, and speculation we have been much assisted by Mr. Drew's work. It is, and pretends to be, no more than a useful manual of the dominions of the house of Jamu; but it has been very carefully and systematically compiled, has a good map and index, and a number of illustrations, some of which are beautiful, especially the pretty centre-piece on the cover (reappearing in black and white on p. xii.), and all clear. Some of the modest outlines of mountain scenery could, one would think, almost be used as maps; and the whole work is of a sort most valuable to the traveller and student. W. F. S.

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JUNE, 1877.j THREE NEW EDICTS OF ASOKA. 149 THREE NEW EDICTS OF ASOKA. BY G. BUHLER. T HE subjoined three edicts form part of the a passage in favour of exertion' from a sermon, 1 splendid discoveries which General Cunning and adds that this sermon was delivered by the ham has been making in Northern and Central Vivutha, 'the Departed,' two hundred and fifty-six India during the last years, and will shortly be (years) before, and that its substance has been published in facsimiles in the first volume of incised on rocks and stone pillars. In the his Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum. General Rupnath edict the Beloved of the gods' enlarge Cunningham sent me last autumn plate XIV. the first two statements by adding that the of his work which contains them. With the help time of his being an upasaka included more than of a photograph also furnished by him I soon thirty-two yerrs and a half; and that during the succeeded in deciphering the very simple Sahas- | period of exertion, lasting upwards of a year, he ram edict. But the more important Rupnath was a member of the samgha, or of the commuinscription I was unable to make out com- nity of ascetics. This last point is also preserved pletely until I received two rubbings, which in the fragment of the Bairat inscription. In General Cunningham was good enough to take the date the Rapnath edict shows, besides, an at iny request. On my communicating my important addition. It says, 256 (years) from tinal results he very generously gave me per- the departure of the Sata, the Teacher.' mission to publish the text with my translations, Now it is quite clear that the individual who and thus enabled me to make these most impor- calls himself the Beloved of the gods' must be a tant inscriptions at once generally accessible. kring. For, the fact that this epithet occurs before The great historical value of the new edicts the names of the three kings Piyadasi-Asoka, lies herein : Dasaratha, and Tish ya, and that in 1stly-That they absolutely fix the length of the Jaugada separate edicts it is used by itselt time which elapsed between Buddha's nirvana to denote the first ruler, proves that it was and Asoka ; an ancient royal title corresponding nearly 2ndly-That they prove the accuracy of the to the modern by the grace of God,' and the chronology of the southern Buddhists, us far as Roman Augustus, and was used in the India is concerned ; third century before Christ. Secondly, the 3rdly-That their data, together with the boast that the writer caused a change of religion information of the Greek historians, prove Bud- throughout India, the result not of his greatness, dha's nirvana to have taken place between the but of his zeal, and that he caused the matter of years 483-82 and 472-71 B.C.; and the sermon to be incised on rocks and pillars, 4thly-That they indicate the direction in can only proceed from a great ruler, who held which future efforts to find the exact date of the whole or a great part of India in subjection. Buddha's nirvana ought to be made. Both the title of the writer, and the alphabet These assertions may appear bold and over- which the edicts show, make it very probable confident, as the inscriptions neither give the that this king belongs to the third century name of the king who caused them to be incised, before Christ, and to the Maury a dynasty. nor show any of the common epithets of Buddha. For it has hitherto not been proved that the But nevertheless I feel confident that a care- title was used by later kings, or that the soful consideration of the contents of the edicts called Asoka or Lat characters were adopted will cause their correctness to be admitted. by any one but the Mauryas, their subjects and In the Sahasram inscription a person who calls contemporaries. himself 'the Beloved of the gods' states that he The next point to be determined is the faith was for a long time an upasaka, or worshipper, to which the writer belonged. The statements without exerting himself much for his faith ; that that he destroyed the belief in the gods until afterwards, in consequence of strenuous exertion then considered to be true, and that he was during a year and more, he made the inhabit- first an upusaka or savaka, and later a member ants of Jambudvipa, i.e. India, abjure the gods of the saingha, show that he must have been in whom they believed formerly. He then quotes either a Bauddha or a Jaina. Both these sects

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150 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1877 apply the former two terms to their lay brethren, literally 'two hundred (years) exceeded by fiftyand the latter to the brotherhood of their ascetics. six have elapsed.' The sense of this passage, If thus the choice lies between the Jainas and which is further confirmed by the phrase of the Bauddhas, it cannot be doubtful that the latter Khandagiri inscription(line 5) Ttatho vivuthe vase, are meant. For though the Jainas existed in the 'then after a year had elapsed,' makes it imposthird century before Christ, and even occur in sible to take vivutha for anything else than viPiyadasi-Asoka's inscriptions under their ancient vrittani or rather vioritte (nom. dual neuter). As name Nigantha, ie. Nirgrantha,* no proof has these two examples, as well as the etymology, hitherto been found for their own assertion that show, vivutha, if applied to a person, means they were patronized by one of the Maurya originally the Departed,' or he who has passed kings it on the contrary, there is every reason away.'* Such a name fits Sakyamuni very well, for adhering to the generally received opinion as he is considered to be the first who passed that both Asoka and his grandson Dasaratha, away beyond the circle of births. The Rupnath and the other later Maurya princes, Were Bud- form vyutha arose, in my opinion, from the subdhists or patrons of Buddhism. stitution of for vu, and the consequent change If the Beloved of the gods' was a Baddhist, of the i of the prefix vi to y in accordance with it follows that the sermon which he quotes must the laws of Sanskrit phonetics. Its lingual the be a Buddhist sermon, and the Vivutha of las been caused by the lost ri, which in Pali too, the Sahasram edict, or Vyutha of the Rup- as the form vatto shows, has the same effect. nath edict, must be the Buddha himself. The From the identification of the Vivutha, the word is not one of the common names of Sak ya- preacher of the sermon, with S& kyamuni, it muni-Gotama, but its etymological import follows further that the era in which the inscripis such as to make it a fitting epithet for him. tions are dated is that of the Nirvana. For, the I take vivutha for a representative of Sanskrit ti, i.e. iti, which stands at the end of the senvivritta, and of Pali vivutta or vivatto. As not tence duve sapannalatisuta vivutha ti, shows one of these or of the formerly published in- that it is governed by the preceding sentence, scriptions of Piyadasi sbows double letters, but iyain sd vane vivuthena. Anybody who is acquaintalways substitutes single ones, t vivutha is in ed with the use of the Sanskrit iti will see the reality equivalent to vivuttha, and this form truth of this remark, and will translate idari srava. differs from the Pali vivutta only by the aspira- nain vivrittena (kritam) dve shatpanchasadadhika. tion of the second t. This difference, however, sate vivritte iti, by "this sermon was preached by does not matter much. For, firstly, there are the Departed two hundred and fifty-six years other instances of irregular aspirates in the ago." The date of the Rupnath inscription conlanguage of the edicts. Thus we have kichhi, firms the above explanation. It says, 256 sata. * something,' for Sanskrit kinchit and Pali kisi vivasa ta (i.e. ti), lit. " 256 from the departure of chi. Secondly, the letter causes in Pali some- the Sata, thus." Here the word sata requires times the aspiration of a preceding ta, e.g. in special notice. It may stand for Sanskrit sata, tattha=tatra, and it is therefore not astonish- 100, or, as the inscription does not note double ing that the vowel si should have exercised the consonants for saptan, seven,' sakta, "able,' same influence in a cognate dialect. sapta, cursed;'or, as the inscription frequently But irrespective of these phonetic considera- leaves out the anusvarat, for santa, i.e. sat, pres. tions the identity of vivutha with Sans- part. of as, 'good,' santa, quiescent,' sranta, krit vivritta becomes almost certain from tired;'or, finally, because the inscriptions do not the immediately following sentence of the always aspiratet followed by r or preceded by 8,8 Sahasram edict, duve sapaunalatisata vivutha, for sasta, praised,' sastra, 'a weapon,' sastra, * See Lansen, Ind. Alt. vol. II. p. 468., 2nd ed., and | Compare Kuhn, loc. cit. p. 50. Delhi separate edict, 1. 5. Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. VI. p. 1000. + According to their accounts, Samprati or Sampadi, Another possibility to explain vivutha as a corruption the son of KunAla and grandson of Asoka, covered the of vivrita, and to take this as a synonym of nirurita, Pali earth with Jaina charityas. See, e.g., Hemachandra, Pari. nibbuto, I reject on account of the two cases where it is sishtapar, Sargas X., XI. construed with the word so, a year.' 1 Compare, e. 9., diyadhiyam' with Pali diyadd ho, tata + Compare also E. Kuhn, loc. cit. p. 49, and the form with Pali tattha, athe with Pali attho, etc. kate for krita. Compare also the irregular aspirates in Pali words, I I Compare, e.g., pakate=pmkrantah, ata = Ancat, &c. like kuntha, phalita, &c. enumerated by E. Kubo, Beitrage & Compare tata, Sab. 1. 8 tatra and Pali atta asta: Zur Pali Grammatik, p. 40. Kahn, loc. cit. p. 53.

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JUNE, 1877.] THREE NEW EDICTS OF ASOKA. 151 institutes of science,' and sastri, a teacher. I 5. Death of the Sthaviras Tishya and select from these numerous possibilities the last Sumanas.......... in the 8th year. explanation, because in Pali satthul = Sanskrit 1 6. The third Buddhist convocation ..... sastri is a common designation of Sa kya ... in the 17th year. muni. The translation of the date is therefore, 7. Planting of the Bodhi-tree in Ceylon. . . " 256 (years) since the departure of the Teacher ..... in the 18th year. (have elapsed)." The final ta, which I be- 8. Death of queen Asandhimitra... lieve to represent ti, indicates here probably .... 12th year after the last event. that the inscription is finished. 1 9. Asoka's marriage with her attendant... The result which has now been gained is ... 4th year after the last event. tbat the inscriptions proceeded from a Maurya | 10. Destruction of the Bodhi-tree..... 3rd king, or from a contemporary of the Mauryas, year after the last event. who was a Buddhist lay brother during thirty. 11. Death of Asoka....... 4th year. two years and a half, and a member of the after the last event. sangha for upwards of a year, i. e. who was a 12. Total of Asoka's reign . . . . 37 years.! Buddhist for more than thirty-three and a half, There are two points connected with these and that in the thirty-fourth year of his ad- dates which require consideration, viz. if the herence to the Buddhist faith 256 years after years of Asoka mentioned under Nos. 3-7 are to the Nirvana had elapsed, or in other words the be counted from the death of Bindusara or 257th year after the Nirvana corresponded to from A soka's abhisheki, and, secondly, how the second half of the 34th year after his con- the dates under 8-11 can be reconciled with the version. Now we know of no Indian princes statement No. 12, that Asoka ruled 37 years. who made any great efforts for Buddhism in As regards the first question, the common the third century after the Nirudna besides custom of the Hindus to reckon the years of Asoka and Dasaratha, his grandson. their kings from the date of their abhisheka, But the latter cannot be the author of the and not from their actual accession to the throne, inscriptions, as he reigned only seven years. is a strong argument for taking all the years There remains, therefore, nobody but Asoka, mentioned under Nos. 3-7, as well as the total whose reign lasted more than thirty-seven under No. 12, to refer to the period after Aboka's years. This inference is fully confirmed by abhisheka. This argument is further strengththe Mahavania, which, provided a certain line ened by the consideration that if the 4th year, in of interpretation is adopted, gives the years which Asoka's brother Tishya entered the saragha, of Asoka's reign after his conversion as and the 6th year, in which his (Asoka's) son upwards of 34, and places his death in 257 Mabendra and his daughter Sanghamitra were Buddhae. ordained, had to be counted from Bindusara's The chronological dates regarding A soka death, both these events would fall before Asoka's which occur in the Ceylonese chronicle are as conversion to Buddhism. For his conversion canfollows: not have taken place earlier than the 8th yearafter 3. Interval between Bindu sa ra's death Bindu sa ra's death. Now Indian princes and A sok a's abhisheka....... (upwards were, and are, no doubt, great latitudinarians in of) 4 years. religious matters, and it would not be extra2. Interval between Asoka's abhisheka ordinary to find that the brother of a Brahand his conversion to Buddhism......... manical king had turned Buddhist with his (upwards of) 3 years.* sanction. But it seems extremely improbable 3. Conversion of Tishya, the Uparaja .. that a Brahmanshould persuade, or even give per ....... in the 4th year of Asoka's reign.t mission to, a son and a daughter to become 4. Ordination of Mahendra and San. ! ascetics of another sect than his own. For this ghamitra....... in the 6th year. I reason also I can come to no other conclusion || Vide Childers' Pali Dict. 8. v. Turnour translates chatuhi vassehi (V.20) wrongly by 'in Mahavarisa, V. 17-20,-Turnoor, pp. 21-22. the fourth year.' Mahav. V. 35,-Turnour, p. 23. In this passage and + Mahav. V. 163-172.-Turnour, p. 34. the preceding one the author says that three and four years I Mahdu. V. 215,-Turnour, p. 37. respectively had elapsed when the second event took place Ma hau. V. 286, -Turnour, p. 42. the latter fell, therefore, in the 4th and 6th years. Mr. il For the last dates see Mahav. XX.1.6.-Turnour, p. 122

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152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1877. but that the dates of Tishya's and of Mahendra's Yrs. m and Sanghamitra's ordinations fall in the 4th | (8) Asandhimitra died in the 12th year and 6th years after Asoka's abhisheka, i.e. in the after that ........... .............. 1st and 3rd years after his conversion. If that is i (9) Asoka married her attendant in the conceded in the case of these two events, it fol- 4th year after that .................. 3 3 lows that all the other dates have to be taken in (10) The Bodhi-tree was destroyed in the same manner. The second question-as to the 3rd year after that............... how the dates given under 8-11 are to be recon- (11) Asoka died in the 4th year after ciled with the statement under 12, that Asoka that ..... reigned 37 years-has attracted the attention of Professor Lassen, who is of opinion that the Maha- The total of Asoka's reign was then... 37 la varsa contradicts itself. He maintains that as and that is just what the Mahl visa says, prothe death of A sandhimitrA fell in the 12th vided its total 37 is taken to refer to completed year after the 18th year of Asoka's accession years only. the marriage of Asoka in the 4th year after that the figures assigned for the months are, as event, the destruction of the Bodhi-tree in the I have stated, entirely fictitious, and, as far as 3rd year after the marriage, and the death of the statements of the Mahavarisa are concerned. Asoka in the 3rd year after the destruction of the surplus over 37 years may be just as well the Bodhi-tree, the total of Asoka's years ought ten days as ten inonths. But it seems obvions to be 41, instead of 37. The Maha namsa to me that the above interpretation of the pascertainly does express itself very loosely, but sage is more accurate, and more in accordance still its statements may be reconciled with each with the literal meaning of the text than that other. For it does not assert that the last four proposed by the Tika, which declares it necesevents took place at intervals of 12, 4, 3, and 4 sary to avoid counting the last year of each years, but at intervals of period twice. 11 years + a months or days. If w now turn to consider the adjustment 3 years + % of Buddha's years and of Asoka's, we shall 2 years + 2 > >> again find an element of uncertainty in the 3 years + 2 >> statement of the Mahavamsa. But it will also Nor does it say that the Bodhi-tree was sent appear that, under certain suppositions which to Ceylon 18 years after Asoka's abhisheka, but the text by no means disallows, the statements in the 18th year, i.e. after 17 years and x months of the Mahavarisa and of those of the new or days had elapsed. If we now assume that inscriptions completely agree. The Mahavarsa the number of the months or days in excess of says, V. 21, that 218 years after the Nirva na hud the full years elapsed on the occurrence of passed when Asoka's abhisheka took place. This each of the last five events does amount to obviously means, according to our manner i more than one entire year and to less than two expressing ourselves, that the abhisheka was perentire years, and if we concede that, as Turnour formed in 219 A.B. The text leaves it doubtful and others have already conjectured, the total | if the 218th year had only just closed, or if a of Asoka's reign, 37 years, refers only to the number of months had elapsed since its coin number of completed years, and leaves out odd pletion. On this point, regarding which, I repeat months and days, then the two statements will it, no certainty can be gained from the Mahavarisa. agree perfectly. In order to make my meaning as well as on the other point, which according plainer, I will, merely for argument's sake, put to the preceding discussion is equally uncertain. down definite figures for the unknown number the amount of the excess over the total of 37 of months or days, and the agreement of the years, depends the determination of the year of two statements will appear at once : the Nirvana in which Asoka died. If at the time Yrs. m. of the abhisheka 218 years of the Nirvana plus (7) The Bodhi-tree planted in Ceylon few months, say two or three only, had elapsed. in the 18th year after abhisheka... 17 7 and if the excess of months over the tota! Lassen, Ind. Alt. vol. I. p. 283, 2nd ed. He has over. luoked the fact that the Tika of the Mahavamsa-Turnour, Introd. p. xlvii.-warns against this 'laughable mistake. * Turbour, Mahav., Introd. p. Elvu. .

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THREE NEW EDICTS OF ASOKA. JUNE, 1877.] of 37 years of Asoka's reign amounts likewise to a few months, say two or three only, then the death of Asoka will fall in the year 256 of the Nirvana For 218 years and 2 months +37 years and 2 months makes 255 years and 4 months. Under this supposition Asoka died in the first half of the year 256 of the Nirvana. But if many months, say 10 or 11, of the 219th year of the Nirvana had passed at the time of the abhisheka, and if many months, say ten or eleven, have to be added to the total of the years of Asoka's reign, then his death falls in the year 257 after the Nirvana. For 218 years and 11 months+ 37 years and 11 months makes 256 years and 10 months. It is also apparent that in order to bring about an agreement between the inscriptions and the Mahavamsa this second interpretation has to be adopted. For only in -case Asoka died towards the end of 257 A.B. will it be possible to allow that he may have caused an inscription to be incised when 256 years after the departure of the Teacher had passed. Now only one more point, the probable date of Asoka's conversion, remains to be considered in order to complete the agreement between the inscriptions and the Mahavansa. The equation of the former is 33 years 6 months and a days 256 A.B. + months or days. The Mahavamsa says, V. 34, "The father (of Asoka), being of the Brahmanical faith, used to feed (daily) sixty thousand Brahmans. He himself did so for three years." Now this may mean either that the interval between Asoka's abhisheka and his conversion was filled by three years exactly, or that some months and days have to be added. The equation in the new inscriptions makes it necessary to add at least eight months, because the middle of the thirty-fourth after the conversion could not fall under any other supposition in the 257th year after the Nirvana. But if this addition is made the dates of the inscription and of the Mahavansa agree perfectly. For then we obtain Asoka's abhisheka 218 years after the Nirvana and say 11 months, i.e. at the end of 219 A.B. Asoka's conversion 3 years after the abhisheka and say 8 months, i.e. in the middle of 223 A.B. Date of the inscriptions 33 years and 6 months and odd days after conversion, i.e. in the beginning of 257 A.B. 153 Death of Asoka 37 years and say 10 months after abhisheka, i.e. in the end of 257 A.B. The agreement which has thus been shown to exist between the inscriptions and the Mahavamsa is, in spite of the uncertainty introduced by the neglect of the odd months in the latter work, sufficiently close to prove that the Mahavansa's statements regarding the history of India and of the beginnings of Buddhism are more than fanciful inventions of the monastic mind. They must be regarded as genuine historical dates, derived from contemporary evidence. The necessary consequence of this discovery is that all attempts to adjust the Ceylonese chronology to that of the Greeks by means of a reduction or of a lengthening of the distance between the Nirvana and Asoka have to be given up. Henceforth it must be accepted as a fact that the abhisheka of Asoka took place in 219 A.B., and that he was alive in the beginning of 257 A.B. If the identification of Asoka's grandfather Chandragupta with the Sandrok yptos of the Greeks, and Asoka's own relations to Antiochus, the Antiyoka or Antiyoga of the rock inscriptions, prove that the Ceylonese date of the Nirvana 543 BC. has been placed 60 to 70 years too early. the fault must lie either in the period after Asoka, or in the adjustment of the dates of the Indian history and of the Ceylonese kings. It is possible that either some kings have been erroneously inserted AFTER Dovanampriya Tishya. the contemporary of Asoka, or that the reigns of Tishyn, as well as of his predecessor and successors, have been intentionally expanded. The latter alternative seems to me most likely, because, as Mr. Turnourt and other Orientalists have shown, the dates of Pandukabhaya, of Mutasiva and of his four sons, are extremely suspicious. It seems impossible that these kings, who represent three generations, should have reigned 200 years. This suspicion becomes stronger through other circumstances, especially through the fact that Vijaya's landing is made to fall on the day of the Nirvana. I am not prepared to risk any definite statement as to the manner in which the reigns of the Ceylonese kings ought to be reduced, or on the exact amount of the reduction, as I think it very likely that Dr. P. Goldschmidt's collection of Ceylonese inscriptions will completely clear + Mahau. Introd. p. xli.

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154 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1877. up the question. For all practical purposes suspicious. Under these circumstances I give the the date for the Nirvana, 477-78 A.D., fixed by Jaina account merely as a curiosity, and in order Professor M. Muller, by General Cunningham, to warn against its being used, without further and others, is perfectly sufficient. The new in- inquiry, as a means to find the exact date of scriptions show that it cannot be very far wrong. Chandragupta's accession and of the Nirvana. The two outside termini for the beginning of The additions to the history of the last years Chandragupta's reign are 321 B.C. on the of Asoka which the new inscriptions furnish one side, and 310 B.C. on the other. For this are of great interest. We now hear for the first reason, and because the Ceylonese date for the time that Asoka's zoal for the Buddhist faith beginning of the Mauryas, 163 A.B., must now be produced towards the end of his reign someconsidered to be genuine, the Nirvana must fall thing very like bigotry. His boast that he caused between 483-82 B.C. and 472-713.c. If, therefore, the people of Jambudvipa, to abjure their anthe date 477-78 for the Nirvana should eventu- cient gods, which probably must be taken to ally be proved to be wrong, the fault cannot be mean only that he did his best to bring about more than five or six years one way or the other. such a result, stands in strange contrast to his Certainty regarding the date of the Nirvuna, earlier toleration. The change finds its exas already stated, will probably be obtained planation partly in the increasing age of the from the Ceylonese inscriptions. But there is monarch, and the domestic difficulties which, a chance that the same goal may be reached by a both according to Buddhistic and Jaina acdifferent road. If a perfectly trustworthy accounts, he had with the queen whom he count of the interval between Asoka's death married after Asandhimitra's death, and partly and the beginning of the Vikrama or of the by his turning ascetic. This fact is likewise Saka eras could be obtained either from Indian new and of great interest, as Asoka, in spite of inscriptions or from books, then the question his asceticism, apparently continued to govern would also be solved. I must add that an ac- the country. It indicates that the Buddhists count of this kind exists, though I should be allowed, just like the Jainas in exceptional sorry to call it trustworthy on the evidence cases, an intermodiate stage between the Srivahitherto adduced. The Svetamlara Jainas place kas or lay brethren and the Bhikshus or monks. Mahavira's nirvana in 4701 before the era of The Gajarat chroniclers assert that the ChauVikramaditya 56-7 B.C., and the beginning of lukya king Kumara pa la, to whom they the Mauryas in 216 after Mahivira, or in 311 even give the title sannghadhipati, 'lord of the B.c. This date agrees well enough with the state- Samgha,' took at various periods of his reign. ments of the Greeks, and I should be prepared vows of continence, of temperance, of abstention to adopt it if the manner in which the Svetam- from animal food, and of apratigraha, i.e. to rebaras arrived at it agreed with the Buddhist nounce the con Siscation of the heirless property chronology, and the age of the gatha in which of Vanias. I am not aware that other instances it occurs were better authenticated. But the of royal Bauddha ascetics, occur who continued Jaina account of the dynasties in the 6th and to administer the affairs of their kingdoms. 5th centuries B.C. differs from those of the 1 There is yet another question for which the Bauddhas and of the Brahmans. The gathanew inscriptions are of the utmost importance, - Slays that Maha virs died on the night in the history of the ancient Nagari numerals. which king Palaka of Ujjain was installed Hitherto the oldest inscriptions showing them on the throne; that PAlaka ruled 60 years; were the Mathura inscriptions of Kanishka, that, next, the Nandas held India for 155 the Satavahana inscriptions on the Nanaghat, years, and that the latter were succeeded by and the inscriptions of the Andhrabhrityas. the Mauryas. Thus the Sisunagas are left out It is satisfactory to find now that these nualtogether-& point which makes the dates meral signs are contemporaneous with the I See Ind. Ant. vol. II. p. 362, and Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. IX. p. 147. Kern in bis Jaartelling, p. 38, gives 466 before Vikrama as the date of Mahavira's nirvana, on the authority of Professor Weber's extracts from the sa. trunjayamahatmya. That work is a wretched forgery by some yati of the 13th or 14th century, as the chapter on Kumarapala of Anahilapataka, 1144-74 A.D., and the numerous Gujaraticisms, show. The Svetambaraa mean the era of Vikramiditya of 56-7 B.C. when they say 470 before Vikr. na. The Digambaras place Mahavira's wir. vana in 605 before Vikrama, and refer to the so-called Saks era. $See Lassen, Ind. Alt. vol. II. p. 375, 2nd ed.

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JUNE, 1877.] THREE NEW EDICTS OF ASOKA. 155 oldest known form of the Indian alphabet. But by su or su plus two strokes, which latter are the form of the sign for 200 is still more im- attached, according to the fancy of the writer, portant, as it furnishes the clearest proof for either at the right-hand side both high up and the correctness of Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji's low down, or even placed at the top. This discovery of the syllabic origin of the Nagari manner of notation is not easily explicable on numerals. The sign for 200 employed in the the supposition that the side-strokes represent Sahasram edict is , and, if the right-hand ankas or figures. For in that case we ought side-stroke denoting the second hundred is left to find two side-strokes for 200, and three for out of consideration, closely resembles the sign 300. I propose, therefore, to take them as for 100 in the Nanaghat inscriptions and the marks intended to show that in the case of 200 fifth Gupta sign. But in the Rupnath edict the syllable su had to be pronounced long, s, the common sign for the syllable su od appears and in the case of 300 pluta, .e. si-u. This in its stead, showing, however, an unusual explanation holds good for the Andhrabhritya elongation of the left-hand vertical stroke. It and Vakataka signs for 1,000, 2,000, and 3,000 is obvious that the elongation of the vertical also, which may be read dhu, dhu, and dhu-u, stroke serves here the same purpose as the respectively. It is confirmed by the fact that side-stroke in the Sahasram figure, i. e. to in the case of 400 the sign for the syllable exdenote that 200, not 100, must be read. But pressing 4, khka or ki according to Bhagvanlal, the fact that the common sign for the syllable su is attached to su. The Hindu grammarians is employed, instead of the differentiated form allow syllables of three matras only, and it was used in the Sahasram edict, proves that the therefore impossible to employ an additional engraver knew it to be a syllable, and pro- stroke in order to denote 400. nounced it as such. The sign in the two edicts for 50 also deI take this opportunity to give an attempt at serves attention. Rupnath shows the form used an explanation of the very curious fact that in the in the Kshatrapa and Valabhi inscriptions, syllabic notation of numerals 200 is expressed by while Sahasram gives that of the Eastern plates the syllable su or su plus one stroke, and 300 and of the MSS. Inscription on a Rock at Sahasram. From General Cunningham's facsimile, revised according to photograph. address13 SIA LL.teledy r sbvITHLO 74811da-dur od JOO7 O td Hotubia au 14.813 8 lik 810833 STELUVE : 1 8 Whkod 2081313 bali y mis 4 JUGX +34 917D280 3:56112 ET. + 8 hard de thisvou Rt for totalt droddukidyu ddiour [ 44"xp ch UK 6 4 -8 206 :8080407 sauce CK p 9" A4 stu1 hxrede the 8 nl khlw dmh dyn wnl:mbl mkh khn b | yani savachhalani, am upasake sumi, i na cha badham palakamte.-1Savinchhale sadhike I, am [sumi badbam palakam]t[e] Lhaka Transcript and Restoration of the Sahasram Edict.* Devanam piye hevam a[ha satilekani adhit]i|| Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 45, col. 1 and col. 5. T In the case of 300 the Jainas also place the second stroke above the syllable, and write . Materials used: Plate XIV. of General Cunningham's Oorp. Insor. Ind. vol. I. and a photograph supplied by Gene. ral Cunningham. L. 1. The facsimile and photograph show that seven or eight syllables have been lost. The restoration of the first six is absolutely certain on account of the identical readings of R. and B. (adhitJiyani is less certain. I take it for representative of adhitisani, caused by the change of s to h and its subsequent loss, just as in Panjabi ith, thirty, and ikatht, thirty-one.

Page #210
156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1877. Etena cha amtalena | jambudipasi ammisam, (size) and a half." And this sermon (is) by the deva[hu]sam, ta-2Departed. Two hundred (years) exceeded by fiftysix, 256, have passed since; and I have caused this matter to be incised on the hills; or where those stone pillars are, there too I have caused it to be incised. Transcript of the Rupnath Edict. Devanam piye hevam aha: satirakekani adhitisani va[s], ya sumi paka sa[va]ki, no cha badhi pakate. Satileke chu chhavachhare, ya sumi haka samgha-papite-1badhi cha pakate. Yi imaya kalaya jambudipasi amisa deva-husu te dani masa kata. Pakamasi hi esa phale, no cha esa mahatata pa-potave. Khudakena hi ka-2 munisa | misam deva kata. Pala kamasi hi] iyam phale [n]o [cha ilyam mahatata-vachakiye pavatave. Khudakena hi pala-3kamaminena vipule suag[e] [sa]kiye ala[dha yita]v[e]. Se etaye athaye iyam savane |: khudaka cha udala cha pa-4lakamamtu, amta pi cham janamtu|; chilathitike cha palakame hotu. Iyam cha athe vadhisati, vipulam pi cha vadhisati,-5diyadhiyam avaladhiyena diyadhiyam vadhisati Iyam cha savane vivuthena; duve sapamnalati--6 sata vivutha ti (su i phra) 256. Ima cha atham pavatesu likhapaya thaya; [yata] va a7- thi hete silathambha tata pi likhapaya thayi.-8 Translation. The Beloved of the gods speaketh thus :.(It is) [more than thirty-two] years [and a half] that I am a worshipper (of Buddha), and I have not exerted myself strenuously. (It is) a year and more [that I have exerted myself strenuously]. During this interval those gods that were (held to be) true gods in Jambudvipa have been made (to be regarded as) ment and false. For through strenuous exertion comes this reward, and it ought not to be said to be an effect of (my) greatness. For even a small man who exerts himself can gain for himself great rewards in heaven. Just for this purpose a sermon has been preached: "Both small ones and great ones should exert themselves, and in the end they should also obtain (true), knowledge. And this spiritual good will increase; it will even increase exceedingly; it will increase one (size) and a half, at least one L. 2. Read sahvachhale, R. Six or seven letters have been lost. E. and B. have two sentences, corresponding to this lacuna, containing sixteen letters. S. can have had one sentence only. The sense requires the sentence given above. Read amisamh, according to R. Read deva-husis as R. has deva-husu aud a verb is required. The vertical stroke in the facsimile is the left-hand part of the . This emendation I owe to Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji. Read te for ta, according to R. L. 3. Read deva. The pala before the lacuna is probable from the photograph. The restoration is certain on account of the corresponding passage in K., which here, as everywhere, substitutes the root pakam for palaam. The second and third lacunas liave been filled in according to R. L. 4. Restorations according to R. and B.-Read sivune. L. 5. Read cha janamtv. L. 6. Read sawine; the facsimile has dute, but according to the photograph duce, which the sense requires, is at least probable, if not certain. L. 7. Restoration suggested by the fact that two syllables have been lost, and a relative pronoun is desirable, though not absolutely necessary. The date had been read by General Cunningham before I received the inscription. This phrase probably alludes to the Buddhist belief that the devas also have shorter or longer terms of existence, pi parumaminena sakiye pipule pi svage arodhave. Etiya athaya cha savane kate: khudaka cha udala cha pakama mtu ti, ata pi cha janamtu. Iyam pakare cha-3 kiti? chirathitike siya. Iya hi athe vadhi vadhisiti, vipula cha vadhisiti, apaladhiyena diyadhiyam vadhisati. Iya cha athe pavatisu lekhapeta valata hadha cha; atbi-4silathubhe silathambhasi lakhapeta vayata. Etina cha vayajanena yavatakatu paka ahale. savara-vivase tavayati. Vyuthena savane kate. (su phra) 256 sa-5ta-vivasa ta-6 Translation. The Beloved of the gods speaketh thus: (It is) more than thirty-two years and a half that I am a hearer (of the law), and I did not exert myself strenuously. But it is a year and more that I have entered the community (of ascetics), and that I have exerted myself strenuously. Those gods who during this time were considered to be true (gods) in Jambudvipa, after which they die and are born again in other stages of existence according to their karma. I Materials used: two rubbings forwarded by General Cunningham. L. 1. Read sutilekani, the letter looks blurred and is a mistake for J. For puka read hald. There is a faint mark between sa and ki which may be va,-savaki is required as synonym for upasake; samgha ushite is a pos sible reading, as the letters appear to be half effaced. The reading given above is supported by B. L. 2. Under the va of deva-husa there is a vertical stroke, resembling an u 6. Probably it is intended to indicate the absorption of the initial a of clusu, and is the oldest forin of the Avagraha S. Read esa for esa. A letter may have stood between khudalena hi and ka. But I rather think the marks in the impression are accidental scratches. L. 3. Read pakamaminend; vipule; aradhave; the long & in pakure is not quite certain. L. 5. Read lehhipets thayi ti; tapayati b for 6; but s possibly the reading on the stone may be tapayati, as the lower part of va does not quite form a circle. Possibly vyathend. The two last figures of the date had been read by General Cunningham before I received the inscription. L. 6. Probably ti for ta to be read.

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PROTO ZINCOGRAPH OF GENERAL CUNNINGHAM'S IMPRESSION OF THE RUPNATH EDICT. M IX KORISTE K+1Y+Y9911191.rya n ontos SKPT-9128295 TROMKY PP vr ring pa2: > 10025 by 1891.849PM712+Pro LX80CM Hope EN YA+93 9Y MAS&2.8K70303 fra NIDID YRITTI

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JUNE, 1877.] THREE NEW EDICTS OF ASOKA. 157 have now been abjured. For through exertion (comer) this reward, and it cannot be obtained by greatness. For & small (man) who exerts himself somewhat can gain for himself great heavenly bliss. And for this purpose this sermon has been preached : "Both great ones and small ones should exert themselves, and should in the end gain (true) knowledge, and this manner (of acting) should be, what? Of long daration. For this spiritual good will grow the growth, and will grow exceedingly, at the least it will grow one (size) and a half." And this matter has been caused to be written on the hills ; (where) & stone pillaris, (there) it has been written on a etone pillar. And as often as (man brings) to this writing ripe thought, (so often) will he rejoice, (learning to subdue his senses. This sermon has been preached by the Departed. 256 (years have elupsed) since the departure of the Teacher. Transcript of the Bairat Edict.| Devana piye aha satislekani) ....... i.e. sa ....-1Vasa-nam ya haka upa sake n[o] cha badham. . .. .... .... . . 2 am mamaya samghe papayite [ba]aha[] cha. .............-3jambudipasi amisa-nam deva-hi ... vi..... [pala )kamasi esa [phalle(n)o hi ese mahatane vachakaye ......... ...... (pala]rumamimena ya ....... pa-5vipule pi evange [sa]kye aladheta(v)e.... .......... [khuda]ka cha udal cha palakamatu ti-6amte pi janamta ti chilathitiske).... [vi]pulam pi vadhisati-7diyadhiyam vadhisati (8 phra) 56 ....... ........-8 Index of Words occurring in the three Edicts. Av, S. 1, 2; B. 3 = Sansk. yat: compare Dhauli VI. 3, 5; sep. ed. I. 2, &c. 6 The original has a double meaning. The other meaning is. And as often as (a man seasons Mis) boiled rice with this condiment he will be satisfied, falling into & state of aanvara, i.e. that state of intense satisfaction and repletion in which he closes his eyes from pleasure, and suspends the activity of the senses generally. || Materials used : Cunningham, Corp. Inscr. vol. I. plate XIV., and a cloth copy made by Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji. L. 1. Cloth copy; devinam. The remnants of three letters towards the end of the line are also from the latter. L. 2. Corp. Inecr.: paka. Cloth copy shows lower part of n(o). Corp. Inscr.: badhi. Cloth copy has remnants of these letters towards the end of the line. L. 8. Corp. Inscr.: payaye ate and badhi. In the cloth oopy the top of dha is wanting. L. 4. Cloth copy : amisd-na deve pi and omita vi. I oon. jecture amisd-narh dewa-Av[su to dalm. Portions of the lettere laka appear on the cloth copy; Corp. Inscr.: masi 4th an, S. 7; at haya, S. 5, R. 4, a the; S. 5, R=Sansk.artha, Pali attho : compare Dhauli IV. 7, V. 7, &c. and pillar edicts. Ahi, R. 4 = Sansk. asti: compare Dhauli IX. 1, &c. - . [Adhitiyani, S. 1, a vicarious form for the following = "adhitihani; compare Panjabt ih, thirty, and ikatti, thirty-one, bth, twenty, and panji, twenty-five, &c. Adhitis dni, S.1 = Sansk.ardhadvi-trimadni, Gujarati adhitle: compare also adha- kosikydni), Delhi sep. ed. 2. Regarding Sansk. ardha = adrdla see Pct. Dict. 8. v. ardha. Adhi or closely allied forms occur in all the modern Prakrits. At 4, R. 3 = amta = Sansk, amtat. Athi, s.7 = Sansk. asti with the meaning of the plural santi: compare Childers' Pali Drict. g.v. atthi, and Delhi sep. ed. 11, ata athi sildthambhani. Antalena, S. 2. = Sansk. antarena : compare Dhauli, e.g. IV. 1, and pillar edicts. Ant d, S. 5 = Sansk. antat. Ante, B. 7 = Sansk. ante. A paladhiyend, R. 4=Sansk. aparardhyena. Amis d, R. 2 = Sansk. amishat. Amis d-na n, B. 4= amishat + nanu. A via misan, S. 3, mistake or vicarious form for amisan -- Sansk. amisham : compare, regarding nasalization, Kuhn, Beitrage Pali Gra.n. p. 33, and Dhauli II. 3. Anni=dni = ydni, &c. Avaladhiyend, S.6= Sansk. avardrdhyena. Ahale, R.5=Pali dhdro : Bee Childers' Dict. 6. v. For the change in the quantity of the initial 4 compare Kuhn, loc. cit. pp. 29-30, Dhauli IX. 1, abadhesu = dbddhesu, &c. Ahus a vh, ahusu : see husam, husu. Arodhane, R. 3, mistake for drddhave = Sansk. drdddhadyah: compare Girnar VI. 12. - Tave, i.e. tavue = Sansk. tavyah, occurs in the pillar edicts. Aid (dh ay it a)(e), eladhetave, S. 4, B. 6: see the preceding, and compare Dhauli IX. 7, &c. Ahd, S. 1, K. 1, B. 1= Sansk. dha. Ima, S. 7 = iman = Sansk. imam. I m dya, R. 2 = Sansk. asmai : compare Girnar III. 3. L. 5. Corp. Inscr. begins the line ha hi, the cloth copy shows o clearly. Corp. Inscr.: mapatane. I think maha. tana should be read, as the word forms a compound with vachakaye. Read pala]kamaminend. The cloth copy omita ya ...... pa, which are not easily explained. L. 6. Cloth copy : vipule hinh svage takye; Corp. Inscr.: vipule pi svarhge kiye. The above reading is conjectural, but supported by the analogy of 8. and R. Possibly sakiye may be the right form. Towards the end Corp. Inscr. reada [khuda]ka che, which is incorrect. L. 7. Cloth copy omits am(te), show half a ta instead of ti in chilathitilke), and omite pu in (ripular. L. 8. Cloth copy : diyadhiya. udhasats, and omits the numeral signs. I must confess that I doubt the correctos of the latter, on socount of their position. The references to the pablished edicta refer to Mr. Burgess's Girner facrimiles, and to the plates of General Cunningham's Corp. Inscript. Ind. vol. L, which he he k indly forwarded to me.

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158 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1877. Iya, R. 4= iyam. Tata, S. 8=Sansk. tatra, Pali tattha: compare Iya m, S. 3, 5, 6; R. 3 = Sansk. ayam and Delhi sep. ed. 3, &c. idam : compare Khalsi XII. 13, iyam mule; Delhi Tav dy a ti, R.5; probably a mistake for tapa. III. 17, iyan kayane, &c. yati = Sansk. tarpayati, Pali tappeti. Udald, S. 3, R. 3, B. 6= Sansk, udarah, Pali Ti, S. 7, R. 3, B. 6,7 = Sansk. iti, Pali ti. uldra. Te, R. 2=Sansk., Pali, te (nom. pl. m. of tad). Updsake, S. 1, B.2= Sansk. updsakah, Pali Thayi, S. 8, probably for athayin = Sansk. wpasako. astham (1st per. sing. aor. act. of stha). Et dye, S. 4= Sansk. etasmai; compare Gir- Thaya, S. 8, a variant of the preceding. nar III. 3, &c. Dani, R. 2=Sansk. idanim, Pali dani. Etin d, R.5=Sansk. etena. Diyadhiyan, S. 6, R. 4, B. 8=Sansk. doyarEtiya, R. 3=etdye. dham, Pali diyaddham: compare diyadha, Khalei Eten a, S. 2=Sansk. etena. XIII. 35. Esa, R. 2, B.4=Sansk. esha, Pali esa : compare Diyadhi ya , S. 6; a vicaricus form for the Dhauli sep. ed. I. 2, &c. preceding. E: a, R. 2, probably a mistake for esa or ese. Duve=Sansk. dve, Pali duve. Ese, B. 5= Sansk. esha, Pali eso, Magadhi ese. Deva, S. 3. B. 4, probably mistake for devd. Katd, 8.3, R. 2=Sansk. kitah, Pali kata : Devd, S. 3, R. 2=Sansk. devdh. compare Dhauli V. 3, &c. Deodna , B. 1=Sansk. devandm, Pali devdKate, R. 3,5=Sansk. kritam (neuter): compare nar. Dhauli V. 1, &c. Dev dnam, . 1, R. 1, & mistake or variant -Katu, in yavata-katu, R. 5= Sansk. kritrah for the preceding. and Pali khattur. Na, S. 1= Sansk., Pali, na. Kapi, R. 2, 3=Sansk., Pali, kimapi,-possibly Nam, B. 2 in vasd-nam), B. 4 (in amisd-nam)= a mistake for kipi. Sansk. nanu, Saur., May., nam, Hemach. IV. 283, Kaidy a, R. 2= kalaya with sense of kedle. 302, ed. Pischel. Kiti, R. 4 = Sansk. kimiti, Pali kimti; rock No, s. 1, 3, R. 1, 2, B. 2,5=Sansk., Pali, no : edicts usually kinti, but Khalsi N.face XIII. 12 kiti. compare Dhauli V. 3, &c. Khudak d, S. 4, R. 3, B. 6= Sansk. kshudra- Paka, 1.5=Sansk. pakvah, Pali pakko. Iedh, Pali khuddakd. Pakate, R. 1, 2 = Sansk. prakrantah, Pali pa. Khuda kena, S. 3, -kend, R. 2=Sansk. kshu- kkanto, but with the meaning of pardkranta. drakena. Pak a m a itu, R. 3 = Sansk. prakramantu, Cha, S. 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7; R. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5; B. 3,6 = Pali pakkamantu. Sansk. and Pali cha. Paka masi, R. 2=Sansk. prakrame. Chan, S. 5, mistake for cha. Pakdre, R. 3= Sanak. prakarah, Pali pakdro, Cha, B. 6, mistake for cha. but possibly a mistake for pakame. Chirathitike, R. 4= Sangk. chirasthitikah, Papaye or papayite, B. 3=Sansk. prapitah. Pali chiratthitiko. . Papite, R. 1 (in samgha-pa)=Sansk. praptah. Chilathittle, S. 5; see the preceding : com- Parumam in en d, R. 3, mistake for pakamapare Dhauli V.8. VI. 6. minend = Sansk. prakramamdnena. Chilathit (ke), B. 7; see the preceding. Palaka nte, S. 1, 2= Sansk. pardkrantah, Chu, R.1= Sansk. tu: compare Dhauli VI. 7, Pali parakkanto. sep. ed. I. 10. Palak amatu, B. 6, a variant of the following. Chh a va chhare, R. 1= Sansk. sarvatsarah, | Palaka m a tu, S. 5=Sansk. pardkramantro, possibly a mistake for sava'; but compare kachhati Pali parakkdmantu: compare also Dhauli V1.6, &c. = "kassati-Sansk. karishyati, in the pillar edicts. Palak a maminend, S. 3,4 = Sansk. pard Jana mtu, B. 7; probably a mistake for jd. kramamanena: for the termination mina compare nantu. sampatapddayamine, Dhauli sep. ed. I. 15. Jambu dipasi, R. 2, B. 4= Sansk. jambu- Pala ka na si, S. 3, B.4=Sansk. pardkrame. dvipe, Pali jambudipe. Palak a me, S. 5= Sansk. pardleramah: comJambu dipasi, S. 2; see the preceding. pare Dhauli VI. 7. Jana mtu, S. 5, R. 4= Sansk., Pali, janantu. Palarumamin end, B. 4, 5, a mistake for -Thiti, s. 5, R. 4 (in chila-thitike) = Sansk. palakamaminend. sthiti, Pali thiti. Panatisu, R. 4, a varia lectio for the following. Ta, S. 2, mistake or vicarious form for te, which Pavat esu, S. 7=Sansk. parvateshu, Pali pab batesu. Ta, R. 6, for ti = Sansk. iti. Pak 4, R. 1, a mistake for hakd. Bee.

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JUNE, 1877.] THREE NEW EDICTS OF ASOKA. Papotave, R. 2 (in mahatatapao)= Sansk. praptavyam, but formed from a new root, papo: compare Pali pappoti, and papova, Delhi VI. 3. Pavatave, S. 3-Sansk. pravaktavyam: for the lengthening of the first syllable compare Pali pavachanam. Pi, S. 5, 8, R. 3, B. 6-Sansk. api, Pali pi. Pipule, R. 3, a mistake for vipule. Piye, S. 1, R. 1, B. 1-Sansk. priyah, Pali piyo. Phale, S. 3, R. 2, B. 4 Sansk. phalam, or possibly phalah, a rare form for phalam: vide the Pet. Dict. s. v. Phaldni occurs Khalsi II. 6. Vd, S. 7 Sansk., Pali, vd. Valata, R. 4, possibly a mistake for palata, but Sansk. paratra: compare pillar edict palatam paratrikam. Vipula, R. 4 Sansk., Pali, vipulam. Vipula m, S. 5, B. 8 Sansk. vipulam. Vipule, S. 4, B. 6 Sansk. vipulah: compare also pipule, and rock edicts VII. Vivase, R. 5 (in savaravi) = Pali vivaso, Sansk. vivasah. Vivded, R. 6 (in satavi): Sansk. vivdadt. Vivuthd, S. 7 Sansk. rivrittani, Pali part. of rattati, is sometimes vutto: compare also Khandagiri inscr. 1. 5, Jour. Beng. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. VI. p. 1050, tatho vase viruthe. Vivuthena, S. 7 Sansk. rirrittena. Vyuthend, R. 5, a vicarious form for the preMamaya, B. 3 Sansk. maya compare ceding, caused by the substitution of u for ru. Dhauli VI. 1, Delhi sep. ed. 3. Sva mge, bvage, B. 6= Sansk. srargah. Similar Masa, R. 2 = misd substitutions of e for s occur particularly often in Mahatata, S. 3, R. the latter half of the Khalsi edicts, e.g. XI. 129 so mahantata. for so, XI. 30 mitasamthutana mitrasamstutandnis. Mahatane, B. 5 Sansk. mahattvam, Prak. XII. 34, siya siya syat, &c. mahattanam: compare Var. IV. 22. Misam, S. 3: Sansk. misham. For the meaning of misham kri see Pet. Dict. s. v. misha. Munisd, S. 3 Sansk. manushyah: compare Dhauli II. 3, &c.. Sansk. mishat. 2 Sansk. mahatta, Pali = Savachhalani, S. 1 Sansk. samratsarah: compare also chhavachhare and savimchhale. Sakiye, -kye, S. 4, R. 3, B. 6 Sansk. svakiyah, Pali sakiyo. Samgha, R. 1, -ghe, B. 3 Sansk. samghah, Pali, samgho. Sansk. edstririrasat, Ya, R. 1, B. 2 Sansk. yat, Pali yam. Yavatakatu, R. 5 Sansk. ydvatkritvah. Yi, R. 2 Sansk., Pali, ye (nom. pl. m. of yad). Lakhapeta, R. 5, a mistake for lekhdpeta. Likhapaya, yd, S. 7, 8 Sansk. lekchitva; -aya ya; compare Pali likhapeti, and for the construction of thd with the absolutive, Childers' Dict. 8. v. tilthati, thati. = Lekhapeta, R. 4: Sansk. lekhitah: compare Dhauli II. 3, lopabeta and lopapita Sansk. ropitani. Vadhi, R. 4 vriddhim (acc. sing.), Pali raddhim. Badham, S. 1, B. 2, 3 Sansk. badham: compare rock edicts VII., end. Badhi, R. 1, 2, B. 2, 3 (P), a vicarious form for the preceding. For amei, compare also Delhi V. 8, sukali. Vachakaye, B. 5, -kiye, S. 3 (in mahatatava) Sansk. vachaka enlarged by the affix tya (P). Vadhisati, S. 5, 6, R. 4, B. 7, 8 = Pali raddhissati: compare pillar edicts, e.g. Delhi I. 6, &c. Vadhisiti, R. 4, a vicarious form for the preceding. = Sataviv de d, R. 5, 6 = Pali satthuvivasa. -Satd, S. 7 Sansk. satani. 159 Sapamnalatisata, S. 7-Sansk. shatpan. chabadatisatani. For sa shat compare sadu(visati) in the pillar edicts. For the use of ati= adhi compare atiratha, rajatiraja, &c. The la of pammala is inexplicable, and one feels tempted to read pammaha instead, for J. Sa(v a)ki, R. 1=Sansk. sravakah, Pali savako. Savara-, R. 5 Sansk., Pali, samvara. Savane, S.,6, a mistake for savane. Savimchhale, a mistake for samvachhale. Satira kekani, R. 1, a mistake for sdtilekani. Satileke, R. 1=Sansk. satirekah, Pali satireko. Sadhike, S. 2= Sansk. sddhikah. Savane, R. 3, 5-Sansk. eravanam, Pali savanam: compare Delhi VII. 20. Vayajanend, R. 5= - Sansk., Pali, vyanjanena: see Childers' Dict. s. v. See also rock edicts III., end. As to i represented by a, see Kuhn, loc. cit. p. 24, and compare Khalsi XIII. 38, vayasanam =vyasanam. Vayata, R. 5,-probably a mistake for thdyi ta compare silathambhani, Delhi sep. ed. 11. asthayi (sthitah) iti. Suag(e), S. 4 Sansk. svargah. Va (8 d), R. 1 = Sansk. varshdani. Vas d-na m, B. 2= Sansk. varshani nanu: compare above, nam. Savane, S. 4, a mistake for the preceding. Siya, R. 4 Sansk. sydt: compare Gir.III. 3, &c. Silathambhasi, R. 5 Sansk. silastambhe. Silathubhe, R. 5 Sansk. bildsthambhah. Sildthambhd, S. 8 Sansk. silastambhah: Sumi, S. 1, R. 1. Sansk. asmi (1st per. sing. pres. of as): for the insertion of u compare Kuhn, Beit. Pali Gram. p. 45.

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1877. Se, S. 4 = Palise : compare Dhauli IV. 1, VI. 1, Hi, S. 3, R. 2, B. 5 = Sansk., Pali, hi. Delbi II. 16, R. 2, &c. -Husu, (hu)san, R. 2, S. 2=abhuvan: compare Svage, R. 3= Sansk, svargah. a-hurrou, and kusa, Delhi VII. 12. Haka, R. 1, B. 2 = Sansk. aham, Magadhi, Hete, S. 8-Sansk., Pali, ete (nom. m. of etad). hage : compare also pdkd, and Dhanli VI. 5 and Hevam, S. 1, R. 1, B. 1=Sansk., Pali, evam : raagit. compare Dhauli VI. 4 and passim. Hadha, R. 4 = Sansk. iha, Pali hidha : com- Hotu, S. 5=Sansk. bhavatu: compare Dhaali pare pillar edicts, e.g. Delhi I. 3, hida-ta. IV. 8, &c. BOOK NOTICE. LA LANGUE ET LA LITTERATURA HINDOUSTANIES EN 1878: a treatise on medicine in Urdu and English, pp. 499 Revue annuelle. Par M. Garcin de Tassy, membre de 8vo: and among other books, treatises on astrol'institut, professeur A l'ecole speciale des langues orien logy and talismans-the Sangraha Siromani, tales vivantes, president de la societe asiatique, &c. 536 pp., and the Indarjal, 304 pp.-would imply So far as we are aware, there is no publication that superstitious practices are not expected to either in India or in Europe, from which the state die out soon. And besides treatises on hygiene of Hindustani literature may be so distinctly as and phyrical geography produced after European certained, year by year, as from the Revue of M. models, some Hindi and some Urdu versions of Garoin de Tassy, where not only the books, but all Bain's Mental Science, Fowler's Logic, Taylor's the newspapers and societies which spring into Ancient History, and Huxley's Physiology, are also existence are registered in detail. The number of announced. Lastly, the progress of Dr. S. W. reprinte, translations, and original works this Fallon's large Urdu Dictionary, several fascioles year is as large as usual, if not larger; this bolds of which have appeared, together with an improved good also of their contents,--religion, history, edition of the first of them, is also encouraging : sciense, with fiction both in prose and poetry, the the learned author is uninterruptedly engaged latter prevailing. Both natives and Europeans in his colossal labour, and will in course of time, appear to have signalized themselves more than no doubt, bring it to a prosperous end. previously by their publications. Periodical literature appears also to be on the The Hindi Ramdyana of Tulsidas prepared by increase, especially as printed matter can be FS. Growse--not a translation, nor even an imi brought out very cheaply by lithography, and editation, of that of Valmiki, although dealing with tors are not sanguine in their aspirations for subthe same subject will no doubt be appreciated. scribers ; thus, for instance, the Panjdbi says, conDr. Buhler has brought from Kasmir Chand's cerning the journal published by the Anjaman Prithirdj Rasare, which is important from a his of Kasur, in the Lahor zilla :-"The monthly torical as well as a philological point of view, and journal published by the Anjuman has 325 subought to be published. As to the Adigrantha scribers, which number ought to satisfy us." The of the Sikhs, which Dr. E. Trump is engaged in number of newspapers has increased since last year translating, 800 pages of it, preceded by an intro- by more than 30; but, as is annually the case, duction, have been printed. Mr. J. Beames has many of them will soon again disappear and make introduced to the notice of Europeans a new Hindi way for others. A long time is required for a bard, giving a few pages of text and translations journal to take firm root; those who demand in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal quick returns, and are not prepared to make any (Part I., No. 3, 1875); but the whole work, in sacrifices, must quickly retire from the arena. praise of Jagat Singh, who revolted against the The Revue terminates, as usual, with a necrology. Moghul emperor Shah Jehan, occupies a small 4to The first place is assigned to Dr. Wilson, and is volume of 105 pages. The Yajur Veda in Sanskrit, followed by a notice of Dr. M. Haug.-During with a commentary in Hindi, was published by the same year with Drs. Wilson and Haug, also Giriprasad, Raja of Bosma, and printed in that RadhA Kighn or Rao Kishn, a former tutor of town. It is curious to note that at present several the Maharaja Dhulip Singh, died; he was a good Hindi works formerly edited in Persian characters Sanskrit scholar-and one of the most fertile are being printed in Devanagiri; of these are the of Hindustani poets.-Edward Thornton died on translation of the "Thousand and One Nights," the 24th December 1875, at the age of 77 years. the Bakavali, and the Totakahani. He was for several years the editor of Allon's Among larger works, such as the Muntakhab Indian Mail, and is well known by his History al-tovdrikh, translated from Persian into Urdu, of the Oriental Empire of India, as well as by pp. 545; the Ma'dan-al-hikmat, "Mine of wisdom," his Gazetteers of Sindh and of India. During the

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JUNE, 1877.] ON THE KRISHNAJANMASHTAMI. 161 same year also Francis Johnson, the author of the most extensive Persian dictionary, expired He occupied during 31 years the chair of Sansksit, Telugu, and Bengali at Haileybury, where he had been installed at the age of 24, and remained till 1855, when he was succeeded by Mr. Monier Williams, now Professor of Sanskpit at Oxford He was endowed with a prodigious memory and great talents for languages. His two editions of the Hitopadesa, with text, translation, and vocabu. lary, his select pieces from the Mahabharata, bis editions of the Meghaduta and of the Gulistan, are valued by students of Sansksit or Persian.-On the 4th January 1876 M. Jules Mohl, President of the Asiatic Society of Paris, editor and translator of the Shahnamah, died.-On the 25th July 1876 Robert Childers expired, at the age of 38.-On the 10th August of the same year Edward William Lane died, at the age of 75 years. He is well known as the author of the Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians, and the translator of the Thousand and One Nights with extremely valuable notes; but his chief work-over which he died -was his Arabic and English Lexicon, a treasure of vast erudition, of which five volumes are al ready published, and the sixth is in the press, while the seventh and eighth will be edited from the manuscripts left by the author.-E.R. ON THE KRISHNAJANMASHTAMT, OR KRISHNA'S BIRTH-FESTIVAL BY PROP. A. WEBER, BERLIN. Read in the Royal Academy of Sciences, Berlin, 17th June 1867. (Translated from the German by E. Rehatsek.) Since I communicated to the meeting of phi- rather those the period of whose compositions can lologists at Erlangen (1851) "some data relat- in any way be fixed, and only afterwards I deal ing to Krishna's birth-festival,"t a very rich with the works not allowing of being ascribed to mine of new materials on this subject has be- a fixed author. For though the works belong. come accessible to me, to arrange and utilize ing to this latter class are just those quoted in which the time has perhaps arrived. the texts to be first treated of, they are still, at In the first place these sources are themselves present, with the exception of the passages to be indicated, and the manner in which the actually quoted from them, devoid of definite subject is treated in them is to be discussed chronological value. Their higher antiquity in ($ 1), whereby particular aspects of it will be general is no voucher that in single instances at once specially illustrated, so that only a brief considerable additions or other alterations have retrospect will afterwards suffice. To the elu not crept into the texts, especially in those idation of the ritual of the festival itself ($ 2) sections which cannot yet be pointed out in an investigation concerning the origin of the their acknowledged texts, and appear merely festival (& 3), or rather of Krishna-worship in as pieces detached from them, though with a general, as well as on the pictorial representa claim to belong to them. tions connected therewith, will then be added Accordingly the oldest chronologically fixed text making mention of the festival is the Vrata$1. The Sources. khanda of Hema dri,t written perhaps at In order to obtain a chronological standpoint, the end of the thirteenth centary, and representI adduce, in the first instance, in their proper ing the various festival-days of the Brahmanic order, the texts referable to fixed authors, or ritual according to the order of the lunar . As the printing of the paper could only be begun (Aufrecht, Catalogus, P. 381). Our Hem&dri, son after a considerable time, it became possible to utilize, or of Charudeva, styles himself minister (sarvarikarather to interweave, several cominunications or publications ranaprabhu.erkarameda) of king Mahadeva, by of later date,--thus, e.g. the number of the Athenaeum of whose command he composed the Chaturvargachinta10th Aug. 1867, mentioned in the beginning of $ 3, and mani, the first part of which is the Vratakhanda. I deter. others. mine his age from the circumstance of his being quoted See Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesell. Bd. several times by Madhave in the Kalanirnaya.(R. VI. pp. 93-97, and my Catalogue of tha Berlin Sanskrit ghunandans also mentions him in the beginning of his M98. pp. 337-340. Tithitattva before the latter.) One of our MSS. of the second section of the Chaturvargachintamani, the Danakhanda, I Conf. Wilson, Mackenzie Coll. vol. I. p. 32, Barnouf, is dated sarvat 1435, A.D. 1379. (Conf. the first leaf of the RNA. Pur. tom. 1. pp. cir..ci.; my Catat. of the Berlin facsimile added to the Cat. of the Berl. Sansk. M88.) Sansk. M88. pp. 332-343; Aufrecht, Catalogus, p. 376. Besides the Chintamani, king Mahadeva caused also the There are several Hem&dris. The patron of Vopadeve Kamadhenu and the Kalpadruma to be prepared (sce v. 12 bearing this name was minister to king Ramachandra of the Introd. to the Vratakhanda and to the Danakhanda). of Dovagiri. But a commentator on Vopadeva at the By this both the works of Vopadeve bearing these names court of king R&maraja was also called Hem Adrican scarcely be meant, as the other data do not agree.

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1877. calendar. Unfortunately, however, the MS. of the festival is the Kalanirnaya of M&we possess of the work breaks off just with the dhavacharya (= M.), minister of king Vukseventh day, the saptami, whereas the festival kana, of the second half of the fourteenth cenbelongs to the next following date, the eighth. tury. || Here the festival is explained in vv. 65-75 Thus we lose not only Hema dri's own re- of the introductory karika, or rather in the fourth presentation of it, but also the quotations from section of the work itself, with very great detail older representations of the kind, which he had, - however, in harmony with the character of according to his wont, doubtless utilized very the whole work, not according to its ritual, but abundantly. From the citations adduced by according to its calendar relation, yet with the later authors from this section of his work, it insertion of numerous quotations from earlier is shown, for example, that he utilized for it par- works. The author begins with statements from ticularly the Bhavishya Purana. It is to be the Puranas which concern the high significance hoped that the Vratakhanda will yet be disco. and the all-sin-expiating force of the Janmashtami vered complete. On account of their richness festival; partly they threaten with severe punishand comparative antiquity the works of Hem - ments those who neglect it or the obligatory dri really deserve special consideration. fast enjoined therewith-thus three passages The second text, chronologically fixed, treating from a Smriti, the Bhavishyatpurana, and the BA R states the conquere ested Kub & On account of the quotations to be made hereafter, I insert the following abbreviations by which I designate the several texts of the Bhavishya, or rather the Bhavishyottara Purana : 0.= Bodleian Wila. 124 (01) and 126 (02) sa., Sb., sc., the three texts of this class which are at my disposal in Samkara's Vratarka (all three alao in Visva. natha's Vratar dja=sv. 1-3). B. = Chambers 798t. 0.= Chambers 724 (Ca=fol. 16-3a). D. = Chambers 816. Also the other abbreviations may be here inserted in one view, because they will also be often used : M.= Madhava (Kalanirnaya). Al. =All&danktha (Nirnayamrita). R. Raghunandana (Janmashtamitattva). N. = Nilakantha (samayamwyakha). 8. Sankara (Vratarka; the three Bhavishya texts of which are sa., $b., Sc.). K. = Kamalakara (Nirnayasindhu). Bhd. = Bhattojidikshita (Sarkshepatithinimaya). Vr.= Visvangtha (Vrataraja; the three Bhavishya texts of which are sv. 1-3). Ms. = Masakritya (J. fol. 25a-26b). Ud.=Janmashtamfuratody&pana. Ka.= Kasinatha (Dharmasindhusdra). sk. = RadhAkantadeva (sabdakalpadruma).. Vi. = Chambors 640. R. . K. Bhd. Vr. sk. specially refer to Hem&dri as their scurce. According to Lassen, Ind. Alt. IV. p. (168) 977, this prince of Vijayanag&r & reigned from about 13651370." Madhava, in the introduction to the Kalanirnaya, mentions that, after completing his commentary on the Dharmah Parasardh (see Aufrecht, Catalogus, p. 264), he began to compose this work, the Kalanimaya. From the introductions to the commentaries on various Vedic writings escribed to him and to his brother S&yana, their later composition, or rather the following order of them, further appears: The first place is occupied by the explanatiop of the two Mimarsd, purvottaramtmanse (conf. v. 9 of the Introd, to the Jaiminlyanyayamaia, and the vistara there. to. pp. 13, 15, ed. Goldstucker); then follows the commentary on the Yajurveda, on the Rigvedi, on the Samhita of the Samaved i, on the Parichavin fabrahmana, on the Shidvinsa. As in the beginning of all these works, or rather commentaries, Ling Bukkan 8 (or rather Bukka) is mentioned 88 patron, he must very probably have reigned more than fwa years! At the conclusion of the introduction to the commentaries on the first part of the Sam18anhiti, Madhava calls himself the son of SrI-N &r&yana (puchagning Madhavena Sri Nardyanasinund, Berl. MS. Orient. fol. No. 452), whilst elsewhere, as in the introduction to the commentary on the Para arasmriti (Aufrecht, loco citato), and in other places his father is called M&ya na. Ona colony of 24 learned Brahmans who cooperated in the composition of the works bearing the name of Madhava, Bee Roth in the Munchener Gel. Anz. 1853, p. 46-1, or rather the inscription communicated by Major Jacob in the Jour. Bo. Br. R. 48. Soc. vol. IV. p. 115. As, moreover, this inscription states concerning him that, whilst tempo. rarily entrusted with the government of the town and district) of Jayanti he had conquered Gova (now Goa), the capital of the Konkana, where he issued the still exist. ing grant of 25 estates situated in the district of Kuchara (now Kochre), and which were henceforth to be called Madhava-town,' as a monument of his conquest in the 1313th Suka year (A.D. 1391, just 107 years before Vasco de Gama's arrival), the question is not out of place whether an acquaintance with Syrian Christians, who were so numerous in that very district, has not exerted some in fluence on the special emphasis imparted by him to the Krislun ujanmashtami. There was, according to all appearances, just in this southern part of India, where at that time also the Jainas exerted considerable influence, & pecu. liarly favourable soil for a certain syncrasy of religious systems at that period; as appears, among other circumstances, also from that commingling of the Vishnu-cultus with Siva-worship as manifested in the name Harihara borne by a brother and a nephew of king Bukk 8: conf. Lassen, IV. pp. 171, 172. This may have been in a measure com. mendable simply on patriotic and political grounds, as in opposition to the invasion of Moslems, against whom these princes had to contend. According to Mahesa chandra (Introduction to the Kavyaprakasa, Calc. 1866, p. 22), M . dhava composed the Sarvadorsan isa ringraha A.D. 1335; it is unknown to me on what this statement resta. Conf. also Colebrooke, Misc. Ess. vol. I. p. 301 ; Cowell, Introd. to the Kusumanjali, p. 10.-Germann, in his edition of Zie. genbalg's Genealogie der Malabar. Gotter (p. 118), has confounded gur Madhava with an older namesake (born saka 1121, -A.D. 1199), who appears as a very zealous promoter of Krishna-worship (but whose rend name is Anandatirtha). See, op the latter, Wilson's Select *Works, vol. I, pp. 139-141 (ed. Rost, where among his works, curiously enough, also a Rigbhashya is adduced): Burnouf, Bhig. Pur. vol. I. p. lxii.; and Hall, Biographical Index of the Ind. Philos. Systems, pp. 94-95. Compare at present Burnell, Varh Brahmana, Pref. Pp. vii. xxiv.-A. W.1 TOn fol. 781-882 of the only complete, but unfortunately very incorrect.MS. (Chambers, 240) at my disposal for the work. The festival occupies the fourteenth part of the whole work, from which circumstance alone it is quite evident what a high significance the author attached to it.

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JUNE, 1877.] ON THE KRISHNAJANMASHTAM 163 the Skandapurana, and on the other hand they promise very special rewards for the fulfilment of a peculiarly meritorious form thereof, which is called Jayanti [where, namely, the solemn festival, i.e. the eighth day of the dark half of the 'last quarter of the month Sravana (July -Angust) is connected with the star Rohini, Aldebaran]-thus five passages from the Vishnudharmottara, Vahnipurana, Padmapurdna (fol. 786), Skandapurana, and Bhavishyottarapurd na.t Afterwards he quotes for the Jayanti a variety of different passages from the Purunas and similar works, with detailed information on its special relations: thus from the Vishnudharmottara, the Sanatkum arasarhita (fol. 79a), the Skandat: for some do not celebrate it in Srdvana (nabhas, July-August) but in Praushthapada (nabhusya, Bhadrapada, August-September), those, namely, who end the month with the full moon, or rather cause it to begin with the dark half, with whom, accordingly, the dark half following the full moon of Srava na no longer belongs to Sravana, but to Praushthapada ;$ for this there are also two passages, from the Vishnurahasya and from the Vasieltasarhitd. With this is connected a. detailed explanation of the question (fol. 79a-826) whether, considering the higher position, or, rather, larger effectiveness and bearing of the Jayantivrata, the same ought not to be entirely separated from the Krishnajanmashtamivrata, in favour of which latter doctrine the author finally decides, with a display of much mind isa learn. ing, on five different grounds, namely: nama. bhedat, nimittabhedat, rupabhedat, suddhamis. ratvabhedat, nirdesabhedach cha. Here his statement based on the third ground, rupubheda (fol. 800), is of particular interest, namely, that the essence of the Janmashtami celebration consists cnly in the fast (upavasamatrani tasya svaru. pam) enjoined for it; whereas in the Jayanti celebration, the erection of a shed, watching * Tatha cha smaryate (1 in Al., conf. D. 440; occurs in B. 606-6la, Skande after N.): ridhramdosah khaga (kharah, Al.)-kAkam syenanh cha munisattama manseth vd dvipadAm bhaktath (bhuikte, Al.) Krishna janm&shta midineill janmashtamidine pr&pte yena bhuktar, dvijottama (nara. ahipa, B.) trailokynsambhavam p¶ tena bhuktam dvi. jottameti (na samsayah B. N.) 13 Bhavishyatpurane (I also N.; 1.3 Bhavishyottare, R.; 1b-3 in B 63, 64, 654, 616, 622) krivane vahule pakshe Krishnajan m Ash amyratarn na karoti naro yas ta bhavati krQrarakshasa.b||1|| Krishnajan mash tamim tyaktva yo 'ayad vratam uplente n&pnoti sukritar kiihohid ishtApurtum AthA. 'pi va|||| varst.e-varshe tnya nari Krishnajanmashtami vrata na karoti mahalcrara (R., yat p&pt , B.) vyalt bhavati kanana iti | 3 | Skindapurane 'pi (ia, sab. 3a,"in D. 486, 424, 49, 50a): yo na kurvanti janantah Krishnajanm Ashtam vratar te bhavanti mabAprajna vykla (AL., M. omita) vydghra cha kinane | 1 || ratantiha purAnani bhayo-bhuyo mahamane atitAnsgatan tena (pitrito matritas chaira, D.) kulam ekottaraiatam 2 11 patitam narako ghore bhunjata (yo bhuikte, AL) Krish navlears (janmani, Al.) iti 13 # Vishnudharmottare Jayantim prakritya pathyate (lb in R. as from the sivarahasya) : yad Alye yach cha ksnm &re yauvane varddhake tathA vahujan makritam papam hanti so 'poshitA tithir iti Vahnipurane: Raptajan makritam p&par rajan ynt trividhar prinAm tat kahala yati govindas tithau tasyfin subh&rchitab | 11 upavisa cha tatrokto ma h&pata ka nanah Jayanty &r jagatipala vidhin na 'trs samsaya iti || Padmapurane pi: preta yonigatanath ta pretatram nkitam narail (ta yaih, R.) 1 yaih kriti s ravane misi ashtami rohini yuta | 1 | kim punar vudhayrona domena 'pi viheshata itil (here N. re. marks: romah somavara iti kechit, yuktan tu chandrodaya iti M. belongs to the kechit, conf. below, fol. 889.) Skandapurana 'pi (1), sa to arthan in D. 236, 24a): mshjay rthar kuru tsm Jayantim maktayo naghs ('thard, N.) | dharmam artham cha kama cha mokaham cha maniputhrava || 1! dad Ati vanehhitin arthan na 'narthamna 'tidurvalam (ye obA'nye 'py Atidurlabha, NK.) iti 1 2 11. Bhavishyottare Jayantikalpe (Bhavishye al., 8a. 68), 70a) prativarshavidhanena madbhakto Dharmanandana naro va yadi va nari yathoktam phalam #pnugat (labhate phalam, sa.) 1 | putrasantanam Arogyam saubhagyam atalam bhavet iba dharmaratir bhato(otva, Al. sa.)mrito vaikuntham &pnu. yad iti | 2 ||. 1 Vishnud harmottare : rohini cha yada krishne pakshe 'shta myam dvijot. tama Jayanti nama sa prokte sarvap pahari tithir iti il and in the same: prajapatyarkshasamyutA krish na nabasi cha 'shtami sopavaso bareh pujam tatra kritve na sidatill (the last hemistich in N., Bhavishyatpurdnat). Sanatkumarasamhitayam (v. 1 in D. 93): krinushva'yahito rajan kathyamanam maya 'naghar vanasye cha masaaya krishnashtamyer naridhips | 1! rohint yadi labhyeta Jayanti nama A tithir iti Skande: prajapatyena samyukta ashtami tu yada bbs. vetravane vahule si tu sarvap papranAsint 1 l jayar punyam cha karute jay&n panyflrin cha (Jayantim iti, R.) tam vidar iti | Satra kr Avana iti mukhyah kalpah nabhasya ity anukalpah. Conf. also fol. 836 iyam ashtami krishna pakshidimisavivakshaya bhadrapado bhavati, saiva "shtamt uklapakah dimisavivakshaya frarane bha vati, and fol. 18a : tathA, Jayantiprakarane smaryate:. mai bhdrapade'shtamym krishnapakabe 'rdharit. rake bhavet prajapater riksban Jayanti nAma sa smiteti: atrapi Jayanty & bhadrapad Antargatatram masas ya pur nimantatvarn gamayati. Conf. my Abh. uber die Naksha. tra II. 281, 342-5. Vishnurahasye: ashtami krishnapakahuya rohini-sikaha (without sardhs!)-sathyuta bhavet prausthapade mlei Jayanti nima e emritet | Vasishthasahhitaym (thus also K, Vishnupurane Sk.. but only 1): sravane v nabhas ye vd rohinisahita 'shtimt) yada kriebne narir labdbA A Jyantiti kirtit 1.1 || Sravane na bhaved yogo (in case), nabhaaye tu bhaved dhruvam tayor abhavo yogasys tasmin varsbena sambhava iti || 21. Purdndntaram : rohini chs yada kyiahne pakshe 'shtamy(th) dvijottama Jayauti nama sa prokta sarvap&pabara tithir iti For this there is only one quotation, without mention of the work: kovalen opa v faena tasmin janm dine mama satajanmakritat papan machyato na 'tra mariaya itil

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1877. through the night, distribution of images, &c. (mandapanirmana-jagarana-pratimddanadi) take place; he adduces for this (fol. 81a) several quotations from the works quoted before, with the exception of the Naradiyasasihitd, which after all are not very much to his purpose. Then on the fourth ground, according to which at the simple Janmashtami celebration only punishments for its neglect are threatened, whilst at the Jayanti special promises of rewards are also proffered for the celebration of it, the author, curiously enough, adduces no statements of the latter kind (conf., e.g., above, p. 163), but only threats of punishments in case of non-celebration,t particularly from the Skandapurana (fol. 81a). Lastly, the fifth ground is that in Bhriga the Janmashtami is mentioned together with the Jayanti, and therefore directly separated from it. On this the author (fol. 83a) determines the season of the festival more closely, and places it, or rather its determinative, the meeting (yoga) of the black eighth (either in Sravani or Bhailra) with Rohini, on the ground of corresponding statements in the Vasishthasarhita in the Vishnurohasya, Adityapurana, Varahasanhita, Vishnudharmottara (fol. 831), Yogasvara at midnight (ardharatrasya mukhyakalatvani), and, in order to be quite accurate, at one kald Go of a ghatika=8 seconds) before and after its; or also, as it is difficult to conceive so short an interval of time (kalaya atisukshmatvena durlakshyatvat) at a whole ghatika (24 minutes) before, and a half of the same after midnight, on the authority of * Purdne (Bhavishyapur., R.): tashtyartham Devakisunor Jayantisanjnakam (R. sambhavam, M.) vratam kartavyam vittaminena (chintama R.) bhakty bhaktajanair apiti lapaih saha, sk., bhaktajanair iti taih sahety arthah, R.) | Bhavishyottare 'pi (1-14 in su. 1. 156, 16: 3-4a in sa. 64bc): masi bhadrapade 'shtamyari nisithe krishnapaksbage (krishnapakshe'rdbaratrake, N.) saslike vpishardkiatha fikshe rohinisanjnskell 11 yogo'smin Vasudevad dhi Devaki'mAm aj janat | tasman m&m pQjayet tatra suchih samyag uposhitah 12 | brahnienAn bhojayed bhaktya tato dadyach cha dakshi. nam hiranya medinim gavo (accusative!) vedusi kusumani cha ! 3 11 yad.yad ishtataman tat-tat Krishno me priyatam iti ||411 Bhavishyad-vishnud harmottarayoh Jayantyn apavasa cha mahApAtalansanab arvaih karyo mahabhaktya pujantyaa cha kava iti | Vahnipurdre : krishn&shtamym bhaved yatra kalaika rohini yadi (smriti, N.) | Jayanti nama sa prokta uposhya sa (sh yaiva, K.) prayatnata iti | Smrityantaro 'pi prajapatyarkshagarhyukta aravanasy 'sitashsamt varshe-varshe ta kartavy, taahtyartha chakrapanina iti || Naradiyasarh hitayam Jayantim prakritya smaryate: aposhya janmachihnani karysi jagaranam tu yah ardhsratrayutAshtamyAzn so'avamedhaphalar labhed iti | + Jayantim pralaitys kasminschit purane (80cording to R., p. 30 Bhwishye) amaryato: akurvan y&ti narakan (nira yar yAti, R.) yavad indr As chaturdasoti Skandapurdre'pi (with 1, 3, 4a conf. D. 45abc, 46a, 482): kadrinnena tu yat pApam kavatsatasya bhojane tat papar labhate Kunti Jayanti vimakho narab || 1 || brahmaghnasya surpasya govadhe strivadhe 'pi va na loko Yadu ardala Jaya n tivimukhasya cha 12 || kriyahinasya murkhasya parannam bhofjatopi v na kritaghnagya loko 'sti Jayantivimakhanya cha | 8 yamssys vasam Spannab sahate narakim vyatham Jayantivfeare prapte karoty adarapuranam | 4 || sa pidyate 'tim Stran ta yamadataih kalevare yo bhujita vimudh&tma Jayantiv&sare nripeti || 5 | (The verse oocars in the same way also in D. 896-88a). Janmashtami Jayanti (rohini, K.) cha Sivaratris tathairs cha I purvaviddhi tu ( mu, Cod., pra, D., viddhairs, N.K.) kartavy& tithibhante cha paranam itil . In case, however, in this verae (as is done in K.) the lection Rohing in lieu of Jayant should be preferred, M. thinks that, after all, Rohint does not designate the star itself, but the lunar day (tishi) connected therewith, be. CAUNO the preceding and the following word have only this meaning. This variant is, moreover, of value, mit appears'& voucher that by the Jayant of the verse the festival in question of this name, and not another, which might otherwise be probable, is really meant (see & cognate text below, p. 166 in Al.). & Vasishi hasanhitayam (Vasishthah, R. N.): ashtami rohiniyukta nis yardhe (also N.K., nis&rdhe, R.) dris. yate yadi mukhyakala iti khystas (thus also K., kalah sa vijneyas, RN.), tatra jato barih evayam iti || Vishwarahasya (Bhavishyapurdne.Vishnudharmotta. rayoh, R. N. 37b, Bhavishyatpurandt, N. 260, Bhavishya, K. 23a, Vishnudharmottara, K. 22a): rohin y&mardharatre tu (cha, N.K.) yade krishnashtami bhavet tanyam abhyarchandchhaureh nam saurer, Al. R. N. K.) hanti papam trijanmajam iti | Adityapurane (Adipur R.; Agnipur K. according to Hemldri, under addition, namely of prefixing the following hemistich: rohinisan yutoposhya sarvAgbaugnavin Agint): ardharetr&d adhas chordhyam kalaya 'pi (VA, K.) yada bhavet | Jayanti nama si prokt& sarvapapapranAsiniti Vardhasanhitayam: sinhorke rohiniyukta nabhah (narh, R.) krishnashtami yadi ratr yardha purv¶ga Jayanti kala ya 'pi cheti | ratryardhe cha te purvapare cha ra opare, tayor gachhati vartata iti r A rag & ghati. kaya aaltyadhikakatatamo bh&gah (satayo bh&r&h, Cod.) kall taratA parimanena purvardhavasine uttarardh Adan cha vartmand grahitavy& Vishnudharmottare : rohin tsahita krishna mlei bh Adra pad o 'shtam! | saptamy&m ardbarat r&dhah kalayl 'pi yada bhavet 11. tatra jAto Jagann Athah kaustubhi harir Lavarah | tam evops Vaset kalam kuryat tatraiva jagaram iti || 21. [This passage is quoted in sk. under Janmashtami se occurring in the Agnipurana (see above): it is, however, on the other hand, by R. N. 27a as here, referred back to the Vishnudharmottara, by R. also more particularly to the Bhavishyapurdna and Vayupurana, both of which, however, read the second hemistich of the first verse (conf. supra, the quotation from the Adityapurana and the next following one from Yogisvara) ardhardtrod adha chor. dhvam; which latter lection indeed occurs also in N. 27b, where it is indicated as in the Bhavishye Vishnudharmottare.] Yogiavarah (whereby usually Yajia valk ya is meant, which, however, does not suit here) :-rohin isabita krishni mise cha sravade 'shtami ardharAtrad adha (as Adityapurana; R. p. 29 cites these verses from the Skanda). Sa eva (1.6. Yogisvara) pakshAntaram Aha: ardharktrad adhas chordhvam ekardhaghatikanvita rohinichtah tami grahy& apuvinavrat&dishy iti | M., however, explaina ekardho as if it contained two even. taalities : "either one gh. (before and after midnight), or half a gh. (before and after)." R., on the other hand (p. 29), as above. The verse occare also in D. a 81 with the variant: ghatikarohanvita'pi v..

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June, 1877.] ON THE KRISHNAJANMASHTAMI. 165 Yogisvara. The ritual prescription that at the Jayanti festival an arghya gift is always to be given to the moon, which term is on its part again limited to the rising of the moon, serves, on the authority of a passage from the Vishnudharmot- tara, T as a closer determination. If, however, Rohini does not meet the eighth exactly at midnight, it will suffice if this meeting occurs at any other moment either in the diurnal or noctur- nal portion of this lunar date: for this there are quotations from the Vasishthasanhita (fol. 84a) and from another Pura na. In a year in which anch a meeting does not occur at all, then not the Jayanti form, but the simple Janmashtami form of the festival is to be celebrated. But then also the midnight term for the tithi is kept. With this, inoreover, several specialities are connect. ed concerning the various possibilities of the beginning of the tithi, whether it coincides with sunrise, or occurs during the night, t &c. There are, moreover, yet other possibilities added for the Jayanti form (fol. 840), because the star Rohini belongs to those (see Ind. Stud. X. 306) the connection whereof with the moon lasts throughout 1} Nycthemera. The principal question after all is, How in all these cases is the fast to be placed ? As & closer discussion of these specialities here would carry us too far, I shall content myself with the subjoined quotations || from the Vishnurahashya (fol. 856), Adityapurara (fol. 856), Vishnudharma, Garuda-Padma-Brahma. vaivarta (fol. 86a)- and Skanda-Purana. After farther briefly elucidating a special heightening of the sacredness of the Jayanti celebration by quotations from the Padm (fol. 860) and Slanila-Purana, as well as from the Vishnuliarmottara, viz. in the case when it falls on a Monday (somavasara) or Wed. nesday (vudhavisara), the author turns in conclusion to the paranam, i.e. to the infringement of the fast enjoined by the festival on the day ardhartre tu yogo'yam t &r & patyuda y e tath niyatAmA suchih snatah pujarn tatra pravartayed iti Al. inserts between both hemistichs a third : Jayanti nama Bratris tatra jato Janardanah * Vasishthasam hitayam: ahoratrantayor (trattayor, Cod.) yogo 'tyasampurno bhaved yadimuhurtam apy ahoratro yoga chet tam uposhayed iti II. Puranantare 'pt:-rohint cha yada krishnapaksho 'abtamyin dvijottama Jayanti nima s prokta sarvapapabara tithih. (The following verse is, according to R., from Vasishtha): vasare & nisAyAr v& yatra avalp & 'pi (80 also K. yadi yukta ta R.) rohini | viseshena nabhomise (ai R.) saivoposhya manishibhir (80 also K., sada tithir R.) iti | The thirty days (tithi) of the lunar month are distributed in a constantly changing way among the c. 29 Nyethemers which are at its service : see more in my Abh. tiber das Jyotisha, pp. 43-44, Ind. Stud. X. 262.. . t tatrapi netarishtamfvad divase vedhah, kim ty ardhara travedbah tath cha tasminn eva parinantare (according to R. this is a Pardkaravachanam; Braleysivirte N.): diva A yadi vratrau na 'sti ched rohinikala ratriyuktam prakarvita viseshenendusamyutam itil anyatrd 'pi (D. 336-34): ashtami sivaratris cha hy ardha. ritrld adho yadi driyate ghatika yd, sa purva viddha prakirtitati || iti vedho nirupitab I suryodayam Arabhys vartaman ashtamt suddha, nisl. thad arvak saptamya kiyatya 'pi yukta viddha. Wherefore the rohinsahit& 'shtami is in the first place fourfold, -fuddha, viddha, fuddhadhika, viddhadhika; but each of these four species is again divided into three sub-species. | Vishnarahasye (smriti in R.): prej &patyarkah asamyukta krishna nabhasi cha 'shtam muhartam api labhyota eo 'poshy sumahiphala 11 muhartam wpy ahoratre yasmin yoktam hi labhyate ashtamy a rohin i.Tiksham, tam supunya upavased (30 also A., N. Vr.) ita | 9 || ... tatra ya parved yur eva rohiniyukta viddha dhika, tasyam pavasas cha "dityapurane (adipur", R.) smaryate : vin& riksharn na (riksbena, R.) kartavy navamisamyata 'shtami karya viddb'pi saptamya rohin isamyata 'shtamiti (also the Haribhaktivilasa, cited in sk., reads in the first padariks kena!) Vishnuwharme pi (rmottare in R.): Jayanti Sivaratriceha kheye bhadra jayin vite kritropavAsath tithyante tatha (tada R.) kuryat tu (cha R.) pranam iti! The examination of the Vishudharma, as it is one of the older dharnaist:8, would here be of special importance (conf. particularly also Buhler's remark in the Z. der D. M. G. XXI. 327): but according to R. it is to be read Vishudharmottare, whereby the quotation considerably loses in interest, as the uttara part of the Vishnudharma is evidently of a much later date than the Vishudharm itself. Garudapurane 'pi (Garulapurine-Vishnulharmottar. yok, R., p. 31, K. 3-16): Jayanty & m purvaviddhayam pavlath samacharet 1 tithyante votsavante va vrati kurvita paranam iti il (Thus Al., fol. 335, in our MS., also reads vrati kur whilst R., p. 82, has nirnayamrite tu pratikuutta paranam iti pathah. For votsa jante R. has afterwards the lection tarakante, but rejects it, because votsa vinte is said to be authorized by Hemidri, Nirnayampita, and Madhava. Padmapurane (the first hemistich_is, according to At. Brahmaviivarte; the whole verse D. 30): karya viddhi 'pi (viddhi yada ta D.) saptamy rohintsahit Ashtami ta. tropavasa i kurvita, tithibbantan (bhante, D.) cha para. nam iti Brahmrvaivarte : --varjaniya prayatnoua saptamisannya, tashtami sa sa-rkshA (sarikshi, Al. N. K.) 'pi na karta rys saptamisabita 'shtami (41. R.) aviddhayam tu sarksh.. yam jato Deva kinandana ital Skandapurane (slona-Brakmunivartayol R. p. 31): saptamisainyutashtam yum bhutva riksham dvijottama prajapatyam dritige 'hni muhart&rdham bhaved yadi tad Ashtayamikam jneyam proktam Vysdibhib pureti | Padmapurine : purvaviddha 'shtami ya tu ndaye (R. K.) navsmidine muhurtam api samyukta (also X, Stend 'pi R. N.) sampurna sa 'shtami bhavet || 1 kald-kishtha-muharta 'pi yade krishn Rohtami tithih! navamgam suiva grahya syat saptamisarnyata 'na hiti 21 We have already above (p. 168) the quotation from the Padmap. (pretayoni); but here yet a fourth homistich is added (...viseshata(): kim panar navamiyukta kula. kotyas ta muktideti Skandapurane (80 also N. 286, K.; Padmapurdna Al.; Brahmavo ivartah R.; the first verse in D. 28) udaye cha 'shtami kimchip davamt sakala yadi bhavet tu vu. dhasamyukt (sa budhavarena, D.) prAj ApatyarkahasambyatAll api varshasatena 'pi labhyate yadi va na veti Vishnud harmottare 'pi (in D. as 27). Ashtami vadhavarena rohinisahit yada bhavet ta manisardala kim kritair vratakotibhir ital

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* 166 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1877 following (paredyrs). The general rule is that termination of the paranam : both with the the paranam falls in the forenoon : consequent- production of all kinds of quotations, and in genly, as breakfast is here subjected to exception, eral in concert with what has been adduoed above it is strictly incumbent that it should not from Madhav a. Among others, a quotation take place as long as there is a remnant of the from the Markandeya is new :eighth (i.e. of the tithi) or of the star (bha, prajapatyena samyukta krishna nabhasi cha namely, rohini) (fol. 87a), but this again 'shtami Jayanti nama su prokta sa hy uposhya with the further observation that the paranam is mahaphaleti not allowed to take place in the night, but restrict- as well with regard to this context of the words ed to the day-time, so that in case either the tithit (though the first hemistich with the variant or the nakshatram should extend into the night, patyarlsha occurs, according to M.--see above, the paranam is, without reference to it, I to pp. 163,165-also in the Vishnudharmottara, and commence before, or at the termination of the together with pada 4, also in the Vishnurahasya), festival (utsavante) itself. S as in its being attributed to the Markandeya, The third work among those approximately whereby no doubt the Markundeya Purana is fixed in chronological order is the sort of ca- meant (but I have not found there any passage lendar handbook Nirnayamrita (see Verz. a. of the sort). Berl. Sans. H. S. pp. 331-2, Chambers 560 (fol. By tad uktam, among others, also the follow316-34), which was composed by order of ing new quotations are introduced :a Suryasena by Alladanktha (= Al.), probably rohini sanyuta cheyani vidvadbhih samupoin the fifteenth century, as it is quoted by R. shita | viyoge paranasi kuryur munayo brahma(e. g. vol. I. pp. 32-33 in the latter passage even vadina iti | hefore Madhava, immediately after Hemadri). and (conf. herewith the verse from Bhrigu in M. The representation of the Janmashtami there- above, p. 164) - in (in aravana) begins with numerous quota Krishnashtami Skandashashthi Sivardtri (6) tions, containing threats of penalties for those Chaturdast etah parvayuteh karyah tithyante who eat on the birthday of Krishna, und simi- | pararam bhaved itill Jarly disproportionate promises of rewards for and by Nigame 'pi: those who observe the fast. || A representation purvaviddhusu tithishu teshu cha eruvanari of 18 different ways, in which the festival vind Inposvya tithin vidhivat kuryad ante (ot day in its simple and in its Jayanti form may tadante, MS.) tu parana itil be related to the preceding and following No mention whatever is made of the ritual part date (the seventh and the ninth) as suddha, of the festival. viddha (see p. 165, n. t), &c., is appended to As the fourth among those fixed approxithis, as well as statements concerning the correct mately in chronological order, the Janmashtami * Brahmavivarte (Bhavishya-Vishnurahasya Brahmavaivasteshu R.), ashtamyAm atha rohiniyam na kuryat pAranann kvachit banyat parakritar karma apavis Arjitam phalam|1|| tithir ashtagunam hanti nakshatram cha chatargunam team At prayatnatab kuryat tithibh&nto oba paranam | 2 | + The beginning of tithi in the night is considered as of evil import (tamasa, doomed to darkness), that in the day w favourable (taijasa, light); tatha cho Brahmaydi. parto (fol. 876): arveshr eropavleshu diva paranam ishyate anyath & panyah&nih sad rite dharnnaparanat (dha. ranam niyamagrahanam, tatas cha 'grihtanaktavratasya rAtriparananishedhah E.) anyatithyagamo ratra tamassa taijaso divatAmase paranam kurrads tAnasin gatim asnuta iti (this last verse is according to R.N. from the Garuda Pur.) I One quotation (fol. 88a) eren excludes in general rohinf (the yoga of which occupies just 11 entire days) from any reference to this yAh Elechit tithayah proktah panys nakshatrasamyuktahrikehAnto parapan kuryad vindirvanarohinim (arty Ms.) iti. For this calendar-like representation of Madhava's, bonf. slao Wilson's statements in his Posth. Works (ed. Rost), I. 28-129; III. 70 (from the Padmapurana), 129 (from the Brahmavaivartapurana). The passages quoted for the threats of penalties are more particularly designated as franana, which at any r ate involvos a still more sacred authority for them than if they were designated only as smarana. Most of the quota. tions are known already from M. The following are new : Bhavishye 'pi (8. 686-75, with some varianta): prati. varshao vaikuntham Apungat (see above, p. 163)|| 2 || tatra divyarimanena vanhalakshamn Yudhishthira bhogan nsnavidhan bhuktva painyaaesh&d ihAgatah |3sarvakme. samsiddhe tu sarvaduhkhavivarjite sarvadharmayute PAr. tha sarvagokulasarnyate ||4 kule nipa varishth&nam Synte tridasopamah yaamin sadaiva dese ta likhitan va PAtarpitam ||5| mama janma dinam punyamsarySlamkaraobhitam pujynte Pandava reshtha janair utsavas10 - yutaib |16|parachakrabhayam ng 'sti kad&chin nripananda. na parjan Fah k&mavarshi syad itibhyo na bhayam bhevet [17|grihe vi pajate yasmin Devaky as charitam mama tatra sarvasamriddhih syin nopasargidikam bhayam iti 18|| and Skandapurane (at 2-3a, conf. D. 376, 381, 39a): vratenfradhya deveni Devaki sahitan harim tyaktva yamapathar ghorain yAti vishnoh param padam || 1 | Janmashtamiynikach ye vai prakurvanti narottamah karayanty athava lokan lakshmis (K.) tesham sada sthira || 21 smaranam Vasudevaaya mrityuksle bhaven nripa sidh. yanti sarvakaryani krite Janmashtami vrata iti | 3 |

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June, 1877.] ON THE KRISHNAJANMASHTAMI. 167 tattvam of Raghunandana (= R.) may described in a collection of passages from the follow, whom Buhler, in his Introd. to the Bhavishya and from the Bhavishyottara Purana, Digest of Hindu Law, p. X., lately edited at which, however, the author has not taken directly Bombay by him and R. West, assigns to "the from these texts themselves, but from other beginning of the sixteenth century."T This works, and partly from one which is called tattva is considered to be the eighth section Sariwatsarapradipa (the author of which is by of a large work printed at Serampore in 1834, Aufrecht, p. 386, designated as a prachinain 2 vols., under the title of Institutes of the gauda). This puju is said to be only an angam Hindu Religion, though it is only a separate or secondary member of the celebration by which portion of the seventh section of the tithitattva its meritoriousness is enhanced, whilst the chief (see vol. I. pp. 25-34). According to the plan of part of it (pradha, nam) is the fast, as set the whole, the festival is here also treated chiefly forth in a passage from the Brahmavaivarta, from its place in the calendar, yet the ritual also This is followed by a second and more detailis specially elucidated in the beginning. The ed description of the ritual of the festival, discussion begins with two verses from the first of the prayers, &c. to be addressed to the Brahma and the Vishnu Purana, relating to the god on the day before the fast, in quotations double month-date of the festival.* By means from the Garudal and Bhavishyottara Purana, of the passage from the Varahasainhita (see which are taken from the Rajamartanda, and above, p. 166), which claims the name Jayanti the Krityachintamani, and secondly, of the specially for the so-called variety of the festival formalities to be observed on the fast-day itself here discussed, R. then rejects the opinion from the morning, and on the day after it,* broached in the Dvaitanirnaya of Va chas- which are likewise described in quotations from pati Miera-conf. fol. 80a of the Oxford the same Purdnas (partly on the ground of their MS. in Aufrecht's Catal. p. 2736), according to mention in the Sarivatsarapradipa.) From the which this name would belong to each second middle of p. 29 the calendaric examination quarter of one of the twelve months in the case (vratakalavyavasthd) of the festival begins with of its conjunction with Rohini. Then follow the discussion of the correct time for the parasome verses, to glorify the miraculous power of nam. The quotations are essentially the same the festival, from the Bruhmavaivarta Puranz.t as in Madhava, but with the addition of a few According to the Garuda Puranat midnight more of the same kind from the Brahmandais the correct time for the worship (pujd) to be purana, Parasara, Vasishtha, Paithinasi, and paid to the god, the ritual of which is then Vishnu Purana. R. also assigns some verses He is similarly placed by Aufrecht, in his Catalogus, bhakty, vinopach Arena ratrauj garanena chal p. 2910, between A.D. 1130 (Rayanukata) and 1612 (Ka. phalat yachhati daityarir Jayant fvratasambhavam ||2|| malkara). According to Wilson (Posth. Works, I. 60), vittnsAthym akurvanah samyak phalam svapnuyat kur. Raghunandana lived less than a century ago" (this was vano vittasathyam tu labhate sadricam phalam 3l vins written in 1840) : but is decidedly erroneous (nor is the vratena pujad yangann vinA. number of his tattvas 18, but 28). Il tam ovopavaset kalam ratrsu kuryAch cha jag . That is, according as the month begins with the black Tam lekagrenaira bhAvena Vishnor n&manukirtanam | or the white half, it falls into the bhadrapada or into the anagharn varnanamo (0.44b). #ravana (nabhas); the former is the gama, the latter the Both works are several times quoted by R. (or mukhya manner (see above, p. 165). The quotations are rather, after him, by K. Bhd.): more about them is Brahmapurane : not known to me. On an evidently different work, Krityaatha bhadrapade masi krishnashtamyam kalan chintamani by name : see Ind. Stud. I. 60. yage | ashtavinzatime jatah krishno 'sau Devaki sutah | * In place of the great festifal to be celebrated on the asht'Avinsatime Sarvarni kamenyan, taraprathamaye morning of this day, yet before breakfast (pararam) in gapekshayeti seshah honour of Bhagavati (i... here of Devaki) R. has, on p. Vishnupurane mahamdyam prati bhagavadvakyam 29, a festival dedicated to Durg 8: paradine pratar bha. (Wilson, Vishnup. V. i. p. 499): gauantar yathdvidhi samp djya durgdyda cha mahotsa. pravritkAle cha na bhasi krishnashtamy&m aham vah karya toto brahmanan bhojayet. This is evidently nisi (mah&nisi sk.) utpatayami navamgar cha (tu sk.) a sectarian misunderstanding. For on p. 96 R. quotes the prasutin tvam av&payasi. Il very versen, O. 66. 60, which show plainly that by bhaga. + Brahmavaivarthah (as masc.!) wati here Devakt is meant. There are, after all these, still manvadidivase pr&pte yat phalath sn&napajanaih I phalam other Sriva alterations occurring in R. (see below, SS 3). bhadra pade'sh tam yam bhavet kotigunam dvija Thus Brahn Aindapurane (p. 30:tatha: asyatin tithau varimtran yah pitrinam praya. ek Adasisatad ryann adhikar rohinivratam tato bi dur. chhati Gayaraddhan kritam tena satabdam ni 'tra labham matrA tasyat yatnat samacharet) sama yah. Pardlara (p. 81) :-trisandhyavy&pin va tu saiya paya I krishnashtamyam tu rohinyam ardharatre 'rchanam Fada tithihna tatra yugmidaranam anyatra hari viisarit. hareh iti Garudat Then (see above, p. 166): Krishnashtami SkanBrahmavaivartah: dashash thi (on to) peranam bhaved iti | Vaishirinah vina vraten 'pi bhaktanarn vittavarjinam tha-BrahmavaivartaPaith inny-uktasy 'pyesha kpitenaivopaveena prito bhavati Madhavab || 1 || Ieva vishayab krishnashta'm i krishnajanm babtami other Sairbrunn Einda podnikami tohicharetta saire pour

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108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JONE, 1877. to other texts than M. (see the observationslationship,-the Vratarka of Samkara (= $.); above on the respective passages). Samkara being a son of the above Nilakantha The fifth place may be assigned to the Saint- (see Aufrecht, Catal. p. 2806, 281a; my Verz. yamayukha of Nilalantha (N.) the son of Sari- der Berl. H. S. p. 335). Whilst in the works karabhatta, who lived, according to Buhler (loc. hitherto mentioned-of course excepting Heracit., p. vui.) "about 1600 A.D." Here, too, the dri, who is, unfortunately, not at our disposalcalendar side of the festival is especially favour- the calendar part of the question forms the chief ed. A few new quotations, e.g. from the Skanda object, the discussion-we find here, in conand the Saiva Purana, are here added to formity with the character of the work, the those already known. According to the view ritual side of it specially advanced. Only of the author, in the first place the fast (upandsa) at the beginning of the detailed examination and the worship (puja) of the god are of equal (Chambers 83, fol. 137a to 151a = A., and import, both being (pruhanam) essential parts Chambers 64, fol. 1446 to 1600=B.) is the of the festival. At length he arrives at an calendaric question briefly discussed by the opposite result to that of Raghunandana, on author (in 4. to fol. 139a), or rather dismissed the assumption that the paja is the pradhanam, by him with a reference to the samayamayuand the fast, on the contrary, only an angam, Isha of his father (the views of the grandfather or secondary constituent part of the festival. are also alluded to). After this first brief Besides this no material difference appears in description of the ritual of the festival (jaromathe discussion of the calendaric relations, and shtamivrata paddhatih) as contained in the work the quotations are also the same. But that of his father from which it is entirely transcribed the author enters more particularly upon the re- (fol. 139a-141in A.), there follow three detailed lation of Jayanti to Mercury, or rather to the day metric representations of it :-first one taken of Mercury (Wednesday), and appeals to the ex- by Hemadri from the Bhavishya Purana (fol. planation of this which occurs in the Duait nir- 1416 to 145b =Sa.); then a second ( Sb.) maya.|| After this he turns against the supposition introduced by the words atha sisi tacharaprepta of Madhava that the simple and the Jayanti form katha, and indicated at the conclusion (fol. 1486) of the festival are to be considered as two differ- as taken from the Bhavishyottari; and lastly, a ent vratas, &c. This is followed by a description third (= Sc.), which is likewise marked at the of the ritual of the festival itself (janndahtanut. end as taken from the latter work, under the vataprayogah, 201. 30a-32a), with the insertion of special title jan mashtamivratodyapanam. More verses which we have already met in R. among on these three texts will be said in the course the quotations from the Bhavishya Purana and of this treatise. Garuda Purana. He closes with the examination Seventhly, the Nirnayasindhu of Kamalakara of the paranam-breakfast on the next day, with (=K.) composed AD. 161.2 (see Aufrecht, Cataconstant polemics against Madhava, into which logus, p. 280a ; Buhler, pp. X.-xi.), treats in dewe cannot enter more closely here. tail, in its second section (fol. 216 to 24b of the The sizlh may follow here on account of re- Bombay ed.), of the Janmashtami and especially skandashashth y adiskhacharyat, tithyante pacana- tad A Janmashtami khyata sampurna sa prakirti tal vidhinich cha atraiva vishaye tither astagimitve Vish- rohini-rikshagarhyukta Jayanti sa tu kathyate ! 211 nu pur&nam : Jayanti yadi labhyeta tatra punyarin na ganyata iti alabhe rohinibhasya karya 'shta my astagamint tatropavisam kritvaisa tithyante paranati smritam || Perhaps the following are still new : Vahnipurino: saptamisati yutashtamykh nisithe roFurther a quotation borrowed from the Sunwatsani. hini yadi bhavit sa'shtami punya yavach chandraliva pradtpa:--a ritrau paranam kury&l rite vai rohinivratatnisayam parannin kuryat varjayitva mahaniadm | karav iti The verae oocurs also in the Brahmandapierna (thus also and Bhavishye Vishnudlermottare che in K. Bhd. de. N.K.), but the wecond hemistich there is as follows: signated as likewise borrowed from the Vahi purana): samyoge ta rohinyan nisithe rajasattama samajhyata tatra nisy api tat karyan (kuryat N. K.) varjayitva mahanisam iti govindo valarupi chaturbhujah (janrdanah Bhul.) | tanmat (By mahanied the central point of the two middle yamas, tam pujayet tatra nisithe rajasattameti (yathavittanurapata night watches, is meant, according to K. 941: the Vriddha. iti; K. Bhd. breaks off with tatreti) satatapa understands by it two ghutild of it, and Girga The author of which he designates here by the name of both the middle prahura, madhyaman pralrad rayam). guru : praparichita charitadvyakhya duritanimaye guruI Skande: ashtami skrane misi krishnapakshe yada bhsret Kiahnajam Ashtami jneya mahapataka bhih. Accordingly, not the work of Vachaspati is meant niniti (see above, p. 167), but one of the same name by Samara, Saive purane fimichanam : arinu vatsa pravakshyami the father of Nilakantha, see Aufrecht, Catol. p. 281. (The ashtamibhelanim.yam kravade krishnapakabayasha. passage is cited more closely in 8. by iti pitama hecho. tishashtir yada bhavet | 1 0 Tandl.

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JUNE, 1877.] ON THE KRISHNAJANMASHTAMI. 169 in its calendaric aspect, with a thorough investigation of the controversy started by Hemadri and Madhava, whether the simple and the Jayanti form of the festival are two different vratas. The quotations adduced from the Puranas are mostly those already known, T but a few other works and authors are also added, e.g. Anantabhatta, Chuda mani, Madanaratna, &c. (see Aufrecht, loc. cit. pp. 277-280); the differing views of the Gau das and Maithilas are particularly reflected upon several times (once, e.g., in the following order : Madanaratn 1- Nirnayamrita-'nantabhatta-Gauda-Mai. thilagranthadishu). According to a statement in the Mudanaratna purporting to have been taken from the Vahni Purana, the festival may also be celebrated every month on every "eighth ;" whoever does this throughout a whole year is proprised an abundant reward.* The description of the festival itself (fol. 246-25a) is based on the Bhavishya Purana, or rather on Hemdri's quotation from it. The eighth place may be assigned to Bhattoji Dikshita's (Bhd.) Sankshepatithinirnaya (Chambers 625). According to Colebrooke's Misc. Ess. II. 12 (1801) the authorlived" between one and two centuries ago ;" and according to Hall (Index, p. 156) not much before A.D. 1676. He puts together the calendaric statements in a compressed form (fol. 9b to 10a), referring to the antagonistic views of Hem adri and Madhava in respect to the Jayanti (Hemddris tu : Jayantivratar na bhinnam.) The celebration of the festival is touched on but slightly by him, as he refers the reader to Hemadri. In the ninth place the Vrataraja (Vr.) of Visvanatha, composed at Banaras A.D. 1736, is at least briefly to be mentioned. The sectiont treating of the subject presents, however, almost nothing particular, but is, with a few omissions, or additions, identical with the corresponding passage in the Vratarka of Sarkara. whence it has been directly taken without acknowledgment. In the tenth place the description of the festival is to be mentioned which occurs in a ritual of the Vaishnavas, calendarically arranged bearing the name Masakritya (Ms.) (Chambers 282, Catal. of the Berlin Sanskrit MSS. p. 335). It is entirely of a ritual character (fol. 32-33), and breaks off abruptly. Here the Jayanti form of the festival is treated quite separately (fol. 250-26b = J.), and is placed, moreover, on the twelfth ; see the remarks made on this in the course of this treatise in connection with the statements from the Varaha Purana. The date of the work is not known. In the eleventh place, I mention the janmdshtami-vratodyapanum (Ud.), which treats ex. clusively of the festival in question, and which exists in a Berlin MS. (Chambers 606 f. fol. 9). without date, but evidently modern. It is composed in prose, of a purely ritual kind, and contains one reference to the Bhagavata. Conf. herewith what has already been observed in the 2. der D. M. G. VI. 93, Catal. of the Berlin Sanskrit MSS. p. 338. Devaki is, on the occasion of a paja dedicated to her, invoked under various names belonging to Durga, finally even as Durga herself. The twelfth place may be occupied by the Dharmasindhusara of Kasin athopadhyaya (Kd.), though composed only in A.D. 1790, but is highly valuable for its rich contents. Here the festival is considered in two parichhedas. fol. 176 to 22a of the Bombay edition ; first, namely, from a calendar view, with an accurate statement of the time measured by nadi and pala (to fol. 196), and then from a ritual aspect. In both respects the author adheres to the Among others also a quotation from the Brahmanda Purona (fol. 22a), utilized already by Hem&dri according to K. Bh., is new : sbhijin nama nakshatram Jayanti nama sarvari muhurto vijayo nama yatra jato Janardanah. Conf. with this Harivansa, v. 3320; the passage is of interest because it men. tions another nakshatra-Abhijit, rot Rohini-as that under which Krishna's birth took place (see below). Fur. tber, a few quotations from the Vahnipurdna, -thas, fol. 22a : Tretayam Dv&pare chaiva rijan Kritayuge tath& rohin sahita chegar vidvadbhih samuposhital and fol. 33a (after Hem&dri): atab paran mahipala samprapte tamase kalau 1 janmans VAdevasya bhavita vratam attamam. (It is surprising that K. quotes by the side of the Vahnipurna also the Agni Purana, both according to Hem&dri, --see here, and above, p. 164,--whilst under both names the same work ought to be understond; we are evidently to conclude front this that two each Puranas cxisted.) Lastly, a quotation from Vysa-janmishtamir purvaviddhim sarikshamn sakulam api vihaya navamim suddhim uposhya vratan achared iti * madanaratne Vahninrane: pratim sam cha te pujam ashtamyarn yah karishyati mama chaiva 'khilan kimin sa sampr&peynty asamsayarl tatha: anena vidhin & yas ta pratim sann nareavara karoti vatsaram purnar yavad Agamanam harehdadylchhayam (susampurnim gobbi ratnair alamkritam. Il It embraces fol. 961-1041 of the Bombay edition (on which see Z. der D. M. G. XVII. 782) and fol. 1810.1937 of an Oxford MS., on which see Aufrecht, Catalogtce, . 285a. I See 2. der D.M.G. XVII., 783-5.

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170 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1877. description given in the Kaustubha of Srimad. lized by M. at the end of the fourteenth century Anantade va$ (fol. 19a-216), or rather to the as sources for the celebration of the Koishnajanviews of Madhava, once with a polemic glance mashtami. And some of these books, such as at Nirnayasindhu (19a). He gives, however, the Bhavishya Pur., Garuda Pur., Vahni Pwr., also some new indications, e.g. he remarks that and Agni Pur., are traceable yet one century the festival is at present celebrated in the M&- earlier as already utilized in this manner by harashtra country under the name Gopa- Hemadri. Now it will, I think, not be going too Ja kala. The Purana quotations are wanting.llfar if we assign to a work quoted in the 13th and Lastly, I mention the article Janmashtami in 14th century, and claiming to be a Purana or vol. II. (1827) of Radh a kanta Deva's Smritisastra, an age from two to three centuries Sabdakalpadruma (Sk.), which however appears earlier, whence the eleventh century would be to be really only an extract from R. obtained as the period for which the celebration With this closes the series of works directly of the festival appears to be vouched for as car. fixed in a chronological order, or at least refer- tain. Moreover, the consensus of so numerous able to a certain author (whose name is, however, works of this kind leads us, after all, probably not known in the case of the tenth and eleventh). somewhat higher, since such an universal ac Now we come to the texts of uncertain times knowledgment of the festival appears to warrant adduced in the above-mentioned works as sources the conclusion that it was at the time of their for their own representations. These mostly be- composition a generally received one, whence long to the Puram literature, either directly, again the further suggestion presents itself, that or as quotations from the Agni (K. K. SL.), the institution, or rather the introduction of it, Aditya (Adi R.)-, Garuda-, Padma, Brahma belongs to & yet earlier time. (R. K.), Brahmavaivarta-, Brahmandi (R. N. In this respect notice is to be taken of the K.)., Bhavishya ("shyat M. N.)-, Bhavishyottara, circumstance that among the quotations adMarkondeya (Al.)., Vahni-, Vayu (R.)., (R.)-> duced as authorities the Bhagavata Purana is Vishnu (R.), Saiva (N.)-, Skanda-Purdna, or at entirely wanting. This is the more surprising, least works of a similar kind (which are probably as just this Purana, especially the tenth book to be considered as parts of partioular Purd. of it, constitutes the real text-book of the Krishpras), such as the quotations from the Naradiya, na sect. But according to all appearances the Varaha., and Sanatkumara-Samhita, and from the celebration of the festival does not actually Vishnurahasya. Besides, however, several works occur in it. From this the conclusion might apparently also belonging to the literature of perhaps be, ventured that the festival had no the Smritisastras are quoted, such as Parasara existence at the time when the Bhagavata (R., according to M. however the passage stands Purana was composed. Such a result, howparanantare), Paithanasi (R.), Bhrigu, Yogisvara, ever, falls to the ground simply from the circumVanishth(more strictly Vas. Samhita), Vishnu- stango that the grammariari V opadevadhama, and "dharmottara, Vyasa (K.) Now to whom Colebrooke, with Wilson and Burnouf, almost all these works, only those excepted for ascribes the composition of this Purara in its which I have just now adduced another author- present formi-was a contemporary of the ity within parentheses, have already been uti- author in whom we are able to point out the The sanskara kaustubha of this author (see Cat. of the from the Bhavishyottara, the citation from the Bhagavata Berlin Sansk. M88., P. 301) which I have before me, also is indicatod indeed as a part of the celebration itself, but ina Bombay (1861) edition (80p Z. der D.M.G. XVII. 783), there is no mention here, as in Ud. (M8.) of a descripcannot be here meant. Aufrecht (Catalogus, 972b) men tion of the festival in the Bhag., only some sayings, or tions also another work of this author, the title whereof rather sections, are ntilized for it. And the quotation in terminates also with the word kaustubha (rajadharna). Kl. only refers evidently to a secondarily added and onProbably he composed a larger work named Smritikai. important ceremony. stubha, of which both the above-mentioned ones are only The period of the birth is described in detail, X. 8, 1-8, Bections. but without giving any date; it is only mentioned that it We find several verses recurring in 0. sa., &c.; and took place under the star Rohint and at midnight: v. 1 on fol. 21b two entirely new quotations from the Agnipu- yarly evd 'rhjanajanmarksham (schol.: ajanan (sic!) rdna and from the Bhagavata (noe below, 62). ndrayandj janma yasya prajapates, tasya riksham, rohing The material of the Bhavishyottara Purdna ia by nakshatram) and v. 7 wisithe tama-udbhlte jdyamdne. Wilson (Vishnu Pur., ed. HAI, I. Iniv.) designated i refer But neither there, nor in X. 44 seq. after the death of able to a period "probably prior to the Muhammadan Kansa, at which time the Bhavishya texte place the insti. conquest." sloo the Agni Purdna belonge, according to its tation of the festival, do I find any remarks about it, materials, to the oldest Puranas, ibid. p. lsi. See Colebrooke, Misc. Ess. I. 104; Wilson, Vishnu Puru, Excepting the entirely modern texta Ud. (Ms.) and Ka. Hall, I. p. 1.; Burnouf, Bhdg. Pt. I. Pp. loiiff, xciil. In D likewise a secondary section parporting to be taken seq.

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JUNE, 1877.] ON THE KRISHNAJAN MASHTAMI. 171 first dated representation of the festival, namely, Hemadri, the author of the Chaturvargachin- tu manis. Therefore it must have been another reason which led to the omission of the festival in the Bhag. Pur.ll I would propose the following explanation - In the Bhag. Pur. we have the modern turn of the Krishna-cultus, which chiefly concerns the amours of Krishna, and where the mother of the god gradually retires in course of time more and more into the back. ground; whereas, on the other hand, as we shall see, in the celebration of the Janmashtami the mother comes specially into the foreground, - she plays a chief part in it, whereas no notice at all is, or rather can be, taken of the amours of Krishna, since he still appears as a babo at his mother's breast. I do not hesitate to notice here a particularly archaic moment of the celebration, the more so, since, as will appear further on, even here the endeavour has in course of time manifested itself to repress this side of it, and to offer the tribute of the celebration to the god alone, without his mother. Among the Puranas quoted as authorities for the festival, the Bhavishya (or Bhavishyat), and the Bhavishyottara Purana occupy throughout the most prominent position. With reference to the verification of the quotations in question, unfortunately, peculiar ill luck prevails. As far as in the first instance the Bhavishya Pur. is concerned, the Oxford MS. of it (see Au- frecht, Catalogus, pp. 30-33) breaks off in the representation of the Festival calendar just with the seventh (exactly like our MS. of Hemidri's Vratakhanda); the immediately fol. lowing section of the eighth, in which the Janmashtami celebration ought to be represent. ed, is wanting. Further, the Bhavishyottara Parana, evidently a supplement to it, is indeod before me in MS. (see Catal. of the Berlin Sansk. MSS., pp. 133-7), but contains nothing about this festival in the section treating of the festivals on the "eight." According to all probability, we have here to deal, however, only with an omission on the part of the copyist; for, according to Aufrecht (Catalogus, pp. 34-36), both the Oxford MSS. of the work actually contain a chapter on the Janmashtami, whilst our MS. gives in lieu of it a chapter on the sonmashtami, which is thus twice represented therein. For this a double explanation presents itself; the writer was either a Saiva, and therefore intentional. ly interpolated in lieu of the Krishna festival a Rudra festival (which the somashtami communicated by him is), or-as his name, Rii. maji contradicts this--the MS. from which he copied was defective. This defect appears, however, to have been noticed finally on the delivery of the MS., and the writer may have had to answer for it, because after the date of the copy has been stated, yet 7} verses more are added (see my Verz. der Berl. Sansk. H. 8. p. 137), which, although in an extremely unsatisfactory manner, really concern the Krishna festival, so that the suspicion arises that the On the probable difference of his personality from that of Vopadeva's patron who bore the same name, see what has been remarked above, p. 161. The synchronism of both men is meanwhile seoured otherwise, nor is it entirely beyond the bounds of possibility that an identity of personality may yet at last result. The author of the Chaturvargach.calls himself the minister of king "Mabddeva"; on the other hand, only later texts designate the natron of Vopaders as the minister of a king Ramachandra of Devagiri, but nothing of the kind is said by himself. That, however, at the time of the Chaturvurgach, one Bhagavata Purani already existed appears hy the quotations made therefrom, which occur in it (see, for instance, Aufrecht, Catal. p. 38b). Accordingly the testimonium a silentio cannot, as in this case, also be drawn from the non-mention of the festi. val in the Vishnu Pur. (according to Wilson, I. cxii. ed. Hall, composed about the middle of the eleventh century), or in the Harivanja In the Narada Parichardtra, e.g., Krishna is often re. presented as the son of Devaki. (see III. 8, 7. 12, 9. 14. 2. 37. 58. IV. 1, 19. 3, 130. 5, 29. 8, 33); she is, however, be. sides mentioned only once (III. 7, 32): allusion to Krishna's birth and childhood is, after all, made only occasionally in the enumeration of his epithets (IV. 1, 18 sep. ; 8, 14), as could not, of course, be otherwise expected in a work which essentially glorifies him in an esoteric manner 88 the highest god. # It might perhaps be supposed, as this occurs twice, that we have here an intentional omission from a stand. point inimical to Krishna (aee immediately, p. 172). But none of the other ashtami festivals have anything to do with Krishna Also the order of the other sections is different :Berlin MS. Oxford MS. Ch. 51, somdshtamf. Ch. 47, budhashtami (Berl. 34) >> 52, darvashtami. 48, janmashtam. , 53, krishnashtami., 49, ddrvashim (=Berl. 52) - 54, budhashtam. 50, krishnashtamt (=Berl. 53) 55, anaghashtam., 51, anaghashtamt- Berl. 55) 56, somdshtami. 52, somashtami (Berl. 51, 56) Both the representations of the somashtami in Ch. 51, 56 of the Berlin MS. agree considerably in the beginning, and more particularly in the seven first verses, but afterwards diverge. Ch. 56 has in general only 25 versos. Ch. 51, on the other hand, breaks off on fol.1416 in the 49th verse, so that the conclusion is entirely wanting, as fol. 143. begins with Ch. 52. The Krishnashtrim occurring both in the Berlin and the Oxford MS. has nothing to do with the god Krishna, but concerns a celebration, to be addressed on each second quatter of the moon during the twelve months of the year, to Siva under twelve different names (Sankara in Margafirsha, sambhu in Pausha, Mahesvara in Magha, Mahadeva in Phalguna, Sthanu in Chaitra, Stva in Vaisakha, Parupati in Iyaishtha, Ugra in Ashadha, sarus in srdvana, Trayambaka in Bhadrapada, Bhavs in Asvina, Rudra in Karttika; and, this celebration is considered to be a corofortable substitute for the Vedio sacrifices agnishtoma; do.

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. copyist has on his part needily stitched together these verses in order to make up for the blamed defect. However the case may be, the ritual texts beginning from Hemadri all unanimously point to the Bhavishya and to the Bhavishyottara Pur. as the chief sources for the celebration of the festival: hence there is no doubt that they are actually to be considered as such, and that accordingly the Oxford MSS. of the last-mentioned Purana justly contain the Janmashtami chapter as a portion of the work. For a copy of this chapter from both MSS. I am indebted to the kindness of one of my former students, Hermann Brunnhofer, residing at present in Oxford. Unfortunately both these MSS. are of recent date, the one (Wilson 126) having been copied at the end of the last century, and the other (Wilson 124) as late as 1826. They are also rather incorrect, but nevertheless closely agree with each other (=0.), both assigning to the chapter the same 67 verses. A comparison of their contents with other texts on the Janmashtami now before me in a detached form as sections of the Bhavishyottara, or rather the Bhavishya Pur., leads to the conclusion that it is, on the whole,--of course excepting very numerous differences in detail,identical with that text which Samkara (= Sa, or rather after him again Vrataraja Sv. 1) adduces after Hemadri from the Bhavishya Pur. (not from the Bhavishyottara Pur.), but in 78 verses.SS On the other hand, the two texts adduced by Samkara from the Bhavishyottara Purana (Sb., Sc.) have nothing in common with the Oxford text.|| Further, among the other texts of this kind occurring - = I These verses are: tasya vidhanamh vakshyami srinu rajan yathatatham | tasmin dine subhe pratah snanam karyam prayatnatab ||1|| na "lapet patitan papan tatha pashandino naran kum bba dvadas vai kary&(b) phalabhakshyaih samanvit Ah || 2 | tatha dampatayo (?) bhupa bhoja yetu ("yanta ?), dvij tayah (nomin.) | paridhapya vaatrai ramyais cha (an akshara too few) gavo deyab kritarchanah || 8 || sayya deya maharaja Devaki-Krishna-samyuta | padani cha nrivamgani(?)dey Ani vidhivat tatha || 4 || panchavarnam mayam karyam mandalam sarvatah-samam suvarnam kamchanam gavo viensi vibhidhani (sic!) cha 15|| parana()-divase rajan data vyam fubham ichata | bhojayitva dvijan bhavyan tebhyo dey & cha dakshina || 6 etat kritva maharaja na bhuyas te 'nayo bhavet kritva krishnashtamim rajan vidhanasahitam pura 170 munayo brahmana bhupah param nirvanam Ayadhuh (Ayayah) iti krishnashtami vidhanam The tasya and tasmin in the beginning of these verses. are characteristic, as they point to a preceding question which had probably been addressed to the unfaithful copyist. The statements themselves, partly composed in a barbarous style, bear only scanty relations to the other data on the Janmashtamt, and are, characteristically enough, limited to the gifts to be presented to the Brahmans. [JUNE, 1877. separately in the Chambers collection, and designated in their final signatures as having been taken from the Bhavishyottara, there is, firstly, one which in reality almost wholly corresponds with the Oxford text (Chambers 724 = C.), and further a second (Chambers 793t = B.) which shows at least in the first ten of its 87 verses close relations, whereas afterwards it differs entirely, and shows again a few closer points of contact only in the description of the festival itself. These latter coincidences then occur again also in the third text of this kind (Chambers 816 = D., written A.D. 1654), and are therefore evidently to be recognized as a common original stock; as to the rest, however, this third text is quite different from the Oxford text, whilst on the other hand some verses of it recur partly in B., and partly in Sa., Sb. Now the question is how this discrepancy is to be explained. In the first place, by the fact that the Janmashtami appears to have been treated in both works,-in the Bhavishya as well as in the Bhavishyottara Purana, and that in consequence of the similarity of names and the identity of the subject, in citations as well as in larger independent extracts from these two works, the confasion of the one with the other easily arose. Further, particular stress is doubtless to be laid also on the circumstance that all the Purana texts in general are, so to speak, in a fluent state, easily allowing of interpolations as well as of alterations; especially it may often have been the case that refuge was taken under the authority of the name of SS They correspond as follows: 0. 436-45. 19a. 216. 236. 0. 1. 2. 36-5a. 56-8a. 96-11a. 12. 136. 14a. 15. Sa. 1. 8. 2. 4. 5-7. 8. 9. 10. ETFLEE 45b-47. 476-51. 24-29. 52. 0. 256. 26b. 276. 28-33. 34. 346-36. 876. 386. 11. 12. 15. 31a. 32-343. 37a. 39a. 38. 53. 54a. 546-60. 61. 63. 16. 20. 21. 22. 237. 236-25a. 13. 14. 39. 16. 40. 41. 66-67. 44.45. 40. 41. 17. 18. 42. Accordingly the following verses are peculiar to 0.:3a. 8b. 9a. 11b. 18a. 14b. 17-19. 26a. 27a. 37a. 38a. 43a. 46. 62. 64. 65. and Sa. alone has the following verses:196. 20. 21a, 22. 23a. 30. 318. 345. 35. 36. 376.396. 42. 43. 56. 58. 60. 61. 68. 70-73. 75. 76. In the Vratardja (v. 2, 3), indeed, the second of them (Sv. 3) is at the conclusion designated as taken from the Bhavishya, not from the Bhavishyottara. No source whatever is given at the conclusion of Sv. 1 and Sv. 2, so that Visvanatha appears to have considered all the three texts as taken from the Bhavishya.-No reference to Hemadri occurs in Sb., Sc. 46. 47. 48. 49-55. 57. 59. 60a. 62-67. 69. 74. 77-78.

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ON THE KRISHNAJANMASHTAMI JUNE, 1877.] some Purana for sectarian purposes, and that any special elaboration by utilizing older constituent parts was perhaps bluntly designated as a section of such a Purana. Hence it will always be necessary to be very cautious in using texts of any only so-called Puranas, in their final signatures; and only such passages of this sort as may be supported by being quoted as parts of a particular Purana also in other works can with certainty be used as being original.P Now if we compare the quotations adduced in the ritual texts from the Bhavishya (Bhavishyat M., N.), and the Bhavishyottura Pur., with those texts just purporting to belong to these Pura nas (0, Sa., C., B., D., Sb., Sc.), it first appears that a not inconsiderable part of those quotations does not occur in them. This, at all events, may very likely be attributed to the fact that they may have been taken from the yet wanting Janmashtami section of the Bhavishya Pur.; though of course yet other circumstances may have cooperated to effect this. Further, those quotations which can be identified, though with numerous and considerable variants, yield the following result: The far preponderating number of them is taken from O., Sa., C., mostly indeed from the verses common to these three texts; some, however, also from verses peculiar either to O. or to Sa. (C. has but few of this kind). Also from B. a few verses are quoted; also a certain number of verses from D.; the latter are, however, mostly attributed directly to other Puranas than to the Bhavishya, or Bhavishyottara.+ Lastly, of Sb. and Sc. I find no verses at all quoted which are peculiar to them alone. Or, in other words, O. Sa. C. are really ancient Bhavishya or Bhavishyottara texts. B. D. Sb. Sc., on the con But with reference to these latter passages a peculiar circumstance is not to be overlooked,-the fact, namely, that, considering the large extent of the Puranas, complete copies of these works are not very frequently to be. met with, which is manifest simply from the circumstance that several authors of ritual texts (R., S., K.) often expressly state that they have not taken their quotations from the respective Purana themselves, but from other works. How easily in this way might false coin also obtain currency Corresponding to this, we have already, several times above, observed that the same verse is by various authors attributed to different Puranas. Al. quotes, e.g., the verses S1. 686-75 together.-In one case some verses which occur only in sv. I (15b, 16 ibid.) are quoted already by M. (81a). Thus M. attributes the verses D. 23b. 24. 23. 42b. 45bc. 463. 47. 436. 49. 50%. to the skanda (likewise Al. the verses D. 376. 382. 39a; it is in fact Skanda who appears as teacher in D., see below), further D. 93 to the Sanatku marasamhita (Sanatkumira recites the verse to D.), D. 326. 33a to Bhrigu, D. 31 to Yogisvara, D. 27 to Vishnudharmettora, D. 30 to Padmapur.; D. 17a. 336. 34a are quoted 173 trary, are, in comparison with them, of secondary origin, although they contain ancient portions. Now, as these texts on the Janmashtami celebration which are assigned to the Bhavishya, or the Bhavishyottara, constitute in reality the chief basis of our knowledge of this festival, I think it proper, before I proceed, to examine them individually according to their principal features. 1. In Chap. 48 of the Bhavishyottara Purana in the texts of both the Oxford MSS. (= 0.) compared with Chambers 724 (=C.)SS and Samkara's Vratarka, fol. 1416-1456 (Sa),|| Krishna himself instructs Yudhishthira on his own establishment of the festival of his birth-celebration (Janmashtami) which ensued after Kaisa's death in Mathura. He had instituted it on the occasion when, taken into the lap of his mother Devaki with tears of joy, and tenderly embraced by his father Vasudeva. for the sake of the people arriving in rejoicing crowds, and, at the fervent requests of all castes. also of Sudras and other believers (dharminch). he had ordered it to take place (vv. 11-19), at midnight the eighth of the black half of Bhadrapada, whilst the sun is in Leo, and the moon in Taurus (Vrishi), or more definitely in the prajapatya riksha (i.e. Rohini, Aldebaran). At Yadhishthira's request (vv. 20-21) Krishna then explains to him the details of the celebration. The same begins with taking the vow to fast at the break of the day in question, after the necessary cleansing of the teeth (80 that no remnants of food are left on them); at noon a bath in pure water, in a river, or elsewhere; then the erection of a beautiful inlying-house (sutikagriha), provided with all by him without special statement whence they are taken. merely by purane or anyatra 'pi. Also the verses elsewhere quoted from D., namely, 112. 1146-118. 129-131. 138, are all adduced (especially in Bhd. Ms., only 115 also in K., and 133 in RNK) without giving any special source (therefor not as taken from the Bhavishya). On Chambers 724, 793t, and 816 conf. also the communications already made by me in the Z. der D. M. G. VI. 93-97, and in the l'erz. der Berl. S. H. pp. 338-340. SS Viz. of the 2nd section of the MS. A section in prose but mixed with 20 verses, mostly again occurring in D. precedes (to fol. 3a Ca), which contains another representation of the worship (pujavidhi) to be addressed to Krishna. Some of these verses ought to have found a place again also in the 2nd section (which I call C.), but are wanting; these are the verses 446-52 of the Oxford text. In consequence of this and of some other differences.. C. has only 62, not 67 verses. | Vrataraja, fol. 99a-100b (sv. 1). Conf. K. III. 1, fol. 6a, Samskarakaustubha fol. 56a, Ka. III. 1, fol. 186.

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174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. appurtenances of ornaments, amulets, &c. for Devaki in the shape of a cow-stall, or rather shepherd-house (? gokulavat), filled with shepherdesses. In the centre a couch (paryanka) on it an image of Devaki as just delivered, slumbering, with Krishna likewise sleeping as a suckling on her breast. Also Yasoda is to be represented as just delivered of a beautiful girl (prasutam varakanyakam). Gods and genii of every kind are to be represented as soaring in the air. Vasudeva armed with sword and shield stands at hand; likewise singing Apsarasas and dancing Ganlharvas. Also the snake Kaliya is to be pourtrayed in its Yamuna bed. Then follows an adoration of Devaki (vv. 38 seq.) with fumigation, fruits, delicacies, and flowers, whilst certain formulas are recited, which are omitted when the celebration is carried on by women or Sudras. According to the view of some (vv. 43 seq.), an honour-gift (argha) to the moon is added to this, when it rises, and is offered to it after prefatory name-prayerst and consecrated presents to Hari (Vishnu), with a consecrating formula invoking the moon in connection with Rohini (v. 52). At the same time the god himself (i.e. Hari, strictly Krishna), the moon with Rohini, the parent-pairs Deva k iVasudeva, and Yasoda-N anda, as well According to C. Sa also the sleeping watchmen of Devaki, the servants of Kausa, are to be represented, as well as the various Danavas, whom, according to the legend, the child Krishna had vanquished. Name-prayers (nimamantra) are repeated by mentioning a deity's name followed by an exclamatory salute to the same. The consecrated gifts here consist of bath-water (snana), of the honour-gift (argia), flowers, &c., sandal. wood, incense-victuals (naived yo), and couches (ayana) S., vay a, () It is to be made one hand high and quadrangular (sk.). On the ere tion thereof by means of the pancha bhusimskaras, see G. bhila I. 1. 9. 10, and Stenzler, De Domesticis Indorum Ritibus, pp. 12 seq. (Bresl. 1860). $ Vasordhard means literally "a pouring of riches." A ceremony of this name plays a special part in the Vedic itual, namely in the Sotorulriyan belonging to the ani rayanm. The offering above is evidently an imitation of it just as the form of some of the mantras also is adapted that of the mantras of the Satirudriyam). il Vardhapanain is used here in the text itself (OC. 10b. 11a. B. 8) in this general signification: yasmin dine praAte 'yam Devak toh janardana tad dinam dehi vaikuntha kurmo vardhapanamh tava sa. 9 has in the last pad-kurmas tutra mahotsavam. According to Chamhers, 362 (Verz. d. Berl. S. H. p. 314), vardhapanam is the name for a certain benedictory ritual of the birthday (janmadinakrityam), which is in the first year to be performed very month, but after that every year; conf. the detailed description in K6. III. 1, fol. 326, where it is explained as Ayurabhioridahyarthan earsheriddhikarm. R p. 27, lastly, explains the word. but probably erroneously, directly hy nadichhedanam (so also the Sk.) by which evidently he cutting of the navel-string is meant. of Manu, II. 29, pran nabhivardhanat punso jatskarma vidhiyate: also NC. [JUNE, 1877. as Baladeva (Krishna's brother), are placed on a sacrificially arranged spot, namely a heap of earth, sthandila, and worshipped. At midnight, the moment when Krishna's birth took place, a ghi-present, called vasordhara, is sacrificedSS; next follows the birth-ritual, called vardhapanam, the adoration of the goddess Shashthi, and also in the night the ceremony of giving the name. Then at the break of day on the ninth, in breaking the fast, just as great a feast (mahotsava) as to "me" (Krishna) is to be offered to Bhagavati (Devaki), in connection with abundant feeding and largesses to the Brahmans, who are afterwards to be dismissed with prayers to Krishna. The conclusion (beginning from v. 60) consists of high promises to those who thus understand how to celebrate the mother and the son, and who hold the Janmashtami either themselves in their own houses, or at least participate in its celebration by others. (2) Chambers 7934 (B.), in 87 verses. The beginning (to v. 10) agrees essentially with the Oxford text (as far as v. 14).* But in place of immediately entering on the description of the festival, Krishna here first premises (vv. 1i-36) a condensed history of his birth, and of the events following thereon, till the death of Kansa. Then follows the special statement in their prose portions place a particular stress on the nalacheda. Shashchi is the tutelary goddess of the sixth day, which. is particularly critical for infants,-see Ind. Stud... IX. 100; Verz. der Berlin sansk. H. p. 314; Wilson, Posth. Works. ed. Rost. II. 192,-A passage quoted after Apararka from the Brahma Pur. conceives the name quite differently, namely, as "the sixth" of the so-called junmada devatas, the birth-protecting goddesses: the four first are the four phases of the moon under their feminine names: Raka. Anumati, Sinivdit, Kuhu; the name of the fifth is said to be Vataghni, removing disorders from wind. This is probably an erroneous idea; the passage is kanya chatasro RAkadya vataghni chiva panchimi | kridanartha cha bAlandi shashthi cha sisurakshint. The MSS. correspond with each other as follows0. B. 0. B. 0 B. 1 6 4 10b, 11a 8 26 7a 5a 136, 14h 9 31 86, 9 6 14a 10 1 "The gods, vexed by Kansa, came (for me) to Vaikuntha, and brought information about his keeping his sister Devaki imprisoned, who was married to Vasudeva son of the sari Yadava, and that he had, on the strength of a prophecy that her eighth child would kill him, slain already six. Here on I resolved to enter into Devaki's lap myself, and ordered Maya to take birth in Yasoda, the wife of the cow herd Nanda. After my birth in the eighth month I showed myself first to my astonished parents ia my true Vishnu form, and then ordered Vasudeva to exchange me for the girl just born on the other side of the Yamuna in Nanda's ahepherd-house (gokula). The watchmen became insensible. The bolts of the apartment opened spontaneously, the Yamuna allowed Vasudeva to pass through her waters. After the exchange, the girl, now reposing on Devaki's couch, cried loudly. The watchmen awoke. Kansa arrived. 2a 4a

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ON THE KRISHNAJANMASHTAMI. JUNE, 1877.] of the date of the birthday (vv. 31-39). To this are added glorifications of the festival-celebration (vv. 40-66), especially under the name Jayanti. Already the kings of antiquity from Ambarisha to Sumantu, and the old rishis and sages from Vasishtha to Valmiki (kritan Ramayanam yena vishnos charitam uttamam), have kept this festival. Threats to him who does not fast on that day, or keep the festival (vv. 60 seq.). The description of the celebration itself (vv. 67-82) is very brief, but agrees pretty closely with the Oxford text.SS The statement that at midnight a cow rich with milk is to be given away with her calf (v. 80) is new; and that this is to be followed by songs, music, dancing, and listening to the narrative of Krishna's birth. The vardhapanam &c. follows only after this. The conclusion (vv. 83-87) consists of new promises for the celebration of the festival; and their 'purport, as well as partly also the context, agrees closely with the final verses of the Oxford text. (3) Chambers 816 ( D.) in 173 verses; written A.D. 1654. Instruction of Narada by Brahman on the greatness of the Jayanti festival. First its glorifications to v. 23, whereof many verses are identical with B. (4). Then (till v. 34) various calendaric determinations (asita sravane 'shtami, Wednesday, and rohini), among which there are many verses occurring in M. but quoted from other Puranas (see above, p. 173). Again promises for the celebration, and on the other hand threats for non-observance, of the fast (till v. 54). Next follows a legend about the mighty king Harischandra whom Brahmarshi Skanda, or, as he is also called, Sanatkumara, informs about the reasons of his glory, which is inconceivable to the king himself; stating that having formerly, in an earlier birth as a Vaisya in Kanyakubja, been suddenly seized with religious zeal at the sight of the preparations (vv. 82 seq.) for a celebration of the Jayanti festival at Varanasi, arranged by unning quickly, snatched it from the mother, and smashed it against a stone. But it rose as a shining lightning form into the air, exclaiming to Kansa, Thy slayer liveth," and disappeared. I then grew up among the pastors, slew nany Daityas, and have to-day, in the eighth year from my birth, slain Kanaa." The "slaughter of the innocents" is not mentioned here. (Couf. Harivansa 3311 seq.; Vishnu Pur. 5, I'; Wilson, pp. 491 seq.; Bhagavata 110, 1 se1.) 10. 16, 17; here, however, we have srvasya 'sitishtamyom budhirre rdharatrike, whereas there asi bhadrapade 'shtamyam krishnapakshe 'rdharatrike. SS The MSS. agree with cach other as follows: Chandravati, the daughter of the Kasi king Indradyumna, he had gratuitously given away for it flowers, and had also kept the fast itself. At the question of Harischandra about the way and manner of this celebration, he then gives him the details of it (vv. 92-150), partly analogous with the statements of the Oxford text but also with considerable variations. After the bath about noon, first a pitcher (ghata) adorned with five jewels and filled with holy water is to be set up, and over it a vessel (patram)" made of gold, silver, copper, or plaited of reeds, and on this again a golden image of the god is to be placed which represents him as he sucks the breast of the mother, presses the nipple with the hand, and often lovingly looks up to the countenance of the mother. Only now, and not before, the lying-in house of Devaki is to be erected, in order thereby to represent by it the history of the Hari race as well as the shepherd's house. Then Hari is to be honoured with flowers and fruits under recitals of the (Vedic) Purusha sukta. In a flower-arbour (pushpamandapika) song, music and dancing takes place. The thousand-name prayer is to be recited, the "liberation of the elephant," the acts of the Vishnu-(-Krishna-) child, and the various Avataras are to be narrated. In the night, prayers follow to Devaki, who is to be considered equal to Aditi (111-116), and to her son Hari (117-125), as reposing in the lap of his mother (matur utsangasamsthitam, 118), and to be honoured by all kinds of consecrated gifts (perfumes, &c.). Also the name-prayer is to be addressed to the Govinda placed on the copper vessel (patre tamramaye sthitam, 126). When the moon rises, an argha-gift to Krishna and Devaki is presented, which consists of a cocoanut and a shell; and then a similar present to the moon, consisting of water with flowers, roasted barley, and sandal placed in a shell. (The birthritual about midnight is not mentioned here.) (). 22 2:3 23 175 0. 336 39a 55a B. 0. B. 676, 68 284 746 42 295, 30. 71, 72a 695, 70 326 73a but of course with all sorts of variants. Conf. particularly vv. 83b, 84, 85, with O. 65b, 64b, 63. The MSS. correspond with each other as follows:B. D. B. D. B. D. 43-45 3-5 50, 40a 95 10 52-56 18-21 46a 65 51 136, 14a 58 48 7 B. 74a 776 826 22 gajenimsya cha mokshanam, see Catal. of the Pet. MSS. 14 (as a portion of the Mahabharata); Aufrecht, Catalogus, 5a, 16b, also chap. 84 of the Vamana Pur."

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Then the night is further to be spent in all kinds of amusements, dance, music, song, &c., listening to the history of Devaki's son, especially to the Harivansa and the Bhagavata (137). Rich presents are due to the reader (vachaka). At daybreak the prayers to mother and son are repeated. After having fed, and given presents to the Brahmans, the landlord himself eats, with his family (150). Then Sanatkumara terminates with renewed promises for the celebration of the festival (till v. 160); and after this Brahman first makes a few calendaric statements (161-165), and then terminates by again praising the greatness of the festival. (4) Samkara's Vratarka (= Sb.) fol. 145b1486,+ in 81 verses. After the termination of the Bharata fight, Yudhishthira turns to Krishna with the request to communicate to him, after imparting so many benefits and instractions, also the Janmashtami-vratam. Krishna begins with the history antecedent to his birth, and narrates how the earth, tormented by Daitya hosts, had turned to Brahman for protection, and that the latter, accompanied by all the gods, had departed to Svetadvipa, in order to represent to him (to Vishnu) this suffering of the earth. That he had then promised his aid, and had, according to a promise formerly made to Vasudeva and to Devaki, taken up his abode in the womb of Devaki (v. 18), whilst Yogamaya had done so in that of Yasoda. The further narrative is entirely as in B., although in quite different words. After the disappearance of the girl in the air, Kansa being frightened, ordered a general slaughter of infants (valanam kadanaya), in order thus, possibly, to annihilate the new-born foe announced to him. Kansa's servants execute his command. He himself, however, growing up in the cowherd's house (goku(a), eluded all persecutions, slaying the wicked Patani,SS as well as other numerous servants of Kaisa, and lastly him also (v. 44). Joyfully saluted by his parents, and requested by the people streaming by in festive joy, he then Vrataraja (sv. 2), fol. 100b-1026. I It appears from v. 34 that the parents of Krishna were fettered after Vasudeva's return the doors closed themselves, and the fettera were as before, dvdrani pikitany daan purvavin nigadam tatab. 3 Aham cima gokule sthatva putanam balaghatinim stanam datuh pravrittam cha pranih samam asoshayam 42 | In Bhavabhati (Malatimadhavs 69, 14. 15. 70, 8 vitana m. f. appears in an appellative sense (putidus) as a ame of the spectres haunting cemeteries. [JUNE, 1877. explained the celebration of his birth-festival as follows (vv. 52-62). The following very laconic description is limited to the bath, the fast, the erection of the shed (mandapa, sutikagriha; then some particulars are given as to the arrangement and fabrication of the images of the holy family), the watching through the night with song, dance, &c. The performance of the birth-ritual is touched upon quite briefly,-puranaih stotrapathais cha jatunamadishu 'tsavaih); the argha-gift and the moon are not even mentioned. In the morning the fast is broken on feeding the Brahmans. After two verses in glorification of the festival, a legend follows to the same purpose (vv. 65-78), about Satyajit, the son of the Anga king Amitrajit, who had by connection with heretics (pa. khandaih) becoine an unbeliever, and then, after long heavy infernal punishments, roaming about in the form of a Pisacha, having been wholly exculpated by accidentally witnessing a celebration of the Janmashtami and listening to it, and had found direct entrance into the Vishnuworld. In conclusion two verses more are added in glorification of the festival, and finally the question is put to Yudhishthira what more he wished to hear. (5.) Ibidem (= Sv.), fol. 1486-151a in 55 verses. This piece directly follows the preceding one ;* the first verse especially, in which Yudhishthira announces his wish to be henceforth instructed concerning the udyapanavidhi by which "this vratam" is fulfilled, is probably meant as his actual reply to Krishna's question in the last verse of Sb. Krishna now gives, first, extensive details on the preparations for the festival. In the middle of a spot of the size of a cowhide, a circle is to be drawn where the gods (idols) Brahman, &c. are to be set up and worshipped. There a shed (mandapa) is to be erected of plantain-tree trunks-the sutikagriha of Devaki is not mentioned; in the circle a copper or earthen pitcher is to be placed (see above in D.); on this a vessel (pa Kadachid daivayogena mama janmashtamidine | kriyamanam mahapajam vratibhir munibhir dvijaih || 75 || ratrau jagaranam chaiva namasamkirtanadibhih dadaris sarvam vidhivach chhusrava cha hareh kathah || 76 || In the Vrataraja sv. 3), fol. 1025-104a. In the Vratardja, moreover, it is not even separated from it, but follows in immediate connection. In 3., however, 86. terminates with the subscription iti, and sec. begins anew: atha janmashtamiuratodyapanam.

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JULY, 1877.] ON THE KRISHNAJANMASHTAM 177 tram) of silver, or plaited of reeds, and upon it the god (i e. image of Krishna) wrapped in a gar- ment is to be placed (v. 10). Then follow 16 upacharas, i.e. sacred formulas,t and gifts to Krishna, who is to be served as a beloved and honoured guest. This is followed by the worship of the persons forming his suite &c., by name-prayers (vv. 27-28). After this comes (till 33) the offering of incense, candles, delicious victnals (naivedyam), betelnuts, fruits, the fee for sacrifice to the priests, and lastly the lustratio (nirdjanam). To this new prayers to Krishna are added. When the moon rises, the argham to the moon follows, after Krishna and Devaki have previously received the like (37-43 entirely as above in D. 127-134; and a portion of the verses likewise as in 0.). The birth-ritual is manting. The night is to be watched through, with song, dance, &c., as well as by listening to old legends. At the grey of morning (pratyushe), a bath, a gift of milk &c. are presented to "the lord of the world," as well as 108 ghoe-offerings, &c. connected with the Purushas ukta. Next the "teacher" (dcharya) is to be honoured with ornaments, clothing &c.; a brown cow (kapild) with her calf (conf. here with above, B. 80), richly adorned with gold, jewels, &c., is also to be given to him, or if none of the kapila colour is to be had, another cow (v. 50). After further rich presents to the Brahmans, who are besides to be festively fed, the landlord may himself eat, with his family. Apart from the above-treated Bhavishya texts on the Janmashtami, I have at my disposal another text of this kind from the circle of the Puranas, purporting to be taken from the Vishnu Purana, which I therefore append in this place. I mean the brijanmashtamidratakatha, Chambers's collection 640 (=Vi.), in 130 verses (to fol. 6a); annexed to it is yet another piece, in 75 verses (till tol. 8a), called janmashtamiuratodyapinavidhi, for which no special Purd na is mentioned as a source. I have already reported in the z. der. D. M. G. VI. 92, and Catal. of the Berlin MSS. p. 337-on the first piece, which appears in the form of a narrative of Narada to Indra, and have observed that neither in Wilson's translation of the Vishnu Purana, nor in the MS. text of it (Chambers 799), anything corresponding to the order and words of this piece occurs. The contents of it are, however, closely related to Vishnu Pur. V. 1889. (Wilson, pp. 491 seq.), as it narrates likewise the antecedent history of Krishna's birth, as well as the birth itself and some of his infant deeds till the death of Kansa. Only the last verses (122 seq.) give a short account of the celebration of his birth-day, wherein mention is made also of a golden image of Ktishna, to be worshipped on a large pitcher (krishnamurtin cha sampadya sauvirnani kalasopari), as well as of the adoration of the ten avataras of Vishnu. of Devaki, of the cowherds, and of Yasoda. More particulars on this subject are com. municated in the second piece by Krishna himself, to Yudhishthira. To the bath, to be taken at noon of the eighth, an adoration of Hari is added (dvahanam, and asand dini, v. 10). The further proceedings, although given in entirely different words, materially correspond with what has been communicated above from Sc., except for the insertion of an angapdjd, just in the manner of the one described in the Vrata raja. Wanting here, however, besides the birth ritual of the other texts, also there omitted, is the honour-gift to the moon. Of the nigh it is merely said that it is to be spent with song, music, and legendary tales (purdna They are destined for--1. the dhyanam, the adoration of the god; 2. the dvdhanam, adduction of the god 8. Asanam, the offer of a seat; 4. padyam, the foot-water; 5. argham, the honour-gift (perfumes, flowers, roasted barley); 6. dchamaniyam, water for rinsing the mouth; 7. madhuparka, the honey-food; 8. again Achamanfyam ; 9. panchamritam, the five ingredients of the bath,-milk, sour milk, butter, honey, sugar; 10. snanam, the bath; 11. vas trayugmam, two new garmenta; 12. yajnopaustam, the sacrificial thread; 13. bhashanani, all kinds of ornamenta; 14. chandanam, sandal-ointment; 15. kunkumakshatan, roasted barley, anointed with saffron; 16. pushpdni, flowers. I Sv. 8 Mda here yet a special worship of the separate limbs of Krishna (arigapdja), at each of which he is worshipped with another name. Herewith some new points : Devaki, whose six first boys were slain by Kansa, and who is just pregnant with her seventh child, went to fetch water, and sita sadly under large wafa-tree. Yasod, the likewise pregnant spouse of the cowberd Nanda, arrives, and asks the reason of he tears. Enlightened on the subject, she promises to ec. change her own child in case it should be a girl for the seventh of Devaki if it should be a boy. Kansa, who does not find his sister at home, goes after her, and keepe ner henceforth shut up at home and closely watched. But after the birth of Krishna the bolta open spontaneously, the watchmen fall asleep, and Devakt goes to her husband Vasudeva and requests him to carry the infant to Yakoda, and there to exchange it for her girl, the Yamuni touched by Krishna's foot becomes shallow, so that all this easily takes place. Kan does not himself kill the girl, but causes a servant to do so. Of the "slaughter of the inno cents" (Vishnu Pur. V. 4, p. 504; Bhag. Pur. X. 4) no mention oocurs here. Ver. 88: samprdpte bhadragado. The frustration of Patani's evil intentions, as well as of those of a Brahman sent forth by Kaisa, the humiliation of the serpent prince Kaliya, the killing of Chandra, Kekin, de.

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178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. pathanena, v. 42). On the other hand, the ritual for the next morning is discussed here in still more detail than in Sc., although materially corresponding therewith. The colour of the richly adorned cow to be presented to the teacher is not specially dwelt upon, and therefore left optional. The presents to be given to the priests, or rather to the Brahmans, are very specially treated. The withdrawal of Devaki appears to be particularly worthy of remark in this narrative. Whilst she and her sutikagriha occupy in O. (C., Sa), as well as in B., Sb., a specially prominent position, and also the birth-ritual constitutes a material part of the celebration, here in both texts of Vi., as well as in Sc., strictly speaking, only Krishna himself is celebrated, and Devaki mentioned only incidentally. Nor is Krishna here any longer represented at his mother's breast, but his image alone is worshipped, and that over a pitcher. Lastly, also, the great stress laid in Vi. Sc. on the presents to be given to the Brahmans, is to be noticed, inasmuch as it likewise appears to militate in favour of a more secondary origin of this narrative. An intermediate step between the two groups of texts is formed by D., where the sutikagriha of Devaki is indeed specialy mentioned, and the god is also still represented as a suckling on her breast; the latter representation, however, no longer takes place in its natural place, the sutikagriha, but (as in K. Sa.) over a pitcher; moreover, the birth-ritual at midnight is entirely wanting (as the presents to the Brahmans also play in D. a notable part). This adoration of the god (and moreover, as in D, of the god sucking the mother's breast) over a pitcher (kumbha kalasa) appears, in comparison to his worship, as a suckling reposing on a couch by the side of his mother, or rather sucking her breast, to be very extraordinary. It becomes intelligible only when we observe (see p. 179) that at other similar sectarian festivals also, a pitcher filled with holy water placed in the centre of the sacred circle, plays the same part. Thus it appears to be a variation which has, on the strength of other Indian ritual forms, been put in the place of that other representa Wilson's statement (p. 120) that this Purdna was composed only "about four centuries ago" can at all events relate only to the text which he had before him, because that one Purana of this name existed already at the time of Madhava, or rather of Hemadri, appears by the quo [JULY, 1877. tion which corresponds to the natural circum stances. Other allied Purana texts on the Krishnajan. mashtami are not at present at my disposal. Accordingly I am not able to verify the numer ous quotations adduced concerning it by the ritual texts from the Puranas or from the Smri tis aistras. According to Aufrecht's excellent Catalogus, the festival is indeed explained in detail also in chapters 164, 165 of the Uttarakhanda of the Padma Purana (Aufrecht, p. 146; Wilson's Select Works, ed. Rost, III. 70), as well as in chap. 6, 7 of the Krishnakhanda of the Brahmavaivarta Purana (Aufrecht, p. 266, Wilson III. 109); and corresponding with this these two Puranas, especially the Brahmavai varta Pur., occupy in fact an important place among the quotations of the ritual texts. Besides, the Vahni Purana, the Vishnudkarmottara, and the Skanda (from which 21 slokas are cited) play a prominent part in this respect. In all these quotations, however, the ritual celebration is not dealt with specially-only the fast and the puja of the god, the watching through the night, and the paranam are often dwelt upon. In this, however, the Garuda Purana is an exception, and appears to treat the ritual celebration very specially, as in R. (pp. 27, 28) and in N. (31ab, 32a) quite a number of prayers pertaining to it are quoted from it. Also a verse quoted from the Brahma Pur. by R. on p. 24 refers to a speciality of the ritual; likewise two verses which only Ka. adduces from the Agni Pur., and 2 verses quoted by K. from the Vahni Pur. (see above, p. 169) after Madanaratna. Now all these texts give one and the same date for the Janmashtami celebration (be it for sravana or for bhadrapada). In contrast to this, it is of special interest that we find in the Varaha Purana (Chambers 585a, fol. 142a, Chambers 557, fol. 40b,-conf. my Catalogue of the Berlin Sansk. MSS. pp. 142-43, and ch. 46 in Aufrecht) an entirely different datum for the celebration of the Krishna-birthdayt. It is there called Krishnadvadasivratam, and falls on the twelfth of the white half of Ashadha (June, July). Moreover the text runs just as in Vi. Sc. (D.) about a golden tations from it in these authors. On the other hand, the Vardha Samhita (quoted by M., fol. 83a, see above, p. 164) has the usual date for it; we are therefore to separate it from the Vardha Purana. R. indeed quotes both works (pp, 25, 29, 30).

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JULY, 1877.] ON THE KRISHNAJANMASHTAMI. 179 image of Vasudeva which, after a prerious anga- stress is, at all events, to be laid on the fact that puja, being covered with clothing, is to be in the Vardha Purana the birth-festival of Krishna placed over a pitcher (ghata), to be worshipped ! appears as a single link of an entire series of with perfumes, flowers, &c., and then to be such festivals to be held on the twelfth, and presented to a Brahman. The legend on the addressed to the ten, or rather eleven (!) ava. birth of Krishna recited by Darvasas, who taras of Vishnu as fish, tortoise, boar, man-lion, appears as the narrator, is entirely divested of dwarf, Bhargava (i.e. Parasurama), Rama, the usual additions, and simply states that,- Krishna, Buddha, Kalkin, and as Pad. "Narada once came to the house of the Yadavaman a bha (sic). With the general calendar this prince Vasudeva, who had no children by his single festival had to be barmonized. || Therefore wife Devaki, and reported to him what he had this description does not exclude the possibility just seen in heaven: The earth stepped into that in other quarters it was contemporaneously the assembly of the gods complainingt that it celebrated also according to the manner known could no longer carry its burden, and pleaded to us, which finally become the only acfor relief. Then the gods turned their thoughts knowledged one. In the festival-calendars of to Narayana, who immediately arrived in person other nations similar differences are also fcand and promised them to assume the human form: to occur by the side of each other. I am more. "'The woman who will with her husband fast over inclined to recognize an after-effect of this during the white half in Ashadha, into her festival described by the Varaha Purana, in that womb shall I enter." Then the gods dispersed, form of the Janmashtami celebration which and he (Narada) immediately hastened to this (see above, p. 178) likewise, as is done here, place.' Accordingly Vasudeva conformed him- requires the worship of the god over a pitcher self herewith, fasted on the 12th of the We shall return to the probable reason for this Ashddha, and obtained Krishna for a son, and manner of adoration in SS 2. I have finally great glory. And so also now the celebration to state an extremely peculiar fact, in the above of this festival secures the birth of a son." discussed (p. 169) modern Vrishnava ritual M., Here the idea at once suggests itself that an which breaks off in our MS. at the representaolder narration is before ns, and this the more tion of the Janmashtami (fol. 329-336), we find no as the Varaha Purana in general seems to an exposition also of this festival of the Varaha contain rather old material. Wilson (Vishnu Purana, and that shortly before it (fol. 25a-26a), Pur. I. lxxi. ed. Hall) places it in the early part under the very name of Jayanti, or rather Jayanof the twelfth century," and mentions also just timahadvadasivratam, in such a manner, however, the very absence of the Janmashtami in it as a that the description entirely agrees in the essen. sign that the work belongs " to an earlier stage tial points with that of the Janmashtami itself of Vaishnava worship." In other words, he con- (except the erection of the sutikagriha, which sidered this festival to belong to a later time. is here wanting), so that the defect at the end That he was, however, mistaken herein, apart | may be considered quite supplemented by the from the other points involved in this question, former description. We have here, then, a pecuis evident from the simple fact that a century liar commingling of the view of Madhava, aclater Hemdri uses the Bhavishya Pur., the cording to which Jayanti and Janmdshtami are Vahni Pur., &o. in his description of the festival. two special vratas (the month-date whereof, how. Accordingly, as with regard to the total omis. ever, is the same), with the divergent month-date sion of it in the Bhagavata Pur., so we must of the Pardha Purana,-in such a manner, how. here also look for an explanation of this indica- ever, that whilst according to M. the Jayanti tion of a different date, resting on a basis other is the richer form of the festival, here rather the than & chronological one. There might exist Janmashtami appears as such. This is, how. for it many geographical, religio-historical, or ever, probably quite a secondary arrangement, other reasons the particular details of which as it cannot as yet be traced to other sources, escape our notice. In the first place special There is, besides, yet a third date, though of a I Conf. Vishnu Pur. V.1, Wilson, p. 493. pitcher, watching through the night, the giving away of In reality all these duadas celebrations are held the idol in the morning, these are, throughout, the ontirely in the same manner on the festival day, fasting, separate stages of the celebration. bathing, angap djd of the god, worship of this idol over a

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180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1877. somewhat indefinite kind, to hand, at least for the birth of Krishna, if not for a special celebra- tion thereof. In the Haritansa, v. 3315, it is said that Devaki and Yasoda gave birth to infants in the same night. This night is in v. 3247 called the ninth day of the dark half (navamyam eva sanjata Irishnapakshasya vai tithau), but the month is not mentioned, and in v. 3320 it is designated by the name Jayanti. In the latter place, also, Abhijit, not Rohini, is named as the star of the birth, and the hour of the birth is as above, p. 177, called Vijaya, but in v. 3317 Abhijita (conf. also v. 3248). Now, although it is evident that in this statement the root ji," to conquer," intentionally employed, is of great importance, and therefore perhaps no special stress is to be laid on the difference of the birthstar, it remains nevertheless strange enough; besides, the difference of the date is in no wise touched by any reasons for the use of the root ji. The verse (3320), moreover, which gives the star Abhijit, the day Jayanti, and the hour Vijaya as the birth-marks of Janardana, is elsewhere (see above, p. 169) quoted from the Brahmanda Purana, or rather was known already to Hemadri, and is therefore just as old as any other statement concerning the subject in question. Considering the vast extent of India, it is selfevident that various calendar-ritual differences must have taken place there, and do take place, according to the locality, time, sect, or sub-sect. Thus we find, for instance, for the same date which was finally fixed as the solema one to celebrate the Krishnajanmashtami, and in the same work which is the chief source for it, namely in the Bhavishyottara Purana, almost immediately after the description of this festival, also a festival dedi. cated to Siva in Sravana as Sarva (see above, p. 171), and in Bhadrapada as Tryambaka. ELEVEN LAND-GRANTS OF THE CHAULUKYAS OF ANHILVAD. A CONTRIBUTION TO THE HISTORY OF GUJARAT. BY G. BUHLER. Some time ago Major J. W. Watson, then Govinda III., the Rashtrakata king of MalActing Political Agent, RevAkantha, informed khet, from the Radhanpur Darbar. The first me that a large number of ancient copper-plates information regarding the existence of the plates were lying in the Gaikyadi kacheri at Kadi, I received in this case also from Major Watson. the chief town of the Uttara Mahals. At Hitherto three grants only, issued by Chauthe request of the Honourable Sir E. c. lukya kings of Anhilvad, the Nadola plates of Bayley, Dr. Thornton, Officiating Foreign Secre- Komarapala, a Kachh grant of Bhimatary to the Government of India, was good deva I., and the Ahmadabad plates of Bhimaenough to ask the Agent to the Governor-General deva II.,-have been partly pablished.* The at Baroda to use his influence with the Gaikvad's discovery of so large a number of new grants is Divan to make these important historical docn- therefore an important event for those who take ments accessible. On hearing of the matter, an interest in the history of Gujarat. The Sir T. Madhavrao, with the greatest readiness Chanlukyas have had, it is true, more, and more and courtesy, gave orders that the Kadi plates trustworthy, chroniclers than any other Indian shonld be made over to me for publication, and I dynasty; and the hoarding disposition of the Jaina received shortly afterwards, 20 pieces--Nos. 1 Panchayata has preserved, if not all, at least many and 3 to 11. important works of these writers.t Still there are No. 2 I owe to the kindness of Colonel a namber of points in the history of the Chaulu. Shortt, Political Agent, Pablanpur, who obtained kya kings which require further elucidation. Thus it, together with a very valuable grant of the origin of the Anhilvad Chaulukyas, and the * Tod, Annals of Rajasthan, vol. I. pp. 707-8;, Forbes, Ras Mais, vol. I. p. 6; History of Kachh, p. 17, by Atm&ram K. Drivedi. + The worka hitherto recovered are: 1. Hemachandra Abhayatilaka's Dvyasrayakosha, about A.D. 1160, but revised A.D. 1956-58. 2. Somesvara's Kirtikaumudi, 1220-36 A.D. 8. Krishnabhatta's Ratnamala, about 1980 A.D. 4. Merutanga's Prabandhachintamani, 1808 A.D. 5. Meratunga's Vicharabrent, about 1310 A.D. 6. R&jasekhara's Prabandhakosha, 1340 A.D. 7. Harshagani's Vastupdlacharita, 1440-41 A.D. & Jinsmandana's Kumdrapdlacharita, 1436-6 A.D., and sbatracts of the same in Gujarati.

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JULY, 1877.] GRANTS OF THE ANHILVAD CHAULUKYAS. 181 . manner in which the first king Mularaja came toesteem of the king. When his descent became the throne, is not quite clear. Next, the number known, SAmantasimha wished to retain him, and of the kings is doubtful, as Bhimadeva's married him to Liladevi. The latter died in published grant leaves out the fourth king, childbirth. But her body being opened, a living Vallabha. Further, the statements of the son was taken from it, who was called Malalater Muhammadan writers about the invasion raja, after the constellation under which he was of Gujarat by Mahmud Ghaznavi do not agree born. Malaraja was educated and adopted by with the chronology of the Jainas. Finally, his maternal uncle. When he was grown up, the duration and the history of the last portion Samantasimha used repeatedly, when drunk, to of the reign of Bhimadeva II., the last abdicate in his favour, and to resume the kingly Chaulukya of the main or Anhilvad line, and power after he had become sober. Mularaja, the accession of the Vyaghrapa111 or who became tired of being a plaything for his Vag held branch line to the sovereignty of uncle's varying moods, finally caused him to be Gujarat, require further elucidation. The in- assassinated, and uaurped the throne. formation given in Mr. Kinloch Forbes's stand. Mr. Forbes has accepted this account, merely ard work, the Ras Mala, on these last points is toning down some of the palpable absurdities very scanty, because somesvara's Kirtikaumudi, of the story, and assuming with Mr. Elphin- Rajasekhara's Prabandhakosha, and Harshagani's stones that Malaraja's father came, not from Vastupdlacharita were not available when he Kanoj, but from Kalyana in the Dekhan, wrote. A not very correct Gujarati abstract of the seat of the great southern Chalukya dynasty. the latter work has been published by Vrijlal I do not think that the accuracy of any porSastri in the Buddhiprakasa for 1866. Owing to tion of the story can be upheld, except perhaps the the language, and the obscurity of the periodical, assertion that Malaraja's mother was a Chauda it has not received any attention on the part of princess, and that his father was a Chaulakya. Orientalists. Under these circumstances, it will For if the chronology of Merutunga is combe advisable to prefix to the transcripts and pared with his story, the utter absurdity of the translations or abetracts of the new inscriptions latter comes out very clearly. Merutunga says a short review of the history of the Anhilvad that Samantasimha mounted the throne in 991 Chaulukyas, with special reference to the doubt- Vikrama, and ruled seven years, until 998. At the ful points. Though it is not yet possible to solve same time and in the same breath he states that all the doubtful questions, still the information Raja came to Aphilvad in 998 Vikrama, marwhich these grants afford, advances our know- ried Liladevi, and had a son by her, as well as that ledge not inconsiderably this son grew up to manhood under his uncle's Most Jaina chroniclers of Gujarat agree that care and slew him. Now for all these events the first Chaaluky a ruler of Gujarat was at least twenty years are required, and yet we descended from Raja, a son of king Bhuva- are told that Raja came to Pathan in 998, and naditya who ruled at Kalyana, the capital that Malaraja dethroned his uncle in the same of Kanoj, and from Liladevi, the sister of year! It will not avail anything to say that the last Cha potkata or Chaud & king the arrival of Raja must be dated earlier. of Anhilva d Pa than. A rather ro- For as Samantasimha reigned only seven years mantic story is told of the manner in which it could not have fallen in his reign at all, and Raja came to Pathan, attracted the notice of the story of Raja's meeting with Samantasimha Samantasimha, and became his brother- while king must be untrue. I think Meratanga's in-law. Merutunga asserts that RAja in 998 whole narrative must be thrown aside, as an inVikrama, with two brothers, in disguise, made vention of the bards, who wished to join in a cona pilgrimage to Soman at ha pa than, venient manner the history of their Chapotkata and on his way back attended at Anhilvad and Chanlukya rulers. In this opinion I am con# parade of cavalry, on which occasion his firmed by the silence of the Deydorajakosha on criticism of the performances and an exhibi- the point, and by the short statements of our tion of his equestrian skill, gained hit the grant No. 1. The Duya rayakosha is, as Mr. Forbes, Ras Maia, voh I. p. 49. || Ras Maidloc. cit. and vol. I. p. 244. $ Hist. of India, p. 241, 6th ed.

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1877 Forbes has already pointed out, not simply a work of Hemachandra. It has probably been revised by Abhayatilaka in 1312 Vikrama, and contains a sufficient number of anachronisms to prove that even its earlier parts are not simply the work of an author of the 12th century. But on the whole it is more trust- worthy than Meratanga's 'variae historiae. Now this work merely states that Mularaja was a Chaulukya, and extols his valour aud power. The statement of our inscription regarding the donor's origin is very short, but, I think, sufficient to further discredit Merutunga. He calls himself a descendant of the Solankis (chaulukikanvaya) and son of the great king of kings Raji, and says that he acquired the Sarasvatamandala, i.e. the province watered by the Sarasvati, by (the strength of) his arm." Now it may be conceded that the assassination of Sa mantasimha might, and probably would, be represented by the pandits of the murderer as an honest victory gained by the strength of his arm. But it does not at all agree with Merutunga's narrative that Raji is called 'the great king of kings. Such a title would hardly be given to a wandering Rajput younger son I do not think that the desire to do honour to his patron's father would induce a pandit to call him maharajadhiraja if he had not really been a king seated on the gadi. At least, before I could admit such an hypothesis, I should require a much stronger proof than Merutunga's in- consistent story. . As matters now stand, I think it safer to take the statement of Mularaja's grant as the basis for the reconstruction of the origin of the Chaulukya rule in Gujarat. The above-cited words of the inscription, coupled with the fact that Mularaja is always, in the grants and elsewhere, named as the first Chaulukya king of Anhilvad, lead to the conclusion that his father was actually king of the native country of this branch of the Chaulu- kyas, and that Mularaja, either driven out of his paternal realm by other enemies, or impelled by ambition and hanger for land,' attacked and conquered northern Gajarat. The question is now where Raji's home and kingdom was. The Gujarat chroniclers state that in 752 Vikrama, Bhuraja, Bh u y a da, or B huvada (ie. Bhu pati), king of Kaly anakataka, in Kanoj, held Gujarat and destroyed Jayasekhara ; that after him Karnaditya, Chandraditya, Somaditya, and finally Bhuvanaditya occupied the throne of Kaly ana, the last being Raji's father. Mr. Forbes, Mr. Elphinstone, and others have identified this Kalyana with the capital of the Dekhani Chalukyas, and have assumed that the Gujaratis are in error. I must confess that until very lately I have been of the same opinion. But a careful reconsideration of the question inclines me to side now with the native writers. The fact that Kalyana in the Dekhan was for more than eight centuries a Chalukya capital, and that no famous town of this name has been traced in Kanoj, is no doubt a strong argument in favour of the European historians. It becomes all the stronger by the repeated statements of the Dekhani Chalokyas in their inscriptions that they conquered Gujarat, and by the fact that a grant of a Chalukya king Vijay a raja dated Samvat (i.e. probably Saka Samvat) 394, or 472-73 A.D., has been found, which proves that that king held the Bharuch districts. But the arguments in favour of the native statement appear still stronger. Firstly, the form of the family name used by the Dekhanis slightly differs from that given by the Gujaratis. The latter always call themselves Chaulukyas. (whence Solunki or Solanki), and the latter are named now Chalukyas or Chalukyas, now Chalikyas, or even Chalkyas. Hence their modern descendants are called Chalke. I do not doubt that Chaulukya and Chalukya are only dialectic forms of the same name. But it is inexplicable why the founder of the Pathan dynasty should call himself Chaulukika if he came direct from Kalyana, where the form Chalukya was used. On the other hand, the difference would be easily explained if he was descended from a northern branch of the family, separated for a long time from its southern brethren. Secondly, the kuladevata, or family deity, of the Dekhani Chalukyas is Vishnu, while the Gujarati Chaulukyas are Mr. Forben (p. 969) gives the name of the reviser as Lesljye, or Les jaya (Ind. Ant. vol. IV. p.72) as Lesabbai. The Pathan copy in Hemacharya's Bhandar roads clearly Srtjinesvarastridishyaleabhayatilakagani, ia the in- significant pupil of Sri Jinesvara Suri, Abhayatilakugani. Jaina names are freqnertly formed with abhaya, e.g. Abhayadeva Leafjaya has no meaning. Lesa means 's perticle,' and fishyalesa literally ' a particle of a pupil,' i.e. 'an insignificant pupil.'

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GRANTS OF THE ANHILVAD CHAULUKYAS. JULY, 1877.] Saivas. Thirdly, the cognizance of the former is the boar, and that of the latter, as grant No. 1 shows, the bull, Nandi. Fourthly, the names of the kings from Bhupati to Raji do not agree with those of the vamsavali of the Dekhani inscriptions. Fifthly, it seems certain that the relations between Mularaja and his Dekhani clansmen were anything but friendly. After his accession to the throne he had to encounter an army under Barap, sent by Taila pa of Telingana. Sixthly, Mularaja, as well as his successors, settled in Gujarat numerous colonies of Brahmans, who down to the present day are called Audichyas, 'Northerners.' He gave to them Simhapura or Sihor, in Eastern Kathlavad, Stambhatirtha or Khambay, and numerous villages in the country between the Banas and the Sabharmati. Now, as a general rule, Indian kings, on making new conquests, import people from their native homest if they do so at all. If, therefore, Mularaja had come from the Deklan, Gujarat would have been filled with Telingana and Karnata Brahmans. If, as the chronicles say, he came from the north, the introduction of the Audichya Brahmans is at once explained. This last point is, in my opinion, one of the strongest arguments in favour of the native statement, and least likely to be reconciled with Elphinstone's theory. Several of the other points above mentioned may be explained away. Thus, it may be contended that Mularaja changed his religion and his crest on succeeding to the Chauda throne, and accepted those of his mother's family. But though the adoption of a new deity is not a matter of great importance for a Rajput,-because, as I was told in Rajputana, a raja ought not to be exclusive in the point of worship, but favour all the various sects among his subjects, -and though the adoption of new armorial bearings may have occurred in other cases, still it would be desirable to have some proof (which has hitherto not been furnished) that Siva and his Nandi were affected by the Chaudas. I must leave the reader to estimate the weight of each of the other arguments for himself. But in concluding this discussion I will add that the existence of a Chaulukya kingdom in Kanoj and the existence of another Forbes, Ras Mala, vol. I. p. 65. + As an instance I may quote the introduction of Desas 183 Kalyana are not so very incredible. There is a gap in the history of Kanoj from the times of Yasovarman, in the beginning of the eighth century, down to the end of the tenth century, when the Rathors appear as its lords. This gap very nearly corresponds to the period assigned to Bhupati and his successors, as the former is stated to have reigned in 695-6 A.D., and Mularaja's accession is placed in 941-42 A.D. Further, the Dekhani Chalukyas assert that their ancestors came from the north, and ruled in Ayodhya and other towns, and from the Gazetteer of the N. W. Provinces it appears that Chalukya Rajputs are found in the Kanoj districts to the present day. As regards the existence of another Kalyana, it ought to be borne in mind that the name is by no means uncommon. Two towns of this name are well known and of great antiquity, viz. Kalyan a near Bombay, the Kalliene of the Greeks, and Kalyana in the Dekhan. Less noted Kalyanapuras occur frequently on the map of India. Considering all these circumstances, I adopt the statement of the Gujaratis, and take Mularaja to have been the son of a king who ruled in Kanyakubja and who reconquered Gujarat, which had been an old dependency of his paternal empire. It may be that his mother belonged to the Chauda family. As the account of the chroniclers is evidently based on bardic stories, it deserves, in such a particular, some credit. The genealogies are the special province of the bards, and they are more careful in matters connected with these than regarding other historical facts. There are two other points in the inscription which receive their explanation through facts related by the chroniclers, and confirm the history given by the latter. The first of these is contained in the statement No. 1, Pl. I. 1. 2, that Mularaja was tryambaka iva vihitachalaerayah, literally, "like Tryambaka, one who took up his residence on a mountain." Now, if we did not know that Mularaja's capital was Anahillapataka (Pl. I. 1. 8), situated in an entirely flat, sandy country, and not even within fifty miles of any hill, the inference might be made that he held his court in some hill-fort. As the case stands, such an explanation is not admissible, and we have to look for some other solution of the problem. This is tha Maratha Brahmans into Gujarat since the conquest of Baroda by the Gaikvads.

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1877. afforded by Merutunga, who tells ust that soon during this period the enmity between MAafter his accession to the throne Mularaja was lava and Gujarat begun, owing to an affront assailed by two armies, that of the Sapa dalg- offered either to Chamunda or to Durlabha kshiya Raja of $ & kambhari (Sambhar) when procceeding to Banaras. A great deal and that of Bara pa, the general of Tailap of confusion has been caused in this account of Kaly &na. Unable to resist his foes, he fled to by the fact that Mr. Forbes's grant of BhimaKanthadurga, the modern Kanthkot in deva II., dated 1266 Vikrama (1209-10 A.D.), the eastern (Vagad) division of Kachh, and there does not enumerate Vallabharaja ainong bided his time. Now it seems to me very pro- the kings of Anhilvad, and that some of the bable that the Pandit who composed the pra- later Muhammadan historians place the expesasti, in his anxiety to find points of resemblance dition of Mahmud Ghaznavi in the reign of between his patron and the various gods, found Jamand, i.e. Chamunda. The first circunnothing more to the purpose than Mularaja's stance has led Mr. Forbes to doubt that Vallabha temporary stay on the hill of Kantha, which actually reigned. The new collection of grants he boldly compared to Siva's residing on Kai- settles this question in favour of the chroniclers. lasa. Seven out of the eight grants which give the The second point is clearer. Meratanga says complete genealogy of the Chaulukya kings, in the Prabandhachintamani that Malaraja was a Nos. 4-10, include Vallabharaja, while one constant worshipper of Somanatha, and used to only, No. 3, omits him. It is evident that the perform a pilgrimage to Somanatha Pathan every shortness of his reign induced the writers of Monday, i.e. a journey of about 250 miles, and Mr. Forbes's grant and of our No. 3 to omit back! Somanatha was so much pleased with this his name. devotion that he personally migrated first to The other point, the discrepancy between the Mandali (now Mandal, in the Viramgam Talaka), chronology of the chroniclers and that of the and later to ANhilvad. At Mandali, Malaraja Ayin Akbare and other late Muhammadan built for him the temple called Mules vara. writers, is very serious. If Chamunda is placed This is evidently the Malan a thadeva to in 1024 A.D. instead of in 1010, the dates which the village of Kamboika was given. of the Gujarati writers are entirely disarranged, It is a pity that the historical portion of the and the confusion becomes worse by the identiinscription is so short, and affords no informa- fication of the descendant of the DALichlim, tion regarding the great expeditions of M0 whom Mahmud is said to have placed on the laraja against the Abhira or Yadava of Va- gadi of Anhilvad, with Durlabhasena (Darmanasthali (Vanthali) and the ruler of Lata. labharaja). Mr. Forbes's chapter on this period Its date, 1043 Vikrama (986-87 A.D.), agrees with is, therefore, most unsatisfactory. His narrative the statement of the chroniclers that Mularaja first follows the account of the Gujaratis, which ruled from 998 to 1053 of the same era. is plain enough. When, afterwards, the conflictAccording to the acoount of Merutunga, Mula- ing version of the Muhammadans is given, acraja was succeeded by his son Chamunda, 1 companied by hints that this may contain, after who ruled for thirteen years, until 1066 (A.D. all, the real historical facts, the reader is left in 1009-10). After him came his two sons Vall&- an uncomfortable state of perplexity and doubt. bha raja and Durlabharajs, the former This is, however, not the fault of Mr. Forbes, in of whom died of small-pox after & reign of six whose time it would have been difficult to obtain months, while the latter occupied the throne satisfactory solution of the question without until 8. 1078 (A.D. 1021-22). In that year he a thorough study of the rare MSS. of the earlier abdicated in favour of his nephew Bhima- Musalman historians of the Ghaznavi dynasty. dova I., the son of his younger brother NA- It is gratifying that now the Gujarati chronigaraja. No historical events are recorded clers can be proved to be in the right, both by of these three reigns except that both Cha- the testimony of early Musalman writers and manda and Durlabha became ascetics, and that of the inscriptions of Bhimadeva I. 1 Ras MALA, vol. I. p. 51. MAlardja's accession cannot be correct, as Tailapa began The name is spelt Barp by Mr. Forbes. The Govern- to rule in 978 A.D., and Malardja in 941-42. ment copy roada Barakha, probably a mistake for Barapa. Ras Mald, vol. I. p.71. The statement that this invasion occurred shortly after

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JULY, 1877.] GRANTS OF THE ANHILVAD CHAULUKYAS. 185 In the Appendix to Sir H. Elliot's History of India, vol. II. pp. 429 seq., a full review of the history of Mahmud's expeditions against India has been given. The oldest account of the Somanatha expedition by Ibn Asir, p. 469, states that the "chief of Anhalwara, called Bhim, fled hastily (on Mahmud's approach), and abandoning his city he went to a certain fort for safety and to prepare himself for war." Next the march against Somanatha vid Dabalwara, "which is two days' journey from Somanath," and the capture of the temple, are related. After this we are told that "Mahmud received intelligence that Bhim, the chief of Anhalwara, bad gone to the fort of Kanda- hat, which is situated about forty parasange from Somnat, between that place and the desert. He marched thither, and when he came in front of the place he questioned some men, who were hunting, as to the tide. From them he learned that there was a practicable ford, but that if the wind blew a little he might be submerged. Mahmud prayed to the Almighty and then entered the water. He and his forces passed over safely and drove the enemy out of the place. From thence he returned, intending to proceed against Mansura," &c. In this narrative we have the name of Bhi- ma twice. He was therefore on the throne in 1024 A.D., as the Gujarati chroniclers assert. This account is remarkable also in other respects. It knows nothing of a long stay of the Musalmans in Gujarat, or of the establishment of a descendant of the Da bish. lims on the throne of Anhilvad. That fable occurs first in Mirkhond's history together with a wild description of the riches of Gujarat and its gold mines, and it may be therefore reject ed as one of the later einbellishments which have been added 50 freely to the fall of Somanatha by the latert Musalman writers. As regards Ibn Asir's story that Bhima fled at Mahmud's approach to a fort called Kanda hat, there is no reason for rejecting it. On the contrary, the flight is what might be expected from a king whose dominions probably included not much more than the Pahlanpur Agency, part of the Mahikantha, the Gaikyadi Uttar Mahals, * Loc. cit. vol. II. p. 349. + See H. H. Wilson, As. Res. vol. XVII. p. 194. I See grant No. 2 and Mr. Kakhar's grant, Kachhdesno Itihas, p. 17. As is expressly stated by the later Muhammadans, -- see Elliot, loc. cit. p. 473. the Ahmadabad Collectorate north of the Sabharmati, and eastern Kachh (Vagad), and who was taken by surprise. The fort of Kanda hat I consider to be Kanth kot, in Kachh,--the same to which Mularaja retired before hisenemies. Just this last point, as well as the resemblance of the two names, its position between Somanatha and the desert (of Marvad), and the fact that Bhimadeva did possess castern Kachh, I are strong arguments in favour of this identification. It seems to me also that the difficulty about the sea being near Kandahat may be got over. For in marching from Somanatha to Kanthkot Mahmud had to cross the Ran of Kachh, which in his time probably extended further east than now. The statement that the sea was fordable at low water, and that it became dangerous at high water if the wind rose, fits the Ran well. Anybody who has crossed its eastern corner will know how frequently the boats stick in the mud at low water, while a strong west wind with the tide is sure to fill the narrow bed to a considerable depth. The only difficulty which remains is the phrase "when Mahmud came in front of the place," which would seem to indicate that the sea was close to the fort. This is not the case, as Kanth kot is about twenty miles north of the Ran. But it is not too much to suppose that Ibn Asir and his successors, who were not possessed of any personal knowledge of Gujarat, may have made a little mistake on this point. If we now turn to Bhimadeva's inscriptions, they fully confirm the Gujarat chroniclers' chronology, as they show that he reigned in 1086 and [10]93 Vikrama, ll or A.D. 1029 and 1036. It is highly interesting that both grants are dated from Anhilva d, and prove that Mahmud'sinvasion did not prevent the king from reoccupying his capital soon after the invader's departure. This fact confirms the narrative of Ibn Asir, who makes Mahmud march from Kandahat acainst. Mansura. To sum up, the Gujarati chroniclers are right in placing the accession of Bhimadera in S. 1058 Vikrama, or 1022 A.D. Bhimadeva was the king who ruled Gujarat at the time of Mahmud's invasion. He fled, at the latter's approach, to his ancestral fortress Kantha or || The historian of Kachh, loc. cit., says that Bhimadeva's grant is dated in S. 98, and he refers this date to the years of the Chaulukys dynasty. If the grant really is dated 98, which may be doubted, as it has been imperfectly deciphered, it is more likely that the hundreds have been left out. according to a very common habit of Hindu writers.

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186 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1877. Kanth kot. Mahmud, after following him of goblins, Barbara ka, in a burial-place, and thither, and forcing him to seek again safety in became known among the crowd of kings as flight, marched against Mansura, probably Siddharaja." through the northern part of the Ran and Thar. The verse shows that within a hundred years Parkar. Bhimadeva on his part returned to after Jayasimha's death this story had become Anbilvad as soon as the great storm-wave had completely mythical. Instead of Sristhala we passed, and ruled for nearly fifty years longer, have a burial-ground as the scene of the fight, not without glory. and the Rakshasa has been converted into Our inscriptions furnish ny information a prince of goblins (yatudhana). The inscripregarding the latter part of Bhimadeva's reign, tions, in placing the lord of Avanti, Tribhuvananor for that of his son Karna I., S. 1128-50 ganda, and Varvaraka side by side, indicate Vikrama (1072 to 1093-94 A.D.) except that clearly that they consider him a human foe. he bore the surname Trailokyamalla, the The account of the Duy deraya gives the same wrestler of the universe.' Regarding Karna's impression, in spite of the appellation the leader son Jayasimha, the varnsdvali of No. 5 repeats of the Rakshasas.' It seems to me most prothe statement of Mr. Forbes's Ahmadabad plato bable that Varvara ka belonged to one of that he conquered 'the lord of Avanti, (and) the non-Aryan tribes who are settled in great Varvaraka ;' while Nos. 3 and 6 to 10 insert numbers in northern Gujarat, and that he was Tribhuvanagan da between the two names, either a Koli or a Bhill, or perhaps a Mer. Such and No. 4 shows an erroneous displacement of people are occasionally called Rakshasas on acthe names. The first fact is well known. Who count of their cruelty and want of civilization. Tribhuvanaganda, 'the hero of the three worlds,' Of the numerous important events of Kumarawas, I am not able to tell. Varvaraka de- pala's reign the inscriptions Nos. 3-10 mention servesa passing remark. In the Duyasrayakosha, T only the victory over the lord of Sa kambhari Barbar is represented as a leader of Rakshagas (SArnbhar), which is described at great length by who troubled the Brahmans at Sristhala-Sid- the chroniclers. Regarding Ajaya pala, the dhapura. Jayasimha conquered him, and granted next king, the chroniclers say little, as they him his life at the instance of his wife Pin. were Jainas, whom the king hated as his uncle's galika. Afterwards Barbar gave valuable friends and proteges. Our inscriptions say that he presents to Jayasimha, and "served him as made tributary the Sapadalakshakshamapala, other Rajpats did." Mr. Forbes expresses i.e. the king of Sakambhari. It would seem, his opinion that Barbar-Varvaraka was a therefore, that Kumarapala's conquest had no name of the king of Malava whom Jayasimha lasting effects. His epithet paramamahcsvar! conquored. He has been led to form this view or mahdmdhesvara, the ardent devotee of Siva,' by a mistake in the rendering of the compound allades to the reaction against Jainism which avantinathavarvarakajishnu, the first two parts took place during his reign. He is said to have of which make a copulative, not a determina- roasted Rimachandra, the pupil of Hemachantive compound, and which must therefore bedra, alive, and to have destroyed the Jaina temtranslated as has been done above. The proof ples and books. The only fact noted by the of the correctness of this interpretation is chroniclers regarding the reign of his successor afforded by the fact that most of the new Mularaja II., the struggle with the Musalmans, inscriptions insert Tribhuvana ganda be- is confirmed by our inscriptions, as he is called tween Avantinatha and Varvaraka. "(the king) who overcame in battle the ruler of The chroniclers also separate the subjugation of the Garjanakas, who are difficult to conquer." Barbar entirely from the expeditions against Garjana ka is a Sanskrit word coined to reMalava. Somes vara (Kirtikaumudi, ii. 38) present Ghaznavi, and intended to give to gives the following notice of this event:-smaadne the latter an etymological meaning, viz. the ydtudhanendrai baddhva barbarakabhidham roarer.' Merutanga ases it or Gajjanak a siddharajeti rajendur yo jajne rajarkjishu |38|| in several passages and in the same sense. So"This moon among kings fettereil the prince mesvara (Kirtik. II. 57) says of Mularaja II. that Ind. Ant. vol. IV. pp. 235, 265. Barbaraka is the reading make no distinction between us and ba. Barbaraka may of grant No. 10, and it ought to be noted that Nos. 3-9 therefore be the correct form. # Rie Mar, vol. I. pp. 66, 116.

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JULY, 1877.] GRANTS OF THE ANHILVAD CHAULUKYAS. 187 11 6111 he conquered the lord of the Turushka s. "Then follows the rule of the Gajjanakas," .e. of Mr. Forbes has already correctly pointed out the Musalmans. After inserting a Prakrit verso the invasion to which allusion is made.t he proceeds to enumerate the Vaghela kigs. For the next reign, that of Bhimadeva II. Somesvara (Kirtik. II. 59-61) treats Bhimaor Bholo Bhim, the inscriptions are of the ut- deva still worse. He says:most importance. The Gujarati chroniclers drutam unmulite tatra dhatrd kalpadrumanaccessible to Mr Forbes say very little regarding kure him, and those now available do not add much ujjagamanujamnasya sribhima iti bhapatih || 59 | more. The hearts of Merutunga and Somesvara bhimasenena bhimoyain bhupatir na kadachana were not with Bhima. The sovereign of Anhil bakupakarind tulyo rajahansadamakshamah || 6011 vad interested them no longer. They turned mantribhir mandalikais cha balavadbhih -satheir attention to the father of the future naihsanaih 11 ruler of Gujarat, Rana Viradha vala of balasya bhamipalasya tasya rajyam vyebhajyata Dhavalagriha or Dholka, and to his two great Jaina ministers, V&stu pala and Teja pala. (59.) "After the Creator had swiftly uprooted Mr. Forbes has therefore been obliged to trust that shoot of the tree of paradise (Malaraja 11.). for his history chiefly to the Prithirdj rasau, his younger brother, called Sri Bhima, beattributed to Chand, and to the late Muham- came king madan writers, who, as he himself points out in (60.) "That prince was never equal to Bhithe case of the former, are not accurate. Chand masena, the destroyer of the Asura) Baka, kills Bhimadeva off at an early period of his (nor) able to tame the swan-like kings (his reign, some time before 1193 A.D. Mr. Forbes enemies). places his death in 1215 A.D. It is difficult to (61.) "The kingdom of that young ruler understand how he could do so, as he repeatedly was gradually divided between the powerful quotes the Aba inscription dated 1231 A.D., ministers and provincial chiefs (of Gujarat)." which mentions Bhimadeva as lord paramount, After these disparaging remarks, Somesvara and as Merutunga in the Prabhandhachinta- turns, like Merutanga, to the history of the Vamani says quite plainly, 1894a842 ghelas. tagat II, "Bhimadeva reigned sixty- In direct opposition to the chroniclers, the inthree years from S. 1235 Vikrama,"i.e. until 1298, scriptions prove Bhimadeva to have been by no or 1241-42 A.D. Bhimadeva's inscriptions fully means a contemptible ruler. In our land-grants agree with Merutunga. His last grant, No. 9 of he receives the titles abhinavasidalhardja, 'the our collection, is dated 1296 Vikrama, and the new Siddharaja' (the old being Jayasimha), grant of his successor Tribhuvana pala Nardyandvatdra, 'an incarnation of Vishnu,' and in 1299 Vikrama, or 1242-43 A.D. Of actual saptamachakravartin, 'the seventh wheel-king.' historical facts connected with Bhimadeva's Those epithets occur not only in his own inscripreign, Merutunga reports in the Prabandhachin. tions, but also in those of Jayantasimha tamani only an attempted invasion of Gujarat by (No. 4), and of Tribhuvanapala (No. 10). Sohada, i.e. Subhata varman of Malava, The inscriptions prove also that he held the which was averted by a timely epigram of the Pra- greater part of Gujarat north of the Sabhardhana, t and the destruction (bhanga ) of Garja- mati, which formed the original kingdom of Malaradesa by Sohada's son Arjunadeva, who raja I., and that his power was acknowledged in his own ingcriptions boasts of this exploit. by the chieftains of Chandravati and Abu, in Further he says that Rana Viradhavala's father, southern Rajputana. Three of our grants (Nos. Lavanaprasada of Vyaghrapalli or Vaghel, was 6, 8, and 9) dispose of villages situated in the Bhima's major domus (rdjyachintakari). At this Vardhipathaka, the Vadhiar zilla. | No. 3 point he turns aside to the history of the Vi-mentions the Agar bhat A or Gam bhut a ghelas and of their Jaina mantris. In the Vic patha ka as one of his provinces, No. 5 the charasreni he merely notices Bhima's accession Chalis a pathak &, and No. 7 the Valsu. in 1285, and adds drily, tato gajjanakarajyam, ya patha ka. Again, in the Abd inscription Ras Mau, vol. I. p. 207, and Elliot, Hist. of India, and I am inclined to consider it a translation of Bhima's vol. II. p. 294. I Forbes, loc. cit. p. 208. Gajar&ti nickname bholo, arrogant, foolish. The Sanskrit word bala may also be rendered 'foolish, See above, and below note to the grant of Malarja L.

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1877. No. XVI. (Wilson), dated Samvat 1265, or 1280, is Mr. Forbes's Ahmadabad plate of 1266 1208-9 A.D., Bhimadeva is mentioned as lord Vikrama. paramount of Abu, and he occupies the same While it is thus evident that Bhimadeva position in the Abu inscription No. IV, which maintained himself, though amidst difficulties is dated twenty-two years later, in A.D. 1230-31. and struggles, in the northern portion of the At the same time the inscriptions prove also that Chaulukya kingdom, it is no less certain that he his rule was not without "thorns." Our grant lost the southern and south-western portion, No.4 was issued by a Chaulukya ruler, Ja ya n. the country between the Sabharmati and the tasimha, who describes himself in the fol- Narmada, as well as the Dholka aud Dhandhuka lowing terms --The great king of kings, the districts to the Vaghelas. The very man supreme ruler, the supreme lord, the 'illustrious whom Merutunga calls his pradhana, LavanaJayantasinha, a new Siddharaja who rules in prasada, appears to have forsaken his liege lord, the royal city of Anahilapura, who is possessed and to have founded & Vaghela kingdom at of the whole series of honorific titles, such as "he Dholka, which, shortly after Bhic adeva's death, toho obtained grace in consequence of a boon absorbed the northern possessions of the elder given by the husband of Umd," "he who has branch of the Solankis. The fact of the rebecome the self-chosen husband of royal Fortune," bellion is not clearly stated by the chroniclers. "he who is a sun of exceedingly marvellons fierce- According to the habits of their kind, they ness," "he who is resplendent on account of his | smooth the difficulty over by making Lavanahaving extended the paradise-creeper-like Chau- prasa da have a vision or dream in which he lukya race," "he who is the great boar (able) to is commanded to restore the fortune of Gujaraise the earth that has sunk into the ocean of evil rat and of its princely house. The oldest and times," "he who is the only cloud (able) to cause most authentic version of this story is found to grow the seed-like Gurjara country, that has in Somesvara's Kirtikaumudi II. 62-115, the been burnt up by the fire of misfortune," "he roho author of which states that he himself was is the hero who conquers) through one body called by Lavanaprasada to hear the relation of (ekanga) (his oron only (not as other kings through the dream, and to explain it. An abstract of the a [chaturanga) four-bodied army)." This vain- fifty verses, which contain also all the informaglorious passage is preceded by the usual vann- tion which Somesvara gives regarding his pasavali, beginning with Malaraja I. and ending tron's ancestors, may find here a place. After with Bhimadeva II. Bat after naming the giving (II. vv. 59-61) the short notice of Bhilatter and giving his titles, and just before the madova which has been quoted above, he goes enumeration of Jayantasimha's own titles, on as follows:--- follow the significant words tadanantaram sthane, "Now there was one Arnoraja who be"after him (Bhima) in (his) place." Considering longed to another branch of the Chauluk ya these staternents, and the further assertion, in race. That royal saint was unable to bear the preamble to the grant, that Jayantasimha the destruction of the country. He began to ruled over the Vardhipathaka and the cleanse the kingdom of 'thorns,' and gained Aga mbh ut a or Gambhuta pathaka, it great victories and immortal fame in the three is evident that he was a usurper who supplanted worlds. f His son is the illustrious L & van. Bhima for a time. As one of Bhima's own grants | yapra sada, a warrior of the greatest bravery. (No. 5) is dated in 1283 Vikrama and from He slew the chief of Nadala (Nandol, in MarAsahilapitaka, it follows that Jayanta vad). In his well-ordered kingdom thieves simha, who dates his grant in 1280 Vikrama, are unknown; he himself takes only their glory must have been ejected by the rightful owner from hostile kings. Rebellious Samantas are soon after issuing the grant. But it is by no unable to check him. Before him the ruler of means probable that 1280 was the first year of Mala va, who had come to invade the counhis reign, and it must not be forgotten that try, turned back; and the southern king also, the last known grant of Bhima, issued before whon opposed by him, gave up the idea of war. 45. Res, vol. XVI. pp. 299-301. IV. II. 62-66 * Ibid. p. 299. Kirtik. II. 67-75.-The king of Malara alluded to wa3 t i.e. the Vyaghrapalll or Vaghela family,-see Forbes, no doubt Subhatavarman, who, according to Merutunga, Ras Mau, vol. 1. p. 198. was turned back by an epigram of Bhina'a prodhona,

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GRANTS OF THE ANHILVAD CHAULUKYAS. JULY, 1877.] His son, the illustrious Viradha vala, has gained splendid victories in battle. He resembles his father so closely that he reflects, as it were, his image in a mirror. These two, the father and the son, make the family unconquerable. Now it happened once that Lava naprasada awoke at the end of the night, and at once sent for his purohita, Somesvaradeva by name, the son of Kumara, as he wished to tell to that sishta a dream which he had had during the night. The priest came, made his obeisance, gave his blessing to the chiefs, and sat down on a mat. Then Lava naprasada, who was attended by his son Vira, began to narra e as followst:-It seemed to me that I as ended the mountain of Siva and worshipped the god, who appeared visibly before my eyes. Then, after I had finished my worship and was suak in pious meditation, I saw standing before me a moon-faced maid, beautiful like Raka, dressed in white garments, anointed with white unguents, and holding a chaplet in her white. hands. Wondering, I asked her who she was and why she came. Then she addressed me thus: "O hero, know that I am the Fortune of the Gurjara kings, who is sorely tormented by crowds of enemies. Alas! those Gurjara princes are slain who were able to destroy their focs, in whose arms I used to rest. The young or foolish wheel-king who now reigns in their stead is unable to subdue the armies of his enemies. His mantris and. mundalikas possess neither wisdom nor valour. They even raise their eyes to me, though I am their lord's lawful wife. The purohita (sauvastika) A mas ar man is dead, who used to protect me. Gone is the son of Munjala,SS who humbled rebellious Rajputs. Prata pamalla the Rathor is no longer, who could not bear even the smell of a hostile elephant. My own people have brought me so low, excepting always Jagaddeva, who kept the enemy from entering the capital. No lights shine now at night in the capital of Gurjara-land; it resounds with the howl of the jackal; its/walls The southern king must have been either the Yadava Sing hana or his father. The Kirtikaumudi, as well as Visaladeva's grant No. 11, shows that in the 13th century Gujarat was repeatedly attacked by its southern neigh bour. || Kirtik. II. 76-82. The author himself. *sishtaphalojna, a person who knows the results (of actions, &c.)' * + Kirtik. II. 82-86. 189 { are broken. Therefore do thou, together with thy son Viradhavala, rescue me and save the country." After the goddess had spoken thus,' Lavanapras a da continued, "she threw her garland on this chair and vanished together with my dream. Now tell me what this means.'T "Herenpon Somesvara addressed the chief, declared him to be the happiest of all Rajputs, since Fortune wooed him of her own accord, and heexhorted him to accept the charge laid upon him and to engage able ministers. Then Lavanaprasada appointed Vira dhavala 'to save* the country,' and he began to consider whom he should appoint his mantrs. But when the morning came the three companions rose in order to do what was to be done." This story, which is told with additions and numerous embellishments by the later chroniclers Rajasekhara and Harshagani, means, if translated into plain English, that for a time Lavanaprasa da, and perhaps also Viradhavala, served Bhimadeva, but that later, either disgusted with his arrogance and folly, or in despair of overcoming his numerous enemies, they separated from him, and took what they could lay hold of. A remnant of regard for his rightful king probably prevented Somesvara from giving the naked truth, and moved him to introduce the Gurjararajalakshmi as dea ex machina. If Somesvara does not misrepresent his own position at Lavanaprasada's court, he probably was not without influence on the latter's course of action. It is also probable that the same feeling prevents him from mentioning any hostile engagements which, no doubt, occurred between the two Dholka chief's and Bhimadeva. Throughout the remainder of his work he speaks of Viradhavala as of an independent prince, who owned allegiance to nobody, and ignores the king of Pathan entirely. The same line is adopted in the inscriptions of Viradhavala's two ministers Vastupala and Teja pala, who, as Somesvara states in the third canto of the Kirtikaumuli, were engaged shortly after the occurrence described above. Kirt. II. SI-Yo vartate samprati chakravarti pade. tra bal; Blilma, the saptamachakravarti, is meant. SS See Forbes, RAs ML, vol. I. p. 109. Here I have left out one verse (100), which seems to me corrupt. It mentions a purohita Kumara. Kart. II. 92-107. This must be taken as the abdication of Lavanaprasida. as in the later parts of the Kirtikaumudi Viradhavala al-. ways appears as ruler.

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190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1877. Neither in the Abu nor in the Girnar inscrip- correct in so many cases which appeared at first tions of the two brothers is Bhimadeva men- sight rather doubtful that I have no hesitation tioned with a single word, though another Abu in accepting them as long as they are not inscription of the same time acknowledges him as proved to be wrong by very strong evidence. lord paramount. On the other hand Lavana- As regards the history of Visala deva prasada and Virad havala are given the Vaghela of Anhilvad, Rajasekhara and Harshatitles maharaja and maharajadhiraja. The time gani state that his father Virad ha vala died of Lavanaprasada's defection can be fixed ap- at Dholka not long before his great minister. proximately from Vastupala's Girnar inscrip- As the latter's death occurred in 1297 Vikrama tions. Theret Vastupala says that he trans- (1240 A.D.), the Rank's career must have come to acted the business with the seal' in Gujarat an end either in 1295 or 1296 Vikrama, i.e. besince 1276 Vikrama (1219-20 A.D.). The portions tween 1238 and 1240 A.D. Virad ha vala had of the Chaulukya kingdom which Lavanapra- two sons, Virama de va and Visaladeva. sada and Vfradhavala 'saved' were, besides the The former, who, as the elder, was the rightful Dholka and Dhandhuka districts, Khambay, heir to the gadi, had given offence both to his Lata, and Godhra, which are mentioned by father and to Vastup ala by ill-treating a Somesvara as subject to Viradhavala. The Chau- Vania, and had been banished to Viramalukya conquests in the Kathiavud peninsula grama, the modern Viramgam. On the news of fell to the local chieftains, who again became his father's mortal illness he came to Dholk a free, as they had been before the time of and tried to assert his right. But Vastupala Jayasinha. The Prabandhakosha mentions was too strong for him. He secured Vis alaespecially the chief of Vadhvan as having be- deva's succession, and forced Virama to fly come independent and engaging in war with from the city. Virama then tried an appeal to Viradhavala. If Chand's and the Muhammadan arms. Being defeated, he went to his father-inaccounts of events referring to Bhimadeva's law U da yasim hu, chief of J & bali, and was reign are added to the notes given above, it treacherously murdered at the instigation of will be possible to give a tolerably accurate Vastupala, who, like a true Hindu mantri, outline of the history of Bhimadeva's reign. made it his first care to remove "the thorns" But I defer this for another opportunity, from the kingdom. If Vastupala hoped to when I shall give a short history of the whole keep Visala deva in dependence, and to Solanki period. retain the great influence which he possessed All the Gujarati chroniclers close the list of the during his father's reign, he was disappointed. Chaulukya kings of the main line with Bhim & The new Rana appointed & Brahman called deva. If grant No. 10 now furnishes the name Naga dag as his prime minister, and left to of an additional king, Tribhuvana pala, the two brothers some minor offices only. who held Anhilvad 1299 Vikrama, after Bhima- They suffered many indignities, and had been deva's death, and declares himself to be 'meditat. I nearly obliged to undergo the ordeal by the ing on his feet,' i. e. to he his lawful successor, snake in the pot' (ghatasarpa) in order to the most probable solution of the difficulty is prove themselves innocent of peculation. Their that this ruler maintained himself only for a old friend Somesva r a saved them by a timely short time, and was not generally acknowledged epigram. Not long after, another incident as king of Gujarat. In favour of this view occurred which had nearly driven Vastupala into Merutunga's staternent, from the Vicharaareni, open rebellion against his new master. The king's may be adduced, according to which Visala maternal uncle, called Simha, gave a blow to de va the son of Viradhavala succeeded to the the gorji or yati who was Vastapala's spiritual throne of ANhilvad in 1300 Vikrama, or 1243-44 guide. The proud minister avenged it by causA.D., as the first Chaulukya king of the Vaghela ing one of his Rajput servants to accost Sinh branch. Merutunga's dates have been proved to be in a seemingly friendly manner and to cut off his + Wilson, No. II. As. Res, vol. XVI. p. 239. Mentioned as minister in grant No. 11, PL. I. 1. 7. I See J. Burgess, inscription from Kathihad No. 16, 14: Harshagani says that the change in the ministry did 75 varSapUrva gUrjaramaNDale dhavalakkakapramukhanagareSu mudravyApArAn | not occur at once, but that Visaladeva, before it happened, WAS rescued by the brothers from an invasion made by Naragoal. Mr. Limaye, the translator, has made a sai simha, king of Dhala, i.e. Tripara-Tivers, and that he was meas of this passage. afterwards corrupted by his uncle Simba.

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GRANTS OF THE ANHILVAD CHAULUKYAS. JULY, 1877.] hand. After performing this feat the bravo carried the bleeding member to Vastupala, who displayed it in front of his palace. The mutilation of their chief roused all the Jethva Rajputs, Simha's clansmen, and they vowed to slay the mantri with his family. The latter made preparations to resist both the Jethvas and the Rana, "abandoning the hope of life." While matters were thus in a critical state, Somesvara again interposed and brought about a reconciliation. After these events the chroniclers lose sight of Visala deva, and we hear nothing more of him than that he became, as stated above, king of Gujarat in 1300 Vikrama. It is very probable that the reunion of all the Chaulukya possessions in his hand did not take place peaceably. Probably he ousted Tribhuvana pa la by force of arms. Grant No. 11 proves that he took up his residence at Anhilvad. It also shows that he was not allowed to rest on his laurels, but had to defend his new possessions against numerous and various foes. Sing hana, the Yadava of Devagiri, who ruled until 1247-48 A.D., had already unsuccessfully assailed Viradhavala, as we learn from Somesvara, Kirtik. IV. If Visaladeva boasts that he "dried up the ocean of his army," that means, probably, that he successfully resisted another invasion. The ruler of Mala va was one of the hereditary foes of Gujarat, who probably tried another invasion. Visaladeva's contemporary in Malava was Purnamalla. The king of Med apa ta appears for the first time in this grant as (1 ) 9 rAjAvalI pUrvvam (2) va vitatakamalAzrayaH (3) lAzrayaH I zatamakha (*) da / meruriva sadA (') nukNpii| sureMdrAdvapa iva (1) jAdhirAjazrI mUlarAjaH 1 ( 7 ) tamaNDalo zrImoDherakIyArddhASTameSu an enemy of the Solankis. Meda pata is the Sanskrit form of Mev a d.+ The word means etymologically the country of the Medas,' the Mers of modern times, who still inhabit the Aravali hills, on the boundary of M e va d. Perhaps the Tejasimha mentioned in the Abu inscription, which gives the pedigree of the Gohels down to 1285-86, was the opponent alluded to. Another interesting fact recorded in our grant is that Visaladeva was the successful competitor at a svayamvara for the hand of the daughter of the king of the Karnata country. I suppose the latter must have been one of the BallulaYa da vas of Dvarasamudra. Our grant is dated in 1317 Vikrama, or 1260-61 A.D.; and this agrees with the statement of Merutunga in the Vicharaerent that Visaladeva reigned until 1318 Vikrama, 1261-62 A.D. According to the same authority his three successors ruled as follows: See Fleet, Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. XII. p. 6. Prinsep, Essays. vol. II. p. 252. + See also As. Res. vol. XVI. p. 292, where inscription X. gives the vahiavili of the Gohels of Udepur, or Medapata. The word occurs frequently in Jaina works, in the sense given above. Forbes, Rds Mala, vol. I. p. 276. Atmaram K. Dvivedi, Kachhdeino Itihas, p. 18. 191 Arjunadeva 1318 to 1331 V.=1261-62 to 1274-75 A.D. Sarangadeva 1331 to 1353 V. 1274-75 to 1296-97 A.D. Karna(ghelo) 1353 to 1360 1296-27 to No. 1. || Plate I. 1303-4. We have inscriptions of Arjun adeva at Somanatha Pathan dated 1264-65 A.D. and in Kachh dated 1328 Vikrama, or 1271-72 A.D..SS and of Sarangadeva, in the temple of Vastupala at Abu, dated 1294 A.D. These dates agree, therefore, with Merutunga's statement. The final annexation of Gujarat by the Muham. madans in 1304 is well known. 11 rAjahaMsa iva vimalobhayapakSaH I kamalaponiri / viSNuriva vikramAkrAMtabhUtalaH / tryamvaka ina vihitAca ivavibudhAnaMdajanakaH / kalpavRkSa iva atferaefe madhyastha: / togadhiriva bahulAzrayaH / jalada ina sarvasatvAsadA dAnatopArDIkRtakaraH / cIlukikAnvaye mahArAmahArAjAdhirAjazrIrAjisutaH I nijabhujeopArjitasArasvakamboDakA sAme samastarAjapuruSAn brAhma: Measurements 7 inches by 10 inches. Characters ancient Kayastha Devanagari. Preservation good. Photolithograph made after painting the plates in black and white. TL. 3, the letters on the plate look like think, only because the right side-stroke of the obliterated. Read : L. 5, dele Anusvara ; but, I has been over h

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192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1877. ( ) NottarAna tanivAsijanapadAMzca bodhayatyastu vaH saMviditaM / yathA / zrImadaNahilapATa(1) kasthAnAvasthitairasmAbhiH sUryagrahaNaparvaNi zrIsthalake prAcIsarasvatIvAriNi* (1) snAtvA] tRdazapati rudramahAlayadevamabhyarcya saMsArasyAsAratAM viciMya nalinIdala(') gatajalalavatarala prANitavyamAkalayyaM / adRSThaphalamaMgIkRtya ca / mAtApitrorAtmana Plate II. (') zca puNyayazobhivRddhaye / uparilikhitagrAmoyaM svasImAparyantaH svakASThatRNodakope(1) ta: svagocarasahitaH sadaNDadazAparAdho viivaSaye maNDalyAM sthApitazrImUlanAthade(") vAya zAsanenodakapUrdhvamasmAbhiH pradattaH / iti matvA / tannivAsijanapadairyathAdIya-1 (') mAnabhAgabhogakarahiraNyAdi sarcamAjJAzravaNavidheyairbhUtvA sarvadA'smai samupane(5) tavyaM / sAmAnyaM caitatpuNyaphalaM budhavA'smadvaMzajairanyairapi bhAvibhoktabhirasmatpradattadha(deg) rmadAyoyamanumaMtavyaH pAlanIyazca / uktaM ca bhagavatA vyAsena / SaSThiM varSasahasrANi sva(') garge tiSThati bhUmidaH / AcchettA cAnumaMtA ca tAnyeva narake vaset / / bahubhirvasudhA bhuktvA rAja(d) bhiH sagarAdibhiH / yasyayasya yadA bhUmistasyatasya tadA phalaM / / yAnIha dattAni purA nareM(') TrairdAnAni dhartyiyazaskarANi / nirmAlyavAM[tapratimAni tAni ko nAma sAdhuH punarAda(1) dIta || likhitamidaM zAsanaM kAyasthajeja- sutakAMcaNaneti // 2 // sambat 1043 (") mAgha vadi rakho zrImUlarAjasya / / No. 1.--Translation. | (sattvasraya), just as the sea is the abode of Om ! First the pedigree of the king. I many creatures (sattvaaraya), who resembles He who resembles a royal swan, since both a cloud, as he takes compassion on all beings, - sides of his family, paksha) are spotless, just as who resembles the elephant of the king of the both wings (paksha) of the bird,-who resembles gods, since his hand is always moist with libaBrahma, since he is the abode of great pros- tions (poured out in confirmation) of gifts (danaperity (kamalasraya), just as the god reclines toyardrikritakara), just as the trunk of Airavata on a large lotus (kamalasraya),who resembles is always moist with the ichor (flowing from Vishnu, since he has conquered the earth by his his temples, danatoydrdrileritakara),--the king prowess (vikramakrantablutala), just as the of kings, the illustrious Malaraja, the son of god measured the earth with one step (vilerama- the king of kings the illustrious Raji,--who kerantabhatala),--who resembles Tryambaka, belongs to the Chaulukik a family,--who has since he took up his residence on a mountain, conquered with his own arm the province just as the god dwells on Mount (Kaildsa),- | watered by the Sarasvati, (thus) addresses who resembles Indra, since he gladdens wise all royal servants, and all people, Brahmans men (ribudha), just as the god gladdens the and others, dwelling in the Ardhishtama of wise deities (vibudhi),-who resembles the tree. Mod hera, in the village of Kam boika:|| of paradise, since he fulfils the desires (of his Be it known to you that, while residing in dependents),-- who resembles Mount Meru, (my) capital, the famous A nahilapataka, since he is always impartial (madhyastha), just after having bathed on the day of an eclipse of us the mountain always stands in the centre the sun at Sristhalaka in the water of the eustern (of the universe, madhyastha), who resembles Sarasvati, having worshipped the lord of the ocean, since he is the abode of great courage the gods, the deity of the Rudrama ha*L.8, the aign under na in"carAn looks like aca; but I | a translation of the Gujarket phriso rAjAvalI pehelA. Simithink it is intended for the Verama. L.10, road vizapatiM. larly Meratunga uses varSapUrva, literal translation of Guja. L. 11, rend taralaM; dele Amuavara over degyya: rond adRSTa. | rate varasa pahalAM, instead of varSAdArabhya.. + L. 8, dele Anusvidra over L. 6, read . L. 7, Ramuding the explanation of the allusion see above. rend bhukkA. L. 10, read kAMcaNena. || Now Kambot, situated north-west of Modhem, in the t I take rajdualiparvam as a compound. It is probably Gaikydd Uttara Mahals. -

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GRANT OF MULARAJA OF ANHILVAPA. ( A.D, 986. ) 1et Elate. 9 rAmAvalI pUrva sAjahaMsava vimAlAmayaparAkamalAyA niri vavinatakamalAzayAviSutivanikamA zAnainalamavAvavi hitAsa lAsayazanamakha 7vaviyulanayanatAkatya pRkazvavAditAva halapa yAmakavivasaIyAma nAyavitiharAisa vAyaH lapavAyavI nukapAlasaMvadiyazcama dAyAnanAyoDaulAnakarAtomukikAvayAmahArA jAvinAabhI lAuAmahArAjAvirAjazrI nAtinAni suruApAiinavArava na manralo bhAmATharatIya darzanAmaSukAmbA kAraNAmayama-maroDapuruSAnadAra lAvarAna nivAsiGanayAmAvAvayata suvaHyavidinIyabArAzImarAhilapAra ka yAnAvAdatirapAliH sUryagalapalizIlAkUyAtAyatamatAvAnA yApatika yamalAlayAdavamahAsaMsArayAmA sAvitiganalinIpala sajalalavatarala pAlitaya mAnAlayAbaharulamaniyatAmAtApitAsAmana

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GRANT OF MULARAJA aputhayAziyAyaparilagnita gAmAyasvanImAparyavasakASThata loyAkApa nAmUpAvaramamita sadasavAparAvAviSayamalagI sApitadhImUlanAvAra vAryazAsAnAnAyakavaImammAnidhparatA nima vAjanivAsinapadadhAyIya mAnakAsAkAyakassiAsiI mAdhavalAviyAyavAsIyAmamamupane nahA sAmAgatanaputhalayukSa'vagAte nAmayikAvilAsimapUraba mAdAyoTayamanumanApAlanIyatAutA gavatAzAgmanAbAI varSasahayAlaya titimidAlatAtAnu manAtIla vanarakeTalAtAvanimusaMskAlAI (magarAdimiyAmAyaNAyayamivAna mAnahalAyAnorakatAnipuronAra inAnimAyaNamUrAlilanirmAtyo mAninAniko nAmamA punarAya dInAlisvinamidaMzAsanakAyasUtatakAsalAnAnasAsamata40 mApadadisAzImA pAnasamA

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JULY 1877.] GRANTS OF THE ANHILVAD CHAULUKYAS. laya, having pondered on the worthlessness of dwelling there shall obediently give to this the world, having considered that life is unstable (deity) everything according to custom, viz. as a drop of water lying on a lotus-leaf, and fully the share of produce, taxes, gold, and the like; understood the rewards of spiritual merit, I have and future kings, whether they belong to our given, confirming the gift by an edict and a liba- family or be strangers, knowing that the retion of water, for the increase of my own and my ward for the merit acquired by such (gifts parents' merit and fame, the above-mentioned of land) is common (to all kings), should agree village up to its boundaries, together with its to and protect this our religious gift. Wherewood, grass, and water, together with the right fore the divine Vyasa has declared.. of pasturing cattle, and with the right of (inflict- This grant has been written by Kanchana, ing) fines and (deciding cases arising out) of the son of Kayastha, Je... Samvat 1043, the ten flaws, to the illustrious Mulanatha- on the 15th day of the dark half of Magha, on deva, thatis established at Mandali, in the a Sunday. (The signature) of the illustrious Varddhi zilla+ Knowing this, the people | Malaraja. No. 2.1 Plate I. (2) 9 vikrama samvat 1086 kArtika zudi 15 aoha zrImadaNAhila( 2 ) pATake ( 3 ) madevaH samastarAjAvalIvirAjita mahArAjAdhirAjazrIbhI svabhujyamAna kacchamaMDalAMta : patighaDahaDikAdvAdaza ( * ) ke kArtti masUrayAmeM samastarAjapuruSAn brAhmaNottarAMstanivA(5) sijanapadadhi bodhayatyastu naH saMviditaM payA adya ( " ) kIparvvaNi bhagavaMtaM bhavAnIpatimabhyarcya kaMcchamaMDalamadhyava(7) tinavaNI sakachAnavirgatAya AcAryamaMgalazivasutA () ya bhaTTAraka uparilikhitamasUragrAmaH AjapAlAya sahiraNyabhAgaH sadaMDadasAparAdha () sannadAyasameta zAsanenoda( 10 ) kapUrvamasmAbhiH pradatto yasya pUrvvasyAM dizi ghaTahaTikAyA( " ) mo dakSiNasyAM aikavikAyAmaH pazcimAyAM (2) uttarasyAM dharavadrikAyAma prasarikAgrAma iti caturAghATopa Plate II. masUrayAmaM (1 ) lakSitaM (2) mAnabhAgabhogAdi sarva (*) vidheyerbhUtAsmai AjapAlAya ( ' ) nyaM (1) kRmirazmapradattadharmmadApoyamanumaMtavyaH caitatpuNyaphalaM This is apparently the etymon of the modern name of Malaraja's temple at Siddhapura, Rudramala. It means 'the palace of Rudra, i.e. Siva. matvA sarvvadA samupanetavyaM vudhvA'zmadvaMzajairanyairapi At a late visit to Mandal I inquired in vain for any trace of this once famous temple, and the monastery attached to it, which occurs so frequently in the grants. Nobody had ever heard that such a temple had existed. An ingenious vahivancha or bard at last suggested that the temple might have stood near a well called Molu-ka-kaa, about two miles east of Mandal, and that Molu might be a corruption of Malaraja. I should say that it meant brackish. I believe that the temple stood on the south side of the taldo, where many sculptured stones lie about. + Yarddhi is a synonym of Vadhiar, the ancient and also tannivAsibhiryathAdIyaAjJAzravaNa sAmAbhAvibho pAla 193 modern name of the country adjacent to the Ran of Kachh from Radhanpur to Jhinjhuvada. The word Vadhir represents Sanskrit Vriddhikara, not Vardhi. Measurements of the plates 9 inches by 7 inches. Characters modern Brahmanical Devanagari, frequently mixed with the ancient forms of da, na, da, dha, bha, sya. Preservation good. Transcript, made under my supervi sion, by NArAyaps Sletri. 5 L. 8, read dezAparAdhaH L. 10, insert bhAghATA : L. 11, "dra in dharavadrikA doubtful. I. 4, rond buddhAsmadraM I. 5, road 'smatprada.

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194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULI, 1877. (deg) nIyazca uktaM ca bhagavatA vyAsena SaSThi varSasahazrANi' (') svarge tiSThati bhUmidaH AcchettA cAnumaMtA ca tAnye(7) va narakaM vaset likhitamidaM kAyaschakAMcanasute[na] (') vaTezvareNa dUtako'tra mahAsAMdhivigrahikazrIcaMDa(1) zarmA iti maMgala mahAzrIH zrIbhImadevasya (11) svarajI sthApIta No. 2.- Abstract. III. Object granted.-The village of Masura, I. Preamble. In Sarmvat 1086 Vikrama, on | boundedthe 15th day of the bright half of Karttika, the (a) East by the village of Ghadahadika, king of kings, Bhimadeva, who resides | (8) South by the village of Aikayika, in Ana hila pataka, addresses all officials | (6) West by the village of Dharavadika, and inhabitants of Mas u ra, situated in the Dva- (d) North by the village of Prajharikin dasa of Ghada hadika, in the province of | IV. Oficials.-Writer of the grant: Vate Kachha, and announces the following grant: svara, son of Kanchan as a Kayastha II. Grantee.-Bhattaraka Ajapalat | Dataka : the minister of peace and war, Chanson of Acharya Mangalasiva, an emigrant from dasarman. Navanisaka, situated in Kachha. No. 3.|| Plate I. ( svasti rAjAvalI pUrvavatsamastarAjAvalI virA] jitaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrI(1) mUlarAjadevapAdAnudhyAtaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrIcAmuMDarAjadevapAdAnudhyAtapara(1) mabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrIdurlabharAjadevapAdAnudhyAtaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAja(1) paramezvarazrIbhImadevapAdAnudhyAtaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaratrailokyamalazrIkarNa(') devapAdAnudhyAtaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarAvantInAtha tribhuvanagaMDavarakajiSNusiddhaca(6) kravartizrIjayAsaMhadevapAdAnudhyAtaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraumApativaralabdhapra(') sAdaprauDhapratApasvabhujavikramaraNAMgaNavinijitazAkaMbharIbhUpAlazrIkumArapAladevapAdA(1) nudhyAtaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamamAhezvaraprabalabAhudaMDadarparupakaMdarpa-1 (1) kalikAlaniSkalaMkAvatAritarAmarAjyakaradIkRtasapAdalakSakSmApAlazrIajayapAladeva(1) pAdAnudhyAtaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarAhavaparAbhUtadurjayagarjanakAdhirA(1) jazrImUlarAjadevapAdAnubhyAtaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarAbhinavasiddharAja(12) zrImadbhImadevaH svabhujyamAnagaMbhUtApathakAntaHpAtinaH samastarAjapuruSAna brAhmaNottarAMsvani(15) yuktAdhikAriNo janapadAMzva bodhayatyastu vaH saMviditaM yathA zrImadvikramAdiyotpAditasaMva(5) sarazateSu dvAdazasu tRSaSTi uttareSu lo. zrAvaNamAsazuklapakSadvitIyAyAM ravivAre'trAMkato * L. 6, rond we arraror. L. 8, rend T . L. 11. The letters in this line are modern and a later addition. dition I think the sentence is a note referring to the pawning of the plate with the Vanil in whose possession it was found, and it means "Syarit, i.e. Saerijt, the priest or Brahman, has deposited it (in my house)." _ Descendants of this Bhattraks exist to this day in Kachh, as Mr. D. Khakar informs me.. I Neither this nor any of the other villages mentioned can be trooed on the map. Soe grant No. 1. _ Measurementa 11 inches by 12). Characters Jains DevenAgarf. Preservation good. The plates had been heated, to remove the rast, before coming into my, handa. Transcripts of this and following grants made, under my own and VAmanfcharya Jhalakar's supervision, by Naryana Sastrt. Mistakes in Sandhi occurring in this and the other plates have not been corrected in the notes, as they are too numerous. 11.8, rend rUpakaMdeg L. 19, perhaps nAgabhUtvA or yer" lettera balf destroyed. L. 14, read free

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JULY, 1877.] GRANTS OF THE ANHILVAD CHAULUKYAS. 195 (") pi saMvat[12]63 zrAvaNa zudi 2 ravAvasyAM saMvatsaramAsapakSavArapAbakAyAM tithAvadyeha zrImada-* (") [NahilapATa keDIva vyatIpAtapArvaNi snAbA carAcaraguruM bhagavaMtaM bhavAnIpatimabhyarthya saMsA(") rAsAratAM vicitya nalinIdalagatajalalavataralataraM prANitavyamAkalayyauhikamAmuSmikaM (1) ca phalamaMgIkRya pitrorAtmanazca puNyayazo'bhivRddhaye iMdilAyAmaH svasImAparyantaH sa(") vRkSamAlAkulaH sahiraNyabhAgabhogaH sadaMDadazAparAdhaH kASTatRNodakopetaH sarvAdA. Plate II. (') yasametaH pUrvapradattadevadAyabrahmadAyavarja cAhurANa. samarasIhasutArAjJIzrIlIlA(1) devyA karIrAgrAmamAlakatariyAmayoraMtarAle niSpAditalIlApure * kAritazrIbhImezvara(1) devazrIlIlezvaradevaprapAsatrAgArebhyaH zAsanenodakapUrvamasmAbhiH pradattaH // grAmasyA(1) syAghATA yathA / / pUrvasyAM dizi deulavADAgrAmasImA / dakSiNasyAM dizi kAlharIyAmasImA / pa(1) zcimAyAM dizi zeSadevatigrAmasImA / uttarasyAM dizi ghArIyAvaligrAmasImA / / evamamI(7) bhirAghATairupalakSitaM grAmamenamavagamya tanivAsijanapadairyathAdIyamAnabhAgabho(') gakarahiraNyAdi sarva sarvadAjJAzravaNavidheyairbhUtvA ebhyaH zrIbhImezvaradevazrIlIle(1) zvaradevaprapAsatrAgArebhyaH samupanetavyaM / sAmAnyaM caitatpuNyaphalaM matvA'smadvaMzajaira() nyairapi bhAvibhoktRbhirasmatpradattadharmadAyo'yamanumaMtavyaH pAlanIyazca // uktaM ca bhaga(1) vatA vyAsena // SaSThiM varSasahazrANi svarge tiSThati bhuumidH|| AcchettA cAnumaMtA ca tAnyeva na+ (") rake vaset 1 yAnIha dattAni purA nareMdrairdAnAni dharmArthayazaskarANi / nirmAlyavA('") nipratimAni tAni ko nAma sAdhuH punarAdadIta / 2 [svadattA pa]radattAM vA yo hareta vasudharAM / ('') sa viSTAyAM kRmibhUtvA [pitRbhiH saha majjati / 3 bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhiH sagarAdi(1) bhiH / yasyayasya yadA bhUmI tasyatasya tadA phalaM // 4 datvA bhUmi bhAvinaH pArthiveMdrAna bhUyo(15) bhUyo yAcate rAmabhadraH / sAmAnyo'yaM dAnadharmo nRpANAM skhekhe kAle pAlanIyo bhvdiH| (1) likhitamidaM zAsanaM kAyaschAnvayaprasUtamahAkSapaTalika Tha0 zrIkumarasuta Tha0 vosariNA (") dUtako'tra mahAsAMdhivigrahika Tha0 zrIsU iti zrIbhImadevasya / / ___No. 3.-Abstract. 7. Ku marapaladeva, conqueror in 1. Preamble.-(a) Varneavali. I battle of the king of Sakambhari. 1. MalarajaI. ___8. Ajayapaladeva, the ardent devotee of 2. Chamundaraja. Siva, who made the Sapa dalaks ha king 3. Durlabharaja. tributary. 4. Bhimadeva I. 9. Mularaja II., who conquered the ruler 5. Karnadeva, Trailokyamalla. of the Garjjanak as in battle. 6. Jayasimhadeva, conqueror of the | 10. Bhimadeva, a second Siddharaja. lord of Avanti, of Tribhuvanaganda (6) Bhi madeva, who rules at A nahillaand of Varvaraka, wheel-king of the Sid. pataka, addresses the officials and inhabdhas. itants of the Agam bhuta or Gambh u ta end of this and Bhima's other inscriptions shows the *L. 16, the first two figures of the date 12 have been ancient forms of the letters 32 destroyed. L. 18, rend parvaNi. L. 17, read kAmuSmikaM. I All the langa mentioned receive in this and the following L. 19, rend kASTha grants the titles maharajadhirdja parametara, and para. mabhaftdraka, and various other epithets, which declare + L. 10, read sahasrANi. L. 11, rend nirmAlyavAM . L. them to be possessed of high virtues, and worshippers of 18, road tapatimAni;-vasuMdharA- L.T. The iti - the | Sin.

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196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1877. Pathaka, dating on Sunday, the second day devi, daughter of Ranasa m arasimha, of the bright half of Sravana, 1263 Vikrama, and Chahu mana, at Lila pura, between the announces the following grant: villages of Karira and M&lakatari, to II. Object granted.-The village of Indila, the drinking-fountain and almshouse (situated bounded in the same place). (a) East by the village of Deula va da, ___ IV. Officers.-Writer of the grant : Maha. (6) South by the village of Kalhari, kshapatalika, i.e. the chief registrar Thakur (c) West by the village of Seshadevati, Vosarin,|| son of Thakur Kumara,a Ka(d) North by the village of Ghariyavali. yastha. III. Grantee.-The temples of Bhime - 2. Dataka: the minister of peace and war vara and Lilesvara, built by queen Lill. Thakur Sudha (P). No. 4.4 Plate 1. (') / svasti rAjAvalIpUrvam samastarAjAvalIsamalaMkRtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparama--bhaTTA raka] umApativaralabdha(') prasAdaprauDhapratApAdityacaulukyakula kamala] ----nAnekasaMgrAmani----zrImanmUlarAjadevapAdAnu dhyAtamahArA(') jAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakaumApativaralabdhaprasAdaprAptarAjya lakSmIsvayaMvarazrIcAmuMDarAjadevapAdA nudhyAtama(1) hArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakaumApativaralabdhaprasAdasaMpAditarAjyalakSmIsvayaMvara ------ zrI(1) vallabharAjadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakaumApativaralabdhaprasAdaprauDhapratApA-- ---ttazrIdurla(7) bharAjadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakaumApativaralabdhaprasAdaprauDhapratApatimi-4 rAri(') rAjabhImazrImadvImadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakaumApativaralabdhaprasAda [prA tarA-] (7) jyalakSmIsvayaMvarakAminIkaMdarpatrailokyamalazrIkarNadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabha dvArakaumA(1) pativaralabdhaprasAdAvAptarAjyalakSmIsvayaMvaraayadutapratApamArtaDacaulukyakula]tilakatribhuvanagaMDavara [ka]jiSNu(") avaMtInAyasiddhacakravartizrImajjayasiMhadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAja paramezvaraparamabhaTTArakaumA pativa(") ralabdhaprasAdasaMpAditarAjyalakSmIsvayaMvarAtyadutapratApabhAsvAnucaulukyakulakalpadrumavicAracaturAnata raNAMgaNavi(") nijitazAkambharIbhUpAlazrIkumArapAladevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakaumA tivara Probably K Alrt, on the road from ViramgAm to Jaina-Devanagarl. Platen badly damaged by rust, and by Pathan. attempts to clean them by exposure to heat. Perhaps a mistake for Kesarin. TL. 6, the last three letters are doubtful. L. 11,read TMerurements 14 inches by is inches. Characters | bhAsvAn. L. 12, read zAkaMbharI.

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JULY 1877.] GRANTS OF THE ANHILVAD CHAULUKYAS. (*) labdhaprasAdaprauDhapratApAdityakalikAlaniSkalaMkAvatAritarAmarAjyaAjJA ' jApAlazrIajayapAladevapAdAnudhyAta(*) mahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakaumApativaralabdhaprasAdaprauDhapratApabAlA ke AhavaparAbhUtadurjayagarjjanakA(*) dhirAjazrImUlarAjadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAja [ paramezvara ] paramabhaTTAraka umApativara labdhaprasAda(") rAyaNAvatAra zrI bhImadevatadanaMtaraM schAne mahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakaumApativaralabdhapra(7) saMpAditarAjyalakSmIsvayaMvara atyadbhutapratApamArtaMDa caulukya kulakalpavalIvistAraNadIpta saduH samayajala(") dhijalamagnamedinImaMDaloddharaNamahAvarAhadurdaivadAvAnalanirdagdhagUrjaradharAbIjaprarohaikaparjjanyaekAMga ----nA. sAda-* 197 vIretyA (") disamastaviradAvalIsamupetazrImadaNahilapurarAjadhAnI adhiSThita abhinavasiddha raajshriimjjyNtsiNhdeve| (*) varddhipathake gaMbhUtApathake cattaniyuktaviSayAdhikAriNo bodhayatyastu vaH saMviditaM yathA / / asyAM tithau saMvatsaramAsa - Plate 11. (") pakSavArayuktAyAM gata saMvatsaradvAdazavarSazateSu azItyuttareSu pauSamAse zuklapakSe tRtIyAyAM tithau bhaumavAre (2) saMjAtauttarAgatasUrya saMkramaparvaNi aMkato'pi sambat 1280 varSe pauSa zudi 3 bhIme'dyeha saMjAta[utta] rAnaya(1) naparvaNi snAtvA zucirbhUtvA carAcaraguruM bhagavaMtaM bhavAnIpatimabhyarcya saMsArAsAratAM vIkSya nalinIdalagata + (1) jalalavataralataraM prANitavyamAkalijya aihikAmuSmikaM ca phalamaMgIkRtya pitreArAtma [nazca puNyayazo ] bhivRddha() ye pUrvapuruSANAM svargaschitaye vavipathake sAMpAvADAgrAmaH pUrvaM palamAnadevadAyabrahmadAyavajrjaM tathAgaM bhUtApayake zeSa(5) devatigrAmamadhyAt DoDiyApATaka satkabhUmikhaMDa 1 ubhayametat pUrvvaschadevadAya brahmadAyavarjitaM asyAmeva bhU() mau solaM0 rANakaAnA u0 lUNapatAkena svIya mAtRsalakhaNadevinAmake kAritasalakhaNapure zrI [Ana] [lezvarade(1) vazrIsalakhaNezvaradevAbhyAM zAsanodaka pUrvamasmAbhiH pradattaM || sAMpAvADAgrAmasyAghATA yathA || pUrvasyAM bhaTTAzrI(7) zeSadevatamUbhI sImA / dakSiNasyAM phIMcaDIgrAmahAMsalapuragrAmayoH sImAyAM sImA / pazcimAyAM (1) grAmayoH sImAyAM sImA / uttarasyAM rANeloyagrAmakhAMbhilagrAmada0 AdhIvADAgrAmANAM bhaTTAzrIzeSadevatabhUmau ca dve U (1) sImA / tathA DoDiyApATaka bhUmikhaMDe kasyAghATAH // pUrvasyAM iTilAgrAmakAlharIgrAmavahicaragrAmANAM sImAyAM + L. 1, vIkSya indistinct. I. 2, read mAkalayya. L. 8, read niideg L. 5, read devI. L. 6, bhaTTA indistinct. * L. 16, read zrI bhImadeva. 1. 17, dIptasud: L. 18, vIre indistinct. I. 19, read virudA L. 20, read ca tabhi

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198 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1877. (") sImA / dakSiNasyAM phIMcaDIgrAmasImAyAM sImA / pazcimAyAM bhaTTAzrIzeSadevatabhUmau sImA / uttarasyAM DoDiyApATakama(") vyayabhUmau saMti STasAnavahapAnIye tathA bhaTTAzrIzeSadevatabhUmau ca sImA / evamamIbhirAghATairupalakSitaH svasI : (*) mAparyaMta sakSamAlAkulaH sahiraNyabhAgabhogAsadaMDadazAparAdhaH sakASThatRNodakopetaH navanidhAnasahita AbhyAM (") devAbhyAM AcaMdrArkakAlaM yAvatdvoktavyaH / yathA dISamAnakarahiraNyAdi sarvaM sarvadAjJAzravaNavidhAbhUtvA'mukAbhyAM devA(") pyAM samupanetavyaM / sAmAnyaM caitatpuSpaphalaM malA'smadvaMzajeranyairapi bhAvibho nRbhirasmatpradattadevadAyo'yamaDa(") maMnumaMtavyaH pAlanIyazdha kenApi kadApi zAsanamidaM na paribaMdhanIyaM // yata uktaM ca vyAsena // SaSThirvarSasahazrANi (") svarge tiSTati bhUmidaH / pyAchettA cAnumaMtA ca tAnyeva narakaM vaset // 1 bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhiH sagarA [dibhiH] yasyaya stasyA ( 17 ) sya yadA bhUmI tasyatasya tadA phalaM // 2 asmadvaMze ca yo rAjA 'nyome haMkAramamro (") yet // / 3 bho bhUpA janmanaH puNyamasyAM kimapi mAmakaM / sarveSAM (19) kAlajAtIyatrA 0 mahaMzrIAzAdityasUnu (*) kaH la // (") zrImajayasiMhadevasya No. 4. - Abstract. I. Preamble. - (a) Vanisavali. 1. Mularaja I., the unique sun, causing to blossom the lotus-field of the Chaulukya race. 2. Chamundar & ja. 3. Vallabharaja. 4. Durlabharaja. 5. Bhimadeva I. T-- I L. 11, first signer unintelligible,-perhaps for The. Read satiSThamAna L. 18, rend vRkSa - bhogaH sa kASTha. I. 18, read yAvadro: -dIya :- vidheyIbhU. 1. 14, bhyAM samupa Dele laat letter of line L. 15, dele first - midaM u zrIstaMyaM 9. Ajaya pala. 10. Malaraja II., conqueror in battle of the king of the Garjjanakas. 11 Bhima, an incarnation of N ara yana. After him in (his) place, 12. Jayant a simha, ruler of An ahile - pataka, a new Siddharaj & (b) Jayantasimha addresses the officials of Vardhi Pathaka and A gambhuta or Gambhuta Pathaka, on Tuesday, the third day of the bright half of Pausha, S. 1280 Vikrama, the day of the winter solstice, and announces the following grant : 6. Karnadeva, Trailokyamalla. 7. Jayasimhadeva, conqueror of Tribhuvanaganda (and) Varvara(ka), the lord of Avanti,SS the wheel-king of the Sidd has, (called also) Ekangavira. II. Objects granted.-(1) The village of 8. Kumarapala, conqueror in battle of Sam pavada in Varphi Pathaka, the king of S a kambhari. bounded ; letter of line. Read SaSTiM sahasrANi L 16, rend tiSThati ; - AcchettA L. 21, road zrImajja. SS This epithet seems to have got into the wrong line.

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JULY, 1877.] GRANTS OF THE ANHILVAD CHAULUKYAS. 199 (a) East by the land of Seshadevata, (a) East by the villages of Itila Kal. (6) South by the villages of Phimcha dill | hariand Vahichara,* and Hansalapura, (6) South by the village of Phimchadi, (c) West by (0) West by the land of Bhattarakari (d) North by the villages of Raneloya, ISeshadevata, Khambhila,Adhivada, and the land of (d) North by Dodhiyapaka. Bhatta raka Sri Seshadevata. ____ III. Grantee. The (temples of) Anales(2) A piece of land in seshadevati, in the |vara and Salakhanesvara, built by Gambh u t a or Agam bhut & Pathaka, Solunki Ran Anko Luna pasaka for the bounded spiritual benefit of his mother Salakhan devi in Salakhana pura. No. 5.1 Plate I. () svasti rAjAvalIpUrvavatsamastarAjAvalIsamalaMkRtamahArAjAdhirAjaparame(1) zvaraparamabhaTTArakacaulukyakulakamalinIvikAsanai kamAttaMDazrImUlarAja(1) devapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTAra ka zrIcAmuMDa[rAja](1) devapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakazrIvalabha[rAja](') [devapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAja paramezvara paramabhaTTArakazrIdurlabharA [ja](7) [de]vapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakazrImaddhI madeva](') pAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakatrailokyamalazrIkarNa(1) devapAdAnudhyAtaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAja avantInAthavarSaraka(') jiSNusiddhacakravartizrImajjayasiMhadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjapara[me](1) zvaraparamabhaTTArakaparamamAhezvarazrImakumArapAladevapAdAnudhyAtamahArA(") jAdhirAja[paramezvaraparamabhaTTArakahelAkaradIkRtasapAdalakSamApAla(") zrIajayadevapAdAnudhyAtaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakamlechatamonicayacchanna mahI](") valayapradyotanabAlArkamahArAjAdhirAjazrImUlarAjadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjA(') dhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTAraka abhinavasiddharAjasaptamacakravartizrImadImade(") vaH svabhujyamAnacAlIsApayakAMtavartinaH samastarAjapuruSAn brAhmaNottarAMstAni (1) yuktAdhikAriNo janapadAMzva bodhaya yastu vaH saMviditaM yathA / / zrImadvikramAdi Plate II. dvitIyam 2. (') [yotpAditasaMvatsarazateSu dvAdazasu tri[a]zIti uttareSu laukikakArtika pUrNimAyAM guruvA(') re'trAMkatopi saMvat 1283 varSe laukikArtika zudi 15 gurAva[oha] zrImadaNahilapA() Take'syAM saMvatsaramAsapakSapUcikAyAM tiyo snAtvA carAcaraguruM bhagavaMtaM bhavAnIpatimabhyarthya saMsA(') rAsAratAM vicitya nalinIdalagatajalalavataralataraM prANitavyamAkalijya aihikA[muSmi]-5 (') kaM ca phalamagIkRtya pitrorAtmanazca puNyayazobhivRddhaye natAulIgrAmaH svasImAparyantaH sa] || See below, note ll to abstract of No.6, p. 208. Masurementa 94 inches by 114 inches. Characters || Probably Kambeyl of the Quarter-Muter General's | Jaina-Devanigart. Preservation good, a few patches map, on the borders of the Gwikvadi territory, out of | peeled off. Munjpur, in the Radhanpur state: * Probably Kirtand Becherajt, on the road from Viram +L. 16, rend statri. gam to Pathap. L.4, rend mAkalayya.

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200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (1) vRkSamAlAkulakA tRNodakoMpeta sahiraNyabhAgabhogasavaMDo dazAparAdhaH sarva [dAnI][1] (7) sameto navanidhAnasahita pUrvapradattadevadAya brahmadAyavarja maMDalyAM zrImUlezvaradevA (1) ya niyapUjArthaM tathA maThastha netyatapodhanAnAM bhojanArthaM ca sthAnapatiH vedagarbharAzeH zAsa (') nodakapUrvamasmAbhiH pradattaH // grAmasthAsya AghATA yathA pUrNasyAM okarA anayA ( * ) grAmayoH sImAyAM sImA / dakSiNasyAM avayANijacuryAAMtijagrAmayoH sImAyAM sImA / pazcimA (") yAM baDhasaratalapadabhUmisImAyAM sImA uttaratazya bhakurAlayAmasImAsaMlayana sara[sI] mA (") [yAM] sImA | / evamamIbhirAghATairupalakSitaM grAmamenamavagamya tannivAsibhirjanapadairyathAdI(") yamAnadAnIbhogaprabhUtika sadAjJAzrava[Navidheye]rbhUlA amuSye mahArakAya bhaTTArakAya samupa [ ne ]ta(*) [vyaM] sAmAnyaM caitat puNyaphalaM malA asmadvaMzajairanyairapi bhAvibhoktRbhirasmatpradatta [ devadA ] (") [ yo'yama ] numaMtampaH pAlanIyatha / uktaM ca bhagavatA vyAsena / SaSTivarSasahaNi va tiSThati [bhUmidaH] / No. 5. - Abstract. I. Preamble. - (a) Vanisdvali. (1) Malaraja I, the unique sun cansing to blossom the lotus-field-like Chaulukya race. (") AchettA cAnumaMtA ca tAnyeva narakaM vrajet / 1 asmadvaMzaja (") karabhamo'smi mama dattaM na lopayet // 2 likhitamidaM zAsanaM kAyaschAnvayaprasUta Tha0sA(") [ti ] kumArasuta AkSapaTali0 somasIhena / dUtako'pa mahAsAMdhi 40 zrIdeva iti zrImadbhImadevasya (?) Chamundaraja. (3) Vallabharaja. ( 4 ) Duklabharaja. (5) BhimadevaI. (6) Karnade v a, Trailokyamalla. (7) Jayasimha deva, conqueror of the lord of Avanti and of Varvaraka, wheelking of the Siddhas. (8) Kumarapala deva, the ardent devotee of Siva. [Jupr, 1877. - (9) Ajayadeva, who made the Sapadalaksha king tributary. (10) Malaraja II., who conquered the ruler of the Garjjana, a morning sun illuminating the earth. (11) Bhimadeva II., a new Siddharaja, the seventh wheel-king. (b) Bhimadeva II., who resides in A nahillapataka, addresses the officials and inhabitants of the Chalisa Pathaka, on Thursday, the 15th of the bright half of Sravana, 1283 Vikrama, and announces the following grant : II. Object granted. The village of Natan1i, bounded (a) To the east by Omkara.........and Avaya......... (b) To the south by the villages of Ava yanija and Chuyantija, (c) To the west by the Talapada land of Vadasara, (d) To the north by the villages of Omka rala and Vadasara. III. Grantee. The temple of M u le svara (at Mandal), and the ascetics of the monastery attached thereto, for daily worship and maintenance, the Sthanapati Vedagarbhar a si, (the superior of the Mandal monastery) being the trustee. IV. Officials. - The writer of the grant : Akshapatalika Somasih a, son of (Sati)kumara, a Kayastha. Dutaka: the minister for peace and war, Thakura Vahu-deva. L. 6, read kASTha; 'petaH; bhogaH sadaMDada L. 7, read sahita vajjaM L. 8, rend nityaM tapateH- L. 15, read SaSTiM sahasrANi tiSThati. i

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JULY, 1877.] GRANTS OF THE ANHILVAD CHAULUKYAS. 201 No. 6.* Plate 1. (pAsvasti rAjAvalIpUrvavatsamastarAjAvalIvirAjitamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakacaulukyaku(1) lakamalavikAsanakamAtaMDazrImUlarAjadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjazrIcAmuMDarAjadevapAdAnu(') dhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjazrIvalabharAjadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjazrIdurlabharAjadevapAdAnudhyAtama(') hArAjAdhirAjazrIbhImadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjatrailokyamalazrIkarNadevapAdAnudhyAtamahA(') rAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamaparamabhaTTArakAvaMtInAtha tribhuvanagaMDavarvarakajiSNusiddhacakravartizrIja-+ (7) yasiMhadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakasvabhujavikramaraNAMgaNavinijita(') zAkaMbhArI bhUpAlazrIkumArapAladevapAdAnudhyAtaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamamAhe. (') zvarahelAkaradIkRtasapAdalakSakSmApAlazrIajayapAladevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjAhavaparAbhUta(1) durjayagarjanakAdhirAjazrImUlarAjadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakAbhi(1) navasiddharAjasaptamacakravartizrImadbhImadevaH svabhujyamAnavardvipathakAMtavArtanaH samastarAjapuruSAn (") brAhmaNottarAMstaniyuktAdhikAriNo janapadAMzca bodhayatyastu vaH saMviditaM yathA // zrImavikramAdi - tyotpA(") ditasaMvatsarazateSu dvAdazasu saptAzItyuttareSu ASADhamAsIya zuklASTamyAM zukravAre'trAMkato'pi saM(1) vat 1287 varSe ASADhazudi 8 zukre'syAM saMvatsaramAsapakSavAra pUbikAyAM tithAvadyeha zrImada Nahila(1) pATake snAtvA carAcaraguruM bhagavaMtaM bhavAnIpatimabhyarthya saMsArAsAratAM viciMya nalinIdalagatajala(15) lavataralataraM prANitavyamAkalijya aihikAmuSmikaM phalamaMgIkRya pitrorAtmanazca puNyayazo'bhi(7) vRddhaye devAUgrAmaH svasImAparyaMta savRkSamAlAkulakASTatRNodakodakopeta sahiraNyabhAgabho(") gasadaMDo dazAparAdhasAdAyasameto navanidhAnasahita pUrvapradattadevadAyabrahmadAyavarja tathA-- (1) mAnapatraku---tipatrabharApratidra 1 dANIyAM palaza tathA mUlamaMDilyAM ---kA--- pratidra 1 tathA (1) mUlagaMDi ----pratidra 1 bhATTayakaM prati dra0 // dANIyAM patrazataM0 // uSTrabharA pratidra 1 dANIyAM patra(11) zata 1 mUlI----bharA pratidra 1 dANIyAM patrazata 1 jaladabharA pratidra 1 dANIyAM patrazata 1 evameta(1) t salakhaNapure soluM0 rANA0 AnAU lUNApasAkena kAritazrI AnalezvaradevazrIsalakhaNezvarade(1) vayonityanaimittikAdipUjArthaM tathA satrAgAre brAhmaNAnAM bhojanArthaM ca maMDalyAM zrImUlezvaradevama(13) ThetyasthAnapativedagarbharAzaye zAsanodakapUrvamasmAbhiH pradattaM / / grAmasyAsyAghATA yathA / pUrvasyAM (4) hAMsalapuragrAmasImAyAM sImA / dakSiNasyAM phIMcaDIgrAmapAdre gRhANAM sannidhau saMtiSTamAnagrAma(5) syAsya sImAyAM tathAhAnIyANIgrAmasImAyAM ca sImA / pazcimAyAM meDherAgrAmasImAyAM siimaa| (16) uttarasyAM sUrayajagrAmasAMpAvADAgrAmayoH sImAyAM sImA // evamamIbhirAghATairupalakSitaM grA(27) mamenamavagamya tannivAsijanapadairyathAdIyamAna[dAnI bhAgaprabhRtikaM sadAjJAzravaNavidheyairbhUkhA' (11) muSmai tapodhanAya] samupanetavyaM / sAmAnyaM caitat puNyaphalaM makhA'smadvaMzajairanyairapi (11) bhAvibhoktabhirasmatpradattadharmadApo'yamanumaMtavyaH / pAlanIyazca // uktaM ca bhagavatA vyA* Dimensions 14 inches by is inches. Characters Jaina- | mAkalayya. L. 16, devAja doubtful. Read paryataH kASTha Devanagar. Preservation, badly damaged. dele one duko". L. 17, read sadaMDada sahita.. L.4, read + L. 5, dele one paramadeg before bhaTTAraka. L. 15, read | sItaSThamAna.

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202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1877. Plate II. (') sena // SaSThiM varSasahazrANi svarge tiSTati bhUmidaH / AcchettA cAnumaMtAca tAnyeva narakaM / (1) vaset // 1 svadattA paradattAM vA yo harecca vasuMdharAMsa viSTAyAM kRmirbhUlA pitRbhiH saha majjati // 2 // (1) vaMdhyATavISvatoyAsu shusskkottrvaasinH| kRSNasarpAH prajAyate bhUmidAnApahArakAH / 3 bahubhirvasu(') dhA bhuktA [rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiH / yasyayasya yadA bhUmI tasyatasya tadA phalaM // 4 datvA bhUmi bhAvinaH pArthive.. (1) dAna bhUyobhUyo yAcate rAmabhadraH / sAmAnyo'yaM dAnadharmo nRpANAM sveskhe kAle pAlanIyo bhvdbhiH|5| (9) likhitamidaM zAsanaM kAyaschAnvayaprasUta Tha0 sAtikumArasuta mahAkSapaTalika Tha0 zrIsomasiMhena / / (') dUtako'tra mahAsAMdhi Tha0 zrIvahudeva iti zrIbhImadevasya / (') tathA salakhaNa[purI]vAstavyaH vaNikvyavahAriya ----- prabhRti --- lokasya -- haTTakaraNa-- (1) zuklamaMDapikAprauDha ---- ArazatapathakeSu salakhaNapurIyamaTha--vIThikayA kANa --saM(1) carataH saMjAtaH ------- yathA // samastakaNAnAbhRtaceTiya - tizruddhapuNaya --- (") bhRtacAuyAM-----prati tathA dAnI--dra 2 ghRtatailabhRta ve --- -tathA(") bhRtacA -ka---ti tathA dAne dra 4 tathA kaNacopaTabhRtavAhanamadhye ----- (1) ka 4 ta -----ya / / ajambA methI AMmalA beheDA vA--------- (") sikA--dAnaM na grAhyaM tathA kaNabhUta---varavalI ------ (1) bhIseTaprati dra 12 tathA kaNabhRtapatra ----- --- tathA tabhRtapatrANi -- (16)1 tayA seDasarasazrIpathakayoH samasta --re--vaNabhRtaveThIyAvA --pratikR--rAdA(") ne da1 tathA bhRtacAtrayAvA--taM prati tathA dAne--tathA mAMjiSTa / trapuka hiMga bhAraM prati vRddhadAnedra 1 (19) paTTasUtra | hiMgula | pravAlaka / zrIkhaMDa / karpUra / kastUrI | haMgu / kuMkuma / aguru / t--t|| (1) mAlapatra / jAiphala / jAivatrI / lamasI / kApaDa | nAlikera / haraDAM / beheddaaN---knm|| (10) khoDa / gula / sAkara / marica / dAMta / marumAMsi / mahuvasa / savAhI / kAsI----- / tAnyA / kA(1) zyAloha / vathaloha | sAkuruDa / mINa / ja / cItrAhala / kharjura / khArika / vasta --- [prabhRtisa(5) masuktayANakAgAMdhuvamukhena mUlekAspedapATIpramANena pUrNadAnAt dAnasya dharma prati mu(13) kti dra 1 anayA rItyA dAnaM grAhyaM // saMjAtadhurAdAmapaTTakasya pathakottAraparIsthApane paTTakaM pra(*) ti dra 164 mArge / hiThiyakapAtIsAraka-bhiradhikaM kimapi na grAhyaM / rAjaH vIsalasatka(25) kaNAya - prabhRtacAuyAvAhana 1 veDIyAvAhana 1 uparitanarIyA kSepAyakSipAyAM prasA(10) dena bhoktavyaM / imAM chedapATI vyatikramya yaH ko'pi varNasaMkara kurute tasmAt chittiryaayaa| yasyAH / skhe ---pramANena pAlanIya : bhoktavyaM ca // No. 6.- Abstract. | description of Jayasimha is according to No. 3 I. Preamble.-(a) Vashikvats agrees with | of 1268. No. 5 of S. 1283 Vikrama, except that the l (6) Bhimadeva II., who resides at 1 L. 1, read paSTiM sahasrANi; tiSThatiH narake. L.., viMdhyA'.

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JULY, 1877.] GRANTS OF THE ANHILVAD CHAULUKYAS. 208 Ana hilla pa ta ka, addresses the officials vara and Salak ha nesvara, built by the and inhabitants of Vardhi Pathaka on Solunki Rana And Tha (kura) Lunapasaka Friday, the 8th day of the bright half of | in Sala khanapura, to defray the expenses Ashadha of S. 1287 Vikrama, and announces of the temple service, and to feed Brahmans, the the following grant: trustee being the superior of the monastery of ___II. Object granted.-(1) The village of | Malesvaradeva in Mandali. Devata (2)bounded IV. Officials.-The writer and D u ta ka (a) East by the village of Hamsalapura, are the same as in No. 5. (6) South by the villages of Phimcha di V. Postscript.-The postscript, which is conand Haniyani, siderably mutilated, apparently contains some (0) West by the village of Medhura, more orders regarding dues to be paid by the (d) North by the villages of Sarayaja Vanias of salakhanapura. I regret that and Sa pava da. I have no means of ascertaining the meaning of (2) And various taxes in land and money. | all the technical terms in ancient Gujarati which III. Grantees.-The temples of Anales-| it contains. No. 7.4 Plate 1. (1) // svasti rAjAvalIpUrvavatsamastarAjAvalIvirAjitamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabha(1) dvArakacaulukyakulakamalavikAsanaikamAttaMDazrImUlarAjadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjA(') dhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakazrIcAmuMDarAjadevapAdAnudhyAtaparamezvaraparamabhaTTA(') raMkamahArAjAdhirAjazrIvallabharAjadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjazrIdurlabharAjadeva(') pAdAnudhyAtaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjazrIbhImadevapAdAnudhyAtaparame(deg) zvaraparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjatrailokyamalazrIkarNadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhi(') rAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakAvantInAtha tribhuvanagaMDavarvarakajiSNusiddhacakravattizrIja(1) yasiMhadevapAdAnudhyAtaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaumApativaralabdhapra(1) sAdaprAptarAjyaprauDhapratApalakSmIsvayaMvarasvabhujavikramaraNAMgaNavinijitazAkaMbharIbhU(1) pAlazrIkumArapAladevapAdAnudhyAtaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjapara(1) mamAhezvaraprabalabAhudaMDadaparUpakaMdarpahelAkaradIkRtasapAdalakSakSmApAlazrI (") ajayapAladevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakAhavaparAbhUta(1) durjayagarjanakAdhirAjazrImUlarAjadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarapa(") ramabhaTTArakAbhinavAsaddharAjasaptamacakravartizrImaddhImadevaH svabhujyamAnavAloya(1) pathakAMtarvartinaH samastarAjapuruSAn brAhmaNottarAMstaniyuktAdhikAriNo janapa(16) dAMzca bodhayatyastu vaH saMviditaM yathA // zrImavikramAdityotpAditasaMvatsarazateSu dvA(") dazasu aSTAzItyuttareSu bhAdrapadamAsIyazukla pratipadAyAM somavAre'trAMkatopi (13) saMvat 1288 varSe bhAdravAzudi 1 some'syAM saMvatsaramAsapakSavArapUvikAyAM tiyA(19) voha zrImadaNahilapATake snAlA carAcaraguruM bhagavaMtaM bhavAnIpatimabhyarthya (11) saM[sArAsAratAM]vicitya nalinIdalagatajalalavataralataraM prANitavyamAka(21) lijya]aihikAmuSmikaM phalamaMgIkRsya pitrorAtmanazca puNyayazo'bhivRddha(82) ye-------- sImAparyataH savRkSamAlAkulakASTatRNodakope-* The village given is not to be traced on the Quarter Dimensions 114 inches by 14 inches. Characters Jaina Mister General's map. H Arngalapura is the village of that I Dovanligari. Preservation good except in the lower parts wan Aval Pun ti Dame in the north-west corner of the Viramgfm TAluka. To the north lies Sooruj,' the Suriyaj of the grant. South | of the plates. west 1 fud Panchar, which I identify with Phimchadt. E . L. 39, read 1%.

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204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. I Plate II. sadaMDadazAparAdhasarvvAdAyasameto : (') [ya]bhAgabhoga (2) pUrvapradattadevadAyabrahmadAyavajjaM (*) varadevayoH maThaschAnapativedagarbharAzermaThesmin salakhaNapureyazrIAnalezvarazrIsalakhanebhaTTArakANAM bhojanAya sa(*) cA [gArA]] tathaitadIyasutasomezvarasya grAmasyAsya madhyAt bhUmihala 20 viMzatihalA(1) bhUmI ca zAsanenodakapUrvamasmAbhiH pradattaM // grAmasthAspAghATA pathA // pUrvasyAM sAMpa(*) rAmAmachatrAharUpAmayoH sImAyAM sImA || dakSiNasyAM guMThAvADAgrAmasImAyAM sImA pa (") vimAyAM rANAvADAgrAmasImAyAM sImA uttarasyAM iMdirAgrAmagaNavADAyAmayoH sI (8) mAyAM sImA // evaMmamIbhirAghaTirupalakSitaM grAmamenamavagamya tanivAsijanapaderyathA(1) dIyamAnadAnIbhogaprabhRtikaM sadAjJAzravaNavidheyairbhUtvA'muSmai samupanetavyaM / sAmAnya (d) caitatpuNyaphalaM matAmazaranyairapi bhAvibhoktRbhirasmatpradattadhammaMdAyIyamanumaM (12) [ta]thya pAlanIyatha // ukaM ca bhagavatA vyAsena / paSTiM varSasahasrANi svama tiSThati bhUmida / / (") AchetA cAnumaMtA ca tAnyeva narakaM vaseta 1 vadatAM paradattAM vA yo harecya vasuMdharA / savi (15) STAyAM kRmirbhUlA pitRbhiH saha majjati / 2 vaMdhyATavISvatoyAsu zuSkakoTaravAsina: / kRSNa(*) sarpAH prajAyaMte bhUmidAnApahArakA 1 davA bhUmi bhAvinaH pArthiveMdrAn bhUyobhUyo yA (1) cate rAmabhadraH / sAmAnyoyaM dAnadharmmo nRpANAM sveskhe kAle pAlanIyo bhavadbhiH / 4 (i) bahubhirvasudhA muktA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiH / yasyayasya yadA bhUmI taspatasya tadA phalaM / / 1 li. (17) khitamidaM zAsanaM kAyaschAtyayaprasUta Tha0 sAtikumArasuta mahAkSapaTalika Tha0 soma(") siMhena dUtako'na mahAsAMdhi Tha0 zrIdeva iti zrI bhImadevasya || [JULY, 1877. No. 7. - Abstract. I. Preamble. -- (a) Vansavali. Agrees with No. 5 of 1283 Vikrama, except that the descriptions of Jayasimha and Mula raja II. are literally the same as in No. 3 of 1263 Vikrama. (b) Bhimadeva II., who resides in Anahillapataka, addresses the officials and in habitants of V a lauya Pathaka on Monday, the Pratipad of the bright half of Bhadrapada of 1288 Vikrama, and announces the following grant :-- navanidhAnasahitaH II. Grantees and Purpose. The temples of Analesvara and Salakhanesvara in Salakhanapura, (and) the superior of the monastery (there), Vedagarbhara si,as well as his son Somesvara, for the main tenance of the Bhattarakas and the almshouse. III. Objeot granted. The village of ..... and twenty ploughs of land in the village (for Somesvara), the village being bounded (a) To the east by the villages of Sam para and Chhatahara (?), (b) To the south by the village of Gugtha vada, (e) To the west by the village of Ran 4va da. (d) To the north by the villages of Undira and Angana vada. - IV. Officials. The writer, M ah akshapa talika Thakura Somasimha, of Thakura Sa tikum a ra, a Kayastha. Dutaka: the minister for peace and war, Thakura Vahudeva. + L. 1, taH sa bhogaH sa rAdhaH sahitaH L. 6, chatrAhAra doubtful. I. 11, read sahasrANi; tiSThati. L. 12, read narake vaset hareta. L. 17, rend sthAnvaya.

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JULY, 1877.] GRANTS OF THE ANHILVAD CHAULUKYAS. 205 No. 8.1 Plate I. (1) 9 // svasti rAjAvalIpUrvavatsamastarAjAvalIsamalaMkRtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparama(1) bhaTTArakacaulukya kulakamalavikAsanakamAtaMDazrImUlarAjadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhi(2) rAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakazrIcAmuMDarAjadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezva(') raparamabhaTTArakazrIvalabharAjadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjazrIdurlabharAjadevapA(') dAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakazrIbhImadevapAdAnudhyAtaparamezva(1) raparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjatrailokyamalazrIkarNadevapAdAnudhyAtaparamezvarapara(') mabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjavaMtInAthatribhuvanagaMDavarvarakajiSNu siddhacakravartizrI. (1) jayasiMhadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakaumA]pa[ti]vara(1) labdhaprasAdaprAptarAjyaprauDhapratApalakSmIsvayaMvarasvabhujavikramaraNAMgaNa vinirjitazA(1) kaMbharIbhUpAlazrIkumArapAladevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTA(") rakaparamAhezvaraprabalabAhudaMDadarparUpakaMdarpahelAkaradIkRtasapAdalakSakSmA(1) pAlazrIajayapAladevapAdAnudhyAtaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjamle(3) cchatamonicayacchannamahIvalayapradyotanabAlArka AhavaparAbhUtadurjayagarjanakAdhi(1) rAjazrImUlarAjadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakAbhinava(1) siddharAjasaptamacakravartizrImaddhImadevaH svabhuSvamAnavarddhipathakAMtaHpAtinaH samastarA(1) japuruSAn brAhmaNottarAMslaniyuktAdhikAriNo janapadAMzca bodhayatyastu vaH saMviditaM (") yathA // [zrImat] vikramAdityotpAditasaMvatsarazateSu dvAdazasu . paMcanavatyuttareSu mA(6) gargamAsIyazuklacaturdazyAM guruvAre'trAMkato'pi saMvat 1295 varSe mArge zudi 14 gu(") rAvasyAM saMvatsaramAsapakSavArapUrvikAyAM tithAvoha zrImadaNahilapATake snA(10) vA carAcaraguruM bhagavaMtaM bhavAnIpatimabhyaya' saMsArAsAratAM vicitya nalinIdala(1) gatajalalavataralataraM prANitavyamAkalinya aihikAmuSmikaM ca phl]mNgiikR-|| (2) sya pitrorAtmanazca puNyayazobhivRddhaye bhojuyAgrAmaschAne saMjAtasa[lakhaNa]puraM sva(1) sImAparyaMta savRkSamAlAkulakASTatRNodakopetaM sahiraNyabhAgabhogaM sadaMDada(11) zAparAdhasAdAyasametaM navanidhAnasahitaM pUrvapradattadevadAyabrahmadAyava // (5) urja tathA ghusaDIyAme gohiNasarasannidhau palaDikA --Na IzAnako(11) mahArAjJIzrIsUmaladevyA [ya] Plate II. (') Ne bhUmihaladvayena saMjAtavATikA 1 evame ---- solUM0 rANA / lUNapa(') sAsutarANa. vIramena ghusaDIyAme kAritazrIvIramezvaradeva tathA zrIsUmalezva(1) radevayonityaM naivedyAMgabhogapaMcopacArapUjArtha maThAdhipatirAjakulazrIvedagarbha(') rAza[ye zAsanodakapUrvamasmAbhiH pradattaM // purasyAsyAghATA yathA // pUrvasyAM nIlachInA(') masImAyAM sImA / dakSiNasyAM ghUsaDIgrAmasImAyAM sImA / / pazcimAyAM kAlIyANAyA(1) maDucANAyAmayoH sImAyAM sImA // uttarasyAM trihaTiyAmakuSaloDayAmayoH sImA1 Dimensions ily inches by 14 inches. Characters | jyamAna . L. 1, mAkalathya. L. 28, read kulaM; kASTI Jaina-Devanagari. Preservation, slightly damaged. L. 94, read 5L. 11, read paramamAhezvararUpa. L. 16, rend svabhu- L.2, read vIrameNa.

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206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1877. (') yAM sImA / / pala DikAyA AghATA yathA // pUrvasyAM dvAravatIsatkapallaDikA tathA rAjamArga(1) zca / / dakSiNasyAM taDAgikA tathA rAjakSetraM ca / pAzcamAyAM zrIlimbAdityakSetra // uttarasyAM bho(1) juyAyAmamArgaH // vATikAyA AghATA yathA // pUrvadakSiNapazcimauttaraprabhRtiSu di(1) kSu nikSiptasvIyasvIyaAghATeSu sImA // evamamIbhirAghATairupalakSitaM schAnakatrayame(") namavagamya tannivAsijanapadairyathAdIyamAnadAnIbhogaprabhRtikaM sadAjJAzravaNavidhe.* (1) yairbhUtvA'muSmai maThapataye samupanetavyaM / sAmAnyaM caitatpuNyaphalaM matvA'smadvaMzajaira(1) nyairapi bhAvibhoktabhirasmatpradattadevadAyo'yamanumaMtavyaH / pAlanIyazca // uktaM ca bhaga(14) vatA vyAsena // SaSThi varSasahazrANi svarge tiSTati bhUmidaH / AcchettA cAnumaMtA ca tAnye(1) va narakaM vaseta / 1 svadattAM paradattAM vA yo harIta vasuMdharAM // sa viSTAyAM kRmibhUtvA pitR(1) bhiH saha majjati / 2 vaMdhyATavISvatoyAsu zruSkakoTaravAsinaH / kRSNasapA prajA(") yaMte bhUmidAnApahArakAH / 3 datvA bhUmi bhAvinaH pArthivaidrAn bhUyobhUyo yAcate rA(7) mabhadraH / sAmAnyo'yaM dAnadharmo nRpANAM sveskhe kAle pAlanIyo bhavadbhiH / 4 bahubhirvasu(1) dhA bhuktA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiH / yasyayasya yadA bhUmI tasyatasya tadA phalaM // 5 likhita(1) midaM zAsanaM kAyaschAnvayaprasUta Tha0 sAtikumArasutamahAkSapaTAlika Tha0 zrIso(1) masiMhena / dUtako'tramahAsAMdhi Tha. iti|| zrImadbhImadevasya / / No.8.-Abstract. | (a) North by the villages Trihati and 1. Preamble.--(a) Vanshvali agrees with | Kushaloda. No.7 of 1288, except that Malaraja II. is de- Boundaries of the palladika :scribed as (resembling) the morning sun by illu- (a) East the palladikd of Dvara vatisatka, minating the world, that had been overshadowed (6) South by the king's highroad, by the darkness of the Mlech has (c) West by a little tank and the king's field, (b) Bhi madeva II. addresses the officials (d) North by the road to Bhojuya. and inhabitants of Vardhipathaka on III. Grantee.-The temples of ViramesThursday, the 14th day of the bright half of | vara, built by Rana Viram a, son of Rana Marga of 1295 Vikrama, and announces the Lunapasa, in Ghusa di, and of Samales. following grant : vara, for the purpose of defraying the expendiII. Object granted.-(1). . . pura, erected | ture of the worship, the trustee being the on the site of the village of Bhoja ya. superior of the monastery, RAjakula Veda (2) A palladika in the village of G husadi garbharati. near Gohana sara. ___IV. Officials.-Writer, as above in No.7 of (3) A garden measuring two ploughe in the 1288 Vikrama. north-eastern part of . . . sapa. ____Dataka: the minister for peace and war, . . . . pura, being bounded Thakura Vayajala deva. (a) East by the village of Nilachhi, ____N.B.-The first plate is signed in line 26 by (6) South by the village of Ghusadi, Sumaladevi, one of Bhimadeva's queens. (e) West by the village of Maduchana. No.9.1 Plate I. () . // svasti rAjAvalIpUrvavatsamastarAjAvalIsamalaMkRtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarapa(1) ramabhaTTArakacaulukyakulakamalavikAsanakamArtaDazrImUlarAjadevapAdAnudhyAtama(3) hArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakazrIcAmuMDarAjadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhi *L.11, rend metadava. L.14, SaSTi sahasrANi; tiSThati | L. 15, read narake vset| hareta. + Dimensions 18 inches by 16 inches. Devanagari. Charnoters Jaina

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JULY, 1877.] GRANTS OF THE ANHILVAD CHAULUKYAS. 207 (') rAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakazrIvallabharAjadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjapa(2) ramezvaraparamabhaTTArakazrIdurlabharAjadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezva(") raparamabhaTTArakazrIbhImadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTAraka(') trailokyamalazrIkarNadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakaaba(9) ntInAtha tribhuvanagaMDavarvarakajiSNusiddhacakravartizrIjayasiMhadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjA(') dhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakaumApativaralabdhaprasAdaprAptarAjyaprauDhapratApalakSmI(1) svayaMvarasvabhujavikramaraNAMgaNavinijitazAkaMbharIbhUpAlazrIkumArapAladevapAdAnu(") dhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakamahAmAhezvaraprabalabAhudaMDadarparU(") pakaMdarpahelAkaradIkRtasapAdalakSakSmApAlazrIajayapAladevapAdAnudhyAtamahArA(13) jAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakamlecchatamonicayacchannamahIvalayapradyotanabAlA(1) kazrImUlarAjadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakaumApati(5) varalabdhaprasAdaprAptarAjyaprauDhapratApalakSmIsvayaMvaravAmakaraniviDanivezita kArmu(1) kavinirmuktanisitazaravAtavyApAditAnekavairinikarambakaraMbitabhujA---a. (") bhinavasiddharAjasaptamacakravartizrImadbhImadevaH svabhujyamAnavaddhipayakAMtarvartinaH / (18) samastarAjapuruSAn brAhmaNottarAMstaniyuktAdhikAriNo janapadAMzca bodhayatyastu va saM(1) viditaM yayA // zrImavikramAdisyotpAditasaMvatsarazateSu dvAdazasu SaTnavatyuttare (50) Su mArgamAsIyakRSNacaturdazyAM ravivAre'trAM'katopa || vikrama saMvat 1296 varSe mA. (1) gargavadi-14-ravAvoha zrImadaNahilapATake snAtvA carAcaraguruM bhagavaMtaM' bhavAnIpatima (22) bhyarthya saMsArAsAratAM viciMya nalinIdalagatajalalavataralataraM prANitavyamAkalaNya (23) aihikamAmuSmikaM ca phalamaMgIkRtya pitrorAtmanazca puNyayazobhivRddhaye rAjasIyA / / (24) mahArAjJIzrIsUmaladevyAzca Plate II. (') [NAyAmaH svasImAparyaMtaH savRkSamAlAkulakASThatRNodakopetaH sahiraNyabhAgabhogaH sadaM(') Do dazAparAdha sAdAyasameto navanidhAnasahitaH pUrvapradattadevadAyabrahmadAyavarja (2) ghusaDIyAme soluMrANazrIgaNapasAsutarANavIrameNa kAritazrIvIramezvaradevazrI(') sUmalezvaradevayonityapUjAnevedyaaMgabhogArya schAnapatizrIvedagarbharAzaye zAsa(') nodakodakapUrvamasmAbhiH pradattaH // grAmasyAsyAghATA yathA // pUrvasyAM TheDhavasaNarIvaDI(9) grAmayoH sImAyAM sImA / dakSiNasyAM laghu ubhaDAgrAmasImAyAM sImA / pazcimAyAM maMDalyAH sI(') mAyAM sImA / uttarasyAM sahajavasaNadAlaudragrAmayoH sImAyAM sImA // evamamIbhirAghATairU(deg) palakSitaM grAmamenamavagamya tannivAsijanapadairyathAdIyamAnadAnIbhogaprabhRtikaM - saMdAjA(') zravaNavidheyairbhUtvA'muSmai tapodhanAya samupanetavyaM / sAmAnyaM cetat puNyaphalaM matvAmmadvaM (1) zajairanyairapi bhAvibhoktRbhirasmatpradattadharmAdAyo'yamanumaMtavyaH / pAlanIyazca / / uktaM . (1) ca bhagavatA vyAsena / / SaSTivarSasahazrANi svarge tiSTati bhUmidaH / AcchettA cAnumaMtA ca tA(5) nyeva narakaM vaset // 1 iha hi jaladalIlAcaMcale jIvaloke tRNalavalaghusAre sarca (1) saMsArasaukhye / apaharatu durAzaH zAsanaM devatAnAM narakagahanaga vartapAtotsuko (") yH|| 2 yAnIha dattAni purA narendrairdAnAni dharmArthayazaskarANi / nirmAlyavAMtipratimA(") ni tAni ko nAma sAdhuH punarAdadIta // 3 bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiH // * L. 16, rend nizita, nikurumba. | dele dako'. L.9, read caitat. L.n. read SaSTiM manaL, road udazA :- L. naiveyAMga. L.5, | sANi; tiSThati. L.12, narake. L. 14, read vAnta.

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208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1877. (16) yasyayasya yadA bhUmI tasyatasya tadA phalaM // 4 baMdhyATavISvatoyAsu zuSkakoTaravAsinaH / / (") kRSNasarpAH prajAyate bhUmidAnApahArakAH // 5 svadattA paradattAM vA yo harIta vasuMdharA / sa vi(1) SThAyAM kRmi vA pitRbhiH saha majjati // 6 datvA bhUmi bhAvinaH pArthivendrAna bhUyobhUyo yAca(1) te rAmabhadraH / sAmAnyo'yaM dAnadharmo nRpANAM sveskhe kAle pAlanIyo bhavadbhiH / / likhita(20) midaM kAyaschAnvayaprasUtadaMDa . sAtikumArasuta * mahAkSapaTAlaka .Tha zrIsomasiMhena / dUtakotra mahAsAMdhivigrahika Tha . zrIvayajaladeva iti zrImadbhImadevasya / No. 9.-Abstract. (c) West by Mandali, 1. Preamble.-(a) Varnsavali agrees with (d) North by the villages of Sahaja v athe preceding No. 8 of S. 1295 V., except that | sana and DAlaudda. the 9th king Aja ya pa la receives the addi- III. Grantees.-The temples of Virametional epithet mahamahesvara, or the ardents vara and Su malesvara, built by Rana devotee of Siva.' Virama, son of the Solunk i Rana Luna(B) Bhi madeva II., who resides in Ana- | pasA in Ghusadi to defray the expense of hilla pa ta ka, addresses the officials and the worship, the trustee being the superior of the inhabitants of the Vardhipathaka on Sun- monastery, Rajakula V edagar bhar a si. day, the 14th of the dark half of 1296 Vikrama, ___ IV. Officials.-The writer is the same as in and announces the following grant: Nos. 7 and 8. II. Object granted.-The village of Raja- ____Dataka: the same as in No.8. yasiyani,* bounded N.B.-The first plate is signed Maharajms. (a) East by the villages of Thetha vasanasrisumaladevyascha, and (a grant) of queen and Rivadi, Su maladevi. .(0) South by Little Ubhada, No. 10.1 Plate I. (') svasti rAjAvalIpUrvavatsamastarAjAvalIsamalaMkRtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakacaulukyaku(1) lakamalavikAsanakamArtaDazrImUlarAjadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrIcAmuMDarAja(') devapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrIvallabharAjadevapAdAnudhyAtama hArAjAdhirAjapara(1) mezvarazrIdurlabharAjadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrImadImadevapAdAnudhyAtamahA(1) rAjAdhirAjaparamezvaratrailokyamalazrIkarNadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabha (7) dvArakaavantInAthatribhuvanagaMDabarbarakajiSNusiddhacakravartizrIjayasiMhadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjA- (') dhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakasvabhujavikramaraNAMgaNavidhijjatazAkaMbharIbhUpAlazrIkumArapAla (1) devapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakamahAmAhezvaraprabalabAhudaMDadapar3hapa(2) kaMdarpahelAkaradIkRtasapAdalakSakSmApAlazrIajayapAladevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjapara(1) mezvaraAhavaparAbhUtadurjayagarjanakAdhirAjazrImUlarAjadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhirAjapa(") ramezvaraparamabhaTTArakaabhinavasiddharAjasaptamacakravartizrImadbhImadevapAdAnudhyAtamahArAjAdhi(1) rAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakasauryodAryagAMbhIryAdiguNAlaMkRtazrItribhuvanapAladevaH svabhujyamA(13) naviSayapathakadaMDAhIpathakayorantartinaH samastarAjapuruSAn brAhmaNottarrAstanniyuktAdhikAriNo (") janapadAzca bodhayatyastu vaH saMviditaM yathA // zrImadvikramAdityotpAditasaMvatsarazateSu dvAdazasu navaL. 16, read patiat. L. 17, read a. L. 18, read NAnd, and Dalaudda as Dalod. Sahajavasana is not to be traced. * The village is called Rakhiana, taluka Viramgam, _t Dimensions 11 inches by 131 inches. Characters on the Revenue Survey map, where Thethavarapa appears Jaina-Devanagari. Preservation good. 8 DhedAasn, Rividh an Ribdi, Laghu tbhadanUbhada | L.12, read zauryo. chAyAM.

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JULY, 1877.] GRANTS OF THE ANHILVAD CHAULUKYAS. 209 (") navatyuttareSu caitramAsIyazuklaSaSThayAM somavAre'trAM'kato'pi saMvat 1299 varSe caitrazudi 6 someDa(") syAM saMvatsaramAsapakSavArapUrvikAyAM sAM0 lau0 phAguNamAsIyaamAvAzyAyAM saMjAtasUryagrahaNaparvaNi (') saMkalpitAta tithAvadheha zrImadaNahilapATake snAtvA carAcaraguruM bhagavaMtaM bhavAnIpatimabhyarcya saMsA(1) rAsAratAM viciMtya nalinIdalagatajalalavataralataraM prANitavyamAkalayya aihikAmuSmikaM phalamaMgI(1) kRtya pitrorAtmanazca puNyayazobhivRddhaye bhAMSaragrAmarAjapurigrAmau svasImA paryantausavRkSa) (11) mAlAkulakASTatRNodakopetau sahiraNyabhAgabhogasadaMDau dazAparAdhau [sahyadAyasa Plate II. (') metau navanidhAnasahitau pUrvapradattadevadAyabrahmadAyavaja rANAzrIluNapasA--- mAUla(1) talapade svIyamAturAjJIzrIsalakhaNadevizreyo'rtha kAritasatrAgAre kArpaTikAnAM bhojanArtha zAsa-" nodakapUrva(') masmAbhiH pradattau // bhASaragrAmasyAghATA yathA // pUrvasyAM kuralIyAmadAsayajagrAmayoH sImAyA sImA / dakSiNasyAM (') kuralIgrAmatribhagrAmayoH sImAyAM sImA / pazcimAyAM araThauragrAmauMjhAgrAmayoH sImAyAM sImA / uttarasyA (2) uMjhAyAmadAsayajagrAmakAmbalIgrAmANAM sImAyAM sImA ||raajpuriyaamryaaghaattaa yathA / / pUrvasyA kUlAva saNa (7) grAmaDAMgarauAgrAmayoH sImAyAM sImA / AmeyakoNe caMDAvasaNagrAmaiMdrAvaDagrAmayoH sImAyAM sImA / (') dakSiNasyAM AhIrANAgrAmasImAyAM sImA / pazcimAyAM sirasAvinaMdAvasaNagrAmayoH sImAyA sImA / vAyavya(1) koNe uMTaUyAsirasAvigrAmayoH sImAyAM sImA / uttarasyAM naMdAvasaNagrAmasImAyAM siimaa| IzAnako(1) Ne kuIyalagrAmasImAyAM sImA / / enamamIbhirAghATairupalakSitau grAmAvatAvavagamya tannivAsijana(1) padairyathAdIyamAnadAnIbhogapratikaM sadAjJAzravaNavidheyairbhUbA'muSmai satrAgArAya samu[pa] netavyaM / / sAmA(") nyaM caitatpuNyaphalaM matvAsmadvaMzajairanyairapi bhaavibhoktbhirsmtprdttdhrmdaayo'ymnumNtvyH| pAlanIya(1) zca / uktaM ca bhagavatA vyAsena // SaSTivarSasahazrANi svarge tiSThati bhUmida / AchettA cAnumaMtA ca tAnyeva narakaM ba(M) set / / 1 yAtA yAMti mahIbhujaH kSitimimAM yAsyaMti bhuktvA'khilAM no yAtA na ca __ yAti yAsyati na vA kenA(") pi sAI dharA / yatkiMciddhavi tadvinAzi sakalaM kIrtiH paraM schAyinI matvaivaM vasudhAdhipAH para kRtA lopyA na (1) satkIrtayaH / / 2 bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhiH sgraadibhiH| yasyayasya yadA bhUmI tasyatasya tadA phalaM // 3 // (1) likhitamidaM zAsanaM kAyaschAnvayaprasUtadaMDa sAtikumArasuta AkSapaTalika Tha . somasiMhena // 7 // (") dUtakotra Tha * zrIvayajaladeva iti zAsanamidaM mAMDalyAM zrImUlezvaradevamabhyarya] (19) schAnapatizrIvedagarbharAzeH samarpitamiti tato'nena tathaitadIyasaMtAnaparaMparayApi AcaMdrAkai ana(1) yomiyorAyapadaM satrAgAre'smin upayukta kArya / / kalyANamastu sAdhUnAM // 7 // 7 ||ch / anayo14.16, read phAlgu, mAvAsyAyAM. L. 20, read kASTa | L. A, read devI zreyortha. L. 12, read SaSTiM va saha | strANi narake

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210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1877. (10) mayoH sImAyAM tAMbulikavaNijyArakapathikaprabhRtInAM madhyAt yaH kopi cauraguhyate tasya pra(1) tikAra anayomiyoH satkabhotkArapAzcAt pratIti-* (11) rlabhyA uddhalAgabhAgo nahi zrItribhuvanapAladevasya _No. 10.-Abstract. | (a) East by UTAvasana) and Danga. I. Preamble.-(a). Vasavali agrees for rau a, the first eleven kings, from Malarija I. to (6) South-east by the villages of Chanda Bhimadeva II., with the preceding grant No.9,vasana and Indravada,, of S. 1296 Vikrama; the additional king is (c) South by the village of Ahirana, 12. Tribhuvanapaladeva. (d) West by the villages of Sirasa vi and (6) Tribhuvan apala, who resides at Nanda vasana, Anahilla patak, addresses the officials (e) North-west by the villages of Unta u ya - and inhabitants of the Vishaya and Dan. and Sirasavi, at da hi Pathakas on Monday, the sixth day of North by the village of Nandavasana, the bright half of Chaitra of 1299 Vikrama, and (9) North-east by the village of Kuilaya. announces the following grant, which he had III. Purpose of Grant.--To feed the relivowed on the new moon of Phalguna (of the same gious mendicants (karpatika) at the almshouse year), on the occasion of an eclipse of the sun. built by Rana Lunapasat in the Talapada of II. Objects granted.-1. The village of Madla, for the spiritual benefit of his mother, Bhan shara,t bounded - queen Salakhanadevi. (a) East by the villages of Kurali and ___IV. Officials.-The writer and dataka are the Dasayaja, same as in No. 9, Bhimadeva's grant of 1296. ___V. Postscript.-A postseript states that this (b) South by the villages of Kurali and sdsana has been made over to Sthanapati, the Tribha, illustrious Vedagarbharasi (the superior (c) West by the villages of Arathaura of the Saiva monastery at Mandali), and that he and Unjha, and his successors have been made trustees. (d) North by the villages of U njha, D & 82- A further postscript adds the proviso that the yaja and Kam bali. possessors of the two villages are responsible for (e) The village of Rajapuri, bounded- A robberies committed within their boundaries. No. 11.1 Plate I. (1) // svasti zrImadvikramakAlAtItasaptadazAdhikatrayodazazatikasaMvatsare laukikajyeSTamAsasya 6 (1) kRSNapakSacaturthI tithau gurAvoha zrImadaNahilapATake samastarAjAvalIvirAjitaparamezvaraparama- . () bhaTTAraka umApativaralabdhaprasAdaprauDhapratApacaulukyakulakamalinIkalikAvikAzamArtaMDasiMghaNa(1) sainyasamudrasaMzoSaNavaDavAnalamAlavAdhIzamAnamardanamedapATakadezakaluSarAjyavalIkaMdocche da](2) nakuddAlakalpakarNATarAjajaladhitanayAsvayaMvarapuruSottamabhujabalabhIma abhinavasiddharAja apa1) rArjunetyAdisakalabiradAvalIsamalaMkRtamahArAjAdhirAjazrImadvIsaladevakalyANavijayirAjye (') tadanuzAsanAnuvartini mahAmAtyazrInAgaDe zrIzrIkaraNAdisamastamudrAvyApArAna paripaMthayatItyevaM (1) kAle pravarttamAne asyaiva paramaprabhoH zrImahArAjasya prasAdapattalAyAM vardvipathake bhujyamAnamaMDalyAM (1) jayazrInirbharAliMgitazarIraH mahAmaMDalezvararANakazrIsAmatasiMhadevaH nagarapaurAna anyAnapi sa(1) [na]dhikRya sarveSAM viditaM patrazAsanaM mrayachati yathA // yanmayA mahAdAnodakaprakSAlitavAme tarakarata*L.21, read tikArona; bhoktRpAzcAt 1 Measurements of plates 11 inches by 131 inches. + The Quarter-Master General's map gives of all the vil Characters Jaina-Devanagari. lages mentioned only Unjha, south of Sidhpur and Uttohr, L. 1, read jyeSThamAsasya- L.6, read birudA . L.D. which appears to be Arathaura. read sAmantasiMha. L.10, read prayacchati.

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JULY, 1877.] GRANTS OF THE ANHILVAD CHAULUKYAS. 211 (") lena paramadhArmikena bhUlA tIrthapuNyodakaiH sAkhA suktavAsasI paricAya carAcaratribhuvanaguruM bhaga vanta (1) bhavAnIpati samabhyarcya saMsArAsAratAM vicitya nalinIdalagatajalalavataralataraM jIvitavyaM yauvana mIzva-1 (1) yaM cAvagamya aihikaM pAravikaM ca phalamaMgIkRtya pitAmaharANakazrIlaNapasAjadevazreyortha AzApalyAM (") pUrvasaMkalpitasave apUrva aSTau brAhmaNAn bhojAyatuM tathA tatratyaprapAbharApanArtha ca tathA maMDalyAM svapi(1) tuH rANakazrIsaMgrAmasiMhadevazreyase apUrvadvAdazasaMkhyakAn brAhmaNAn rAjAnapAnavyaMjanatAMbUlA(1) disarvopaskarasahitabhojanaM bhojayituM tathA kanyAgatAparapakSe caturdazabrahmapurIyakabrAhmaNAnAM paMcada(") zadinAnAM zrAddhe sadakSiNA nirvApAH tathA sadaiyAmAvAsyAyAmamAvAsyAyAM amISAmapi brAhmaNAnAM - anupra(18) pAjhyA sadakSiNA paMca nirvApAH tathA pArAyaNopaviSTakapilAva-brAhmaNAnAM nirvApA tathA prapAbha rApanArtha ("") tathA ballAlanArAyaNarUpanArAyaNadevayonityaM paMcopacArapUjAnaivedyArtha tathA vizeSapaMcopaskarapU Plate II. (1) jAnaivedyayaM tathA patitadhuSitadharmaschAnAnAmaddharaNArthaM vaizASIparvaNi asminneva pathake saMtiSTamAna-* (') mehUNAbhidhAnagrAme kasya tathA maMDalyAM bhUmihala 6 tathA hATa 12 tathA riNasIhavasaNagrAmeryepalamA(1) nabhUmihala 6 tathA luMDAvasaNeyavATikA 1 tathA rUpApureyavATikA 1 tathA AzApalyA zukla ___ maMDapikA(') yAM dinaM prati dra.1 mmakA karadapalaDikA 1 eteSAM samastAnAmutsarga kRtvA zrImUlezvaradevIya maThapatima (2) hAmunIMdrarAjakulazrIviSvAmitrasya nirvAhaNArtha zAsanaM samapitaM / mehaNAgrAmasyAghATA yathA / pUrvasyAM di(1) zi cUnariyAmasuhAsaDAgrAmaraunIgrAmatraSANaM sImAyAM sImA / dakSaNasyAM dizi SAMDihAyAmanA loDAyAma(') yoH sImAyAM sImA / pazcimasyAM dizi dUdhakhAgrAmasImAyAM sImA / uttarasyAM dizi nAyakAyA masImAyAM sImA (1) evamAdicaturAghATopalakSitasvasImAparyaMta savRkSamAlAkula navanidhAnasahita sahiraNyabhAgabhogadA(1) nIsahitaH sadaMDadazAparAdhasahita sakASTatRNodakopetaH sarvAdAyasamataH devadAyabrahmadAyavarjitaH (1) grAmoyaM tathA maMDalyAH bhUmI tathA vATike tathA haTTAni AzApalyAH palADikAprabhRti etatsarva AcaMdrAka yAva(") t rAjakulazrIvizvAmitrarAzinA tathaitadIyacelakaparaMparayA nirvAhanIyaM / asmatpradattamiti pari kSAya sa(1) sAmAnyaM caitat alpaphalaM matvA asmadvaMzajaiH anyairapi bhAvibhoktabhiranumaMtavyaM pAlanIyaM ca / __ yathA dAtA zreL. 12, read maizva. L. 18, read sadakSiNA nirvApA:- pitaM. L.6, read trayANAM; dakSiNasyAM. L.8, read degparyantaH * L. 1, road naivedyArthaH duSita or perhaps dRSita;deg muddhara- kula degsahita; L.9, read sahitaH, kASTha; sameta; L. nnaarth| vaishaakhii| satiSTha. L.2, perhapa mAme. L.4, | 10, rend degcaMdrAkai. L. 11, read parIkSya. read dammaika, 10. eka dAma. L.5, read vizvAmitrasya sama- / .

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212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1877. (3) yobhAka tathA pAlakazcApi / uktaM ca bhagavatA vyAsena / bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhiH sagarA Fat Te () sya yadA bhUmI tasyatasya tadA phalaM / 1 SaSTivarSasahasrANi svarge tiSThati bhUmidaH // acchettA cAnumaMtA ca tAnyeva na-1 (.) rakaM vaset / / 2 vaMdhyATavISvatoyAsu zuSkakoTaravAsinaH kRSNasappA prajAyaMte dattadAyA TERCAT: 113() DAgAnAM sahasreNa azvamedhazatena ca / gavAM koTipradAnena bhUmiharttA na zuddhacati // 4 // (") dUtako'tra mahAsaMdhivigrahika Tha0 zrIzrIdharaH // likhitamidaM mahAkSapaTalikamahaM0 zrIgoviMdena st: aparArjunamahArAjAdhirAjazrIzrImadvIsaladevasya No. 11.- Abstract. welfare of the donor's grandfather, Ran& L una1. Preamble.-In the 1317th year of the pa sa ja, to feed in As a palli, at a formerly inVikrama era, on the 4th day of the dark half stituted sattra, eight new Brahmans, and to keep of the month of Jyeshtha, on a Thursday, the drinking-fountain there filled (Pl. I. 1. 14). while the supreme ruler, supreme lord, the 2. For the spiritual welfare of the donor's faillustrious Visalade va, the great king of ther, Ran& Sangra masinha, to provide kings, --who is made illustrious by the whole a complete dinner of royal food and drink, with line of kings (his ancestors),-who obtained condiments, betel, &c., at Mandali to eight new grace in consequence of a boon given by the Brahmans; to provide for fourteen Brahmans of husband of Umi, -who is endowed with ex- Brahmapura, at the Panchadasadina Sradceeding valour, who is (as it were) a sun (able) dha, during the dark half of the month when to open the buds of the lotus-field of the Chau- the sun stands in the constellation of Virgo, ll luk ya, -who is a volcanic fire to dry up the alms and dakshina; and also to provide for the ocean of the army of Sing hana, -who crushed same Brahmans on every new moon alms the lord of Malava, who resembled a hatchet on and dakshina, and also alms for those Brahaccountof his cutting the roots of the creeper-like mans of the Kapila varta, who have sat turbulent government of the Medapa taka coun- down to recite the whole Veda, and to keep try,- who resembled Purushottama since he was the drinking-fountain filled (Pl. I. 11. 15-18). chosen as husband by the daughter of the king 1 3. To provide daily food-offerings and the of Karnata (just as Purushottama was elected expenses of the service in the temples of Bal. by Lakshmi the daughter of the ocean), --who lala nar ayana and Rapankra yana, is adorned by numerous honorific titles, such as and to repair dilapidated temples. (Pl. I. 1. 19, *a (second) Bhima by the strength of his arm, the Pl. II. 1. 1.) new Siddhar aja, and a second Arjuna,' III. Objects granted.-(a) In the village of ruled auspiciously and victoriously at srimat Mehan six ploughs of land, twelve shops in Ana hilla pa ta ka, and while his obedient Mandali, and 6 ploughs of land in the village prime minister, the illustrious Nagada, held of Rinasiha vasana. all the great offices, viz. that of secretary and the (6) A garden in Lund a vasana. rest, the great provincial chief R &n& Saman- (c) A garden in Rup &pura. tasimha, who rules in Mandali, situated in (d) A palladikd with a daily tax of one dam.* Vardhipathaka, the favoured district of All this was made over for management to the the above-mentioned supreme lord, gives the fol. | superior of Srim ulesvara de va's monaslowing grant : tery (at Mandal), the great lord of ascetics, II. Grantees and Purpose. For the spiritual Rajakula Visvamitra. (P1 II. 11. 2-5.) + L. 14, read of a B r . L. 16, read ata; fed before and were not to be fed again, & new batch nar, . | 6. e. the Mah Alayaaraddha during BlAdrapada Badi. I Paripanthayati, loc. sing. Pres. part., is used in all the T The coast of the Bharuch districts. Western inscriptions of the 12th and 13th century in the * I am unable to explain the word palladika. The text sense of 'holding. has : which, I think, can only stand for Aprw,new,' means that the Brabmans had not been one dam.' taking their place.

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JULY, 1877.] Boundaries: (1) Of Mehuna (a) East the villages of Chunnari, Suhasa da, and Rauni, (b) South the villages of Shandi ka and Naloda, GRANTS OF THE ANHILVAD CHAULUKYAS. III. Vallabharaja, S. 1066, A.D. 1097-98 A.-Main line. I. Malaraja I., son of king Raji S. 998-1053 or 941-42-996-97A.D. [8. 1043] II. Chamundaraja, S. 1053-1066: A.D. 997-98-1009-10 IV. Durlabharaja PEDIGREE OF THE CHAULUKYAS OF ANHILVAD. S. 10661078 A.D. 1010-1021-22 B.-Vydghrapalli or Vagheld branch. Dhavala, married to Kumarapala's I mother's sister Arnoraja Lavanaprasada, chief of Dholka VI. Karna I. S. 1120-1150. A.D. 1063-64-1093-94 1 VII. Jayasimha, Siddharaja S. 1150-1199 A.D. 1093-94-1143-44 Viradhavala, Rans of Dholk& Independent since S. 1276-1295 (P) A.D. 1219-20-1238-39 (P) XIII. Visaladeva [S. 1317] Rans from 1238-39 S. 1300-1318 king of Anhilvad A.D. 1243-44-1261-62 I XV. Sarangadeva S. 1331-1353 [S. 1350] A.D. 1274-75-1296 XVI. Karnadeva II. S. 1363-1360 A.D. 1296-1304. I XIV. Arjunadeva S. 1318-1331 [S. 1318, 1328] A.D. 1261-62-1274-75 (c) West the village of Dudhuk ha, (d) North the village of Na ya ka. IV. Officers. Dataka: the minister of peace and war (of the Ran) Thakur Sridhara; the writer of the grant is Mahakahapatalika Mahan Govinda. Nagadeva V. Bhimadeva I. [S. 1086 and (10)93] S. 1078-1120 A.D. 1021-22-1063-64 1 Haripala Tribhuvanapala Mahipala VIII. Kumarapala S. 1190-1230 (S. 1207, 1213] A.D. 1143-44-1173-74 213 IX. Ajayapala S. 1230-1233 A.D. 1173-74-1176-77 X. Malaraja II. S.,1233-1235 A.D. 1176-77-1178 XI. Bhimadeva II. S. 1235-1298 A.D. 1178-1241-2 [8. 1263, 65, 66, 83, 87, 88, 95, 96] XII. Tribhuvanapala [8. 1299] S. 1298-1300 A.D. 1241-42-1243-44

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214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. NOTE. The dates have been taken for the reigns of the kings of the main line from the Prabandhachintamani, and agree with those of Mr. Forbes, given in the Ras Mald, except in the cases of Bhimadeva I., Karnadeva I., and Bhimadeva II. They agree with those of the Vicharaerent for the reigns of Durlabharaja and of his successors, not for the earlier ones, which have been thrown into utter confusion by a transposition of Chamunda raja among the Chapotkatas. The origin of this error probably was a clerical mistake by which Chamundaraja's name had been left out, and afterwards been marked on the margin with an erroneous mark of reference in the text. Later copyists and correctors then enteredChamunda in the wrong place, and altered the dates so as to agree. The Government copy of the Vicharaerent says, fol. 6b, 1. 12, to fol. 7a, 1. 7:-tad anu samva. 821 varshe vaisakha budi 2-some somachdudavamsotpannah ertvanarajah ert anahilapuram asthapayat tatra cha 60 varshani rajyam abhukta; tatputrena yogardjena nava varsha 9 rajyam krit(a)m; tatah samvat 891 (!) varshopavishtasriratnadityena varsha 3 raj MISCELLANEA. BARISAL GUNS, &c. In a manual of The District of Bakarganj by Mr. Beveridge, the country round the mouth of the Ganges, and its peculiarities, are described. In one passage he refers to a phenomenon in one of the islands out in the Bay of Bengal. "I questioned Khela Mag about the curious phenomenon known by the name of the Barisal guns. He said that he heard them often in the beginning of the rains. He described the sound. as being exactly like that of the discharge of a cannon, and said it appeared to have no connection with the tide, and that the noise was quite different from that of the 'Bore,' or of the coming in of the breakers. The noises appeared to come from the north, south, and south-west. The statement that they sometimes come from the north is important, for hitherto we have supposed that no one ever got to the south of them. It is because that they are always heard from the south that the natives poetically represent them as caused by the shutting and opening of Ravana's gate in Ceylon." Mr. Beveridge adds (p. 168), "The conclusion, therefore, which I come to, is that the sounds are atmospheric, and in some way connected with electricity." [JULY, 1877. yam kritam || tato vairasimhasya rajyam varsha 11 tatah sam. 903 upa tatsuta kshemarajasya rajyam cha 13 944 varshopavishta suta CHAMUNDAra va 28 tatah sam. 981 || varshop suta ghdghadasya rajyam cha || 28 || 998 varshopavita sutaptarajyam cha 9 ittham evam 1018 ittham chavadavamseshtabhih 196 varsha. rajyam kritam || tad anu sam. 1018 varshe chaulukyavameopavishtasya dauhitra erimulardjyam 35 tatah || sam. 1052 varshopavishta SUTA VALLABHArdjarajyam. v. 14 tatah sam. 1066 varshe bhratri durlabhardjardjyam varsha 12, etc. The Vicharaerent gives the following exact dates for (1) Jayasimha, death S. 1199. Karttika sudi 3; (2) Kumara pala, abhisheka Margaaira sudi 4, S. 1199, death Pausha sudi 12, S. 1229; (3) Ajayapala, death Phalguna sudi 12, S. 1232; (4) Mala raja II., death Chaitra sudi 4, S. 1234.The dates for the kings of the Vaghela branch have been taken from the Vicharaerent. The connection of their first ancestor, Dhavala, with the main line is not clear. But he also must have been a Chauluky a, as his descendants always bear this family name in the inscriptions. At p. 164 of vol. V. of the Indian Antiquary, Mr. Horne, in his account of Himalayan villages, mentions the extraordinary and imposing sounds heard in the early morning amongst the mighty peaks, not ascribable, he thinks, to avalanches, and which the natives cannot account for. The town of Koimbatur, in Madras, is backed on the west by a semicircle of lofty mountains, cleft in the centre of the arc by a lower pass, down the high slope above which, on the south, a white streak of Water is seen descending. This is the source of the Sirivani, an affluent of the Bhavani river, which skirts and drains the southern watershed of the Nilgiris. The Sirivant waterfall issues from a remarkable pool or rock-basin, quite 4000 feet high on the mountain side, and called by the jungle people Muttukulam, Pearl-foot. The people have a great awe of this pool, and can hardly be persuaded to approach it, declaring that extraordinary and tremendous noises are at times heard to issue from it, and roll cracking amongst the mountains. It is declared to be bottomless, and certainly the longest bamboo obtainable could find no bottom. In a book of South American travel published a few years ago, there was an account of a tremendous and terrifying noise proceeding for three days from the interior of the vast Guiana forestwilderness there was no earthquake or volcanic phenomena to account for it, and the Indians could suggest no cause or explanation. Whether Mr. Beveridge's suggestion of atmospheric causes and electricity will account for these mighty and mysterious voices from ocean, mountains, and forest is a question for natural philosophers to determine. M. J. W.

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August, 1877.] ARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTES. 215 ARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTES. BY M. J. WALHOUSE, LATE M.O.S. (Continued from page 42.) XV.-Gold treasure-trove in Madras. TN vol. II. of Col. Yule's edition of the Travels the fear of the ignorant finders, and of the L of Marco Polo, pp. 305-311, there is an ac- whole great treasure only about thirty pieces count of the once famous port of Kail, in were rescued, in a manner showing how insuTinnivelly, near the extreme southern cape of the perable popular suspicions are in such an affair. Peninsula. In Marco Polo's time it belonged to On approaching a village where it was thought Aslar, the eldest of five brother-kings who ruled there might be some of the coins, a little girl the regions of the south. "At this city," says was seen running away from it carrying a small Marco, "touch all ships that come from the west earthen chat, and happening to fall in her haste --from Hormos, Aden, and Arabia." Its site is the chat broke and thirty coins rolled out, which ascertained to have been on the Tamraparni appear to have been all that escaped the meltriver, at a spot now one and a half miles from its ing-pot. It would be unsafe to estimate from mouth,--of old probably nearer the sea, on a back- this scanty remnant the general character of water, whence its name (kayal in Tamil = a the whole great hoard, which there is reason to backwater); and ruins of old fortifications, tem- believe did amount to thousands, all gold, but the ples, wells, tanks, everywhere for three or four few that escaped were of Muhammadan coinage, miles along the coast, attestits ancient wealth and except one piece of Johanna of Naples (A.D. 1343. importance, while the whole plain for a mile and 82); from this it may be concluded that Spanish, a half inland is covered with mounds, tiles, and Portuguese, and Venetian broad pieces, such as broken pottery, amongst which pieces of china- were wont to be used in the old traffic with the ware are not uncommon. Diggings in those East, were not wanting in the hoard. Could but mounds would probably discover much of anti- the circumstances be told in which this remarkquarian interest. Except the above-mentioned able golden treasure was amassed, concealed, and vestiges, the great and populous city has dis- lost, what a strange story might be revealed! appeared from the face of the earth, its name Of other golden finds in Madras territories, a surviving only in tradition, and its site till of large quantity of Roman gold coins was found in late uncertain. Tutacorin, a few miles farther | 1787 near N ellur, under the remains of a small up, is now the rising and frequented port. Hindu templo; there were many coins of Trajan, Between two and three years ago a remark. and several as fresh and beautiful as if just from able discovery of gold coin was made in the the mint. (See 48. Res. vol. II. p. 332.) Five tract once occupied by the ancient port. Some pieces of the Emperors were dug up at Karur, coolies, whilst digging a water-channel at some in Koimbatar, in 1806; and in the same district distance inland, dug up a large globular metal I have twice known small chautis containing vessel, the lips of the mouth of which had been several hundreds of the minute spangle-like turned down and beaten together go as to close Hindu coins, popularly called Shanar cash, the opening completely. The vessel contained with which all Southern India seems sown (see gold coins to the amount, it is believed, of some Ind. Ant. vol. III. p. 191), to have been turned thousands-principally, it would seem, Muham- up in ploughing. I remember, too, when the madan; but the treasure was instantly divided right of excavating and searching for coin in the amongst the finders, and almost the whole of extensive old mud fort at Dharapuram, in it melted down! The energetic Collector of Koimbatur, was rented out and farmed-an item the province, Mr. R. K. Puckle, from whom in the district accounts-gold coins were said to I received the account, as soon as the news be found there frequently. A potful of Roman of the find oozed out and reached him, used aurei is also reported to have been found near all means of encouragement and persuasion to Sola pur in 1840 : only a few were preserved. induce the people to bring him any of the In Asia, as in Europe, the amount of treasurecoins, offering a reward for them beside their trove preserved has ever been lamentably small intrinsic value as gold; but this only increased in proportion to the amount discovered.

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1877. The hoard in Tinnivelli was discovered in December 1872; its probable value is estimated at a lakh of rupees. The labourers divided the spoil, but the Tahsilder succeeded in recover ing Rs. 8,000 worth of coin and ingots; the rest was quickly melted down, and all traces of it lost. Of the coins 31 were obtained for Go- vernment, and are now in the Madras Museum. The inscriptions on the whole of the coins are in Arabic or Kufic, with one exception,-a coin of Peter of Aragon, (not Johanna of Castile), the legend on which is in Latin in old Gothic characters, and reads thus: "Summa potestas est in Deo. P. Dei gra. Aragon, sigil. re." surrounding & shield. "Ps. Cost. Dei gra. Aragon. sigil. reg:." In the field an eagle. The P. referred to is Pedro III., king of Aragon, who began to reign A.D. 1276. He concluded a treaty with a Sultan of the Mamluk Bahrite dynasty, and hence probably the coin found its way to Egypt, and so to India. A The coins bearing Arabic characters belong to four dynasties,--the Khalifs, Atabegs, Ayub. ite, and Mamlak Bahrite. The coins in Kafic characters have not been deciphered. The greatest gold-find recorded in Madras happened in 1851, when & vast treasure was discovered on a hill near Kottayam, ten miles east of Kannanur: the native discoverers for a long time maintained the strictest secrecy; the purity of the gold attracted the jewellers and wealthy men, and nearly all were melted down for ornaments. No less than five cooly-loads of gold coins are said to have been taken from this spot. Eighty or ninety coins came into the possession of the Raja of Travancore, and a larger number was obtained by General Cullen, the Resident. Not one reached the Madras Museum. The coins were of the following reigns:-Augustus, Tiberius, Claudius, Caligula, Drusas.* MATHURA INSCRIPTIONS. BY F. S. GROWSE, M.A., B.C.S. The Pali inscriptions, of which rubbings and, in with a stone vault. In this (80 far as contranscripts are herewith sent, have been collect- structional peculiarities are concerned) I have ed within the last few years from different reproduced the roof of the now ruined temple of spots in and about the city of Mathura. The Harideva at Govardhan, an interesting specistones upon which they are engraved are as yet men of the eclectic style that prevailed in the in my own possession, but will eventually be reign of the emperor Akbar, and which so recenttransferred to a local museum, which is now inly as 1872 was in almost perfect preservation. course of erection. The building was commenced The cost of these additions was Rs. 5,366. A more than twenty years ago by Mr. Mark portico is now being added at an estimated outThornhill, the then Collector of the district, who lay of Rs. 8,494 ; and when the openings that intended it as a rest-house for natives of rank were broken through the walls by Mr. Tbornon their occasional visits to the station. After hill's whimsical successor, with the express object some Rs. 50,000, raised by local subscription, of disfiguring his predecessor's design, have been had been expended, the work was interrupted by closed in with tracery, the whole will present a the Mutiny, and never resumed till 1874, when most beautiful and elaborate specimen of the Sir John Strachey, the most liberal supporter architecture of Mathura in the nineteenth cenof art and science that the North-West has ever tary.t had at its head, warmly encouraged the idea of Though the cost of the building has been 80 its conversion into a museum, and subsequently considerable, it is only of small dimensions, the sanctioned a grant-in-aid of Rs. 3,500 from pro- whole surface of the stone being covered with vincial funds. The central court was last year geometric and flowered patterns of the most raised by the addition of an attic, and covered artistic character. It is therefore intended to * From Catalogue of Coins in the Government Museum, Madras. + I have been able to carry out so many architectural works since I have been at Mathura that probably in after years native tradition will associate with my name every thing that was built about this period. I wish, therefore, to place on record that I am not responsible for the design of the portico. It is in itself very beautiful work, but it is quite out of place in the open air, on the side of a dusty road.

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AUGUST, 1877.) MATHURA INSCRIPTIONS. 217 make it not a general, but simply an architectural been the site of an extensive Buddhist monasand antiquarian museum, and I hope to be able tery: for in 1860, when the foundations of the to arrange in it, in chronological series, speci- new building were being laid, a number of large mens of all the different styles that have pre- statues, bases of pillars, rails, and other sculpvailed in the neighbourhood, from the reign of tures were unearthed. The greater part were the Indo-Skythian Kanishka, in the century im- sent to the Agra museum, and the others dismediately before Christ, down to the present persed in various quarters. The little stone of day, which (as before said) will be illustrated in which I am now writing had probably been perfection by the building itself. thrown aside as of no value. It reads thus :It cannot be denied that it was high time ... shkasya rajya samvatsare 28, Hemant 3 (or for some such institution to be established : for 4) di ... in an ancient city like Mathura interesting relics which might be translated "On the... day of the past, even when no definite search is being of the third (or fourth) winter month in the made for them, are constantly cropping up; and, 28th year of the reign of." unless there is some easily accessible place to The king commemorated was probably Kawhich they can be consigned for custody, they nishka; for the end of the tail of the is just run an imminent risk of being no sooner found visible, and other inscriptions of his were found than destroyed, Inscriptions in particular, de- on the same spot. If, however, for rdjya be read spite their exceptional value in the eyes of the rajye, it would be necessary to translate" in the antiquary, are more likely to perish than any 28th year (of some unspecified era) in the reign thing else, since they have no beauty to recom- of." And this is perhaps preferable, for although mend them to the ordinary observer. Thus a a reign may well have lasted twenty-eight years, pillar, the whole surface of which is said to have -the number here given,-in other parallel been covered with writing, was found in 1860, inscriptions the figures run too high to be so in making a road on the site of the old city wall. interpreted. There was no one on the spot at the time who No. 2 is from the base of a large seated could read it, and the thrifty engineer, thinking figure of Buddha, in red sandstone, of which such a fine large block of stone ought not to be only the crossed legs remain. This I dug u wasted, had it neatly squared and made into a in one of what are called the Chaubara mounds, buttress for a bridge. A base of a pillar, No. 3 near the Sonkh road, at the junction of the in the present series, was dug up about the same boundaries of the township of Mathura and the time, and, after being plastered and whitewashed villages of Bakirpur and Giridharpur. Both was imbedded by the Collector in a gatepost he these settlements are of comparatively recent was then building in front of the Tahsili. There date, and the site seems to have been the very I re-discovered it only two years ago, when the centre of the old Buddhist city. The left hand gateway was pulled down to improve the ap- of the figure had rested on the left thigh, the proach to the museum. Similarly No. 11 had right being probably raised in an attitude of been set up by a subordinate in the Public Works admonition. Another mutilated figure of similar Department to protect a culvert on the high- | character, but without inscription, was found road through cantonments. I have therefore on the same spot, and I mention the fact since thought it better to provide at once for some these are the only specimens I have with the record of the present series, without waiting | hands in this position; in all the others they for an opportunity--that might never occur- are crossed over the feet. The inscription begins to decipher them more completely ; since a Maharajasya Deva putrasya Huvishlasya sau, civilian's stay in a district is always a matter 33 gri. 1 di. 8 bhikshusya .. hasya .. takasya of much uncertainty, and if I were transferred ..... Buddhasya. before the museum was ready for their recep- The remainder is more or less uncertain. tion they would probably soon be lost sight of General Cunningham took the word ending in altogether. takasya to be Tripitakasya. If really so, the No. 1 is from a small fragment of stone re- inscription would be specially valuable as procently found in the compound of the Magis- bably fixing the site of the stupus of the Abhitrate's court-house. This would seem to have dharma, the Satra, and the Vinaya (collectively

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218 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. called Tripituka), which are mentioned by both the Chinese pilgrims as being at Mathura. No. 3 is from the base of a pillar found at the same place as No. 1. It is cut in bold clear letters which are for the most part decipherable, as follows:-- Ayam kumbhaka danam bhikshunam Suriyasya Buddha-rakshitasya cha prahitakanam. Anantyam (?) deyam dharmma pa... nam. Sarvasa prahitakanam arya dakshitaye bhavatu. The purport of which would be: "This pillar is the gift of the mendicants Surya and Buddharakshita, prahitakas. A religious donation in perpetuity. May it be in every way a blessing to the prahitakas!" I observe that Prof. Kern, in his "Notes on the Junnar Inscriptions" (Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 40), questions the probability of a bhikshu being ever a donor, since (as he says) monks have nothing to give away, all to receive. But in this place the reading is unmistakably clear, nor is the fact really at all inconsistent with Hindu usage. In the Mathura district I can point to two large masonry tanks, costing each some thousands of rupees, which have been constructed by mendicant bairagis out of alms that they had in a long course of years begged for the purpose. The word prahitaka, if I am right in so reading it, is of doubtful signification. It might mean either messenger' or 'committee-man,' a commissioner or a commissionaire. No. 4 is from the mound called the Kankali tila. It is cut on the upper part of a broken slab which has an ornamental border round the edge, but otherwise presents a plain surface. The obverse of the stone is more elaborately carved, and resembles the spandril of a doorway, with a vine-leaf scroll, and in the jamb the model of a triumphal column support ing the figure of an elephant on a bell capital that is surmounted by winged lions. The upper portions of two such pillars as that here represented are in existence, the one at Sankisa, the other in my own collection with the date Huvishka Sam. 39 on the abacus: it has been figured in vol. II. of Gen. Cunningham's Archaeological Survey Reports. The first letter in the inscription at the back of this curious slab belongs to a word that has been destroyed: it is followed by the name of the donor in the genitive case, Mugali-putas. This would seem to be a distinctively Buddhist appellation, and [AUGUST, 1877. therefore worthy of remark, since most of the sculptures found in this tila are of Jaina type. No. 5 is from the base of a small headless seated nude figure of white stone, and, to judge from the style of the sculpture and the ill-formed letters, is of no very great antiquity. Under it is a row of six standing figures, three on either side of a central chakra. Nothing is recorded in the inscription beyond the date; but this is given both in words and figures, as follows: Samvatsare sapta panyase 57 Hemanta tritiye divase trayadase. Asya purvayam: that is to say, "In the year fifty-seven (57), on the thirteenth day of the third winter month." It had been built up into a mud wall in the Manoharpur quarter of the city, and my attention was first called to it by General Cunningham. It is curious in two ways: first, because it definitely fixes, beyond any possibility of doubt, the value of the symbol representing 50; secondly, if the date is really the year 57 of the same era as that employed in the inscriptions of Kanishka and Huvishka, it is the earliest unmistakably Jaina figure yet found in this neighbourhood. I cannot, however, believe but that it is comparatively modern, and if so it affords a strong confirmation of a theory originally broached, I believe, by Mr. Thomas. He suggests that the Indo-Skythians using the era of the Seleucide, which commenced in the 1st of October 312 B.C., gave only the year of the century, omitting the century itself, in the same way as we write '77 for 1877. The theory is corroborated by the fact that only one of the Mathura inscriptions as yet found gives a date higher than a hundred, viz. 135; and this particular inscription probably belongs to an entirely different series: for in it the division of the year is not into the three seasons of Grishma, Varsha, and Hemanta, but according to the Hindu calendar still in use, the month quoted being Paushya. It is, however, very doubtful whether the era of the Seleucide is the one intended; it might with equal or even greater probability be the Kasmirian era employed by Kalhana in the last three books of his Rajatarangini, and still in use among the Brahmans of that country. It is otherwise called the era of the Saptarshis, and dates from the secular procession of Ursa Major, Chaitra Sudi 1 of

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MATHURA INSCRIPTIONS. II. "fe FuHOG ra0 Fewash RAZEoria STATLR - AAKTI 8. RASTRAmAramA RAHASHI TADHA LAX KaEDDHISAHWARE PHOTELEVIATION rected EMIDAETIJITAL sixv=fsvgy ,tE HRARY TIL', panapatra MINIMA L Favat saya namjA "" (panA hiani 034 yo nayojana Rupalhe SH Linionia TOUN ATI HEHEURVEER iOR

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AUGUST, 1877.] THE STORY OF KHAMBA AND THOIBI. 219 the 26th year of the Kali-yaga, 3076 B.C. It is known to be a fact, and is not a mere hypothesis, that when this era is used the hundreds are generally omitted. The chronological dif- ficulties involved in these inscriptions seem, therefore, almost to defy solution: the order in which the kings, whose names are mentioned, succeeded one another is uncertain : the era may commence either in October 312 B.c. or in March 5076 B.C.; and the century of the era is never expressed. It has occurred to me that the phrase asya purvayam, which is of such very frequent occurrence, and has never been satisfactorily explained, may possibly refer to this suppression of the first figures of the date. No. 6 is from a broken Buddhist rail found at the same place as No. 2. The front is carved with a single female figure, unusually well executed, and at the back were three bas. reliefs, the lowest of which has been lost. The inscription is a single line between the upper and middle groups, and, as it ends with the word danam, apparently records only the donor's name, though what the name is I cannot exactly determine. No. 7 is from the base of a seated Buddha of very early character, with dra pery falling over the body in a multiplicity of small folds. I recovered it from the bed of the Jamuna, where it was being used by the dhobis as a washingstone. The letters are so worn that the only words I am able to decipher are Daya-dharmma and Buddha in the first line, and at the end of the second sarvva and again Buddha. No. 8 is from the base of a small seated figure with a group below it as in No.5. It was found at the Kankali tila. Babu Rajendralala Mitra reads it thus: Siddhajivikasya datta-bhikshusya viharasya, and translates, "Of the monastery of Dattabhiksha, who had accomplished the object of existence." I should prefer to render, "May it prosper! The gift of Jivika, a mendicant ; for the monastery." No. 9 is from the base of a very large seated figure carved in red sandstone, of which nothing but the feet remain. It begins Varsha-mdse 2 divas 6,"On the sixth day of the second month of the rains." The remainder is too much defaced for me to make out. No. 10 is from below a small seated nude figure, carved in white stone, a material which ordinarily indicates & more modern date. The inscription is in three portions, and gives the Samvat year in Nagari figures as 1134. It was found at the Kankali tila, which would thus seem to have been popularly frequented as a religious site for a period extending continuously over more than a thousand years. Either the Jains succeeded the Buddhists, in the same way as Protestants have taken the place of Catholics in our English cathedrals, or the two rival sects may have existed together, like Greek and Latin Christians in the holy places at Jerusalem. No. 11, under the feet of a large seated Bud. dha in red sandstone, reads thus :Mahardjasya Devaputrasya Huvishkasya rajya sam 50 He. 3 di. 2. It is valuable as an undoubted early example of the same symbol for 50, as is seen in No. 5. All these readings are tentative and imperfect. Even so they supply matter for interesting speculation. But if, as I hope, they are supplemented and corrected, much more will, no doubt, be.elicited from them. Mathurd, February 2, 1877. THE STORY OF KHAMBA AND THOIB: A MANIPURI TALE. TRANSLATED BY G. H. DAMANT, OFFG. POLITICAL AGENT, MANIPUR. In the country of Manipur thove is a village Hauram Ningai, fled to a village called Moirang, called Mayang Imphal, where there was a king where the king, Songlel Lalthaba, succoured called Yai Thongnal. He had three sons, the him, and he married a wife there and begot eldest called Hauram Halba, the second Hatram Pachelba, who begot Purelba, who slew five Ningai, and the youngest Hauram Tol. When tigers in Tarbang. their father died the three brothers quarrelled as Songlel LAlthaba, the king of Moirang, beto which should be king; but the youngest got Kekhoi Lalthaba, who had two sons, Jaragained the throne, and the second brother, kong Yamba and Chingkhutol Haiba; the * See Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 28.-ED.

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1877. eldest, Jarathong Yamba, afterwards became my friend, although you have nine wives, have king, and the second, Chingkhutol Haiba, was no child; therefore take my children, Khamnu Jubraja. and Khamba, for your own, and also take all King Jarathong Yamba, deeming that Po- my clothes, turban, dao, spear, hunting dress, war relba had become famous by having killed the dress, necklaces and ornaments, and if you hear tigers, gave him his own wife, Gnangko Reima of any one ill-treating my children protect them Yareltom Pokpi, and he married her and begot like a father; and do you, my friend Choaba, a daughter called Khamnu and a son called acting like a mother, protect their land and Khamba. As the king of Moirang had a great wood, and guard them should any one make liking for Parelba, he gave him the lands of them slaves or seize their cattle; and do you, Nongtholba, Lonoirakpa, and Khada Halba, and Thonglel, be a father to them." With these also the salt well at Tarbung and the Naga words Parelba died. villages of Laisang and Kharam Lairel; he also 1 After this Khamba gradually began to sit received a tribute of pepper from the Nagas. and walk, and when Khamnu was old enough Purelba had formed a friendship with Thonglel to nurse her little brother her mother died, and Athoba, Nongbal Chouba Asingba, and Kabui Thonglel and Choubs came and burnt her body, Salang Maiba Kharingnang Chamba. When and Thonglel said to Khamnu and Khamba, Khamba was born his three friends told him "My children, come to my house and I will be that it would be well to go to the king and ask your father; you have none else left to care for him to give the child a name. The king told you." But Khamna refused to leave her father's them to wait a little, and after some considera- house, and Thonglel then told her that her tion came back and said, "As I have made you father on his deathbed had entrusted all his wait, let us call your son Khamba."* The property to him; and, as it would be spoiled if father was pleased with it, and gave a chei, i.e. it remained there, he took it all away with him. two tolas, of gold. When he reached home he said to his wife, Now the king Jarathong Yamba and the Thungselbi, "In case I die, fall ill, or forget it, Jubraja Chingkhatol Haiba had no children, you remember that this property all belongs to although the king had fifteen wives and the my friend Parelba and his wife." But afterJabraja eleven, so they went and worshipped wards, through the miraculous power of a god, the god Thangjing, but still the king had no he forgot all about it, and so did the children. child. However, Langmailing Thojamu Sang- In the meantime Khamnu used to support her nanil Khurambi, the first wife of the Jubraja, little brother by begging. bore daughter. The king was very much One duy, by the mercy of God, Khamnu pleased, and said, "As I have no child, this went to beg at the house of Ningola kpa of daughter of my brother's will be celebrated Moirang, and it happened that Thoibi had come above all others : let us therefore call her Thoibi there to play at kang,t and was eating with (i.e. 'famous'). the other ladies of the royal family. When One day after this, as Purelba was returning Khamnu came up, the servant at the door would from the palace he fell ill, and called his two not let her enter, saying that the ladies were at friends Thonglel and Chonba, and said to them, dinner ; but just at that moment Thoibi came "My friends, I am very ill and about to die, out to bathe, and seeing Khamnu asked who therefore I wish to speak to you. My friend she was. Khamnu replied that she had come Chouba, you have a son, Phairoichamba to beg, and that her name was Khamnu, and Selungbahal, and I have a daughter, Khamnu; she was the daughter of a Kumal.f Thoibi felt do you therefore make her your daughter and pity for her, and asked her where she lived, and marry her to your son." So saying he called why she came to beg, and whether she had no the child and gave her away; she was then five father, mother, or brother. Khamnu said she years old. Then he said to Thonglel, " You, had no father or mother, but supported one The Manipari word khamba means 'to restrain, to in a row. It is principally played by the Manipuri women. make to stop." I The Manipurls are said to be derived from four tribes + This is a rome something like skittles on a small scale. -Moirang, Luang, Kamal, and Meithei ; they have now all The kang is the need of a large kind of creeper called gila in Assumed the name Meithei, which tribe seems to have conBengal; it is propelled by the finger at a number of pins set quered the rest.

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AUGUST, 1877.] THE STORY OF KHAMBA AND THOIBI. 221 young brother, and she lived in the quarter of quantity of fish for herself and her brother to Chingai. Thoibi pitying her, replied, "Let eat. you and me be friends and eat together;" and Now Thoibi had been very much pleased with she took her among the other royal ladies and Khamba, and could not forget him, so she told made her eat, and gave her rice and vegetables Khamnu she would pay her a visit at her own for her brother, and had it well cooked, and house, and then went away, and they all went told her to take home with her all the rice, fish, each to his own house. In the evening Thoibi and salt that was left ; and it was as much as took her servant Senu with her to carry some she could carry. Thoibi then asked her brother's food, and went to Khamba's house. Khamnu gaw name, and Khamnu told her it was Khamba. her coming and saluted her, and Thoibi asked Thoibi then said, "Sister, all the royal ladies her how she and her brother managed to live. are going to-morrow to fish in the Logtak (a She replied that through their poverty they were lake in the south of Manipur); come with me forced to live by begging. Thoibi replied, "Your and steer my boat; but it is not proper that house does not look like the house of poor you should come among so many people with people, but seems to belong to some great officer : such ragged clothes; stop a little." And she tell me the truth." Khamnu said, "My father sent her servant Senu into the house and was an officer under the king of Kumal,-80 I brought a dhuti, chadar, and pagri for Khamba, have heard my father and mother say." Thoibi and a phanek and chadarg for Khamnu, and was secretly rejoiced to hear that, and said, "It is gave her some sel| as well. very late, we cannot go alone; tell your brother Khamnu returned home and gave the rice to see us home." So Khamba went with them and clothes to her brother. Khamba, finding and on the way he and Thoibi agreed that they the food very good, asked her where she had would be betrothed, and took an oath to be got it, and she told him how she had formed a faithful to each other, and Khamba came back friendship with Thoibi, who had given her the after seeing Thoibi home. food and clothes, and invited her to steer her | Some time after this the two divisions of the boat next day when she went a-fishing; and she village of Moirang played a match at hockey; told Khamba to stay at home and guard the Kongyamba was captain of the lower division, house. Early next morning the ladies of the and Khamba of the upper division. Previous royal family, with Thoibi and Khamnu, went to this, Khamba had not been renowned among down to the Logtak, and cast their nets and the people, but God made him victorious at caught many fish. hockey, and he defeated Kongyamba, and all Towards evening Khamba, thinking that he the people of the upper division were glad ; and might meet Thoibi, determined to go to the after this his father's friend Nongbal Chouba lake, so he took a boat and fortunately came introduced him to all as the son of Purelba. to the very place where his sister and Thoibi In a short time afterwards all the people were. Directly he and Thoibi met they fell in assembled and obtained leave from the king to love with each other, and she asked Khamnu if hold a festivalo in honour of the god Thangshe knew who he was. The girl replied that he jing, and Kongyamba was appointed to collect was her own brother, and turned to him and flowers to decorate the lower division of the asked him why he had come. He said she had village, and Khamba to do the same for the been a long time returning, so he had come to upper division, and Nongbal Chouba then inmeet her. His sister said she would follow, and troduced him to the king. Early next morning he returned home. Thoibi, Khamnu, and the Kongyamba and Khamba went to pick flowers, rest followed, and Thoibi gave Khamnu a great as the festival was to be held on the following The dress of a Manipuri woman consists of a skirt called planek, worn straight across the breast under the armpito, jacket called Phurit, and #chadar; the two latter are often dispensed with A small brown corn used in Manipar; about 450 go to the rupee. Hockey is the great national game of the Manipuris, whether on foot or horseback; it is played by all classes, from the Raja downwards. Even now to be a good hockey. player is a sure way of rising to notice in the state. This festival is called Laiharouba, and is still commonly held; it is remnant of paganism which has not succumbed to the Hinduism now prevailing in the country. The god in whose honour the festival is held is placed in the midst, and all the men and women, both married aud unmarried, dance round it gaily decked with flowers, BODK'S are sung, and the village fiddlers attend. There appears to be very little idea of religious worship in it.

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222 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [August, 1877. day. Kongyamba told khamba to go up the but the bull feeds on the lands of the king of mountain, and he would remain where he was; and | Kumal: we must send word to him." So he Kongyamba picked haukeroit flowers, but Kham- sent an officer named Thangarakpa, who told ba climbed a tree and gathered mellait flowers, the king of Kumal about it, and he agreed to and when they had done so they both returned let them catch the bull, and proposed that his home. And Thonglel, his father's friend, called friend the king of Moirang and he should go Khamba and gave him all his father's clothes together to see the sight. and ornaments, and also taught him to dance. So Thangarakpa returned, and the king When the king and all the people were assem- ordered proclamation to be made, and the next bled for the festival, Kongyamba presented day the king of Moirang and his people, and flowers to the deity and the king, and distributed the king of Kumal and his people, all assemthe rest among the people, and Khamba did bled, and the two kings sat on platforms to see the same; and the king, seeing that the flowers the sight. Khamba came forward and salated he had brought were out of season, gave Khamba them, and said he was ready, and he and the a reward. After that the boys and girls danced, bull had a great struggle. At last he threw and the king made Khamba and Thoibi dance the ball down, and bound him with a rope and together, and all the people talked of their brought him to the two kings. The king of beauty. When the festival was over, the king Moirang was much pleased, and gave him a and others made obeisance to the deity, which present of clothes and a gold necklace and was taken away, and they all returned home. bracelets. The king of Kamal asked whose son After some time it happened that wrestling he was, and the other king replied, "He is of and running matches were held, and Kong- your family, for he is the son of Purelba." The yamba was chosen captain of the lower village, king of Kamal said, " Then he is my cousin, and Khamba of the upper village; there were for Parelba was my father's elder brother: treat fifteen competitors on either side, and the starting him kindly." The other king said, "I have point was at Kwakta. Khamba won the race. given him my niece Thoibi in marriage." And Khamba and Kongyamba then wrestled to- the king of Kumal replied, "Then you and gether, and Khamba was victorious. Injumping, I have become relations. Let us go now." So tossing the caber, and putting the stone he was they both of them went away home, and the also successful; and the king, saying he was the ball was offered to the god of Moirang. best man, gave him a present of clothes. In the course of time it was determined to Some days after this the time came for the hold a shooting match, and every one pat on his maibie to sit at the shrine of the god to consult best clothes. Kongyamba was ordered to pick the oracle. Now Kongyamba determined to up the arrows shot by the king, and Khamba kill Khamba, so he disguised himself as the those of the Jabraja. Now Thoibi had made maibi and sat before the god, and told the king, & very handsome jacket, and when she heard "The god declares in a dream that if you can that Khamba was to collect the arrows shot by catch the bull which feeds at Ikop and offer it her father she called her servant Sena and told to him, your life will be long and your people her to give it to Khamba, and tell him to wear happy." So the king assembled all his officers it next day at the festival. After she had done and people, and said, "If the bull which feeds so, her father the Jubraja asked her where the at Ikop can be caught and offered to the god, jacket was, as he wished to wear it, but she my life will be long; is there any among you who said she had sold it and could not give it him. can catch it " As no one answered, Khamba So the king and the people of Moirang went came forward and saluted the king, and said he to the place where the archery match was held, would undertake the task. The king was de- and the king shot first, and Kongyamba picked lighted to hear it, and said, "If you succeed, up his arrow and gave it back to him. Then I will give you my niece Thoibi in marriage; the Jubraja shot, and Khamba picked up his + A kind of red coxcomb flower. * Mellai, a kind of yellow and brown orchid ; it flowers in October. It is one of the most handsome of the orchid tribe. $ The maibte are a kind of priests, or rather priestesses: for they are generally, though not always, women. They preside at the different festivals, act as fortune tellere, and pretend to some skill in medicine. They appear to havo no connection with Hinduism, but belong to the old superstition.

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AUGUST, 1877.] THE STORY OF KHAMBA AND THOIBI. 223 arrow, but as he was giving it back the Jubraja The Jubraja thought in his heart that Khamsaw that he was wearing his daughter's jacket, ba had made his daughter mad; so he determined and grew angry and said he would not give to have him beaten, and sent a servant to call his daughter to him, but to Kongyamba: So Kongyamba secretly. Kongyamba came and he called Kongyamba and said to him, "I will saluted him, and the Jubraja took him aside and give you my daughter Thoibi, and you may said, "Call Khamba to Khauri bazir and asbring the fruits for the marriage in seventeen semble your friends and relations to beat him, days to me." When Khamba's father's friends for he has bewitched my daughter, whom I gave Thonglel and Chouba heard this, they came to you." Kongyamba was very glad, and went with Khamba and saluted the Jubraja and said, away and assembled all his friends and relations, * Do not, because you are angry, dismiss Kham- and called Khamba, and took them all to Khauri ba." But the Jubraja answered, " The daughter bazar. I have reared I have given away, there is no- The Jubraja took secretly one of the king's thing left." The king was inwardly displeased elephants called Gnangkharakpa Saranghalba, to hear it, and retired to his palace, while the and went to the same place and said to Khamba, Jubraja and all the people returned home. "You have spoken softly to my daughter and The Jubraja called Thoibi and told her that made her mad; now if you will at once promise he had given her to Kongyamba; but she secret- to give her up I will not beat you, but if you ly determined that she would not consent, and refuse, your grave shall be in this bazar." * went to her mother, the first queen, and said, Khamba replied, "Jubraja, even though you do "My father has given me to Kongyarba, and not love me, yet when I caught the bull you told me to marry him, against my will." The and the king gave your daughter to me in the queen replied, "The king gave you to Khamba presence of all the people, and moreover she for having caught the ball; tell him to come and I are betrothed, and have taken an oath to and marry you." So she sent word to Kham- be faithful to each other, so I cannot give her ba by her servant Senu. Early next morning up." The Jubraja hearing this became very Khamba took some fruit from his father's friend angry, and said he would kill him. Khamba Kabui Senang Maiba, and carried it home with said, "I will abide by the constancy of your him. And the same morning Kongyamba daughter, and will never turn my face away brought his fruit for the marriage, but as Thoibi from her." did not love him she pretended to be ill, and The Jubraja then told Kongyamba to assemhe returned home. After this, by the queen's ble his men to beat Khamba, and he and all his advice, Khamba brought his fruit, but Thoibi did men came with a rush and attacked Khamba, not go with him, as the Jubraja was angry and and the latter girt up his clothes and attacked would not eat of the fruit that he had brought, them in turn without turning his face away; 80 she put it aside carefully to give to her but they were so many that they overcame him father when he was in a good humour. Meanwhile and beat him severely, and the dust rose in the Jubraja went to hunt wild beasts at Tarbul, such clouds that their bodies could not be seen. but was not successful, and as he was returning There were thirty of them, so that he could not the god Thangjing inspired him with a great resist them. The Jubraja became still more desire to eat some of Thoibi's fruit, and when angry, and said, "If he acts like this in my he reached home he asked her for some. She presence I will kill him at once; bring the elu. prepared the fruit which Khamba had brought, phant." So the elephant was brought, and he and gave it to him. He said, "My daughter, this ordered them to tie Khamba to its foot, and fruit is very good, where did you get it?" She have him dragged up and down the bazar. So replied, "It is the fruit which Khamba brought, the men all seized Khamba, and were tying him and which you refused to eat." At that he grew to the elephant's foot. very angry, and said, "What! have you given Now, while this was going on, Thoibi was me the fruit which I refused to eat before P" asleep, but the god came to her in a dream It is customary in Manipur for the bridegroom, before the marriage, to bring a present of fruit and vegetables to the bride's house, which is taken by her relations. It appears to be considered equivalent to a formal offer of marriage. It is called Haejing puba.

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224 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1877. and told her that Khamba was being killed in One day after this her father the Jubraja said the bazar. She opened her eyes and wondered to Thoibi, "For five days I have been trying to what it was, and then she called her servant persuade you to marry Kongyamba; why do Senu, and took a knife in her hand and went you still persist in refusing him ?" Thoibi out. When the Jubraja and the men who were replied, "Both you and my uncle the king protying Khamba to the elephant's foot saw her mised me to Khamba when he caught the bull, they all ran away. and I have taken an oath to be his slave; I will Thoibi went up to the elephant and said to not live with Kongyamba." At this answer him, "Elephant, if you kill my lover, trample me the Jubraja grew angry, and said, "If you underfoot and kill me too," and she took an oath do not obey me, your father, I will sell you to die under the elephant's feet. The elephant, as a slave to my friend Tamurakpa at Kubbo,* seeing she was a good woman and had taken an and I will take the fall price for you and spend oath, lowered his tusks to the ground and it in feasting on fish." Thoibi answered, trumpeted ; and she, seeing Khamba, asked the "Whatever my father says is right." elephant to unloose the rope by which he was | Early next morning the Jubraja, saying he tied, and he did so, and she said to Khamba, would make a slave of Thoibi, called five of his "My dear, have you suffered all this for my servants and gave them orders concerning her. sake ?" and they both wept. And she, seeing that her father intended to Meanwhile Khamba's sister Khamnu, and carry out his purpose, sent her servant Senu to Phairoichamba, and his father's friends Thonglel Khamba secretly to tell him about it,-how her and Chouba, hearing the news, ran up from all father had made a slave of her, and five men sides. When they saw Khamba, Thonglel and were appointed to conduct her to Tamurakpa. Chouba both grew very angry, and said, "Bring So Khamba went and waited quietly in the road, Phairoichamba with you and come to the palace." with a bamboo stick in his hand, and when he So they all went and found the Jubraja sitting saw Thoibi he said sadly, "I have nothing else to there. Thonglel said with anger, "Who has give you ; take this stick and think of it as me." beaten my son ?" Lairamba, with many followers, So he gave her the stick, and she went on her wearing his sword, spear, and shield, and all way, while he went sorrowfully home. his war dress and ornaments, barst in; and the When Thoibi sat down to rest by the roadpeople, when they saw the numbers with him, side, she broke the stick into two pieces at the and his angry looks, were all afraid. Thoibi point and called God to witness that if she were told the king everything that had happened, true and faithful the bamboot should sprout, and the king was much displeased where he and sbe planted it there and it sprouted. Afheard that Khamba had been beaten, and went ter going a little further on the way she saw to his throne-room to give judgment in the a large stone, and she said, "If I am chaste and matter. He decided that the Jubraja was in have truly chosen Khamba, may this stone befault, and forbade him to enter the palace again, come soft;" and she put her foot on it, and the and ordered all the men who had beaten footprint was left. When she arrived at the Khamba to be themselves beaten. But when house of Tamurakpa, the five servants told her Kongyamba was about to be beaten, Khamba that she was not really sold, but that her father saved him by saying that he was not in fault, had sent her there to frighten her, and they ail the blame was with the Jubraja. So Khamba asked Tamurakpa to treat her kindly, and went and all the people returned home, and the king away. Tamurakpa called his daughter Changordered them to take care that his servant ning Khombi, and told Thoibi to make friends Khambu did not die, and told the royal doctor with her and live there happily. to attend him, and Thonglel and Chouba to see After three nonths' time the Jubraja felt pity that he had proper food while he was ill. for his daughter, and called his five slaves and In Manipur a man's wife and children are bis slaves, and he can sell them whenever he pleases, and this is often done. Only the other day I heard a Manipuri threaten to sell one of his sons as a slave because he preferred play to learning to read. * The valley of Kubbo has now been ceded to Burmah ; it formerly belonged to Manipur. + The clump of bamboos which grew from the stick, and the stone with Thoibt's footprint, are still shown, as is Kbamba's coat, which is kept at Moirang, the scene of the story. It is said to be of gigantic size.

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AUGUST, 1877.) THE STORY OF KHAMBA AND THOIBI. 225 told them to fetch her back, and next morning to Khamba's house. She then mounted the he sent for Kongyamba and said to him, "To- horse and galloped him up and down, but when day my daughter Thoibi will return from she was at some little distance she galloped Tammu: do you wait for her in the road and away, and by the help of the gods, who loved try and persuade her to go to your house. If her because she had saluted them, she arrived she refuses and escapes from you, say no more safely at Khamba's house. He and his sister to me about her, for I will not give her again." Khamnu received her joyfully, and he let Kongyamba saluted gladly and went away, and Kongyamba's horse loose. his father and mother and all his relations Meanwhile Kongyamba, tracking the footwaited in his house, expecting Thoibi to come. prints of the horse, came to the front door and Meanwhile he mounted his horse and took two saw Thoibi in the verandah, and thinking that servants with him, and waited in the road for there would certainly be a quarrel he went Thoibi to come. Now Senu, the servant of away quietly, and told his father and mother Thoibi's mother, heard the news and told Kham- how Khamba had taken Thoibi away and got ba secretly, and he told his sister Khamnu, the better of him. He said he would go next but was undecided whether he should go to day to the king and demand justice. Meanmeet her or not. Meanwhile Tamurak pa told while his family remained in the house. Thoibi that her father had sent for her, and she Thoibi's servants brought all the things which must go home, and he gave her some silk and Tamurakpa had given her to Khamba's house, other presents. and they all remained there that day, and word Now Thoibi, thinking Khamba would have was sent to the Jubraja that Thoibi was there. heard the news, had made him a jacket and a Next day, early in the morning, all the full suit of clothes. Before she started she put officers of Moirang assembled before the king on her ornaments and best clothes, and made to decide the dispute between Khamba and obeisance to the household god of Tamarakpa, Kongyamba ; but while it was being heard the and prayed that she might be united to her news came that a man had been killed by a lover; then she saluted Tamurakpa and his wife, tiger at Khonentak. Then the king said to and he blessed her and told her that her wish Khamba and Kongyamba, "This news has should be accomplished. And her friend Chang- come while we are hearing your dispute, so ning Kbombi gave her a present, and hoped she whichever of you can kill the tiger shall have might succeed in her wish. So she set out with my niece, and let God be the witness." They her father's five slaves, and met Kongyamba both agreed, and all the people were witin the road; and, as she did not love him, she nesses thereto. So the people surrounded the was sorry for it, but he was very glad, and tiger,ll and built a fence round the place where tried to persuade her to go with him by saying he was, and early the next morning the king that her father had given her to him. Thoibi and all the people went to see the sight. As pretended to be glad outwardly, and sat down Khamba was starting, Thoibi said to him, "If near him, but she put the stick which Khamba I am faithful and pure, you will certainly kill had given her between them, and thought of the tiger," and she saluted her god and reit as if it were Khamba himself, and determined mained at home. Khamba and Kongyamba, each to run away to him. At last she hit on a plan, of them taking his weapons-spear and daoand said she felt feverish. Kongyamba asked and two servants, went to the place where the how she could be cured, and she said that if tiger was. she could mount a horse and ride it till she They saluted the king, and he gave pan to perspired she would be well. So Kongyambaeach of them, and told them to be careful not had his horse brought, and Thoibi put the sad- to be killed, and said if one was wounded the dle on her head, and saluted it, and saluted all other was to protect him. The two friends then the gods, and prayed that they would bring her saluted the king and all the people, and went SA town in the Kubbo valley. Il Tigers are caught in Manipur by surrounding the jungle in which they are lying by a net, outside of which a bamboo palisade is built, the whole place being closely surrounded by men armed with long, heavy spears; the tigers now-a-days are generally shot, but in former days it was customary to spear them.

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226 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. into the enclosure; and the king and the people, holding their tiger-spears, waited to see the sight. As the two entered the tiger-net the people raised a shout. Khamba entered on the north side, and Kongyamba on the south. Kongyamba saw the tiger first and struck at it with his spear, but the tiger turned it aside with its paw and leaped up to seize him, and he, thinking the tiger would certainly bite him, caught it by the loins, and they both struggled together, but the tiger succeeded in biting Kongyamba on the back of the neck. Khamba then came up, and the tiger seeing him went away, and he took Kongyamba and gave him to his father to be taken care of. The king then ordered Khamba to go in again, and he went to the place where the tiger was, but when it saw him it ran away, and he chased it to strike it with his spear. The tiger ran round and round the enclosure, and the people shouted at the sight. Now, since Thoibi was faithful, through the might of the god to whom she had prayed, the tiger was afraid of Khamba, and could not turn its head towards him, and in its efforts to escape it caught hold of the platform where the king was, and a great number of people were assembled. Khamba came up and put his foot on the beast's tail, and when it turned to bite him he struck it in the open mouth with his spear and killed it. The people were all rejoiced, and presented the tiger to the king. Khamba's father's friends Thonglel and Chouba came to the spot, and the king was much pleased, and gave Thoibi to Khamba, and also gave him all the offices which his father held, together with a handsome present, and he and his people all went home. Kongyamba was taken home, where he died. The Jubraja was very glad, and Thoibi rejoiced when she heard the news, and Khamba went home a great man. Thoibi told Khamba he must be very tired, and gave him rice and vege. tables of all sorts to eat, which she had cooked carefully, and as she was much pleased she attended on him with great devotion. [AUGUST, 1877. Early the next morning the Jubraja took Thoibi home, and the king in his delight had a fine house built for Khamba, and looked for a lucky day for the marriage, and prepared everything that was required-slaves, horses, and cattle. On the appointed day the king and all the prin cipal officers of Moirang went to the house of the Jubraja to be present at the wedding, and Khamba with his father's friends Thonglel and Chouba, and his brother-in-law Pharoichamba, all of them wearing their ornaments, gold bracelets and necklaces, came there too. And Thoibi came wearing a red phanek embroidered with flowers, and her dancing dress which was covered with bosses of gold and silver, jewels, and glass, so that it shone brightly; she wore gold bracelets and a gold necklace, and her chain of gold and coral fell down to her waist. The necklace on her bosom lighted up the place; round her throat was fastened a beautiful jacket, and she wore a transparent scarf all bright with bosses of gold. Her appearance was like running water, and the hair on her head was like fresh flowers. When Thoibi came forth to her wedding, her arms were like lotuses, her legs were as beautiful as the inside of the stalk of a plantain tree and were like an elephant's tusks, her foot was arched as if she wore a clog, her colour was like turmeric, and her complexion like a champaka flower;-she came forth like the full moon. All the people who had come to the marriage, when they saw Thoibi and Khamba, said they were beautiful like children of the gods, and were never tired of looking at them. When the marriage was over, the king and the Jubraja conducted them to their own house, with all the presents they had collected, and they saluted the king and the Jubraja, who blessed them and returned to the palace. After this Khamba gave his sister Khamnu in marriage, and conducted her to her husband's house, and gave her many slaves; and Thoibi gave her servant Senu in marriage, and gave her slaves; and Thoibi and Khamba lived happily together in Moirang. CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. In looking again over some of Mr. Fleet's valuable Sanskrit and Old Canarese Inscriptions, my attention has been recalled to a note, appended to the introductory number of the series at vol. IV. p. 176, in which, on the faith of a report furnished by the late Mr. J. A. C. Boswell to the Madras Government, he gives some account of my collection

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CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. AUGUST, 1877.] of old inscriptions, abounding in mistakes. Although hardly worth noticing, I consider that all inaccuracy should be avoided, as far as possible, even in trivial matters, and therefore beg to offer the following corrections. I made two collections of inscriptions, the first between 1826 and 1832 in the Dekhan, the second between 1848 and 1854 in the Northern Sirkars. Each collection, when arranged and the most valuable ones selected, filled two folio volumes. Three copies were made of each: of the first or Dekhan set, one was presented to the Literary Society of Bombay, a second to the Literary Society of Madras, and the third to the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain. Judging from inquiries recently made, the first appears to have been lost. The third is still preserved in Albemarle Street. The Telugu series was likewise transcribed three times, and copies presented to the Madras Society, the Royal Asiatic Society, and the India Office Library. A copy of the Dekhan series, which I had retained for my own use, has since been presented to the library of the Edinburgh University, and is now on loan with Mr. Fleet, who makes such good use of it. My first essays in palaeography were begun in 1826, with the aid of Mundargi Ranga Rao, a young Brahman attached to my office by the late St. John Thackeray when I was appointed Second Assistant to the Principal Collector and Political Agent of the Southern Maratha Country, in 1822. He was the son of Bhima Rao, a mutalika of that Desii of Dambal who was hanged over his own gateway by the Honourable Colonel Wellesley (afterwards Duke of Wellington) in 1800, for firing on the British troops, at the same time that Ranibednur and Hali wer sacked and given to the sword for the resistance offered to the march of the force sent to quell the insurrection of Dhondi Walag. After the death of the Desai, Bhima Rao, a man of enterprise and ability, taking advantage of the unsettled state of the country, collected troops in the Peshwa's name, and rose to considerable eminence. His career, ho vever, was cut short by Bapt Gokhle, who was appointed Subhadar of the Karnataka by Baji Rao, and by whom he was seized and put to death about 1810-11, leaving an infant son, Ranga Rao, on whom Gokhle conferred the village of Mundargi with three others in jugir. Mr. Thackeray, being desirous of enlisting men of rank into the public service, invited Ranga Rao to join his kachers, and, when I joined the district, attached him to me as office munshi. He was about my own age, a fine, high-spirited, intelligent The Madra set is now in the hands of Mr. Oppert, the Secretary Madras Literary Society, but its existence was unknown when the Madras Government authorized Mr. 227 young man. We became great friends. He was well mounted and fond of sport. We shot and hunted together, and he entered into all my pursuits. When I first turned my attention to the inscribed stones so frequent in the Southern Maratha Country, we tried hard to make out their contents, but at first without much success. He then remembered that a gomashta in one of his inam villages had the reputation of being a very learned man. He was summoned, and we found him to be an invaluable assistant. By our united efforts we gradually mastered the archaic characters. I began to collect copies of sdsanams by means first of one, afterwards of two copyists in my own service, carefully trained to the work of transcription. The Yeur inscription let in a flood of light. We arranged our materials. Each inscription, of any value, by degrees fell into its place, and the result was embodied in the paper read to the Royal Asiatic Society in 1835, but which having been printed after my return to India, the following year, the proofs did not receive my corrections, and it thus contains several orthographical errors, especially of proper names.+ At Madras I held the subsidiary appointment of Canarese Translator to Government, which was almost a sinecure. The office establishment consisted of a munshi and an English writer. The former, Adaki Subha Rao, I soon found to be an invaluable assistant in my antiquarian pursuits. He was an accomplished Sanskrit, Canarese, and Telugu scholar, with a fair knowledge of Tamil. He had also a turn for archaeological research, which only needed stimulus, and he soon entered zealously into my views. I engaged a Brahman named Raghappa as an itinerating copyist in my private service, with occasional assistance from one of Colonel Mackenzie's old collectors, named Baktavachaliya. The reduction of my materials and all my translations was made with the aid of Subha Rao. Three folio volumes of these trans lates, with much other valuable MS. matter, drawings, &c., perished in a vessel laden with sugar, in which much of my baggage, books, &c. was despatched from Madras. The ship experienced a hurricane off the Isle of France, and shipped much salt water, melting the sugar, and getting at the tin-lined cases penetrated to their contents and entirely destroyed them. Subha Rao died shortly before I was appointed to Council, and Raghappa some time afterwards. The names mentioned by Mr. Boswell had nothing whatever to do with my antiquarian labours. They were public servants in the Commissioner's Boswell to collect all the rough copies of my transcripts he could discover! + Conf. Ind. Ant. vol. I. p. 348.-ED.

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228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. office. Kadambari Jagannathan was the office munshi or secretary. He is since dead. Vavilala Subha Rao was an English copyist, a very intelligent man, and now Tahasildar of the Yernagudam taluka, in the Godavari district. Chipuri Jayaramadu was a mere copyist whom I engaged to transcribe and make fair copies for the three sets of my collection, prepared for distribution. Who Nagappa Sastri may have been I cannot imagine, and suspect the name is meant for Raghappa. My own copies of the Telugu collection for the India Office and the Royal Asiatic Society, with the original copper-plates and collections of facsimiles, fortunately came home safe. The conclusion of my connection with my first assistant in archaeological investigation was sad and tragical. Ranga Rao died whilst I was at home on furlough. His son Bhima Rao, a very fine, gentlemanlike lad, came to see me at Madras in 1843-44, and remained with me a twelvemonth. I have never seen a more promising youth-clever, well-disposed, and with the most kindly disposition. I tried, without success, to get him employed in Maisur or in some nonregulation district. The stringency of our rules affords small opening for native gentlemen in the public service. He returned to Mundargi disappointed. Afterwards, when the people of the Dekhan were disarmed, the measure was carried out with some harshness in his villages. He was vexed and chafed, and when the Mutiny broke out he joined his neighbour, the Nirgund chief, was driven into the fortress of Kopaldurg, and fell in the assault. WALTER ELLIOT. Wolfelee, Hawick, N. B., 26th April 1877. VEDIC SANSKRIT. Prof. Delbruck of Jena, who assisted Prof. Grassmann in his translation of the Rig-Veda, has published an essay on "Tenses in Old Sanskrit" (Altindische Tempuslehre). It contains a translation of many intricate passages from the Rig-Veda and some of the Brahmanas, and marks a definite advance in our knowledge of Vedic Syntax. The essay forms the second number of a series published by Delbruck and Windisch under the title Syntaktische Forschungen.-The Academy. "TAZA BA TAZA NAU BA NAU." Sing me a lay, sweet bard, I sue; once and again, anew, anew! Seek for me wine's heart-opening dew; once and again, anew, anew! A recent communication from him informs me that he is Acting Daftardar of the district, and that Jayaramadu is employed as a peon in the Bapatla taluka on Rs. 7 a month. From Bicknell's Selections from the Poems of Hafiz. [AUGUST, 1877.. Close to some sweet and doll-like fair, sit thou apart with cheerful air: Steal from that cheek the kiss that's due; once and again, anew, anew! Saki, who steps with silvery limb, now has recrossed my threshold's rim: He shall my cup with wine imbrue; once and again, anew, anew! How shall life's fruit by thee be won, if thou the wine-filled goblet shun? Quaff: and in thought thy loved one view; onceand again, anew, anew! - Ravishing-hearts, the friend I choose, eager to please me well doth use Gauds and adornments, scent and hue; once and again, anew, anew! Breeze of the morn that soon shall fleet Hence to that Peri's blissful street, Tell thou the tale of Hafiz true; Once and again, anew, anew ! CHAMPA. CHAMPA is a name which has been for a very long time applied to a portion of that region to which we give the name of Cochin-China, though the extent covered by the name has varied. It is from the Malays that western navigators adopted most of the geographical nomenclature of the Eastern Seas. And Crawfurd implies that the Malays gave the name of Champa to the whole of the most salient part of the Cambojan Peninsula, including a part of the coast of the Gulf of Siam, as well as part of the China Sea. It is possible that this usually accurate writer has here made a slip. But in any case the most ancient use of the name would seem to extend it to the Gulf of Siam. For there is strong reason to believe that both the Zaba of Ptolemy, and the Canf or Tsanf of the early Arab mariners, both of which are demonstrably to be placed westward of Cape Camboja, are only representative of the same name, Champa. It is a persistent tradition in modern Camboja that the Cham or Tsiam race, the proper people of Champa, did occupy the Cambojan soil before the arrival of the Khmers, who have held it, probably, at least since the fourth or fifth century of the Christian era; and M. Garnier, who gave great attention to these questions, has deduced from such data as exist, in the Chinese annals and elsewhere, that the ancient kingdom which the Chinese describe, under the name of Funan, as extending over all the peninsula east of the Gulf of Siam, was a kingdom of the Cham race. This well-known Persian song, however, is not by Hafiz of Shiraz, though it is almost always included in his Divan. Conf. Academy, Sept. 80, 1876, p. 332. + Descriptive Dictionary, Indian Archipelago," sub voce Champa.

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AUGUST, 1877.] CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. 229 But in the mediaval narratives of Western well known over the Archipelago as rovers and seaauthors (e. g. Marco Polo, Friar Odoric, John faring people. This principality was often overrun Marignolli, Rashid-ud-din) the name Champa ap- by the Cochin-Chinese, but maintained itself in plies to that region which is now sometimes called some shape of recalcitrant subjection to the latter Cochin-China Proper, as distinguished from Tong- till about 1820, when the Anamite king conquered king, viz. the protuberant S.E. coast of the penin- it effectually, expelling the Champa prince and sola in question, extending northward to 16deg or most of the people of the same race. 17deg of latitude, the position of which on the route Name.-The name Champa is Indian, like to China caused its shores to be well known to the adjoining Camboja and countless other those voyaging to that country. This, or nearly names in Indo-China, and was probably borrowed this, was the kingdom called in the oldest Chinese from that of an ancient Hindu state and city which annals Lin-i, and afterwards, till its extinction, stood upon the Ganges, near modern Bhagalpur. Chenching. We hear of Chenching or Champa as Hiwen-Thsang, the famous Chinese ecclesiastical being often at war with its neighbours, Tongking on traveller of the seventh century, makes mention the one side, and Chinla or Camboja on the other, both of the original Gangetic state (which he and as for a time, at the end of the twelfth cen- visited) and of the Indo-Chinese kingdom (which tury, completely conquered by the latter. But it he knew only by hearsay), calling the latter Mahahad recovered independence a century later, for (or "Great") Champat-an indication, perhaps, Kublai Khan (1280-1290) had dealings in war and of its ample dominion, either then subsisting or diplomacy with its king. According to Javanese traditional, an amplitude of dominion which nearly annals, about the middle of the fifteenth century all states of Indo-China have enjoyed in turn. the queen of the principal sovereign of Java was Hindu titles are also distinctly traceable in the & princess of Champa. corruptions of the old Chinese notices of the The precise historical relation of this ancient names of kings, and even in one mentioned by kingdom to the modern kingdom which we call Marco Polo. Cochin-China is a little difficult to disentangle. Ethnology and Religion. The people are known But this southern kingdom of Chenching or in Camboja as Tsia me, to the Anamites as Loi Champa was conquered in 1471 by the king of Thuan, and Thieng. We do not know whether Tongking or Anam, and has never since revived the former name has been taken from Champa, or For though there was for a long time subsequent the adoption of the Indian name Champa been to the date named, and down to 1802, a separation suggested by the name of the people. They have of Tongking and Southern Cochin-China into two been in great part driven into the mountains, or distinct kingdoms, the latter was not a revival of into the Cambojan and Siamese territory, where Champa, both being ruled by dynasties of Anamite a number of them are settled near the Great Lake. origin. And after the conquest the name of There were also old settlements of them on the Champa seems to have become restricted to the Cambojan const, between latitude 11deg and 12o. districts adjoining the south-eastern curve or The people are said to exhibit, even in language, the coast, and eventually to that district immedi- strong Malay affinities, and they have long proately eastward of the Cambojan delta, a somewhat fessed Muhammadanism. The books of their forbarren tract with fine natural harbours, now called mer religion, they say, came from Ceylon, but they by the Cochin-Chinese Binh-Thuen. were converted to Islam by no less a person than This continued to be occupied by the people 'Ali himself. The statement in italics is interesting. called Chams or Tsiams, whose dominion we thus For the Tongking people received their Buddhism, presume (as far as we can see light in these such as it is, from China; and this tradition obscure histories) to have first extended over the marks Champs as the extreme flood-mark of that whole peninsula (as Funan); then to have been great tide of Buddhist missions and revival which limited to its eastern and south-eastern shores went forth from Ceylon to the Indo-Chinese re(Chenching); and lastly to have been regions in an early century of our era, and which is stricted to a small tract of those shores modern generally connected with the name of BuddhaCha mp4 or Binh-Thg 4 n). ghosha. Here a principality of Champa long continued Antiquities. There have been many reports of to subsist, the residence of the prince being at & the existence of monuments of Indian or Buddhist place called Phanri, about 10 miles from the sea, character in the Champa country, and Mr. Craw. and apparently near, if not identical with, the furd saw an image of the Hindu god Ganesa which present Binh-Thuen. The Champas, his subjects, was brought from that country to Singapore by a were, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, M. Diard in 1821. But there is, we believe, + Julien, Pelerins Bouddhistes, III. 88.

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230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. nothing yet precisely known as to the monuments, and indeed the late M. Garnier doubted their existence. There are also said to be many Musalman structures, such as minarets and tombs, with Arabic inscriptions. The district of Champa, or Binh-Thuan, is one of those especially productive of eagle-wood or aloes-wood; and the Teanfi, or aloes-wood of Champa, was one of the kinds in high repute with the old Arabs. The native name is Kinam. Ebony is also abundant. Mediaeval Notices.-Both these products are mentioned by Marco Polo, who visited Champa as a commissioner from Kublai Khan about 1285. It was also visited forty years later by the Franciscan Odoric of Pordenone. Both travellers notice as prominent facts the immense family of the king, and the great number of domestic elephants that were kept. Both circumstances are still characteristic of most of the Indo-Chinese states. (Garnier, Voyage d'Exploration; Crawfurd, Mission to Siam, &c., and other works; Bastian, Reise, I. and IV.; Mouhot's Travels; De Mailla, H. Gen. de la Chine, tom. XII.; Bishop Louis in Jour. As. Soc. Beng., vols. VII. and VIII.; Tableau de la Cochin-Chine, &c. &c.) H. Y.* BIJAPUR. The admirers of Saracenic architecture will be glad to hear that the glories of Bijapur are probably not doomed to extinction. A project for making the city the head-quarters of the present Kaladgi collectorate is in favour with the authorities, and will, it may be hoped, be carried out within a few years. Many of the old civil buildings, ruined more by Maratha savagery than by time, will be repaired and re-inhabited; and the preservation of the great monuments will pass from the hands of the municipality into those of a competent scientific officer. The local officers are all enthusiastic for the preservation of their splendid buildings; and if any one should object to the re-occupation of the Adil Shahi palaces, it may well be answered that no government can afford to keep up as a mere ouriosity the remains of so large a city. The Arkilla, or citadel, is already being cleared out; and the excavations have already revealed a number of beautiful Hindu or Jaina pillars with inscriptions, which are being carefully protected, and when read will probably contribute a good deal to the history of the pre-Muhammadan period in Karnata. At present, however, plague, pestilence, and famine render the city of Bijapur no place for Written by Col. Yule for the Encyclopaedia Britan nica, but omitted from it, and printed in the Geog. Magazine, March 1877, vol. IV. pp. 66-7. [AUGUST, 1877. amateurs or idlers, and leave very little time for research at the disposal of the handful of local officers who dwell among the tombs, like Scriptural lunatics, and find it quite enough for them to attend to the living. W. F. S. KURUBHARS AND DOLMENS. In the Kaladgi district the Shepherd caste are called Kurubhars. They bury their dead, and the other day I came across the tomb of one only four years old. It was a complete miniature dolmen about eighteen inches every way, composed of four stones, one at each side, one at the rear, and a capstone. The interior was occupied by two round stones about the size of a man's fist, painted red, the deceased reposing in his mother-earth below. No ancient dolmens are known in this (northern) part of the district, though they are, I believe, not uncommon in the talukas on the Krishna river. What is the meaning and derivation of K ur ubhar, and is it the same word as Kuramba, the name of a Nilgiri hill-tribe ?+ The latter, I believe, is a race of dwarfs; the Shepherds here are a fine breed of men; yet the difference can hardly be greater than that which exists among the Bhills. In his Rude Stone Monuments (p. 476) Mr. Fergusson hazards a conjecture that the Kurambas of the southern hills are the remnant of a great and widely spread race, who may have erected dolmens; and the fact now noted seems to point in the same direction. W. F. S. NOTES ON THE MUHARRAM FESTIVAL. In connection with my Notes in the Indian Antiquary, vol. VI. page 79, a friend sends me the following: "I think that you may be interested to hear that all the practices you mention are followed here (Kolhapur). That peculiar one of piercing the ears in front of the tabut is in vogue here. It is also common for Marathas, even of the highest families, such as the Chief of Mudhol, to bind a thread of coloured worsted round their arms and call themselves Fakirs for that day. They also declare that people jump into the burning pit and come out unscathed, but this I have not seen and will not swear to. You don't mention the institution of the Nalt Saheb, a horse-shoe or crescent on the top of a pole; have you not noticed it? Here the Nal Saheb is paraded about with music and Ind. Ant. vol. II. pp. 32, 108, 276; vol. III. pp. 95-6. The Nal is the shoe and representative of "Husain's charger, Zu'l Janna.-W. F. S.

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AUGUST, 1877.] CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. 231 dancing, till somebody goes into convulsions, and then they say that Nal Saheb has entered into his body." W. F. S. IS THE SULTAN THE KHALIF? Mr. Neil B. E. Baillie writes-" The Prophet hirnself expressly declared that none could be the Imam, or head of his religion, but an Arab of the tribe of Koreish. On the faith of that declaration his first successor was appointed, in preference to a candidate set up by the people of Madinah. Nay, all his other generally acknowledged successors down to the taking of Baghdad by the Tatars, and even those who were only partially acknow. ledged, such as the Khalifs of Spain, and those of the Fatemite and second Abbasside Dynasties, were all of the same tribe of Koreish. Further, if any one in the early ages of Muhammadanism had maintained that a man might be promoted to the dignity of Imam though he was not of the tribe of Koreish, he would have been denounced as a heretic, and a Karejil, or rebel to the whole Musalman community. The Turks are of Tatar origin, and their sovereign does not, I believe, pretend to be an Arab of any tribe, much less of the tribe of Koreish. How, then, can any true Muhammadan acknowledge him to be the head of his religion, and the successor of the Prophet, and at the same time profess to be a follower of that Prophet to whom he thus in a manner gives the lie?" neither temple nor rites, scriptures nor forms of devotion. To name the Satnam and invoke his blessing, to visit the high-priest once a year and offer a gift, and to keep far from them graven images--these constitute their faith. Socially they differ little from the Hindus, who slander them, and differ among themselves only as to the lawfulness of tobacco. They are divided into smokers and non-smokers. Some years ago the settlement officer of Bilaspur reported of them that "there is no class more loyal and satisfied with our rule than this community, and if it should happen that, like the Kolhs, they are favourably impressed with missionary teaching, a time may come when they will be a source of strength to our government." A small Christian mission has been established among them. The Pankas are less known. Weavers,' oultivators, and village watchmen, industrious and quiet because not claiming equality with the Hindus, who half acknowledge their sect, the Pankas worship Kabir, or the one God, who has often appeared incarnate on earth, and last of all in 1060 A.D., near Banaras, as a crying child struggling amid the leaves of the lotus in a tank. Before the weaver's wife who rescued it, the babe developed into a man, revealed himself as God, and accompanied her home. There he wrought miracles, and in the period of his incarnation, from 1060 to 1472, he became, what he is still, the weavers' God all over India, under the name of Kabir Pant. There are to be in all forty-four such incarnations, ending with the reappearance of Kabir himself on earth. The present apostle is only the eleventh in the list-Parghatnam Saheb. He succeeded in 1856, and is supported by an order of priests, who, in white-peaked cloth cap, loose white tunic and loin-cloth, follow him in long procession two or four abreast, as he proceeds on his collecting tours. His head-quarters is Kawarda, in Bilaspur. Like all offshoots from Hindaism, Kabir Pantism denounces caste, and finds in this its popularity. The Pank&s' change to this faith is preserved in this favourite doggrel - Pani se Panka bhai Budan hua sharir Age jan men Panka Piche Das Kabir. From water sprang the Panka, His face so bright and clear; At life's early dawn a Panka Now worships Das Kabir. Kabirpanthis and Satnamis resemble each other in many respects. They avoid meat and liquor, they marry usually at the age of puberty, they ordinarily celebrate their ceremonies through the agency of elders of their own caste, and they bury CHAMARS AND PANKAS. It was among the Chamars of the Central Provinces," the very first Aryan immigrants," a sturdy race of cultivators who are described as the busy bees of the community, that Ghasi Das, a fair unlettered seer of visions, arose as a reformer. From the forest hamlet of Girod, where the Jonk falls into the Mahanadi, he disappeared for six months, but only to be seen descending from its rocky eminence, at the appointed time, with a message to his multitude of expectant followers. "Worship the one God-Satnam, the True Onewhose high-priest I am, and live as brothers," was his creed, and when he died-in 1850, at the good old age of eighty--his son succeeded him. In ten years that son became a victim to his zeal in promulgating the doctrine of the equality of Brabman and Chamar, but his fate only incensed the Satnamis the more against Hindus, as in the parallel case of the Sikhs and Musalmans. The grandchild of the founder of this faith is now highpriest; but the work of initiation, by placing a necklace of beads on the children when they are named, is done by the boy's uncle. The Satnamis bave

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232 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1877 their dead. As with the Sikhs, the comparatively | Brahmo as of the Sikh, the Satnami and the Kabir. pure and noble teaching of the founders of these Panti, it is true that neither the varying intuiBects soon degenerates, the converts from the tions of all, nor the rapt ecstasy of one, can supply higher Hindu castes insisting on certain distinc- the place of that Name which is above every tions. The salt, never very pure, soon loses its name, of the Logos in all the fulness of the meansavour. Of the best as of the worst, of the ling of that word.-Friend of India, 30th April 1874. BOOK NOTICES. KALIDASA's "CAKUNTALA," edited by R. PISCHEL. 8vo. otherwise than as a pure waste of time. From Kiel, 1877. (London: Trubner & Co.) this point of view Prof. Pischel's edition deserves This new edition of a work already so well as warm & recognition from those occupied in known makes an epoch in the study of Sanskrit teaching as it is sure to meet with from scholars. dramatic poetry, and thus the learned and most Educationalists, by encouraging such editions as industrious Kiel professor's labours especially this, could soon meet the arguments-at present deserve mention here, as being of more than usual nearly unanswerable-of those who would exclude interest so far as India is concerned. Oriental languages from the colleges and schools The Sakuntald has always been much read in of India; they would thus also, in all probability, India, and, owing chiefly to Sir W. Jones's florid excite among their pupils a more intelligent inversion, it has become the generally received type terest in Sanskrit than is now displayed. of a Sanskrit play, except among scholars, and is Prof. Pischel's second object is to show that also commonly in use as a text-book. Consider the Bengali text of the Sakuntald is the best one, ing its popularity, it is perhaps a matter for and his edition is thus the necessary conclusion surprise that more has not been done to ascertain, of his former treatises, De Kalidase Cakuntali if possible, the relative value of the several recen. recensionibus and Die Recensionen der Cakuntala. sions current: for, like most Sansksit books, the It is by no means so easy to pronounce an opinion text exists in several recensions. Sir W. Jones, on this part of his work as it is to recognize the as was natural, took the Bengali recension; but great morits of his edition; the problem to be the recension current in the rest of North India, solved is one of exceptional complication and diffiand which is generally known as the Nagari culty even in Sanskrit literature. The general recension,' early supplanted the former in general acceptance of the Nagari recension' was perhaps esteem. Since then, a third recension, carrent in hasty, and Prof. Pischel has, by a minute consiSouth India, has become known. Prof. Pischel's deration of the texts, elicited some new and im. chief object is to give a critical edition of the Bengali portant facts which entitle the Bengalt recension text, and hence to show that it is not a corrupt to more consideration than it has hitherto met text, as is generally supposed, but that it is the with. He has also compared the Nagari and best of al. South-Indian recensions of the Vikramorvasiyam, As regards the merits of Prof. Pischel's book and thus come to the same conclusion. It is thus as a critical edition there cannot be two opinions ; obvious that bis inferences deserve the most it is in every way a masterpiece, done with great serious consideration. The results of his reacuteness and regardlessness of labour. As such, searches are that the Praksit of the Dravidian (or its use should at once be made compulsory by South-Indian) and Nagari recensions is not Sau. candidates for the University and Government raseni, but a wild mixture of various dialects; examinations. The old way of Sansksit study is also that "it is in South India that Sanskrit dranow impossible, and, if the study of that languagemas have been adulterated and abridged." and literature is to be an effectual instrument of The first point must, as determined by so comculture in the Indian educational scheme for the petenta scholar, I be accepted as an undoubted fact. future, students must be made to follow improved Before admitting the second, I think it may reamethods. Much has been done in this way by the sonably be asked, On what principles, and to meet Calcutta University, and still more at Bombay: what views, were the adulterations and abridgin the Madras Presidency it is difficult to regard ments made in South India ? So far as I have what is done by students--and that is very little- been able to consider the matter, I cannot find A better selection might have been made, for the story is poor, and the more sober estimate of the literary value of this play is not likely to differ much from whist J. Mill wrote in 1817 (Hist. of India, bk. II. ch. 9). + Prof. Pischel described this in 1878 in the Gottingen Nachrichten. When I drew his attention to this recension (Aindra Grammarians, pp. 80, 81) I was not aware of this fact; I can only apologize for my ignorance. I It is hardly necessary to remind readers of Prof. Pischel's splendid edition of Hemachandra's Prakrit Grammar.

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August, 1877.] BOOK NOTICES. 233 any. Praksit has been studied with great success contribution to Oriental research now lies before in the Dekhan and South India; Hemachandra us occupied among the scholars and inquirers of and Trivikrama represent in this way the countries Western India, that it will be by many thought where the Nagari and South Indian recensions presumption to criticize his work. Considerable have been current; why then should pandits in steps, however, have been made in his favourite those parts of India have adulterated the Prikrit studies since he ceased to learn; and for the very passages in Kalidasa's text P Again, the botany of reason that his authority is too often accepted Kalidasa is strange to South India, where only a without inquiry it is the more necessary that his few of the many plants to which he alludes are "last words" should here be carefully reviewed. known, but I cannot find even a single instance The present work is understood to contain so where the South Indian text has been altered in much of his promised contributions to the Bomthis respect to suit that part of India. It also bay Gazetteer as could be collected by a nameless appears to me very unlikely that South-Indian official editor. The title is hardly correct; for of pandits ever wilfully falsified texts. It is now 61 pages altogether only 24 are devoted to tribes more than sixteen years since I first arrived in that could by any stretch of language be called South India, and during this time I have been aboriginal. The doctor enumerates only eleven of personally acquainted with most of the chief pan- these; viz.:dits of the old school-now, alas ! to be numbered (1) The Bhils (Sanskrit Bhilla), whose name on the fingers. None of the many I have known | he derives from the Dravidian word billu=a bow, were capable of doing anything of the kind. Dur- and connects with the name Phyllitae, ascribed . ing this period thousands of South Indian MSS. by Ptolemy to an Indian tribe. have passed through my hands, but I have never (2) The Nayakadas (Naikras), who might observed in them anything that would lead one to indeed have been classed as a mere division of euspect that systematic and intentional falsifica- the Bhils. tions had been carried on in South India. I must, (3) The Gonde at (3) The Gonds, a term, as he thinks, corrupted without any prejudice, assert these facts, for I from Govinda = cowherd. This is exceedingly fear tbat Prof. Pischel's words may (unintention- probable; the contraction is sometimes seen at ally) wrong the pandits of South India. It is the present day, as in the name of a tank near remarkable also that the South Indian commenta- Dhulia, called Gondar, for Govindrio. They are tors notice several differences in the texts; this to be found, says the doctor, in the Bombay Presi. would not indicate any prejudices on their part; dency only in small numbers, in some of the clerical errors, however, cannot have given rise forests and hills of the Narmads. This is hardly to the great differences in the three recensions. correct; as we have seen them as far west as Anyhow, whatever may be the conclusion on Chalisgaon, on the G. I. P. Railway. and heard which scholars will eventually agree as regards of them at Malegaon, in modern Nasik. the respective merits of the several recensions of (4) The Kolis, or Kulis as the doctor delights the Sakuntald, it is impossible not to be grateful to call them. Their name he makes out to be for the new and important facts brought to notice from loula =a clan. It may be so; but it is cerin so complete a way by Prof. Pischel, and not to tain that they always call themselves Kolis, anxiously expect his promised critical edition of and that the doctor is in error when he says that the South Indian text. Meanwhile, whatever may "KulAbA receives its name from them, meaning be urged against his inferences, it is difficult to the abode of Kulis." the abode of Knita." There are t There are two places called resist so careful a judgment on the evidence. (pace Dr. Wilson) Kol&b, both sandy islete, So perfect is the work that scarcely is anything the one of which has become an integral part of left to object to, but, surely, Nivasacarya' (p. x.) Bombay by the process of reclamation; while should be Srinivasacarya,' the very common the other is occupied by the sea-fort of a branch South-Indian name. of the pirate dynasty of Angria, and now A. BURNELL, Ph.D. gives its name to a British collectorate. In Comoor, Nilgiri Hills, 6th May 1877. each case the name is that of a grama devata of the fishermen, who are, indeed Kolis by caste. ABORIGINAL TRIBES OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY. (A The reader who wishes to know more of this inFragment.) By the late Rev. JOHN WILSON, D.D. teresting race will find much valuable information Bombay, Government Central Press, 1876. in the doctor's 'article; more, perhaps, in Mr. So distinguished was the position which "the Nairne's Historical Sketch of the Konkan, and the old man eloquent" whose last (and posthumous) writings of Dr. DaCunha. * Perhaps another form of Kolamm -ED.

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234 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [August, 1877. (5) The Dhadias, a small community in the find out his opinion of; for the extravagant doc. south of Surat. trines and rites of the eccentric sects of India (6) The Chaudaris, settled immediately north occupy all the rest of the notes which were made of these. Both may be considered offshoots of available after the writer's death. The subject the Koli race; as may also was so much more congenial to the missionary (7) The Waralis, whom the doctor considers and scholar that it occupies nearly two-thirds of "the most interesting and remarkable" of this the book, and this portion is certainly, on the family, and whom he has to a great extent made whole, as superior in qnality as in quantity: Is his own literary property by the sketch of them is, however, occasionally marred by most atronow before us, which, though first written and cious editing, as in a paragraph about the Nihilist published many years ago, still remains the stan- Shunyavads, which is absolutely unintelligible. dard authority on their "beastly customs, and If the doctor really wrote it, he must have been total absence of manners;" though they have prostrated by illness at the time; but the concertainly become much more settled and civilized fusion seems rather the result of a printer'sin the interval. devilry, or of the carelees collation of confused (8) The Katodis or Katkaris = catechu-ma- notes. The proofs, too, do not appear to have kers, certainly the most monkeyfied tribe of West- been corrected by a competent person. ern India, and better described, perhaps, in Mr. The doctor classes the devotees under twentyHearn's excellent Statistical Account of Koldbd. one hends, each with many subdivisions. Some, as (9) Dubalas = weaklings, an aboriginal tribe the Sikhs, Jainas, Vallabhacharyas, and Svami of Sarat and the North Konkana, reduced for- Narayanas, have made a noise in the world, and merly to serfage, from which a few are now been fully described elsewhere. The Ramanujas, emerging. most numerous in the south, may perhaps be (10) The Th&kurs, whose origin the doctor considered as the Vaishnava counterpart of the traces to certain barons (Thaleur) of Gujarat who well-known Saiva Lingayats. The R&manandis took the jungle with their followers, chiefly Kolis or Bairagis, also Vaishnava, are often confoundand Waralis, from the earlier Muhammadan inva- ed by Europeans with the Saiva Gosains, and sion. His account of this race, however, is short have a quaint babit of condescending to a sdheb's and not very accurate, as they are both more nu- ignorance by answering to his questions that they merous and more respectable than he seems to are Sild padris. The Dnyanadera Panthis, or fol. have thought. He notices, however, the antipathy lowers of the celebrated author of the Drydnes. between them and the Brahmans, which still in part vars, the Chancer of the Marathi tongue, do not, survives, and is hardly consistent with his accouut says the doctor, really constitute an organized of their origin. body at all. But space fails us to examine in The 11th tribe are the Ramusis, called in Sholf- detail the mass of information, the collection of pur Beruds, and further towards their ancestral which was doubtless far more a labour of love to Dravidian seats Bedars. A certain amount of the lamented autho. than the reviewing of it can interest attaches to the history of their single be to a lay commentator. dynasty, called by Grant Duff the Naiks of Wakin W. F. S. kera, and later known as the Rajas of Shorapur ; Tax HISTORY of INDIA, as told by its own Historians.-- and an excellent account of it, by the late Colonel The Muhammadan Period. The posthumous papers of Meadows Taylor, is among the appendices to the the late Sir H. M. ELLIOT, K.C.B., edited and continued fine volume of Photographs of the Antiquities of by Professor John Dowson, M.R.A.S. Vol. VII. (Lon. Dharwar and Mysore, published by the old " West- don: Trubner & Co. 1877.) ern India Architectural Committee." This seventh volume of materials for the hisThe doctor, having thus disposed of the "Jun- tory of India under the Muhammadans consists glies," mentions next the "depressed aboriginal of twenty-three extracts and notices of varying tribes" of Mhars, Dheds, and Mangs. The first lengths from the native histories relating to the two are identical, and they are generally lumped reigns of Sbah-Jahan, Aurangzeb, Bahadur Shah, together as Parvaris." Jahandar Shah, Farrukh Siyar, Rafi'u-d Daula, It is obvious that this list, though valuable, and Rafi'u-d Darajat, and of the earlier part of the is by no means exhaustive; but the doctor, reign of Muhammad Shah,-that is from A. D. or his editor, here leaves the aboriginals pro- 1627 to about 1732. Some of the twenty-three perly so called, and enters upon the subject of sections, it should be remarked, are merely bibwandering tribes and classes. These he divides liographical notices of books: thus the first is a into religious devotees and pilgrims, and a second notice of the Padshah Nama of Muhammad Amin class, or more classes, which we shall now never | Kazwini, which has been the model for most of

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AUGUST, 1877.] the Shah-Jahan-ndmas. 'Abdu-l Hamid Lahori follows its arrangement and supplies the same matter, though without acknowledgment, in his Badshah-Nama, from which Professor Dowson gives 67 pages of extracts. This latter work is the great authority for the first twenty years of the reign of Shah Jahan, and has been published in the original Persian in the Bibliotheca Indica. For the remainder of the reign 45 pages of extracts are given from a MS. translation of nearly the whole of 'Inayat Khan's Shah-Jahan-Nama made by the late Major Fuller for Sir H. M. Elliot. The Badshah-nama of Muhammad Waris, the pupil of 'Abdu-l Hamid, is the completion of his master's work, containing the history of the last ten years of Shah Jahan's reign; but, as this period has been pretty fully treated of in the extracts from 'Inayat Khan's work, only a short extract relating to the twenty-second year is given. A few pages of extracts follow bearing on the 31st and 32nd years of the reign, from the 'Amal-i Salih of Muhammad Salth Kambu. The Shah-Jahannama of Muhammad Sadik Khan is merely noticed, as it seems to have been followed by Khaft Khan in his history. From the Majalisu-s saldfin of Muhammad Sharif Hanafi four short extracts are given, translated by a munshi for Sir H. M. Elliot from the only MS. he knew of a copy in one of the Royal Libraries at Lakhnau. The Tarikh-i Mufazzalt of Mufazzal Khan, a general history from the creation down to A. D. 1666, is represented in a similarly brief way. Of the Mir-dt-'Alam and Mir-dt-i Jahan Nama of Bakhtawar Khan,apparently essentially one and the same work, being a universal history, a table of contents is given and a few extracts by Sir H. M. Elliot. He dismisses the worthless Zinatu-t Tawdrikh of 'Azizullah with a notice and outline of the contents; from the Lubbu-t Tawarikh-i Hind of Raj Bhara Mal, he gives the contents and three pages of extracts. The 'Alamgir-Nama of Mirza Muhammad Kazim, containing a history of the first ten years of Aurangzeb," was dedicated to him in the 32nd year of his reign; but on its being presented," though the author had been specially instructed to prepare it, "the Emperor forbade its continuation, and, like another Alexander, edicto vetuit ne quis se pingeret, but not for the same reason. The Mughal Emperor professed, as the cause of his prohibition, that the cultivation of inward piety was preferable to the ostentatious display of his achievements." The book is written in a style of courtly panegyric, and from it Sir H. M. Elliot and the editor supply only a few extracts. The BOOK NOTICES. See Elphinstone's History, p. 673. + Conf. Elphinstone's History, Book X. chap. i. and Grant Duff's Mahrattas, vol. I. p. 118; Jour. R. As. Soc. 235 history of the conquest of Asam, translated from this work by Mr. H. Vansittart, appeared in the Asiatic Miscellany, vol. I. and Asiatic Researches, vol. II. (pp. 171-185), and the original has been printed in the Bibliotheca Indica. It has also been abridged in the Ma-dsir-i 'Alamgiri of Muhammad Saki Musta'idd Khan, which, however, continues the history down to the death of 'Alamgir in A.D. 1707. This latter work was edited and translated into English by H. Vansittart in 1785, and another version of the last forty years was made for Sir H. Elliot by Lieut. Perkins, 71st N.I., and from that translation 14 pages of extracts are here supplied. The Persian original has also been published in the Bibliotheca Indica. The next five sections are only short notices of books:-The Futuhdt-i 'Alamgirt or Waki'dt-i 'Alamgirt of Muhammad Ma'sum, an account of the "events of two or three years;" the Tarikh-i Mulk-i Asham, or account of the expedition to Asam in the 4th year of Aurangzeb, by Maulana Ahmad Shahabu-d din Talash; the Wakda of Mirza Muhammad Ni'amat Khan, devoted to the siege of Golkonda; the Jangndma of the same author; and Ruka'at-i 'Alamgiri or Letters of Aurangzeb. We now come to perhaps the most important section of the book,-322 pages of extracts from Muntakhabu-l Lubab of Muhammad Hashim, frequently called Tarikh-i Khafi Khan, "a highly esteemed history, commencing with the invasion of Babar A.D. 1519, and concluding with the fourteenth year of Muhammad Shah," but "chiefly valuable for containing an entire account of the reign of Aurangzeb, of which, in consequence of that Emperor's well-known prohibition, it is very difficult to obtain a full and connected history." Khafi Khan, however, had privately compiled a minute register of all the events of the reign, which he published some years after the monarch's death; and Professor Dowson has done great and good service by translating so largely as he has done from this excellent history,t covering as it does the most stirring period in Maratha history, of Sivaji, Sambha, and Raja Ram. The extracts (28 pp.) from the Tarikhi Iradat Khan (1706-1712 A.D.) and two letters of Aurangzeb's are taken from Capt. J. Scott's History of the Deccan. From Tarikh-i Bahadur Shah, the account of Bahadur Shah's reign (A.D. 1707-1712) was translated for Sir H. M. Elliot by Lieut. Anderson, 25th N. I., but only four short extracts were thought worth printing. Tarikh-i Shah Alam Bahadur Shah by Danishmand Khan, otherwise called Mirza Muhammad Ni'amat Khan, extends N. S., vol. III. p. 471. The text is published in the Bibliotheca Indica.

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236 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (AUGUST, 1877. only to the month of Rajab in the 2nd year of Bahadur's reign, and is consequently dismissed without an extract. 'Ibrat-Nama of Muhammad K&sim is a history of the period from the death of Aurangzeb to that of Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid 'Abdu-llah, of which the editor gives the contents and two pages of extracts. This volume contains much interesting matter for the century of which it treats, and the editor informs us that "ample and very diversified matter remains for the concluding volume." That volume too, we are happy to learn, will contain a complete Index to the whole work,--feature which will greatly enhance the value of it: we wish it could also contain a complete chronological table, or that the chronology could be incorporated in some way in the Index, for we often come upon statements of events (e.g. p. 561) taking place on a certain day of a month, but without the year mentioned; and though the year is generally not far to seek, yet there are cases in which the reader does not feel certain that he may not be wrong in his conclusion, and others in which it is very difficult to arrive at the year at all. THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. (Continued from p. 135.) TRANSLATED BY J. W. MOCRINDLE, M.A., GOVT. COLLEGE, PATNA. BOOK III. Fragm. XXXII. but the private fortunes of individuals they do Arr. Ind. XI. 1.-XII.-9. Cf. Epit. 40-53, and Plin. not care to predict, either because divination Hist. Nat. VI. xxii. 2, 3. does not concern itself with trifling matters, or Of the Seven Castes among the Indians. because to take any trouble about such is deemXI. But further: in India the whole people ed unbecoming. But if any one fails thrice to is divided into about seven castes. Among predict truly, he incurs, it is said, no further these are the sophists, who are not so numer- penalty than being obliged to be silent for the ous as the others, but hold the supreme place future, and there is no power on earth able to of dignity and honour, -for they are under no compel that man to speak who has once been necessity of doing any bodily labour at all, or of condemned to silence. These sophists go baked, contributing from the produce of their labour living during winter in the open air to enjoy anything to the common stock, nor indeed is any the sunshine, and during summer, when the duty absolutely binding on them except to per- heat is too powerful, in meadows and low form the sacrifices offered to the gods on behalf grounds under large trees, the shadow whereof, of the state. If any one, again, has a private Nearchos saya, extends to five plethra in circuit, sacrifice to offer, one of these sophists shows him adding that even ten thousand men could be the proper mode, as if he could not otherwise covered by the shadow of a single tree. They make an acceptable offering to the gods. To live upon the fruits which each season produces, this class the knowledge of divination among and on the bark of trees,--the bark being no the Indians is exclusively restricted, and none less sweet and nutritious than the fruit of the but a sophist is allowed to practise that art. They date-palm predict about such matters as the seasons of the After these, the second caste consists of the year, and any calamity which may befall the state; 'tillers of the soil, who form the most FRAGM. XXXIII. Strab. XV. 1. 39-41, 46-49,-Pp. 703-4, 707. Of the Seven Castes among the Indians. (39) According to him (Megasthenes) the popu- lation of India is divided into seven parts. The philosophers are first in rank, but form the smallest class in point of number. 'Their services are employed privately by persons who wish to offer sacrifices or perform other sacred rites, and also publicly by the kings at what is called the Great Synod, wherein at the beginning of the new year all the philosophers are gathered together before the king at the gates, when any philosopher who may have committed any useful sug. gestion to writing, or observed any means for improving the crops and the cattle, or for promoting the public interests, declares it publicly. If any one is detected giving false information thrice, the law condemns him to be silent for the rest of his life, but he who gives sound advice is exempted from paying any taxes or contributions. (40) The second caste consists of the husbandmen, who form the bulk of the population, and are in disposition most mild and gentle. They are

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AUGUST, 1877.] THE INDIRA OF MEGASTHENES. 237 numerous class of the population. They are nei- pay from the state. In this class are included ther furnished with arms, nor have any military shipbuilders, and the sailors employed in the duties to perform, but they cultivate the soil and navigation of the rivers. pay tribute to the kings and the independent | The fifth caste among the Indians consists of cities. In times of civil war the soldiers are the warriors, who are second in point of not allowed to molest the husbandmen or ravage numbers to the husbandmen, but lead a life of their lands: hence, while the former are fight- supreme freedom and enjoyment. They have ing and killing each other as they can, the latter only military duties to perform. Others make may be seen close at hand tranquilly pursuing their arms, and others supply them with their work, -perhaps ploughing, or gathering horses, and they have others to attend on them in their crops, pruning the trees, or reaping the in the camp, who take care of their horses, harvest. clean their arms, drive their elephants, prepare The third caste among the Indians consists their chariots, and act as their charioteers. As of the herdsmen, both shepherds and neat- long as they are required to fight they fight, ard herds; and these neither dwell in cities nor in when peace returns they abandon themselves villages, but they are nomadic and live on the to enjoyment,--the pay which they receive from hills. They too are subject to tribute, and this the state being so liberal that they can with ease they pay in cattle. They scour the country in maintain themselves, and others besides. pursuit of fowl and wild beasts. The sixth class consists of those called s u perXII. The fourth caste consists of bandi intendents. They spy out what goes on in craftsmen and retail.dealers. They country and town, and report everything to the have to perform gratuitously certain public ser- king where the people have a king, and to the vices, and to pay tribute from the products of magistrates where the people are self-governed, their labour. An exception, however, is made and it is against use and wont for these to give in favour of those who fabricate the weapons of in a false report ;-bat indeed no Indian is war,--and not only so, but they even draw accused of lying. exempted from military service, and cultivate consists of those who work at trades, of those who their lands undisturbed by fear. They never go vend wares, and of those who are employed in to town, either to take part in its tumults, or for bodily labour. Some of these pay tribute, and any other purpose. It therefore not unfrequent- render to the state certain prescribed services. ly happens that at the same time, and in the But the armour-makers and shipbuilders receive same part of the country, men may be seen drawn wages and their victuals from the king, for whom ap in array of battle, and fighting at risk of their alone they work. The general in command of the lives, while other men close at hand are ploughing army supplies the soldiers with weapons, and the and diggingin perfect security, having these soldiers admiral of the fleet lets out ships on hire for the to protect them. The whole of the land is the transport both of passengers and merchandize. property of the king, and the husbandmen till (47) The fifth class consists of fighting men, it on condition of receiving one-fourth of the who, when not engaged in active service, pass their produce. time in idleness and drinking. They are main(41) The third caste consists of herds men and tained at the king's expense, and hence they are hunters, who alone are allowed to hunt, and to always ready, when occasion calls, to take the keep cattle, and to sell draught animals or let them field, for they carry nothing of their own with out on hire. In return for clearing the land of them but their own bodies. wild beasts and fowls which devour the seeds | (48) The sixth class consists of the overseers, hown in the fields, they receive an allowance of to whom is assigned the duty of watching all that grain from the king. They lead a wandering life goes on, and making reports secretly to the king. and live under tents. Some are entrusted with the inspection of the Fragm. XXXVI. follows here. city, and others with that of the army. The [So much, then, on the subject of wild animals. former employ as their coadjutors the 'courtezans We shall now return to Megasthenes, and resume of the city, and the latter the courtezans of the from where we digressed.] camp. The ablest and most trustworthy men are (46)' The fourth class, after herdsmen and hunters,' appointed to fill these offices. * Sheriffs : see Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 267.

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238 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1877. The seventh caste consists of the coun- carpenters, the blacksmiths, and the miners. cillors of state, who advise the king, or *They construct roads, and at every ten stadia the magistrates of self-governed cities, in the set up a pillar to show the by-roads and dismanagement of public affairs. In point of num. tances. Those who have charge of the city are ber this is a small class, but it is distinguished divided into six bodies of five each. The memby superior wisdom and justice, and hence enjoys bers of the first look after everything relating to the prerogative of choosing governors, chiefs the industrial arts. Those of the second attend of provinces, deputy-governors, superintendents to the entertainment of foreigners. To these of the treasury, generals of the army, admirals they assign lodgings, and they keep watch over of the navy, controllers, and commissioners who their modes of life by means of those persons superintend agriculture.t whom they give to them for assistants. They eecort The custom of the country prohibits inter them on the way when they leave the country, or, marriage between the castes :--for instance, in the event of their dying forward their prothe husbandman cannot take a wife from the perty to their relatives. They take care of them artizan caste, nor the artizan a wife from the when they are sick, and if they die bury them. husbandman caste. Custom also prohibits any- "The third body consists of those who inquire one from exercising two trades, or from changing when and how births and deaths occur, with from one caste to another. One cannot, for the view not only of levying a tax, but also in instance, become a husbandman if he is a herds- order that births and deaths among both high man, or become a herdsman if he is an artizan. and low may not escape the cognizance of Gov. It is only permitted that the sophist be from any ernment. The fourth class superintends trade caste: for the life of the sophist is not an easy and commerce. Its members have charge of one, but the hardest of all. weights and measures, and see that the products FRAGM. XXXIV. in their season are sold by public notice. No Strab. XV. 1. 50-52,- pp. 707-709. one is allowed to deal in more than one kind of Of the administration of public affuirs. commodity unless he pays a double tax. 'The Of the use of Horses and Elephants. fifth class supervises manufactured articles, (Fragm. XXXIII. has preceded this.) which they sell by public notice. What is new (50) Of the great officers of state, some have is sold separately from what is old, and there charge of the market, others of the city, others of is a fine for mixing the two together. The the soldiers. Some superintend the rivers, mea- sixth and last class consists of those who colsure the land, as is done in Egypt, and inspect the lect the tenths of the prices of the articles sold. sluices by which water is let out from the main Fraud with regard to this tax is punished with canals into their branches, so that every one may death. have an equal supply of it. The same persons "Such are the functions which these bodies have charge also of the huntsmen, and are en- separately discharge. In their collective capatrusted with the power of rewarding or punishing city they have charge both of their special dethem according to their deserts. They collect the partments, and also of matters affecting the taxes, and superintend the occupations connect- general interest, as the keeping of public builded with land, as those of the woodcutters, the lings in proper repair, the regulation of prices, The seventh class consists of the councillors and a ssessors of the king. To them belong the highest posts of government, the tribunals of justice, and the general administration of public affairs. 12 No one is allowed to marry out of his own caste, or to exchange one profession or trade for another, or to follow more than one business. An exception is made in favour of the philosopher, who for his virtue is allowed this privilege. + The Greek writers by confounding some distinctions occasioned by civil employment with those arising from that division have increased the number of classes) from five (including the handicraftsman or mixed class) to seven. This number is produced by their supposing the king's councillors and assessors to form a distinct class from the Brahmans; by splitting the class of Vaisya into two, consisting of ahepherds and husbandmen; by introduc. ing a caste of spies; and by omitting the servile class alto gether. With these exceptions the classes are in the state described by Menu, which is the groundwork of that still subsisting.-Elphinstone's History of India, p. 236. From this it would appear that ten stadia were equal to some Indian measure of distance, which must bave been the krosa or kosa. If the stadium be taken at 2024 yar is, this would give 2022! yards for the kos, agreeing with the shorter kos of 4,000 haths, in use in the Panjab, and till lately, if not still, in parts of Bengal.-Ed.

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August, 1877.] THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. 239 the care of markets, barbours, and temples 10 Next to the city magistrates there is a third governing body, which directs military affairs. This also consists of six divisions, with five members to each. One division is appointed to cooperate with the admiral of the fleet, another with the superintendent of the bullocktrains which are used for transporting en- gines of war, food for the soldiers, provender for the cattle, and other military requisites. They supply servants who beat the drum, and others who carry gongs; grooms also for the grooms also for the horses, and mechanists and their assistants. To the sound of the gong they send out foragers to bring in grass, and by a system of rewards and punishments ensure the work being done with despatch and safety. The third division has charge of the foot-soldiers, the fourth of the horses, the fifth of the war-chariots, and the sixth of the elephants. There are royal stables for the horses and elephants, and also #royal magazine for the arms, because the soldier has to return his arms to the magazine, and his horse and his elephant to the stables. They use the elephants without bridles. The chariots are drawn on the march by oxen, but the horses are led along by a halter, that their legs may not be galled and inflamed, nor their spirits damped by drawing chariots. In addition to the charioteer, there are two fighting men who sit up in the chariot beside him. The war-elephant carries four men-three who shoot arrows, and the driver. (Fragm. XXVII. follows.) FRAGM. XXXV. AElian, Hist. Anim. XIII. 10. Of the use of Horses and Elephants. Cf. Fragm. XXXIV. 13-15. When it is said that an Indian by springing forward in front of a horse can check his speed and hold him back, this is not true of all Indians, but only of such as have been trained from boyhood to manage horses; for it is a practice with them to control their horses with bit and bridle, and to make them move at a measured pace and in a straight course. They neither, however, gall their tongue by the use of spiked muzzles, nor torture the root of their mouth. The pro fessional trainers break them in by forcing them to gallop round and round in a ring, especially when they see them refractory. Such as undertake this work require to have a strong hand as well as & thorough knowledge of horses. The greatest proficients test their skill by driving a chariot round and round in a ring; and in. truth it would be no trifling feat to control with ease a team of four highmettled steeds when whirling round in a circle The chariot carries two men who sit beside the charioteer. The war-elephant cither in what is called the tower, or, actually on his bare hack, carries three fighting men, of whom two shoot from the side, while one shoots from behind. There is also a fourth man, who carries in his hand the goad wherewith he guides the animal, much in the same way as the pilot and captain of the ship direct its course with the helm. Fragm. XXXVI. Strab. XV. 1. 41-43, pp. 704-705. Of Elephants. Conf. Epit. 54-56. (Fragm. XXXIII. 6 has preceded this.) A private person is not allowed to keep either a horse or an elephant. These animals are held to be the special property of the king, and persons are appointed to take care of them. * The manner of hunting the elephant is this. Round a bare, patch of ground is dug a deep trench about five or six stadia in extent, and over this is thrown a very narrow bridge which FRAGM. XXXVII. Arr. Ind. ch. 13-14. (Fragm. XXXII. comes before this.) Of Elephants. XIII. The Indians hunt all wild animals in the same way as the Greeks, except the elephant, which is hunted in a mode altogether peculiar, since these animals are not like any other animals. * The mode may be thus described :-The hunters having selected a level tract of arid ground, dig a trench all round it, enclosing as much space as would suffice to encamp a large army. They make the trench with a breadth of five fathoms and a depth of four. But the earth which they throw out in the process of digging they heap up in mounds on both edges of the trench, and use it as a wall. Then they make huts for thomselves by excavating the wall on the outer edge of the trench, and in these they leave loopholes, both to admit light, and to enable thom to see when their $" The fourfold division of the army (horse, foot, chariota, and elephants) was the same as that of Menu; but Strabo makes a sextuple division, by adding the commissariat and naval department."

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240 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1877. gives access to the enclosure. Into this en-| the wild ones and the tame ones together neck closure are introduced three or four of the best- to neck with thongs of raw ox-hide. To pretrained female elephants. The men themselves vent them shaking themselves in order to throw lie in ambush in concealed huts. The wild off those who attempt to mount them, they make elephants do not approach this trap in the day- cuts all round their neck and then put thongs time, but they enter it at night, going in one of leather into the incisions, so that the pain by one. When all have passed the entrance, obliges them to submit to their fetters and to the men secretly close it up; then, introducing remain quiet. From the number caught they the strongest of the tame fighting elephants, reject such as are too old or too young to be they fight it out with the wild ones, whom at serviceable, and the rest they lead away to the the same time they enfeeble with hunger. stables. Here they tie their feet one to another, When the latter are now overcome with fa- and fasten their necks to a firmly fixed pillar, tigue, the boldest of the drivers dismount un- and tame them by hunger. After this they observed, and each man creeps under his own restore their strength with green reeds and elephant, and from this position creeps under grass. They next teach them to be obedient, the belly of the wild elephant and ties his which they effect by soothing them, some by feet together. When this is done they incite coaxing words, and others by songs and the the tame ones to beat those whose feet are tied music of the drum. 1 Few of them are found till they fall to the ground. They then bind difficult to tame, for they are naturally so inild prey approaches and enters the enclosure. They when first a fierce assault is made by the tame next station some three or four of their best- elephants upon those caught in the trap, and trained she-elephants within the trap, to which then, as might be expected, the wild elephants, they leave only a single passage by means of a through loss of spirit and faintness from hunger, bridge thrown across the trench, the framework are overpowered. On this the hunters, dismountof which they cover over with earth and a great ing from their elephants, bind with fetters the quantity of straw, to conceal the bridge as much feet of the wild ones, now by this time quite as possible from the wild animals, which might exhausted. Then they instigate the tame ones to else suspect treachery. The hunters then go out beat them with repeated blows, until their sufferof the way, retiring to the cells which they had ings wear them out, and they fall to the ground. made in the earthen wall. Now the wild elephants * The hunters meanwhile, standing near them, slip do not go near inhabited places in the day-time, nooges over their necks and mount them while yet but during the night they wander about avery- lying on the ground; and, to prevent them shak.. where, and feed in herds, following as leader the ing off their riders, or doing mischief otherwise, one who is biggest and boldest, just as cows follow make with a sharp knife an incision all round the bulls. As soon, then, as they approach the their neck, and fasten the noose round in the enclosure, and hear the cry and catch soent | incision. By means of the wound thus made they of the females, they rush at full speed in the keep their head and neck quite steady; for if they direction of the fenced ground, and being sr. become restive and turn round, the wound is rested by the trench move round its edge until galled by the action of the rope. They shun, they fall in with the bridge, along which they therefore, all violent movements, and, knowing force their way into the enclosure. The hunt. that they have been vanquished, suffer themselves ers meanwhile, perceiving the entrance of the to be led in fetters by the tame ones. wild elephants, hasten, some of them, to take XIV. But such as are too young, or through the away the bridge, while others, running off to the weakness of their constitution not worth keeping, nearest villages, announce that the elephants are their captors allow to escape to their old haunts; within the trap. The villagers, on hearing the while those which are retained they lead to the news, mount their most spirited and best-trained villages, where they give them at first green stalks elephants, and as soon as mounted ride off to the of corn and grass to eat. 10 The creatures, however, trap; but though they ride up to it they do not having lost all spirit, have no wish to eat; but the immediately engage in a conflict with the wild Indians, standing round them in a circle, soothe and elephants, but wait till these are sorely pinched by cheer them by chanting songs to the accompaniment hunger and tamed by thirst. When they think of the music of drums and cymbals, for the eletheir strength has been enough weakened, they phant is of all brutes the most intelligent. Some of set up the bridge anew and ride into the trap, I them, for instance, have taken up their riders when

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August, 1877.) THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. 241 and gentle in their disposition that they approximate to rational creatures. Some of them take up their drivers when fallen in battle, and carry them off in safety from the field. Others, when their masters have sought refuge between their forelegs, have fought in their defence and saved their lives. If in a fit of anger they kill either the man who feeds or the man who trains them, they pine so much for their loss that they refuse to take food, and sometimes die of hunger. 1 They copulate like horses, and the female oplate lile horses and the female casts her calf chiefly in spring. It is the season for the male, when he is in heat and becomes ferocious. At this time he discharges a fatty substance through an orifice near the temples. It is also the season for the females, when the corresponding passage opens. 18 They go with young for a period which varies from sixteen to eighteen months. The dam suckles her calf for six years. Most of them live as long as men who attain extreme longevity, and some live over two hundred years. They are liable to many distempers, and are not easily cured. 15 The remedy for diseases of the eye is to wash it with cows' milk. For most of their other diseases draughts of black wine are administered to them. For the core of their wounds they are made to swallow butter, for this draws out iron. Their sores are fomented with swine's flesh. Fragm XXXVIII. Alian, Hist. Anim. XIII. 7. Of the diseases of Elephants. (Cf. Fragm. XXXVI. 15 and XXXVII. 15.) The Indians cure the wounds of the elephants which they catch, in the manner following: - They treat them in the way in which, as good old Homer tells us, Patroklos treated the wound of Eurypylos,-they toment them with lukewarm water. After this they rub them over with butter, and if they are deep allay the inflammation by applying and inserting pieces of pork, hot but still retaining the blood. They cure ophthalmia with cows' milk, which is first used as a fomentation for the eye, and is then injected into it. The animals open their eyelids, and finding they can see better are delighted, and are sensible of the benefit like human beings. In proportion as slain in battle and carried them away for burial; others have covered them, when lying on theground, with a shield; and others have borne the brunt of battle in their defence when fallen. There was one even that died of remorse and despair because it had killed its rider in a fit of rage. 11 [I have nyself actually seen an elephant playing on cymbals, while other elephants were dancing to his strains : a cymbal had been attached to each foreleg of the performer, and a third to what is called his trunk, and while he beat in turn the cymbal on his trunk he beat in proper time those on his two legs. The dancing elephants all the while kept dancing in a circle, and as they raised and curved their forelegs in turn they too moved in proper time, following as the musician led. 1. The elephant, like the bull and the horse, engenders in spring, when the females emit breath through the spiracles beside their temples, which open at that season. 18 The period of gestation is at shortest sixteen months, and never exceeds eighteen. The birth is single, as in the case of the mare, and is suckled till it reaches its eighth year. 15 The elephants that live longest attain an age of two hundred years, but many of them die prematurely of disease. If they die of sheer old age, however, the term of life is what has been I See Iliad, bk. XI. 845. "The modern mode of catching and training elephants, with all its ingenious contrivances may be learned from stated. 15 Diseases of their eyes are cured by pouring cows' milk into them, and other distempers by administering, draughts of black wine; while their wounds are cured by the application of roasted pork. Such are the remedies used by the Indians. [Fragm. XXXVII. B.] AElian, Hist. Anim. XII. 44. Of Elephants. (Cf. Fragm. XXXVI. 9-10 and XXXVII. 9-10 init. c. XIV.). In India an elephant if caught when full-grown is difficult to tame, and longing for freedom thirsts for blood. Should it be bound in chains, this exasperates it still more, and it will not submit to a master. The Indians, however, coax it with food, and seek to pacify it with various things for which it has a liking, their aim being to fill its stomach and to soothe its temper. But it is still angry with them, and takes no notice of them. To what device do they then resort ? They sing to it their native melodies, and soothe it with the music of an instrument in common use which has four strings and is called a skindapsos. The creature now pricks up its ears, yields to the soothing strain, and its anger sabsides. Then, though there is an occasional outburst of its suppressed passion, it gradually turns its eye to its food. It is then freed from its bonds, but does not seek to escape, being enthralled with the music. It even takes food eagerly, and, like a luxurious guest rivetted to the festive board, has no wish to go, from its love of the music. Arrian almost as exactly as from the account of the modern practice in the 'Asiatic Researches.'" (vol. III. p. 229.) - Elphinstone's History of India, p. 242.

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242 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1877. their blindness diminishes their delight over- flows, and this is a token that the disease has been cured. The remedy for other distempers to which they are liable is black wine; and if this potion fails to work a cure nothing else can save them. Fragm. XXXIX. Strab. XV. 1. 44, p. 706. Of Gold digging Ants. Megasthenes gives the following account of these ants. Among the Derdai, a great tribe of Indians, who inhabit the mountains on the eastern borders,t there is an elevated plateau about 3,000 stadia in circuit. Beneath the surface there are mines of gold, and here accordingly are found the ants which dig for that metal. They are not inferior in size to wild foxes. They run with amazing speed, and live by the produce of the chase. The time when they dig is winter. They throw up heaps of earth, as moles do, at the mouth of the mines. The gold-dust has to be subjected to a little boiling. The people of the neighbourhood, coming secretly with beasts of burden, carry this off. If they came openly the ants would attack them, and pursue them if they fled, and would destroy both them and their cattle. So, to effect the robbery without being observed, they lay down in several different places pieces of the flesh of wild beasts, and when the ants are by this de. vice dispersed they carry off the gold-dust. This they sell to any trader they meet with || while it is still in the state of ore, for the art of fasing metals is unknown to them. FRAGM. XL. Arr. Ind. XV.-5-7. Of Gold digging Ants. But Megasthenes avers that the tradition about the ants is strictly true that they are gold-diggers not for the sake of the gold itself, but because by instinct they burrow holes in the earth to lie in, just as the tiny ants of our own country dig little holes for themselves, only those in India being larger than foxes make their burrows proportionately larger. But the ground is impregnated with gold, and the Indians thence obtain their gold. ['Now Megasthenes writes what he had heard from hearsay, and as I have no exacter information to give I willingly dismiss the subject of the ant.] T (FRAGM. XL. B.) Dio Chrysost. Or. 35,-p. 436, Morell. Of Ants which dig for gold. (Cf. Fragm. XXXIV. and XL.) They get the gold from ants. These creatures are larger than foxes, but are in other respects like the ants of our own country. They dig holes in the earth like other ants. The heap which they throw ap consists of gold the purest and brightest in all the world. The mounds are piled up close to each other in regular order like hillocks of gold dust, and all the plain is made effulgent. It is difficult, there. fore, to look towards the sun, and many who have attempted to do this have thereby destroyed their eyesight. The people who are next neighbours to the ants, with a view to plunder these heape, cross the intervening desert, which is of no great extent. They are mounted on wagons to which they have yoked their swiftest horses, and arrive at noon, a time when the ants have gone underground. They at once seize the booty, and make off at full speed. The ante, on learning what has been done, pursue the fugitives, and overtaking them fight with them till they conquer or die, for of all animals they are the most courageous. It hence appears that they understand the worth of gold, and that they will sacrifice their lives rather than part with it. FRAGM. XLI. Strab. XV. 1. 58-60,--pp. 711-714. Of the Indian Philosophers. (Fragm. XXIX. has preceded this.) (58) Speaking of the philosophers, he (Megas. thenes) says that such of them as live on the mountains are worshippers of Dionusos, showing as proofs that he had come among them the wild vine, which grows in their country only, and the ivy, and the laurel, and the myrtle, argeance and life and dress wresent day Data dr. See Ind. Ant. vol. IV. pp. 225 segg. where cogent argu. ments are adduced to prove that the gold digging anta' were originally neither, as the ancients supposed, real anta, nor, as so many eminent men of learning have supposed, larger animals mistaken for ants on account of their appearance and subterranean habita, but Tibetan miners, whose mode of life and dress was in the remotest antiquity exactly what they are at the present day. + These are the Dardae of Pliny, the Daradrai of Ptolemy, and the Daradas of Sanskrit literature. The Dards are not an extinct race. According to the accounts of modern travellers, they consist of several wild and predatory tribes dwelling among the mountains on the northwest frontier of KAsmir and by the banks of the Indus." Ind. Ant. loc. cit. The table-land of Chojotol, see Jour. R. Geog. Soc. vol. XXXIX. pp. 149 seqq.- ED. $." The miners of Thok-Jalung, in spite of the cold, prefer working in winter; and the number of their tents, which in summer amounts to three hundred, rises to nearly six hundred in winter. They prefer the winter, as the frozen soil then stands well, and is not likely to trouble them much by falling in."-Id. | TW TUXOTI TOy europav. If the different reading tou tukhontos tous emporous be adopted, the rendering is. "They dispone of it to merchants at any price." Cf. Herod. III. 102-105; Arrian, Anab. V.4.7: AElian, Hist. Anim. III. 4; Clem. Alex. Paed. II. p. 207; Tzetz. Chil. XII. 330-340 : Plin. Hist. Nat. XI. 36, XXXIII. 21; Propert. III. 18.5; Pomp. Mel. VII. 2; Isidor. Orig. XII.3; Albert Mag. De Animal. T. VI. p. 678, ex subdititiis Alexandri epistolis; Anonym. De Monstris et Belluis, 259, ed. Berger de Xivrey; Philostratus, Vit. Apollon. VI. 1 ; and Heliodoras, Eth. X. 26, p. 495; also Gildemeister, Script, Arab. de reb. Ind. p. 220-221, and 120; Busbequins, Lego. tionis Turcicae Epist. IV. p. 144, or Thaunus XXIV. 7, p. 809.-Schwanbeck, p. 72.

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SEPTEMBER, 1877.] THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. 243 and the box-tree, and other evergreens, none their time in listening to serious discourse, and of which are found beyond the Euphrates, ex- in imparting their knowledge to such as will cept a few in parks, which it requires great listen to them. The hearer is not allowed to care to preserve. They observe also certain speak, or even to cough, and much less to spit, customs which are Bacchanalian. Thus they and if he offends in any of these ways he is cast dress in muslin, wear the turban, use perfumes, out from their society that very day, as being array themselves in garments dyed of bright a man who is wanting in self-restraint. After colours; and their kings, when they appear in living in this manner for seven-and-thirty years, public, are preceded by the music of drums and each individual retires to hisown property, where gongs. But the philosophers who live on the he lives for the rest of his days in case and secuplains worship Herakles. [These accounts are rity. They then array themselves in fine muslin. fabulous, and are impugned by many writers, and wear a few trinkets of gold on their fingers especially what is said about the vine and and in their ears. They eat flesh, but not that of wine. For the greater part of Armenia, and animals employed in labour. They abstain from the whole of Mesopotamia and Media, onwards hot and highly seasoned food. They marry as to Persia and Karmania, lie beyond the Eu- many wives as they please, with a view to have phrates, and throughout a great part of each of numerous children, for by having many wives these countries good vines grow, and good greater advantages are enjoyed, and, since they wine is produced.] . have no slaves, they have more need to have (59) Megasthenes makes a different division children around them to attend to their wants. of the philosophers, saying that they are of two The Brachmanes do not communicato a knowkinds-one of which he calls the Brachmanes, ledge of philosophy to their wives, lest they and the other the Sarmanes. The Brach- should divulge any of the forbidden mysteries manes are best esteemed, for they are more to the profane if they became depraved, or lest consistent in their opinions. From the time of they should desert them if they became good their conception in the womb they are under philosophers : for po one who despises pleasure the guardian care of learned men, who go to and pain, as well as life and death, wishes to be the mother and, under the pretence of using in subjection to another, but this is characterissome incantations for the welfare of herself and tic both of a good man and of a good woman. her unborn babe, in reality give her prudent 1 Death is with them a very frequent subject hints and counsels. The women who listen most of discourse. They regard this life as, so to willingly are thought to be the most fortunate in speak, the time when the child within the their children. After their birth the children are womb becomes mature, and death as a birth under the care of one person after another, and as into a real and happy life for the votaries of they advance in age each succeeding master is philosophy. On this account they undergo more accomplished tlian his predecessor. The much discipline as a preparation for death. philosophers have their abode in a grove in front They consider nothing that befalls men to be of the city within a moderate-sized enclosure. either good or bad, to suppose otherwise being They live in a simple style, and lie on beds of a dream-like illusion, else how could some bo rushes or (deer) skins. They abstain from sffected with sorrow, and others with pleasure, aninal food and sexual pleasures, and spend by the very same things, and how could the * "Since the word Sappavas (the form used by Clemens of Alexandria) corresponds to the letter with the Sanskrit word sramana (.e. an secetio), it is evident that the forma l'appavas and repravas, which are found in all the MSS. of Strabo, are incorrect. The mistake need not surprises, since the SA when closely written together differ little in form from the syilablo IA. In the same way Clement's 'AXX6B1ou must be changed into Strabo's *Y26Blo, corresponding with the Sanskrit Vanaprastha"the man of the first three castes who, after the term of his householdership has expired, bas entered the third drama or order, and has proceeded (prastha) to a life in the woochs (Vana).'"-Schwanbeck, p. 46; H. H. Wilson, Gloss. "It is a capital question," he adds, "who the Sarmante were, some considering them to be Buddhists, and others denying them to be such. Weighty arguments are adduced on both sides, but the opinion of those seems to approach nearer the truth who contend that they were Buddhists." + "A mistake (of the Greek writers) originates in their ignorance of the fourfold division of a Brahman's life. Thus they speak of men who had been for many years sophists marrying and returning to common life (Aluding probably to a student who, having completed the susterities of the first period, becomes a householder)." Elphinstone's History of India, p. 286, where it is also remarked that the writers erroneously prolong the period during which students listen to their instructors in silence and respect, making it extend in all cases to thirty-seven, which is the greatest age to which Mana (chap. III. sec. 1) permits it in any case to be protracted.

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244 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1877. same things affect the same individuals at dif- centre of the universe. Concerning generation, ferent times with these opposite emotions and the nature of the soul, and many other Their ideas about physical phenomena, the subjects, they express views like those mainsame author tells us, are very crude, for they aretained by the Greeks. They wrap up their better in their actions than in their reasonings, doctrines about immortality and future judg. inasmuch as their belief is in great measure ment, and kindred topics, in allegories, after based upon fables; yet on many points their the manner of Plato. Such are his statements opinions coincide with those of the Greeks, for regarding the Brachmanes. like them they say that the world had a begin-1 (60) Of the Sarmanes he tells us that ning, and is liable to destruction, and is in shape those who are held in most honour are called spherical, and that the Deity who made it, and the Hylobio i.They live in the woods, who governs it, is diffused through all its parts. where they subsist on leaves of trees and wild They hold that various first principles operate fruits, and wear garments made from the bark in the universe, and that water was the prin- of trees. They abstain from sexual intercourse ciple employed in the making of the world. In and from wine. They communicate with the addition to the four elements there is a fifth kings, who consult them by messengers regardagency, from which the heaven and the stars ing the causes of things, and who throngh them were produced. I The earth is placed in the worship and supplicate the deity. Next in FRAGM. XLII. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 805 D (ed. Colon. 1688). That the Jewish race is by far the oldest of all these, and that their philosophy, which has been committed to writing, preceded the philosophy of the Greeks, Philo the Pythagorean shows by many arguments, as does also Aristoboulos the Peripatetic, and many others whose names I need not waste time in enumerating. Megasthenes, the author of a work on India, who lived with Seleukos Nikator, writes most clearly on this point, and his words are these :-" Au that has been said regarding nature by the ancients is asserted also by philosophers out of Greece, on the one part in India by the Brachmanes, and on the other in Syria by the people called the Jews.'' FRAGX. XLII. B. Euseb. Praep. Ev. IX. 6, pp. 410 C, D (ed. Colon. 1688). E. Clem. Ales. Again, in addition to this, further on he writes thus: "Megasthenes, the writer who lived with Seleukos Nikator, writes most clearly on this point and to this effect :- All that has been said,'" &c. FRAGM. XLII. C. Cyrill. Contra Julian. IV. (Opp. ed. Paris, 1688, T. VI. p. 134 Al. Ex Clem. Alex. T Aristoboulos the Peripatetio somewhere writes to this effect :-"All that has been said," &c. FRAGM. XLIII. Clem. Aler. Strom. I. p. 805, A, B. (ed. Colon. 1688). of the Philosophers of India. [Philosophy, then, with all its blessed advantages to man, flourished long ages ago among the barbarians, diffusing its light among the Gentiles, and eventually penetrated into Greece. Ita hierophants were the prophets among the Egyp. tians, the Chaldmans among the Assyrians, the Druids among the Gauls, the Sarman sans who were the philosophers of the Baktrians and the Kelts, the Magi among the Persians, who, as you know, announced beforehand the birth of the Saviour, being led by a star till they arrived in the land of Judon, and among the Indians the Gymnosophists, and other philosophers of barbarous nations.) There are two sects of these Indian philosophers-one called the Sarmanai and the other the Brachmanai. Connected with the Sarmanai are the philosophers called the Hylobioi, who neither live in cities nor even in houses. They clothe themselves with the bark of trees, and subBist upon acorns, and drink water by lifting it to their mouth with their hands. They neither marry nor beget children (like those ascetics of our own day called the Enkratetai. Among the Indians are those philosophers also who follow the precepts of Boutta,t whom they honour as a god on account of his extraordinary sanctity.] I Akasa, the other or sky.' $ Schwanbeck argues from the distinct separation here made between the Brachmanes and the Sarmanes, Ms well from the name gramana being especially applied to Baud. dha teachers, that the latter are here meant. They are called Sawayaide by Bardesanes (ap. Porphyr, Abstin. IV. 17) and Alex. Polyhistor. (ap. Cyrill. contra Julian. IV. p. 133 E. od. Paris, 1638). Conf. also Hieronym, ad. Jovinian. IL. (ed. Paris. 1706, T. II. pt. II. p. 206). And this is just the Pali name Sammanu, the equivalent of the Sanskrit Sruwana. Bohlen in De Buddhaiami origine et cetate defins. cildis sustains this view, but Lassen (Rhein. Mus. for Phil. I. 171 ff.) contends that the description agrees better with the Brahman ascetics. See Schwanbeck, p. 45ff. and Lassen Ind. Alterth. (2nd ed). IL. 705, or (Let ed).IL. 700.-ED. See note page 248. "In this passage, though Cyril follows Clemens, he wrongly attributes the narrative of Megasthenes to Aristobonlos the Peripatetic, whom Clemens only praises."Schwanbeck, p. 50. * The reading of the MSS is Allobioi. + V. 1. Boura.-The passage admits of a different rendering: "They (the Hylobioi) are those among the Indians wbo follow the precepta of Boutta." Colebrooke in his 06

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SEPTEMBER, 1877.] THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. 245 honour to the Hylobioi are the physicians, since that such as commit the act are regarded as they are engaged in the study of the nature of foolhardy, those naturally of a severe tem. man. They are simple in their habits, but do not per stabbing themselves or casting themselves live in the fields. Their food consists of rice and down a precipice, those averse to pain drownbarley-meal, which they can always get for the ing themselves, those capable of enduring mere asking, or receive from those who enter- pain strangling themselves, and those of tain them as guests in their houses. By their ardent temperaments throwing themselves into Inowledge of pharmacy they can make mar- the fire. Kalan os was a man of this stamp. riages fruitful, and determine the sex of the He was ruled by his passions, and became a offspring. They effect cures rather by regulat- Blave to the table of Alexander. He is on ing diet than by the use of medicines. The this account condemned by his countrymen, but remedies most esteemed are ointments and plas- Mandanis is applauded because when mesters. All others they consider to be in a great sengers from Alexander invited him to go to the measure pernicions in their nature. This class son of Zeus, with the promise of gifts if he comand the other class practise fortitude, both by plied, and threats of punishment if he refused, he undergoing active toil, and by the endurance of did not go. Alexander, he said, was not the son pain, so that they remain for a whole day mo- of Zeus, for he was not so much as master of tionless in one fixed attitude. the larger half of the world. As for himself, * Besides these there are diviners and sorcerers, he wanted none of the gifts of a man whose and adepts in the rites and customs relating to desires nothing could satiate; and as for his the dead, who go about begging both in villages threats he feared them not : for if he lived, India and towns. would supply him with food enough, and if he Even such of them as are of superior culture died, he would be delivered from the body of and refinement inculcate such saperstitions re- flesh now afflicted with age, and would be transgarding Hades as they consider favourable to lated to a better and a purer life. Alexander expiety and holiness of life. Women pursue phi- pressed admiration of the man, and let him losophy with some of them, but abstain from have his own way. sexual intercourse. FRAGM. XLV. FRAGM. XLII., XLIII. Arr. VII. ii. 3-9. See ante, p. 244. Of Kalanos and Mandunis. Fragm. XLIV. This shows that Alexander was by no means Strab. XV. 1. 68,-p. 718. beyond understanding what is "the better," but Of Kalanos and Mandanis. in fact he was completely overmastered by the Megasthenes, however, says that self-destruc- passion for glory. When he arrived at Taxila tion is not a dogma of the philosophers, but and saw the Indian gymnosophists, he felt a servations on the sect of the Jains, bas quoted this passageished in India when it was visited by the Greeks under froni Clemens to controvert the opinion that the religion Alexander, and continued to flourish from the time of and institutions of the orthodox Hindus are more modern Megasthenes, who described them in the fourth century than the doctrines of Jins and of Buddha. "Here," he before Christ, to that of Porphyrius, who speaks of them, on Jaye, "to my apprehension, the followers of Baddha are later authority, in the third century after Christ." clearly distinguished from the B:..chmanes and Sarmanes. "The babits of the physicians. Elphinstone remarks, The latter, called Germanes by Strabo, and Samanganat "seem to correspond with those of Brahmane of the fourth by Porphyrius, are the ascetics of a different religion, stage." and may have belonged to the sect of Jina, or to another. "It is indeed," says the same aut aurity, "a remarkable The Brachmanes are apparently those who are described by circumstance that the religion of Buddhs should never have Philostratus and Hierocles as worshipping the sun; and been expressly noticed by the Greek authors, though it had by Strabo and by Arrian as performing sacrifices for the existed for two centuries before Alexander. The only excommon benefit of the nation, as well as for individuals ... planation is that the appearancs Lad manners of its folThey are expressly discriminated from the sect of Buddha lowers were not so peculiar as to enable a foreigner to by one ancient author, and from the Sarmanes or Sama distinguish them from the mass of the people." - neans (ascetics of various tribes) by others. They are de "Kalanos followed the Makedonian army from Taxila, scribed by more than one authority is worshipping the sun, und when afterwards taken ill burnt himself on a funeral pyre a performing sacrifices, and as denying the eternity of the in the presence of the whole Makedonian army, without world, and maintaining other teneta incompatible with the evincin any symptom of pain. His real name, according supposition that the secta of Buddha or Jins could be to Plutarch, was Sphines, and he received the name Kalanos meant. Their manners and doctrine, described by among the Greeke because in saluting persons he used the these authors, are quite conformable with the notions and form kale instead of the Greek xaipe. What Plutarch practice of the orthodox Hindus. It may therefore be here calls kale is probably the Sanskrit form kalyana, contidently inferred that the followers of the Vedas floar-1 which is commonly used in addressing person, and signifies 'good, just, or distinguished.""--Smith's Classical (1 Samana is the PAli form of the older sramana.) Dictionary.

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246 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1877. desire to converse with one of these men, bo-, which it was in Alexander's power to bestow, cause he regarded their fortitude with admira- por did he fear any restraint which he could tion. The eldest of these sages, with whom the possibly impose upon him: for if he lived, India others lived as disciples with a master, and would yield him as much food as he required, whose name was Dandanis, not only refused and if he died, he would be delivered from his to go himself, but forbade any of the others to ill-assorted companion the body. Alexander do so. He is said to have returned this answer, accordingly did not attempt to force him to act that if Alexander was the son of Zeus, then he in opposition to his inclinations, appreciating too was the son of Zeus as well, and that he his spirit of independence. But he prevailed wanted none of the things which Alexander upon Kalanos, one of their number, whom Mepossessed, as he was quite contented with what gasthenes for that reason condemns for his he had. He noticed, he said, that those who want of firmness, and the rest of the sages rowere wandering with Alexander over so many proached Kalanos with folly, for leaving the lands and seas gained no good by it all, while happiness they imagined they had, and acat the same time there was no end to their many knowledging any other master except the suwanderings. He coveted, therefore, nothing preme God. BOOK IV. FRAGM. XLVI. | Kuros and Semiramis ?+ Megasthenes concurs in Strab. XV. I. 6-8,-rp. 696-698. this view, and recommends his readers to put no That the Indians had never been attacked by faith in the ancient history of India. Its people, others, nor had themselves attacked others. he says, never sent an expedition abroad, nor was (Cf. Epit. 23.) their country ever invaded and conquered except 6. But what just reliance can we place on the by Herakles and Dionusos in old times, and by accounts of India from such expeditions as those of the Makedonians in our own. Yet Sesostris FRAGM. XLVII. Arr. Ind. V. 4-12. That the Indians had never been attacked by others, nor had themselves attacked others. Well, then, this same Megasthenes informs us that the Indians neither invade other men, nor do other men invade the Indians; for Sesostris the Egyptian, after having overrun the greater part of Asia, and advanced with his army as far us Europe, returned home; and I danthursos the Skuthian, issuing from Skuthia, subdued many nations of Asia, and carried his victorious armis even to the borders of Egypt; and Semiramis, again, the Assyrian queen, took in hand an expedition against India, but died before she could execute her design, and thus Alexander was the only conqueror who actually invaded the country. And regarding Dion usos many traditions are current of his having also made an expedition into India, and subjugated the Indians before the days of Alexander. But of Herakles tradition has but little to say. Of the expedition, on the other hand * For an account of Alexander's interview with the Gymnosophists see Plutarch's Alexander, 65. "The expedition of Semiramis as described by Dio. dorus Siculus (II. 16-19), who followed the Assyriaka of Ktesias, has almost the character of a legend abounding with puerilities, and is entirely destitnte of those geogra. phical details which stamp events with reality. If this spedition is real, as on other grounds we may believe it to he, sono traces will assuredly be found of it in the cuneiform inscriptions of Nineveh, which are destined to throw so much unexpected light on the ancient history of Asia. It has alrendy been believed possible to draw from these inscriptions the foundations of a positive chronology which will fully confirm the indications given by Herodotus as to the epoch of Semiramis, in fixing the epoch of this elebrated queen in the 8th century of our era-an epoch which is quite in harmony with the data which we possess tron other sources regarding the condition of the North Gandara, are reckoned among his tributaries (Arrian, Indika, I. 3). Tradition further recounted that, in return ing from his expedition into India, Kyros had seen his whole army perish in the deserts of Gedrosis (Arr. Anoo. VI. 24. 2). The Persian domination in these districts has left more than one trace in the geographical nomenclature. It is sufficient to recall the lame of the Khoaspes, one of the great affluents of the Kophes. "Whatever be the real historical chamcter of the expedi. tions of Semiramis and Kyros, it is certain that their con. quests on the Indus were only temporary acquisitions, since at the epoch when Dareios Hystaspes mounted the throne the eastern frontier of the empire did not go beyond Arakhosia (the Haraqiti of the Zend texta, the Haraowatis of the cuneiform inscriptions, the Arrokhodi of Musalmfn geography, the provinces of Kandahar and of Ghazni of existing geography) that is to say, the parts of Afghanistan which lie onst of the Buliman chain of mountains. This fact is established by the great trilingual inscription of Bisoutoun, which indicates the last eastern countries to which Dareios bad carried his arms at the epoch when the monument was erected. This was before he had achieved his well-known conquest of the valley of the Indns."--St. Martin, E'true sur la GeographieGrecque et Latine de l'Inde, pp. 14 seqq. "Kyros, towafter the Vedic the condition och "Kyros, towards the middle of the 6th century of our era, must also have carried his arms even to the Indus. Historical tradition attributed to him the destruction of Kapisa, an important city in the upper region of the K phes (Plio. VI. 93), and in the lower region the Assakenians and the Astakeniang, indigenous tribes of

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SEPTEMBER, 1877.] the Egyptian and Tearkon the Ethiopian advanced as far as Europe. And Nabukodrosor,SS who is more renowned among the Chaldaeans than even Herakles among the Greeks, carried his arms to the Pillars, which Tearkon also reached, while Sesostris penetrated from Iberia even into Thrace and Pontos. Besides these there was Idanthursos the Skuthian, who overran Asia as far as Egypt. But not one of these great conquerors approached India, and Semiramis, who meditated its conquest, died before the necessary preparations were undertaken. The Persians indeed summoned the Hudrakai* from India to serve as mercenaries, but they did not lead an army into the country, and only approached its borders when Kuros marched against the M a s sagetai. Of Dionusos and Herakles. 7. The accounts about Herakles and Dionusos, Megasthenes and some few authors with him consider entitled to credit, [but the majority, among whom is Eratosthenes, consider them incredible and fabulous, like the stories current among the Greeks.......] THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. which Bacchus led, the city of Nussa is no mean monument, while Mount Meros is yet another, and the ivy which grows thereon, and the practice observed by the Indians themselves of marching to battle with drums and cymbals, and of wearing a spotted dress such as was worn by the Bacchanals of Dionusos. On the other hand, there are but few memorials of Herakles, and it may be doubted whether even these are genuine: for the assertion that Herakles was not able to take the rock A ornos, which Alexander seized by force of arms, seems to me all a Makedonian vaunt, quite of a piece with their calling Para pamisos -Kaukasos, though it had no connexion at all Sesostris (called Sesoosis by Diodorus) has generally been identified with Ramses the third king of the 19th dynasty of Manetho, the son of Seti, and the father of Menephthah the Pharaoh of the Exodus. Lepsius, however, from a study of the Tablet of Rameses II. found at Abydos in Egypt, and now in the British Museum, has been led to identify him with the Sesortasen or Osirtasen of the great 12th dynasty.-See Report of the Proceedings of the Second International Congress of Orientalists, P. 44. SS V.1. Nabokodrosoron. Called by Ptolemy the "Pillars of Alexander," above Albania and Iberia at the commencement of the Asiatic Sarmatia. 247 8. On such grounds they called a particular race of people Nussaians, and their city Nussa,+ which Dionusos had founded, and the mountain which rose above the city Me ron, assigning as their reason for bestowing these names that ivy grows there, and also the vine, although its fruit does not come to perfection, as the clusters, on account of the heaviness of the rains, fall off the trees before ripening. They further called the Oxudrakai descendants of Dionusos, because the vine grew in their country, and their processions were conducted with great pomp, and their kings on going forth to war and on other occasions marched in Bacchic fashion, with drums beating, while they were dressed in gaycoloured robes, which is also a custom among other Indians. Again, when Alexander had captured at the first assault the rock called Aornos, the base of which is washed by the Indus near its source, his followers, magnifying the affair, affirmed that Herakles had thrice assaulted the same rock and had been thrice repulsed. They said also that the Sibae were descended from those who accompanied Herakles on his expedi Herodotus mentions an invasion of Skuthians which was led by Madyas. As Idanthursos may have been a common appellative of the Skuthian kings, Strabo may here be referring to that invasion. The Hudrakai are called also Oxudrakai. The name, according to Lassen, represents the Sanskrit Kshudraka. with Kaukasos. In the same spirit, when they noticed a cave in the dominions of the Parapamisadai, they asserted that it was the cave of Prometheus the Titan, in which he had been suspended for stealing the fire. So also when they came among the Siba e, an Indian tribe, and noticed that they wore skins, they declared that the Sibae were descended from those who belonged to the expedition of Herakles and had been left behind: for, besides being dressed in skins, the Sibae carry a cudgel, and brand on the backs of their oxen the representation of a club, wherein the Makedonians recognized a memorial of the club of Herakles. It is variously written Sydrakai, Syrakusai, Sabagrae, and Sygambri. + V. 11. Nusaious, Nusan. " This celebrated rock has been identified by General Cunningham with the ruined fortress of Rapigat, situated immediately above the small village of Nogram, which lies about sixteen miles north by west from Ohind, which he takes to be the Embolima of the ancients. "Ranigat," he says, or the Queen's rock, is a large upright block on the north edge of the fort, on which Raja Vara's rant is said to have seated herself daily. The fort itself is attributed to Raja Vara, and some ruins at the foot of the hill are called Raja Vara's stables... I think, therefore, that the hill-fort of Aornos most probably derived its name from Raja Vara, and that the ruined fortress of Rapigat has a better claim to be identified with the Aornos of Alexander than either the Mahaban hill of General Abbott, or the castle of Raja Hodi proposed by General Court and Mr. Loewenthal." See Grote's History of India, vol. VIII. pp. 487-8, footnote.

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248 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1877 tion, and that they preserved badges of their de- scent, for they wore skins like Horakles, and carried clubs, and branded the mark of a cudgel on their oxen and mules. In support of this story they turn to account the legends regarding Kaukasos and Prometheus by transferring them hither from Pontos, which they did on the slight pretext that they had seen a sacred cave among the Paropa misa dae. This they declared was the prison of Promethens, whither Herakles had come to effect his deliverance, and that this was the Kaukasos, to which the Greeks represent Prometheus as having been bound. || FRAGM. XLVIII. Josephus Contra Apion. I. 20 (T. II. p. 451, Havere.). of Nabuchodrosor. (CE. Fragm. XLVI. 2.) Megasthenes also expresses the same opinion in the 4th book of his Indika, where he endeavours to show that the aforesaid king of the Babylonians (Nabouchodonosor) surpassed Herakles in courage and the greatness of his achieveients, by telling us that he conquered even Iberia. Fragm. XLVIII. B. Joseph. Ant. Jud. X. u. 1 (T. I. p. 538, Haverc.). [In this place (Nabouchodonosor) erected also of stone elevated places for walking about on, which had to the eye theappearance of mountains, and were so contrived that they were planted with all sorts of trees, because his wife, who had been bred up in the land of Media, wished her surroundings to be like those of her early home.] Megasthenes also, in the 4th book of his Indika, makes mention of these things, and thereby endeavours to show that this king surpassed Herakles in courage and the greatness of his achievements, for he says that he conquered Libya and a great part of Iberia. FRAGM. XLVIII. C. Zonar. ed. Basil. 1567, T. I. p. 87. Among the many old historians who mention According to Curtius, the Sibae, whom he calls Bobii, occupied the country between the Hydaspes and the Akesines. They may have derived their name from the god Siva. "No writer before Alexander's time mentions the Indian gods. The Makedonians, when they came into India, in socordance with the invariable pricotice of the Greeks, considered the gods of the country to be the same as their own. Sivs they were led to identify with Bacchus on their observing the unbridled license and somewhat Bacchic fashion of his worship, and because they traced some slight resemblance between the attributes of the two deities, and between the names belonging to the mythic conception of each. Nor was anything easier, after Euripides had originated the fiction that Dionusos had Nabouchodonosor, Josephos enumerates Bero. BOB, Megasthenes, and Diokles. FRAGM. XLVIII. D. G. Synoell. T. I. p. 419, ed. Benn. (p. 221 eu. Paris, p. 177 ed. Venet.). Megasthenes, in his fourth book of the Indika, represents Nabonchodonosor as mightier than Horakles, because with great courage and enterprise he conquered the greater part of Libya and Iberia. FRAGM. XLIX. Abyden. ap. Euseb. Prep. Ev. I. 41 (ed. Colon. 1688, p. 456 D). Of Nabouchodrosor. Megasthenes says that Naboucbodrosor, who was mightier than Herakles, undertook an ex. pedition against Libya and Iberia, and that having conquered them he planted a colony of these people in the parts lying to the right of Pontos. FRAGM. L. Arr. Ind. 7-9. Of the Indian races-of Dionusos--of Herakles -of Pearls-of the Pandaean land- of the Ancient History of the Indians. VII. The Indian tribes, Megasthenes tells tus, number in all 118. [And I so far agree with him as to allow that they must be indeed numerous, but when he gives such a precise estimate I am at a loss to conjecture how he arrived at it, for the greater part of India he did not visit, nor is mutual intercourse muintained among all the tribes.] He tells us further that the Indians were in old times nomadic, like those Skuthians who did not till the soil, but roamed about in their wagons, as the seasons varied, from one part of Skuthia to another, neither dwelling in towns nor worshipping in temples; and that the Indians likewise had neither towns nor temples of the gods, but were so barbarous that they wore the skins of such wild animals as they could kill, and subsisted on the bark of trees; that these trees were roamed over the East, than to suppose that the god of luxuriant fecundity had made his way to India, a country so remarkable for its fertility. To confirm tuis opinion they made use of a slight and accidental agreement in names. Thus Mount Mera seemed an indication of the god who sprang from the thigh of Zeus (ek dios unpov). Thus they thought the Kudrakw (Oxudrukai) the offspring of Dionnson because the vine grow in their country, and they saw that their kings displayed great pomp in their proces. sions. On equally slight grounds they identified Krishna, another god whom they saw worshipped, with Herakles; and whenever, as among the Sibee, they saw the skins of wild benste, or clubs, or the like, they assumed that Hera. kles had at some time or other dwelt there."-Schwanb. p. 93.

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SEPTEMBER, 1877.) THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. 249 called in Indian speech tala, and that there grew thereafter the succession was generally heredion them, as there grows at the tops of the palm- tary, but when a failure of heirs occurred trees, a fruit resembling balls of wool; that they in the royal house the Indians elected their subsisted also on such wild animals as they could sovereigns on the principle of merit. Heracatch, eating the flesh raw,-before, at least, the kles, however, who is currently reported to have coming of Dionusos into India. Dionusos, como as a stranger into the country, is said to however, when he came and had conquered the have been in reality a native of India. This people, founded cities and gave laws to these Herakles is held in especial honour by the Soucities, and introduced the use of wine among rase noi, an Indian tribe possessing two large the Indians, as he had done among the Greeks, cities, Methoraf and Kleis o bora, and and taught them to sow the land, himself sup- through whose country flows a navigable river plying seeds for the purpose, either because called the Iobares. But the dress which Triptolemos, when he was sent by Dem e. this Herakles wore, Megasthenes tells us, resemter to sow all the earth, did not reach these bled that of the Theban Herakles, as the parts, or this must have been some Dionusos Indians themselves admit. It is further said who came to India before Triptolemos, and that he had a very numerous progeny of male gave the people the seeds of cultivated plants. children born to him in India (for, like his TheIt is also said that Dionusos first yoked ban namesake, he married many wives), but that oxen to the plough, and made many of the he had only one daughter. The name of this Indians husbandmen instead of nomads, and child was Pandaia, and the land in which furnished them with the implements of agri- she was born, and with the sovereignty of which culture; and that the Indians worship the other Horakles entrusted her, was called after her gods, and Dionusos himself in particular, with name, Pandaia, and she received from the cymbals and drums, because he so taught them; hands of her father 500 elephants, a force of and that he also taught them the Satyric dance, i cavalry 4000 strong, and another of infantry or, as the Greeks call it, the kordax, and that he consisting of about 180,000 men. Some Indian instructed the Indians to let their hair grow long writers say further of Herakles that when he was in honour of the god, and to wear the turban; and going over the world and ridding land and sea that he taught them to anoint themselves with of whatever evil monsters infested them, he found unguents ; so that even up to the time of Alex. in the sen an ornament for women. which even ander the Indians were marshalled for battle to to this day the Indian traders who bring their the sound of cymbals and drums. wares to our markets eagerly buy up as such and VIII. But when he was leaving India, after carry away, while it is even more greedily bought having established the new order of things, he up by the wealthy Romans of to-day, as it was appointed, it is said, Spartembas, Tone of his wont to be by the wealthy Greeks long ago. companionsand the most conversant with Bacchio This article is the sea-pearl, called in the Indian matters, to be the king of the country. Whentongue margarita.|But Herakles, it is said, apSpartembas died his son Boudy a s* succeeded preciating its beauty as a wearirg ornament, to the sovereignty, the father reigning over caused it to be brought from all the sea into the Indians fifty-two years, and the son twenty; India, that he might adorn with it the person the son of the latter, whose name was Kral of his daughter. deu ast duly inherited the kingdom, and Megasthenes informs us that the oyster which FRAGM. L. B. Plin. Hist. Nat. IX. 55. Of Pearls. Some writers allege that in swarms of oysters, T It has been conjectured that this name very incorrectly transliterates the Sanskrit Svajambhwa. V.1. Spatembaa. . No doubt Buddha. + Perhaps altered from Prareuss, which may represent the Sanskrit Pururavas. I The Modoupa y ray cay of Ptolemy, the Mathuri or Madhupuri of Sanskrit writers, and the modern Mathura; as among bees, individuals distinguished for size and beauty act as leaders. These are of wonderful cunning in preventing themselves being caught, and are eagerly sought for by the divers. see Ind. Ant. vol. V. pp. 89, 384; and conf. Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. XLIII. pt. I. pp. 836, 351. Kleisobors, according to Pliny on the opposite side of the river, would thus be Mababan; see Growae's Mathura, pt. I. pp. 151, 152; Col. Yule places it lower down the river at Batokr.-ED. Iobares is the Jamani. Represents the Persian word for a pearl-marvarfd.

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250 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1877. yields this pearl is there fished for with nets, and that in the same place the oysters live in the sea in shoals like bee-swarms; for oysters, like bees, have a king or a queen, and if any one is lucky enough to catch the king he readily encloses in the net all the rest of the shoal, but if the king makes his escape there is no chance of catching the others. The fishermen allow the fleshy parts of such as they catch to rot away, and keep the bone, which forms the ornament: for the pearl in India is worth thrice its weight in refined gold, gold being a product of the Indian mines. IX. Now in that part of the country where the daughter of Herakles reigned as queen, it is said that the women when seven years old are of marriageable age, and that the men live at most forty years, and that on this subject there is a tradition current among the Indians to the effect that Herakles, whose daughter was born to him late in life, when he saw that his end was near, and he knew no man of equal rank with himself to whom he could give her in marriage, had incestuous intercourse with the girl when she was seven years of age, in order that a race of kings sprung from their common blood might be left to rule over India; that Herakles therefore made her of soituble age for marriage, and that in consequence the whole nation over which Pandaia reigned obtained this same privilege from her father. Now to me it seems that, even if Herakles could have done a thing so marvellous, he could also have made himself longer-lived, in order to have intercourse with his daughter when she was of mature age. Bat in fact, if the age at which the women there are marriageable is correctly stated, this is quite consistent, it seems to me, with what is said of the men's age,--that those who live longest die at forty; for where men so much sooner become old and die, it must needs be that they attain their prime sooner, the sooner their life is to end. It follows hence that men would there at the age of thirty be turning old, and young men would at twenty be past the season of puberty, while the stage of full puberty would be reached about fifteen. And, quite compatibly with this, the women might be marriageable at the age of seven. And why not, when Megasthenes declares that the very fruits of the country ripen faster than fruits elsewhere, and decay faster? From the time of Dion usos to Sandra. kottos the Indians counted 153 kings and a period of 6042 years; among these a republic was thrice established * * * * and another to 300 years, and another to 120 years. The Indians also tell us that Dionusog was earlier than Herakles by fifteen generations, and that except him no one made a hostile invasion of India, -not even Kuros the son of Kambuses, although he undertook an expedition against the Skuthians, and otherwise showed himself the most enterprising monarch in all Asia ; but that Alexander indeed came and overthrew in war all whom he attacked, and would even have conquered the whole world had his army been willing to follow him. On the other hand, a sense of justice, they say, prevented any Indian king from attempting conquest beyond the limits of India. Should they be caught, the others are easily enclosed in the nets as they go wandering about. They are then put into earthen pots, wbere they are buried deep in salt. By this process the flesh is all eaten away, and the hard concretions, which are the pearls, drop down to the bottom. FRAGM. LI. Phlegon. Mirab. 33. Of the Pandaian Land. (Cf. Fragm. XXX. 6.) Megasthens says that the women of the Pandaan realm bear children when they are six years of age. FRAGM. L.O. Plin. Hist. Nat. VI. xxi. 4-5. Of the Ancient History of the Indians. For the Indians stand almost alone among the nations in never having migrated from their own country. From the days of Father Bacchus to Alexander the Great their kings are reckoned at 154, whose reigns extend over 6451 years and 3 months. Solin. 52. 5. Father Bacchus was the first who invaded India, and was the first of ali who triumphed over the vanquished Indians. From him to Alexander the Great 6451 years are reckoned with 3 months additional, the calculation being made by counting the kings who reigned in the intermediate period, to the number of 153. (To be continued.)

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SEPTEMBER, 1877.] SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE IN ANCIENT INDIA. 251 NOTES ON THE LAX OBSERVANCE OF CASTE RULES, AND OTHER FEATURES OF SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE, IN ANCIENT INDIA. BY JOHN MUIR, D.C.L., LL.D., PH.D., EDINBURGH. The object of this paper is to show, by illus- or eating food received from any quarter : as a trations drawn chiefly from Manu and the clod of earth is dissolved when thrown into a Mahabharata, that the regulations defining the lake, all sin is sunk in the triple Veda (xi. 261, duties, relations, prerogatives, and functions of 263). With this may be compared the glori. the different Indian classes, as prescribed by fication of royalty in chapter vii. 5-8, where Manu and in some parts of the Mahabharata, a king is said to be composed of eternal porwere not strictly respected or practised in an- tions of different gods, to surpass all beings in cient times in India; that the custom of poly- glory, to dazzle the eyes of all gazers, and to andry was not unknown, that liberal sentiments be a great deity in human form. were entertained regarding the religious posi- Elsewhere, however, it is said that neither tion of the lower classes, and that considerable the Vedas, nor liberality, nor sacrifices, nor freedom of speculation on theological topics was observances, nor austerities, can avail in the prevalent. case of a man whose nature is corrupted (ii. 97); On this subject the remarks of Professor and that a Brahman who knows the gayatri Max Muller, in his Ancient Sansksit Literature, only, if his life is well regulated, is better than pp. 46ff., the article of M. Auguste Barth, of one who knows the three Vedas but whose life which a partial translation appeared in the is unregulated, who eats everything, and who Inulian Antiquary, vol. III., p. 329ff. (Nov. sells all commodities (ii. 118). An unlearned 1874), and my Original Sanskrit Texts, vol. I. p. Brahman is compared to a wooden elephant or 366, note, and vol. III., pp. 292ff., may be re- a leathern deer (ii. 157). One who does not ferred to. study the Veda, and employs himself in other Both in Manu and in the Mahabharata we pursuits, soon sinks with his descendants, even find very different ideas and statements about in this life, to the condition of a Sudra (ii. 168). the system of castes in earlier ages. I begin Such (ignorant) Brahmans, as are mere ashes, with Manu. In some passages he appears to should not be entertained at sraddhas (presenrecord the Brahmans as infinitely superior to tations of oblations to gods and departed ancesall other men in virtue of their birth alone; tors) (iii. 97, 133, 142). Similarly, low and while in other places they are considered as infidel Brahmans are declared unworthy of rederiving their eminence more from learning or ceiving honour at such celebrations (iii. 150, from moral goodness. In the following texts 167). The kind of Brahmang who should be their natural and inherent power and virtue, honoured on such occasions are described in and that springing from a knowledge of the verses iii. 128-131, 143, 145. A father who bas Vedas, are set forth -i. 93-95, 98-101;ix. 245, been instructed in the Veda by his son is to be 313-320; 2. 3; xi. 32, 85, 261, 263. The shunned (iu. 160), as is also a Brahman leading Brahman is said to be the chief of the crea- the life of a Sudra (ii. 164). In answer to an tion, and lord of all beings (i. 93, 99); every- inquiry how death can prevail over Brahmass, thing in the world is his by right (i. 100). A Bhrigu declares that they are subject to death man of this class who has gone through the owing to their neglect of the study of the Veda, Veda is lord of the whole world (ix. 245). and inattention to propriety of conduct, &c. (v. Brahmans could destroy a king with all his 2-4). Those Brahmans who accept gifts from host; they created fire, the ocean, and the Sudras for the offering of oblations to fire (agumoon, and could create new worlds and godshotra) are contemned as ministers of the base(ix. 313-15). Whether learned or not, and born (xi. 42.); and the performance of sacrieven when practising undesirable occupations, fices for Sudras is again reprehended (iii. 178f.). a Brahman is a great divinity (ix. 317, 319). Kings, Kshatriyas, kings' domestic priests, and He is a divinity even to the gods (xi. 84). If men skilled in the war of words, are declared he retain in his memory the Rigveda, he would to belong to that middle class of beings who are incur no guilt by destroying the ihree worlds, under the influence of the principle of rajds or

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252 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1877. passion; while other Brahmans, according to their merits, belong to the lowest and middle class of natures influenced by sattva, or goodness (xii. 46, 48f.). Brahmans are recommended not to take many presents (iv. 186); and are even enjoined to be averse to receiving honour, and to desire contempt as ambrosia. Though contemned, they may live happily; but the despiser perishes (ii. *1671.). The three twice-born or upper classes, the Bruh man, the Kshatriya, and the Vai. s y a, should all read the Veda. The Brahman alone is to teach it (i. 88ff., 1. 76-79). But although a Brahman's proper work (i. 88) is to read and to teach the Veda, to perform sacri. fice for himself and others, &c., yet, in case of necessity, he may adopt the profession, or do the work, of a Kshatriya, and even of a Vaisya (x. 81-85). But when acting as a merchant he must abstain from selling certain articles which are specified (x. 86ff.), and among which are inentioned human beings. A Kshatriya is never to usurp a Brahman's functions (x. 95). The duty of a Sudra is to serve the higher classes (i. 91), especially Brahmans (ix. 334f., s. 122 f.). He is not to become rich, as if he did so, he would vex Brahmans (x. 129). The Veda is not to be read in his presence iv. 99). He is not to receive instruction in duty, nor to participate in oblations of butter (iv. 80.). Oblations to fire are not to be performed on his behalf (xi. 42f., see above). Some religious duties, however, are recognized as performable by this class. Although they ieceive no ini. tiation, like that of the twice-born, and may not employ Vedic texts, they are not forbidden, but encouraged, to imitate the practice of good men, and to perform the acts of the twice-born (x. 126ff.). This the commentator understands of the five great sacraments (see Manu ii. 70ff.). But immong these is found the teaching of the Veda, and sacrifice by fire. Women are represented as liaving nothing to do with the Veda (ix. 18). Yet we find from other passages that the more exclusive of these rules were not always observed. In time of calamity (or necessity, explained by the commentator to arise from the absence of any Brahman), a student may learn the Veda from one who is not a Brahman (a Kshatriya, according to the commentator) (ii. 241).* But from iii. 156 it would appear that the function of teaching was occasionally assumed by men of the lowest caste, as along with teachers for hire, and those who pay them (see also zi. 62), the pupils of Sudras, and their teachers, are also denounced. It is true the commentator understands such teaching of grammar, &c.; but grammar is one of the Vedangas (or appendages of the Vedas); and if such ambitious Sudras studied grammar they would scarcely fail to go on and explore the Veda itself. In x. 96, where the king is enjoined to deprive of his wealth and to banish a man of the lowest class who lives by the work: of the highest, something of the same kind seems to be referred to. It also appears that Sudras sometimes ventured to assume the appearance and marks of twice-born men, in which case Manu ordains that they should be killed (ix. 224). From iv. 61 it appears that Sadra kings were known in the writer's time. From the general tone of his laws, it is scarcely to be supposed that, unless known by experience, such kings would have been contemplated as possible, or probable. In the Mahabharata xii. 2273ff. the duties of the four castes are described. In verses 2295ff. those of the Sadra are stated. "Prajapati," it is declared,"created him as the slave of the other castes." ... 2297. He is not to amass wealth, for by its acquisition, he who is an inferior, would subject his superiors to himself: yet, if permitted by the king, he may indulge his desire (for it). He is to be provided with subsistence by the superior castes, who are to give him articles which they have already used: Brahmans are to give him their worn-out, castoff clothes. He is never to abandon his master, but to tend him, especially when he has lost his means. The Sudra has no property of his own. He may not offer the sacrifices open to the other castes, but must confine himself to the simple domestic offering, the pakayajna, the gift accompanying which is a platter full of grain. A Sudra named Paija vana (who, however, was a king!) is reported to have given a present of a hundred thousand of * See Original Sanskrit Texts, vol. I. pp. 426-436, where instances are given of Brahmang learning esoteric truths from Kshatriyas. + A Nishda king is mentioned in the Ramayana. See Original Sanskrit Texts, vol. II. p. 407, and vol. I. p. 366, note.

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SEPTEMBER, 1877.] SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE IN ANCIENT INDIA. 253 these (?) at an Aindragnya rite. The text goes descendants of the daughter of a Brahman by a on to say (ver. 2308) that the Sraddhayajna Sudra mother be always married to Brahman (offering of Faith) stands at the head of all offer husbands, their offspring in the seventh genera. ings, for Faith is a great deity, and purifies the tion shall become Brahmans (x. 64). worshippers; (ver. 2312)S that all castes may, And yet verses 14f. of the third chapter go without Rik, Yajush, or Saman texts, offer the on to say that no instance is recorded in an. Prajapatya sacrifice with the mind; and (ver. cicnt tales of a Brahman or a Kshatriya marry. 2313) that the sacrifice of Faith is instituted ing a Sudra woman, and, further, that men of for them all. In ver. 2320, however, we find the three highest classes who marry wives of the immoral sentiment (immoral, that is, if it is the lowest casto soon sink to the level of Suto be understood of a man who does not mean dras. According to some authors (ver. 16), a to reform his life) that "the thief, the sinner, marriage with a Sudra wife, or having children or the malefactor who wishes to sacrifice is de- or grandchildren by her, tends to the hus. clared to be a good man." band's degradation. Verses 17 ff. (compare According to Manu iii. 4, a Brahman should ver. 155) threaten damnation to a Brahman marry a wife of his own caste: that is, accord- who takes a Sudra woman to his bed; though ing to verses 12f. of the same chapter, she is the commentator understands this of taking the most approved for his first wife; but if he her for his first wife,-a limitation of which the desires to marry again, women in the order of text says nothing. As may be supposed, chil. the other classes may be taken, those of the dren by mothers of the same casto with their classes next in order being the most approved. || fathers are alone regarded as of the same class It does not appear from any text which I have with their fathers; while the children of noticed, whether he may also marry a second mothers of the caste immediately below that of Brahmani wife while the first lives. After her their fathers are regarded as only similar in death he may marry again (ver. 168), presum- class with their mothers (x. 5f.). A Brahman's ably, among others, a woman of his own class. son by a Sudra mother is called a Nish a da, By iii. 13, a Sudra is only allowed a wife of his or Parasa va compare ix. 178, where he is own class; a Vaisya one of his own class and a contemptuously spoken of). The son of a Sudra; a Kshatriya, wives of his own, and of Kshatriya father and a Sudra mother is an the two lower classes; while a Brahman may ! Ugra. Vidura, therefore, the half-brother have four wives, one from his own, and one of Dhritarashtra and Pandu should be called from each of the inferior classes (compare verse either a Nishada (or Parasava), or an Ugra, - 44. and ix. 85 and 149ff., in which last pas his mother being a Sudra, -according as we sage the rules of inheritance for the sons of a look upon him as the son of the Bruhman sage Brahman by wives of the four castes are laid Vyasa, or of Vichitravirya, the Kshatriya king down). In ii. 210, reference is made to a to whom Vyasa, his half-brother, raised up Guru, or religious preceptor, having wives not seed. He is, however, called in the Mahabha. of his own caste; and in ii. 238ff. it is said, rata a Kshattri, one of a mixed class, sprung among other things, that a good wife may be from a Sudra father and a Kshatriya mother, taken even from a low caste. In ix. 22. it is according to verse 12 of this (tenth) chapter. declared that a woman duly united to a hus. The casto nomenclature of Manu and of the band takes his qualities, like a river falling into Mahabharata would therefore appear to be the ocean; and that Aksham ala, though different, or the definitions in Manu to be arbi. of the lowest birth, and sarangi, from their tary or variable. The occapations assigned to union with V asish tha and Manda pala, Ugras and Kshattris are mentioned in verse 49 respectively became honourable. If the female of this tenth chapter of Mana. 1 A translation of this page from the German of master), a slave, a Sodra, who, though he 18 stranger to Professor Weber will be found in Original Sanskrit Terts, the Vedla, his Prajapati for his deity, as Brahmans have vol. 1. p. 366, note 164, which contains other details show. Agni, and Kshatriyas have Indra for theirs and that all ing the privileges accorded to the lower classes in ancient castes may take part in a sacrifice which has a mental reference to a deity but is unaccompanied by offerings. $ I find a difficulty as to what is the sense of upadra. wah in this line; anrig.yajur asma cha prajipatuan Uompare anaon. l. 1., where a brabmail wpadravah l yajno manishaud tata sarvavarneshu Bhd. having offspring by a Sadra is declared liable to under.ro rata. The commentator says it moans one who runs (to his penance; see also verses 9502-2007 and 9606-3674. times.

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254 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1877. The husband of a twice-married woman, or widow, is to be avoided (iii. 166, 181). Here Manu seems to come into conflict with the Veda, at least if we regard the Atharvan as one of the sacred and authoritative books; as that work (ix. 5, 27) declares that a punarbha, or twice-married woman, shall not be separated from her second husband, but shall go to the same heaven with him, if they present the ajapanchaudana offering (see Sanskrit Texts, vol. V. p. 306). Any actual discrepancies in the rules which have been noted above seem to proceed from writers of different schools and sentiments, or of different periods. As M. Barth considers, the more rigid provisions represent rather the ideals of strict and exclusive Brahmans than the cur- rent practice of the ages when they lived. It is quite clear, from the details presented above, that in their matrimonial connections the Brahmans were very far from confining themselves to their own class, and that they were not the exclusive teachers of the Vedas. In the Mahabharata also we find both pas- sages, in which the inherent virtue of Brahmanhood is strongly insisted upon; and other texts again in which mere priestly birth is represented as of little or no value unless accompanied by learning or moral goodness. Of the former class is the following quotation : fahabh. iii. 13435. "Whether ill or well read in the Vedas, whether uneducated or edu. cated, Brahmans are not to be despised, like fires concealed beneath ashes. As a brightly barning fire in a cemetery is not polluted, so, Jearned or unlearned, a Brahman is a great divinity." In the same book we have the following passage, in which both views are stated. The conversation is between a woman and a Brahman mendicant, to whose wants she had not attended before those of her own husband, and who told her that even the god Indra bowed before the Brahmans, who could burn up the earth, v. 13673f. She replies that she did not despise the Brahmans, whose power and greatness she knew, and by whose anger the ocean was made salt and undrinkable (v. 13677). But she tells him in vv. 13684ff. what qualities constituted a real Brahman. "Anger is a foe which abides in the bodies of men. The gods call that man a Brahman who abandons anger and illusion; who speaks truth; pleases his spiritual preceptor ; who when injured does not retaliate; who conquers his senses; is devoted to righteousness, and to study of the scriptures; who is pure, and controls lust and wrath; who esteems all the world as himself; who knows his duty, and is intelligent, and is addicted to all righteous acts; who will teach, or who will study, who will offer sacrifice, or officiate at sacrifice for others, or will be liberal according to his power, who will lead a lite of abstinence, and read the Vedas, and be alert in study." She adds that duty is hard to understand, that it is declared by the ancients to be proved by the Veda, that it is manifold and difficult to determine with nicety: and that he whom she is addressing, though he has a knowledge of it, and is a zealous student, and pure in his life, does not, in her opinion, thoroughly comprehend duty (vv. 13392ff.). She concludes by telling him of a person, a huntsman, who would instruct him. The Brahman takes this in good part, and follows her advice. This introduces the story of the Dharma vyadha, which will be given below. In the following verses Brahmans are ranged in different classes, according to their manner of life and conduct : Mahabh. xii. 2870. "Those men who are . distinguished by knowledge, and are always impartial, being like Brahma, are known as Brahmans. Those of the Brahmans who are accomplished in the Rik Yajush and Sama Vedas, and are actively engaged in their proper works, are like to the gods. But those low, covetous Brahmans, who do not practise the works of their caste, resemble Sadras. A righteous king should subject to taxes and to forced labour all those (Bra hmans) who are ignorant of the Veda, and have not kindled the sacred fire. Messengers, idol-priests, astrologers, and sacrificers in villages, with travellers, are the Chandalas among Brahmang. Sacrificing and domestic priests, kings' ministers, ambassadors, vartanukarshakas,t-such Brahmans resemble Kshatriyas. A king, when his Compare a similar passage from the Malabh. xii. 2160 tf. quoted in my Original Sanskrit Texts (2nd ed.), vol. I. p. 130. # Explained by the commentator to mean either travel. lers who cross the sea, or collectors of customs on the highway. This word is not explained by the commentator.

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SEPTEMBER, 1877.] SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE IN ANCIENT INDIA. treasury is empty, should levy taxes from such persons, excepting those who resemble Brahma and the gods" (see above). Compare Prof. Haug's note to his translation of the Aitareya Brahmana, p. 38, where six kinds of Brahmans are stated to be, according to the Smritis as referred to by Sayana, of a low order. Mahubh. xiii. 1542. This passage insists on character. "All the Vedas, with their six appendages, the Sankhya, the Puranas, birth in a good family, cannot help the Brahman who is destitute of good character. The man who has read and thinks himself learned, but who, by his knowledge, seeks to discredit others, he sinks he does not practise truth-his happiness in the next world is finite," 1550f. Any one giving gifts to men who "traverse this earth praising righteousness but not practising it, and who are addicted to acts which infringe the rules of their caste," goes to hell. According to verses 1585ff. of the same chapter, the following classes of Brahmans are not to be invited to sraddhas, viz. "physicians, idol-priests, men practising vain observances, sellers of the Soma-plant, singers, dancers, jugglers, musicians, story-tellers, soldiers, those who act as hotri priests for, or who instruct, Sudras, or are the pupils of Eudras, and those who are salaried to teach, with their pupils, these being sellers (or buyers) of sacred learning," &c. &c. In v. 1644, among the men who go to hell are mentioned those who sell the Vedas, or corrupt [or revile] them, or commit them to writing. This punishment seems more deserved by those who are doomed to it in v. 1636, viz. those who deceive a female who is an orphan, or young, or old, or timid, or an ascetic. In vv. 1665f. among persons who get to heaven are mentioned those who obey their fathers and mothers, and are affectionate towards their brothers; and those who, though rich, and strong, and young, are self-restrained and sober. In vv. 4302ff. of the same book (xiii.), among the Brahmans who elevate their class are named the ascetic, who knows the course of life which leads to final emancipation, those who recite legends (itihasas) to Brahmans, who are acquainted with grammars and commentaries, who peruse the Puranas, and books prescribing legal duties, and who properly, and in due form, practise what they read." The following passages also occur in the 255 Mahabharata :-xii. 8751 ff. "He who discerns the imperceptible supreme (One) in all mortal bodies is, when he dies, fitted for absorption into Brahma. Wise men look with an equal eye on a Brahman who is distinguished for knowledge and high birth, on an ox, on an elephant, on a dog, and on a man out of the pale of caste. For in all beings, both these which move and those which cannot, dwells the one great Soul whereby this universe is stretched out. When the embodied spirit beholds itself in all creatures, and all creatures in itself, then Brahma is attained." Mahabh. iii. 17392. Yudhishthira says, in answer to a Yaksha's question on what Brahmanhood depends;-"It is neither birth, nor study, nor Vedic learning which makes a man a Brahman; it is good conduct alone which does so.. Good conduct must be earnestly maintained, especially by a Brahman. He does not decline, whose good conduct does not decline; but he whose virtue is destroyed is (really) destroyed. Students, teachers, and others who reflect on the scriptures are all zealous fools; the man who acts is the real pandit. A man who knows the four Vedas, if his conduct be bad, is worse than a Sudra (sa sudrad atirichyate: perhaps we should read na instead of sa, 'is no better than a Sudra'). He who assiduously practises the agnihotra sacrifice, and is of subdued mind, is called a Brahman." Mahabh. iii. 14075. "A Brahman living in evil deeds which cause him to fall, hypocritical, wise to do evil (dushkrita-prajnah, according to Dr. Bohtlingk's correction), is on the same level as a Sudra. But regard as a Brahman that Sudra who always practises calmness, truth, and righteousness, for in conduct he is a twice-born man." Mahabh. v. 1492. "The man who, whether of humble or of high birth, does not transgress the rules of virtue, who seeks after righteousness, is mild and modest, is better than a hundred well-born men." Mahabh. xii. 8925. "The gods call him a Brahman by whom alone the ether is, as it were, filled; and by whom (by whose absence ?) it is rendered empty though crowded with (other) men; who is clothed in anything, and fed by anything, who sleeps anywhere; who dreads a crowd as if it were a serpent, ease (or

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256 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. SEPTEMBER, 1877. satiety) as if it were hell, women as if they were corpses; who, whether honoured or dishonoured, will neither be angry nor pleased ; who fills all creatures with a sense of security; who will not welcome death nor delight in life, but will await his time, as a servant (his master's) command... 8936. The gods call that man a Brahman who is free from all attachments, who is a sage, existing like the aether, who has nothing of his own, who lives alone, who is tranquil, who lives for the sake of virtue, and practises virtue for the sake of Hari (Vishnu), whose days and nights exist for the sake of holiness, who has no desires, makes no exertions, neither salutes nor praises any one, and who is free from all bonds." Mahabh. xii. 9068. "When a man does not feel fear or inspire others with fear, when he neither desires nor hates, then he attains to Brahma. When a man does not behave sin. fully towards any creature, either in act, thought, or word, then he attains to Brahma. The bond of desire is the one sole bond; there is here no other : he who is freed from it is fit for union with Brahma." Mahabh. xii. 9081. "He who knows that whereby one who does not eat is satisfied, whereby a man without riches is satisfied, and whereby a man free from affection gains strength-he knows the Veda." Mahabh. xiii. 2610. "Let no one honour a well-born man (jyaya sam) who is destitute of virtue; but even a Sudra who understands duty and whose conduct is good should be honoured." Illustration from the case of Vidura. It appears from the following account of Vidura, from the Mahabharata, that the old Indian traditions did not represent the rules confining the study of the Vedas to the three twice-born classes as having been strictly or invariably observed. King Vichitravirya having died child. less, his mother Satya vati desired the sage V ya sa, her son by a previous marriage, t "to raise up seed to his brother," and Vyasa consents, as this was according to rule (Mahabh. i. 4256ff.); two sons, Dhritarashtra and Pandu, were in consequence born to him by the two widows of Vichitravirya, and a third I Compare Sanskrit Tects, s. 459f., and Manu, ix. 594. See case of Panvid trying to get his wives to have childreu son Vidu ra, by a Sudra slave-girl, whom one of the queens substituted for herself when Satyavati desired that a third sou should be raised up to the deceased Vichitravirya ; Ma. habh. i. 4297ff. and 4303. Vidura was an incarnation of the personal Dharina or Righteousness, who for some cause had been doomed by a Rishi's curse to take a human form (vv. 4302, 4335). The three brothers were, we are told (vv. 4353ff.), from their birth cherished by Bhishma like sons. They were trained in various accomplishments in reading, in athletic exercises, in archery, in the Veda, in fighting with clubs, in sword exercises; they were taught morals and polities, legendary lore (itihusas and puranas), and various disciplines, were instructed in the Vedas and their appendages. Pandu excelled in handling the bow, Dhtitarashtra in strength; but no one in the world was equal to Vidura, who was steadfast, and had attained to perfection in righteousness. In consequence, however, of his birth as the son of a Sudra mother, he was not eligible as king. He is introduced as giving good advice to Dhritarashtra (ii. 1777ff.), who highly appreciates his counsel, and praises his wisdom (ii. 1790ff.). See also verses 1789, 2002, 2111, 2187ff., 2307ff. In the fifth or Udyoga parvan of the Mahabharata, Vidura is introduced as delivering a long series of maxims moral and prudential, in conversation with his elder brother Dhritarashtra, vv.986-1180, 1221. 1560). When, however, he is invited by Dhri. tarashtra to proceed yet further with his discourse, he says that as he himself was the son of a Sadra mother he could not say more, but refers him to sage Sanatsujata, the son of a Brahman female (vv. 1569.), who, by being summoned in thought, arrives. He is again a speaker in vv. 2438, 2455, 4405ff., 5020ff. In i. 2245 it is said of Vidura that "as Indra in Svarga confers happiness on all living crea. tures, so Vidura was a constant source of happi. ness to the Pandavas." We have thus in Vidura an instance of a man not belonging to any of the twice-born classes being instructod in the Veda. It is true that he is represented as being an incarnntion of Dhar. ma or Righteousness; but this may be a subse. quent addition to the original story, and so also to Brahmans, i. 1677ff., i. 4736ft, and what intervenes, This, however, is a different case from Vyasa's.

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SEPTEMBER, 1877.) SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE IN ANCIENT INDIA. 257 may be the section above referred to, in which, as he (the Vyadha) does not know (14001). we have seen, he states his opinion (vv. 1569.) | Such knowledge, he afterwards says (14049), that he had not the right of teaching all the is difficult for a Sudra to possess, adding that esoteric doctrines that the son of a Bruhman he cannot look upon him as such, and asking mother, as well as father, was empowered to how he fell into that condition. The Vyadha teach. But it seems nearly as much opposed to answers (14052) that in a former birth he was the recognized rules, that he should have been a Brahman, had read the Veda, and gone taught, as that he should teach the Veda. The through all its appendages (Vedangas), and had case of Vidura is treated along with that of come into his present condition by his own Dharmavyadha by Sankara in his commentary fault. He had gone out to hunt in company on the Vedanta Sutras, 1, 3, 34, 38. It is there with a king, who was his friend, and had decided that the knowledge they possessed was wounded a Rishi by accident with an arrow, continued to them from a former birth, and that and had been doomed by his curse to be born from its transcendent character they could never again as a huntsman (14062), in a Sudra lose its results. See Orig. Sanskrit Texts, vol. III. family. He had implored the Rishi's forgive(2nd edition), pp. 295 and 300. The same ex- ness, but he was told that the curse could not planation of Rama's friendship with the Nishada be recalled, but that though he became a Sudra, king Guha, mentioned in the Ramayana, and he should be acquainted with duty, should re. referred to above in a note, is given by the member his former birth, and should go to commentator on the passage of that poem. See heaven, and after the effects of the curse were Orig. Sansk. Teats, vol. II. pp. 407, footnote. exhausted, he should be born again as a Brah. Stories of the Dharmavyadha, of Tuladhara, man (14065ff.). of the Dasyu Kayavya, and of the ascetic In this case, final emancipation is not attained, who unlawfully instructed a Sudra. but only heaven, after which only a return to The story of the Dharma vya dha, or earth as a Brahman is promised. pious huntsman, here referred to by Sankara, It is worthy of remark that, in another story is (as already noticed above), narrated in the also (Mahabharata, xu. 9277ff.), that of Tula. Mahabharata, 13695ff.). A Brahman (as we dhara and Jajali, an ascetical Brahman is have seen), was told by a woman, with whom represented as being instructed by a person of he had been conversing, that he would find a a lower class than himself. As, however, the person of that description in Mithila, from latter was a Vaisya (v. 9342), he possessed the whom he might learn a lesson in regard to duty. prerogative of reading the Veda, as well as the He goes thither accordingly and sees the Brahman. Jajali, the Brahman, had by his Vyadha selling flesh (13710). This the Brah- austerities acquired a supernatural power of man regards as a shocking occupation. The locomotion, and considered that in this respect Vyadha explains that it is his ancestral pro- there was no one like him (9278ff.); and that fession (13720). He says he does not kill the he was perfect in virtue (9317); but he was told animal himself, but buys the flesh of boars and by a voice from the sky that he was not equal buffaloes from others (13732f.), and sells it, in this respect to Taladhara (9318). He, in but does not eat any. He proceeds to expatiate consequence, conceives a desire to see the latter, on duty at great length. His present occupa- and after a time goes to Banaras, where he finds tion, he explains, is the result of his sin in a the merchant in his shop (9321), selling a former birth (13802f.); but it has now become variety of vegetable products, but no spirituous his duty to pursue it (13819). He goes on to liquor (9346f.); and asks how he who is followsay that even those who till the earth neces- ing such a mode of life has attained to transcensarily kill many living creatures; that animals dental knowledge (9340f.). In answer, Tulaslay and eat each other; and that it is impos- dhara explains his own just, righteous, passionsible to avoid destroying life. The Brahman less, innocent, merciful character and conduct puts several questions, which the Vyadha (9348ff.). He goes on to condemn all cruelty answers, and after he has declared to him the to animals, and even agriculture, by which doctrine of final emancipation (moksha), the living creatures are killed, and ir which oxed Braliman remarks that there is nothing which are yoked to the plough, and denounces the

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258 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1877. slaughter of kine (93774.). Jajali remarks in next story also declares the perfection attained reply, that if the course proposed by Tuladhara by a man of a very low class. It is told in the were adopted, no subsistence would remain for Mahabh. xii. 4852ff, and relates to Kayavya, men,-no sacrifice could be performed, the door a Nishada woman's son. Here an ancient of heaven would be closed, and that men would legend is related how a virtuous Dasyu does cease to exist; and that this was infidel doctrine not forfeit happiness in a future life. A man (9397ff.). Tuladhara answers (93994.): "I named Kaya vya, the son of a Kshatriya shall tell you how men may subsist; I am no by a Nisha da female, a heroic, intelligent infidel; nor do I find fault with sacrifice ; but warrior, acquainted with the scriptures (or one who understands it is rarely to be found. learned, srutavan), free from cruelty, fulfillHonour be to the Brahmanical sacrifice, and ing the duty of men in the four asramas (or to those men who understand sacrifice! but stages of life), devout, respectful to his teacher Brahmans abandon their own sacrifice, and (or elders), (rising) from the state of a Dasyn, practise that of the Kshatriyas. Falsehood, | attained to perfection (siddhi). After a statehaving the semblance of truth, has been intro- ment of his merits as a hunter and warrior, the duced by greedy infidels, eager for gain, and text goes on, v. 4857, "He tended in the forest ignorant of the declarations of the Vedas, (crying) his parents, who were blind and deaf; and he * give us this, give us that;' (and such a man, fed with honey, flesh, roots, and fruits, those or sacrifice) is applauded. Hence theft and who were deserving of respect, and went about evil practices prevail. The gods are pleased paying honour to the Brahmans who had left with any oblation which is duly offered. They their homes and lived in the forest; and he may be worshipped by prostrations, with butter, continually killed deer and brought them to by sacred study, with plants, according to the them; and for those who would not receive prescriptions of the scriptures." After some them from this Dasya, from the fear of (evil further matter the sense of which is not report from) men, he placed the deer in their always very clear), the following verses occur houses, and departed in the morning. Many (9420ff.): "They who possess the character lawless thousands of pitiless Dasyus chose him of goodness (sattvikah) attain to that abode of for their chief. They said to him...We Brahina; they do not desire heaven, nor offer will do whatever thou biddest; protect us in a costly sacrifices ensuring renown (na yajanti fitting manner, like a father and like a mother.' yasodhanaih) They follow the path of good He replied, 'Kill not a timid woman, a child, men; they sacrifice without destruction of or a devotee, nor a man who is not fighting animal life; they regard (the produce of) trees against you; and do not carry off women; ... and plants, fruits and roots (as the proper always salute & Brahman and fight for him; oblations). Their sacrifices are not performed never be hostile to truth, or frustrate what is by covetous priests seeking for reward. Brah- good.'" Beneficence to Brahmas is then enmans having in view their own good, || and well joined, and their great power is celebrated, &c. skilled in rites, have performed sacrifice, desir. In verses 4873ff. it is said: "Those Dasyas ing to show kindness to other men. Hence who act in conformity with the laws of scripture avaricious priests offer sacrifice for those men (Iharmasastra), shall soon, notwithstanding who are evil." The story ends with a passage their low origin, attain to perfection (siddhi). in praise of faith (9447ff.), and the announce The Dasyus acted according to Kayavya's inment that the merchant and the Brahman both junctions, and enjoyed prosperity, ceasing from went to aeaven (9462). their wickedness. By so acting Kayavya atIn both the preceding stories it is noticeable tained to high perfection (mahatino siddhim), by how Brahmans are represented as receiving promoting the welfare of the good, and putting instruction from men of a lower class, and are a stop to the evil deeds of the Dasyus." so far made to oocupy an inferior position. The I cite yet another story, in which & Sodra is $ These difficult words are otherwise rendered by the do not worship Brabra with costly rites." ("Tasya namo coinmentator. He separates yaia (renown) from dhanail mihad yasah" iti sruter yaso Brahma | dhanaih dhana. (riches), and regards it, in accordance with a Vedic text, sadhyaih karmabhik). as a title of Brahms; and explains the latter word (dhanai) This is otherwise explained by the commentator. as equivalent to ceremonies which can be performed by Dr Bohtlingk thinks the reading should be anrisanmeans of wealth. He thus makes the sense to be: "They savan, not sunrigamsavdn, as the Cal. edition reads.

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SEPTEMBER, 1877.] SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE IN ANCIENT INDIA. 259 described as practising austerity, and gaining advises the priest to abandon his priestly office thereby the privilege of being re-born as a and strive after another birth, so that he may Kshatriya ; while the Brahman, who had given not again be born in one lower than that in him instruction which he ought not to have which he had before existed. The priest acgiven to a low-caste man, is punished for doing cordingly (vv. 494ff.) commences a course of so, by being re-born in a lower position than he austerities, visits places of pilgrimage, gives had formerly occupied. presents to Brahmans, and attains the highest In Mahabh. xiii. 435ff., in answer to a perfection. The moral which the story was inquestion of Yudhishthira, Bhishma informs tended to point is then repeated, that instruchim that instraction should not be given to a tion is to be given by a Brahman to men of the person of low caste, and that a teacher errs in three upper twice-born castes alone, and not to communicating it; and in illustration of this & man of an inferior caste (vv. 4984.). principle, tells a tale of a sudra who came Here two points may be noted : First, that (v. 443) to a retreat of devotees in a forest, and the instruction given to the Sadra, thongh unbecame desirous of practising austerities (445). lawfully given, was yet efficacious towards the He tells the head of the establishment that he end in view ; and, again, that the office of a wishes to wander forth as a teacher of righteous. family priest (purohita) was not held in much ness (v. 447). He is told he may act as a ser esteem. This appears also from other texts. vant, by doing which he may attain to a higher See Original Sanskrit Texts, vol. I. (2nd ed.) world (vv. 4-48f.). After thereupon reflecting p. 128, note 238. what he should do (as he felt himself earnestly A story of a different tenor is told in the devoted to righteousness), he went and con- Uttara Kanda of the Ramayana (sections 75 structed for himself a hut of leaves, with a and 76), where it is related that a Sudra, sacrificial enclosure, and receptacles for the who was presumptuous enough to perform gods, and began to perform the ceremonies of austerities, had his head cut off by Rama (see religion, and to lead the life of an ascetic (vv. Original Sanskrit Texts, vol. I. p. 120). 451f1.). After many days a holy sage comes In the following verse no objection is made to the spot, and at the Sadra's request promises to Sudras practising austerities. Mahabh. xiii. to instruct him in the proper mode of carrying 2844. "These and many other kings rich in out a rite which he wishes to perform ; and after austerity, attained the highest perfection through fulfilling the promise he departs (vv. 455ff.). truth, and gifts of wealth righteously obtained. The result of the Sudras long asceticism is Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, and Sudras that, after his death, he is born again in a coyal who have practised austerities, purified by the family; while the sage who had instructed him fire of liberality, go to heaven." is born in the family of a domestic priest (puro- In the following passage it would seem as it Wita) (vv. 466ff.). The prince (formerly the even final emancipation were regarded as atSudra) succeeds his father and rules righteously; tainable by low-caste men. while the former sage is installed as his family Muhabh. xiv. 591. "The world of the gods priest (vv. 471ff.). As the king frequently is filled with men who have practised works ; laughed when he had the priest to officiate for but the recurrence of human forms is not desired him, the latter takes an opportunity of asking by the gods. For the highest state is that of the reason of this. He is informed by the king the eternal Brahma, in which the body is abanin reply that, in his previous birth, he was an doned, and immortality and constant blessed ascetic Sudra, and the priest was an austereness are attained. Entering on Wis course of sage, who had given him instruction regarding virtuous life (dharma), even those who are of a rite; and that while he himself, as a reward base birth, women, Vaisyas, and Sudras arrive for the rite he had performed, had now been at the highest condition; how much more Brahre-born in a royal family, the priest who had mans or Kshatriyas, versed in the scriptures, instructed him had, as a punishment for so do- constantly devoted to their duties, and seeking ing, been born as & domestic priest, and had after the world of Brahma." thus lost the fruits of his austerities. Such was And the same would also appear from the the reason of his langhing. He then (v. 492) following verses, Mahabh. xii. 8799 ff., where,

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260 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. after having described the practice of yoga, or abstraction, the writer proceeds: "To a good man thus self-concentrated, impartial in regard to all objects, and constantly abstracted for six months, the verbal Brahma (Sabda-brahman) passes away. Beholding creatures distressed by pain, but regarding with an equal eye clods, stones, and gold, let him (proceeding) on this path cease (from desire), and be free from illusion. Even a man of a low caste, and a woman, seeking after righteousness, may by this road attain to the highest goal. Then the spiritual man beholds through the soul that unborn, ancient, undecaying, eternal (essence), which he can discern when his senses are still, and which is minuter than the minutest, and greater than the greatest." In Mahabh. xiii. 4835 ff., a Chandala asks how he may be delivered out of his low condition; and is informed, in reply, that he may obtain final liberation by giving his life for a Brahman, but in no other way. Polyandry in ancient India. The story of Draupadi leads to the conclusion that polyandry was at one time practised in Hindustan,+ as it is still in the Himalayas, and in one district on the south-west coast of India. I give the following particulars of this story from the first book of the Mahabharata. In verses 2791ff. it is said that this princess was a blameless damsel, born in the family of Drupada, but that she sprang from the midst of the sacrificial hearth, and was a portion of Sachi (the wife of Indra). She was of the middle height, fragrant as a blue lotus, with long lotus-like eyes, a handsome figure, and very black and curly hair. Draupadi was her patronymic, and her proper name was Krishna ('the black'). In verses 6322ff. it is related that a Brahman who came to the house where the Pandavas were living, told them of Krishna's wonderful birth, and of her projected svayamvara (selection of a husband from an assemblage of suitors). The sage Bharadvaja, it appears (6331ff.), had a son called Drona, who studied the Vedas, and a friend in king Prishata, whose son Drupada used to frequent the sage's hermitage, and play as well as: s study with Drona. Drupada succeeds his father as king, and Dropa, [SEPTEMBER, 1877. who, though a Brahman, had received instruction in armst from Parasurama (who happened to come to the spot), offers his friendship to Drupada. The latter, however, repels the advances of the friend of his boyhood by saying that none but a Vedic scholar can be the friend of such a scholar, none but a charioteer the friend of a charioteer, and none but a king the friend of a king (6342). Drona then goes to the city of the Kurus, and Bhishma appoints him to instruct the Pandavas, his grandsons (they were really grand-nephews), in the use of arms. When he has taught them, he asks as his fee the kingdom of Drupada (6348). They accordingly conquer Drupada, and deliver him bound to Drona. The latter again asks his friendship, and says they shall divide the kingdom (6350). Drupada agrees to be his friend. He does not, however, forget the injury which he has received, and seeks for Brahmaps to perform a ceremony whereby he should get a son, who should slay Drona (6355ff.). He succeeds in finding a priest, and a ceremony is performed (6390), and a son, in the accoutrements of a warrior, issues from the sacrificial fire (6391 and 6393ff.), and a daughter of unparalleled beauty rises from the altar (6398ff.). Strange to say, Drona, thinking that destiny could not be eluded, and having regard to his own reputation as a teacher of martial accomplishments, undertakes to train Drupada's son Dhrishtadyumna in them (6408). When the Pandavas have heard the Brahman's story (nothing further is here said about the svayamvara), their mother Kunti proposes that they should go to the country of Drupada, as they had already stayed long enough where they were (6412). While they are living in disguise in the country of Drupada, their relative, the sage Vyasa, comes to see them (6421), and tells them (6426ff.) a story of a certain sage's elegant daughter, who was so unfortunate as not to have got a husband, and who consequently, in order to gain one, practises austerities, by which she pleases the god Siva, who offers to confer on her the boon which she desires. She asks again and again for a husband endowed with all virtues. The god says she shall have five. She replies that she only wants See Maitrt Upanishad, vi. 22, and Prof. Cowell's translation; also the Mahabh. xii. 8540 and 9707. + See Prof. M. Muller's Ancient Sanskrit Literature, pp. 46ff, Prof. H. H. Wilson's Works, III. p. 340f. note, and Prof. M. Williams' Indian Epic Poetry, pp. 99. In verse 6352 he is called a Brahman, and in vv. 6379 and 6881 it is said that no Kshatriya was equal to him.

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SEPTEMBER, 1877.] SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE IN ANCIENT INDIA. 261 one. Siva rejoins that she has made the re- fell to the ground (7050ff.). Loud shouts were quest five times; and that when she should be heard in the sky, and from the assembly; and born in another body she should obtain what flowers were showered from the heavens. she had asked (6433f.). She has accordingly, Draupadi then advanced to Arjuna, smiling, Vyasa adds, been born in Drupada's family, and and holding a garland ; and he leaves the asis the destined bride of the Pan da vas whom sembly accompanied by her (7059). The royal he was addressing (6434). He therefore, re- suitors, however, were incensed that her father commends them to stay where they were, and should have wished to give her to a Brahman, tells them that they should be rendered happy after their desire to possess her had been kinby obtaining her as their wife (6435). Theydled; and that the tree whose fruits they had eventually proceed with a multitude of other hoped to enjoy had been cat down (7061ff.); people to the svaya avara (6925ff.). On their as, in such a case the princess's choice should arrival in the city, they were disguised as Brah- have been limited to Kshatriyas (7067). They mans, and lived by mendicancy (6951). It therefore rushed at Drupada with the intention appears that Drupada had wished to give his of killing him (7072); but he took refugo among daughter to Arjuna, one of the Pandavas, the Brahmans, and two of the Pandavas, Arjuna although he did not disclose this (6952). He and Bhima, came to the rescue (7073f.). A fight had had a bow made which was exceedingly ensues ; Arjuna and Bhima triumph over Karna difficult to bend; and he proclaimed that the and Salya; and the Kshatriya kings become man who should bend and string it, and pierce a alarmed, and propose that the combat should mark which he had suspended in the air, should cease for the present. Krishna then comes gain his daughter's hand (6953f.). This in- forward and declares to them that Draupadi's timation was repeated afterwards by his son, hand had been properly awarded by her father Dhrishtadyumna (6978f.), who then named all (7075-7121). Arjuna and Bhima go with the suitors to his sister Dranpadi (6980ff.). Draupadi to the house where their mother was Great excitement ensued among the suitors anxiously awaiting the event, and, in allusion (7005ff.). Those who first tried all failed to to their being at present in the habit of solicit. string the bow (7022ff.). Karna, the half- ing alms, they said to her that they had brought brother of the Pandavas, had no difficulty in something home with them. She, being indoors, doing so, and in fitting an arrow on the string; and not seeing what it was that they had but he was at once rejected by Draupadi, and brought, replied, " Enjoy it all together;" but threw down the bow (7027). Sisa pa la, afterwards, on seeing Draupadi, she exclaimed Jarasandha, and Salya next successively that she had spoken wrongly (7131ff.); and failed (7029ff.). Arjuna then rose out of the informs Yudhishthira that she had done so inmidst of the Brahmans (7034ff.), which caused advertently, and asks his opinion. Yudishhthira a sensation among that class, some being (7187ff.) addresses Arjana, and says that he displeased and others glad. Some feared that who had gained her must take her as his wife. this youth by his failure might make their caste Arjuna, however, replies that Yudhishthira must ridiculous; others said that nothing was beyond first wed her, and then the other brothers suca Brahman's power. "Eating nothing," they cessively. They then all became enamoured of said (vv. 7045ff.), " or eating air, eating fruits, her (7151ff.). Yudhisthira then recollects practising austerities, the Brahmans, though what Vya sa had formerly said to them (see verse weak, are most powerful through their own 6434 quoted above), that Draupadi was destined might. Whether he practises good or evil, & to be the wife of all the five-which YudhishBrahman is not to be contemned, whatever task thira declared she should become (7146). may arrive, easy or difficult, great or small. Dhoishtadyumna, we are next told, then goes to The Kshatriyas were vanquished in battle by visit the Pandavas in the house where they Rama the son of Jamadagni. A gastya, were living, and makes a report of his visit to by his Brahmanical energy, drank up the fathom- his father (7168, 7174), who sends his family less ocean." Arjuna, bowing down to Siva, and priest to them (7182), and then a messenger calling Krishna to mind, seized the bow, strong with provisions, &c. and chariots, in which it, took the arrows, and pierced the mark, which they were to proceed to the royal residence;

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262 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1877. which they accordingly do (7203ff.). Drupada verses 7310ff.) that the five Pandavas were, in asks Yudhishthira how he is to know whether a former state, five Indras, Arjuna being a they are Kshatriyas, or Brahmans, or Vais- portion of the real Indra ; and that Sri, or yas, or Sudras (7219f.). Yudhishthira as- Lakshmi, who had been assigned to them as sures him that they are Kshatriyas, sons their earthly wife, had taken the form of Drauof Pandu; and that his daughter was like a padi (7303ff., 7309ff.). For how, asks Vyasa, lotus, which should be transplanted from one -unless by divine appointment,-could such pond to another (7225 and 7228). Drupada a woman as Dranpadi issue from the earth at then proposes that the marriage of his daughter the end of a sacrifice? Vyasa then imparted to Arjnna should proceed (7237). Yudhishthira, to Drupada a divine insight whereby he beheld however, informs him that she was to be the the five Pandavas and Draupadi in their prewife of all the five brothers, and tells how their vious celestial forms (7312f.). He then goes mother's word had determined this; and that on (7319ff.) to repeat the other story, which he they had all agreed upon it (7240). Drapada formerly told to the Pandavas (see above, vv. replies that it was quite legitimate that one6426ff.), about the sage's daughter who had king should have many wives, but not that one got no husband, and in order to obtain one, had queen should have more than one husband ; and propitiated Siva, and had gained from him a urges that Yudhishthira should not do an immoral promise that she should have five in a subseact, contrary to custom and the Veda (7244). quent state of existence; and adds that she had Yudhishthira rejoins that the question was one of now accordingly been born anew at the sacrifice a delicate or difficult nataro (sukshma dharma); as Draupadi, the destined wife of the five Pan. that they could not judge of its character, but davas. After this, Drupada can, of course, no followed the path trodden by a succession of longer hold out. He says (7331ff.) that as his ancestors; and adds that their mother had daughter had formerly asked, and Siva had enjoined it (7246ff.). Vyasa now opportunely promised her, a plurality of husbands, the god arrives (7251). Drupada asks him how one must know what is right: and as he had so woman can become the lawful wife of several ordained it, whether the polyandry was lawful husbands. Vyasa invites all present to express or unlawful, he himself was not in fault. their opinions (7257). Drupada pronounces Yudhishthira was then first married by the such a marriage to be contrary to custom and family priest to Draupadi, and afterwards the the Veda, not practised by former generations, other brothers were united with her (7339ff.); and of doubtful propriety. Dhrishtadyumna and she received the benediction of her mothertoo (7261) will not allow that the question can in-law (7350ff.). be settled by calling it a nice point ,or that an act From a perusal of the above narrative, it can be both right and wrong. Yudhishthira, appears that although Kunti, the mother of on the contrary (7264), says the practice is three of the Pandavas, is represented as having lawful, and instances the cases of Jatila, the at first sanctioned the union of the five brothers daughter of Gotama, and Varkshi, the daughter with Dranpadi only by a mistake, and although of a sage (muni), both virtuous women, who supernatural occurrences are introduced to exwere the wives of seven, and ten husbands plain and justify the transaction, its lawfulrespectively. He also urges the duty of obeying ness as a recognized usage, practised from time his mother's command above referred to (7131) immemorial, is also affirmed both by Yudhishas a ground for all the five brothers having thira and Vyasa. At the time when the MahaDraupadi for their wife; and his view is sup- bhairata, as we now have it, was composed or ported by his mother. Vyasa also says that revised, the practice must have so far fallen the custom is lawful; and that it dated from into disuse, or have become discredited, as to time immemorial, and promises to explain how. require that special divine authority should be He tells two stories, which, however, do not shown in order to render its occurrence among prove that the practice was an ordinary one. respectable persons conceivable even in earlier The first (7275--7818) is to the effect (see ages. & See Satapatha Brahmana, ix. 4. 1. 6, "wherefore also there are many wires of one man."

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SEPTEMBER, 1877.] SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE IN ANCIENT INDIA. Difficulty of comprehending what is duty; an illustration of this from the case of Kausika. With reference to the expression sukshma dharma, which is noted above, I have to remark that in the Mahabharata several passages occur in which the nicety of duty, the difficulty of correctly apprehending it, is insisted on. Thus in iii. 13843; "It is the teaching of the ancients that duty is proved by Scripture (eruti); for the system of duty is abstruse; it has many branches, and is infinite. In matters of life and death, in regard to marriage, falsehood should be spoken; in such cases, falsehood will serve the purpose of truth, and truth of falsehood. Whatever powerfully conduces to the good of living creatures is to be held as truth; thus righteousness arises from its opposite; such is the nicety of duty." Again: xii. 8640ff. "One who can distinguish between duty and what is not duty (righteousness and unrighteousness), overpasses all difficulties. 8642. A man who acts when he possesses knowledge, succeeds universally. For the unskilful man, though seeking righteousness, practises unrighteousness, or practises to his loss what has only a semblance of righteousness. Desiring to practise duty, he thinks he does so, when he does the opposite, while another man, loving unrighteousness, practises righteousness." This does not seem a good moral doctrine. In xii. 9259ff., Yudhishthira, who generally confines himself to putting short questions, remarks at sorne length as follows: "Duty cannot be completely known. A man has one duty in prosperity, and another in adversity; but how can all states of misfortune be fully known? Duty is considered to be virtuous practice, and virtuous men are marked out by their conduct. But how can what is to be done or not to be done (be known)? for virtuous conduct has no characteristic mark. A common man is seen to practise unrighteousness in the guise of righteousness, and again, a superior person is seen to practise righteousness in the garb of unrighteousness. Again, the standard of righteousness is defined by men who are versed in the scriptures; and we have heard that the doctrines of the Vedas decline in every age. The duties in the Krita, Treta, Dva para, and Kali Yugas (ages), respectively are different, as if ordained according to men's powers. The words of sacred tradition (amnaya) are true; such is 263 the popular understanding(loka-sangraha). From these traditions again the all-sided Vedas have sprung. If they are the standard of everything, we have a standard here; but if this (so-called) standard be vitiated by error, what becomes of its authoritative character (pramane 'py apramanena viruddhe sastrata kutah)? When violent and wicked men practise any duty, and while doing so pervert any of its settled rules (sanstha), they too are destroyed. Do we know so and so, or do we not? can it, or can it not, be known? it is minuter than the edge of a razor, and greater than a mountain. The form of the Gandharvas' city is at first perceived, but when so seen by poets, it again becomes invisible." It seems, however, to be intended that these doubts should be overruled, as the speaker then proceeds thus:-"As cisterns for cattle, as streamlets in a field, the Smriti (law-code), is the eternal law of duty, and is never found to fail. But some men, from wilful desire of other things (?), and many others for other reasons, follow evil practices." After some other verses, the speaker concludes (v. 9276) by saying that "duty has long been ascertained and declared by wise men of old, and that such practice forms the eternal rule" (samstha bhavati sasvati). In the eighth Book of the Mahabharata, vv. 3439ff., a story is told in illustration of the principle that knowledge is necessary for the successful practice of righteousness. "How strange," it is said, "that a man who is unwise and stupid, though a lover of righteousness. should fall into great sin like Kausika!" He, it seems, was a devotee well read, and who had determined always to speak the truth (verse 3449). In pursuance of this principle, he pointed out to certain robbers the road which some persons, of whom they were in pursuit. had taken, and whom they thus succeeded in killing (vv. 3450ff.). "In consequence of this great sin (vv. 3454ff.), and wicked speech, Kausika went to a hell of suffering, as he was ignorant of the niceties of duty (sukshma-dharmeshv akovidah). So a fool, who has read little. and does not know the distinctions of duty, and who does not ask a solution of his doubts from ancients, deserves to fall into the deep abyss. . . . The highest knowledge is hard to attain for him who seeks it by reasoning. Many say that duty is known from the Veda." In verse 3560, dharma (duty) is said to be

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264 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1877. derived from the root dhar, because it supports mankind. In another, Book iii. 13777, dharma is declared to be defined in the Smriti, (the class of works to which the law-books belong) as just and proper action, and its opposite, adharma, to be defined by well-instructed men as the absence of right conduct.| Prevalence of Nastikya or Infidelity. It is evident from the frequent mention of nastikya, or infidelity, in Manu and the Mahabharata, that disbelief in the Vedas was not uncommon in India in ancient times. The following passage occurs in the Mahabharatt, xiii. 2194: "Rejection of the authority of the Vedas, transgression of the precepts of the Sastras, and an universal lawlessness, lead to a man's own destruction. The Brahman who regards himself as a Pandit, who reviles the Vedas, and is devoted to useless logic, the science of reasoning, who states arguments among vir tuous men, defeats them by his syllogisms, who is a constant assailant and abuser of the Brah mans, an universal doubter and a fool, such a man, though sharp in his language, is to be regarded as a child; people regard that man as a dog. Just as a dog assails, to bark and to kill, so such men set to to wrangle and to overthrow the sacred books." A similar character is described in Muhabh. xii. 6736ff., of which a translation will be found in this Journal for November of last year, vol. V. p. 313. Here is an answer given (Mahabh. iii. 17402) by Yudhishthira to a Yaksha who had asked him what was the path to walk in : "Reasoning has no firm basis; Vedic texts are mutually at variance; there is not one sage whose doctrine is authoritative; the essence of virtue is enveloped in mystery; the (right) path is that which the many follow." Here is the advice given to donbters (Mahabh. iii. 184616): "Neither this world nor the next, nor happiness, is (the portion of the doubter. The ancients who possess knowledge have said that faith is the sign of final emancipation... ... 134636. Abandoning fruitless reasonings, resort to the Veda and the Smriti." The three Vedas not eternal. In the next passage the eternity of the text of the three Vedas is denied. Mahabh. xii. 7497: "Greater than Time is the divine Vishnu, of whom is this entire universe; that god has no beginning, nor middle, nor end. From his having neither beginning, nor middle, nor end, he is imperishable, and overpasses all sufferings, for suffering is finite. That is declared to be the highest Brahma; that is the highest abode and stage. Attaining to that, men are freed from the condition of Time, and gain final emancipation. ... 7501. The Rik, Yajus, and Saman verses, dwelling in bodies, exist on the tips of the tongue, are to be acquired by effort, and are perishable. But Brahma is not regarded as having his dwelling or origin in a body; nor is Brahma attainable by effort, nor has he a beginning, a middle, or an end. Rik, Saman, and Yajush verses are said to have a beginning; and things that begin are observed to have an end; bat Brahma has no beginning." THE RAJATARANGINI. From Dr. Buhler's Report of a Tour in search of treatises and abstracts, the MSS. of the Nilamata Sansklit M88. made in Kasmir, Rajputana, and purdna and other works, will enable us to restore Central India. the text and to explain its meaning with greater As regards Kalhana's great Kavya, the accuracy than has hitherto been done. The conRajatarangini, which, after all, will probably re- tents of the first six cantos of the Rajatarangini main the only Kasmirian work interesting a were first made known by Professor H. H. Willarger circle of readers, the Sarada MS. in the son in 1825, in the XVth volume of the Asiatic ReGovernment collection, together with my colla- searches. Next, the text was published in Calcutta, tion of Ganakak's MS., Sahebram's explanatory 1835 A.D., by the pandits of the Asiatic Society . In Bh. iii. 137776 drambho rydyayukto yak sa hi dharmah iti smrita andcharas tv adharmeti etat'sishta. mid.sanam. Compare my article in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. XIX. pp. 299ff. entitled Verses from the Sarwa-darsana-sangraha, the Vishnu Purdna, and the Ramdyana, illustrating the tenets of the Charvakas, or Indian materialists, with some remarks on freedom of speculation in ancient India. For the opinions of the different Indian philosophical schools for and against the eternity of the Vedas, the 3rd vol. of my Original Sanskrit Texts (2nd ed.), pp. 70-138, may be consulted. Pablished as an extra Number of the Jour. Bo. Br.R. As. Soc. No. I A. 1877.

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SEPTEMBER, 1877.] THE RAJATARANGINI. 265 Some years later Mr. A. Troyer began a critical into account, only between forty and fifty corrupedition of the text, and in 1840 issued the first six tions which seriously affect the sense, i. e. one in cantos together with a translation of the whole every eleven or twelve verses. Most of these cases eight cantos, which was completed in 1852. Far- are, however, very serious. The ratio of mistakes ther, Professor Lassen gave, in his great ency. does not increase much in the following four clopaedia of Indian antiquities, the Indische Alter- tarangas. Nearly all the corruptions in these six thumer, a complete analysis of the work; and books have been caused by a faulty transcription last, not least, General Cunningham treated its of single Sarada letters or groups. But in the chronology in an admirable article in the Numis- viith and viiith tarangas the case becomes difinatic Chronicle of 1848. It may seem scarcely ferent. The corrupt passages are much more credible that a book which has engaged the atten- numerous, and some verses as given in the Ca! tion of so many Sansksitists, and of some of the cutta edition bear only a faint resemblance to the first rank, is, after all the labour expended, not in readings of the Sarada MSS. It seems to me #satisfactory condition, and that its explanation that Moorcroft's transcript of these two cantos leaves a great deal to desire. Still this is the must have been very bad, or have shown lacuna, case, and if it is taken into consideration how bad and that the Calcutta pandits have corrected the the materials were on which the European and text in a very unscrupulous manner. Indian scholars have worked, it is not wonderful The new materials which I have procured will that a great deal remains to be done. When enable us to restore the text to a much greater Professor Wilson wrote, he possessed three bad degree of purity than could ever be done with the and incomplete Devanagari MSS., which were so help of Devanagari MSS. But I fear that a small inaccurate " that a close translation of them, if | number of doubtful passages will remain, because desirable, would have been inpracticable."+ The all Sarada MSS. known to exist at present in Kas Calcutta edition was made, as Mr. Troyer states, mir are derived from a single copy which is 100 according to a Devanagari transcript sent by Mr. to 150 years old. This is the MS. of Pandit Moorcroft from Kasmir, and Prof. Wilson's MSS. Kesavram, which is regarded in Kasmir as the Mr. Troyer's own edition, finally, was prepared codex archetypus. It is an ancient Sarada paper MS. from the same materials and two Devanagari written by an ancestor of the present owner. It copies which Mr. Colebrooke had presented to the bears no date, but its appearance shows that it library of the India House. For the last two must be more than a hundred years old. The books he also used a Devanagari transcript pro- pandits assert that it is the MS. from which cured by Major Broom.|Professor Lassen had Moorcraft's transcript was made, and from which nothing to work upon but the printed texts. all now existing copies have been derived. I do Both editions are therefore prepared from not feel certain that the first statement is correct, Devanagari copies, made either in India or in as Moorcroft's copy is said to have been made Kasmir. Not one of the scholars who have writ- from a birch-bark volume. The second state ten on the book ever saw a MS. in Sarada charac- ment is, I think, true, as all the copies which I ters, in which Kalhana's original copy and all have used and seen, half-a-dozen, are new, and MSS. in Kasmir were written. Besides, for can- agree in all decisive passages with Kesavr&m's tos vii. and viii., which are wanting in the MSS. copy. My friends made great efforts to find for acquired by Mr. Colebrooke and Professor Wilson, me a birch-bark MS, for the loan of which I the Calcutta pandits had a single MS., Mr. Moor- offered a considerable sum. But they possessed croft's transcript. After what I have said above none, and were unable to procure one. P. Chanon Kasmirian Devanagari MSS. and the difficulty dram told me with a sorrowful face that some Kasmirian pandits have in reading Devanagari, years ago he had found remnants of a birch-bark it is not wonderful that the published text, espe- MS. among his father's books, and that he had cially of the last two cantos, should contain many thrown them into the Jhelum, as he had thought corrupt passages. I must say that I think it that they were of no value. This is the only news wonderful that the changes required are not more of a Bharja MS. of the Rajatarangin which I numerous.. In the first two cantos there are, if received, and I fear that there is very little chance obvious misprints and the faulty forms Gonarda of any being found hereafter. The possibility of for Gonanda, kdemirdh for Kalmirth, are not taken such an event can, however, not be denied as long + As. Ros. vol. XV. p. 5. I Rajat. vol. I. p. iv. Ibid. pp. v. vii. and viu. Il Ibid. val. III. p. iii. Troyer, Rajat. vol. I. p. iii. * It is customary in Kasmir to throw remnants of books into the river, in order to preserve the face of Sarasvati from defilement. The bodies of children that die before teething are likewise consigned to a watery grave. Similar practices prevail on the Ganges and other particularly holy rivers

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266 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1877. as the libraries belonging to the Persian-speaking pandits have not been fully explored. As regards the efforts of European scholars to translate the Rajatarangink, and to use its contents for historical purposes, Professor Wilson's and General Cunningham's results are the most trustworthy. Considering the corruptness of Prof. Wilson's MSS., his article in the As. Res. is admirable, and deserves the great fame which it has enjoyed. It is, however, by no means free from bad mistakes, some of which, e.g. the misstatementt that Prat&pa ditys, the second Karkota ka king, had seven sons, instead of toree each called by two or three names, have been oupied by every succeeding writer on Kasmirian history, and have caused mischief in other respects. He has also omitted to make use of the key to the chronology of the Karkotaka and the later dynasties, which Kalhana gives (I. 52) by saying that the Saptarshi or Laukika year 24 corresponded to Saka 1070. General Cunningham has supplied this omission in his paper on Kasmir coins and chronology published in the Numismatic Chronicle for 1848. The dates which he has fixed for the kings following Durlabha ka require few alterations. I As regarde Mr. Troyer's work, it is impossible to commend either his translation or the historical and geographical essays attached to it, however much one may admire his patience and industry. He undertook a task very much beyond his strength, for which he was qnalified neither by learning nor by natural talent. The Rdjatarangint is, no doubt, a difficult book, and nobody who attempts to translate it can hope to accomplish his task without making a number of mistakes. But Mr. Troyer has seldom been able to make out the meaning of the text, except where Kalhana user the simplest, plainest language. His renderings of passages in which Kalhana adopts a higher style are invariably wrong, and frequently unintelligible. The worst portions of the translation are cantos vii. and viii. The contents of the historical and geographical essays attached to the translation require no condemnation on my part, as they have beer estimated at their proper value by other Sanskritists. But I must touch on one point discussed in the preface to Mr. Troyer's 3rd volume, regarding which Professor Lassen also has followed him. Mr. Troyer undertakes there, p. x., an inquiry about the anthorship of the last two cantos of the Rdjatarangint, and comes to the conclusion that the author of these cannot be the same person as he who wrote the first six tarangas, t As. Res. vol. XV. p. 13. The necessity of one alteration in the date of Lalit- dity and his predecessors, whose reigns Kalhaps has ante. dated by thirty yours, has been recognised by General because (1) he allots to the last two hundred and fifty years double the number of verses which he devotes to the preceding three thousand two hundred years; (2) because the referencc and resumes made in cantog vii. and viii. to and of events narrated in the first six cantos are not exact; (3) because the viiith canto relates events which occurred after A.D. 1148, the year given (I. 42) as the date of the book. To these arguments Professor Lassen adds the difference in style observable in the two portions, and that in some MSS. the last two books are wanting. These arguments, plausible as they may seem, are altogether insufficient to support the assertion made. For, with regard to the first point, Mr. Troyer himself has already given the objection which is fatal to it. If a chronicler narrates the events of his own time and of the period immediately preceding it at greater length than the remoter portions of the history of his country, that is no more than might be expected. His materials were more abundant, and the events in which he himself, his immediate ancestors and his patron, played their parts possessed for him an interest which the more distant times did not possess. This interest which he took in his surroundings explains also why he introduces details which to men of later times appear trivial and uninteresting. To say less would also have been considered an offence against the Raja, in whose employ Kalhana's father was. The answer to the second argument, the discrepancies between statements in the first six cantos and the last two, is that these discrepancies are mostly, if not wholly, due to Mr. Troyer's bad materials and faulty translation. It is true that the successor of Chandrapida is called LalitAditya in the ivth canto, and Muktapida in the resume attached to the viiith. But it is not the fault of Kalhana that Mr. Troyer has not been able to understand the verses (iv. 42, 43) in which it is clearly stated that Muktapida and Lalitaditya are names of the same person. As regards the third argument, Mr. Troyer has overlooked the fact that Kalhans states that be began to write his poem in Saptarshi Sathvat 24. It contains more than 8000 blokas, and it cannot te supposed that the author completed it in the same year. The fact that he mentions in the viiith book events which happened nine years later, in Saptarshi Sarvat 33,|| merely proves that the poem was not completed until after that time. Professor Lassen's additional arguments are not more conclusive. Neither myself nor the Cunningham himself: compare above, p. 48, note, Anc. Geog. p. 91, and Ind. Ant. vol. II. pp. 102 8899. Ind. Alt. vol. III. 481. Rdjat. vii. 3193, Troyer.

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SEPTEMBER, 1877.] THE RAJATARANGINI. 267 Kasmirians have been able to detect any differ- Alam kara who immediately preceded and ence in the style of the two parts. The incorrect followed Kalhana, especially the Haravijaya, Calcutta text is hardly a fair basis for the argu- the Srikanthacharita, Bilhana's Vikramankadevament. The MSS., finally, in which the last books charita, Jonaraja's and Srivara's Rdjataranginis, are wanting are secondary sources, modern trang. &c. A close attention to their style, similes, and cripts, which prove nothing. turns of expression will solve most of the difficultWhile it is thus not difficult to meet the objec. ies which arise from Kalhana's style. Next the tions against Kalhana's authorship of cantos vii. ancient geography of Kasmir must be minutely and viii, there are some important facts in favour studied. Nearly all the localities mentioned can of it. The first is that the vith canto ends too be identined with more or less precision by means abruptly to be considered the real conclusion of a of the Nilamatapurdna, the Mahatmyas, the later mahakdvya. Secondly, the obscurity of the nar- Rdjataranginis, Sahebr&m's Tirthasangraha, the rative in the viiith canto, of which Mr. Troyer set of native maps procured by me, the large map justly complains, is such as might easily be of the Trigonometrical Survey, and the works and caused in contemporary history by the chroni- articles of modern travellers and archaeologists. cler's omitting, as superfluous, details which were But some of the geographical questions will pro80 notorious that he might presume them to be bably require a final re-examinatior in Kasmir. known to his readers, or, to speak more accurate. | As regards the use of the contents of the Rdjataly, to his hearers. Thirdly, and this is the really rangint for the history of Kasmir and of India, conclusive argument, Jonaraja, who wrote, about a great deal remains to be done for the earlier two hundred years after Kalhana, a continuation portion, up to the beginning of the Karkota of the history of Kasmir, states distinctly that his dynasty. Kalhana's chronology of the Gonandiya predecessor's work ended with the reign of Jaya dynasties is, as Professor Wilson, Professor simha, which is described in the viiith canto of Lassen, and General Cunningham have pointed the Rajatarangini. He says in the beginning of out, valueless. An author who connects the hishis poem, tory of his country with the imaginary date of a Grigonandamukhasir dharmasarmukhair & kaleh kila legendary event, like the coronation of Yudhishkasmiraka yapi bhupair apdli gunasdlibhih || 4 || thira, and boasts that "his narrative resembles a tes hdm abhagyahemantani atamasi tishthati medicine, and is useful for increasing and dimin. naiva kaschid apasyat tart kdvydrkdradaydch ishing the (statements of previous writers regard. chiram || 5 | ing) kings, place, and time," must always be rasamayyd gird vriddhan nityatdrunyam dpipat sharply controlled, and deserves no credit whatatha frijayasimhantari tatkirtiria kalhanadvijah | 6 | ever in those portions of his work where his (4) "From the beginning of the Kaliyuga, narrative shows any suspicious figures or facts. righteous kings, endowed with great) qualities, the The improbabilities and absurdities in the first first among whom is the illustrious Gonanda, three cantos are so numerous that I think the protected Kasmir-land, the daughter of Kasyapa. Rdjatarangini ought to be consulted much less for (6) " As long as the darkness of night caused) the period comprised therein than has been done by the winter of their misfortune lasted, nobody by the illustrious Orientalists named above. I perceived them. For late it was ere the sun of would not fill the intervals between the historipoetry rose. cally certain dates of Asoka, Kanish ka, and (6) " Then the Brahman Kalhana gave, by Durlabha ka by cutting down the years of the the nectar of his song, eternal youth to the kings placed between them by Kalhana. But I ancient fame of these (princes), the last among would altogether ignore all Kasmirian kings for whom was the illustrious Ja ya sim ha." whose existence we have no evidence from other I think we may trust Jonarkja's word and wc- sources, be it through Indian or foreign writers, cept it as a fact that Kalhana wrote the whole of or through coins, buildings, and inscriptions. If the eight cantos which go under his name. Kalhana had merely given the stories reported A new attempt to translate and to explain the by Suvrata and other predecessors, there might Rdjatarangins, and to use its contents for the be a hope that we could re-arrange them. But history of India, ought to be made. But it is we do not know what materials he had, nor how a work of very considerable difficulty, and will he treated them, if in any particular case he require much time and patience. As no commen- lengthened or shortened the reigns, and if he distary on the book exists, it is firstly necessary to placed or added kings or not. General Cunningstudy all the Kasmirian poets and writers on ham's constant search for Kasmirian coins, which, Tan instead of tart is the reading of the Sarada MSS. &c. refers to fame. But the general sense of the passage * In the text the adjoctive translated by last of whom, is the same. + Rajat. i. 21.

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268 as I learn from his private letters, is attended with good results, will eventually throw a great deal of light on this dark period of Kasmirian history. Full certainty regarding the era of the Guptas, which now seems to be near at hand, will also assist in settling the dates of some kings, especially of Toramana, Matrigupta, and THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Pravarasena. For the period which begins with the K&rkota dynasty not much remains to be done. The discovery of the initial date of the Saptarshi or Laukika era, which I obtained in Kasmir, makes it possible to fix the reigns of the kings after Avantivarman with perfect accuracy. The beginning of the Saptarshi era is placed by the Kasmirians on Chaitra Sudi 1 of the twenty-fifth year of the Kaliyuga, and the twenty-fourth year, in which Kalhana wrote, is consequently the Saptarshi year 4224. For From Kaliyuga 25 to the beginning of the Saka era is From Saka Samivat 1 to Kalhana's time.. 1070 3154 Total-Saptarshi years....... 4224 My authorities for placing the beginning of the Saptarshi era in Kali 25 are the following. First, P. Dayaram Jotsi gave me the subjoined verse, the origin of which he did not know :-kaler gatail sayakanetravarshaih saptarshivaryds tridivam prayata loke hi samvatsarapattrikdym saptarshimanam pravadanti santal "When the years of the Kaliyuga marked by the arrows and the eyes' (i.e. the five and the two, or, as Indian dates. have to be read backward, 25) had elapsed, the most excellent Seven Rishis ascended to heaven. For in the calendar (used) in the world the virtuous declare the computation of the Saptarshi (years to begin from that point)." Pandit Dayaram explained the verse as I have done in the above translation, and added that each Saptarshi year began on Chaitra Sudi 1, and that its length was regulated by the customary mixing of the chandra and saura manas. [SEPTEMBER, 1877. The correctness of his statement is confirmed by a passage in P. Sahebram's Rajataranginisamgraha where the author says that the Saka year 1786 (A.D. 1864), in which he writes, corresponds to Kali 4965 and to Saptarshi or Laukika Samvat 4940.SS One of the copyists, too, who copied the Dheanydloka for me in September 1875, gives in the colophon, as the date of his copy, the Saptarshi year 4951. These facts are sufficient to prove that P. Dayaram's statement regarding the beginning of the Saptarshi era is not an invention of his own, but based on the general tradition of the country. I do not doubt for a moment that the calculation which throws the beginning of the Saptarshi era bac!: to 3076 B.C. is worth no more than that which fixes the beginning of the Kaliyuga in 3101 B.C. But it seeras to me certain that it is much older than Kalhana's time, because his equation 24 = 1078 agrees with it. It may therefore be safely used for reducing with exactness the Saptarshi years, months, and days mentioned in his work to years of the Christian era. The results which will be thus obtained will always closely agree with those gained by General Cunningham, who did use the right key. The word loke, in the world,' alludes to the appellation Lokakula, Laukika samvatsara. Rajataranginisangraha, fol. 4b, 1.7: tatradya sike 1786 kaligate 4965 saptarshicharanumatena sahvat 4940. The use of the Saptarshi era in Kasmir and the adjacent hill states, which continues even in the present day, has first been pointed out by General Cunningham. The text has been corrected according to two collated copies written by Ganakak Pandit, G and G2, and the copy in the Government collection, Ch. To avoid confusion in the reference marks for the notes following, the respectiveslokas are referred to by their numbers. 'G' and other MSS. read bhashahina instead of bhashabhogi. Hara or Siva wears a serpent instead of a jenvi or Brahmanical string, and smaller serpents instead of bracelets. The Kasmirians, being Saivas, consider Siva to be the Universal soul, and expect to be absorbed by him. The preposition pra in pralina, which adds force to the meaning of the root, indicates that absorption is complete, In concluding this long discussion on the Rajatarangint, I will add that the specimen of a new translation given below is merely intended to show some of the results which may be obtained by means of the new materials brought by me from Kasmir. I do not pretend that all the difficulties requiring consideration have been brought to a final solution. Specimen of a translation of the Rajatarangini.* Canto I. sl. 1-107. 1Reverence to Hara, who (grants his worshippers' desires) like the tree of Paradise, who is beautified by a seam of light emitted by the jewels that are concealed in the heads of the serpents adorning him, and in whom those freed (from the circle of births) find eternal rest. May both the halves of the body of the god. whose cognizance is the bull, sayujya, not salokya. This verse, it seems to me, is an imitation of Bana's srtharshacharita I. 1. A translation of this verse being impossible, I have given a araphrase. Almost the whole of its first three padas is made up of a succession of puns. Siva is invoked in his form of Ardhanari, in union with Parvati. The words describing the appearances of the two halves are chosen in such a manner that they apply to the female form and its dress as well as to the male. Kundalin, lit. 'containing a ring,' must be taken as, I think, in the sense cf earring or necklace' when it refers to Parvati. Jaladhijachhhayachha if referred to Parvati must be dissolved into jaladnijachhayavadachchha; if referred to Siva into jaladhijachchhayaya chha or achchha achhadita. In the description of Siva, ahina must be dissolved into ahinam ina, 'the lord of of snakes,' Vasuki, who serves Siva instead of the jenot. Near the ear may also be referred to the sentence beginning with dadhat. The ocean-born poison is the Halahala which Siva swallowed.

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SEPTEMBER, 1877.] THE RAJATARANGINI. 269 and who is united with his spouse, give you glory, --the left, whose forehead wears a saffron tilaka, the colour of whose throat near the ear is fair like the splendour of the ocean-born (moon), and is enhanced by numerous tremulous earrings, and whose breast wears a faultless boddice;---the right, whose forehead carries a flame of fire, the colour of whose throat near the ear is concealed by the ocean-born (poison) and enhanced by numerous playfully moving snakes, and whose chest is encircled by the lord of snakes as by a boddice. Worthy of praise is that quality of true poets, whatever it may be, which enables them to sprinkle with the nectar (of their song), and thereby to preserve, their own bodies of glory as well as those of others. Who else but poets resembling the Prajapatis (in creative power), and able to bring forth lovely productions, can place the past times before the eyes of men P If the poet did not see in his mind's eye the existences which he is to reveal to men, what other indication would there be that he is a divine seer P. Though for its length the story does not show much variety, still there will be something in it that will gladden the virtuous. That virtuous (poet) alone is worthy of praise who, free from love or hatred, restricts his muse to the exposition of facts. "If I narrate again the subject matter of tales of which others have treated, still the virtuous ought not to turn their faces from me without hearing my reasons. 0.10 How great a cleverness is 1 equired in order that men of modern times may complete the account given in the books of those who died after composing each the history of those kings whose contemporary he was! Hence in this narrative of past events, which is difficult in many respects, my endeavour will be to connect. 11 The oldest extensive works, containing the royal chronicles (of Kasmir) have been lost in consequence of (the appearance of Suvrata's composition, who condensed them in order that their substance) might be easily remembered. "Suvrata's poem, though extensive, does not easily reveal its meaning, since it is made difficult, by misplaced learning. **Owing to a certain want of care, there is not a single part in Kshemendra's 'List of Kings' free from mistakes, though it is the work of a poet. **Eleven works of former scholars which contain the chronicles of the kings, I have inspected, as well as the (Purdna containing the) opinions of the sage Nila. By looking at the inscriptions recording the consecration of temples and grants, at the laudatory The Prajapatis are fourteen in number. They caused the successive creations of the world. 10 Verses 9 and 10 form a yugalaka, or couplet, i.e. they are interlaced in their construction : compare K & vyddarsa I. 13, comment. Tney give the reasons' alluded to in v. 8. Yat must be taken as a conjunction, depending on Kivad idas dakshyam. Saryaprakdraskhalite, which is difficult in many respecta,' means literally in which there are dangers of mistakes of all kinds. 11 Suvrata apparently wrote a hand-book of the history of Kasmir, to be committed to memory in the schools, which, as usual in India, canged the loss of the more an. 1088 of the more an 13 Kshemale same subject. 13 Kshemendra has taken care to let us know a good deal about himself and his time. In the colophon to the Sama. yamatrika he informs us that he finished that work during the reign of king Ananta, in the 25th year of the Kasmirian cycle, 1050 A.D. In the Suvrittatilaka he again states that he wrote under Ananta, and finally he says that he finished the Dafdvataracharita in the year 41 of the Saptarshi er, under Ananta's son, Kalasa. Ananta ruled from Saptarshi 8. 4, or 1029 A.D., to Saptarshi S. 89, or 1064 A.D. In the latter year he nominally abdicated in favour of, and performed the abhisheka of, his son Kalasa. The Saptarshi year 41 corresponds to the year 1066 A.D. Consequently Kshemendra's literary activity falls in the second and third quarters of the eleventh century. The other data which he gives regarding his family and himself are that his grandfather's name was Sindhu, and his father's Pra k&endra. The latter was a great patron of Brahmane, and expended three kotis, or thirty millions (of what is not stated), in various benefactions, and died a fervent worshipper of Siva. Kshemendra himself seems to have been in his youth a Saiva, bat later he was converted to the Vaishnava-Bhagavata creed by Som&ch Arya. He studied the Alankarasastra under the famous Abhinavagupta charya. He wrote several of his compositions at the request of a Brahman called R&m syasa e, and one, the Vrihatkathamanjort, at the command of one Devadhara, who seems to have occupied a promi. nent position in the Brihmanical community of Kasmir. His surname, Vy&sad & sa, is given in all his works except in the Kaldvilasa. Conf. Ind. Ant. vol. I. pp. 302 seqq. vol. V. p. 29. Kahemendra wrote also, 9 Kalhans asserts. a Rajawali, or history of the Kasmirian kings. The work exista now in Kasrafr. But the hope that it would soou come into my hands, which I expressed in my preliminary Report, haa hitherto not been fulfilled I do not, however, yet despair of ultimately obtaining it.-Dr. Buhler's Report, pp. 46, 48. 1 The Nilamat purana is supposed to have been narrated by Vaisampayana, & pupil of Vyasa, to king Jana meja ya. It opens with a question of the king inquiring why no ruler of Kasmir took part in the great war between the Kurus and Pandus. The sage's answer is for the greater part lost, but from the fragments remaining it is clear that it contained the account of the expedition of Gopanda I. to Mathura in aid of Jarlsandha, in which he was slain, and of the attempt by his son Damodara to Avenge his father's death when Krishna came to B u . vath vara in the Gandhira country, just as these events ar told in the Rajtarangint, i. 57-66. A few verses have been saved, which mention the evayamvara and the de. struction of Damodara by Krishna, as well as the coronation of Damodara's pregnant queen and the birth of Gonandu II. They prove that Kalhana took over some portions of his narrative almost literally from the Pur&na. Janamejaya's next question is why Krishna considered Kasmir so important as to secure for it a king by the coronation of a woman. Vaisampiyana hereupon states that the country is an incarnation of Sati or Uma, and describes its various excellencies, adding that it was formerly a lake called Satisaras. This statement gives an opportunity to intro. duce the story of the creation of Kasmir by Kasyapa. The Purana then goes on to narrate the 'rites proclaimed by Nila,' which occupy two-thirds of the work; and it concludes with aome miscellaneous Mahatmyas. From this it will appear that it is an attempt to connect special Kasmirian legends with those of India proper, and especially with the Mahabharata, as well as to supply a sufficient authority for the rites prevalent in Kasmir. 15 According to my interpretation of this passage, Kalhana used four kinds of records :-(1) the pratishthaja. sana edicts, i.e. inscriptions recording the erection and consecration of temples or other buildings and monuments, such

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270 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1877. inscriptions, and at the manuscripts, the worry let him consider how this (work) is hallowed by the arising from many errors has been overcome. prevalence of the Sentiment of Quietism. "Im 10 Four among the fifty-two rulers whom they bibe, therefore, straight with your ears this River do not mention, on account of the loss of the re- of Kings,' which is made agreeable by an undercords, viz. Gonanda and his successors), have current of powerful sentiment. been taken from the Nilamata (Purdna). * Formerly, from the beginning of the Kalpa, 17.18 Having read the opinion of the Pasupata the land in the womb of Himalaya was filled with Brahman Helaraja, who formerly composed a 'List water during the periods of six Manus, (and conof Kings' in twelve thousand Slokas, Padmamihira stituted) the Lake of Satt. 96.97 Afterwards, when entered in his work the eight kings, beginning with the period of the present Manu Vaivas vata had Lava, who preceded Asoka and his successors. arrived, the Prajapati Kas y ap a caused Druhina, * Those five kings also, among whom Aboka is Upendra, Rudra, and other gods to descend, caused the first, Srichhavillakara declared to have been (the demon) Jalodbhava, who dwelt in that lake, takon) from the fifty-two (lost ones). For his verse to be killed, and changed it into a country, known in is as follows: earth as Kasmir. 18 Nila, the lord of all Nagas, 106 The five princes from Asoka to Abhi- whose regal parasol is formed by the circular pond manyu who have been enumerated have been (filled with) the stream of the Vitasta's newly obtained by the ancients out of the fifty-two (lost rising water, protects it. There Gaurt, though ones)." she has assumed the form of the Vitasta, still * This narrative (of mine), which is arranged keeps her wonted inclinations. (For in her river(in proper order) and resembles a medicine, is use- shape) she turns her face towards the ravine (guha) ful for increasing as well as diminishing the (state- just as in her godlike form) she turns it towards ments of previous writers regarding) kings, place, (her son) Kumara (guka); (in her river-shape) the and time. "What intelligent man does not rejoice mouths of the Nagas (udgamukha) drink her at such a compilation, which treats of the number- abundant water) dpitabhdripaydh), just as (in her less events of ancient times P. "When the hearer) god-like form) (her) elephant-faced (son Ganesa has well pondered over the sudden appearance of ndgamukha) drank her abundant milk (dpitacreated beings that lasts for a moment only, then bhuripayah). That (country) is inhabited by as are to be found on almost all temples, religious or even ** The correct reading in the last pada is that given profane buildings (such as palacea), on images, funeral by Ch. and G': spisktam anga rajatarangint. G has monuments, and so forth; (2) the vastu.sana edicta, i.e. spashtamarma. Anga to be construed with niplyatam. inscriptions recording grants of things, chiefly of land, 25.97 The legend of the Satisaras, of its desiccation, , and perhaps also of allowances, such as are found engrayud and of the destruction of the demon Jalodbhava (Wateron copper plates (8) prasastipattas, tablets containing born), who had made it his dwelling and devastated the laudatory inscriptions of persons or places, such me now are surrounding countries, is told at considerable length in the found sometimes in temples or other public buildings, e.g. Nilamatapuerana, see the Report. The gods who assisted the Arbudaprasasti in Vimalassha's temple at Kasyapa were Brahma, Vishnu, and Siva, as stated in Dailwarra; (4) the fastras, the works on the various the text. sciences, or, to use a short expression, the MSS. of Sanskrit 26 The annotator of G says: virfvishayasthiten nila. books, which in Kasmir mostly give at the end some infor- nagena virandga iti prasiddhena. Conventionally the ination regarding the author, and the king under which Vitasta is said to take ita origin from the circular pond the author wrote, together with the date. This interpreta called Virns or Virnix, situated about fifteen miles to the tion comes nearest to Professor Lassen's, -vide Ind. Alt. south-east of Islamabad, at the foot of the Banih &l. Kal. 2nd ed. II. 20, from whom I differ in the interpretation hana calls this pond atapatra, 'the royal parasol, of Nilaof sestra 'only. He gives too narrow an explanation, con naga, who is supposed to reside in or under it. The cirsidering it to mean 'law-books. calar form is the tertium comparationis, which surreated 16 Gonanda is the reading of all SArada MSS. Re- the far-fetched simile. Regarding the Virnag compare garding the meaning of amndya, "tradition, records, Vigne, Travels, vol. I. p. 332. see below, i. 45, and the Pet. Dict. 8. v. The four rulers The annotator of G says : guhonmukhi-kundrasani intended are Gonanda I., Damodara I, Damodara's queen, mukhe kandardbhimukhi cha; naganiuk hapitabharipaya and Gonanda II. : see above, note to sl. 14. |. nigamukhena gajavadanena dpitam bhari payo dugdhari 1 Mahavratin, which I have translated by Pau yasyd kad ndgandih mukhena apita bhdri payo yaaya pata, has been usually taken to mean simply ascetic. I sad cha]; yatha gaurl parvati, vitastatuar yatapyuchitari Shania think that martianlar sant of anotice is intended Truchithichchhdiis nojihati na tya jati suaruchoh sedikaria A Heldraja, who was a Kasmirian and lived probably in svechchanis] natyajad gaur nochitaris ruchiris guhonthe 9th or 10th century, has written commentary on the mukhitya dikdik vftastatue tyajati tatrapi tatkaranam. The Vikyapadiya, of which fragments are still extant: see guha or ravine towards which the Vitast& turns her face Kielhorn in the Ind. Ant. vol. III. p. 985. This and the fol- is the pass of Baramula. lowing verses show that Kalhans believed that altogether 30 The Nages are the snake-formed deities supposed to seventeen kings out of the number of the fifty-two forgotten reside in the springs and lakes of Kasmir. They appear to ones had been rescued. be originally personifications of the former. The winding, 31 Yukta, arranged in proper order, may possibly restless water ensily suggested the comparison with a snake. mean parimita, of limited extent. The verse gives the Now the large springs are called nag, and the small ones key to Kalhana's method. ndginy, the latter being supposed to be the residence of the 3 sinta is one of the nine Rasas, flavours or senti females of the NgasThe Naga Mahapadma is the mente,' which ought to underlie poetic compositions. Kal tutelary deity of the Vollur lake, which is frequently hana, who has to tell many commonplace events, and to simply called Mahapadma; vide, e.g., Srikanthacharita go through endless repetitione, is anxious to prove, in order III., and Jonarkja thereon. Sankhan ga resides, accord to guard his character as a poet, that his composition is ing to Sahebr&m's Torthasarlgraha, ina lake near Dharin. not neraso. dba in the Lar pargan. the oth or 10th cente a Kalos sect of humanity asceti su:

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SEPTEMBER, 1877.] THE RAJATARANGINI. 271 Nagas gleaming with the splendour of various jewels, chief among whom are Sankha and Padma, and thus resembles the town of Kuvera, the depository of the nine treasures (chief among which are Sankha and Padma. Auto shelter, forsooth, the Nagas, who came afraid of Garuda, it stretched its arms out behind its back in the guise of a wall of mountains. "There (worshippers) touching the wooden image of the husband of Uma at the Tirtha called Papasadana obtain heavenly bliss and final liberation as their rewards. "Tbere the goddess Sandhya produces water on an arid mountain, and shows the presence of merit and the absence of sin. "There self-created fire, rising from the bowels of the earth, receives with numerous arms of flame the offerings of the sacrificers. There the goddess Sarasvati herself is seen in the form of a swan swimming on a lake situated on the summit of Mount Bhed a, which is sanctified by the source of Ganga. There, even now, drops of sandal-ointment offered by the gods are to be seen in Nan dikshetra, in the temple, the habitation of the immortals. There, after looking on the goddess Sarada, (the worshipper) at once reaches the river Madhumati and Sarasvati who is worshipped by poets. In that (country) which is adorned by Kesava-Chakrabhfit, and by Siva-Vijayesa and other (deities), there is not a space as large as a grain of sesamum which has not its Tirtha. The country may be gained by the strength of spiritual merit, but not by armies of soldiers. Hence people there are chiefly anxious about the next world. There the rivers are free from dangers and aquatic monsters, provided with warm bath-houses for the winter, and comfortable places (for descending) into the current. "Out of respect, as it were, the Sun does not fiercely shine, during summer even, in that country, which has been created by his father, as he knows that it ought not to be tormented. Things that elsewhere in the three worlds are difficult to find, viz. lofty halls of learning, saffron, icy water, and grapes, are common there. "In these three worlds the jewel-producing region of Kuvera is (chiefly) worthy of praise ; (next) in that (region) the mountain range, the father of Gauri; and (thirdly) the country which is enclosed by that (mountain). "Fifty-two princes, beginning with Gonanda. who in the Kaliyuga were contemporaries of the Kurus and of the sons of Kunti, have not been recorded. "In consequence of the demerit of those rulers of the land of Kasyapa, no poets of creative power, who produced their bodies of glory, existed in those times. "We pay reverence to that naturally sublime craft of poets, without whose favour powerful princes are not remembered, although the earth that is girdled by the oceans was sheltered under the protection of their arms as in the shade of a forest. "Without thee, O brother composer of true poetry, this world does not even dream of the existence of its chiefs, though they rested their feet on the temples of elephants, though they won prosperity, though maidens, moons of the day, dwelt in their palaces, --without thee the universe is blind : why (praise) thee with a hundred hymns P 68-*Some (authors) have given this following) calculation of the years wrongly, as they were deceived by the statement that Gonanda and his successors protected Kasmir during twenty-two hundred and sixty-eight years in the Kaliyuga, (and) that the Bharata (war) took place at the end of the Dvapara yuga. S'If the years of the kings, 1 Kasmir is here personified and supposed to face Ga. ruda, who chased the Nigas through the Gate of the Valley at Baramala. Under this supposition it becomes intelligible how the mountain-chains surrounding the country can be likened to 'arms stretched out behind the back The story of the Nigas' flight to Kasmir occurs in the Nfld. matapurana. The locality intended is the Papasu dana Naga or Ka. patesvara Tirtha, said to be in the Kotahari pargan near Islambid-Kapalesuana, Koihirdgrame Kofahardkhya. vishaye, G. Comp. skanthachar. iii. 14, where the other name of the Tirtha, Kapatesvara, is given. 33 Bhrangandmavishye devalagramasamipasthale, G. The story how certain Mayavagu, son of Bhadre varkvalu, brought the goddess Sandhy-Ganga to his Asrama near Deval, in the Bhring pargani, is told at length in the Sanhdhyamahatmya. **The Svayambhd Agni here mentioned is the burning naphtha spring in Kamraj or Kramardjya, near Sopur. So also G-Kramardjye svaimiti prasiddhak, and Sahebram, Tirthasarhgraha." >> Bhadagiri-bhedabhranda iti prasiddah, G'.-The Ganga mahdinya, No. 56, mentions the hill. Nandikshetri ndrandmagrame, G'. It is situated in the Lar porgan, not far from the HaramukutagangA, and is a station on the pilgrimage to the latter : 100 alao Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. IIIV. p. 226. So also SAhebram's Tirthasarhgraha. Burda prelda may be a noun proper. Srisaile harel iti prasiddhe sthale daraddesasamipa. vartini, G`. Hdrilis found on the Survey map in the pargana Khuyaham, to the north of the Vollar lake, into which latter the Madhumati falls, as marked on the native map. Sahebram (Tirthasariigraha) places these tirthas in Lolab. 35 Chakrabhrit kesal chakradhara iti prasiddhah vijayesa sana bijyabrir iti prasiddhah, G'. The ancient fane of Vishnu-Chakradhara lay on a low hill, situated about a mile below Bijbror, on the left bank of the Vitasta, and is now called Chakdhar. See Report, p. 18. Bijbror or Bijbih &r is too well known to need any further notice. But compare Vigne, vol. II. p. 28. 13 The father of Gauri, i.e. the Him Alaya. ** Kuvers is the regent of the North, and the possessor of the nine treasures. **--* In the text read T. : not 14 is the form which the Sarada MSS. give everywhere. The two verses form & yugala ka for yugma, and v. 48 must therefore be taken as depending on the words iti varttaya vinohitah, which occur in the second half of v. 49. so I am unable to make anything of this verse, except by taking tad in tad vivarjitat to refer to bharatam in v. 49. For with any other explanation the figures must come wrong, and the verse must be taken as part of the paruapa. ksha, which it is not, as the opinion of the some' bas been done with in the preceding verses.

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272 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1877. the length of whose reigns is known, are added together and deducted) from the past period of the Kaliyuga diminished by that time which elapsed between the beginning of the Kaliyuga and the Bhirata war), no rest remains. 51When six hundred and fifty-three years of the Kaliyuga had passed away, the Kurus and Pandavas lived on the earth. "At present, in the twenty-fourth year (of) the Laukika (era), one thousand and seventy years of the Saka era have passed. "On the whole, at that time) two thousand three hundred and thirty years have clapsed since the times of) Gonanda (III.). **Twelve hundred and sixty-six years are supposed (to be comprised) in the sum of the reigns of those fifty-two kings. "Since the Great Bear moves in a hundred years from one Nakshatra to the other, the author of the (Brinat) Samhita has thus given his decision regarding its motion in this (verse) : 56 " When king Yudhish thira ruled the carth, the Munis (the Great Bear) stood in the Nakshatra) Maghah. His reign fell 2526 years (before) the Saka era." 57The brave king of Kasmir, Gonanda, was worshipped by the region of the North), which Kailas a illuminates (with the glitter of its snow), and rolling Ganga clothes with a soft and transparent garment. 5The earth, afraid as it were that Sesha's poison might be infused into her, left the serpent's body aud rested in the king's arm that was adorned by the jewel sacred to Garuda. "Jarasandha, his relation, called on him for help. With a large army he besieged Mathura (the town) of Krishna. 52 Regarding the Laukiks or Saptarshi era see above. The proper reading, instead of the 34t of the Cal. cutta and Paris editions, is Tent, which is found in all Arada MSS. The mistake has been caused by the reHemblance of Sarada u and ta. 46 The verse is found Brihat Sarishita xiii. 3. Jour. R.As. Soc. N. S. vol. v. p. 79. From yv. 48-56, which give the chronological basis of the Tarangint, it would appear that the statement of the Nflamata, which makes Gonanda II. contemporary with the Kurus and Pandavas, was the starting point common to Kalhans and other chronologista. But while others placed Gonanda in the beginning of the Kaliyuga, guided by the tradition that the Great War occurred at the end of the Dvapara-yoga, Kalhana used Vardhamihir's date of Yudhishthira, 2526 before Saka, or 663 Kali, to determine the beginning of the Gonandas. He then cut down or lengthened (vide above, v. 21) the reigns of the Kasmirian kings until their sum total plus 653 agreed with the time which had elapsed between the year in which he began to write, viz. 1070, and the beginning of the Kaliyuga. His equation, as has been shown by Wilson, Troyer, and others, is Years of the Kaliyaga 52 lost kings of Kasmir elapeed in Saka 1070=1070 1266 (v. 54) From Gopanda III. + 3179 + 2330 (v. 53) + 653 (v. 51) 4249 4249 The expression priyah, on the whole' (v. 53), and 'matak (v. 54), seem to me further proof (in addition to the direct statement, v. 21) that Kalbana did make alterations in the When he pitched his camp on the banks of the Kalindi, the fame of the hostile) warriors vanished together with the smiles of the females of Yadu's race. 610nce (Balarama), whose ensign is the plough, engaged that warrior in battle in order to protect his entirely shattered forces. The bridal wreath of the goddess of victory faded, since it remained long in her hands, while those warriors of equal strength were combating each other and the result was doubtful. Finally, with limbs wounded by each other's weapons, the king of Kasmir embraced the earth, and the scion of Y ad u the goddess of victory. * When that brave warrior travelled the road which great heroes easily find, his son, the illus. trious Da modara, protected the earth. That proud prince, though he had obtained a kingdom which was distinguished by affording the means of enjoyment, found no peace because he brooded over the death of his father. Then that (hero), whose arm, (strong) like a tree, was burning with pride, heard that the Vrish nis had been invited by the Gand haras on the banks of the Indus to an approaching svayanwara, and that they had come. 7 Then, (impelled) by excessive fary, he undertook on their approach an expedition against them, obscuring the sky with the dust that the horses of his army raised. 68In the battle with those (foes), the bride, who was about to choose a husband and was impatient for the wedding, was slain. Then the celestial maidens chose husbands in G And hara. land. Then the valiant ruler of the earth-disc, attacking, in the battle with the god whose wealength of the reigns. Another circumstance shows with what levity Kalhana worked. The period of 1966 years begins with the reign of Gonanda I.; and Gonanda II., his grandson, was, according to the Purana, the infaut king when the Great War began. Nevertheless he assumes that the coronation of Yudhishthira occurred in the first year of Gonanda I., as he places the whole of the 1966 years after Kali 668, in which Yudhishthiru wis installed on the throne, according to Vardhamihira. 07 This as well as the subsequent stories regarding Damodara and Gonanda II. down to v. 82 are taken from the Nflamatapurana. 6 The jewel sacred to Garuda, the destroyer of the Serpents, is the emerald. Read with the Sar. MSS. instead of the nonsensical of the editions. 6. The road to Svarga is meant. os Read here and lsewhere with the Sarada MSS., 47 : instead of th: 66 Regarding the Gandh Aras on the Sindhu see Cunningham, Anc. Geog. pp. 47 seqq. Fishni is another name of the Yadavus. In the text read cafouTCI : as The editions read aware, a corruption of which is also found in Ch.; G reads . The former reading gives no sense. Nighnyate is apparently intended for nihanyate, and it is just possible that Kalhana wed this incorrect form on account of the metre. 60 The namerous puns on the word chakra, disc,' make this verse dear to the pandit. Chakradhdradhvani, 'by the road of the edge of the battle-disc,' may also be dis

Page #333
THE RAJATARANGINI SEPTEMBER, 1877.] pon is the war-disc, the disc-like array of his enemies, went to heaven by the road of the edge of the battle-disc. 70 Then Krishna, the descendant of Yadu, ordered the Brahmans to install the (king's) pregnant widow Yasovati on the throne. " When the servants of the slayer of Madhu at that time became angry, he, reciting this stanza from the Purana, reproved them : 73 Kasmir-land is Parvati; know that its king is a portion of Siva. Though he be wicked, a wise man who desires (his own) welfare will not despise him." 73 The eyes of men, who formerly regarded with contempt (the country and the queen) as two females and objects of enjoyment, looked (after this speech was uttered) upon (Yasovati) as the mother of her subjects, and (upon the country) as a goddess. 74Then in the proper month that queen bore a son endowed with divine marks, a new sprout of the I family tree which had been consumed by fire. "The Brahmans performed the coronation and kindred rites for him together with his jatakarma and other sacraments. 7 The infant king received afterwards, together with the regal dignity, the name of his grandfather, Go'n anda. 77 7 Two nurses were engaged in rearing him, the one gave her milk, the other complete prosperity. 78The ministers of his father, who were careful that his being pleased should not remain without results, bestowed wealth upon his attendants even when he smiled without cause. 70 When his officers, unable to understand his infant stammering, did not fulfil his orders, they considered them selves guilty of a crime. 80 When the infant king ascended his father's throne, he whose legs were dangling in the air did not banish (from the hearts of his subjects) the desire (to solved, chakradharah krishnah, sa eva panthastena, and be translated the road (being opened to him by) Krishna, the bearer of the war-disc. To be slain by a person as holy as Krishna would, of course, ensure heaven to the victim. Perhaps Kalhana intended it to be taken both ways. 13 The earth, or the country, is always considered to be the wife of the king. 74 Read with the Sarada MSS. nerandrazriyA, instead of as Troyer and the Calcutta edition have. "The second nurse is the earth, or the country, which gave him entire prosperity. 18 It is the custom and the duty of kings to give presenta whenever they are pleased. The ministers watched lest the custom should be neglected in the case of the infant king, and gave presents whenever he smiled. so Read with the Sarada MSS. instead of al. Utkantha padapithasya, 'the desire for the footstool,' means the desire to use the footstool for its legitimate purposes, i.e. for touching it with the forehead. The persons from whom this desire was not taken are not named. Hence it must be understood that everybody, all the king's subjects, are meant. The verse is intended to furnish another proof that this infant king was respected quite as much as any grown-up ruler could have been. 273 prostrate themselves) before his footstool. 1 When the ministers decided the legal and religious disputes of the subjects, they listened to (the opinion of the child) whose locks were moved by the wind from the chauris. Thus (it happened that) the king of Kasmir, being an infant, was taken neither by Kurus nor Pandavas to assist them in the Great War. 32 8 Thirty-five kings who followed him, and whose names and deeds have perished in conse quence of the loss of the records, have been immersed in the ocean of oblivion. After them La va, an ornament of the earth, a favourite of Victory that is clothed in a flowing robe of fame, became king. 5 The roar of his army, which roused the universe from its slumber, sent-0 wonder!-his enemies to their long slumber. 86 Constructing eighty-four lakhs of stone buildings, he founded the town of Lolora. 87 After giving to a community of Brahmans the agrahara of Le vara on the Lidar, the valiant (king) endowed with blameless heroism and splendour ascended to heaven. 8sHe was succeeded by his son Kusa, expert in (deeds of) prowess and lotus-eyed, who gave the agrahara of Kuruhara. 89 After him his son, the illustrious Khagendra, the destroyer of his foes' elephants, the first (among men), an abode of valour, obtained the throne. He settled the two principal agraharas (of Kasmir), Khagi and Khona musha, and afterwards he ascended to that world which he had bought by deeds brilliant like (the glitter of) Siva's (teeth in) smiling. After him came his son Surendra, possessed of priceless greatness, who was an entire stranger to guilt, who far surpassed Indra's state, and whose deeds astonished the world. "Surendra. * Lolora is situated in the pargana of Lolab. 87 The Ledarf, now called Lidar or Lidder, is the principal northern tributary of the Vitast&, which it joins not far from Bijbror. An agrahara is an inam village given to a Brahman, or to a community of Brahmans. See the Pet. Dict. s. v. Levara is said to exist now. According to the annotator of G, Kuruhara is now called Kular, and Pandit Dayaram places it in the Dachhinpara pargana. 90 Khagi is said to be the modern Kakapur (Wilson and Troyer), and Khonamusha is Khunmoh, as was first recognized by General Cunningham. See also above Report, pp. 4 seqq. The Sarada MSS. read Khonamusha instead of Khunamusha, and to this form points also the Khonamukha of Bilhana, Vikramankacharita, xviii. 7. As there is hardly any difference between the pronunciation of o and u in Kasmir the spelling does not matter much. 1 Dirghamaghavattavahishkritah, of which a double translation has been given, may be taken as two words, dirgham and aghavattavahishkritah, or as a compound, dirgha-maghavatta-vahishkritah. The author, like a good Kavi, loves his pun dearly, and intends it to be taken both ways.

Page #334
274 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1877 the lord of the gods, could not be compared to this disposition was forgiving, protected the earth as Surendra, since he is called satamanyu, 'the har. culer, his commands gaining obedience (from all). bourer of a hundred grudges,' and gotrabhit, the 100 That king founded the two agraharas $3 man. destroyer of the gotra,' while (Surendra of Ka s- jasa and Asankra. Without male issue he mir) deserved the surname Santamanyu, "he whose obtained half of Indra's seat (after death). anger is appeased,' and gotrarakshi, the protector 201 Next, the son of that king's grand-uncle, and of the gotra.' That illustrious (ruler) founded on the great-grandson of Sakuni, the veracious A soka, frontiers of Dardistan a town called Sau raka, ruled the earth. 204 That king, cleansed from sin and a vihara called Narendrabhavana. "In and converted to the teaching of Jina, covered his own kingdom that prince of great fame and Sushk aletra and Vitast&tra with nuof holy works founded a vihdra, called Sauraga, merous stupas. 103 Within the precincts of the which became famous for piety. Dharmaranya Vihara in Vitastatrapura stood a After this king had died without issue, G 0. chaitya, built by him, the height of which the dhara, a scion of a different family, protected eye was unable to measure. 104 That illustrious the earth, together with the best of mountains. prince built the town of Srinagari, which is most as Liberal, pious Godhara went to heaven after important on account of its nine million and six presenting the agrahara Hastis&1& to the Brah. hundred thousand houses. 105 This virtuous (prince) mans. removed the old brick enclosure of the temple of "His son Suvarna after him distributed gold Vijayesvara, and built a new one of stone. 106 He (suparna) to the needy, he who caused to flow, in the whose dejection had been overcome built within the district of Karala, the brook Suvarnamani. enclosure of Vijayesvara, and near it, two (other) *His son J anak a, comparable to a father (ja. temples, which were styled A sok esvara. 107 As naka) of his subjects, founded the vihdra and agra. | the country was overrun by Mlechbas, the pious hara called J &lora. (king) obtained from Siva, the lord of creatures, a ** After him the illustrious Sachinara, whose son in order to destroy them. CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. EARLY COMITS OF WESTERN INDIA. characters, I have been more than ever impressed To the Editor of the Indian Antiquary. with the aid to be derived from duplicate and other SIR, I have been lately occupied in examining examples, which, though seemingly unimportant, the materials for Sir Walter Elliot's promised con- may chance to contribute to a practised eye a misstribution to the series of the new Numismata ing link in the interpretation of the authorized Orientalia, "On the Coins of Southern India." version of the local Prakrit, so confessedly un. In attempting to decipher the too frequently certain in its best forms of orthography. In the obliterated legends of the various subdivisions of hope of enlisting the sympathies of collectors of the coins of the western coast bearing Aboka coins in the Western Presidenoy, I desire to appeal, 03 Indra or Surendra is called Gotrabhit because he of Saman gasais Svangas, in the Kotaharu pargana, near opened the gotra or pen in which the Panis had confined Islamabad, and of Asan&ra, the well-known village of Chrer. the cows of the gods: see the quotations in the Pet. Dict. 109 Read 56 FETT. The annotator of Gremarks: 8. v. In the case of the Kaamfrian Surendra, gotra must Gushkaletrah hukhletra vitastatra vithavatra, fush kale. be taken to mean his own or the Brahmanical families. trascha vitastatrascha tau sushkaletravitastatrandvitiyad. 93 Neither the places mentioned in this verse nor the vivachanam etat. Both localities, the names of which are one mentioned in the next can be traced, though the usually pronounced Hoklitr and Vethuotr, are situated in former, as they were situated on the frontier of Dar listan, the Devasar pargand to the south of Islamabad. The must have been somewhere in Lol&b or Khuyah&m. It is former is marked on the Trig. Surv. map as Vithawiter. important to note that Kalhana ascribes the foundation of 103 Read T w ith GP and Ch. instead of the viharas, or Bauddha monasteries, to the last king of the line of Gonanda, whom he must have placed somewhere yatkRtyam of the editions.. about the 18th century before our era. 10. General Cunningham (Anc. Geog. p. 95) has fixed the >> Read with Oh. and GATOTT TT. The best of site of the ancient Srinagari near PAndreth&n (Pur&pAdhish. mountains' is the Himalaya. th&na). Some Pandits think that it lay near Islamabed. 6 According to the annotator of G', H&tis A 1A is now 108 Regarding the very remarkable prakards of the called Asthihil. My Brahman friends did not know this Kasmirian temples see Ounningham, Jour. As. Soc. Beng. latter name, and thought that Hashir might be meant. vol. xiii. pp. 340 seqq. The annotator of explains Karale by ardhavane, 100 Acokesvara must be explained as a madhyamapadalopi and Suvarnarmikulyd by Sunnamayd nado, the nala or compound by Agokena nirmita tevara, the temple of) Siva brook called Sunnamaya, marked on the native map in the built by Asoka.' The same remark applies to the numerous pargana Adhvan or Arwin. names of temples.ending in Isvara and beginning with the 98 My Kasmirian friends identify Zayur, near Zevan, name of a person, which occur further on. with Jalore. 107 The Mlechhga intended here are probably the Greeks: 100 According to the annotator of G the modern equivalent vide Lassen, Ind. Alt. (2nd ed.) vol. II. p. 285.

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SEPTEMBER, 1877.] CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. 275 through your columns, to all those who may happen to possess specimens of any of the types enumerated below, for their contributions to the publication in question. The plates for Sir W. Elliot's article will be delayed, pending a reasonable interval, to test the result of this ap lication, or will otherwise be supplemented by woodcuts illustrating the more tardy arrivals. I have been permitted to examine and avail my. self of the information I have obtained from the Kolhapur collection, which has already formed the subject of an article for the Journal of the Bombay Branch Royal Asiatic Society by Bhagvanlal Indraji. I have expressly reserved myself from any inspection of his paper, which is in the hands of Dr. Codrington, in order that I might give you my free and independent interpretation of the legends on the coins themselves, and the inductions I have arrived at in regard to their bearing upon an important social question in India of olden time. I allude to the ascendancy of women. Some indication of such state of things was to be gathered from the inscriptions in the Nasik caves, so ably translated by Professor Bhandarkar in the Transactions of the International Congress of Orientalists in London. The coins, however, very materially extend and confirm the references to the acknowledged supremacy of the female line in royal houses, and lead up to & much more extended inquiry as to the parallel practices of other cognate or associate nations. Our earliest intimation of the existence of such customs is derived from Herodotus, who testifies to its exceptional currency with the Lycians, but it is clear that similar ideas prevailed among (perhaps extended to the Etruscans. Herodotus' statement is as follows: "The Lycians are, in good truth, anciently from Crete; which island, in former days, was wholly peopled with barbarians . . . . Milyas was the ancient name of the country now inhabit ed by the Lycians: the Milya of the present day were in those times called Solymi.... Their customs are partly Cretan, partly Carian. They have, however, one singular custom in which they differ from every other nation in the world. They take the mother's and not the father's name. Ask a Lycian who he is, and he answers by giving his own name, that of his mother, and so on in the female line."'+ There need be no reserve in admitting that Hetairism held an important place in the earlier civilization of India, and indeed constituted a potent feature in the state policy. I Polyandry and polygamy equally prevailed in ncient times, as we learn from the annals of the Mahabharata, where Arjuna is seen to have brought home a new wife in addition to his onefifth share of the charms of Draupadi, who was held in common by the joint brotherhood. I will loave our native friends, who are so much more at home in such matters, to follow out these investigations, and conclude this section of the inquiry by drawing attention to the curious identity of the rights of females in Australia country linguistically and otherwise associated with the Indian Peninsula, and once, if we are to credit geologists, even constituting a continuation of the continent itself. "The Australians (according to Sir G. Grey) are divided into great clans, and use the clan name as a sort of surname beside the individual name. Children take the family name of the mother, and a man cannot marry a woman of his own name : so that here it would seem that only relationship by the female side is taken into account. One effect of the division of clans in this way is that the children of the same father by different wives, having different names, may be obliged to take opposite sides in a quarrel." Sir G. Grey further remarked upon "the practice of reckoning clanship from the mother, and the prohibition of marriage within the clan, as all bearing a striking resemblance to similar usages found among the natives of North America." * The mention of the mother's name after the father is a genuine Etruscanism. It is general in Etruscan epitaphs, and was retained even under Roman domination, for some Barcophagi bear similar epitaphs in Latin with natus affixed to the mother's name. (Dennis's Etruria, vol. I. p. 133.) "Her rate was honoured with even more splendour than that of her lord" (p. lxi.; conf. aloe vol. II. p. 170.) This custom the Etruscans must have derived from the East as it was not practised by the Greeks or R ans; but the Lycisns always traced their descent through the maternal line, to the total exclusion of the paternal- fact recorded by Herodotus, and verified by modern researches-Fellows's Lycia, p. 276. The Etruscans, being less purely Oriental, made use of both methods, ib. vol. I. P. 183 ; see also vol. I. pp. xli. xliii: "TusOos Asis sibi vindirat" -Seneca, vi. 9; Hor. Sat. 6, &c. "Of marriages, no representation which has not a mythi. cal reference has yet been found on the sepulchrul urns of Etruris, though most of the early writers on these antiqui. ties mistook the farewell soenes, presently to be described, where persona of opposite sexes stand hand in hand, for scenes of nuptial festivity."-Dennis's Etruria, vol. II. p. 189. Rawlinson's edition, vol. I. p. 173. I Bachofen and McLennan, two of the most recent authors who have stadied this subject, both agree that the primitive condition of man, socially, was une of pare Hetairism, when marriage did not exist; or, as we may perhaps for convenience call it, communal marriage, where every man and women in a small community were regardod as equally married to one another. Bachofen considers that after a while the women, shocked and scandalized by such a state of things, revolted against it, and established a system of marriage with female supremacy, the husband being subject to the wife, property and descent being con. sidered to go in the fernale line, and women enjoying the principal share of political power. The first period he calls that of Hetairism the second of Mutterrecht, or mother right.- Sir J. Labbock's Origin of Civilieation, p. 67. L. B. Tylor, Early History of Mankind (1865), p. 280.

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276 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. There is another most important point disclosed by the legends of coins Nos. 1-4, in the termination "Kura," or Kula as I read it, which is rendered as 'a race, a family, tribe, caste,' &c. In the present instances it seems to refer to some joint brotherhood, descendants of the ancestral female by different fathers. These communities in process of time may have grouped themselves into small republics, and the title of Rand which heads the legends may perchance refer to the senior or anonymous president for the time being.T The subjoined list of the Western coins which I have now seen for the first time has been restricted to a technical description of the types, and an avowedly tentative effort at the decipherment of the legends. The time has not yet arrived for any consecutive arrangement of the coins, either in the numismatic or historical sense. I trust that the future contributions of local collectors will enable me to make it more perfect hereafter. List of Coins. No. 1. Copper mixed with lead. Size, full 9 of Mionnet's scale. Weight 220 grains. 4 specimens. 2 Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., 2 Hon'ble Mr. Gibbs. Obverse-A crude figure of a bow and broadly barbed arrow.* Reverse-Chaitya with four rows of inverted semicircles surmounted by a half-moon (as in the Sah coins), to the right a tree with seven leaves or branches, at the foot an oblong pedestal with serpent in a wavy line, and dots. Legend raJa madArI putasa sivAla kurasa Rano Maddri-putasa Sivala-kurasa. No. 2. Copper and lead. Size 7 of Mionnet's scale. Weight 228 grains. 3 specimens. 1 Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., 2 the Hon'ble Mr. Gibbs. Obverse-Device a crude strung bow, and broadly barbed arrow set for use. Legend - raJo vAsiTho putasa vidavAya kurasa Rano Vasitho-putasa Vidavdya-kurasa. Reverse-A chaitya consisting of three layers of inverted semicircles with dots, surmounted by a chakra (or figure of the sun?). To the left a tree. with seven broad leaves. At the foot, an oblong square pedestal, in which is figured a serpent, with the wavy intervals filled in with dots. I place the children of the daughter, Va sithi, Molesworth, in his Marathi Dictionary, notices several variants in the orthography of this word "the compounds changing the into and the into ." The interchanges of R and L and R and I may be followed in Caldwell's Grammar, but it is sufficient for our purpose to notice that the ancient inscriptions fully authorize the optional use of Raja or Laja. It is remarkable how apparently complete an organization of corporate bodies and trade guilds is seen to have existed in Western India when the Nasik cave inscriptions were put upon recory. I myself long ago suggested that some such explanation [SEPTEMBER, 1877. earlier than the children of the mother, Gautami, on numismatic grounds. It is possible that the greater glories and ancestral status of the grandmother eclipsed, in process of time, the subdued claims of the memory of the mother. No. 3. Copper and lead. Size 9 of Mionnet's scale. Weights range from 180 grains to 196. The execution of the dies is inferior. Numerous specimens. Obverse-The usual crude bow and arrow. Legend - raJo gautamI putasa vidavAya kurasa Rano Gotami-putasa Vidavaya-kurasa. Reverse-Chaitya device as above, but the tree is attached to the main device and rises directly from the end of the pedestal. Many of these coins are what is technically termed double-struck,' i.e. the dies of a successor or adverse contemporary have been repeated over the original impression, without any refashioning of the piece itself. These indications are often of much value in determining the relative priority of the conjoint rulers. In the present instance they authorize us to place the children of Ma dari before those of Gautam i. In one case a coin of the Gautami-putras has had the identical legends of the original obverse repeated over the surface of the old reverse. No. 4. Copper. Size 4 of Mionnet's scale. Weight 28 grains. 2 specimens, Hon'ble Mr. Gibbs. Obverse-Bow and arrow. Legend - raJo vAsa tasavidavAya kurasa Rano Vasi [tho-pu]tasa Vidavdya-kurasa. Reverse-Chaitya, with tree growing on the summit. In the field of one specimen, a monogram possibly composed of the letters tachd or tava; on the other example, a letter exactly like a Chaldaean-Pehlvi (a).+ No. 5. Copper and lead. Size 7. Weight 230 grains. Sir Walter Elliot. Obverse-Device similar in some respects to No. 1, but the Chaitya is solid, surmounted with the usual half-moon, while the tree is replaced by a couch-shell, balanced on the other side of the field by a flower. Serpent at foot. might apply to the Sah series in a republican system of rotation, which should account for the over-full list of the kings whose names occur on the coins. The same typical form of bow and arrow occurs frequently on the earliest specimens of the ancient punched coins. See my Indian Weights, Numismata Orientalia, Part I. Plate, figs. 12, &c. + See Jour. R. As. Soc. N. S. vol. III. (1868) p. 264. It may be as well to add that the occurrence of such a letter on the local coinage need not necessarily reduce the age of the pieces so inscribed to the modern limits assigned to extant Pehlvi inscriptions. The letters of these alphabets are found on very early specimens of the Parthian coinage.

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SEPTEMBER, 1877.] CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. 277 Legend- ufau Sarivana or Salivana ; possibly faf TU Siri Vana. Reverse-The Ujjain symbol. No. 14. Lead. Similar coins. Legend-siri ruda Siri Rudra ? The is sometimes given as 3, and the R has to be supplied. London, 24th July 1877. EDWARD THOMAS. Legend-Titra gara . Rano Gotami.putasa Saraya.. Reverse--Four circles, each composed of a central dot and two concentric circles, joined together by cross-lines-conventionally termed the Uijain symbol. No. 6. Lead. Size 5. Weight 86 grains. Obverse--Small Chaitya, with three inverted semicircles, and serpent at the foot. Legend-TT GE TE RT IGE Rana Vasitho-putasa Siri Yastasa. (perhaps Saraya) Reverse--The Ujjain symbol. No. 7. Similar coins, variants. Legend-...... oysarafta Rana Vasitho-putasa Sirivasa. One coin has fh Sivasa. * No. 8. Lead. Size 4 Mionnet's scale. Obverse--A well-executed figure of an elephant, to the left. Legend-TSTE for 5 Traft gare Ranasa Siri Yana Gotami-putasa. Reverse--Four double rings joined by a crossthe conventional symbol of Ujjain. I No. 9. Lead. Size 4. Weight 70 grains. Obverse-A boldly sunk die bearing a well designed figure of a horse to the left. Legends Tartaru... Rana Gotami-putasa Sari Y.... Reverse-The Ujjain symbol. No. 10. Copper or bronze. Size 4. Weight (average) 35 grains. Obverse-A well-outlined figure of an elephant free, with trunk erect; no trappings. Legend-sirisatakaNi Siri Satakani. Reverse-Four single circles joined by cross-lines. No. 11. Variant. The elephant is decorated with rich head-gear. Legend-yaasataka Yanas ataka. N.B.-The forms of the letters of the legends would indicate that these coins belong to a later date than the specimens previously described. No. 12. Lead. Size 6. Weight 133 grains. Obverse-A well-executed figure of a horse to the right, with a half-moon in the field. Legend-STT ...... HEUE Rana G(otami-putasa) Satakanasa. Reverse-Device indistinguishable. No. 13. Lead. Size . Weight Obverse-- A crude figure of an elephant to the left. I See Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. VII. plate lxi.; Numis. mata Orientalia, "Ancient Indian Weighta," Part I. Plate, Mr. Shankar Pandurang Pandit (Ind. Ant. vol. I. Query HEMAD PANT AND THE GAULI RAJAS. Who and what was "Hemad Pant," who shares with the Gauli Rajas the credit of ancient build. inge in the Northern Dekhan and Konkan P One story is that he was a Rakshasa ! another that he was a physician, and imported the Modi or current Marathi alphabet from Ceylon; a third that he was the Brahman minister of a Musalman Sultan in Bidar or Golkonda. Professor Weber, in his paper on the Krishnajanmdshtami (Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 161 and notes) mentions three "Hemadris": - No. 1. Son of Charudeva, and minister of a king Mahadeva [king of where P]; composed by his command the Chaturvargachintamani, "perhaps at the end of the 13th century." No. 2. Patron of Vopadeva, and minister to king Ramachandra of Devagiri, ergo belonging to the same period; this is, I presume, the Raja plundered in A.D. 1295 by Ala'uddin the Parricide, and perhaps identical with Dnyanesvara's patron, Ramachandra Yadava of Newasa (Ind. Ant. vol. IV. p. 354. No. 3 was "a commentator on Vopadova at the court of a king Ramaraja." The locus in quo is not given, not being, indeed, necessary to Prof. Weber's argument, but I think there are only two Ramarajas available in this instance--the one just mentioned, and the unfortunate ruler of Vijayanagara, overborne by the Moslem confederacy of the Dekhan three centuries later. If Hemad Pant were a minister of the Devagiri Yadavas, it would go far to confirm the conjectare already hazarded by Mr. Sriksishna Sastri Talekar and myself, that they were the Gauli Rajas of tradition, as the same building is ofteu ascribed to both him and them, and even where one monopolizes the credit the style is the same. It may be well seen in the lower part of the fort of Devagiri itself; and that fort is almost in the centre of the country over which the names of Hemaa Pant and the Gauli Rajas are known. p. 209) says the Rashtra Kutas of Mankher were Y davaa, but gives no authority. The Hoisala Belalas certainly were, as they state it in their inscriptions, but their do. minions lie south of the range of the Gaali tradition.

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278 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Down here (Kaladgi I have not heard of either, old buildings being generally (and often correctly) referred to "the Jainas." It may be added that the 13th century, a period of great architectural activity, is just the natural epoch to which to refer the great builders of tradition. I should like to hunt down this Gauli Raj, and I hope that any gentlemen who can afford me help will lend it. It is a disgrace to us to accept as a mystery what cannot be a thousand years old. W. F. S. DR. HAUG'S ORIENTAL MSS. The collection of Oriental MSS. chiefly in Zend, Pahlavi, Pazend, Persian, and Sanskrit, made by the late Dr. Haug when Professor of Sanskrit at Puna, has been purchased from his widow for the Royal Library at Munich, for 17,000 marks. It will be remembered that Dr. Haug acknowledged, in a public lecture, that he had obtained many valuable if not unique MSS. from Parsis, during a tour he made in Gujarat to collect MSS. for Government. His right, as a paid Government servant, to collect on his own account, under any pretext whatever, was strongly protested against in the Bombay newspapers in June 1863, and especially in June and July 1864, when UEBER DEN URSPRUNG DES LINGAKULTUS IN INDIEN, v. F. KITTEL. (Mangalor, Basel Mission Book and Tract Depository, 1876.) [SEPTEMBER, 1877. Government was urged to investigate Dr. Haug's conduct in the matter, but no public notice was taken of it. In this pamphlet of 48 pages 8vo. the Rev. F. Kittel starts a theory in opposition to that propounded by Lassen, and supported, though with reserve, by Dr. J. Muir, that Linga-worship is of early Dravidian origin. He contends that it formed no part of the Dravidian religion before the influence of Brahmanism in the south, and in proof of this points out that, formerly at least, SaivaLingaism counted more famous shrines in Northern India than in the south; that the pretended abstention of Brahmans from its officiating priesthood is to be explained, where it really exists, by local causes alone; that the Brahmanical legends make no allusion to any reception of its worship from another race; that most of the legends relative to the Liga point to the north; and, most important of all, that in the south Linga-worship is not met with except among the populations more or less influenced by Hinduism, while those unaffected by its extraneous influence are quite ignorant of it. The suggestion, however (pp. 46-7), that Lings worship reached India from Greece seems almost entirely without foundation. This little brochure is full of the most interesting information on the actual position of Lingaism in HEMACHANDRA'S PRAKRIT GRAMMAR. The first part of Hemachandra's Prakrit Grammar, edited by Professor Pischel of Kiel, has been published. It is the eighth section of Hemachandra's large work on Sanskrit grammar, and is the most complete treatise on the earlier Aryan Indian dialects as yet published. An edition of the text, but quite uncritical, appeared in Bombay in 1873, edited by Mahabala Krishna. Prof. Th. Benfey has published under the title Vedica und Verwandtes, a series of papers treating mainly of a number of very nice and subtle questions of verbal criticism and explanation of difficult terms in the Vedas. Most of the papers are reprints from the Gottinger gehlehrte Anzeigen. BOOK NOTICES. Mr. Murray has in the press-A Discursive Glossary of peculiar Anglo-Indian Colloquial Words and Phrases, Etymological, Historical, and Geographical,' by Col. H. Yule, C.B., and Dr. A. Burnell,-a work the appearance of which will be looked for with considerable interest. the south, its divisions, the origin of its various sects, and on the archaeology, literature, and ethnography of the Canarese portion of the Peninsula. It is to be hoped our able contributor will be induced to give us a second edition of it in an English dress. TRAVELS IN INDIA in the Seventeenth Century: by Sir Thomas Roe and Dr. John Fryer. (Reprinted from the Calcutta Weekly Englishman.) London: Trubner & Co. The title of this work fully explains what it is: a good while ago Mr. Talboys Wheeler had The Journal of his Voyage to the East Indies, and Observations there during his residence at the Mogul's Court as Ambassador from England, by Sir Thomas Roe. Knt., and Dr. John Fryer's Account of India, reprinted in the Calcutta Weekly Englishman. At the same time a few copies were struck off in octavo form for separate publication. The impression, however, was overlooked for some time before it was issued. The two works are printed on thin paper and form a volume of 474 pages, but are put forth without note or comment, index or table of contents, and of course without the illustrations of the original editions. From its size this reprint may be found convenient by the general reader, but it will not supersede the earlier editions, copies of which are not scarce.

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Ind. Ant. Vol. 6, page 2 SOUTH JNDIAN SEPULCHRAL URNS. No.1 No a No. 5 No. 3. No.4 Scale of Inches

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OCTOBER, 1877.] SEPULCHRAL URNS IN SOUTHERN INDIA. 279 SEPULCHRAL URNS IN SOUTHERN INDIA. BY THE Rr. Rev. BISHOP CALDWELL, D.D., LL.D. TAM anxious to obtain some information as of a skeleton were discovered. The skull was I to the extent of the area within which found resting on the sternum, and on each side sepulchral urns, like those to which I am about of the sternum was a tibia. It appeared, thereto refer, are found, and I trust that some read- fore, as if the body had been doubled up and ers of the Antiquary will be so kind as to help forced in head foremost, though it was not me to obtain the information of which I am in clear how the shoulders could have got in. The search. bones were of the consistence of ochre, and The urns I refer to are large earthenware jars crumbled to pieces when they were taken out. containing fragments of human bones, generally Nothing could be preserved but a piece of the in a very decayed state. They are of various skull and the teeth, which were those of an sizes, corresponding with the age of the person adult. Dr. Fry, Surgeon to the Resident of whose remains were to be disposed of. The Travancore, who was present at the finil, pointlargest I have found was eleven feet in circum- ed out that the molars had been worn down ference, and the smallest have been between four by eating grain, and that the edges of the front and five. The shape varies a little within certain teeth also had been worn down by biting some limits, so that I have not found any two per- kind of parched pulse. Afterwards, on exafectly alike, but the type generally adhered to mining the mouths of some natives, I found is that of the large earthen jars in Tamil kunai) their front teeth worn down a little in the with which the people in this neighbourhoodsame manner, and, as they admitted, from the draw water for their cultivation. The urn is same cause. I have not noticed any distinct without handles, feet, rim, or cover. It swells trace of the bones in these urns having been out towards the middle and terminates in a caleined. point, so that it is only when it is surrounded In addition to human bones a few small with earth that it keeps an upright position. earthen vessels are found in 'most of the jars. The urns do much credit to the workmanship of Sometimes such vessels are arranged outside, the people by whom they were made, being instead of being placed inside. These vessels made of better-tempered clay, better burnt, and are of various shapes, all more or less elegant, much stronger than any of the pottery made in and all appear to have been highly polished. these times in this part of India. They would At first I supposed they had been glazed, but contain a human body easily enough in a doubled- I have been informed by Dr. Hunter, late of the up position, if it could be got inside, but the Madras School of Arts, that what I noticed was mouth is generally so narrow that it would ad- & polish, not a true glaze. Whatever it be, I mit only the skull, and one is tempted to con- have not noticed anything of the kind in the jecture that the body must have been cut into native pottery of these parts and these times. pieces before it was put into the urn, or that the In some cases the polish or glaze is black, and bones must have been collected and put in after the decay of these blackened vessels seems to the body had decayed. Generally decay is have given rise to the supposition that the bones found to havo advanced so far that these theo- had sometimes been calcined. ries can neither be verified nor disproved. On the accompanying plate are sketches of Fragments only of the harder bones remain, five of these little vessels. When these have and the urn seems to contain little more than been shown to natives, they say that No. 4 a mass of earth. In one instance I found the appears to have been an oil vessel, and No. 5 bones partially petrified, and therefore almost a spittoon. The use of No. 2, the vessel with perfect, though they had fallen asunder; but this the lid, is unknown. In these times such vessels was the large eleven-feet urn referred to above, wonld be made of bell-metal, not of pottery. We discovered at Korkei, so that in this instance may conclude that the object in view in placing it was conceivable that the body had been these vessels in the urn was that the ghost of placed in it entire. At Ilanji, near Kortalam, the departed might be supplied with the ghosts on opening an urn some traces of the shape of suitable vessels for eating and drinking out

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280 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1877. of in the other world! Small stones about the as in the Tamil version of the Panchatantra, size of a cocoanut are generally found heaped where it is used to denoto a very large jungle. round the mouth of the urn, and the discovery The great size of the urn being its principal of such stones ranged in a circle, corresponding characteristic, it would seem that the name in to the circular mouth of the urn, will be found use amongst the common people is, after all, to be a reason for suspecting the existence better warranted than that which is used by of an urn underneath. those who are regarded as correct speakers. The natives of these times know nothing Who the people were who buried their dead whatever of the people by whom this singular in these urns is a problem yet unsolved. The mode of sepulture was practised, nor of the time only points that can be regarded as certain are when they lived. They do not identify them those which have been ascertained by the inwith the Samanas, that is, the Jainas and ternal evidence of the urns and their contents Buddhists lumped together, about whom toler themselves. From this it is clear that the ably distinct traditions survive, nor does there people buried in them were not pygmies, but appear to be anything in or about the jars of the same size as people of the present time. distinctively Jaina or Buddhistic. There How they were put in may be mysterious, but is a myth current amongst the natives, it is true, | there is no doubt about the size of their bones. respecting the people who were buried in these The skulls were similar to those of the present jars, but this myth seems to me merely & con- time. The teeth also were worn down, Jike fession of their ignorance. They say that in the those of the existing race of natives, by eating Treta yuga--that is, about a million of years grain. In a jar opened by Dr. Jagor, of Berlin, ago-people used to live to a great age, but that a head of millet was found. The grain had however old they were they did not die, but the disappeared, but the husks remained. The unolder they grew the smaller they became. They known people must have lived in villages, the got so small at length that to keep them out of jars being found, not one here and another the way of harm it was necessary to place them in there, bat arranged side by side in considerable the little triangular niche in the wall of a native numbers, as would naturally be done in a burialhouse in which the lamp is kept. At length, ground. They were also a comparatively civil. when the younger people could no longer bearized people, as is evident from the excellence the trouble of looking after their dwarf ances. of their pottery, and the traces of iron imple. tors they placed them in earthen jars, pat with ments or weapons which have sometimes been them in the jars a number of little vessels con- fonnd in the jars. The conclusion from all this taining rice, water, oil, &c., and buried them which seems to me most probable is that they near the village. were the ancestors of the people now living in The name by which these urns are called in the same neighbourhood. If this were the true the Tamil country does not throw much light explanation, it is singular that no relic, trace, or on their origin. This name assumes three forms. tradition of such a mode of sepulture has surIn the Tamil dictionary it is madamadakkat- vived to the present day. And yet, if we were tali. A more common form of this word is to adopt the Bopposition that they were an alien madamadakkan-dali, the meaning of both which race, it would be still more difficult to conjecture forms is the same, viz. the tali, or large jar, who they were, where they came from, and why which boils over. The meaning attributed they disappeared. to this by some natives is rather far-fetched, I have myself seen those urns both in the viz. that the little people who were placed in Tinnevelly and Madura districts and in northern them used sometimes to come out of the jars and southern Travancore,--that is, on both sides and sit about, as if they had boiled over out of of the Southern Ghats, and the object I have in them. The form of this word in use amongst view in sending these particulars to the Antithe common people seems capable of a more quary is to ascertain in what other districts of rational interpretation. This is madamattan- Indis, they are found. If the area within which dali, or more properly madonmattan-dali. Ma- they are found can be soeurately traced, some dormatta (Sansk.) means 'insane, but it is light may be thrown thereby on their history. sometimes used in Tamil to mean' very large,' Idaiyangudi, Tinnevelly District.

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OCTOBER, 1877.] ON THE KRISHNAJANMASHTAMI. 281 ON THE KRISHNAJANMASHTAMI, OR KRISHNA'S BIRTH-FESTIVAL BY Pror. A. WEBER, BERLIN. (Continued from p. 180.) (Translated from the German by Miss Tweedie.) $ 2. taken in a solemn manner on the morning of We come now to the representation of the the feast-day. This is done, according to RN, celebration of the festival itself. On the in- after previous calling on the gods as witnesses tricate questions of a calendic sort which be- (with the wordslong to it, we do not enter further here, as they suryah somo yamah kalah sandhye bhitany ahah have been sufficiently discussed already. One kshapa I pavano dikpatir bhumir dkasam khachar. point, however, in this respect appears of im. amarah ('rd narah, Ns.) Ibrahmyan (brahman, portance: the dividing of the celebration into NA.) 6dsanam asthaya kalpadhvan (kalpantam two forms, one a simple form which consists only Vr.) iha savinidhim ) in the observance of a strict fast (see above, amid sprinkling of water out of a copper vessel p. 163); while the other, depending on the coin filled with fruits, flowers, and roasted barley, cidence of the date with a particular star, ap and with water, while reciting, according to pears as the original celebration of the festival, O 24, $b 545, 55a, D. Ms. Ud., the following with which alone we have to do here. We have sentence, asking for the god's assistance :seen already that in it also two forms are to be adya sthitud nirdharah svobhute paranesvara (tu pare 'hani, Sb.) | bhokshye tham pundarikaksha kept separate from each other, one of which saranam me bhard 'chyuta ('vyaya, Sb.) || koeps the god in view together with his mother, "Remaining without nourishment to-day, I while the other presents him alone; in the shall feast to-morrow, former case the celebration is combined with O high lord, O lotus-eyed one, be a defence the preparation of a shed intended for the recep to me, thou unshaken one!" tion of a woman about to give birth to a child, Ms. D. reads the second hemistich thus :adorned with pictures from the history of the bhokshyami Devakiputra asmin janmashtamivrate holy nativity, and in which the mother of the (the last pada as in Ca also), and Ud. hasgod, with her son drinking at her breast, is re karishye paranai tatra bhaktim me hy achaldri presented resting on a couth, and receiving the kuru worship consecrated to her; in the second case Ca adds other three half-slokas to this :the picture of the god is worshipped over a sarvapdtakandedya prasanno bhava kesava jug. As the sources for this last form of the idan vratam maya deva grihitam puratas tava celebration, we have only the secondary texts nirvighnam siddhim dydtu prasanne tvayi kesava | Sc. (= Sv. 3) Vi. J. Ud. In D. and Ms. both "Be gracious to me, O Kesava! to the blotforms of the festival are brought forward. The ting out of all my sins. rest of the texts recognize only the first form. Let this vow which I have now taken before The richness and abundance of the material thee, O god! be accomplished without hinnow before us in these various texts is so great drance, through thy grace, 0 Kesava!" that we are obliged to limit ourselves. I have B 24 has the following sentence :therefore chosen as a guide the representation adya'ham pundarfkdksha eraddhdyukto jitendriyah which the older Bhavishya texts 0. O. Sa. offer, upavdeam karishyami varajanmdsham vratar having at the same time due regard to the (vrate ?) || variations of the rest of the texts from it, but 0. Sa. Sc. give no sentence at all. Lastly referring only, as far as seemed indispensable, to R. (p. 26) quotes from the Sarmvatsarapradipa the rites and formulae peculiar to them. the four following impressive verges, in the After the necessary cleansing of the teeth use of wbich N (fol. 306) s. Vi. and Sk. join on the previous day (N) the vow of fasting is with him. (Kd. has only vv. 1 and 4): Compare with this the quite analogous sentence in in the Vaishnavs ritual. In the Jayanti form of the the Vardhapurana (Chambers 585a, fol. 180ab, on the Janmd.shtami (fol. 25a), treated of separately in Ms. (see occasion of the matsyadvadast): p. 179), the sentence runs nearly above, with the ekadasyam wirdharah sthitud chaiva pare 'hami | bhok- readings Jayantyd te wirdhara bhokshyami pundarishyami pundartk aksha saranam mo bhaud'chyutall kaksha saranam charanan tara || The formula, it is evident, is one generally acknowledged

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282 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1877. Vasudevam samuddibya (samabhyarchya, N.fol. 266) spot of a sutikagriha (house for a woman sarvapdpaprasantaye upavdsam karishyamilerish- in childbirth) takes place. Thus according to ndshtamydi nabhasy aham ||1|| 0. Sa. 0. B. K.N. (S. Vr.) D. M8. In R. Sk. adya krishndrhtamiri devin (chaiva Vr.) nabhas indeed this subject is not specially mentionchandra-sarohinim (sic! So N both times, thus ed, but the house" simply is described as also 8. Sk. and R. p. 33, where v. 2 recurs; only Vr. has chandran) archayitvopavdsena bhokshye the scene of the ensuing celebration (griham 'ham apare 'hani | 21 upakramya): probably, however, the same enaso (eva cha Vr.) mokshakamo 'ami yad govinda thing is meant by it. For the preparing triyonijam (triyojanam S., niyojitam Vr. 1) I tan me of such a separate shed intended for the muncha tu mdr trdhi patitan kokaadgare 131 purpose of being occupied while passing djanmamaranan ydvad yan mayd duskkritania kri safely through the time of lying in, is a tam tat prandsaya govinda prasida purushot constant Indian custom, which appears to tama || 4 || have come down from pretty early times. The * To the honour of Vasudeva I will fast now reason of it was probably, on the one hand the for the expiation of all sins wish to keep the impurity connected with childTo-day, as the eighth day of the black half of the birth at a distance from the other members of the Nabhas moon 11 family as well as from the dwelling-house proper, Celebrating by fasting to-day the Krishndshtami, and on the other the better opportunity therethe Nabhas month and the moon by offered of defending and guarding the Together with Rohini, then to-morrow I shall mother and child from all bad demoniacal ineat again fluences. After the quotations in K. iii. 1 fol. I wish, O Govinda! to atone for the sinst 6a,b, but especially in Ananta de va's Sannof three births skarakaustubha (fol. 56ab), the sutikagriham Blot them out to me, and save me who fell into lig, according to a text of Vanish that a a sea of trouble 1 tained in the Parijata (Madanapdrijata, see From birth to death, whatever evil deed I have Aufrecht, Catalogus, pp. 274, 275) to be done erected in the south-west region. AnantaCancel it, O Govinda! be gracious, Puru- deva gives also astrological information from shottama!!!" Garga respecting the right time to enter it From this specimen we may form an idea (sutikagaravesanam, sutikavesanam), as well as of the variations of the several representations, special texts from the Padma respecting the even in those cases where substantially the same erection itself, &c. According to him, it is to be subject is treated of, and draw from it a further made well defended on all sides, to be erected conclusion as to cases where real differences on a good situation, firm and secure, by people are dealt with. skilled in building, and to be provided with a At midday of the day of the festival a bath door to the east, and one to the north. After is to be taken in clean river-or other water the worship of the gods, Brahmans, and (0. O. B. N.), making use of sesamum $a. cows has taken place, the enceinte one enters, N. K. D. (white sesamum). J (black ditto), calling on the Brahmans for blessings, amid Ms (oil of black sesamum), carrying a myro- conch sounds and other music. Only kindred balan fruit on the head (dhatriphalar sirasi and trustworthy women afterwards enter. (Meal dhritva, J.). In Sb the bath is placed before of ricinus roots mixed with gki serves to the taking of the vow of fasting: thus also facilitate the birth.) According to the Vishin Ud. (dvitiyadine brlikme muhurte utthaya till mudharma, it is to be inhabited for ten days malakasndnam) (precisely on the tenth the in-lying woman gets After this the setting up on an auspicions up again, see Par. I. 17 Sankh. g. I. 24) and + See Vishnurahasya in M, vide ante, p. 164. I aindre ta vikramasthanam, Agneyyam pachan&layah varunyam bhojanagriha nairpity Arin satik agriham iti 1 Proviset natikfeamjnar kritaraksham samantatah subhumau nirmitan ramyam v stavidyavisfradaih pragdy Arum uttaradv@ram athara sudridhar subham devanam brAhman Ann cha gavarn kritv& cha pajanam | riproponyahasabdena saikhavidyaravena cha prasuta bahavas tatra tath& klesakshandayabil hridy& visvasaniya cha praviseya(b) striyas chs tat| erandam dlachuraens saghritena tathaiva tam (lacuna sukhaprasavanarth&ya paschat karye tu tat kahiped iti i Compare Ka. ii. 1 fol. 186: sutik apraveko govipradevapujanam kritva mantravidyaghoshens sapatyastribbih saha kryeb

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OCTOBER, 1877.] ON THE KRISHNAJANMASHTAMI. 283 during the time is to be provided with arms, fire, cowherd's cot,ll and to be filled with milklinks, full jugs, lights, with a pestle, and with maids (OC.). Fetters for women, iron swords, pictures painted in water-colours (probably for a sacrificial post, along with a black (N.) he-goat protection against bad demons). are to be found inside ; a pestle is to be laid down sk. contains other accounts of the sutika at the door, guards are to be placed in it, likewise griha, under the word itself, and words of si- the goddess Shash thi,* and all sorts of milar signification sutikageha*, sutikavasa, su selected meats for the gods (idols) in rich abundtikabhavana, sutigriha, and sutigrina. Accordance (OC. Sa.) Of the decoration of the walls ing to it, arishta in Amara (&c. see Pet. W., with pictures from the "holy history," which S. v.) is also to be taken as a synonym for Sa. (Ms.) mentions here, Oc. treat but in the it (so indeed Ragh. III. 15). According to sequel, see below. According to Sa, the setting the Bhavaprakasat it is to be made eight up of the sutikagriha is also to be accompanied hands long and four wide (that would be a with music of all kinds, dancing and singing. very narrow measurement!). According to the It is highly surprising, first of all, that, accordVahnipurana, chap. prajapatisarga,t bad demons ing to these statements, the sutikagriham is to surround it, but good spirits stay there too, be set up like a gokulam. For the legend itself who then, on the sixth (the specially critical) is quite consistent throughout, in stating that day after the birth, are to be worshipped with Devak i gave birth to Krishna in prison. offerings. The night of that day is to be Evidently a transference has here taken place passed waking, -50 according to the Vishnu to Devaki of those circumstances in which dharmottara. Yaso da, who received the newly born child The accounts in this place of the setting up of immediately after his birth, on her part gave the sitikagriha agree with these statements, birth to her own child, that magical girl who is at the same time they also show some special exchanged with him. The reason of this indeed peculiarities. can only be that, from the beginning, the cele bration of the Janmashtami festival stood in The pillars (N) made of plantain stems close relation to the representation of Krishare to be covered with lotus-coloured (ruby red), na's growing up among cowherds, and convariegated (00), with white, yellow, red, sequently this conception entirely preponstriped or green (Sa. D.) cloths. It is to be derated over the other, according to which he decorated with wreaths of sandalwood, pearls was a prince born in prison. and jewels (C, with amulets 0. Sa. N.), with The following is the wording of the texts new pitchers (kalasa) filled with water (N.), with belonging to this --First of all, OC. (the first numerous flowers and fruits, and rows of lamps, sloka also in B. v. 696, 70): and to be perfumed with wreaths of flowers, tatah endtva cha madhydhne nadyddu vimale jale! sandalwood and agallochum. It is to be devyah susobhanan karyad Dovakyah sutilagriarranged quite like a gokulan, byre, or hamt | 25 | T dashham sutikagaram yudhais cha viheshatah vahnina tindakalataih parnakumbhaib pradipakaih musalena tath& varivarnakaia chitritena cha Tinduka Diospyros embryopteris, Pers. (Pet. Wort.); Diospyros glutinosa, a species of ebony, from the fruit of which kind of resin is obtained, that is used in India as pitch for caulking vessels, &e. (Wilson.) * Compare Brahmavarivarta, Srikrishnajanmakhanda adhy, 4: jagama sdtikageham narirupar vidhaya bhah jayasabdah sajikhasabdo harisabdo babhuva hal + ashtahastayatam charu chaturhastavilAlakam pruchidvAram udagdvaram vidadhyat adtik&griham I sarvatragAn apratighan sutik Agrihasevidah prishthata b-panipAdans cha prishthagriven surabhasah II evamvidhan pis&chans cha drishtva brahma'nukampays antardhanam veram pridat kemaskyitvam eva chall. $ sutikavaganilaya janmadi nama devatah tekmo yaganimittarthar suddhir janmani kirtita shnahthe 'hni ratriylgarn tu janmadan Am cha k Arayet rakshaniye sada shasthi nisam tatra viseshatah | Rama jagaranan karyam janmad Anale tatha balib || Under gokula, sk. has the following-gogam thah tatparyayah 1 godhanam, gavkih vrajah ity Amarah | gos- thanam, yatha: gokule kandualkyarn taila yantrekshuyantrayoh amiminsyani sauchani strishu valatureshu cha 11 iti tithy&ditattvam Mathuraikadese sri-Nandasya vasasthanam, yatha : kalena vrajata tata gokule R&makesavau jAnubhyarh saha panibhyari ringamanau vijabratuh iti aribh&gavatam ? vadh 2-karair 0, veshtakart si, trinkhald Ms. Probably the fetters are meant, which, according to the legend, Kanga had caused to be put on his sister Devak 1 and her husband Vasudeva (see above, p. 176). The pestle and the guards, on the other hand, are probably (see above, p. 282) the universal requisites of every sdtikagriha, intended for protection against pisachas and similar sorcer. ers. They therefore, probably, do not refer to the prison guards, who are directly mentioned further on. * See p. 174, probably a picture of her to be painted on the wall. Compare Samsk. Kaust. fol. 59a, tatah kudy Bilikhitapratimasu tandulapufijeshu va janmadh (namely :) Jivantyaparanamnim Shashthim Skandar Rakam Sinivalim Kahum khadg&lishu bhagavatini cha shodaeopach Araih pujayet janmad abhyo nama iti nimamantrena janmadanm svahan di Thus 0, C has sndtvi tu (B.) and chitran harmyacharam kuryad.

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284 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1877. padmaragaih patais chitrair manditari charchitan rakshapdianolikhya (pdian dlikhya ?) tanmadhye bubham | ramyam chandanamalabhir muktamani- sarvatobhadramandale...... vishishitan | || 26 || Now, beside this representation of the locality sarvan gokulavat karyam gopijanasamdkulam of the festival as a sutikagriha, there stands vadhakarair (?) lohakhadgailr) yupachhagasamanvitam& || 27 || firstly-a second in which it is described not dvaro vinyastamusalam rakshitaris rakshapdla with this special name, but with the general kail shashthyd devyd 'pi* sampurnar, naived name mandapa; that is to say as an "open (?) prair vividhaih kritaih || 28 || pavilion sort of hall" (Pet. Wort.). Thus eramadi yathasaktyd (okti kartavyan satikd M. itself already (see p. 163), where, unforgriham tunately, nothing further is remarked. And Then Sa: tato 'shtamyami tilaih snato (endtva Vr.) thus further also Sb. Sc. Vi 2. (Vi. 1 abstains nadyadau vimale jale || 18 | from any remark upon the locality). So it is sudede bobhanavis kuryad Devalyah sutikdgrihamt! true, has only the short notice that the mandapa sitapitais tatha raktaih karvurair haritair apitt is to be decorated with fruits and flowers (with || 19 || wreaths of flowers, Sv. 2). According to Sc. it is vasobhih sobhitan keritud samantat kalacairnavaih to be built of plantain stems, over a consecrated pushpair phalair anekais cha dipalibhir atas tatah | 20 || circle, which itself forms the centre of a pushpamalavichitrari cha chandandgarudh dpitam space measured off with a cow's skin; it is to atiramyam anaupamyam rakshamanivibhishi be provided with four doors, to be decorated tam || 21 | with fruits and flowers, and a beautiful varieharivansasya charitan gokula " cha vilekhayet gated awning is to be spread over it. In the (also in D. 1036, where however h. cha tatha same way proceeds Vi 2, only that here, instead gokula vilikhapayet) Itatan (Vr. tato Sa) of the space measured off' with the cow's skin, a vaditraninddair vindvenuravakulam || 22 | consecrated holy circle, called a sarvatobhadranrityagftakramopetam mangalaie cha samantatah mandala is prescribed, with all kinds of mystic veshtakdrilohakhadgan (?) kritud nddario cha yat requisites, according to the manner of the natah || 23 | Tantra ritual. dvdre vinyasya musalar rakshitaris rakshapalakaih shashthyd devyd 'dhishthitam cha tad griham Lastly, excluding any account of the mandapa, chotsavais tatha || 24 | this sarvatobhadramandalam only is named evan vibhavasarena kitud tat (Vr., tu sa) sutikd. in Ud. as the place of the celebration, an griham arrangement which is taken (compare ibid. for N ($. Vr.): tatah kadalistambhavdsobhir amra. example 3a, 20a) from the general procepts pallavayutasajalapurnakalasair dipaih pushpa- of the Vaishna va ritual, as it is contained malabhir yutam agurudhupitam (svagaru. Vr.) agni in Ms., while the accounts of the setting up of (agreVr.)-Icha lga-krislinachdga-rakahdmani-dodran- the mandapa here constitute a special pecuvastamtaladiyutan mangalopetaris shashthyd devyaliarity of this one festival, probably appointed dhithitari Devakyah sutikagrihari vidhdya to form a kind of counterpoise to the Sutikagriha M.: tato madhyalime krishnatailair nadyddau dare in the other form of the celebration. More. snatva sudece Devakyah sutikdgrihan leurydt over, Ms. itself on its part, unites here (see tatrai(va) vaso-darpana-pallavddibhistorandni kritva, vitanam dvadhya, tatra ghritatailapakvani above) both representations, in which it retatkalaphalani pushpadamani cha a(d)dhod, koud. cognizes the sutikagriham as well as the sarvatoyeshur gokula ni vilikhya, brinkhala-lohakhadga. bhadramandalam,--the latter placed in the chhogamusaladi dvari vinyasya, meshyd (methydun?) middie of the former. Thus C, O has padmarage patinetrair and : malyabhi rakshamani. The second hemistich is wanting in C: compare 80.239. This hemistich also in B. 74ab; but saruarakahasa. Thanvitam in the second pada. * ? dvoyasi 0, devyas cha tatraiva C. + Both homistichs (186, 19a) are found so in K. also, and as to be found Hemadras Bhavishye: for the first hemistich compare D 97b, uposhakas tu madhyahne sndtah suklatilaih bubaid; and the second oocurs ibid. 1086, but, with the reading srdese 'lam krite k. 11 Thus also in D. 103a, but with the variation Svetarak. tais tatha pitai karburair haritail prithak. SS So Vr. atikrumyamanoramyan sa In Vi 9 & marginal note has instead of this" An eight-spoked circle, the middle of wbich is formed of eight lotuses." Compare the representation of . sarvatobha. dramandala in 8k. p. 6021. In Ca mention is only made of an eight-leaved lotus flower" to be drawn (with sandal) on the ground. It recurs, also, in the Ramanavami, the celebration of which, however, appears to be copied from that of the Krishnajarmdshtami

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OCTOBER, 1877.] The texts run as follows:-Sb., in the first place, has only ON THE KRISHNAJANMASHTAMI. sampadya 'rchanasadhanam mandapam sobhanam kritvd phalapushpadibhir (pushpamala Vr.) yutam | Se. sauvarnt pratima karya padyarghyacha maniyakam | patrant (patram Vr.) sampadya vidhivat pujopakaranam (Vr., jyodeg Sa) tatha || 6 || gocharmamatram samlipya madhye mandalam acharet | brahmddyd devatas tatra sthdpayitva prapujayet || 7 || mandapam rachayet tatra kadalistambhamanditam chaturdvarasamopetam (sic!) phalapushpadisobhitam || 8 || vitanam tatra vadhniydd vichitram chaiva bobhanam Vi 2.: suchau dese tu samsthapya gomayena vichakshanah | mandalam karayet tatra panchavarnena sobhitam || 14 || navanabham sa-'ravindam sarvatobhadra-samjnitam; | mandalam karayen madhye manohladakaram param || 15 || evetatandulapishtena panchavarnena bhupate; | mandapam karayet tatra autoranasamanvitam || 16 || || 55 || chaturdvaranvitam hy etat sthapayet teshu devaidh | prathamadvaradese tu varunam sthdpayet tatah || 17 || ("Kuvera at the second, Devendra at the third, Gananayakam at the fourth door:" vv. 18-20) Ud. sarvatobhadramandalam kartavyam. After the erecting and decorating of the sutikagriha, in the manner described above, the placing of the pictures of the gods to be worshipped at the approaching festival is to be taken in hand. In the first place a picture of Devaki, made of gold, silver, copper, brass, clay, wood, or jewels, or only painted with colours, is to be placed in the middle of *A marginal note has only shodasaram likhech chakraris tanmadhye cha 'shtapankajam + According to Sk. by srivatsa is to be understood a row of white hair (vakshahstha-suklavirna-dakshinavartalomavall) found on the breast, towards the right side, which is regarded as the characteristic of a maha purusha; Krishnadisa understands by it an amulet Thritsamjatamaniviseshal) to be worn on the heart after the manner of the kaustubha. Mallinatha in Raghuv. xvii. 29 explains Srivatsa by grihavisesha (1). Might not perhaps the older form of the word be erivriksha? Compare Varahamih. xxxiii. 10 in Kern (who puts frivakshas as the original form: compare however sk.: srivrikshakal, pum, asvasya hriddvartah, iti Trikanlaseshah, as well as Wilson, sub voce, and my treatise on the Bhagavatt, II. 312). The employing of srivatsa as a sign of happiness comes down from early times, probably from the Buddhists aud Jains (see again Burnouf, Lotus, pp. 608-9, 617); after all, the proper meaning of it, as well as its most ancient form and date, is still undetermined: a reference to the sign of the Cross, and to the Agnus Dei, as I have conjectured in the Zeitung der Deut. Morgenl. Gesellschaft, VI. 94, does not appear to be contained in it. 285 the sutikagriha. This represents Devaki as endowed with all the characteristics of beauty, as half asleep, as radiant as burnished gold; moreover in company with her son,-as having in fact just given birth to him, and being rejoiced in consequence of this moment (of the pain overcome ?) while the sleeping child, lying at her side, is drinking at her breast, his own breast furnished+ with the holy srivatsa sign, and the colour of his skin like the leaves of the blue lotus. Here again is something very surprising about this representation. For while the legend throughout informs us that at Krishna's birth there was danger in delay, that his father Vasudeva had to carry the newly-born child threatened him, the above representation, which immediately away, to escape the dangers that shows us the mother and child (the former, too, "joyfully moved") slumbering beside each other on a couch, presents a picture of undisturbed repose, and stands therefore in such direct contrast to the legend that it is difficult to suppose that both representations have grown up on the same ground. The representation in this place appears as foreign as the difference discussed above (p. 283) in reference to the locality of Krishna's birth. Now the texts relating to this now are--First in 00 Sa K, as follows : tanmadhye pratima sthdpya (karyd B.) SS sa cha 'py ashtavidha smrita (kanchanddivinirmita R.) || 29 || kanchani rajati tamri paittali mrinmayi tatha TI daretmanimayt chaiva varnikalikhita 'pi vatt || 30 || sarvalakshanasampanna (sampurna 0. Sa K.) paryanke cha 'rdhasuptika++++ | prataptakanchanabasa maya saha tapasvini SSSS || 31 || prastuta cha prasuta cha TT tatkshandch cha praharshitamam cha 'pi (tatra Sa K.) balakam sup And v. 296, 30 also in B; 296, 316, 326, 33a, also in R. SS Some of the various readings given by Dr. Weber are omitted.-ED. T paiti O., pitali na panas tatha B. (!) vrikshi Sa, varkshi sv. 1 N. K, manomayi, manimayi 0, lohi va mrinmayi karya B. tt 'thava O K, varpakair likhita tatha sa. N., varnikalikhitakshara B. kam O., p. sarvaguptika C., p. cha 'shtasalyake Sa., p. cha patavrite, K. SSSS bhasar maharha sutapasvini sa (ham susutasvinin So 1), Devaki sutapasvini R. The whole hemistich is wanting in K. where we have: Devakim tatra chaikasmin pradese sutikagrihe| which is perhaps deutorology of the account further on of Yasoda: see below. TTP prasuth chaprast& van C. O (but both times cha), prastutam (praari" su 1) cha prasuptam cha sa, prastutam cha prasutarn cha K. takshanach cha C, tatkshanad brahmaharshita O (for tatkshanat, see O v. 55), sthapayen manchakopari sa. K.

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286 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1877. tam paryanko stanapdyinam (prasutantradach hu- vim R.) | 32 || brtvatsarakshanopetarit nilotpaladalachhavimi B. has, according to 0 295, 30, the following verse: Devak pratimd karyd bala rupasamanvita || 72 || matur utsargasamsthasya hrishtasya(?Krishnasya) stanapdyinah | (from 726 obviously pratimd karyd is to be supplied.) N. (6. Vr.) sutikagrihamadhye pruchadapatdvritan prachddayapatta s., prachadyavritta Vr.) manchakam sthapayitva ("yet Vr.) madhydhne nadyddijale tilaih sndtra, "'rdhardtre saparivdra. br. krishnapajd karishya" iti sankalpya," kancha. ni......likhitd tathe"-ty uktanyatamena pratimdTM vidhaya...... Kd. tatah suvarnarajatadimayyo mrinmayyo ud bhittyddilikhitd vd pratimd yathakulach tram kdr. yah td yathd, paryazke prasupta-Devakyah stanam pibantin arf-Krishnapratimd" nidhdya... Independently altogether of the fact that Sa. is described as borrowed directly from him, we see distinctly from the following statement of Bhd. that this same representation is also found already in Hem adri:ert-Krishna-Devakt Vasudeva-Yasodd-Nandddi-pratimd nirmana-tatpujanddiprakdrddikan prata-Hemddrau spashtam. As we saw above (pp. 175, 176, 177 ff. 281), another representation, which makes the image of the god to be worshipped over a jug, comes alongside of the one just described of the mother lying on a couch (paryanka) with her child drinking at her breast. It is contained first in those texts which (see above, p. 284) do not at all mention the sutikagriha, bat introduce the mandapa, or only the sarvatobhadramandala, namely Sc. Vi. Ud.; to these are added, instead, D Ms. (J), both of which texts, on one hand describe the sutikagriha itself (J has nothing regarding it) but also represent the worship as taking place over a jug; and secondly an addition (see note 3) very awkwardly inserted by Vr. in the re- presentation of $. (N.). Now according to Ms. this jug is to be placed in the sutikagriha, or eventually in the sarvatobhadramandala drawn in the middle of it, and the picture of Krishna drinking at his mother's breast is to be laid directly on the jug. Ms. besides, leaves optional instead of it, the worship of the two asloep on a manchaka (couch). Lastly, on occasion of the Jayanti festival, treated of separately in Ms. = J. (see above, p. 179), no mention at all is made of the last mode; Krishna's picture, farther, is not laid directly on the jug, but a "new red" jug, "filled with consecrated water, provided with the so-called five jewels,* and adornedt with perfumes and wreaths of flowers," is in the first place to be covered by another vessel, of gold, silver, copper, or reeds (according to circumstances), filled with sesame, and it is then on this vessel that the golden picture of the god comes to lie; which has moreover to represent him as a suckling infant looking up into his mother's face.-In all these points, then, D agrees completely, only it adds that the child presses the point of the breast with his hands, and looks up repeatedly and lovingly into the face of the mother : after this only, according to D, is the sutikdgriham to be prepared. Quite the same representation as in D, or at the Jayanti form in Ms., is found in Ud., only that it is added that the jug is to be placed in the octagon-shaped middle of the sarvatobhadramandalam; the Krishna in the picture moreover is described here as four-armed, obviously to mark especially Krishna's identity with Vishnu. Lastly, Vi. 1-2, Sc. make no mention at all of the relation of Krishna to his mother. A golden figure of Krishna covered with a cloth is to be worshipped over a jug, Vi 1 says quite shortly, while Vi 2 (as well as a marginal note on it of a different wording) and Sc, in agreement with D. (Vr.), cover the jug in the first place with a vessel, and the image is only to be placed on the latter. Vi has all kinds of specialities in regard to it; gives, among other things, the measurethat is, the value-of the golden Krishnaimage at eight mashas, which does not seem trivatenvakshahpurnamgam O R (p. 28), irivatsavakshasam santan sz. N. (K ) I K. wants the whole hemistich. Here Vr.inserts, very mal a propos, the description of the kalasa, &c. With exception of so, where indeed the mandapa is named as the place of worship, but regarding the mode of the latter, whether over paryan ka or kalaga, nothing is said. It is moreover addressed there to Krishna alone, who, at the same time, as the further details show, is represented also as newly born. * Gold, diamond, sapphire, ruby, and pearl, Hem&dri 'in sl.; nocording to the Gaude, gold, silver, corals, pearl, and raja patta (3), ibid. + All these accounts of the jug result from the adjective purvokte, referring back to fol. 20a (navam lohitam sud. ahodakapdritam pancharatnopetam gandhAkshatapushpamAlAlankpitam kalakarn) by which it is here (see p. 288) described, and they apply also, in like manner, to the janmashtami also.

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OCTOBER, 1877.] ON THE KRISHNAJANMASHTAMI. 287 very high (according to Manu viii. 134 this as the placing of the jug in the sarvatobhadramanwould be only a half-sauvarna, 40 krishnala). dalam, the detached explanation of the The addition (see p. 286 n.) made by Vr. de angapuja, &c., and the coincidence of Vi. Sc. also scribes only the preparing of the kalasa, and its in them shows that their representation, while being set up in a sarvatobhadramandala, both it keeps aloof from the special peculiarities of quite as D. Vi 2 and Sc.; regarding the use to be the Janmashtami celebration, is founded on an made of it for the worship of the image of adaptation to the general forms of the VaishKrishna Vr. is altogether silent: as the author nava ritual cannot well set himself too much in opposi. The connected texts run thus :tion to the other texts quoted by him, as well Sb. mandapan dobhanan kritvd phalapushpddibhir as to his sources S N.; he borrows, however, yutam | tasmin mam prijayed bhaktyd gandhain the course of the discussion two more addi pushpddibhih prithak || 56 upachdraih sholasabhir dvddasaksharavidyaya tions from the kalasa-ritual, namely the 16 Ms. (fol. 326) tanmadye sarvatobhadramandale upach dras and the angapajd (see below, p, 291). purvokte kalase haimin rajatan tamrim paittaNow this worship over the jug is a highly lam (!) manimayam (!) varkshim mrinmaytin peculiar feature, the cause of which, as well as lekhyarupai va sambhavantim brf-Krishnaprati. the object of it, is still not quite clear to me. main Devalistanamdhayd" vinyasya, manchake I have first met with it in that festival-cycle |vd prasuptamatristandm pivantam suptam triwhich (see p. 179) the Vardhapurana con- Krishnam vinyasy. ... secrates to the ten or eleven avatdras of J. tatah purvoktakalasasthapite haime raupye Vishnu, which are all to be worshipped tdmre vainave vi tilapurnapatre haimar Devain the same manner (as above in Vi. and Se). kistanandhayam jananimulcham avalokayantari Perhaps just in this lies the explanation of the kahirddiandpitam devam avasthapya.... riddle. At the head of these avataras stands D. uposhakas tu madhyahne snatah suklatilai subhaih || 97 || the incarnation of Vishnu as a fish, and in kritud "hnika i tatah karma sthapayed avranam this the worship in or over a jug is of course fully ghatam pancharatnasamdyuktampavitrodakapuri. justified : 1 perhaps the celebration of the other tam || 98 | festivals of this kind may have been regulated tasyopari nyaset patram sauvarnan vd 'tha rdjaaccording to the type of the first avatara-festival? tam tamram va vainavan vd 'pi kritud faktyaThe jug in which, according to the tradition, nusdratah || 99 || see Satap. Br. I., 8.1.3 (kumbhyam), Ind. Stud. nyunan vd 'py adhikam vd 'pi vittaedthyam na vol. I. p. 163,-the first progenitor Manu kdrayet tasyopari nyase devant sauvarnani brought up the fish which saved hina from the lakshandnvitam | 100 pibantavi stanatan kshfram luchdgran panind flood would then be the originals of this. sprisan (nomin.!) dlokayantam premnd tu miFrom the accounts in Ms. of the festivals kham matur muhur mnhuh || 101 || of the Vaishnava ritual it further follows with evani kritva tu govindam mdtrd saha jagatpatim certainty that this same type recurs in them sudece 'lavkrite kuryad Devalydh sitikagriham throughout, and this harmony after all is not || 102| confined merely to the worship over the jug, but Ud. sarvatobhadramandalari kartavyam madhye extends itself to the whole habitus of the cele ekani kumbham sthapya, tatha parito dvdda da kumbration, 212. to the angapuja,--that is, the wor bhant sodakunt supallavan phalaratnahiranyaship of the separate members of the idol's body, udsobhir alankri an pratishthapya, tadupari ert parnitham patran tamra-ripya-vansajam mrinto the watch kept through the night, and to the mayai vd nidhaya, tatra sugandhinirmitasarva giving away of the idol to the acharya on the tobhadramadhye ashtadale brikrishnapralimdvin next morning at the breaking of the fast. In suvarnamaytin Devakistanam dhdvayanih (ahonid Ms., it is true, several further specialities appear, we read dhayantim ? see Pet. Wort.) chaturbhujam I In the middle of four jugs which represent the four (Karma), from which it uniformly recurs in all the seas, in the matsyadvadast in Margasira month, Cham- following avotiras. bers 585a, fol. 131a) a stand is placed covered with a cloth Or, is there perhaps a reference here to the witabernft (tesham madhye subham pithan sthapayed, vastragarbhi. ritual, where the writing down of a formula on aing ap. tam also a golden, silver, copper, or wooden vessel (pd. pears to pass for a magical means of fastening ? Compare tram); and in this the idol in the form of a golden fish is laid. Aufrecht, Catalogus, p. 976, sannlikhet stambhanah kum. The statement that then further this patram with the bhe. idol is to be set down upon a jug (kumbha, ghata, kalaga, Similarly before in the legend of Harisch andra &c.) is indeed not found here, but in the following avataraghatasyopari tadurch cha pdyayante staan harim SC

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288 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1877. ekamkaram tu stane vyaparayantim Devakiinukham sdhiranyan samdsadya timrena patalena vd vundlokayantin sthapayet bamrinmayapatrena yavapurnena choiva hill Vil. Krishnamurtim cha sampadya sauvarnan dchhadayet tach chailena, likhed ashtadalam tatah kalasopari chandanam cha 'guruni hupam push- madhydhne nadyddijale... (see above, p. 286). pdni kamalani cha || 123 | Now follows the preparation and erection vastrena veshtitam Krishnani majayed vividhais of the remaining pictures which relate to the iada sacred history of the nativity of KrishVi 2. madhye cha sthapayet lubhan sauvarnam na. The accounts regarding them are of a rijatan tatha il 21 || abhave tamrajari vdpi mrinmayam vt 'tha kdra. somewhat varying kind in the several texts ; yot sudhddhavalitam kritud chandrasarydnkitan obviously a favourite subject lies before us here, Aubham | 22 | which has consequently experienced numerous namankitar cha Krishnasya jalapirnan sarat- additions and variations. Only Sc. Ud. Vi 2: nakam gandhapushpa disarayuktan sapallavapla- have nothing at all abont it, as throughout tai tata | 23 || them Krishna's relationship to his pdiram cha kdrayet paschad dhemna na rajatena mother, as well as all the special birth-ritual, is vd | abhave tdmrapdtrar tu kumbhasyopari rinyaset entirely wanting (see above, pp. 178, 171). 24! According to Ka. in the Jayanti form of the arve samurdh saritas tirthani jalada nadah (!) festival there is necessary, in the first place, a dyantu yajamanasya duritakshayakaraka) | 25 sthitam tvaji jagat sarvam sasurdouramanusham second Deva k i-picture where Krishna dtmanah karyasiddhyarthan sthapayami ghatopari is represented as held on her lap, while a li 26 | kalasasthapanamantrah Lakshmi-picture rubs the feet of Devaki murtir cha karayet tatra Krishnardsyaivani vichak resting on the couch. The other texts do not shanah | ashtamdshapramanan tu vitta sathyari mention this second Devaki-picture; on the tathddhikam || 27 || other hand, they place before us, and with peradardhardhena vd laktyd yathavat kdrayed budhah | fect propriety, a picture of Yafod a, who is dvdhayet prayatnena patre kalabasamathitam || 28 || to be represented quite in the same manner as Vi 2 (marg.)...... cha 'shtapankajam | tasyopari Devaki in the sutik agriha (Sa. K.), and in nyaset krombhan vertulan tdmramayan bubham|| fact as just delivered of a beautiful girl. At rdjatam tamrapatram vd devar tasyopari nyaset Devakim sarvatobhadre, Yabodam pujya pankaje ||... Krishna's side stand with bowed head, from Sc. mandale sthapayet kumbham tamran rd mrin the tops of which wreaths of flowers hang down, mayam kuchim l| 9 || all kinds of gods, demi-gods, demons, and lasyopari nyaset pdta a rdjatan vainavam tu vd spirits, represented as wandering through the air vdsasd "chadya Kaunteya pujayet tatra mdm budhah in various positions. His father Vasudeva also || 101 stands by, armed with sword and shield. Like. apa hdraih shodasabhir...... wise dancing, happy Apsaras ard singing GanVr. "manchakam sthapayet (see above, p. 285 n.) | dharvas. The serpent-prince Kaliya in his .... (several statements here not to the point) Yaman A-bed is also to be paintedt there. Thust kalasdrchanam sankharachanam cha kuryat 00. Sa.; while 0. Sa add besides some verses purushastiktona nyasam leuryat rangavallisardyukte sarvatobhadramandale avra. according to which Kaisa's servants, Devaki's nam sajalar kumbham tamram mrinmayam vas vd| prison-guards, are to be represented in armour, sarathdpya vastrasampita kanthadake sukobhi- bu asleep, overcome by the magio slumber; tam pancharatnasamdyuktam phalagandhaksha- likewise all kinds of armed Danava-demons, tair yutam | especially such as Krishna when a child * According to Vi 1, pictures of the ten arataras of alities of the "holy family" are to be regarded. Krishna's Vishnu are to be put up, and also Devaki, the parents, Vasudeva and Deva ki, e Kasyapa shepherds, and Yasods, to be honoured: but whether this and Aditi che himself is Vishnu); Li folwr-parenta, also" (Cathoda cha) really refers to the putting up of yanda and Yaso da, are the prajapati Daksha and their pictures is not clear. Aditi (0 sa., the earth CK viz. kshiti in K, dhard in C); + In a subsequent passage ( 53, see in the seguel) his brother Valabhadra (Valadeva) is the serpentKrishna himself, the two pairs of parents, and his prince Sesha; his uncle and persecutor Kansa hasarisen brother Baladeva are described as "to be set up" (to out of the Asura K lanemi; the saint Gargs (whet bra these a picture of the moon also, and its favourite star he to do here?) is Brahman (chaturmukha) himself. rohin): 80 that there it is not probably paintings that The tailk-maids are Apsaras, and the cowherds also are are treated of. inhabitants of heaven. 1 With the insertion of some verses which enumerate the I S These bear here the curious names 'cow' (or "ox"), Kods and demigoda as incarnations of whom the person. I'milch-oow', 'elephant', and in C at least horse'alao.

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OCTOBER, 1877.] ON THE KRISHNAJANMASHTAM 289 overcame, namely Pralamba, Dhenuka, A rishta, and the two wrestlers Cha nura and Mushtika. Indeed, whatever else, says Sa, is anyhow connected with Krishna's deeds (as a child), it is all to be painted there and worshipped devoutly.- According to B. particularly of the cowherds and the gokulam are also to be made, as well as, according to Dand Sa 22a, the whole history of the Hari race and the gokulam to be painted. In $b an image of Rohini (second wife of Vasudeva) with her son Valadeva is especially required, as well as images of the milkmaids, cowherds, and cows, of the gokulam, of Yamund, and of the magical girl (the incarnation of yogamaya) whom Yasod a has just given birth to; all these images are either to be made of gold, silver, copper, metal, clay, wood, stone, or only to be painted. --According to N. (S. Vr.) it is only the ornamenting of the walls of the satikagriha with such paintings that is required.-M8. says nothing directly of the material of which the images are to be made, but describes them as to be put up (avasthdpya),--therefore, not as paintings; it adds besides, to Yasoda (with the child), Rohini, Nanda, Valabhadra, Vasudeva, and the cows, also Kaisa, the Putand (see above, p. 176), asses and such like. According to Ka. V a sudeva and Nanda, the milkmaids and cowherds, are to be painted on the walls (of the sutikagpiha), &c.; upon another part of it Yasod a on a couch with her child; and again, on another stand, seven more images are to be putup, namely the two pairs of parents, Krishna himself, his brother Ra ma, and Chan. dik a.|| Whoever cannot make so many images, let him at least be careful to pat up the last-named seven, according to custom and ability; the others let him contemplate devoutly. The related texts are as follows:- In the first place 00. Sa. (336, 356, 36; also in K. 336, 35a, 366; also in R.) Yasoddm chapi tatraiva prasitam varakanyakam || 33 | tatra devd graha naga yakshaviprdsurd nardh samcharanta idakdse prakdrair uditoditaiht || 34 || Vasudevo 'pi tatraiva khadgacharmadharah sthitah Kasyapo Vasudevo 'yamt aditis chapie Devaki || 35 || beshandgo Valabhadro Yasodd ditya jayata Nandal prajdpatir Daksho, Gargas chapi chaturmukhahtt || 36 || ngityantyo 'psaraso krishtalt gandharvd gitatatpardh lekhaniyas cha tatraiva Kaliyofs Yamundhrade | 37 || C. inserts three more verses between 36 and 37 (40 in C.) : esho 'vatdro deudndr Kanso 'yan Kalanemijah tatra Kansaniyukta ye ddnard vividlayudhah || 37 ||| te cha praharinas tatra supta nidrdvimohitah Godhenuh Kunjaro 'evas cha Danavdh sastrapdnayah | 38 || Pralamvo Dhenuko'rishto mallau Chandra-Mushtikau | anye 'pi danavds tatra mandpraharanodyatah || 39 || Sa. has instead of it the following verses (of which 366 is in K. also) :gopyas cha 'pearasah sarvah (Schaiva Sv 1) gopdo chd 'pi divaukasah || 34 esho 'vataro rdjendra Kanso 'yan Kalanemijah 1 tatra Kansaniyuktas cha mohita yoganidraya (881, roga Sa) || 35 | Go-dhenu-kunjaras chaiva danaval bastrapanayah and inserts after v. 37(= 36 in Sa.) the following verse in addition (which is also qusted in K): ity evam ddi yat kinchid ridyate charitam mama lekhayitvd prayatnena pitjayed bhaktitatparah || 37 || || By Chandik & here must surely be meant Balara ma's mother Rohini, for the usual meaning of the word Durg & does not suit at all. In R. p. 28, indeed, Rohint and Chandik & are named beside each other.. YasodtNanda-Rohint-Chamild. Valadevin piljayet)-probably however, only by mistake, as some such occar also elsewhere in R. (nee above, p. 167). Perhaps a different name than the usual one has been given here to the mother of Ba m because later still another rolint, namely the star which passes for the wite of the Moon, comes in for adoration (see note t p. 288, and below, p. 293). prosutavarakarnik&rin 0, Yasod A pristavarakanyak&R. -ga. K read (and rightly, as a verb is wanting to govern the accusative in 836 83): Yasodim tatra chaiknemin pradeho stil Agribe | 29 L. tadvach cha kalpayet Partha prasatar varakanyakam (prastavarao K) * yakshavidyddharoragdh, o, where another hemistich :-pranatah pushpamdiagra hastah karyah surl. surah-sa. has three hemistichs : tathaiva mama pirkvasthih kritAfijalipata nripa || 80 deva grahas taths naga yakshavidhyadharmarth pranatah pushpam Alagrach&rubastab surfeusAb | 81 t ?uditedinaih 0, prakasair nuditodito C, prakdrair uditoditaih sa. I 'tha C. chaina Sa. K. 19 seshendga Valibhadro 0, Valadevah seshanago C, fesho vai Valadevo ('bhadro k.). 'vais Sa. K. * Thus 0 ditr (kshitir, K) anabhat $3. K, si dhand 'bhart C. tt Valabhadras tatha Nando Daksho Gargas chaturmukha, R. Sk. #nrityanto 0, npityanty C, nityantal cha 'psarob his te sa. 86 kaliyo C. 8. K. Gaur Dhenuh Kunjara K. * kimchichhakyate, K.

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290 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1877. B. Vasudevasyat Nandasya gopanam gokalasya sapta vd yathadakti od kritud, anyah sarvd yathacha | 73 || yatham dhyayet! Yaboda chapit tatraiva prasid varakanyakd(m) Vi l. matsyah kurmo 'tha vardho ndrasinho 'tha dodre vinyastamusalan sarparakshamanvitam 174|| vamanah || 125 YamundoT nimnagam tatra pushpandidvibhitshi- Ramo Ramas cha Krishnas cha Bud(d)dhah Kalki tam cha te daca | sthapayed dasa rupani, Devakim (an D. harivarbasya cha tatha gokulam vilikhdpayetakshara wanting) tathaira cha || 126 | | 103 | gopalans cha Yakodam cha pujayech cha prayatsb. sadyahprasutari jananir Vasudevavi cha natal mdrisham || 57 || After the sutikagriham is put up and decoValadevasamdyuktan Rohinivi gunasoblinimtt ! rated in this manner, when night begins to Nandan Yasodam gopis cha gopan gde chaiva come on (Ka. 'in the night, D) the adoration sarvasah59 of the holy family takes place in it. First of gokular Yamundi chaiva yogamdydris cha dari. all Devaki is worshipped. Perfumes, incense kan Yasodd" sayane suptam sadyojdtdvis vara. roasted barley, and beautiful fruits, as cucumprabham | 591 bers, cocoanuts, dates, pomegranates (C.), and evan sampajayet samyan naman antrail prithak prithak suvarnar pyatdmrdramridadibhir tt alar citrons, betel-nuts, oranges, bread-fruit, or as kritdh || 60 | time and place afford, are offered to her, and kashthapdshanarachitas chitram apy atha lekhi- after the (whole history of the) incarnation tahl pratimd vividhah proktds trisu cha 'nyatara us above (see note on p. 288) given has been yajets || 61 | devoutly meditated upon the following prayer, TT NA. Vr. tasya (i.e. the sutikdgriha) samantad bhit composed in the artificial measure sragdhara, tishu sakusumdnjalin devajandharuddin khalga is addressed to Devaki:charmadhara Vasudeva-Devaki-Nanda-Yasodd-Gar "Hail to the goddess, mother of the god, to ga-gopi-gopan, Kansaniyuktan Go-Dhenn,-Kun. Devaki of the beantiful countenance and jardn, Yamu ndm, tanmadhye Kaliyam, anyach cha tatkallnar lovely form, who with her son, highly rejoiced at gokulacharitari yathusambhar an li. khitva heart,t sits here on a couch in sweet slumber, I Ms. kvachit pradese sakanyakdm Yasodd(m) Rohi constantly surrounded by troops of singing nfri) Nanda(m) Valabhadram gai chopa kalploy)e(d), kinnara who sound flutes and lates, and taken Devakisamipe khadgahastan Vasudevan stuvantam care of by servants who carry golden jars of (erro MS.) vd Kansa-Putand-rasabhadini cha- consecrated water, & looking-glasses, jugs || and vasthapya kaulam (?) anusmritya (?) sprityd MS.) garments in their hands." Depakyai pushpdnjaliti) dadyat A short salutation is also to be addressed to Kd. Jayantisattve tv anya-Devakyd utsange dvitt. Sri, Vis hou's wife, whom we have to think ydo bri Krishnamurti nidhdya paryarikastha-Devakicharanasamvdhanapardra Lakshmir nidhdya, of as sitting on a lotus and diligently rubbing bhittyddai khadgadharan Vasudevar Nanda the feet of Devaki. And now follow more gopf-gopan likhitud, pradeldntare manchake pra such short salutations to Devaki herself and sataka nyayd saha Yasoddpratimdm, pithantare to the other members of the holy family, namely Vasudeva-Devaki-Nanda-Yakoda-SriKrishna-Rama. to Vasudeva, Valadeva, Krishna Chandika iti supta pratimah sthapayet etavat- himself, Nanda, and Yaso da; C adds also pratimdkarandsaktau Vasudevddi-Chandikantah Krishna's sister Subhadra, Ca Rohini + Namely, pratima karya is to be suppressed from 726 kshatriya vaisyaj&tiyhh audra ye 'nye 'pi dharminab (80 s, (see above, p. 286). ntyaye 01, bhyaye 02, sudrla che nye 'pi dharmikah C). I ? Yakodaydpi, MS. devamatar might also be 'mother of gods;' thus it is, This hemistich is evidently transposed. for example, to be understood on p. 291 s & surname of SA blank! For on what do these accusatives de Aditi. pend? + So 0' with happy countenance' in the other texts. * So Sv. 2, vasya Sb. I So according to 0; the other texta havo 'on a well+ So Sv. 2, gunarohinim 8b. furnished couch.' 11 sdpya, msitsnadio Sb., raupya 8v 2. & Or, according to another way of reading, sweet-smell: 55 vividh sb. 8. 2. prokta tasu mdah cha naro vaiet Jing powder : bhrifgdra is, however, the lectio doctior. Su. 2. whicb would scarcely have been put in the place of grinigdra TT By women and by sadras--that is when they prepare (bh and c change indeed in the MSS. frequently). the festival - the prayers are omitted. According to o 15 | Juga' a second time but what to make of kunta, the festival is appvinted expressly for all castes, including kul. I do not know. sadrds and other pious people : 1 TK4. desires (see above, p. 288) a figurative represenpunar janm lehtamin lokah kurvanta brahmanadayah | tation of her also.

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OCTOBER, 1877.] ON THE KRISHNAJANMASHTANI. 291 instead of these two N. Kd have Chandika family are previously to be called on by name. alone. Theidols are, according to Sa. Ka. (where prayers; D. J. however, have nothing about in detail), to be bathed with milk and such like this. According to D., Hari'fthat is Vishni, and to be anointed with sandalwood. Ms. knows Krishna) is previously to be honoured with only of a distribution of Aowers to Devaki flowers and fruits, &c. amid reciting of the (with the above prayer) and to Krishna. Purushasikta (Rik. x. 90), &c.; an arbour is to N. (S. Vr.) adds here already the verses given be put up, singing, music and dancing to be at the presenting of water for bathing, &c., indulged in, and all sort of legends of Krishna which follow in 0. below (see pp. 293, 295), and Vishnu, especially of his avaturas, are to be and Vr. particularly brings in sixteen such related (see above, p. 176). The prayer to offerings of gifts (upachara) to Krishna (see Devaki begins with the sragdhard verse just above, pp. 176, 287) inserting between them translated, (p. 290) which is here described as moreover the worship of the members of his body paurhnika, and then proceeds in the usual sloko (a ngapuja). Both these latter proceedings are measure thus : mentioned also in a second account in Ka., which Honour to thee, to Deva ki, who hast borne for this purpose makes special use of the 16 Krishna to us! || verses of the purushasukta, as well as in Sc.,* The goddess blotting out sins be appeased, be where, however, the angapija is only found in Sv. worshipped by me !! 3. In Sc. there follow then more name-prayers to The mothert of gods Aditi, art thou, anni. some persons of the holy family, viz. Devak i and hilating all guilt. I Vasudeva, Rohini and Bala; after them Therefore I will honour thee now,-be gracious, similar ones to Sat yaki, Uddha va, Akru-l lovely-countenanced one!-- ra, Ugrasena, and other Yadava heroes, As only the gods honour thee. Show kindness further to Nanda, to the newly-delivered to me, gracious one. Yas od a, to the cowherds and milkmaids, to Even as thou attainedst highest happiness when Kalindi, that is Yamuna, and to Kaliya thou gottest Hari for a son. Il (the serpent prince). Vi.1 mentions quite shortly Just that happiness, O thou goddess, let me (see above, pp. 288, 290), that, along with the ten see--the beautiful son avataras, images of whom are to be set up, And now follow the prayers to Krishna De vaki, the cowherds, and Yasod & shall also himself :be worshipped. Likewise S. (see p. 290). Vi. 2 A thousand incarnations makest thou indeed, has nothing at all relating to this, and brings in O Madhus u dana! only prayers and gifts referring to Krishna No one anywhere on the earth knows the number alone.-Thus also B., according to which flowers, of thy incarnations ; || all kinds of ointments and perfumes, tapers, The gods themselves, Brahmanat their head, and beautiful fruits are to be offered to him.-U. know not thy real nature. among a large crowd of invocations and offerings Therefore will I honour thee now as thou addressed partly to Krishna alone, partly also to restest on thy mother's lap. 11 the ten avataras of Vishnu, has at least twice a Fulfil my wishes, God I cancel my wickedness. ! Devakipuja also, in which, among others, she Make purification for me, O God, blotter-out of is worshipped also by the names which belong the fear of earthly pain! || to the wife of Siva. A prominent rile, on the The following are the passages beloaging to other hand, is played by Devaki again in this. First from 0.1 0. Sa.: D. Ca. J., where some beautiful prayers are ramyam evanwidhan kritvd Devakir navasuti addressed only to her and her son. And kam, tam Partha pujayed bhaktyd gandhadniaccording to Ca., the members of the holy pakshataih* phalaihtt | 38 | * Sb., too, has the 16 upacharas : 800 above, p. 397, These, along with the angapja, probably belong to the ka lasa ritual. devamatar is probably to be so understood here : see above, p. 290 n. 40 also in DNK Ms. 386, 41 in R, 41 also in K. $ 8a. ljoins 38 and 39a as follows:- ramyam (ramyum, St.) euam vijapuraih pushpamaladisobhitaih probably there is a blank here after ramyam evam :-39b in so. stands before 38b. Spadyarghyaih pij. So, evam sampaj. R p. 26, pijanyas tatha Rp. 28. #gandhapushpd' C 81 R. (both times). taih saha su. 1., Otair jalaih Rp. 29.-C. adds to this: kushmandair nalikelais cha kharjurair daim pbalaih

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292 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1877. tijapurach pugaphalair ndramgaihi panasais ta. added, after which the text proceeds :) atha parithas | kaladefodbhavair mrishtaik pushtais chapi vdradevatdpujd: Yudhishthira dhydtod 'cataram praguktam man- Devaki Vasudevan cha Rohinin sa-Balam tatha trend 'nena mantrayet* || 39 || Satyakim cho 'ddhaddkurdo Ugrasenddi-Yadavdn gdyadblih kimnaraughaiht satataparirritati venude- || 27 || ndninddair bhringdrddarsakumbhapraparakritaka. Nandan Yasodam tatkale prasitam gopagopikah ! rair kimkarair sevyamandss i paryanke sa stes hupta Kdlindir Kdliyam chaida pujayen ndmamantramuditataramand(1) TT putrini samyag dste sd devf | tah || 28 devamdta jayats** sudadanatt, Depakt kantarupat Ms... Devakyai pushpanjalin dadyat | tatra man|| 40 || trah: gdyadbhih .. kantarupd iti | vistesvardya paddv abhyanjayanti Srirs Depakyd6T charandn. vibvdya tathd visvabhardya cha | visvasya (vinyasya tike nishannat pankaje pujydit namo devyai Sriya MS.) pataye tubhyar Govinddya namo namah iti itis u 41 || Krishndya pushpdnjalin dadydt ovi Devakyai namah, or Vasudev dya namah, or Ka. nistthdsannaprakkale sndtod" sri KrishnaValadepdya namah, om Nanddya namah T ity evam- prityartham saparicdrassr? Krishnapajdm karishya"iti adi ndmaw** samuchcharyatt prithak prithak || 42 sankalpya nydsdn (with irama) bankhddi pujanpujayeyur dvijak sarve, stribudrdndm amantrakam | tam mityavat kritud II Instead of 42.43a, Sa. has the following verses: paryankasthan kinnarddyair yutan dhyayet tu Devadevavatse namas te 'stu, Krishnotpddanatatpard || 42 || kiribri Krishnan bdlakam dhydyet puryanke stanapapakshayakard ('re So 1) devi tushtim ydtu mamd pdyinam || 'rchita pranavdds namo'ntam cha prithan ndmd- privatsatsapakshasam kantam nilotpaladalachharim nukirtane (nam Sv 1) || 43 | samodhayantir Devakydh pddau dhy dyech cha tan kurydt pujdu vidhijnas cha sarvapdpdpanuttaye Sriyam || Devakyai Vasudedya Vasudevdya chaida hi ||44|| epan dhydtod "Devakyai nama" idi Devdkim dpdValadev dya Nanddya Yasoddyai prithak prithak hyd, mulamantrena purushasukta-richt od "brfkshirddisnapanamn kritrd chandanend 'mulepayet1||45|| Krishndya ramah, 6rKrishnam dudh ayamity" N. agnyuttaranam kritud pratimdkapolau sprishtod dodhya, Lakshmim cha "odhya, "Devakyai Vasutad decatdndmamalamantram (Vr., otandm mala N dedya Ya oddy as Nanddya Sri Krishndya Ramdya in s omitted) pranarddi chaturthyantan nama od, Chandikdyai" iti namnd "odhya likhatadidepatah asmai (!) devatvasannsthayai (, khyayai N) stdheti sakalaparindradepatdbhyo nama" ity dodhya mucha (cha omitted in Vr.) mantran pathan prdnapra- lena sakta-yicha od 'trd "odhita-Devaky adiparindtishthan kurydt | asmd ity asya sthane tattadderadevatasahita-brtKrishndya nama ity dsanapddydrvatandma grahyam ghydchamantydbhyangasndndni dattod panchamri. gayadbhil ... Devakt divyarupa || iti Devakim tasndnante chandanend 'nulepayet, buddhodakdbhinai cha ^pi (N., ma%chakopan 8. VT.) palakam shekante vastrayajnopapitagandhapushpani dhupa... nilotpaladalachkarim iti (N. S., edam Devakt dipau cha ... dadyat .... [sic] saha Vr.) GriKrishnam cha (wanting in Vr.) athavody dparaprakaranoktag-vidhind pujd | sa dhydtva, ori namo devyai briye (griyas Vr. briyas yatha! uktaprakarena dhydndodhane kritrd, D 1176 nama 6.) iti Sriyam, Devakisahitari Vasudevam, 118a (see p. 293) "purusha evedam" (Rik X, 90,2) Yasodasahitani Nandam, ertKrishnasahitan Vala- dsanam | D 116 1174 "etdddn asyets" (Rik X, 90,3) devam, Chandikdm cha, namo'ntair mdmamantraih padyam | D 129 130,1316 (see p. 295 ) " tripad pujayet urdhra" (R. X, 90,4) ity argkyam ....... in Sc, vdsasdchhddya Kaunteya pujayet tatra mdm the same way follow also sndnam, panchamritam, budhah || 10 | pastram, yajnopapitam, gandham, pushpam ..... upachdraih shodatabhir ... these sixteen upa each introduced by a verse of the purushasukta and chara follow, to which in Sv 3. another angapajd is another verse, then an angapujd, after that again in I phalaih 0, phalai pakvannaih C. S srt , sa sv 1, padama (!) abhyanjayante sa, padau panasair api C. sath vahayanti K., padau amunchayant R (p. 28). pushtis o, mukhyaib pushpdis C, bhauni pushpaih So R. K., Devakya o, devasya O, sridevyds sa. phalais sa * charanantika O. .pdjayet 0.-mantrend 'nena Kaunteya Devakim pl. tnisthe su. 1. jayen narah sa. K. 11 sa. inserts here divyagandhanulepanaih I pankajain . So C., kinnaradyaih 0.81. D. N (8 Vr.) K. Ms. (panchakaih Sv. 1) pajayed devith. It So K. D, pariuritane 0. parivritar o, parigatath S.. $$_srlye 0, friyeti cha C, ariyai iti sa. R. K. parigata sv. 1. IT om is wanting in throughout. After Valadeviya $5 So DN. Ms., kinnarai sevyamand 8 K., kinnarnir namah 0.has: sr{Krishndya namah, Subhadrdyai namah, glyamand o. Nandagopdya nanah, Yasodayai namah.. TT mukht C 8 NK M8., varamukhi D. ** ity evam adiva 02, vasudevadindmani C. ** janayatu su, jayatu Sv 1. Ms., disatu D. Huchcharyaivath, O. tt sasuid sa, sutanaya K. Ms., sutanuja D. 1 So sv. 1, onanuvilepayat sa. I Sosa. K D.Ms., kantirpd o. divyardpd N. Neither Ud. nor Sc. is meant by this, for both differ.

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OCTOBER, 1877.] the same manner dhupa, dipa, naivedya, dchamanam and karodvartanam, tambula, nirajana, pushpanjali. Devam kritvd vidhanena yathdvibhavasdratah || 110 || niki puja vidhatavyd Devakydh sisavasya (!isoh ?) cha mantrend 'nena devesim dhydyet paurdnikena cha || 111 || gayadbhih.. .kantarupa || 112 || Devakyai te namas tubhyam Krishnotpadanatatpare | papakshayakart devi tushtim yatu mayd 'rchita || 113 || aditirt devamata tvamt sarvapapaprandsini | at as tvam pujayishyami prasida tvam varanane || 114 || pujita 'si yatha devaih prasadam kuru suvrate | yathaSS Harim sutam labdhod prapta cha nirvritis tvayd || 115 || ON THE KRISHNAJANMASHTAMI. tam eva nirvritim dehi suputrdm darsayasva mett ! avatdrasahasranitt karoti madhusudanahSSSS || 116 || na kabchid avataranam samkhyam janatite bhuviPPTI deva brahmadayo vapi svarupam na vidus tava || 117 || atas tvdm pujayishyami matur utsangasamsthitamt | vanchhitam kuru me deva dushkritam cha vinasaya || 118 || pavitram kuru meSS deva samsarartibhayapaha | B. tat Partha pujayed bhaktyd pushpair nanavidhaih subhaih || 75 || chandana(m) vimalam subhram dadydd va kunkumam tada karpuragarudhupam cha dipadanam tathaiva cha || 76 || pitavastrena dadyach cha bhaktibhavena va punah | dadimair bijapurais cha narikelair mahatphalaih(!) || 77 || Ud. Devakipuja | ehy ehi devi durge tvam Krishnapuryadhivasini (!) | Vasudevena sahitd mama saubhd. gyadayini avdhanam | sarvatirthamaye deva (!) sarvagandhamayeti (1) cha I toyend 'nena su (sic) sndtva punyadurge prasida me || snanam.. Devakipuja | Devakyai Vasudevaya Yasodayai Rohinyai Nandayai (1) gopalayai(!) samkarapriyayai paramesvaryai annapurndyai lakshmyai yogama Ca. introduces the verses D. 115-119a in the following way (compare above, p. 284): iti niyamari grihitva ashtadalam padmam chandanena likhitva tasmin padme Krishnam cha Valabhadram cha Vasudevam cha Devakim Nandagopam Yasodam cha Subhadram Rohini tatha svasvanamna pratishthapya karnikopari Devakim pajayitva yatha saktya prasadam kuru suvrate yatha tvaya vratam labdhva. so that here any mention of a figurative representation of the holy family is entirely left out, only their spiritual presence is assumed. Krishnotpalana Cod., but see sa. v. 42 above, p. 292. The following verses are brought in later in Ms., on the occasion of the argha to Devakt, in the description of the Jayanti (J) here also however at the puja, and introduced with the following words: tatah surabhichandanena 'nulipya pushpani vastrayugam samarpya Devakim pujayet tatra mantrab.-v. 114a is wanting in Ms., 114b and 115a are blended there into one verse: 293 yayoi jaganmataiyai(!) sukhadayai rudranyai parvatyai kamadayai rukmint (!) Gamgayai ranadevyai(!) Yamunaya sarvasaubhagyai(!) Janakyai Umayai sarasvatyai(!)deg putradayai (1) revatyai' brahmanyai" mahakalyai" | "Some wish here still another rite" with these words 0 C Sa introduce the statement about a gift of honour (argha, argham, arghyam) to be addressed to the moon at its rising. It is to be preceded by a similar one to Krishna himself, in which he is first invoked by forty of the names of Vishnu, whereupon amid reciting of prayers prepared in a peculiarly solemn form, water for bathing, gifts of honour, sandalwood, incense, and a couch are offered to him. The prayer to the moon invokes it to accept the argha-gifts in company with rohini, and by this is meant here not Balarama's mother, but that star, the favourite station of the moon, Aldebaran, whose coinciding with the date of the festival itself gives to the latter, as we have already seen, the Jayantiform. After this Krishna himself, rohini and the moon, Krishna's two pairs of parents, and his brother Valadeva-that is, probably, images of all them,-are to be put up on a place prepared and suitable for offerings (see above, p. 174), and to be worshipped. What is put down here as only the opinion of some is, according to M (f. 836: atra Jayenly chandrargkyaryu 'valymukartavyated) necessary; and the rest of the texts also, as far as they mention at all this gift of honour to the moon (Ca. Sb. Vil. Vi2, Ud. J have nothing regarding it), bring it in as an integral part of the celebration. They differ, however, from OC Sa, first of all in this, that as far as they at all recognize the birth-ritual (see imme pajita train ('si J.) yatha devaih prasannatvam varapujita tu maya (metath& J.) bhakty& prasadar kuru suvrate. In J. however, the half-verse atas tvam 'pajayishyami sato (?) bhavabhayasva (!) va goes before. I adite sarvamatas tram, J. SS 1156, 116a, also in K. te K. Ms. J. 'sau Ca. So also K., devi Ms. J. Ca. H supatram, K Ca.-Ms. adds to this namo devyai iti di () montrena Devakyai gandhadini samarpya; and J. has "yasva ma iti | tato devam samarchayet:" 1166-118a in Ka. SS karoshi Madhusudana, Ms. J. Ca. Ka. TT na te sankhyavataranam (! Ca J. Ka., degvataramova Ms.) kaschij janati vai bhuvi (tattvatah K4.) Ms. J. Ca. Ka. ye cha Ka. togam Asthitam Ca. gavasinam Ka. 1 duhkritam vam Ms. (breaks off) dukrita naiva nasaya (tam chaiva ?) J. SS kurushva me priyam Ca. kurushwa me dayam J.

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294 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. diately; D. Ca. Sc. Vi 1. Vi 2. J. Ka. leave it quite out of view) they make it precede this celebration addressed to the moon (Ms. Ud. take up a peculiar position in regard to this); and also distribute somewhat differently the prayers given by OC Sa, giving them not here, but at an earlier stage (see p. 292), and introduce other prayers instead of them. According to D. a cocoanut in a shell is first of all to be offered as argha-gift to Krishna in company with Devaki, with the following prayer : Hail to thee, O son of Devaki, who givest desired fruits.. Thou wast born for Kansa's death, for the lightening of the earth's burden,|| For the destruction of the Kauravas, for the annihilation also of the Daityas, And for the good (welfare) of the Pandavas, for the re-establishing of the right, || For the destruction of the D a na vas, thou scion of Vasudeva's stem! | Take, Hari, thou with Devaki, the gift offered thee by me.|| After this, water is poured into the shell, they put flowers, roasted barley, and sandalwood into it, kneel down on the earth, and offer this as argha to the moon. Also according to B. (quite briefly) the argha-gift to Krishna precedes that to the moon. According to RNK Ms. Ka. however, the argha-gift (water in the shell, &c.) to the moon is offered first. Moreover K. makes a similar one to Devaki alone to come after this one, with the prayer (see p. 291), "Even as thou attainest highest happiness..."; and her worship is repeated at each watch through the night. According to Ms. the argha-gift to the moon, which is to be solemnized outside, is to be followed directly by a birth-celebration, (see immediately below) inside (that is, in the house), after that an argha-gift to Krishna with the prayers, "Thou wast born for Kaisa's death...", then offerings of perfumes and such-like to Devaki with the same prayer as K., and then new prayers to Krishna con This verse is, according to R. from the Sivarahasya; M. has a similar one from the Vishnudharmottara (see above, p. 163). Where, however, 446-52 are wanting; they are found again in Ca. 496-51, with important variant readings. In Dare also found further 456-47a, 52; in R. (pp. 28, 29) 446,-52. N., 52 in sc. K. Bhd. tvridhyamtaran 0. [OCTOBER, 1877. clude, "A thousand incarnations indeed. . . . (see p. 291, D. 116bff). In Ka. after the arghagift to the moon a similar one follows to Krishna with the prayers, "Thou wast born. . . ." (as above), and thereafter an ardent prayer to him for deliverance from sin and need. Lastly, RN do not make any more such gifts follow the argha-gift to the moon, but only prayers to Krishna,-in the first place, namely, those prayers with the forty names of Vishnu (along with a finale specially belonging to it), and then the same beautiful prayer, as Ka. It runs thus: Save me, Lord of all the worlds! Hari! (from) out of the samsara-sea! | Snatch me away, blotter-out of all guilt, from the flood of pain and grief, O Lord!|| Lord of all worlds! save me, who fell into the stream of life, O son of Devaki! Lord of salvation! Hari! out of the samsara-sea! | Snatch me away, blotting out all pain, from the flood of sickness and trouble, Hari!|| Thou Vishnu, helpest the miserable if they think only of thee. | I, God, am very miserable. Save me out of the sea of trouble! Lotus-eyed one! I am sunk in the sea of delu. sion and folly. I Save me, God, Lord of gods! Besides thee there is indeed no protector !|| As child, as young man, or as old man, what good (deed) | I may have done, bring it to perfection now Blot out my faults, Hala yudha! | The texts belonging to this are as follows first in O. C.* $1. vidhyantaramt aptchanti kechid atra dvijottama || 13 || chandrodaye sasankaya argham dadyad dharin smarans anagham TTodmanam baurim**vaikunthun purushottamam || 44 || vasudevam hrishikesam madhavam madhusudanum [ vardhamt pundartkaksham nrisinham daityasi danam || 45 | damodaram padmanabham kesavam garudadhva jamSSSS 1 So Ottamah O 1., degttama O 2, atraiva strayah sa. SS Sa C sa R, smaret 0. TT anargham O 2, anarhyam 01, anatam sv 1. **saurim. tt vardhamh O sa D.; this hemistich is wanting in Ca. IV. 46 is wanting in sa. SSSS tva "dyan, D.

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OCTOBER, 1877.] ON THE KKISHNAJANMASHTAMI. 295 govindam achyutan krishnan anantam aparazitam | 46 | dhokshajar jagadvijam sargasthityantakaranam inddi nidhanam viavamt trailokyesamt trivikramam 1 47 || udryanavi chaturvahum tankhachakragadadharan pitamvaradharan nityam vanamaldvibhushanam IT || 48 || brlo atsaikam jagatsetui Sridharan sripatiin harim** yogesvardyatt yogasambhavdya yogapatayett govindayanamoss namah ||49|| sndnamantrah yajnespardya yajnasambhavayayajnapataye gori ndaya namo namah argha-chandana-dhupamantral vibvesvard yavisvasambhavaya* visvapataye govind dya namo namah || 50 || naived yamantrah dharmespardya dharmasambhavdyat dharmapataye g. n. n. || 51 | sayanamamantrahil kshirod irnavasambhuta Atrinetras-samudbhava gri. hand 'rghavn easdskesa rohinyd sahito mama || 52 || sthandile** sthapayedttdevam sachandram i rohinin tathassi Devakim Vasudevam cha Yasodim Nandan era cha || 53 | Valadevan* tatha pujya sarvapapaih pramachyate B. patrapugais(!)tu sandadhydd argham erskesavasya (an akshara wanting) I pakvanndni (an akshara wanting) sarvani havishyannani sarvasah || 78 | naivedyan karayet tatra pujd kritud vidha natah dadydd argharis chandramase rohinisahitdya cha || 97 | D. begins in 1196-123, by prayers to accompany offerings of incense, lamps, and meats, in the way stated in 0; then as follows) : vardham punda (0.15). 46a) || 124 || govindam achyu' (0 466. 474) || 125 !! ndmany etani sa skirtya bhaktibh dvakyitaijalih evasi samprarthy z povindam petre tamrawye sthitam || 126 ) (The verses 127-134 now following stand in Sc. as 37-42): tatas tu ddpayed arghamt indor udayatah buchili Krishndya prathanam dadydd Devakisahitdya cha || 129 || nd likeraphalenaivat dadydd evaris vichakshanah Krislindya paraya bhaktyd sankhenaiva vidha natal || 128 | namas** te Decak putra vdschhitarthophalaprada jdtaltt Kuisavacharthiya bhabhdrottdrandya cha || 129 || Kauravdndnit vindsaya-daityandm mid handyass cha Pandavanuri hiturthaya dharmasavsthapandya cha|| 130 11 da navandon* vinasdya Vasudevakulodbhava gihand 'rghyam maya dattar Dev akyd sahito haret || 131 | Tamurorjitar D. * jagannathanis. R, gapisan pundartkaksham Sa. + devom Ca. rishnu sa. RN. I trile kesam R. N. s pitavarasis jagannatham Ca. 19 bhushitaris Ca. si. RN. ** Ca adds to this: upendram Devakisunum pranam&mi jagat patim trahi marin deva devesa hare samarashgarat Il 18 In R., where 445.490 occur also earlier (p. 27) introduced, by the words Garuda-Bhavish yottara-vachan Ani Rijamartanda-Krityachintamanidhritani, yath: tam evopavaset kAlam ratrai kuryAch cha jagaram 1 ekAgrenaiva bhvena Vishnor namanukirtanam the following verses are added here (o also in N, with exception, however, of lb, 26; v. 3-7a also in K&.) praplye 'har sada devam sarvak Amaprasiddhaye (Saranam tu prapadye 'ham sarvakam artbasiddhaye N.) Ievam pathitva varadam Ktishnam vandeta bhaktitah ||1|| pranarnami sada devam vasudevam jagatpatim namany etani samkirtya gatyartham prarthayen narah ||2|| trahi marn sarvalokesa (see above Ca) bare samsarasagarat 1 trahi mi sarvapapaghna duhk hasokarnavat prabho || 3 | sarvalokesvara trahi patitam mam bhavarnave | Devaki. nandana sriga hare samsfras&garat (this hemistich is want. ing in Ka) || 4 || trahi nam sarvad uhkhaghna (p&paghna N.) rogasokirDavid dhare durgatana treyase vishno ye smaranti sakitsakrit | 511 BO'har deva 'tidurvittas trahi mAh boknsAgarat this verse is wanting in KA) pushkaraksha nimagno 'ham mayavijnanasigare il 6 ll trahi math deva devesa tvatto na 'nyo 'uti rakshit All tt The readings in 495-51 differ so considerably in sa. Oa. that I give up communicating them. Other variations also in D. 1196-122a. in R. (p. 28). in N, (where vv. are formed after the analogy of the Satarudriya, prayers Vs. svi, 17-21, with special reference, moreover, to the GarudaPurana), and in Ka. In all these texts (DR N. KA.) these verses however are not introduced here, but earlier, As belonging to Krishna's puja. 1 ?raya yogesan 0; the above reading is borrowed from the parallelism. s namo is wan'ing. Targharito 0. * visvarlssato 0, + From visvapataye to dharmasambhavaya is wanting in 01. I gavana" 0. $ Afrigotra, sa. D. K. Sv. 3. Vr. Ka. IT 'rghyar, Sa. D. R. N. K. Bhd. Sc. ** In s as well as in sc. R. N. K. Bhd. Ka, there follows first another sentence (quoted also in Ms): jyotsnipate namas tubyam (notenayah pataye tabhyam R.N.) jyotish&m pataye Damah (namas te jyotishm pate K. MS. Bhd. sc. MS.) namas te rohinikAnta arghyam nah (argo me, Ms.) pra. tigrib yat&m (sudhavfisa namo'stu te R. N, grihand 'rghyam namo 'stu te $.) | 58 | tt khyopayed 0. it sachandran 0, Sasankan sa. SS rohingyutarh, sa, Nandav chaina Yakodaya, sa. * This hemistich stands in sa, thus: Valadevam inaya sardham bhadrayA paraya (bhaktyk paramaya sv. 1) nfipa sampujya vidhivad dehi kirin napnoty atidurlabham | 601 ekadasinar vineyah kotayo yeb (gah Su 1)prakirtitah tabhih krishnashtami talya tato 'pantachaturdaal || 61 || (This verse is evidently a gloss). + arghyani, Sc. Inarikelena (rena, Sv. 3) Suddhena, sc. & arghyam, sc. TT Sankhe kritud, sc. ** sc. wants this hemistich. 1 vv. 129.181 (with variations) also in Bhd. Ms. Ka. (twice, f. 20b and f. 21a; v. 129, 130, 1310, in J. also. 11 The two hemistichs of this verse are transposed in Bhd. Ka. (. 206) the first hemistich is wanting in Ms. SS Pandavanam hitaya cha, K4. f. 20b. daivatandh, Ms. deudnanh cha K4 f. 205. * This hemistich is wanting in Sc. Bhd. Ms. Ka. (both times). sahito mama, Ms.-Sc. adds : Krishnarghyamantrah ! and Bhd. : iti Sri Krishnarghyarh dadyat, tatraiva Bhavishye chandrGryhamaritrau-(see p. 295) kshiroda, jyotsna.

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296 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1877. Ladyddt yah sakalam urvim sasdgarasabhadhardm arghyadd nena tat puryan labhate munavo buv 31 132 bankhe kyitva tatas toyang sapushpdkshatdchandanam janubhyam avan n gatvd chandrdyd 'rghy. av nivedayet | 133 | kshirodarnava'... sahitah asint | 134 || dadhiti durvakshatar arghyani dattvi Krishna-basankayah ... R. (pp. 28. 29; and N, as well as s. Vr., agree with this in almost all particulars): chandrodaye (0 44a). . harim smaran tadvidhis cha: bankhe toya (D 133)... nivedayet I arghyamantrah: kshirodurnava (0 52)... sahito mama || somaya somebvariya somapataye somasambhavdya govinddya namo namahl prandmamantro, yathd jyotsneyah (Sa. 58).. namo 'stu te 1 nabhomandaladipdyas biroratnaya dkurjateTTI kaldbhir vardhamandya namas chandrdya chdrave | tatas cha : 'nagham ramanam (O 446-49a) ity-ddind pranamami sada devasi Vasudevam jagatpatim ity antena ndmakirtanaprandman trahi mam (see above, p. 295) ity-adind toatto nd 'nyo 'sti rakshitety antena, yad valye yach** cha kaumdre varddhake yach cha yauvane yauvane yach cha vur' N. Ka) tat punyam vriddhim dpnotu (dydtu Kd.) paparin hara (daha Rd.) hal dyudha || iti bivarahasylyena prarthanam kurydt (its mantraih prarthayet N) K. tato (.. namddeh karanam) mantrena va da. dydch chandrdyd 'rghyam samdhitah | bankhe toyam (D. 133), kshtroddrnava (O. 52), jyotsndpate (Sa. 58), yatha putram* (D. 1156. 116, see above, p. 293) iti Devaky-arghah tatah pushpdnjalin dattva yame-yame prapajayet Ms. chandrodaye vakih sasmdjyani (P) padmopari pushpdkshatandrikelopetena sankhend 'rghyar dadydt | tatra mantrah, jyotsndpate ($a 58) | tato 'ntar dgatya, jayaghantadind eriKrishnajarma paribhdoya, tam adbhutam vdlakam ity adin janmaslokda (see Bhagavata Pur. X. 3, 9ff.) pathitva brf-Krishndyd 'rghan dadyat | tatra mantrah: jdtah Kaisa (D. 1290 1300 131') sahito mameti atho yogesvardya Devakisahitdya cha (there is probably a blank here pujita tu mayd bhaktyd prasddam" (D. 115. 1169, see above, p. 293) namo devyai iti di (!) mantrena Devakyai gandhadini samarpya, avatdra (D. 116-118, where Ms. breaks off in the middle of the verse) Ka.dvddasdngulavistaran raupyamayam) sthandsiddilikhitan vd rohintyutan chandrar: some duardya somdya tathd somodbhavdya cha somasya pataye nityam tubhyam somdya vai namah || iti samplijya saptushpakueachandanan toy ari banokhendddya, kshirodd jyotsnd iti mantrdihydr chandrayd 'rghyan dadyat tatah er(Krishnayd 'rghyani dadyat, tatra mantrah: jatah Karsa sahito kare iti tatah prarthayet : trdhi mdm "pdpan daha haidyudheti And now midnight has come, the time at which, according to the legend (see Vishnudharmottara in M., above, p. 164), Krishna's birth took place; now therefore the celebration of the solemn birth-ritual follows. First of all the gift (see p. 173 above) called '& pouring out of riches,' made of melted butter mixed with sugar according to taste, is to be offered in the fire, and thereupon the whole ritual connected with a birth, vardhapanam, or ja takarmat is to be performed, especially the cutting of the navel, the worship of the goddess Shashthi, and the ceremonial of giving the name, etc. : all this and one after the other, immediately, (tatkshandt) still in that night. Under other circumstances the Shashthi celebration is accomplished precisely on the sixth day; the namakarman, on the other hand, not before the tenth day (various other dates besides are given for it, see K. ii, 1 f. 106, Sariskara Kaustubha 956, 96a). Both days, the sixth as well as the tenth, are, moreover, according to the customary ritual, specially celebrated by watching during the whole night and by the repeated offering of gifts to the tutelary deities of the birth (see pp. 174, 283 above); the men, indeed, are to keep themselves armed during the night (perhaps in the event of bad demons to be able to repulse them); the women, on the other hand, dance and sing: thus K. ii, 1 f. 9a, according to Mar kan deya in the Mitakshara : rakshantya tatha shashth nisa tatra vibeskatah rdfrau jdgaranam kdryam janmadanda tatha balih | purushah kastrahastde cha nyityagita cha yoshitah ratrau jdgaranam kuryur dalamydan chaipa sdtake Thus, then, it may be explained how 0 0 Sa do I sc. wants this verge, Saflkhe toyom samaddya, R NK. dharanim R N & K. vanish Vr. rghyarh RNK &c. + salitasya cha Sc., salitan prabho su. 8.-So. makes the word jyotandpate (sa. 58) follow here, and has after it the word chandrdrghyamantrah. This hemistich is wanting in so. $namo mandala N (8V1.) IT This adjective referring to Sire, characterises the verse which cours besides only in N one of those Sains outbursts which are found in R. and elsewhere (800 above, Pp. 187, 289, below p. 298.) - yad vd kuachana K M . quotes the first hemistich from the Vishnudharmottara, see above, p. 168. + To this belongs also (see K. iii., 1 f. 8.) a frdddham to the manes, and to this probably the passage of the Brahmaivaivarta quoted by R. p. 26 (above, p. 167a,) refers. I Madanaratne Naradbye : sitakonte ndmakarma vidheyarh svakulochitan, quoted in K.

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ON THE KRISHNAJANMASHTAMI OCTOBER, 1877.] not mention anything about this; for them this watching through the night, with its accompaniment of dancing and singing, is probably just an integral part of the birth-ritual; still their complete silence regarding this point is somewhat surprising, inasmuch as there are added here some special peculiarities (see immediately below). The more specially all this is treated of in the other texts. In the first place M. himself (see, f. 80b, p. 163 above) mentions the jagaranam as an integral part of the celebration; he also brings in a special passage regarding it (see p. 164) from the Naradiyasamhita: uposhya janmachihnanis kuryuj jegaranam tu yah.-R too, quotes similar passages from the Garuda- and BrahmavaivartaPuranas (see p. 1676 above), as well as from an unnamed work of the same kind (see p. 298 below) according to which V asudeva is nowP to be praised with all sorts of songs of praise," and then the night to be further spent in singing, music and dancing. N says shortly the listening to old legends, &c. as belonging to it. Thus also Sb, in bringing into prominence the festive character of the whole celebration. B appoints that, in particular, legends of Krishna's nativity shall be listened to, and shell-music accompany the dancing; also now at midnight rich presents, among others, a cow with her calf, are to be given. The remaining texts leave the birth-ritual quite out of view, but they dwell the more specially on the festive watching through the night. Only Vi 1. Ca have nothing at all about it. Ms. likewise; but this probably only because the manuscript lying before us breaks off in the middle; if we are allowed to supply the omission from "J-and this appears quite allowable. The jagaranam takes place also according to Ms., and it does so with listening to the description "of the games of young Krishna." Hereby probably the Bhagavata-Purana is specially to be thought of, as Ms. indeed desires, also in the SS Are the astrological characteristics of the nativity, or is it the ritual itself, that is meant by this ? After the arg ha-gift to the moon which R. N. K. Ms., differing from OC sa (see p. 293 above) place after the birth-ritual. These "songs of praise" follow here immediately after the prayer given above, p. 294. To this probably refer also the quotations rohinyam ardharatre. abhyarchanam saureh from the Vishnurahasya in M. (p. 167 above), and ardharatre 'rchanam hareh from the Garuda in R. above (p. 164). + In another place (f. 19a), also, Ms. appeals directly to 297 immediately preceding phase of the festival (see p. 296 above), that walking within (in the house) amid shouts of victory and sound of bells, one "should imagine to himself mentally Krishna's birth while reciting of the following verses referring to it:-tam adbhutam balakam." Now these verses are describedt in Ud. as borrowed directly from the Bhagavata, where in fact they are really found (X, 3, 9-13); according to Ud. they are to be recited at the very moment at which the birth of Krishna is fixed; and the watch through the night is to be spent in reciting hymns against the Rakshasas, &c.-D too denotes the reciting of legends about Krishna's life, as they are found in the Bhagavata and in the Harivansa, as forming an integral part of the festive watching through the night, and extols with full tones the merit of such recitals for readers and hearers. To singing, music, and dancing, which, along with the listening to legends, also Sc. Vi 2. bring into special prominence, are to be added according to D also other amusements, incense, lamps, selected meats, &c.-In Ka. first a passage from the Agnipurana is produced, which adds other pretty tales ("in the local dialects," Ka. explains), as well as spectacles in general ("dancing and such-like" explains Ka.) to the Purana legends, singing, and music as the enjoyments of the night. After listening to the legends of the nativity and childhood, those who take part in the festival shall pour milk on each other, and sprinkle each other with it, for which pastime a passage from the Bhagavata (which I cannot verify) is quoted. In this form the festival is said to bear now in the Maratha country the name of Gopalakala (a). The texts belonging to this are as follows, first of all in 0 C Sa. (also in R p. 26. K.): ardhardtre vasordharam kuryad vai tatra sarpisha I || 54 || the Bhagavata, places it before the Ramayana and the Bharata (the Krishna-valalla is, however, brought forward there along with these three works as a separate text). The passage runs thus: devapujam samapya.. sarvebhyah pradaya svayam prayopavisya sahasranamadini stotrani japtva, riBhagavata-Ramayana-Bharatalatham Krishna. valallam dhruvacharitram cha arutva, nalikeradina maharghyam dattva svayam gitanrityadini kuryst | anadlyani cha pasyet, net tu (ta ne tu M8.) nivarayed upahased va| evam ratrim ativahya prabhate koiakim(?) gayet | I patayed gudasarpisha C. R. K., patayed dravyasarpisha sa.

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298 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1877. tatah sampujyatding shashtu, ndmudikaranam mama. kartavyar tatkshandd ratrau... | 55 | B. ardhardtre tada deya savatsd gauh payasviri I 801 athit 'nyani (cha) dandni deydni nijabaktitah gilaradyaris tatha writyani sciliadhvanisamanvitam I 911 fatha bhagavatas tatra erotavy 1 janmasambhavd tato rardhapanasi shashthiri (par MS.) jutakarma cha karayet || 82 | Sb. Tatran jagaranavi kritud (kurydd Sv. 2) gitawhityddibhil saha I puranail stolrapdthais cha jatanamedishutsavail 621 R. (p. 28) tato (after the bripujd with O v. 41) gwlaghitair vasordhardra nddichhedanantshashthiprijanasia nuimakaran ddikani cha kurydt | pujayeyur (O 43.) amantrakam chandrodaye.... (see, p. 296) prarthana kurydt tatalo stotrail stut iris kritud vdsudevarijandrdanam gitaruditranrityais cha eeshari kulani yathdsukham || nayed iti beshall N. tato gavyaghritend 'gnau vasordhdrdh (ran Vr.), kvachid gudaghriteneti tato jutakarma-ndlachhedashashthipajd-ndmakarmani sast kshepena karydni tatas chandrodaye. . (see p. 296), iti mantrail pror. thayet tatal stotrapathanapur dnasravanddi jdgaTaani kritud... MS. (see above, p. 296) tato 'ntar dgatya jaya- ghantadind Srikrishnajanma paribhdvya " tam adbhutaris valakam" ity adin janmaslokdn pathitvd brikrishndyd 'rghau dadydt... J. (preceding is a puja to Devaki with D. 114-116a, goes before, and to Krishna with D. 1166-119a): eranis samptijya 'rgharin dadyat, tatra mantrah: jdtah Kaisa (D. 1296 130 1316.) sahito hareti (!) tato dhupa-dipaghritapakvddyanekanaivedya-kushmandadiphalatamudl ini samarpya Krishnavdialila varnanakarnanapradhd nam jdgaranan kritud. .. Ud.brikyishnajanmasamaye Bhagavatoktena (X, 3, 9-13) stutih : tam adbhutam bdlakam ambujekshanam, chaturbhujan, barkhagadddyudayudham erivatsalakshmavi galasobhikaustubham, pitamvaran, sdndrapayodasaubhagan || 9 || maharghas-vaiduryakiritakuncala-, tvisha parishvaktasahasrakuntalan uddumakurichyangadakankanddi. bhir, virochamdnan Vasudeva aikskata || 10 | savismayotphullavilochano Karin sutaria vilokyd "nakadundubhih sadd | Krishndvatarotsavasambhra mo 'sprisan, muda dvijebkyo 'yutam dpluto gavam | 11 athainam astand av adhdrya prirusham, pare natansah kritadhih kritanjalih svarochishd Bhdrata satikagrihani virochayantam gatazhth prabhdpavit | 12 | Vasudevat upacha : vidito 'si bhardn sdkshat purushah prakiteh paral kevald nubhavdnandasvarupah sarvabuddhidrik || 13 | idaris vishnur iti pradakshind ... brahmanabhojanena trayodala brahmanda yojamdnah tarpayishye..... jagaranan rdtrau, saktam pathirod rikshogh nan nandsuktan D. tatas tu parito vishnor riedi tam yat nato nayet || 135 | gitais cha vividhair vadyair nyilyar nandvidhair api dhupair dipais cha naivedyasis tambulass cha muhur muuh || 135 | charitari Devakisunor vachanlyasi vichakshanail 1 .. en ari jagaranan kritud kastrapat hadibhir narah | 145 | Se, ittham samprdrthya dedekan rdtrani jdgaranam charet oftanrityddind chaiva purdnasravanddibhih | 44 || Vi 2. evar puja cha kartavya ratrau jigaranari tatha || 41 || gitavdditrasanyuktam puranapathane na cha! Ka (..haldyudheti-see p. 296) | atha pujanantarakrityam Agnipurdne: ity evam pijayitud tu purushasuktaih (P) savaishnavcih stutvd vaditranirghoshair gitavdditramaigalai | sukathabhir vichitrdbhis tatha prekshanakair api purvetihdsail paardnaih kshipet tam barvariri nyipeti atra kathast vaichitryam desabhdshdkdvyakritam, suktandm prdg-ukten, puranakathandm ante 'bhidhandt, prekshanakani nrityadiri tatha cha vaidikasdktakaranakastutivibishta, paurdnetihdsami brito gitanrityayutadesabhdshakavyapramukhakathakarakako jdgaro vipradivarnatrayasya vidhiyate, sudrddin prati etddyisajdgarasya vidhdtum ayogyatvdd vachandntarena tu suktadirakitagitadivibishto var. nachatushtayasddharano vidhiyate gokulasthajanmallladibravanottaravaishnavaih parasparam dadhyddithih sechanan kdryam, dadhikshiraghritdmbubhih dsinchanto vilimpanta ityddi-Sri Bhagavatavachanena tatha vidhikalpandt ayam utsavo 'dhund Mahdrdshtradese gopdlakdleti (or possibly Mleti?) vya(va)hriyata its me bhatietat sarvam Kamstube Srimad-Anantadevaih spasht kritam astiti na mahyam asuyd kdryd etddrifakathdyuto jdgaro 'nyatra 8a. Stato vardhapanan R., tato vardh&payen ndlam sa, nadivardhapanan K.- For nala, navel-string,' compare Piparitaprasatau tu nabhindlena veshtitah K. III, 1. fol. T shasthya C, shashther R. shashtke namadikan mama, san, namapeli karanam mama RK. + takshandd eua, C. 1. R. p. 27, wurdna panah nadfchedanam. $$ mahfrya Ms., maharha Chamb. 569c. (= A.) and 6860. B.). gavim ayutam asprisat, manasd datavan, Kansani. grihitasya dandsambhavdt | dplutah vydpta) sndtah schol. in Bhagav. So AB., paragatangah MS. + So MS., Valadeva (sic!), AB.

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OCTOBER, 1877.] ON THE KRISHNAJANMASHTAMI. 299 Remanar amyekddafyddyuts mesht apy 'dhyah, puja- morning-ritual is to be accomplished ; tbereupon jagarddivisishtavratotsavasdmydt, Mahardshtriyeshu the god, in company with Deva ki, is to be tatha "chardch chal worshipped once more, quite as before, and then, Now then, when the morning breaks, a festival, "all this" (obviously all that had been made use as great as that which has (just) been held toof at the festival the of at the festival, the images included) is to be Krishna is to be consecrated to Devaki.t given to a Brah mana who is an inmate of the At it the Brahmanas are feasted, and rich house; after this only the other Brahmanas rewards are given to them in gold, possessions in too-are to be fed, and to have presents given land, cattle, clothes, flowers, and whatever each them, and then may he, the giver of the feast, most desires, in order to please Krishna himself eat too.N (C. Vr.) does not in this case thereby. He then dismisses them with the make any special mention at all of Devaki, salutation but appoints quite generally that "the wor"Hail to him, the god whom the goddess ship"-or if we prefer 0. Vr.'s way of reading, Devaki has begotten of Vasudeval specially only " the worship of the god," that For the protection of the earthly Brahman. is of Krishna, shall take place "as before." hood (hail to him!) the Brahman-souled! || P. makes the bhagavant (by which obviously Good luck be to Vasudeva, for the good | Krishna is meant) be worshipped first of of cows and Brahmanas! all in the regular way, and after that, by a Peace be! Promise of happiness be!"- misunderstanding, as we saw already, (see p. Thus 0 C Sa., with addition of all sorts of 167) makes a festival to Durga follow !-Sc. promises of reward for those who thus cele has nothing about a festival to Devaki; brate the high festival of the goddess De- but gives several specialities regarding the vaki every year. In Sa. there is another worship of the Lord of the Universe,' with addition found, according to which the relatives, various distributions and prayers, among them as also the miserable and helpless, are to be a hundred and eight distributions of ghee, along feasted, before he (the master of the house) with reciting of the purushas ukta. Quite like may eat anything himself. RN give also a this, only more in detail, Vi 2. J. K. K. leave formula for this paranam, breakfast, and N con the worship of Krishna or of Deva ki tains the important direction that previously the quite out of view, only making mention of the image (of the god) shall also be presented to a feasting and giving presents to the Brah. Brahmana. It is surprising that this direc manas; but K. K&. also say on this occasion tion should be wanting in 0 C Sa, for M. recog. that the festival could be celebrated for a whole nizes it also (see above, p. 163) as an integral year every month during the second quarter, part of the Jayanti celebration. According to for which arrangement K. refers to two pasVi 2, J. it is the acharya, teacher,' to whom sages of the Vahnipurana, which he cites (see the image, along with numerous other presents, above, p. 169) from the Madanaratna. Lastly, regarding which particularly Vi 2. treats very B. Vil. Ud. have nothing at all about what has much in detail, is to be given. The accounts to be done on the morning after the festival. in Ms. on occasion of the Ramanavami etc. show, The texts belonging to this are as follows, first too, that a similar giving away of the image of of all in 0 0 Sa. thegods worshipped at the festival to the teacher, ..... prabhate navamidine | 55 || is in fact a universal custom of the VaishNA yatha mama tatha karyo bhagavatyd mahotsavak brahmandut bhojayechhaktyaf tebhyo dadydt sudakvas, as we find it again throughout the Varaha shindmsS || 56 | purana also, on occasion of the ten or eleven hiranyan TT kanchanar** gdpott udsansi kusumani avatara-festivals.-According to D, too, in the chaft | yad yad ishtatamar tat tate Krishno me primorning, when the sun has driven all the yatdm iti || 57 | darkness away, in the first place the necessary yan depan Devaki devi Vasudevdd ajijanat bhau 10. 60, Bhagavatt in 0. 56, what R. erroneously 1 yet paschat D yed bhaktyd C sa MR sk. understands as Durg &; see above, p. 167 (289. 296). $$ tato dadyach cha dakshinam C.M., tebhyo d. cha d. Sv. 55-61, 66, also in R. Sk., 566, 57 in M (Sla), 58. 59 1 sa DR sk. IT Suvarnam R. sk. in N. 566. 58. 59 in D, 59 in K. - rajatars C.medinih sa M. and in Riquoted as palha. karyo, So 1. R. sk., karyam 00 sa. tt gai cha, R. sk. 11 vividhani C. Loke C. R.sk * Otsavanh, 0 s. deufth Vadudertpy, 0. Compare M. 8la: yoge 'smin brahmanan, 02. | Vasudevad dhi Devakt mam ajfjanat.

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300 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1877. masya brahmano guptyai tasmas brahmdtmane na- dattvd pdranam kritud vratam samapayet sarvdyo mah] 58 sarvesvardya sarvapataye (sarvesham pataye nama! sunjanmat Vasudevdyat gobrahmanahitdya vha Vr.) sarvasambhavdya govinddya namo nama iti sdntir astu sivan chu 'stu ity uktud tans visarjayet parandydn (S. 'ndryd N, 'nan Vr.) bhutaya bhito|| 59 | pataya (S. Vr., bhutampa N) ity-adi samapane cho evenit** yah kurute devyd Devakyaltt sumahotsavam (wanting in S.) mantral (bkutapataye nama iti weshe barshe bhd gavatott madbhaktogs Charmanan- namaskara iti prijavidhih Vr.) wdydpanam anuk dana | 60 | tatvdu nasti (udya is wanting in $. Vr. which connaro da yadiva ndri yathoktam phalam dpnuyat tain rather a piece described in Sc. $u. 3 directly putrasantanan drogyam dhanadhanyarddhimad as an udyapana) grihamt il 611 K prabhdte brdhmandu sakyd bhojayed bhaktimdu . ... parachakrabhayami na 'sti tasmin rajye 'pi narahon namo Vasu (0.59) | Pandavas I parjanyah kalavarshi-sydd itibhyo na D. tatal prabhatasamaye bhd mund vimale krite bhayam bhavet || 63 | krito paurrdhnikasie karma prayatak sraddhaya yasmin grike Panduputra likyate Devakisut am** | Na 'rrital | 146 | tatta mritanihkrdutir na garbhapatanam bhavet ||64 purvarat pujayed devana Devakisa hitam muda yavia na cha vyddhibhyani tatra bhaved iti matir mama devano (O 58. 59) iti devam visarjayet | na vadhavyavia na daurbhagyan na dantakalahott kutumbine brdh mandya dapayet sarvam eva tat | A91 grihe | 65 | brahmandu bhojayet paschat tebhyo dadyach cha samparkend 'pi yal kaschit kurydj janmashtami- dakshinam tatas tu svayam asniyaj Jayantisannvratam | vishnulokam avaproti so 'pi Partha na poshka! || 150 || sambayak || 66 $6. svobhute paranam kurydd dvijdn (Sv 2.) samR. (pp. 26. 27): prabhdte (0 55-61. 66) na sari- bhojya yatratah saya l Jayantyan || tushtyarthamol akur van' (see Sc. pratyushe simale sudtva pujayitra jagadabove, p. 161 in M. fol. 81a) Some short explan- gurum | pdyasena tilajyais cha mulamantrena bhakations to it also, for example: suvarnam atra titah || 45 || Poltiraktikaparimitar hema, kdnchanan tato nyu- ashtottarasatan hutud tatah purushasaktatal | idari nam kanchanam ity atra medinim iti kvachit pathah vishnur iti prokta (prokva? for prochya) juhuydd. (60 in M. Sa) bhaumasya prithvisambandhinah tan vai ghritdhutth. || 46 il brahmanan homaseshani samdpyd 'tha purndhutim atal param ibid. p. 29: paradine pratar bhagavantaris yathdvidhi acharyam pujayed bhaktyu bhitshandchhadanidisampujya durgdyds cha mahotsavah karyah tato bhih || 47 brahmanan bhojayet, tebhyo dakshindi cha svar. gam ekam kapilaria dadyad.... kapilaya abhare nadi yat kimchid ishtatamam "Kyishno me priya- tu geur anyd 'pi pradiyate || 50 tdm" ity uktvd dadydt tatah "yan devam" ity-ddi tato dadyach cha ritvigbhyo 'nyebhyas chaiva yatha"santir astu sivari cha" 'stu iti mantram pathitud ridhi brahmanan bhojayet paschdd ashtou tebhyos brahmandu visarjayet tatah peranan kurydt, tan- cha dakshindm || 51 | mantrah: sarvaya sarvesvardya sarvapataye sarva- kalaidsia (!) tatra sampurnam (!) dadych choiva samd. sambhavya govindaya namo namale paranduan- hitah diadis cha kripandis chaiva yatharham tarar sampaiamantram bhutdya (!) ity-antam pa- prati pajayet | 021 thet prapyd 'nujnan tatha tebhyo bhunjita saha bandhuN. dvitiye 'hni pratahkalinan (NS., prdtahkale bhih ... sndnddi Vr.) nityar kritud purvapad eva (devar Vi 2. tatal prabhdtasamaye sndtud suddhah kritdi. S Vr.) pujayitva brahmandn bhojayitva (yet Vr.) ' nikah 1 purvavat pujayed devam paschad dhomari tebhyah suvarnadhenu astrddi ('stradi dattod Vr.) samdcharet | 43 | *** Krishno me priyatdm" iti dattod (vadet Vr.); svagrihyoktavidhanena pratishthapyd 'nalari toyar devario (0.58) 1 sujanma (namas te Vr.) tak asvatthasya samidbhis cha djyais cha charuna Vasu (0.59) sivari cha 'stv ity stod pratimam tatha || 44 | udpuisya (S. Vr., uddhasya N.) tam brdhmandya ... uto mahivyahritayo homamantrah prakirtital:||48| * brahmano, O. R. & Vr. IT labhate phalati, sk. pretrasaubhagyan sa + samas te sa. Vr., subrahma R. sk., oris namo K. t saubhagyam atulam bhavet sa. I Vasudevava O 9. D. iha'mutra bhayan c. tam C., unath sa K., iti devam D. gtatra na kada 'pi bhavet punah, sit. In s. between uktva pratimin uddhasya, N. (udvdsya, 8. Vr.)... v. 61 and, v. 63 (there 69 and 74) four verses are inserted, - sa, inserta & verse: tato vandhujanaughanh cha din. the Al. (se above, p. 166) quoted as from the Bhavishve. nath&us cha bhojayet bhojayitva suaintans tan (sv 1., vv. 66.65 have their places supplied in sa. by two other susitaya sa) svayam bhuajita vagyatah | 67 | verses, the former of which is quoted by Al. + Derakya O., derylb purushah, c. ** ! Thus 0. Devakiuratum, c. II P bhagavato, O R S K., cha wiyato O., vidhanena $1. tt Thus 0. C., chai va kalaho C. marg., na cha 'pi kala$$ sa bhakto sv. 1, madukto R., madbhaktyd sk. hans D. 152.

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OCTOBER, 1877.] jupet purushasuktam tu smared devam anantakam | arghapushpapraddnena dcharyam tu prapujayet 50 CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. sopaskaram cha pratimam acharyaya nivedayet || 63 || Krishnaya 'nantarupaya dadami pratimam imam | ... 64 | iti pratimadanam | acharyardham tato bhaktyd brahmane vinivedayet | brahmanebhyo (sic! "bhyas) tadardham cha baktyd tebhyo nivedayet || 65 || .. brahmanan bhojayet paschad vrati vibhava saratah || 69 || mishtannam payasadine cha acharyam cha sadakshinamdinanathasvanugatan brahmanane cha vibeshatah || 70 || bhunjita vagyato bhutva mishtannam sa tu bhojayet CORRESPONDENCE PROF. WEBER ON THE MAHABHASHYA. To the Editor of the Indian Antiquary. I have read with intense interest Professor Kielhorn's article on the Mahabhashya in vol. V. pp. 241 et seq. But, with all respect for the scholarship which we are wont to find in Professor Kielhorn's writings, I am sorry to say that I felt rather disappointed with the result of my perusal of this deduction of his. For instead of giving us positive proofs for his decided opinion that "we are bound to regard the text of the Mahabhashya as given by our MSS. to be the same as it existed about two thousand years ago," he has not even tried to do so, but proceeds merely in a negative way, and his exertions only tend to show (1) that the statements in the Vakyapadiya and the Rajatarangini are not to be interpreted in such a way as to impeach the authenticity of that text; (2) that the external evidence brought forward against it is not sufficient to impeach it. Now, even if he had succeeded thus far (as in my opinion he has not), what would be won for the position he himself maintains? Two thousand years is rather a long time, and to warrant for such a period the sameness of a Sanskrit text which has meanwhile had to undergo so many ordinary vicissitudes, if it were only the constant change of the copies, and of the characters in which they were written, is really a piece of some boldness and audacity. But in this instance we know also of some extraordinary vicissitudes. For, whatever interpretation Professor Kielhorn may give to the statements of Hari (or as he is also called Bhartrihari) and Kalhana,-whether he refers the vyakaranagama of the former not to the text of the Bhashya, but only to the traditional knowledge of its meaning, or whether he explains his viplavita by 'perverted' instead of 'devastated,' and Kalhana's vydchakshana by 'interpreter' in 301 achamya (cha) suchir bhutva chintayet taddine harim || 71 || . J. pratar nityakarma nirvartya achardya devam samarpya vastrakamvusho (kambalo ?)-shnishamudrikadi saktyd dakshinam cha dattva brahmanan bhojayitva purvavad vratam samapayed iti Jayantimahadvadasivratam | Ka. tato navamyam brahmanan bhojanadakshinadibhih samtoshyoktaparananirnite kale bhojanam kuryatasyaiva Jayantioratasya samvat sarasadhyal prayogah sravanakrishnashtamim arabhya pratimasa(m) krishnashtamyam uktavidhina pujadirupal purdnantare uktah tatrodyapanavidhir granthantare jaeyah | [For SS 3 see Ind. Ant. vol. III. pp. 21ff. 47ff.] (To be continued.) AND MISCELLANEA. stead of reciting,' 'knowing by heart,' as well as his vichinna by vichinnasampradaya instead of 'split into pieces, incomplete,'-even under adoption of all that, two facts remain :-(1) that Hari testifies to hostilities practised against the " arsha grantha," as well as to a break in its traditional interpretation for a certain indeterminate space of time during which its text existed only in Dekhan MSS., and it was only by the (superhuman! see Ind. Stud. vol. V. pp. 165-166) intermediation of Parvata that "Chandracharya and others" regained that "traditional knowledge;" and (2) that Kalbana testifies to two introductions of the Bhashya into Kasmir,-the one by the said "Chandracharya and others" under Abhimanyu; the second, after it had been meanwhile vichinnam under Jayapida. It is seldom enough in India that we have so many critical criteria for the history of a literary work at hand. Are we really entitled, in the face of them, to cling to the unchanged condition of a text which would be a wonder in itself, even if we did not know anything of these its various fates ? Of course, I am far from swearing to the exact correctness of those dates as given by both authors (the presence of Parvata alone, if he is to be taken as the helpmate of Narada, at once forbids such a proceeding); but, on the other hand, such particulars as those given by Hari must have some real foundation, cannot well be wholly sucked out of the fingers. Now, it is true Professor Kielhorn too does not deny this, but he certainly, on the one hand, does not take them into full account, and he tries on the other to explain away their eritical purport. If there should have been (and I will not deny that there may be some truth in that) some exaggeration of this purport on the part of those who have previously treated on Sic! evidently the half of that which the acharya has received.

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302 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1877. this subject, in my opinion Professor Kielhorn on his part goes very much too far in the opposite direction. Nor do I think that his very ingenious interpretation of vichinnam by vichinnasampraddyam (!) and Panyaraja's explanation of vipuivita by abhdeskrita, 'perverted,' are really acceptable, or that car is restricted to the meaning of 'interpreter.' But I shall not enter here more particularly into these details, for, as I have remarked already, even under the direct adoption of these and all the other explanations, partly offered already by Professor Stenzler, the aspect of the whole case is not materially altered. A book of which even Hindu tradition affirms that it had been viplavita-let us say perverted'-by its adversaries, that its traditional interpretation had been bhrashta, lost to the pupils of its author, that it had censed for some time to be handed down orally, and remained only in written form in the Delchan,-a book which, moreover, had to be introduced twice into Kasmir on account of its having become vichinnam after its first introduction, dating about six or eight centuries earlier than the second one which of course must have been made from a country where it had been kept meanwhile : avichinnam),-such a book has, in my opinion, no claims whatever to our regarding its text as "unchanged and the very same during two thousand years." Nor do I think that Professor Kielhorn has been more successful in his polemic against the internal evidence brought forward broadly by Dr. Burnell, and before him, but more diffidently, by myself, as to the (no to speak) conglomerate character of th Bhashya. It is a pity that he had not been able, at the time he wrote, to weigh also the arguments of a third scholar going nearly in the same line with us, viz. of Bohtlingk, who in the second of his two papers on this sub. ject (Jour. Germ. Or. Soc. vol. XXIX. pp. 185 ff. 483 ff.) arrives at the following conclusion (p. 490) :-"The form of the dialogue brings us again close to the supposition that the redaction of the Mahabhdshya does not come at all from Patanjali himself (gar nicht von Patanjali selbst herruhrt)." The question as to the different component parts of the Bhdshya is indeed a very intricate one. Professor Kielhorn has devoted to it great care and study, and his opinions are entitled to all consideration and respect, but I may be allowed to state here my impression that he appears to me rather too much inclined in favour of the entire oneness of the work; and, in order to put your readers into a position to judge more freely on the merits of the case, I beg to subjoins translation of what I have said on this part of the question in my paper on the Bhashya in vol. XIII. of the Ind. Stud. pp. 314-330. But before I proceed to do so I have to examine some statements made by Professor Kielhorn, in the course of his deduction, which require some rectification. (1) Professor Kielhorn accuses me of "two slight inaccuracies" in my remarks concerning the history of the Bhashya, in so far as, firstly, I had spoken repeatedly of three different occasions on which it had received the epithets viplavita, bhrashta, and vichinnam, whereas in reality there were but two; and as, secondly, the epithet bhrashta had been applied in the Vakyapadiya not to the text of the Bhashya, as maintained by me, but to the vyakarandgama--the traditional knowledge of grammar. I do not think that the word 'inaccuracies' has been well chosen by Professor Kielhorn in this instance, as it would be correct only under the condition that I interpreted the passage in the Valyapadiya in the same way as he does. But the fact is that our interpretations differ, and what he calls 'inaccuracies' is simply to be laid to the account of this difference. Of course he is fully entitled to criticize and rectify my interpretation, but not to charge me with inaccuracy' for drawing conclusions in harmony with my conception of the sense of the passage. Now in my translation of it the word vydkarandgama is given by 'Grammatik-Text' as referring to Patanjali's work itself, and I have also explained in extenso this my translation of agama by 'text, doctrinal system (Lehrsystem), doctrine (Lehre),' as in opposition to that given by Professor Goldstucker, who takes it as document or manuscript of the Mahabhdshya: see Ind. Stud. vol. V. pp. 162-165. Moreover, the word pratikanchuka, purposely omitted by Professor Kieihorn on account of its reading and meaning being as yet uncertain, is not left out by me, as the dots in Professor Kielhorn's quotation on p. 244 would seem to imply, but is translated in harmony with Punyaraja) by 'adversary' (widersacher). In consequence of both these differences in my translation of the two verses in question, the words viplavita and bhrashta in them, though relating to the same work, still do not relate to one fact, but to two :-firstly, to its devastation ("destruction, destroyed,'-zerstort, as Professor Kielhorn has, is rather too strong :'verwustet' is my expression) by the adversaries of its author; secondly, to its having been lost to his pupils, very probably indeed on account of these assailments. If we now add to these two facts the statement of Kalhana about the vichinnatva of the Bhashya in Kasmir in Jay&pida's time, I think I was right when I spoke of "three different occasions......" But I am at present quite willing to reconsider my translation itself; and I concede,

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OCTOBER, 1877.] CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. 303 before all, that Professor Kielhorn's explanation of vyakarandgama as not relating to the very text of the Bhashya, but only to its traditional interpretation, deserves as full attention as the one given hy myself. (2) Professor Kielhorn states (p. 246) that the views of Dr. Burnell on the Bhdshya have been somewhat misrepresented by myself in my review of his work. Now here the simple fact is that in my short quotation from Dr. Burnell's essay the final s of the word works has been dropt, it may be by a clerical blunder, or perhaps (1) only by a misprint overlooked by me in my revision of the proofs. What I there say on this subject is (see Jenaer Literatur Zeitung, 1876, p. 205), "In Purnell's opinion this work is indeed rather a skilful compilation of the views of Panini's critics, and of their refutation by Patanjali, than the real text of the original work," " not works, as Dr. Burnell has. It was not my intention to enter there more fully on his particular views on the subject, and I hope he himself will acquit me of having really misrepresented' them by that unlucky oversight with regard to the end of the last word in the sentence.-On the other hand, I cannot acknowledge it as a quite correct representation of my views on the Bhdshya when Professor Kielhorn says, " According to Professor Weber, some such work as the Mahabhashya which we possess was actually composed by Patanjali." For, as your readers will see below (and I beg to refer them also to the earlier statements of my views contained in vol. II. of the Ind. Ant. pp. 64, 209), my opinions as to this very point are not yet settled in quite distinct form, for there are to be weighed and put aside before such a decision several items which speak rather forcibly for a composition of the work rather by the school of Patanjali than by Patanjali himself. (3) With regard to my statement that "the South Indian MSS. of the text, according to Burnell's testimony (see preface to the Vamsabr. p. xxii. note), appear to differ considerably," Pro. fessor Kielhorn remarks (p. 243) that all he finds Dr. Burnell to have stated regarding such differences is this, that in the introductory ahrika "the South Indian MSS. omit the quotation from the Atharvaveda; whereas in one of his later works Dr. Burnell too states that "the Northern and Southern MSS. of the Bhashya differ to no great extent, though various readings occur"; and Professor Kielhorn himself, moreover, can add, from his own perusal of such MSS., that he has "not been able to discover any traces of the ex. istence of several recensions of the work". Of course, both these latter (and later) testimonies are of great value; but on the other hand I think I was fully justified at that time in my supposition, as given above: for the omission in the SouthIndian MSS. of the quotation from the Atharvaveda in the introductory dhnilea is indeed a matter of some importance. The Atharvaveda is quoted twice (fol. 36 and fol. 10a), and both times in a very peculiar position, viz. at the head of the four Vedas and as their chief representative : see Ind. Stud. vol. XIII. p. 431. If such passages are omitted in one group of MSS., I think we have a right to say that the MSS. appear to differ considerably. (It would be interesting to know how the matter really stands in this case.) (4) Professor Kielhorn is very desirous (p. 248) to exculpate Nagesa from having made a wrong statement as to the meaning of the word acharya in the Bhashya. And after having examined for himself the remark in question, he found indeed that it admitted of a very different interpretation : for according to him the sentence & T TT TIETZTERT T for a would relate only to that particular passage of the Bhashya to which Nagesa has at. tached it, and which begins que fan, and it would imply that in this passage alone "achdrya denotes exceptionally the author of the Bhdshya himself, and not those whom it denotes generally (Panini or Katya yana)." But I am afraid such an interpretation cannot well be grafted on the words as they stand above : for, in order to convey that meaning, which Professor Kielhorn intimates them to convey, they ought to be bhASye atraiva AcAryapadena zAstrAdhyApako bhASya farra: but there is no atrai 'va, or even only atra, in the text, and the eva stands distinctly after T45, so that the sentenco cannot well, according to common usage, be translated otherwise than by " in the Bhashya by the word Ach drya is meant only the author of the Bhashya, the teacher of the ITGIT (compare Ballantyne's translation, p. 35). Moreover, the very addition of this otherwise somewhat superfluous epithet zAstrAdhyATo appears to imply that Nagesa wished to give a general and formal rule; it contains at the same time his own explanation for the fact he statesbecause Patanjali is the teacher of the $dstra, therefore is he called in it by the title acharya, kar' deoxw. Finally also the phrase ar TEporn is not restricted to this particular passage, of which it forms a part, but is a solemn one, which recurs rather frequently in the course of the work : see below. I proceed now to the promised translation - ".... On account of all this, we must be content at present to lay the time of the composition of the Bhashya between the two limits;

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304 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Menandros-Pushyamitra on one side, Abhimanyu on the other, or, in round numbers, between 140 B.C. and 60 A.D. The statements about Pushyamitra's sacrifices would lead us nearer to the first term, whereas those on the "Yavana'-if Kanishka is to be understood-nearer to the second; or if, after all, a Greek prince is to be sought under the Yavana,' we are drawn of course quite near to the first term. But all this only under one condition, viz. that these statements are certainly not to be subjected to the possibility that they also represent examples found by Patanjali in previous works!! Even in this very indistinctness this result is still a very important one, if we consider the unhappy state of the chronology of Indian literature in general; and the other statements contained in the various examples thus acquire also a prominent value." "It is true that here also the critic must still for the present raise his warning voice and ask, What guarantee have we that the work, as we now have it, is really still the same as that which, according to the Vakyapadiya, was reconstrued (wieder hergestellt) by the efforts of " 'Chandracharya and others," after misfortunes of some duration by which it was viplavita,-what happened, according to the Rajatarangini, just under king Abhimanyu (see Ind. Studien, vol. V. pp. 159-160) P And if the assumption is decidedly not to be denied that already at this reconstruction there may have crept into the work secondary additions, originally foreign to it, how is it further with regard to that second statement of the Rajatarangini, according to which in Jayapida's time, the end of the eighth century, the work was, in Kasmir, again vichinna, and was introduced there anew by skilled men, whom the king ordered to come from another country? Already, in treating of this question for the first time (Ind. Studien, vol. V. pp. 168-169), I have pointed out these difficulties, and called it "audacious to judge on the thorough authenticity of the present text of the Bhashya already at this time, when we have before us only so small a piece of it." But even now, though we have the whole work before us, I must abide by the same opinion, and I feel obliged to single out the possibility that one or the other statement, which in the sequel we will draw out of the context of the work, does not testify for Patanjali's time, nor for that of Abhimanyu, but merely for that of Jayapida. On the other hand, we are allowed at present to speak also of an impression founded on the totality of the work, and that is decidedly favourable to its originality. As Goldstucker has already stated it, and was the first to do so, the red thread going through the [OCTOBER, 1877. whole work is the polemic against the varttikakara. Now one may ask indeed, Was this really so also originally ? or may not rather the fact that we have in it, after all, not so much a commentary on Panini, as one to the varttikas of Katyayana, be simply the consequence of the work being preserved to us only partially, in such fragments as were still procurable in the eighth century, when it was vichinna again? Such a question could not, indeed, be negatived directly, still there is one point against it which appears of considerable importance. And this is just the special restriction of the work essentially to those sutras which had been assailed by Katyayana. Its deductions thus attain a unitary character, viz. that of selection. In case the present text was really only a text of fragments, collected in the eighth century, of a commentary on the whole work of Panini, such a restriction would be very difficult to explain; we ought then to miss some books and chapters wholly, and have others complete, but we should not have something out of all of them, and moreover not those parts only which relate to the varttikas. Truly one may object here,-Well, how do we know that Katyayana did not write varttikas to the other rules of Panini also? should he not rather have written such to all rules which gave anyhow occasion for it ? and when there are preserved only those we have, should this not be simply explained by the Bhashya's having been preserved to us only in fragments? Now all this might really happen to be so; but the unitary character of the work would not suffer on account of that, as it would continue even then just in that special relation to Katyayana; and it is this very restriction, after all, that appears to testify for its composition by one author, and thus also for its authenticity and originality. "Truly, it might even thus, in its present form, be "more the work of his pupils than of Patanjali himself." Though one of the arguments which I brought forward in this respect (Ind. Studien, vol. V. pp. 155, 168), viz. that in the body of the work "Patanjali is spoken of only in the third person, and his opinion is introduced several times by su. that is, by pazyati tvAcArya:, " no longer holds good. For on one hand we now find in it also many statements expressed in the first person, in the singular or the plural form, in the present or relating to the sequel in the future: thus for instance jJAsyAmi IV. 666, pratyAyayiSyAmi III. 136, VIII. 76, very often, for 'I,' I. 84a, 122a, 150a; III. 7a; IV. 20a; V. 3b; VI. 4 f. 11a; VIII. 2b; anukramiSyAmaH I. 113a; bhASayiSyAmaH VII. 490, They would argue, after all, though not for Patanjali himself, still for the time of Abhimanyu.

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CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. OCTOBER, 1877.] : 1186; VIII. 376; T: I. 1126, : VIII. 406; : very often, e.g. III. 9a, VII. 50a, VIII. 340; vijJAsyAmaH I. 9a vizeSayiSyAmaH I. 38a 67a, 140a; IV. 29a; VI. 5a; VI. 4f. 31a; I. 2398, apekSiSyAmahe I. 1440; manyAmahe I. 1696; naitadviva1. 1346: I. 144a; and, on the other hand, according to Bhandarkar, in such sentences as pazyati khAcArya we are to understand by r not Patanjali at all, but Panini! And in a great number of passages he is undoubtedly in the right, though certainly not throughout. For on one hand this would be, after all, rather too glaring a contrast to Nagesa's distinct assertion to the contrary (Ballantyne, p. 36), viz. that by acharya in the Bhashya only Patanjali is to be understood: bhASye AcAryapadaina zAstrAdhyApako bhASyakAra eva vivakSitaH, and on the other hand in many of such cases their relation to the text, not of Panini's sutras, but to the very deduction of the Bhashya, is quite manifest and apparent. The real state of things in this respect wants at present a special inquiry still. But, in spite of these two corrections, this much certainly remains of my previous assertion, that on the whole those cases where the opinions of the bhdshyakara are presented to us in the first person are relatively rare, and that generally his assertions are given in the third person. Sometimes in such cases he is called even by name directly, though not as Patanjali, a name which, as far as I can see, is not mentioned at all in the work,-but (and this four times) as Gonardiya, explained by Kaiyata as bhashyakara, and once, according to Nagesa, as Goldstucker informs us, also under the metronymic name Gopikaputra (see I. 4. 51f 2906), against which latter identification, however, I have some real doubts (see these Studies, vol. V. p. 156).+ Whether now this quotation of the author in the third person should be taken in a similar way as with Caesar, or whether, like other self-quotations in Sanskrit texts, it should rather be ascribed to the tradition of the work by the school he founded, see my Academic Lectures on Indian Literature, p. 216 (2nd ed. p. 258),even by the latter supposition the unitarycharacter To my remarks on both names in this passage I add here that Mallinatha quotes in his schol. of Kumar. VII. 95 (see Stenzler's note in his edition) a passage from the Ars Amandi of Gaunarda. Rather odd in the mouth of the author, but quite in order, indeed, in the mouth of his school, is the fact that we find in several passages in the Bhashya the work itself quoted by this very name, whether it refer to a passage in the foregoing varttikas, or to one in the sequel, as for instance ukto bhAvabhedo bhASye III. 4. 67F. 1066 (sArvadhA tuke yagityatra bAhyAbhyantarayorbhAvayovizeSo darzitaH, Kaiyata -see III. 1. 671. 40b et seq.). 305 of the work is not disparaged so far that it would not still serve us as a warrant for its authenticity as being in its essential context the work of one author, with all reserve, of course, 'fer any modifications of this assumption which may possibly still become necessary on the basis of a more special study of the work than I have yet been able to devote to it. With regard, for instance, to the rather numerous cases where we find a sort of self-commentary following a sentence just quoted before, I refer to my remarks in Ind. Studien, vol. V. p. 169; there we might indeed be induced, before all, to seek secondary glosses of the school; here we may adduce, for instance, also the case mentioned above, at p. 315 (viz. the gloss tong). On the other hand, we must still, however, emphasize that, even from the mere formal view, the very manner and style of proceeding in the Bhashya, the connexion and annexion of all those manifold corrections, objections, explanations, versus (karika) memoriales, &c., appears as of one cast. And this principally on account of a merely external moment. viz. of the very frequent repetition throughout the whole work of some, as it were, fixed expressions as well as stock examples; whether consisting of single words, or of short or lengthy sentences. In the first respect, for example, the way in which the s is mentioned (whether in a given case we have by him to understand Patanjali or Panini) is characteristic. Thus, for instance, the formula regalnice.....ca I. 1436, 2716, II. 316a, 4016, III. 966, 97a, IV. 766, V. 126, 196, 55a, 57a, or, as we read in the introduction, suhRDUkhA AcArya idaM zAstramanvAcaSTe I. 10a;SS further the partly very frequent solemn phrasesAcAryapravRttirjJApayati...iti / jJApayatyAcAryaH / paThiSyati hyAcAryaH / pazyati tvAcAryaH / evaM caiva hi kRkhA AcAryeNa sUtraM paThitaM / na cedAnImAcAryAH sUtrANi kRtvA nivartayanti / evaM syAha / aparastvAha / yathA laukikavaidikeSu / viSama upanyAsaH / mAGgalika AcAryaH ... maGgalAdIni hi zAstrANi athavA maNDUkagatayo 'dhikArAH / tadyathA / maNDUkA utyotlutya gacchanti tadvat I. 516, II. 4026, V. 326, VI. 166, 986, VII. 109a, (a long passage), yo'vyutpannAni prAtipadikAni Solemn examples are SS Here it is that Nigesa remarks that under always the bhashyakara is to be understood, and indeed here this explanation suits remarkably, for though alone might very well refer also to grammar in general, that is to Panini, there still follow here after the words imAni prayojanAnyadhyeyaM vyAkaraNamiti, which go back to the words in the beginning of the deduction (fol. 6a)-4f bhUyaH zabdAnuzAsanasya prayojanAni. And similarly also with a great number of the other passages where this formula i - recurs.

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306 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1877. for instance, niSkauzAmbiH nirANasiH I the | and in the same sense we find used agahyamANakAraNAH statement about the punishment of the Gargas | VI. 3. 1096. 1046. The words ziSya and aziSya by the kings; on the preeminence of the 'to be taught,' and 'not to be taught,' (i.e. 'su. Pata liputra kas over the Samk& sya kas; perfluous'), are particular indeed, though derived on the circuit of the Aryavarta; the comparison of more properly, as it seems, from the vdrttika style: the wealth in corn of the Madras with that of the thus, for instance, yogazcApyayamaziSyaH I. 1.50f. 124b, Usinaris; the simile samudraH kuNDikA...vinyo vadhi- aziSya ekazeSa ekenoktatvAt I. 2.64f. 220a;-the taka; the conclusions uccAni devadattasya gRhANyAmantraya- same is to be said of fe dictum of an authority' svainaM devadattamiti gamyate and | devadattasya gAvo'zvI | (Petersburg Dictionary) in iSTijJa,aniSTijJa familiar hiraNyaM ca ADhayo vaidhaveyaH devadatta iti gamyate| and with the use of speaking,' II. 4. 56f. 405a; VIII. similar examples taken from common life, as | 2. 106f. 46b,-and of sidhyati 'is self-evident: purAkalpa etadAsIt / gaGgAyAM gAvaH kUpe gargakulaM / for instance, I. I. If. 46a, III. 2. 1231.77a. On dadhi brAhmaNebhyo dIyatAM takraM kauNDinyAya / mATavadasyAH the solemn juxtaposition of vRSala and brAhmaNa 80 kalAH santi na santi |adhrorukmetskumaaryaaH ... / alo- the sequel. Further, the peculiar use of the word mikA eDakA anudarA knyaa| AdityaM pazyati himavanta | tatrabhavantu is to be mentioned, which is used as zaNoti grAmaM gcchti| tadyathA dhUma dRSTrAbhirati gmyte| in the dramas as a compound, though spetriviSTabdhaka pRSTA parivrAjakaiti / nahi bhikSukAH santIti | cially as a sort of honorific title, 'master' as it sthAlyo nAdhizrIyantena ca mRgAH santIti yavA nopynte| were, and this in allocution as well as in the third sabathA kazcitkaMcicannuvAyamAha bhasya sUtrasya zATakaM person, thus:-pramattagAta eSa tatrabhavataH Introd. f. boninako devalo yApakAce mhaasNbhvti|| 70% tatrabhavantI gAgyoyaNAH bhavanto vAtsyAyanAH IV. 1. yathA* kazcidannArthI zAlikalApaM satuSaM sapalAlamAharati | 163f. 58b; tatrabhavAnRSiH saMpannaH IV. 1. 104f. 53a; nAntarIyakatvAt / sa yAvadAdeyaM tAvadAdAya tuSapalAlAnyu- | pArSadakRtireSA tatrabhavatAM, Introd. f. 31a; I. 1.48f. smRjati tathA kazcinmAMsAthI matsyAnsazakalAnsakaNTa 12063 tatrabhavatAM yadapatyaMtAni gotrANi, IV.1.79f. 350%; kAnAharati nAntarIyakacAt / sa yAvadAdeyaM tAvadAdAya tatrabhavantaH ziSTAH VI. 3. 109f. 1046; compare zalAkakaNTakAnyurasRjati, and others more. V. 3. 14 vartt. f. 545, 55a, according to which Finally we have to mention here also certain rule tatra and tatas may thus be composed not only direct peculiarities in the language of the Bha- with bhavanta, but also with dIrghAyu, / devAnAM priya and shya, which also go through the whole work, and AyuSmant; but examples of these latter compounds involve a certain unity of it. There is, indeed, are not to hand. Finally, dezya for deSTavya V. 3.55f. not much of this kind that I have at hand to 59a, e as relating to the genus, and it as readduce, and if it stood alone it would not matter lating to grammatical number, II. 2. 24f. 3606, are much, but in connexion with the foregoing deduc. peculiar words; but I have at present no other tion, even that has its value and appears as passages to adduce for their use. characteristic. A more accurate study of the "When I am now going to single ont from the bulky work will probably yield considerably more statements contained in the Bhashya those that of the kind. Thus, in the first instance, the appear to me of particular interest, I do so plural T TE: is used repeatedly in the same way under a double reservation, viz. that (1) all those as in the grihyasutras in the sense of flowers :' reserves and doubts adduced in the foregoing as thusniSkINosvapi sumanaHsvanvayAdvizreSaNaM bhavatyayaM malli- to their absolute cogency for the time of Patanjali kApuTaH ayaM campakapuTa iti II. 1. If., 313a; bahyastAH himself may be kept always in sight, and (2) that sumanasaH III. 1. 22f., 216; AraNyAH sumanasaH IV.2. I do not attempt to give a complete image of all that may be elicited from the contents of the 104f.72a. Further the word niSkAraNa appears in work. Such a task is to be left as yet to the the Introduction (f. 5a) in the sense of' without future, and would be best connected with a general visible ground, merely from one's own impulse : Panini glossary, which ought to combine the whole brAhmaNena niSkAraNo dharmaH SaDaGgo vedo'dhyeyo jJeyazca copia verborums to be found in Panini himself and in TA very curious translation of both these sentences, Aufrecht, Catalogus, f. 216b. One comes here involontarily which have been inscrted also in the Sarwadarsonasangraha, to the supposition whether they may not have stood al$ 1, occurs in the Jour. Germ. Or. Soc. XIV. 520:"they are ready in Gonardiya's (i.e. Patanjali's!) Kamasutra. indeed no stage, they are no mendicant friars;" with such Both these sentences revur too in the Sarvadarsana. thoughts polecata (the translator reads T) are not sangraha, 1, immediately before the two noticed in the chased, and kettle-bearers not fed." The learned (!) transla- foregoing note. tor has changed conjecturally nopyante into noSyante, and + One ought to expect niSkAraNaM! dRSTaM kAraNamanapekSya Kai. translates this as just quoted. Both sentences are, more. over, to be found also in Vatayayana's Kamasutra, and are quoted there directly by iti vAtsyAyana: 100 ' niSkAraNo dharma: are to be taken as a parenthesis.]

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OCTOBER, 1877.) CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. 307 the literature immediately connected, and in which the statement in your last number that the theauthority for the single words,--that is to say, if sounds are heard not only from the southerly and they are taken from Panini, from the vdrttikas, south-westerly directions, but also from the north, from the Bhdshya, from the Ganapatha, &c.,- corresponds with the statement I have met with, ought to be signalized by certain marks. For such that the sounds are heard even as far north as a task there are indeed still required some previous Dhak. I never myself, however, heard them operations of wide extent, viz. besides an exact work. from any other directions than the south and ing through of the whole Bhashya generally, also south-west. especial inquiries on the ganas. According to I do not remember to have heard the sounds at Bohtlingk (Introd. p. xxxix.) the ganas of the any period of the year excepting at the beginning Kisild differ from those of the Calcutta edition of the rainy season. During the whole of the rainy to such a degree (and both the MSS. at his season a very large extent of the low-lying country disposal were, moreover, sometimes so incorrect) there is under water, and the people pass from that he preferred not to give the various readings village to village in boats over the flooded riceat all. Still undoubtedly just in this case such a fields,--the southern portion of the district being comparison and verification is very particularly the portion more especially inundated. Now, we desirable. I venture therefore to express here in have on record some most remarkable instances all humility the pious wish-l'appetit vient en of the sound-conducting power of large surfaces mangeant--that the two learned and highly-gifted of water; as, for example, the mysterious sounds professors of the Banaras College, to whom we of guns, and other noises, heard sometimes by -owe the present edition of the Bhashya, may men becalmed at sea when far away from the publish also the Kloikd, which takes its name from ordinary possibilities of hearing. their celebrated ancient city, if not on the model Now, what the Shabi-barat is to Muhammadans of the Calcutta edition of Panini, which of course the month Ashidha is to Hindus--the period when would be preferable, yet at least in the same way marriages are most frequent. This month is the as they have published the Bhashya. According first month of the rainy season, and the weddings to Colebrooke's testimony (Miscell. Essays, vol. II. are celebrated chiefly during the Krishnapaksha pp. 9, 40) the Rdsikd is "a perpetual commentary, half of the month. Not only in Eastern Benand explains in perspicuous language the meaning gal, but also in other parts of Hindustan, gunand application of each rule," adding examples, firing is quite common at Hindt weddings at this and quoting in their proper places the necessary season of the year. No mystery appears to exist emendations froin the Varttikas and the Bhdshya. in connexion with the reports excepting in that He calls it, disertis verbis, the best of all extant part of India which is so generally submerged at commentaries on Panini, a judgment in which this season. Bohtlingk also (p. liv.) concurs. An additional Query :-Is it not at least possible that the advantage is its relatively great age, as it may Barisal guns' may be simply the reports of guns eventually belong (Ind. Stud. V. 67) to the very fired on the occasion of weddings in distant parts, time when, according to the Rajatarangin, the conveyed to hearing by means of the vast expanse Mahabhdshya was re-introduced into Kasmir, after of water which floods the entire Sundarbans at being for a while vichinnam there (ib. V. 167)."* the period mentioned ? Berlin. A. WEBER. Could not some of the enlightened Bangali gentlemen, whose minds are unfettered by fables THE BARISAL GUNS (ante, p. 914). about the gigantic gates of Ravana's palace, help While at one time a resident of Barisal, I shared us in our endeavours to trace the phenomenon to the general curiosity on the subject of the singular some rational cause P gun-reports heard there, and frequently took Allahabad. . J. D. BATE. Occasion to make inquiries of the natives concerning them. Though they professed ignorance as HINDU SACRIFICE. to the cause of the more distant explosions, they . "Sacrifice is described as a ship, boat, or ark, invariably attributed the nearer ones to the firing pretty much in the same way as the Church' in of guns at native weddings, which they said was the baptismal service that they, being deliver. a custom of the district, and they could sometimes ed from Thy wrath, may be received into the ark supply the name of the person in whose honour of Christ's Church, and may so pass the waves of the firing in question was proceeding. There this troublesome world, that they may finally seems no reason to doubt that the same explanation come to the land of everlasting life,' &c. In Rigapplies to the more distant sounds also. veda x. 113, 10, there is a mantra to this effect : # Ind. Stud. vol. XIII. (1873) pp. 819-880.

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308 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1877. Give us, O Indra, multitudes of good horses, NAMAMALA AND PALI GRAMMARS. with which we may offer our oblations by the re- SubhQti Unnanse, the Buddhist priest of Waskapetition of the proper sentences-by the prosper. duwa, in Ceylon, is already well known as the ing of which we may escape all sing. Do thou careful editor of the Abhidhdnappadipaka, a native now accept our service with much regard. Do PAli glossary, which, until the appearance of thou lead us safe through all sins by the way of Childers's great work, was the only lexicographisacrifice. And we have, in viii. 42, 3, O illustri- cal help available to Pali students. He has now ous Varuna, do thou quicken our understanding published a work entitled Namamdia, or "The -We that are practising this ceremony--that we Garland of Nouns," a treatise in Sisihalese on the may embark on the good ferrying boat by which grammar of Pali nouns and adverby. The introwe way escape all sins.' On this the Aitareya duction-extending to more than a hundred Brilumana remarks :- Sacrifice is the good ferry- pages-contains a most valuable summary of all ing boat. The black skin is the good ferrying that is known to the native pandits concerning boat. The Word is the good ferrying boat. Hav- the history of Pali grammar, and gives the ing embarked on the Word, one crosses over to the author's name and date, the length in stanzas or heavenly world. Aitareya Brahmana, p. 10. cantos, and quotations of the first and last verses The commentator of the Taittiriya Sanhita re. of no less than sixty-four Pali grammars still marks thus on the same passage :- May we also known in Ceylon.-The Academy. embark on that safe and good ferrying boat of black skin, by which we may at once get over all | Prof. F. Wustenfeld has completed his autosins that beset us. It was not unusual in those lithographic edition of El-Bekry's Geographical days for ferry boats to be made of leather.... Dictionary, in 864 pages. The work of writing it "Another reason for assimilating the saving for the lithographic press must have been a severe boat with the Word' is that there was actually a labour, and it must be admitted that, the edition hymn which was called plava, 'raft' or boat,' and is a marvel of learness, and far pleasanter to the it was to be used daily. The plava is used daily. eye than a printed Arabic book. Prof. Wustenfeld Those who complete the sanwatsara sacrifice have has added an excellent index, which will obviato to dip in the Sea (so called from the "excessive the trouble caused by the author having arranged depth" of the Sacrifice, according to the commen the articles in the order of the Maghraby alphatator). He who dips in the sea without a plava or bet.--The Academy. raft never gets out of it. Where there is the plava, it leads to the attainment of the celestial NOTES. world.'-Tandia Maha Brahmana, p. 293. Sacri The Spanish Government has founded a Chair fice has accordingly been held in all Vedic trea for Sanskrit in the University of Madrid, to which tises as the great remedy for sins and trespasses. the first Professor appointed is Francisco Maria It is at the same time both a satisfaction for Rivero, a gentleman who has studied Sanskrit in heinous and moral offences, and an atonement for Germany, France, and England, and is at present trivial mistakes and transgressions. Katyayana engaged in preparing a Sanskrit Grammar for his says that sacrifice procures heaven, and heaven Spanish pupils, and is editing the Hitopadesa, is a word which stands for the highest happiness. with Spanish notes and a Glossary for the same. The commentator of the Taittiriya Samhita teils us that it is Nirriti, or the Sin deity, that is a Mr. Redhouse has issued a pamphlet in "Vindidisturber of sacrifices.... cation of the Ottoman Sultan's title of Khalif,' "It is manifest that the sacrificial ritual did showing its antiquity, validity, and universal &c. not tranquillize the Brahmanical mind. It still ceptance." In it the author holds recent assertions brooded over theories of many kinds, it betook to the contrary to be erroneous," from the title itself to philosophy, and even submitted to accept being no new assumption, but dating from A.D. lessons from its hated rival, Buddhism, but with- 1517, and gradually and generally admitted by the out any tranquillizing result. They seem to have orthodox world of Islam since; and futile, even had an idea that there must be a really saving sacri were the legal argument solid, because, after 300 fice, and that their own ritual was but its distant re- years of possession, it would be too late to question flection. We repeat an expression we have already the right." (Vide ante. p. 231.) cited above, that Prajapati, or the Lord of creatures, is Sacrifice, for he made it a reflection (prati- Mr. A. Giles, of H. M. China Consular Service, ma) of himself. And he is further called atmada,' has published at Shanghai a translation from the or giver of self, whose shadow, whose death, is Chinese, entitled Records of the Buddhistic King. immortality (to us)."--Banerjea's Aryan Witness. doms.

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OCTOBER, 1877.] BOOK NOTICES 309 BOOK NOTICES. THE RAMAYANA of TULSI Das. Translated by F.S. such separate portion of the text is followed by a Growse, M.A., B.C.S., Fellow of the Calcutta University. Book I.-Childhood. (Allahabad: N. W. Provinces Press, tikd or gloss, written by one Priya Das in the 1877.) Sambat year 1769 (1713 A.D.), in which confusion Last year the author of this volume contributed is still worse confounded by a series of the most a specimen episode of his translation of the disjointed and inexplicit allusions to different Ramayana of Tulsi Das to the pages of this legendary events in the saint's life," Mr. Growse journal (see vol. V. pp. 213-221), with a few intro then gives the text both of Nabha Ji's stanza and ductory remarks, and we gladly welcome this of Priya Das's tikd--the latter in 44 slokas,-with first instalment of an excellent version of the most translations, and Prof. H. H. Wilson's notice of popular of Hindi poems. A handsome edition of Talsi Das, founded apparently on a prose redac. the text, we are told, was issued by the Baptist tion of the Bhakt-mdla. We quote the translation Mission Press of Calcutta many years ago, but it of the first of these :has long been out of print, and the original is now "For the redemption of mankind in this peronly to be read in lithograph or bazar type. verse Kali Yug, Valmiki has been born again ns Though the subject is the same as that of the great Tulsi. The verses of the Ramdyana composed in epic of Valmiki, it is, as Mr. Growse remarks, "in s Mr. Growse remarks in the Treta Yug are a hundred crores in number: no sense a translation of the earlier work; the gen but a single letter has redeeming power, and would eral plan and the management of the incidents are work the salvation of one who had even commitnecessarily much the same, but there is a difference ted the murder of a Brahman. Now again as a in the touch in every detail; and the two poems blessing to the faithful has he taken birth and vary as widely as any two dramas on the same my. published the sportive actions of the god. Intoxi. thological subject by two different Greek trage- cated with his passion for Rama's feet, he persedians. Even the coincidence of name is an accident; veres day and night in the accomplishment of his for Tulsi Das himself called his poem the Ram- vow, and has supplied as it were a boat for the charit-minas, and the shorter name, corresponding easy passage of the boundless ocean of existence. in form to the Iliad or AEneid, was only substituted For the redemption of man in this perverse Kali by his admirers as a handier designation for a Yug. Valmiki has been born again as Tulsi." popular favourite." Further, "in both, the first From his own works and from tradition, Mr. book brings the narrative precisely to the same Growse gathers that he commenced the composi. point, viz., the marriage of Rama and Sita. But tion of his Ramdyana at Ayodhya in 1575 A.D.. with Tulsi Das it is much the longest book of the and that he studied for some time at Soron. He geven, and forms all but a third of the complete way a Kanaujiya Brahman; and in the Bhakt-Sin. work, while in the Sanskrit it is the shortest but dhu--"a modern poem of no great authority"-it is one." (Introd. pp. i. ii.) The two "agree only in said " that his father's name was Atma Ram, and the broadest' outline. The episodes so freely in- that he was born at Hastinapur. Others make troduced by both poets are for the most part Hajipur, near Chitrakat; the place of his birth. entirely dissimilar; and even in the main narra- The greater part of his life was certainly spent at tive some of the most important incidents, such as Banaras, though he also passed some years in the breaking of the bow and the contention with visits to Soron, Ayodhya, Chitrakat, Allahabad, Parasuram, are differently placed and assume a and Brindaban. He died in the Sambat year 1680 very altered complexion." (p.iv.) OF Tulsi Das (1624 A.D.)." Two MSS of his great work are himself little is known, but what information is said to exist in his own handwriting-one at available has been collected by Mr. Growse in his Rajapur, and the other in the temple of Sita introduction. The earliest notice of him is in the Rama which he founded at Banaras. Besides the Bhakt-mali, usually ascribed to Nabha Ji, Rimdyana he wrote at least six other poems, all "himself one of the leaders of the [Vaishnava] ! with the object of popularizing the worship of reform, which had its centre at Brindaban; but Rama. They are the Ramgitavali (used as a textthe poem as we now have it, was arowedly edited, book in the Government examinations in Hindi), if not entirely written, by one of his disciples Dohdvali, the Kalitsambandh, the Binay Patrika named Narayan Das, who lived during the (printed for the college of Fort William in 1826). reign of Shahjahan. A single starza is all that the Pad Ramdyana, and the Chhanddvali. To these is ordinarily devoted to each personage, who is are sometimes added "the following minor works, panegyrized with reference to his most salient as to the genuineness of which there is consicharacteristics in a style that might be described derable doubt, viz. the Ram-Saldkd, the Hanunda as of unparalleled obscurity, were it not that each Bahuka, the Janaki Mangal, the Parvati Mangal,

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310 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1877. the Karkd Chhand, the Rord Chhand, and the and are here edited by him in the most judicious Jhulna Chhand." (pp. xii. xiii.) and satisfactory way. The translation of this Hindi epic appears to Thomas Manning, the friend of Charles Lamb, be executed in a scholarly style, and is carefully was a somewhat eccentric character. He went edited throughout with footnotes explanatory of first to Canton to study Chinese, and was recomthe mythological allusions. While thanking the mended to Lord Minto as well qualified for a mistranslator for this instalment of so important a sion into Tibet; but " the days of small half-menwork, we trust he will be encouraged to hasten sures had arrived," and he received little or no ajd the completion of it. from Government. He succeeded, however, with out official recognition, in reaching Lh&sa, where NARRATIVES of the Mission of GEORGE BOGLE to Tuer, he stayed for several months, and had interviews and of the JOURNEY of Thomas MANNING to LES. with the Dalai Lama. He wrote a long and interEdited with Notes, an Introduction, and Lives of Mr. esting account of his expedition, and sent it to Bogle and Mr. Manning, by CLEMENTS R. MARKHAN Dr. Marshman, but unfortunately it seems to have C. B., F.R.S. (Demy 8vo, pp. clxi. and 354.) London: been lost. Disgusted with the official treatment Trubner & Co. 1876. he received, he returned to Canton in 1812, and in The great Warren Hastings was a statesman far|| 1817 joined Lord Amherst's embassy, ns Chinese ahead of his age, able to appreciate heartily, and interpreter. He died nt Bath in 1840, leaving his willing to encourage to tho extent of his powers, Chinese manuscripts to the Royal Asiatic Society. whatever tended to increase the reputation and The only account of his journey is contained in the influence of his country, or add to human know hasty and desultory jottings made from day to ledge and comfort. When the Teshu Lama, there- day in his note-book, of which Mr. Markham has fore, in 1774, sent to intercede on behalf of the made the best. "Good or bad," he remarks, Bhutanese, whom he had found it necessary to "it stands alone. No other countryman of ours has chastise for their raida upon our north-eastern ever followed Manning's footsteps. And, to those frontier, he lost no time in sending a return mis- who know how to find it, there is much wheat to sion under George Bogle, a young Scotchman, be gathered from amongst Mr. Manning's chaff." hose energy and capacity he well knew, and, with The long introduction, extending over 110 pages, his instructions, gave him a quantity of potatoes is not the least important part of the work : as prethat he might plant a few at each favourable halting. liminary to the narratives it gives a comprehenplace in the hope of introducing the cultivation of sive geographical sketch of Tibet, Bhutan, and so useful an article of food into Central Asia. We Nepal, followed by accounts of the religion, shall probably never learn whether it was from tribes, Lomas, and Romish missions, the surveys this experiment or not that the Tibetans did come of the Chinese and their interference, our relations to use the vegetable as they now do. Mr. Boglo to Bhutan and Nepal, the explorations in Tibet resided for a considerable while with the Teshu made by the 'Pandits' sent out by the Great TriLama, who became warmly attached to him. War- gonometrical Survey, and the maps, carly and ren Hastings was greatly pleased with his success, later, of the Himalayan countries. This is followund, had he been allowed, would have followed it up, ed by well-written short biographical sketches but when Bogle returned in 1775 he found a sad of Bogle and Manning, occupying some 30 more change at Calcutta: the great statesman was de- pages. At the end, an Appendix of 46 pages conprived of all power by the malignant opposition of tains-1, an account of the travels of Johann GruePhilip Francis and the other members of Council, ber, Jesuit, 1656, from Astley's Voyager; 2, a letwhom he made tools of to frustrate the designs of ter from Father I. Desideri, 1716, from Du Halde's the Governor-General, and nothing more was done Lettres Edifiantes; and 3, an account of Tibet by for four years. In 1779 Bogle was again appoint- Fra. F. 0. della Penna di Billi, 1730, from Klap ed to proceed to Bhutan and Tibet, but the visit roth in the Journal Asiatique (Ilme Ser. t. was postponed owing to the Teshu Lama being XIV. p. 177). absent at Pekin. Bogle died early in 1781. Has. The work is illustrated by good maps, a portrait tings sent Captain Turner on a second mission in of Warren Hastings, and a number of woodcuts. 1783, but afterwards had weightier matters to A full index and the editing of Mr. Markham, attend to; and the narrative of Bogle's mission to which is a model of excellence, render the book Tibet, of which Hastings had sent a copy to Dr. invaluable to all requiring information connected Johnson in 1776, was never published. Fortu- with the commerce, government, ethnology, and nately Bogle's papers were sent home to his fam. religions of the countries to the north of India ily and preserved, and, thanks to the persever. and must make it a favourite with the lover of ance of Mr. Markham, they have been discovered, I books of travel and rare adventure.

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NOVEMBER, 1877.] THE PARST RELIGION. 311 PARSI FUNERAL AND INITIATORY RITES, AND THE PARSI RELIGION. BY MONIER WILLIAMS, BODEN PROFESSOR OF SANSKRIT, OXFORD. BSERVANT European travellers when by the builders simply because they contained they first arrive at Bombay.cannot fail to almost invisible veins of quartz, through which be struck with the interesting contrasts which it was possible that impure particles might find everywhere meet the eye. Perhaps the most their way, and be carried, in the course of cenremarkable of such contrasts is that afforded by turies, by percolating moisture, into the soil. the different methods adopted by the adherents Earth, water, and fire are, according to Zoroasof different creeds for the disposal of their dead. ter, sacred symbols of the wisdom, goodness, There in Bombay one may see, within a short and omnipotence of the Deity, and orght never, distance of each other, the Christian cemetery, under any circumstances, to be defiled. Espe. the Muhammadan graveyard, the Hindu burn- cially ought every effort to be made to protect ing-ground, and the Parsi Dakh mas, or Mother Earth from the pollution which would Towers of Silence. The latter, five in number, result if putrefying corpses were allowed to acwith a sixth-which is square instead of cir- cumulate in the ground. (Vandidad iii. 27.) cular-used for criminals, are, as most Anglo- Hence the disciples of Zoroaster spare neither Indians know, at the summit of Malabar Hill, in trouble nor expense in erecting solid and ima benatiful garden, amid tropical trees swarming penetrable stone platforms fourteen feet thick with vultures. I obtained leave to visit these for the reception of their dead. The cost of towers in the autumn of 1875, and again short- erection is greatly increased by the circumly after my second arrival in India last year. stance that the towers ought always to be placed A correct model of the principal tower was on high hills, or in the highest situations availthen kindly presented to me by order of Sir able. (Vand. vi. 93.) I was informed by the Jamsetji Jijibhai, and a careful examination Secretary that the largest of the five towers of its structure enables me to describe its was constructed at an outlay of three lakhs of dimensions with accuracy. Towers they have rupees. certainly no right to be called, for their height The upper surface of the massive granito is out of all proportion to their diameter. column is divided into compartments by narrow The chief tower may be described as an up-| grooved ridges of stone, radiating like the right cylindrical stone structure, in shape and spokes of a wheel from the central well. These solidity not unlike a gigantic millstone, about stone ridges form the sides of seventy-two shalfourteen feet high and ninety feet in dia- low open receptacles or coffins, arranged in three meter, resting on the ground in the centre of concentric rings. The ridges are grooved--that the garden. It is built throughout of solid is, they have narrow channels running down granite, except in the centre, where a well, ten their whole length, which channels are connected feet deep and about fifteen across, leads down by side ducts with the open coffins, so as to conto an excavation under the masonry, containing vey all moisture to the central well and into four drains at right angles to each other, ter- the lower drains. The number three is emminated by holes filled with charcoal. Round blematical of Zoroaster's three moral precepts, the upper and outer edge of this solid cylinder, Good thoughts, good words, and good deeds,' and completely hiding the interior surface from (Vand. v. 67), and the seventy-two open stone view, is a high stone parapet. This is con- receptacles. represent the seventy-two chapters structed so as to seem to form one piece with of his Yasna, a portion of the Zand-Avasta. the solid stone work, and being, like it, covered Each concentric circle of open stone coffins with chunam, gives the whole erection, when has a pathway surrounding it, the object of viewed from the outside, the appearance of a which is to make each receptacle accessible to low tower. Clearly one great object aimed at the corpse-bearers. Hence there are three conby the Parsis in the construction of these centric circular pathways, the outermost of strange depositaries of their dead is solidity. which is immodiately below the parapet, and We saw two or three enormons massive stones these three pathways are crossed by another lying on the ground, which had been rejected conducting from the solitary door which admits

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312 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1877. the corpse-bearers from the exterior, and which from the nature of their occupation are supposed must face the east, to catch the rays of the to contract impurity, and are not associated rising sun. In the outermost circle of the stone with by the rest of the community. They are, coffins, which stands for good deeds,' are placed i however, well cared for and well paid. the bodies of males; in the middle, symbolizing | After the bearers, at an interval of a few * good words,' those of females; in the inner and yards, followed a man leading a white dog, and smallest circle, nearest the well, representing behind him a long procession of at least a * good thoughts,' those of children. Each tower hundred priests in their long robes of spotless is consecrated with solemn religious ceremonies, white, besides relations of the deceased, also and after its consecration no one, except the in white garments, walking in pairs, each corpse-bearers--not even a high priest-is al- couple following closely on the other, and each lowed to enter. man connected with his fellow by a handkerOn the occasion of my second visit I was chief held between them in token of sympathy accompanied, as before, by the courteous Secre- and fellow-feelingThe procession advanced tary of the Parsi Panchayat, and was permitted to a point about thirty yards distant from the to witness the funeral of a Mobed, or one of portal of the largest tower. There it stood the second order of priests, whose flowing white still for a minute while the dog was brought costumes (supposed to be emblematical of pu- towards the corpse, made to look at the features rity) are everywhere conspicuous in the Bom- of the dead man, and then fed with bread. This bay streets. I may here mention parentheti- part of the ceremony is called sag.did. Meancally that I believe the word Mobed is merely while all who followed the bier turned round, a corruption of a Zand word equivalent to and walked back to the sagri, or house of prayer Sanskrit Maga-pati, chief of tho Magians. containing a fire-sanctuary, which is erected Dastur, the name of the high-priest, is a near the entrance to the garden. There they modern Persian word, the best equivalent for chanted prayers while the corpse-bearers enter. which would perhaps be chief ruler.' Theed the tower with the dead body, and exposed lowest order of priests, named Herbad, are it naked in one of the receptacles on the stone little better than menials, and are not allowed platform. Their appointed task being then to officiate at ceremonies. In the Zand-Avasta completed, they instantly quitted the tower, the whole priestly class are called A thra van and were seen to repair to a reservoir of water (in Pazand Athornan). In the present day near at hand, where they went through a prothe rest of the community--the laymen in fact, cess of thorough ablution, changing all their who are neither Dasturs nor Mobeds nor Her- clothes, and depositing the cast off garments in bads-are styled Reha din or Behdin, that an open stone pit, almost hidden from view, on is, followers of the best religion.' one side of the garden. I reached the garden surrounding the towers It is noteworthy that the fire-sanctuary of about half an hour before sunset. At that the sagri has a window or aperture so arranged time the faneral procession was already winding that when the sacred fire is fed with sandal up the hill. The deceased man had died early | wood fuel by the veiled priest, just before the in the morning, and a rule of the Parsi religion corpse-bearers enter the tower, a ray from the requires that no corpse shall be exposed on the flame may be projected over the dead body at platform of the towers, to be consumed by birds the moment of its exposure. The theory is of prey, unless the rays of the sun can first fall that the light of the sun and the light of the on it. Foremost in the procession walked a man sacred fire ought to consecrate the mortal recarrying a loaf or two of bread wrapped up in a mains of the deceased before they are consumed cloth. Then came the bier, which was flat and by the birds. There is, at any rate, some poetimade of iron bars, having the body of the decal if not true religious sentiment in this hypoceased stretched out upon it, covered only with a thesis, and the bereaved relations appear to derive white sheet, and borne by four bearers, followed. consolation from it; but whether the position of by two assistants. These corpse-bearers are the sun and fire made this double consecration called Nasasalar. They are, of course, Parsis, but' possible is doubtful. To us spectators on the * In the case of a child it is a curved metal trough.

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NOVEMBER, 1877.] THE PARST RELIGION. 318 occasion I am recording, it was evident that a before crossing the bridge. The Vandidad. beam from the setting sun and a ray from the (viii. 41, 42), moreover, states that the devil sacred fire had barely opportunity to fall on the called Nasus is frightened away by a yellow dog corpse at all; for scarcely had the bearers left with four eyes, and that such a dog is to be led the tower and closed the portal ere forty or fifty along the road of a funeral procession three vultures, before seated motionless on the stone times. parapet, swooped down on their prey. In ten It is on this account, as was explained to me by minutes they all flew back again-they had a learned Parsi, that the funeral dog is supposed finished their work. The body was reduced to be four-eyed--that is to say, it is supposed to to a skeleton before the mourners in the sayre have two real eyes and two round spots like eyes, had finished their prayers. It should be men- just above the actual eyes. I was told, too, that tioned that in three or four weeks after the many yellowish-white dogs in India have this funeral the bones are removed from the open peculiarity, and that the Parsis try to procure coffin and reverently placed in the central well, such dogs, and keep them for their funeral prowhere the dust of the dead, whether of high or cessions. I observed nothing of the kind in the low degree, is left to commingle undisturbed funeral dog on the occasion of the particular for centuries. funeral I have here recorded; but it struck me When I inquired about the meaning of the (before I knew that the same idea had occurred .dog, I was told that, according to the teaching of to German scholars) that the singular practice ot Zoroaster, dogs as well as birds are regarded as leading a white dog at the head of the processacred animals, and were formerly allowed to sion points to the common origin of the Parsi consume the dead bodies of Parsis. In the and Hindu religions; for in the latter system present day a representative dog kept for the the god of death, Yama, has two four-eyed purpose accompanies the corpse, and is fed with brindled watchdogs, children of Saram a, who bread as a substitute for the flesh of the dead guard the road to his abode, and whose favour body. Moreover, dogs are supposed to possess and protection against evil spirits are invoked some mysterious power in preserving the spirits every day by pious Hindus when they perform of men from the attacks of demonst; and if the the kaka-bali, or offering of rice to crows, funeral dog is not fed, and made to look at the dogs, and animals at the end of the vaisvadevu corpse, the soul of the deceased will assuredly ceremony before the midday meal. The manbe assailed by evil spirits during the three daystra recited is as follows :-Dvau svanau syamawhich intervene between death and judgment. sabalau Vaivasvata-kulodbhavau tebhyan pindo I should state here that in the belief of the maya datto rakshetam pathi mam sada, ---"May Parsis the soul of the deceased man is supposed the two dogs, dark and brindled, born in the to hover about in a restless state for the three family of Yama, protect me ever on the road! days immediately succeeding death, in the neigh- To them I present an offering of food." bourhood of the Dakhmas, where also | Having thus attempted to give some idea swarms of evil spirits congregate. On the of the nature of a Parsi funeral, and of the morning of the fourth day the soul is taken to unique arrangements by which the Parsis judgment, which is passed on it by Mithra and endeavour to carry out the precepts of their the angels. It has then to pass a narrow bridge prophet Zoroaster in the disposal of their dead, called Chinvat-peretum, 'the bridge where de- it will not be inappropriate if I close this cision is pronounced.' The souls of the sinful, paper with a brief account of the initiatory being unable to pass this bridge, imagined to be ceremonies performed on admission of young sharp as a razor, fall into hell on endeavouring Parsis to the Zoroastrian religion, and their to cross over. The Zand-Avusta even gives the incorporation as members of the Parsi society. names of certain dogs believed to protect the I may first mention that according to the souls of men from the assaults of evil demons pure form of the Zoroastrian faith-as pro + See Vandiudd vii. 75, viii. 28.-Bleeck's A vesta, vol. I. pp. 104-109; Wilson's Parsf Religion, pp. 825-338, 330. I Vandidad (Bleeck) xiu. 25; Wilson's Parsf Religion, pp. 49, 252. Sarams is the dog of Indrs, and is represented in Rig veda X. 14. 10 as the mother of Yama', doge, called in the Mahabharata, Adi-parvan 671, Derd-sung. In the Rigveda Chis dog is said to have tracked and recovered the cow stolen by the Panis. Sarams is even said to be the authorens of part of the Rigveda, X. 106.

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314 pounded by learned Parsis of the present day-Ormazd (sometimes written Hormazd, contracted from the full expression Ahura Mazda) is the name of the Supreme Being, to whom there is no equal, and who has no opponent. It is a mistake to suppose that Ormazd is opposed to a being called Ahriman, commonly regarded as the spirit of evil. The true doctrine is that Ormazd has created two forces in nature, not necessarily antagonistic, but simply alternating with each other-the one a force of creation, construction, and preservation; the other a force of decay, dissolution, and destruction. The first of these forces is named Spenta-mainy us, while the second or destructive power is commonly called Ahriman, or Hariman, for Anhramainyus (or Anhro-mainyus-Sanskrit Anhomanyu). It is interesting to observe the analogy between the Hindu and Zoroastrian systems, Vishnu and Rudra (Siva) in the former being equivalent to Spenta-mainyus and Anhramainyus in the latter, while Brahma (neuter) corresponds to Ormazd. In later ti:nes the purity of the original doctrine became corrupted, and Ahriman was personified as a spirit of evil. In fact, all the evils in the world, whether moral or physical, are now attributed to Ahriman, while Ormazd is erroneously held to be the antagonistic principle of good. It is contended, too, that the Parsi religion is properly pure Monotheism, in spite of its apparent dualism, and that the elements and all the phenomena of Nature are merely revered as creations of the one God, and symbolical of his power. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. There can be little doubt, however, that with the majority of Parsis the elements are regarded as simple manifestations or emanations of the Deity, and that which is called Monotheism is really a kind of Pantheism very similar to that of Brahmanism. The absence of all imageworship, however, is very refreshing after the hideous idolatry of the Hindu system. So much for the Parsi creed; and now for a few words as to the form of admission into the charmed circle of the Parsi community. It is a controverted point whether if any outsider wished to become a Parsi it would be possible, even in theory, to entertain the question of his being admitted to membership by his making public confession of his faith in the Zoroastrian system. As a matter of fact no [NOVEMBER, 1877. one is at present allowed to become a Parsi unless he is born a Parsi. No provision seems to exist for the reception of converts, and the only form of admission is for the children of Parsis, though occasionally the children of nonParsi mothers by Parsi fathers are permitted to become members of that community. Nevertheless it is certain, from a particular form of prayer still used by Parsi priests, that Zoroaster himself enjoined on his disciples the duty of making proselytes, and had in view a constant accession of fresh adherents, who were all to be received as converts, provided they were willing to go through certain prescribed ceremonies. With regard to the children of Parsi parents, every boy is admitted to membership as a disciple of the Zoroastrian religion some time between the age of seven and nine, but more usually at seven years of age, in the following manner. He is first taken to one of the fire-temples, and in a room outside the sanctuary made to undergo a kind of baptism,-that is to say, he is placed nearly naked on a stone seat, and water is poured over his head from a lotd by a Mobed appointed to perform the rite. Next, the child is taken out into an open area, made to sit on another stone seat, and required to eat one or two leaves of the pomegranate tree-a tree held very sacred by the Parsis, and always planted in the precincts of their fire-temples, for use in purificatory ceremonies. (Yasna viii. 4.) After eating the leaves he is made to drink a small quantity of the urine of a bull-also kept at fire-temples, and held in high estimation for its purifying properties. This completes the first portion of the ceremony. The concluding act is performed in an apartment of the fire-temple. and consists in investing the child with the sacred shirt or under-garment (called sadara), and sacred girdle (called kusti). Several Mobeds, presided over by a Dastur, are necessary to the due celebration of this part of the rite (which is very like the Hindu upanayana, or induction into the condition of a twice-born man by means of the yajnopavita). They sit on the ground in a group, and the child is placed in the midst of them nearly naked. The sacred shirt is then put on, and the white woollen girdle fastened on around it, while the boy is made to repeat word by word the form of prayer which he is required to say ever after

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NOVEMBER, 1877.) POLYANDRY IN NORTHERN HINDUSTAN 315 wards whenever the girdle is taken off or put on again. (Kurdah-Averta iv.) The sacred shirt and girdle are the two most important outward signs and symbols of Parsfism, and an impostor laying claim to the privileges of the Zoroastrian religion would be instantly detected by the absence of those signs, or by his wrong use of them. But they are far more than outward signs,--they are supposed to serve as a kind of spiritual panoply. Unprotected by this armoura man would be perpetually exposed to the assaults of evil spirits and demons, and even be liable to become a demon himself. The shirt is made of the finest white linen or cambric. It has a peculiar form at the neck, and has a little empty bag in front to show that the wearer holds the faith of Zoroaster, which is supposed to be en- tirely spiritual, and to have nothing material about it. The second shirt has also two stripes at the bottom, one on each side, and each of these stripes is separated into three, to represent the six divisions of each half-year. It has also a heart, symbolical of true faith, embroidered in front. The kusti or girdle is made of seventy-two interwoven woollen threads, to denote the seventy-two chapters of the Yasna, bat has the appearance of a long flat cord of pure white wool, which is wound round the body in three coils. Each end of the girdle is divided into three, and these three ends again into two parts. Every Parsi ought to take off this girdle and restore it to its proper position round the body at least five times a day. He has to hold it in a particular manner with both hands; and touching his forehead with it to repeat a prayer in Zand invoking the aid of Ormazd (AhursMazda) for the destruction of all evil beings. evil doers, especially tyranical rulers, and imploring pardon for evil thoughts, evil words. and evil deeds. The girdle must then be coiled round the body three times and fastened with two particular knots (said to represent the sun and moon), which none but a Parsi can tie in a proper manner. Every Parsi boy is taught the whole process with great solemnity at his first initiation. When the ceremony. is concluded the high-priest pronounces a benediction, and the young Parsi is fror that moment admitted to all the rights and privileges of perhaps one of the most flourishing and united communities in the world, Oxford, June 1877. ON THE QUESTION WHETHER POLY ANDRY EVER EXISTED IN NORTHERN HINDUSTAN. BY JOHN MUIR, D.C.L., LLD., Ph.D., EDINBURGH. In reference to the conclusion which in a former tain restrictions. I allude to the practice of a article* I have drawn from the story of Drau- widow cohabiting with a brother-in-law, which padi, that, though polyandry had died out in seems to be referred to in Rigveda, x. 40. 2. the plains of northern Hindustan at the period (See my Original Sanskrit Tests, vol. V. p. when the Mahabharata was compiled, it yet 459.) Manu allows such unions of a widow with appears to have existed there at a remoter a brother-in-law, or other relative of her deceased period, a learned friend has stated to me that husband, to continue only till one, or at most he donbts "whether polyandry ever was an two, sons have been begotten, and declares that Aryan custom, and can be sanctioned by texts they must then cease (ix. 59-62). In the verses or inferences from the Vedas." I do not pretend which follow (64-68), he either restricts such to have examined the Vedic hymns and Brah- temporary unions to classes below the twicemanas with a view to discover whether they born, or (in contradiction with what precedes) contain allusions to any practices connected with condemns them altogether the relations of the sexes which were disap- But the question arises whether the comproved, or had fallen into disuse, at a laterpilers of the Vedas and Bralmanas would be period. I am only aware of one custom which likely to bring forward anything found among appears to have existed in the Vedic age, al- the materials at their disposal which had bethough under what conditions does not appear, come obsolete, or which clashed with their own while it is only recognized by Manu under cer- ideas of what was proper or laudable. We do, * In the September part of this journal, ante, p. 260a, and p. 262b.

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316 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1877. no doubt, find a reference to a fact which the praised as righteous and pious. Yet in two Brahmans of later times would perhaps have speeches in the eighth book (or Karnaparvan, proferred to ignore, viz., that in former times vv. 1836ff. and 2028ff., addressed by Karna men of their caste had received instruction to Salya), the Ba hikas, Madras, Ganfrom Kshatriyas. For Manu allows & dharas, and other tribes of the Panjab, are student to learn the Veda from one who is strongly censured for the dissoluteness of their not a Brahman only in cases of calamity or manners. Some extracts on this subject have necessity. (See my former article, p. 252a, at been adduced from the latter passage in Origithe bottom.) But would they be likely to refer nal Sanskrit Texts, vol. II. pp. 482f. to antiquated practices often, and especially in The tribes in question are there described as the case of such as they had come decidedly to the lowest of men, unfit to be associated with, disapprove, like polyandry ? as faithless to their friends, liars, dishonest, as The particular question to be now settled is assembling males and females and slaves prowhether the Pan dus and their relatives are miscuously, and eating fish and the flesh of represented to us in the Mahabharata as alto- kine, drinking spirits, screaming, laughing, the gether belonging to tribes whose entire prac- women as dancing undressed and drunk, and as tices were of such a character as harmonized unrestrained in their sexual intercourse (vv. with pure Hindu ideas of later ages. 1836-1851). An old Brahman, who had lived Pandu, the father of the five brothers, is in the country, gives a long account in a similar related in that poem to have had two wives, strain, depicting the people as shameless in Prith a or Kunti Mahabharata, 4415ff.), their cohabitation, as having no Vedas, or and Madri (Mahab. i. 4429ff.). Pan du, religious knowledge, or sacrifices, &c. (vv. however, having been doomed by the curse of 2038ff.). In vv. 20814f., we have the follow& sage to die in the embraces of his wife (vv. ing important statement:-"A certain virtuous 4588f.), resolves to relinquish family life and woman, having been formerly carried away from become an ascetic (vv. 4597f.), and goes to the the Aratta (country), and violated by robbers, forest (4615), but accompanied by his wives uttere, this curse : 'Because yo violate me, (4630). The two wives, however, bear sons a young female, who have relatives, the women to different gods : Kunti three sons to of your tribe shall become licentious. Never, Dharma, Vayu, and Indra respectively (vv. vilest of men, shall ye be freed from this dread. 4765ff., 4772, and 4791), and Madri two ful sin.' Wherefore their sisters' sons, and not sons to the Asvins (vv. 4850f.). I their own) sons, (are) the heirs of their proMadri was the sister of Saly a, king of the perty."|| Madras. In two passages (Satapatha Brah- ." Satt purd krita kdchid Arattat kila dasyubhih mana, xiv. 6. 3.1, and xiv. 6. 7. 1=Brihadaran adharmatas chopaydtd sd tan abhyasapat tatah yaka Upanishad, pp. 569 and 611 of the Cal baldm bandleumarin yan mdm adharmenopagach chata cutta text, and pp. 194 and 199 of the English tasmda ndryo bhavishyanti bandhakyo vai kulasya translation) mention is made of Kapya Pa cha tanchala, a Brahmanical teacher, as living na chaipasmat pramokshadhwam ghordt papan narain their country, and nothing is said against dhamdhl the manners of the people. Again, in the ! tasmat tesham bhagahardh bhdgineydh na suna third book of the Mahabharata (vv. 6620f.) Asva pati, a king of the same country, is The last words appear clearly to refer to a Compare Kumarila Bhatta's censure of Buddha, who in the appendix to his Radjatarangint, vol. I. p. 507, was a Kshatriya, for assuming the office of a teacher, and thus, -"Oui, vous, derniers des hommes, purifiez-vous de thereby encroaching on the province of the Brahmans: ce crime affreux. Sinon, ce ne seront pas vos fils, mais Orig. Sansk. Texts, vol. I. pp. 509f. ceux de vos soeurs, qui seront vos heritiers." The original, I See Prof. Monier Williams's Indian Epic Poetry, however, has nothing answering to sinon, nor has it any substantivo verb in the future tense. Troyer adds this pp. 94, 860. note, which I translate from the French This custom See also the translations of Prof. H. H. Wilson and of succession" (.e., of sisters' sons being man'obeira" is Messrs. Troyer and Fauche referred to in a note below. found among the Nairs, and other tribes in which polyan || This line has, I find, been translated by Professor H. dry reigns." In M. Bauche's translation of the verse, HI. Wilson, in his Essay on the Hindu History of Cashmir which runs as follows:-"Ne veuilles pour expier ce crime (Asiatic Researches, vol. XV. p. 109), ne follows:-"On this abominable, et pour cette impenitence n'ayos ni fila, ni account their heirs are their sisters children, not their neveu qui soient les heritiers de vos biens," the concluding own." The entire verse has been rendered by M. Troyer words do express the true sense. vah."

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NOVEMBER, 1877.] POLYANDRY IN NORTHERN HINDUSTAN. 317 rule which prevails where polyandry exists, that sisters' sons, and not sons of his own, are a man's heirs, because, of course, in the peculiar circumstances, it cannot be determined by whom the latter were really begotten. On this subject I quote a passage from Mr. Walter Hamilton's Geographical, Statistical, and Historical Descrip tion of Hindoostan, &c., vol. II. p. 280 (edition of 1820). "The Nairs marry before they are ten years of age, but the husband never cohabits with his wife. He allows her oil, clothing, ornaments, and food, but she remains in her mother's house, or after her parent's death with her brothers, and cohabits with any person she chooses of an equal or higher rank than her own. In consequence of this strange arrangement, no Nair knows his own father, and every man considers his sisters' children as his heirs. His mother manages the family, and after her * death the eldest sister assumes the direction. A Nair's moveable property on his decease is equally divided among the sons and daughters of all his sisters." See also Mr.J. F. M'Lennan's Studies in Ancient History, pp. 149f. I do not go the length of asserting categori- cally that the words last quoted from the Mahabharata, as to a man's sisters' sons being his heirs among the tribes referred to prove historically the existence of polyandry in the Panjab at, or before, the period when they were written. But it is certainly remarkable, if not indeed 'un accountable, that such words should be found in that book if they do not owe their existence to the fact of such a custom being actually prevalent at the time when they were penned, or not long previously. Salya makes (v. 2112ff.) but a brief reply to Karna's denunciation; is silent as to the truth of the charges made, but alleges that in Anga, the country of which his assailant is king, it is the custom to abandon the sick, and for men to sell their own wives and children. He says that there are everywhere Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, and Sudras, and virtuous and devoted women, with righteous kings, who control the wicked; and, at the same time, most vicious men. People are, he remarks, quick in detecting the faults of others, but do not observe, or delude themselves in respect of, their own, and urges that no man is necessarily bad from being the native of a particular country, but is such in consequence of his own nature. In regard to the differences in manners between the peoples of the Panjab and those of Hindustan further to the eastward, I repeat here the words of Professor Weber, freely translated in Original Sanskrit Texts, vol. II, p. 354, from the Indische Studien, vol. I. p. 220, and said by him to be founded on data furnished by Panini:"The north-western tribes retained their ancient customs, which the other tribes who migrated to the east had at one time shared. The former kept themselves free from the influences of the hierarchy and of caste, which arose among the latter as a necessary consequence of their residence among people of alien origin (the aborigines). But the later orthodox feelings of the more eastern Aryans obliterated the recollection of their own earlier freedom, and caused them to detest the kindred tribes to the westward as renegades, instead of looking on themselves as men who had abandoned their own original institutions."T P.S.-The learned friend who is referred to at the commencement of this paper has, after becoming acquainted with its contents, stated to me his opinion that, although the passage which I have quoted in it from the Karnaparvan of the Mahabhdrata goes far to prove that polyandry existed among the tribes of the Panjab, yet that this is a different thing from admitting it to have ever been an established institution; and remarks that the polyandry alluded to in that passage was of a purely licentious character. As this custom is not known to have been practised in the Panjab for a long time past, it will perhaps be the safest conclusion to draw provisionally from the premises furnished in this and in my preceding paper, that though polyandry, or a promiscuous intercourse of the sexes, may have prevailed more or less there in early times, yet that the former practice could not have been widely spread or recognized as a national institution. I shall be glad, however, if any student of Indian antiquity is able to throw further light on the subject. In my former article, p. 251a, last line, I observe an erratam, rajas for rajas. In regard to note 3, page 262, I am informed by Dr. Bohtlingk that he would understand upadrava there in the usual sense of calamity,' and would render the line in which it occurs thus : "a man without Rich, Yajus, or Saman is a calamity created by Prajapata.'

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318 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1877 REPORT UPON INSCRIPTIONS IN THE NORTH.CENTRAL PROVINCE AND THE HAMBANTOTA DISTRICT OF CEYLON. BY THE LATE P. GOLDSCHMIDT, Ph.D. I have until lately confined my examinations to important specimens; their contents are essenthe rich mines of the North-Central Province; tially the same throughout, viz., brief dedications and even there only the numerous inscriptions at to the priesthood, if they are not merely indicative Anuradhapura, Mihintala, Polonnaruwa, and at of the ownership of the cave. They are written, some other places, as Dambulla, Mineri, Mara- as I have formerly stated, in the well-known dam kadawala, have been photographed. In the Southern alphabet of the Indian emperor Dharma month of June I have been travelling through the soka, with slight modifications, and in some cases Hambantota District of the Southern Province, already in more recent forms, not very different with a view of taking first a general survey of the from those of king Gajabahu's time (2nd century material to be found there.* A.D.). The proper names of the lonors or proprieI propose to open my report with an account of tors often are not without interest, and there are the most ancient inscriptions belonging to a time some ancient words, as parumaka or barumaka, anterior to the Christian era, and mostly found in Brahman' (in later times assumed as a title by caves. kings), jita, daughter,' and a few besides, which I.-From the Introduction of Buddhism to the will prove of value to the student of the Sinhalese beginning of the Christian Era. language. The caves of Vessagiri, near Anuradhapura, There is one very important grammatical form have yielded an additional number of six short (which, however, we find to be in existence even inscriptions to those two I had copied previously. at a later period), the nominative singular masI have met with several cave inscriptions, hitherto culine and neuter in e, inasmuch as this is unknown to me, at Mihintala, both on the hill generally looked upon by European Orientalists now alone inhabited by priests, and in a cave called as peculiar to the different dialects of Magadha : Rajagiriya lena on the opposite hill, which and if so, we would meet here with a significant abounds in ruins indicative of former habitations. corroboration of the Simhalese historical tradiOther inscriptions of the same kind were found tion according to which a district of Magadha (or on Dunuman dalakanda, at Gaetala vi one bordering on this kingdom) was the native hara (three miles from Galkulam, Central road), country of the early Aryan colonizers of Ceylon. on Elagamu kanda, on Mars da m kada There are some remarkable instances besides in walakanda, at Dambulla (bere also a great which in special the Magadhi employed in Asoka's number of them on the bare rock close to the inscriptions and Simhalese coincide, while both famous temple), on the rock at Panikkan stand aloof from Pali and all the other Prakrits. kulam (two miles from Kekiria wa on the West Such are ern minor road), on the rock at Mo ra golle wa Magadhi. Sinhalese. (near Elagamuwa), in a cave at Murungahiti sit hi (termination of kanda (between Elagamuwa and Dambulla), and the loc. sing.) several in the district of Hambantota, viz., at munise minisa (='man") the ancient rihara of Mulgirigala and in the tuphe topi (you,''ye') jungle between Kirinde and Palatupana. Refer- puluve former) pera (former"), pura (the ence is made in the Government archaeological (for puravu) light half of the lanar returns to an inscription at Muda wehera, a month'). very ancient temple in the jungle three miles (Sanskrit purva, Pali pubbo, Prakrit puvva.) beyond Palatupana, bat I failed to find anything A graphical particularity of the most ancient in the extensive ruins of it. inscriptions is the use of two forms of s (one the The inscriptions of this period, a considerable common 8 of Asoka's inscriptions, the other re. number of which is now collected by me, furnish sembling in shape a Greek Digamma, F, a form little new information, after having seen the first unknown in India) I, which it would be difficult to "Dr. Paul Goldschmidt, who died at Galle on May 7th, was born at Dantuig in 1850, and pursued his university studies at the universities of Heidelberg, Berlin, Tubingen, and Gottingen, at the last of which he took his degree in 1872. In 1873 and 1874 he resided in London, devoting his whole attention to the study of Prikrit MSS. especially those relating to the Jainas. At the end of 1874 he left for Ceylon, where the Colonial Government had offered him an appointment to collect all the ancient inscriptions found in that island. The term for which he had been engaged having nearly expired, he intended to return to Europe for a short time, proposing to return to Ceylon again and investigate the language of the Veddeon, when he died."-Prof. S. Goldschmidt, in the Allgemeine Zeitung. + But this also occasionally in the sacred writings of the Jaina sect. I Conf. Ind. Ant. vol. I. p. 140, and Academy, 17th February 1877, p. 139.-ED.

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NOVEMBER, 1877.] account for without the supposition that the pronunciation of s in Ceylon must have struck the Hindu introducers of the art of writing as somewhat different from their own, although it is true the two letters are used indiscriminately. Now, Prakrit grammarians record a peculiar pronunciation of s in the dialect of Magadha, which appears in the dramatic works of the Hindus; perhaps (though of course we can assert nothing in these matters) early Simhalese partook of the same distinction. INSCRIPTIONS IN CEYLON. The following two cave inscriptions may serve as specimens of the most ancient Simhalese preserved to us (by & I have transcribed the second referred to above): (1.) Inscription in a cave at Vessagiri Anuradha pura : Parumaka Palikadasa bariya parumaka Tirakita jita upasika Chitaya lene sagasa chatudisa: The cave of the lay-devotee Chita (Chitra), wife of the Brahman Palikada, daughter of the Brahman Tirakita, [is given] to the priesthood of the four quarters of the world." (2.) Inscription near Nettukanda (about fifteen miles from Mihintala, in the jungle, six miles off the Trinkamali road) : Parumaka Welu putana lene agata anagata chatudisa sagasa: "The cave of the sons of the Brahman Welu [is given] to the priesthood in the four quarters of the world, present and absent." II. From the beginning of the Christian Era to the Fourth Century A.D. We have in this period a fixed date to start from in the numerous inscriptions of King Gajabahu Gamani (113-125 A.D.), referred to in my former reports, as this king, though not generally mentioned under the distinguishing appellation of Gajabahu, has been mindful of preserving to posterity the names of his father (Tisso) and his grandfather (Vasabho). Thus he opens his inscription on the Ruwanwali Dagaba, Anuradhapura (now in the Museum, Colombo): Wahaba rajaha manumaraka T[i]sa maharajaha puti maharaja Gayabahu Gamini Abaya: i.e. "King Gaya bahu Gamini Abaya, son of king Tis a, grandson of king Wahaba." Manumaraka is the ancient form of the modern word munubard, 'grandson,' derived, by inversion of syllables, from Sanskrit manorama, mind-delighting,' as nandana, the delighter,' i.e. the son"). Some smaller inscriptions of this period, formerly unknown to me, I found at Mihintala. A very well preserved inscription of considerable length is engraved on Ha barane rock. Paleographically 319 it differs little from the inscriptions of the second century, but occasionally the angular characters appear intermingled with the more graceful forms of a later period, which fact, in conformity with observations I have made on other inscriptions, proves that an older stage of the alphabet was for some time retained for engraving on the rock, after a more current form had come to be employed in ordinary life. The language shows some decided instances of development from the second century, but it is still very far removed from what is considered the classical form of Elu literature. The contents are rather more valuable than generally of inscriptions of the same period, as they record some particulars concerning the construction of the tank of Habarane, which was effectuated by utilizing two natural lakes. Like most ancient inscriptions, this also abounds in clerical errors. The following is the text of the whole, transcribed in Roman characters, to which I beg leave to annex a literal translation, as I have made it out. Inscription on Habarane rock. Siddham. 'Mujita gamana keriyahi ameta Chasayaha puta Abayaha ati | Walamani wawiya 'kati wawiya dakihi galana kana atala wawiya keta awitakita eta eta gama saro atali kotu me Agichalamana wawiya Mula sara cha Pachachaliwa sara cha *do karihi sahasa cha chaka chatalisa karine (karihina?) cha Sarima parumaka maharaji me Agimalamana wawiya bojiya pati Sene puta Abalayaha cha maahalaka balataka rakana Kanakayaha manumaraka cha samanaya Hama 'ra tara (tera) kata ka (?) riya | dakapatiya kala amana da... rakata saga salahi liyawaya bojiya pataya Karakulawaya (wawiya) 'Chetagiri wiharahi Abatalahi silachetahi tumaha akala kotu kari witara Gapa chetehi tela huta mala kotu cha jina palisatari kama karana karotu Chopawaliya Giniya Megaha ch[e]tihi Jaganaka hamananataya parawatahi "cha-ka kotu cha bojiya petiya Karakala wawiya dini [hi ?] me chetihi wi[hara?] bojiya patiya ri-karihi | sahasi cha wisiti karihi 10 do pata cha | ametaha cha Wahabayaha putanana (or ta?) ya duti[ya]... puchayasa awanaka wasahi majimodini chada puna masi sata paka 11 diwasa [hi]. Literal Translation. "Hail! Concerning the inundated villages (this) is (the saying) of Abaya, son of the minister Cha

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320 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1877. saya. He saw the Walamani tank and the Kati (i.e. the royal) tank; having built several villages near lakes without furnishing the fields with a tank between embankments for the flowing down (of the water), he constructed Agichalamana tauk out of the Mula lake and the Pachachaliwa lake. And his majesty the King, after having made serve this Agimalamana tank 1,640 karis, T having given it in charge to Abalaya, son of Sena, an aged overseer, to watch, and to the thero, the monk Hamara, grandson of Kanakaya-afterwards, for the preservation of................, having caused this to be written on a stone belonging to the priesthood, after assigning it, having constructed the Karakula tank and having performed deeds not (formerly) done (even) by himself at Abatala (i.e. Ambasthala) at the dihara of Chaityagiri (i.e. Mihintala), having made offerings of oil and flowers at the Gapa chaitya, (which is) in extent a kari [8 acres] (?), having made repairings of the decayed (buildings) at the chaityas of Chopawaliya, Giniya, Megaha, he handed them over to the monks of the Lord of the world (Buddha), and having made .......... after having assigned, he gave (them ?) the Karakala tank-after having assigned......... at the chaitya............and from 1020 karis (P)... ...and to the sons of the minister Wahabaya...... the second.........in the Puchayasa awanaka [colourless ?1 year, on the seventh day in the light half of the month Majimodini [March-April]." I have not been able as yet to ascertain what year is meant by the designation of Puchayasa Awanaka, but I suspect the king mentioned to be Sirimeg ha vanno (302-330) who, according to the Mahdvainso, made great offerings at Ambasthala. Two inscriptions engraved on the rock at Du- numandalakanda record the construction of chaityas, and other grants to the priesthood; one of them is of particular interest, as it exhibits not only a mixture of ancient and modern characters, but also of forms of words. Other rock inscriptions with the usual contents I have met with at Panikkankula m (near Kekeriawa) and two on Elagam ukanda. At Andarawewa (about two miles from Kekeriawa) there is a stone slab containing a short inscription of king 'Wahaba' (Vasabho, 66-110), imperfectly preserved, which records a grant to the priesthood. But the pious munificence of the ancient kings did not stop short at endowing places situated near the principal seat of government, Anuradhapura. The district of Hambantota, Southern Province, is rich in similar dedications. A fine stone slab found at Tissamaharama, Probably a mistake of the engraver for Wasabaya. at present kept in the Assistant Government Agent's compound at Hambantota, contains an enormous grant of land to the priesthood of the Tissamaharama Vihara (or, as it is styled in the inscription itself, "the great vihdra (called after the) king of Magama"). It runs as follows: Siddham | Budadasa Mahida Mahasena tawaka baya Abhaya maharaja mi apa chudi purumuka Budadasa tari pali * mahanamika Jeta Tisa maharaja apaya 5 ha pali Toda gamika kiri kisiyihi ugu awami dinawa sa hasaka kiri abatarihi Mahagama raja mahawahirahi tara pali mahanami Pa dana galida dinika pacha Bahasaka kiri cha mi Padana galida me warahata [?] pawatara (ri?] na uyuta (uwayuta) kotu sa 10 padinaka | chatara sahasaka ki (ka) ri che me di acha. 11 nani nawa sahasaka kiri yaba ugu wa ma (?)... 15 charita niyamina/ rajakolihi bha (?) nana.. 18 minimewa baka kari (?) di- icha (?) tara [?] amana be (?) da (ga?)... 19 baka cha sesika...... tawa na ... 15 Padana galihi buka saga hamiyana cha[ta] 18 ra pachayada uwayutu karawani kotu apa chu 17 di purumukaha dina niyamani me cha Bali 18 hi liyawaya dinamaha. I have attempted a literal translation, which, however, I am aware, may be open to many objections : "Hail! Budhad a so, Mahindo, Mah&seno, three brothers, his majesty king Ab hay a, and our uncle (P) the Brahman Buddhadasa, a venerable, reverend thero[these are the persons concerned]: King Jettha Tisso, our sire, bought the kiriyas (of land) belonging to the villager Toda; having remitted the taxes (P), as much as 9000 kiriyas (about 90,000 acres) (beginning) from Padanagala were given to the reverend, the venerable thero in the great vihdra 'king of Magama;' and 5000 kiriyas (beginning) from this Padanagala, furnished with..............., have been given over, and 4000 kiriyas shall be............ ; the taxes (P) of the 9000 kiriyas shall be remitted (P); the rules shall be kept; in the royal family preaching (P) shall be............; this portion of the kiriyas now is given (p): four (R) amunas...... ...; and the remaining portion...........; the T.e. kiriyas, equal to about 16,400 acres.

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NOVEMBER, 1877.] INSCRIPTIONS IN CEYLON. 321 lords of the Bhikshu congregation shall be to Dutthagamant (161-137 B.C.); for in an incaused to be furnished with the four pratyayas, scription at Tonigalat in which this king is rehaving done this in order that what is given to ferred to as reigning, we find only slight modificaour uncle (P) the Brahman may be kept, causing tions of the earliest characters. Again, the alphait to be written on this stone slab, we have it bet here employed so closely resembles the one given." used in the Indian caves, which has been attribut. It is difficult to ascertain who were the kings ed to the first century B.C. and the first and sehere alluded to; for neither of the two kings cond centuries A.D., that we cannot doubt it was mentioned in the Mahdvariso under the name of introduced from India. The earliest date, thereJet tha Tisso was succeeded by a son of the fore, assignable to this inscription would be the name of Abhaya; besides we do not know if first century before the Christian era. Now it was these are kings of Ceylon or only of Ma gama. in 90 B.C., under the reign of king Vattaga. Judging, however, from the characters as well as mani, that, according to Sinhalese tradition, from the language, I have no doubt that this the doctrines of Buddhism were first reduced to inscription is to be attributed to the fourth cen. writing in Pali. It is possible that this inscriptury A.D. It is worth noticing that even at that tion belongs to a time prior to the year 90 B.C., remote period some difference between the north- though not very probable. I am rather inclined ern and southern dialects appears to have ex- to attribute it to the first century of the Christian isted. The king of Magama here alluded to as era; at any rate there is no instance of another the eponymous person of the vihara was king inscription in the same characters belonging ne. Kaka vanno Tisso, the father of Dutthaga- cessarily to the pre-Christian time. If, however, manni, who, according to the Mahdvanso (pp. we are to suppose the Pali language at that time 131, 150 in Turnour's edition), founded the Tis to have been fixed by writing in the same gramsamahaviharo or Tissamaharamo (about 180 B.c.). matical and lexical forms in which we find it An inscription engraved on a high rock at Ki. now, and which it certainly has exhibited since rind e, though not remarkable for its contents, is the time of Buddhaghosha, we should expect peculiarly interesting by its language. The whole Pali words occurring in inscriptions subsequent to is a grant to the priesthood as usual, and the Vattagamani to wear their genuine shape, prosigns of sun and moon cut in the rock indicate vided they are not thoroughly transformed into that this donation shall last as long as sun and Sinhalese. Here we have, except in the word laki moon endure; but it opens with a praise of Bud (for nati is Sinhalese), the Pali aspirates, as well dha in which we find a great many PAli words, as a compound sign for nd in parimandale, and an apparently in a semi-Simhalese guise : Anusvara or Bindu in sayambhu-all letters unSiddham | Aparimite-lokehi Budha-same na known to ancient Simhalese. On the other hand, double consonants are expressed by single ones, ti athane parimandale as likewise in the case of the Pali word bhikkhu. savanyutopete anutare sathe (sathe) mahe- which several times in inscriptions of the same sarane laki-chake Budha-nimi period appears in the form bhikhu alongside of sayambhu. its Simhalese transformations biku, biki, bika. Put into classical Pali : The word siddham, usually the first word in these Aparimitalokamhi Buddhasamo natthi | atthano inscriptions, which apparently had been borrowed parimandalo......... sabbantutopeto anuttaro sat- from Sanskrit, here as elsewhere is written with tha mahasarasam lakkhichakkar Buddhanami sa- ddh in one compound letter); nevertheless the yambhu. same well-known sign is not used in the name of "1.c. Hail! In the boundless world there is no Buddha, which occurs twice in this inscription. equal to Buddha; spaceless, all-extending......en- It may be out of deference to Sinhalese grammar dowed with omniscience, incomparable, the Teach that the nom. sing. masc. and neu. (also used as er, the great Refuge, the wheel of prosperity-| crude form) was made to terminate in y, though is Buddha, the self-produced one." this e is already employed sparingly in DutthagaIt is very unfortunate that we are not able to mani's inscription. It is interesting that the determine the exact date of this inscription. The syllable nu (in savanyu-sabbaniu) is not expressed characters are essentially the same as in the in- by its proper sign, but by n with a small yu below scriptions of king Gajabhu (Second century A.D.) the line (L), conformably to the pronunciation and his grandfather Vasabho (66-110 A.D.) (see still heard in Ceylon (and in some parts of India). above). There is no doubt that it is subsequent Still more remarkable is the use of v instead of Literally, 'having done, i.e. ordered the keeping of + Published in the Jour. Cey. As. Soc. for 1853, p. 81. the rules,' &c.

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322 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1877. PAli b in the word savanyutopete, as we can perceive and queen Gon. Now the identical two persong here no influence of Simhalese, the latter language are mentioned as the parents of a king Siri having changed the original (Sanskrit) word Sangboy A bahay in the inscription on those sarva (PAli sabba) into scera (ma), contracted sce well-known stone tablets at Mihintala (translated (ma), all.' Lokehi is a good Pali form, but not here in Turnour's Epitome, and the beginning in J. applicable; it is probably a mistake of the en- D'Alwis's Sidathsangardwa, Intr. pp. xxxvi. xxxvii.). graver for lokahi, the regular loc, sing. in Simha- which present such an interesting account of the lese. The words nati and nimi are Simhalese. well-to-do life of the priesthood in a large vihdra. Leaving it undecided whether the Kirinde in- There the king says that he had been apd befor scription is subsequent to the time when the sacred being made king, and as the date of the inscription Buddhist canon is supposed to have been committed be gives the 16th year of his reign. to writing, or prior to it,-in which case of course King Abha Salamewan, the father of Misome of the peculiarities here noticed could be hinda, has left us an inscription at AEtawiragollawa more easily accounted for,-there still remains (N.C.P., eleven miles from Madawachchiya), and enough in this passage, I believe, to throw doubt another one beginning almost with the same on the alleged antiquity of the Pali language in its words, at Elawewa Pansala (c. eleven miles from present form. Mihintala towards Trinkamali). In the latter, howThe remaining inscriptions of this period contain ever, he calls himself Abha Salamewan Dapulu. nothing remarkable, except occasionally interest- Both bear as their date the 10th year of his reign ; ing words. A number of fragments are found on in both he alludes to a victorious campaign of his the rock at Kahagalvihara (between Ranne father, Abha Siri sang bo, in India against and Wirakatiya); other rock inscriptions at Na the kingdom of Pandt. Of king Abha Siri Sangyigalvih&ra, at Mulgirigala, one long one bo a fine pillar inscription is extant in the jungle at W& digala (two miles from Ranne, on the on the foot of Mihintala hill, in which, however, his road to Tangalla), one at Angulu kola vihara parentage is not mentioned. (He simply begins : (not far from Kirinde), and two at Wigamuwa Abhay Siri sa[ng] boyi ma purmukd nawawan ne (near Ranne). A long inscription engraved on the Himate mas / hi dasa wak dawas: i.e. "[We) king rock at Badagiriya (nine miles from Hamban. Abbay Siri sang boyi, in the 9th year (of our reign]. tota) by its defaced state has resisted my first on the 10th day in the month Himanta[November]"). effort, but may be hoped to be decipherable after a Alphabet as little as language leaves any doubt renewed examination. about the general period to which these inscriptions III.-Down to the Eleventh Century. belong; it must be the time between the end of I have seen, unfortunately, very few specimens the 9th and the beginning of the 17th century. of inscriptions between the 4th and 9th centuries, In all of them most of the characters used approach although this must have been a time of vigorous the forms of the present alphabet so closely as to development, in the course of which by degrees be legible to any educated native; and as for tbe Simbalese was moulded into its classical shape. language, though widely distant from the present There is an inscription of about the 6th or 7th conversational, it differs little from that of the incentury on a pillar near Tissamahara mo (ac- scriptions of the 12th century, if we except the then cording to tradition the post to which the royal new-fangled manner of putting back Simbalese tusker was tied); some lines are pretty well pre- words into their Sansksit originals, and the wholeserved, the greater part is defaced; I have not, sale introduction of Sanskrit words besides. Again, however, as yet come to examine this sufficiently. I as the name Siri saiga bo had come to be used I will mention here, first of all, an inscription in as a mere title, assumed by many kings (for inthe Hambantota district, because it has been of stance, Vijayabahu I., Parakramabahu I., Nissasika great help to me for fixing the dates of a number of Malla). we have to look upon Mihind & (Mabindo) other inscriptions. The pillar I am referring to as the proper name of the inscriber of Mayilagawas discovered by Mr. J.H. Dawson, the Irrigation stota and Mihintala. Officer at Mayilagastota. It is inscribed After these preliminary remarks, we may look on three sides, but partly effaced. The purport of in the Mahavando for an identification of the three the whole is again, as so often, a grant to a vihdra, kings (father, son, and grandson) to whom we to which is added an enumeration of the privileges owe the inscriptions in question. usually connected with such a donation, viz., that Mahindo III. (997-1013), according to the the land should be exempt from rajakdriya and Mahdvanso (ch. 54), had been made adipddo at the the like. accession to the throne of Seno III. (994-997). It The donor is Mihind &, apd or viceroy. He is recorded of him (Mahdo. ch. liv. 28) that he put calls himself a son of a king Abhi Salamewanup inscribed stone slabs "to prevent future kings

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NOVEMBER, 1877.] INSCRIPTIONS IN CEYLON. 323 from seizing on the property of the priesthood." a somewhat more ancient form, I am not confident Kassapo VI. (954-964) sent his army to India that these kings and the inscriber of Maha (Mahdv.ch. lii.). He was succeeded, according to the Kalattawa are identical. In the inscription at AnuValdvariso, by his son Dappulo IV.(who reigned radhapura (see in a former report) we find the king six months); and he again by Dappu!o V. (96+- reigning in his 19th year, while Kassapo V. 974); the next was Dappulo V.'s brother, Udayo according to the Mah dvamso, only reigned sevenIII. (974-977), who was followed by several short- teen years. reigned kings. A king Udayo is said (Mahdi. These are the names of the four kings I have ch. liv. 48) to have been the uncle of Mahindo spoken about, with those given to the same in the III. Mahaparso :Examining the rest of Simhalese history in this Inscriptions. Mahavaniso. period, we have no choice but to identify the three 1. Siri sang boy 1. Kassapo (V.) kings met with in the inscriptions above referred 2. Abha (or Abhay) 2. Kassapo (VI.) to (Abha Siri sang bo, Abha Salamewan Dapulu, Siri sang bo MihindA or Siri sang boy Abahay) with Kassapo VI., Dappulo V., Mahindo III., of the Mahavasso, 3. Abha Salamewan 3. Dappulo (V.) respectively. With regard to Dappulo IV., who Dapulu (brother Udayo 111.) 1s called a son of Kassapo VI., we must doubt the correctness of the Vahadamso. 4. MihindA or Siri 4. Mahindo (III.) As I have stated, Mahindo was adipddo or apd sang boy Abahay 994-997; to this interval, therefore, the inscription The following are extracts from the inscriptions at Mayilagastota is to be attributed. The Mihintala above referred to: inscription is dated from the 16th year of his so- I.-Inscription of King Siri sang boy (Kassapo V. vereignty, i.e. 1012 or 1013. at Maha Kalattowa (complete). To the same period as these belongs the fine 4.-(First side of the Pillar): pillar inscription of Maha k alattawa (now in Siri sang boy ma purmuka pasaloswan ne the Museum, Colombo), which in a former report nawaya pura dasa wak dawas Pandi rad Dapalu I had attributed to king Siri saliga bo III. (702 wara me kap par ha kureli senim isa nawa 718). A king called Siri sang boy in it grants tarae saengim isa muhale Dapula arak samanan the usual privileges to a village belonging to a nunnery built by the Chief Secretary Sen in honour wara kuda sala dal siwim isa kolpatri sanga of his mother. Now a chief secretary Seno is aetalu wasp me tuwak denamo ek sewa wadamentioned (Mahdo. ch. lii.) as one who built and leyin Sen maha endowed viharas under the reign of king Kassapo B. V. (937-954), the father-in-law and immediate laeman tuman maeniyan naemin nam di kot predecessor of Kassapo VI. or Abha Siri safig bo karana lad Nal-aram meheni-warhi tuman of the inscriptions. Although the name Sena is tubu wat sirit/hi se da waspata mahaweherae common enough, this coincidence, I believe, is too mahaboyae diy wada wedi meheni wat hambu remarkable for us to hesitate to recognize in wat satdenak/hat satar pasa wayatu karana him the same person just mentioned, provided kot wadala kaerana bimhi a wa Gitelgau that the language and palaeography of the inscrip gamat attani paeraehaer de rawanae ge wadna tion speak in favour of this identification, as they do indeed. As therefore Siri sang boy, the king re kot isa de kamtaen no wara ferred to, cannot have lived before Kassapo V., and C. the successors of Kassapo V. are mentioned under ne kot isa mang-giya piya-giga no wadna kot isa ditforent names in the inscriptions, this Siri danumandul melat sri rad kol kaemiyan no wadna sang boy must be Kassa po V. himself. Itkot isa wariyan gam gen geri no ganna kot isa is therefore between 937 and 951 that the inscrip. gael miwan no wadna kot wadaleyin & me kap tion at Maha Kalattawa (the Kulatthav&pi of par ha kureti senim isa me kap par nawa turae the Mahavamso, where the decisive battle be saengim isA kuda sala dal siwim isa kolpattra tween Dutthaga mani and Eldro was fought) must sanga etalu wa aep me tuwak dena have been written. There are some other inscriptions of king Siri sang boy (or bo) (at Mihintala, Anuradhapura, and Gomkollaws near Madawach mo ek sewa awud me Gitelgamn gamat attani chiya, the two latter now in the Museum, Colombo) paerebaer denu ladi. which begin with precisely the same words, but, Literal translation. as the characters in which they are written are of "His majesty Siri sang.boy, in the 15th

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324 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1877. year (of his reign), on the 10th day in the bright Literal translation. half of Nawaya (February March)-whereas he has 1 "Hail! His majesty king Siri Saig bo, who, been pleased to declare with regard to the monas- i descended from an uninterrupted line of kings of tery (called) Dapulu, king of Pandi'; until in the Ikshvaku family, which is the pinnacle of the this kalpa and in subsequent ones the female birds glorious Kshatriya caste, had become lord by ....... P.......and the nine planetsi hide, (and) with (hereditary) succession on the ground of the island regard to the monastery (called) D Apul the of Lalika, who, in the 9th year after he had raised First, Preservation :' until a small whirlpool the royal umbrella, ransacked the kingdom of becomes (?) firm, for so long do we, in agreement Pandi, and, having obtained victory and glory. with the Kolpatri community of priests, give-and enjoyed his splendour............................flowers whereas he has declared : to the village Gibelga- which were the gift (tribute) of foes-the son of muwa, which is situated on the ground assigned that king, his majesty king Abha Salame. according to the rule which the Chief Secretary wan Dapulu, in the 10th year after he raised Sena himself has established in the nunnery Nal. the royal umbrella -- " arama built after he had named it with the III.-Inscription of the same at tawiragollewa. name of his mother-for daily increasing the (supply of) water at the great vihara and at the ................. Oka [-was rad pa]rapure[n great Bo-tree, (and) for furnishing daily the four bat La]k diw p[o!oyo]n parapu[ren hi]mi pratyayas to seven persons, nuns or novices (P), wu A bh a [Siri sang] bo maha (rad/h]a tuma ................ a privilege, viz., that two............shall sat 1[ang ) na wawan hawu[ru]duyehi Pandi rat enter, that two karmasthdnas.................., that [p]where deye lad masha]rad/hu dara Abha travellers and............shall not enter, that the Salamewan maha[ra]dhu tuma sat lae[nga] officers of the royal family shall not enter the as. dasawan hawaruduyehi - sembly of the priests (?), that enemies shall not Literal version. tuke cattle from the village (sic!), that the cartbuffaloes shall not enter, until in this kalpa and "His majesty king Abha Siri saig bo, in subsequent ones the female birds .....(P) ......, who, descended from an uninterrupted line of until in this lalpa and in subsequent ones the nine kings of the Ikshvaku family, had become lord planets ' hide and a small whirlpool becomes (P) on Lafka's ground by (hereditary) succession, who firm (literally, to the hiding of to the becoming in the 9th year after he had raised the royal firm of ), for so long do we, in agreement umbrella, ransacked the kingdom of Pandi and with the Kolpattra community of priests, give obtained victorys--the son of that king, his having been pleased to come (here), to this village majesty king A bh & Sala mewan, in the 10th Gitelgamuwa...............a privilege is given. year after he raised the royal umbrella " It seems rather strange that, as appears from IV.-Inscription of the AEpd Mihindu (later king this, inscription, the great vihdra (at Anuradha Makindo III.) at Mayilagastota. pura) required to be supplied with water from Oka-was parapuren bat rad porumu. a tank five miles off. wanat ag me[he]su[n] wu Lak diw poloyon II.-Inscription of King Abhd Salamewan Dapulu parapuren himi siti (?) Gon biso rudna kus/hi (Dappulo V.) at Elawawa Pansala. upan A bh & Sala mo wan maharad/hu urehi Sri Sicibara kaet kala kot Oka-was rad para- da kreta k[x]la kot wiyat daham niye gat (?) puren bat Lak diw poloyon paraparen himi aepa Mihind a hu wasin wu Abha Siri sang bo maharad/hu tuma sat laenga nawawan hawuruduyehi Pandi rat Literal translation. puehwr jaya kirtti lad rupun dan wu mal "By the wpa Mihinda-who was born in the inasoluta malat ekanna siri bhoga kala maha womb of the anointed queen Gon, chief queen to his majesty the king, descended from the un. rad hu daru A bha Sala mewan Dapuu broken line of the Ikshvaku family, reigning on inaharad/hu tuma sat laengu dasawan hawu- Lanka's ground by (hereditary) succession--the ruduyehi - son of king A bh & Salamewan-the pinnacle I i.e. sun, moon, and the seven planeta. $ The following is an abstract of the narrative given in the Mahdualso (ch. lii. 70-78) of Kassapo (VI.y'Indian campaign, which here does not appear quite so glorious and successful as in the inscriptions of his son: The king of Pandt, being defeated by the king of Chola, Nought the assistance of the king of Ceylon. Kussapo sent his general Sakko over to India. But even though supported by the Sinhalese army, the king of Pandt, being unable to keep the field against his adversary, took to flight. The Simbalese general nevertheless determined on fighting, but was murdered "by the wicked Peplu." Kassapo hearing of this, and learning that at the same time his army was being decimated by sickness,"out of compassion" (as the Mahdualso says) called them back.

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NOVEMBER, 1877.] INSCRIPTIONS IN CEYLON. 325 of the Kshatriya caste, the sage who has comprehended (P) the Doctrine V.--Inscription of the same as King Siri'sang boy A bahay (Mahindo III.) at Ambasthala, Mihintala. Siribar kata kula kot Oka-was raj parapuren bat kaeta usab A baba y Salam ewan mahara 'j/hat eme kulen sanajaey dew Gon bisew raejna kusae ipaedae aepa mahaya siri winda piliwela sey raj wo tumi sirin Lak diw pahayamin sitae Siri sang boy A bahay maharaj hu tuma sat "Jangu soloswana hawaruduyehi wap sand pun mas/hi dasa pak dawas Seygiri weherhi isa Salamowan, an eminent Kshatriya (literally, a bull among the Kshatriyas), who is descended from an unbroken line of kings of the Ikshvaku family, which is the pinnacle of the glorious Kshatriya caste, in the womb of the anointed queen, Queen Gon, descended from the same caste ----having enjoyed the power of apa and .... having, according to the rule of succession, become king, irradiates the island of Latika by his splendour, his majesty king Siri sa iig boy A bahay, in the 16th year after he raised the royal umbrella, on the 10th day in the bright half of the month Wap (Sept.-Oct.)-having assembled (literally, having made become a large host), the lords of the great Bhikshu congregation dwelling both in the vihdra of Chaityagiri and in the vihdra of Abhayagiri, being pleased with those rules which his royal brother formerly established at Chaityagiri vihdra, as well as with the rules of Abhayagiri vihdra, in order to (?) establish the same rule for this vihdra, having put it together ......--this rule together with a comment has been established for the Lords of the great Bhikshu congregation who dwell in this vihdira, as well as for the officers and for the slaves, for their duties as well as for receipts and expendituros.Il I have found little worth mentioning in other inscriptions of this period examined since my last report. There are such at Wana ma duwi (near Tirappana), in the jungle three miles from Galkulam, at Elagamuwa, at Mulgirigala. A fragmentary pillar inscription at Atta. ya la vihera (two miles from Wira kaetiya) 'bahay giri weherhi isa wasana ma bik sang himiyan mahasenwa karay tumi bae wat himiya. 'n Seygiri weherhi pere tubu sirit nija Abahay giri weherhi sirit nija ruswa genae me we 'herat me sirit tabu wawati nisiyan ha sasende me weherae wasana maba bik sang himiyanat isa Skremiyanat isa dasnat isi kata yutu ist labanu diye yutu se isa wiwarunen ek se kot me'sirit tabana ladi. Literal translation. "He who, having been born unto king A bahay Widam (PART the correspond they were a century, while d aplosive sounded into two bu In the translation given in Turnour's Epitome of the History of Ceylon, which book I have not here at hand, the word wahasen in line 5, if I remember well, is taken to be the name of a king; the passage is, however, correctly translated in J. D'Alwis' Sid. Sang , Intr. xxxvi. xxxvii., which prevented me from falling into the same error. It will be observed that the language employed in these inscriptions, though by no means devoid of adopted San. skrit ind Pali words (tatsamas), still puts them into a Simhalese shape. It is curious eveu to notice here the difference between the Sanskrit words used in the inscription of the pl Mihinda at Mayilagastota and in the inscription at Mihintala of the same person as king Siri saig boy Abahay. In the Mayilagastota inscription we find still rad (Sk. rajan), raedna (Sk. rajiii); in short, the sounds foreign to the Sinhalese of those days are changed into genuine Simhalese sounds. In the Mihintala inscription these words already approach the Sanskrit form more closely, and the tendency of transporting back, is it were, genuine Simhalese words into their Sarskrit originale is al. ready growing into fashion: thus, Sanskrit and PAli jw (person') is constantly used for Sinhalese dena; raj, rocin have supplanted rad, radna ; and there are such uncouth words as samajaya (born') for Sanskrit and Pali samjata, 848cndae 'having united'), from Pali sarissandeti, and the like. King Mahindo was also fond of words redolent of antiquity, as sey (as), Seufiri (Chaityagiri,' Mihin. tala), the younger forms of which, se and Sagiri, occur already in inscriptions undoubtedly more ancient. On the other hand, Parakramabhu's inscription at Galvih &ra, Polonnaruwa (below) abounde in Sanskrit words in their unaltered original shape, and it is known to what an extent they have crept into the Simhalese of the present day. It appears, therefore, that it is the time between the beginning of the 11th and the middle of the 13th century we have to look upon as having originated the modern mixed speech. It wils in this period, too, that the Sahalese les ruel to pronounce the Aspirates of the Sanskrit and Pali languages, at least we find them used commonly in the inscriptions of the 12th century, while formerly in adopted words they were, as a rule, either expressed by the corresponding unaspirated sounds, as in bidam (Pali abhi m ) (Mahindo III's inscription at Mihintala), or divided into two by inserting a vowel between the explosive sound and the aspirant, as in dahans (Pali dlommo), Abahu (Ablunya), or al was written and pronounced i, 8 wijn (abhilluangino), waraj (Mahindo III's inscription at Mihintala), (the modern i ruda, fault, corrupted from Sanskrit and Pali a paradla, the genuine Sitabalese word derived from aparadha being boruwu. a lie'); even to the present day the common people say Anurajapura for Anuradhapura. Shortly after that time Simhalese literature, as far as it is now extant, must have commenced, ita language car. rying with it the spoils of many foregoing centuries. To these the poets and pandits added their own in ventions : Sanskrit (and Pali) words artificially, but often with great skill, turned into Sirnhalese, and modern Sinhalese words put back into what were supposed to be the ancient forms of them. Hence the present Sirnhalese style has come to be a strange medley of Sinhalese forms of almost all ages, of thoroughly Simhalized Sanskrit and Pali words, of the same semi-Simhalized, of unchanged Sanskrit and P&li words, and of the random inventions of poets and pandits. It is this variety of forms of the same words which Simhalese writers take advantage of to render their style elegant, although this custom very little accords with what European readers would consider good taste.

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326 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1877. mentions one of those numerous kings called Siri sang bo as the father of the reigning king (about the 11th century). IV.-Inscriptions at Polonnaruwa, Mineri, Dambulla. On the band of the famous tank of Mineri (Pali Manihira; Inscr. Minihiriya) there is an inscription of the 10th or 11th century on two sides of a large stone pillar, which contains a grant of privileges to the place; unfortunately about fortyfour lines on both sides are completely effaced, and nine only left. Close to this pillar there are some ancient statues of Hindu deities which impress the native mind with so much awe that no inhabitant of the village can be prevailed upon to approach the spot. Polonnaruwa (Pulastinagara), the capital of Ceylon after the decline of Anuradhapura, contains, as might be expected, for the most part inscriptions of a comparatively modern date. Near Galvih & ra, constructed by Parakramabahu the Great, I found a few huge letters cut in the rock, the remnants of an inscription of considerable length, which, belonging to the earlier centuries of our era, owes its destruction to the mysterious charm attributed by the natives to the ancient Nagara characters: it had been, as I was told, defaced this very year by the barbarous inhabitants of Topawawa. The two inscriptions coming nearest in age to the one just mentioned are to be attributed to the 9th or 10th century. The one is engraved on the four sides of a pillar close to the site of Nissasika Malla's Audience Hall, on the spot whence that king's lion-seat was taken to Colorabo. The name of a king Agrabodhi is legible, but a great portion of it is effaced. Another pillar I had dug out of the ground not far from Jeta vandramo. The inscription is very well preserved, and refers to a privilege granted by a king [... ... Sala]mewan to a village Galutisa, which belonged to a high officer of state called Wadurag. The king, I suspect, is Sena Sila megho (838-858), and Wadurag, his minister Vajiro, who is mentioned Mahao. 1. 83. The natives say that the pillars near the place where the inscription was found formed part of the ancient Lowa mehapaya, 'the great brazen palace' (evidently built in imitation of the one at Anuradhapura). The place itself is now called Birige vimanaya, the palace of the deaf woman,' and some story is told about the origin of this name. I consider it far from impossible that birt is only corrupted from Vajiro: the recollection of the owner of the spot having been lost, the natives were as usual ready to invent an etymological story of their own. Thetwokings whose reigns have left most marked traces in the extensive ruins of Polonnaruwa are Parakram a bahu the Great and one of his next successors, Nissanka Malla. Yet of the former we find only one inscription, though a very long one; while the latter, who could not feel so confident as his famous predecessor, of his memory not becoming lost to posterity, has laid down all the events of his life in numerous inscriptions, some of them of stupendous length. Parakramabahu's inscription is engraven on the wall of Galvib & ra, which he had founded. Unfortunately this is not an historical inscription, but a religious one, which contains the rules given for the priesthood of the vihdra. It is tolerably well preserved, and belongs to the earlier part of Parakramabahu's reign, being dated A. B. 1708-i.e. 1165 A.D. The first six of fifty-one lines run thus : Apa Budun kalpasatasahasradhika chatu(?) rasa[mn]khyaparimitakalayan (yen) sama (sama) tisa param (parami) pura Marasa [n]gramabhumi wa mahabodhi pa[r]yyamkaradha wa (wa) durvvara sa pa Privara Mara parajaya kota sarvvajnapada prapta wa pansalis-hawuruddak dawas chaturthi (?) pak maba meghayak seyin waedae sitae ane Skakalpakotibatasahasrayehi kelasasanin da se() wemin siti satya (sakya?) yan dharmmamr. tavarshayen niwamin sakala Buddha-krtya nimawa Kusinara nuwarae abiyes hi Ma "lla rajayange salabandeka (?).. yehi (salavanodya[nayehi) nirupadhisesha nirvvana dhatuwen diwi niwi sar a-si y a-s up an eshawuruddak giya kale Walagam Abha. maharaja dawase patan ek w -d a h a s-su pa naes-ha wuruddak bhinna-nikaya we sasanaya piriwemin siti kalhi Mabasammatadi pararamparnyata suryyavasodbh utarajadhiraja naikadigabhivyaptayasomarichin (marichin) vj. rajami na Sri Samgha bodhi Para krama bahu maharajanan sakala Lamkatelehi eka. rajyabhishekayen abhishikta wa vijimbhita. punyarddhi aeti wa rajyasukhanubhava kotse wadanuwan. Literal translation "1254 years from the time of king Walagam Abha (Varttagramant), when 454 years had elapsed since Our Buddha, having in a time limited by (extending over) four asamkhyas 100,000 kalpas fulfilled all the thirty perfections, and having, on the Mara battle-ground, mounted on the divan of (i.e. sitting cross-legged in) thorough enlightenment, conqueree the irresistible Mara together with his retinae, at

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NOVEMBER, 1877.] ******** tained the state of omniscience, and forty-five years (after that), on the 4th day, having accomplished by quenching...... .., as a large cloud does by rain, so he, in many hundred thousands of krors of kalpas by the nectar of the law, [having thus accomplished] all the duties of a Buddha, extinguished (his) life by ineans of the sacred ni rupadhisesha nirvana near the city of Kusinagara, in the grove of sal trees of the king of the Mallas [1254+454 years after that time] when, the congregations being broken up, religion was fading away, his majesty king Sri Sanghabodhi Parakramabah u, descended from the unbroken line of Mahasammata and the others, born of the Solar race, the king over kings, resplendent through the rays of his glory which has penetrated many regions, anointed by the anointment of paramount dominion on Lanka's ground, enjoying the delight of dominion, with the treasure of his merits made patent, he, the very wise one INSCRIPTIONS IN CEYLON. Shortly after Parakramabahu's death (1186) Nissaiika Mall a ascended the throne of Ceylon and reigned for nine years (1187-1196)-a king whose vainglory, as exhibited in his inscriptions, appears extraordinary, even making allowance for his being an Oriental prince, and who was anxious, more than any other Simhalese monarch, not to allow the memory of his reign to fall into oblivion. The Mahavamso has nothing to record of him but that he erected dagabes and palaces, and by his zeal for Buddhism heaped up merits from day to day. He himself tells us of an expedition to India, but most of the other memorable actions he speaks of have regard to religion. His numerous inscriptions are amongst the longest in the island, carefully executed, and most of them excellently preserved. He describes his whole life-birth, parentage, his arrival in Ceylon, his dignities there, the solemnity of his installation as king, and the acts of his government. Many of the buildings of Polonnaruwa, still extant in their ruins, indeed owe their origin to his magnificence; it was he, too, who repaired and embellished the splendid cave temple at Dambulla, often referred to in his inscriptions. A fine stone slab on the Ruwanwali Dagaba at Anuradhapura records, besides his other actions, the costly works he executed for the embellishment of this ddgala, and for the restoration of Marichavatti and the other vihd as. Another long inscription of his we find engraven on the rock at Dambulla close to the cave. The remainder are to be found in his capital, Polonnaruwa. Going out from the modern village of Topawawa or Topare, we reach first his Audience Hall, 327 where we find two series of pillars denoting the order in which the different dignitaries were seated, when Nissanka Malla was on his throne. (the identical lion-seat now kept in the Colombo Museum, and itself covered, I have been told, with an inscription of this king). Near the Daadamandirawa (the palace of the tooth-relic) there is a fine stone slab inscribed on two sides (see text and translation in the Jour. R. As. Soc. 1874). From there we proceed to Thaparamo and the surrounding buildings, where we find the enormous Galpota (stone book), an inscription in three portions like the pages of a book (each page twenty-four lines), containing the whole of Nissauka Malla's history; a number of broken pieces of stone forming a sort of frieze round the lower walls of a palace, and a stone seat, which both narrate the same events with few variations. At Rankot Da gaba we have again a stone seat and four pillars, all four of them covered with the same inscription. At Jetava naram o there is a third stone seat of larger size than the two before mentioned, containing two inscriptions, one of which is the identical one seen on the four pillars at Rankot Dagaba. The walls of a Hindu temple not far from Thuparamo are covered with a Tamil inscription, of which, however, a great portion is effaced; as Nissanka Malla mentions a Hindu temple built by him at Polonnaruwa, it is not unlikely that he is the author also of this inscription; but my want of acquaintance with ancient Tamil language and palaeography prevent me from being able to assert here anything with confidence. The principal events of Nissanka Malla's life, as gathered from his inscriptions, are these:Nissanka Malla was born 1700 A.B. (i. e. 1157 A.D.) at Simhapura as the son of king Sri Jayagopa of Kalinga and his queen Parvati. Having come to Ceylon, to which he claims to have had an hereditary right, he first obtained the dignity of apa, and afterwards was made king. As such he calls himself Siri Sangabo Kalinga Parakramabahu Viraraja Nissanka Malla Apratimalla. His general character is thus described in the Galpota: - Galpota I. 12 Udi-gal mundun pa 1st hiruhu so saturandaru durula bahujanayamuwa-piyum pubudu kota anat raja-sirin Chakradevendraya se somi-gunen pun sandahu se dhira tayen Meruwa se gemburu-bewin sigaraya se kshantigunen maha polowa se lo-waessan pinin upan kap-rukak se woede site.

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328 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1877. Literal translation. " --having dissipated the enemies and exhilarated the faces of the multitude, as the sun, whon reaching the summit of the sunrise-mountain, destroys darkness and expands the lotuses-like into Sakra, the king of gods, by his infinite royal splendour-like unto the full-moon by his gentleness---like unto Mount Meru by his firinness-like the ocean by his profoundness-like the great earth by his patience-like a kalpa-tree produced by the morits of the inhabitants of the world " It was thought incumbent on a king who wished to show his zeal for the religion of Buddha to issue edicts forbidding people to take away life. Of course it was rather the life of birds, fish, wild heasts, &c., which was meant to be spared; as for man's life, often the most devoted of these kings had made their way to the throne through murdering their predecessors. In the second part of the Mahuvanso this is usually expressed by a certhin fixed formula : Machchhanam migapakkhinanis katabbaris sabbam achari: "As for his duties towards the fish, wild beasts, and birds, he accomplished them all." Nissalika Malla did not neglect these duties. In his inscription at Anuradhapura he says that he gave security to the fish in twelve great tanks, and commanded the Kambodyans not to kill birds, after having given them large presents. In his inscription on the pillars at Rankot Dagaba some of these tanks are enumerated : Ran-Tisce-Minihoru-Gangatala-Pads-etulu wu tun rajayehi no ek muha we tante asesha pran futa abhaya di: "Having at the site of many great tanks, as Ranwawa Tisawa (Tissawawa at Anuradhapura), Minihoruwawa (Mineri), Gangata!Awa (Kandalei), Padiwawa (Padiwila), and others in the three kingdoms, given security to all living beings." On the other hand, the same king sent his gene. ral Lak Vijayasingu Kit with an army over to India, to invade the kingdom of Pandi, and pretends to have received largetribute from his enemies. An inscription of this identical Lak Vijayasingu Kit, who is frequently spoken of in connection with Nissalika Malla's victories, I have described in a former report ; I shall insert it below, as it will be of interest to compare this later grant to the priesthood with the more ancient dedicatory inscriptions above quoted. The several queens of Nissalika Malla are also mentioned, as well as his son Virabahu, who reigned after his father's death for one year, and his daughter Sarv van gasundari (compare the names of other princesses of Kalinga -Trilokasundari, queen to Vijayabahu I., and a relation of hers called Sundari (Mahat. ch. lix., Turnour's ed. Intr. p. lxxxviii. ff.). In several inscriptions the people of Ceylon are admonished to choose their kings from the royal family of Kalinga, as it would not become kings of Choda or Pandi, who were adverse to Buddhism, to reign over the island : Kalinga-vamsayata himi Lak-diwa Buddha-edsanayata pratipaksha abauddha Choda Pandyddi-rajun no pihitiwiye yuttdy: i.e." As it is not right to establish un-Buddhistic kings, as those of Choda, Pandi, &c., who are enemies to the religion of Buddha, in the island of Larka, which belongs to the dynasty of Kalinga" (Galpota, III, 21-22). I think we are justified in inferring from this that the princes of Kalinga themselves were Buddhists, and it is not without interest to learn that so late as at the close of the 12th century there was a Buddhistio dynasty reigning over a part of Southern India. Of real benefit to his subjects seem to have been the changes Nissalika Malla made in the system of taxation : for five years he remitted all taxes. and some of the most obnoxious he abolished for ever. Inscription of Lag Vijayasingu Kit (on the three sides of a pillar found on the band of Abhayawawa or Basava-kkulam, now in the Museum of Colombo) (date about 1210). Srimat Okk-was-raja-parapuren A Abha Salamewan Lilavati-svaminge agramatya wu Lag Vijayasingu Kit senewiyantunwan ne Anuradha. purehi patan bhumiye taman kaerae wu rawanpayehi waedae hun sangu B. ruwanta siwu-pasayen wana pasu pinisa taman. ta bat ginuwa yewin yalak ha mehi ma chai. tyayata yalak ha pilimageta yalakha bhumi-dana kota hira-sanda pamana wa pidu pasayen pirimaemu me labhaya antaraya kalawun windina narakadi-duk daen ha matu matu wana nuwanaetiyan lobha-dvesha-mana duru kotae labba antaraya no kotae nuwanaettan (?) kala anumowanu maenaewi. Literal translation. "General Lag Vijayasingu Kit, chief minister to Lilavati's royal consort, Abha Salamewan, who comes from the royal race of the glorious Ikshvaku family-in the 3rd year (of the king's reign) having made a donation of land: one yala for rice......... barley (P) to the priests themselves living in the Rawanpaya (ratnaprasdda, palace of jewels) which he

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BOOK NOTICES. NOVEMBER, 1877.] himself built on ground from Anuradhapura, for their ease, that it may serve for the four pratyoyas, and one yala to the chaitya here and one yala to the image-house-the pain in hell, which those shall suffer who obstruct this merit acquired from the offered......... which shall last as long as sun and moon endure (literally, sun and moon being the measure), shall be now and in all future, (but) wise men who, having renounced covetousness, hatred, pride, and not obstructing the merit, do... ......may be pleased to share (the merit)." A grant made to the identical general Lak Vijayasingu Kit is the subject of a long inscription of king Sahasa Malla (1200-1202), engraved on the two sides of a fine stone slab and excellently preserved; the greatest portion, however, is historical, referring to events connected with the accession of the king to the throne of Ceylon. We learn from it that Sahasa Malla was a brother of Nissanka Malla, being the son of Sri Jayagopa of Kalinga, but by a different queen. This inscription, together with Nissanka Malla's inscription at Anuradhapura, has lately been published in the Jour. R. As. Soc. (N. S. vol. VII. pp. 353ff); but as, unfortunately, native copies only BOOK NOTICES. THE HISTORY OF INDIA from the earliest ages. By J. Talboys Wheeler. Vol. IV. Part I.-Mussulman Rule. (London: Trubner & Co. 1876.) This is the fourth instalment of what Mr. Wheeler calls the "History of India from the Earliest Ages." The first volume, as most are aware, contains an analysis or abridgment of English versions of parts of the Vedas and the Mahabharata, and the second of the story of the Ramayana and the Institutes of Manu. To call these volumes a History, however, we hold to be quite a misnomer: they have no claim to the title. The Mahabharata and the Ramayana are neither of them the work of a single age; and the events chronicled in them, so far as they may chronicle actual events, were perhaps of little more importance in the political history of the time than the feats of Robin Hood were in England. And until these works have been analyzed in a way they are not likely to be for years to come, and the portions belonging to different epochs, if possible, distinguished and separated, the pictures they present can have no claim to historical truthfulness as reflecting the character of any particular age. And when such analysis has been made, the result will only be such history' as might be extracted from any good novelnot a narrative of actual events which formed or It is well known that every Afghan claims to be one of the Bani-Israfl, or Children of Israel, and Mr. H. Vansittart as long ago as 1784 addressed Sir W. Jones on 329 had been procurable, the text of both abounds in blunders. I found one short and comparatively modern inscription besides at Polonnaruwa, on a post at the staircase leading to Kiriwehera, fron which I have been unable to make out any sense. The jungle covering the ancient streets of Polonnaruwa has been cleared to so small an extent that there is no doubt much more must be hidden than we have found as yet; new inscriptions, though probably pretty modern, will certainly be of great interest, for their language as well as, more still, on account of the historical matter they are likely to contain; as for buildings, though at Polonnaruwa they are, as a rule, very inferior imitations of the Hindu style of art, their dis covery may nevertheless prove valuable from more than one point of view. I beg leave to add regarding the inscriptions inserted in this report that I have translated then into English as literally as possible, as they contain new matter, though being aware of the insufficiency of this kind of translation. Philological explanations it would have been out of place to give here. Akuressa, 11th September 1876. helped to form the character of the times, but rather, conversely, that character as illustrated by incidents not so real as those in the Waverley novels. The third volume, on the Hindu and Buddhist periods, is a compilation from more varied materials, which, as has been noticed (ante, vol. IV. p. 62) the writer has often misinterpreted; and the present is a volume, or part of a volume, of 320 pages, with xvi pages of contents, which professes to give the history of Muhammadan rule from 570 to 1650 A. D. The first chapter is devoted to Islam before the conquest of India, or from 570 to 997 A. D., and is as brief a survey as it well could be, since on p. 22 begins the account of the contest between Jayapala and Subuktigin, the assertions crowded into the preceding short resume being made with a confidence that must tempt the careful reader to ask for authorities, which are scarcely ever alluded to. Mr. Wheeler, among other things. believes the Afghans to be the descendants of the Ten Tribes. But unfortunately he is more fond of theories like this than of facts: here is a specimen from the preface". It will be seen," he says, "in the course of the present volume that the Moghuls bore a striking resemblance to the the subject of their Hebrew descent. Jones thought there might be some basis of truth in the hypothesis, and suggested that the Arsareth (2 Esdras xiii. 45) to which

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330 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Vedic Aryans... In other words, it will be seen that there is reason to believe that the Vedic Aryans were Moghuls; that Asoka and Akber sprang from the same stock as the worshippers of the Vedic gods." But he does not adduce what any sober thinker would regard as a shadow of proof for this or any of his numerous other hasty conclusions. The brief outline given of the history of India is divided by the author into "four stages of development"-" the Sunni, the Shiah, the Safi, and the Sunni revival;" the first found expression from the eleventh to the fourteenth century; the second from the conquest of the Dakhan in the fourteenth to the sixteenth century; the Caff during the establishment of the Mughal empire in the 16th and 17th centuries,-" during this period," he says, "Hinduism worked its strongest. It imbued Mussulman thinkers with a belief in the transmigrations of the soul; in the final union of the soul with the supreme spirit. It brought the worship of Ali and his two sons, as incarnations of God, into harmony with the worship of Rama and Krishna, as incarnations of Vishnu. But the movement failed to reconcile Mussulmans and Hindus. It drifted into indifference and scepticism, and was finally swamped in a religious revival." The last epoch, that of the Sunni revival, coincides with "the culmination and decadence of the Moghul empire in the 17th and 18th centuries." And the Sunni reaction" was a revival of the orthodox religion in a puritanical form." Again the author calls attention to another division of Indian history: he says,"The Mussulman period is the one properly so called. It extended from the 11th century to the 16th. Throughout this interval of five centuries the religion of Islam was dominant throughout the Mussulman empire. The Sultans were mostly staunch Mussulmans. The Moghul period has been wrongly called Mussulman. It extended from the 16th century to the middle of the 17th. Throughout this interval the Koran was neglected or ignored; many of the so called Mussulmans were Safi neretics; many affected open infidelity. Akber, the greatest sovereign of the Moghul dynasty, threw off all pretence of being a Mussulman. He the ten tribes were said to have been removed might be Hazara, a district of Kabul (4sit. Res. yol. II. pp. 67-76). The Rev. Ch. Forster, in his New Key to the Recovery of the Lost 7 en Tribes (1854), supported the theory, and held that Hazira may be derived from the Arabic hazar-expelled, tanished,' and Kibal from Ar. kabul-'a tribe,' pointing out at the same time that Ptolemy places the Kabalitui on the borders of Seistin, and immediately to the south the Aristophyloi, or 'noble tr bes'-a title which he thinks could only be appropriated by Israelites; while he supposes that "Halah and Habor by the river Gozan' (2 Kings xvii. 6) were in the west of Khorasin, and the same as Ghor, from which the Afghans claim to have originally come. The same theory is supported by Major James in his Settlement Report, 1362, and by Dr. H. Bellew in his Political [NOVEMBER, 1877. persecuted Mussulmans; he destroyed mosques; he broke up the power of the Ulama, or Mussulman Church." Some of the statements above quoted will be so new to students of Indian history who have derived their ideas from Oriental sources, or even from Elphinstone, Orme, Dow, Mill, Marshman, and other respected writers, that we need not further challenge them. Nor, though so carefully defined in his preface, does the author himself in the work very markedly distinguish between "the Mussulman" and "the Moghul periods." The short space of 300 pages of large type, into which Mr. Wheeler compresses his account of six centuries and a half, does not give him the opportunity of entering into details either of campaigns or of policy, and the reader gets much less than is given in the compilation of Murray and other popular handbooks of the class. The whole is expressed in a series of very short sentences, all cast in one mould, and averaging from sixteen to nineteen on a page of 34 lines. The abruptness of the style may be judged from the quotations we make. Much new material for the history of India has been made available within the last few years, even to those, like Mr. Wheeler, unacquainted with any Oriental langunge: we need only mention the invaluable work on the Muhammadan period, embracing the translations of native histories, prepared by the late Sir H. M. Elliot and continued by Professor Dowson, filling eight octavo volumes, containing about 4600 pages of matter, which the judicious and well-merited encouragement of Her Majesty's Secretary of State for India has enabled the able editor to carry through the press. But Mr. Wheeler's opinion of native historians is not high. "The historians of the Mussulman period, properly so called," he says, "generally told the truth. Occasionally they may have praised bad princes because they were good Mussulmans; otherwise they were honest and trustworthy. They were kept up to the mark by the influence of the Ulama. The Ulan & comprised the collective body of doctors, lawyers, magistrates, and judges resident at the capital... Had the historians of the Mussulman period sacrificed truth to flattery, they would have exposed themselves to the scorn of Mission to Afghanistan, 1857. The national tradition of the Afghans may be seen in Dorn's Hist ry of the Afghans by Ni'amat Ullah (London, 1826); but, as may be noticed by comparing this with the other versions of this tradi ion given y Wolff, Forster, and Bellew, there is but little accordance in its details as reported by themselves; and their histories are none of them more than three hundred years old. Dorn, Trumpp, Lewenthal, and Wolff have failed to discover a single Hebrew or Chaldee root in the Pushto language except in purely Arabic words introduced with Muhammadanism, and most of the customs pointed out as characteristically Hebrew can be traced to the Qorfn. The weakness of all the arguments has been well p inted out in a paper by the Rev. T. P. Hughes in 7he Indian Christian Intelligencer, vel. I. p. 60-7, to which we are chiefly indebted for the substance of this note.

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NOVEMBER, 1877.] BOOK NOTICES. 331 the Ulama." Ferishtah he considers "a type of the truth telling historians of the Mussulman period." Yet Ferishtah does not belong to that period at all, but to the beginning of the 17th century, the culminating point of his "Moghul period," during which, he says-" History de- generated into flattery and falsehood. European historians of India have believed in the fulsome flattery of Persian parasites and party writers. They have ignored the authority of European contemporaries, who had no temptation to depart from the truth." Such are his somewhat startling dicta, and in proof he says-"Abul Fazl and Khafi Khan are types of the flatterers who flourished during the Mogbul period. This statement by no means diminishes the value of Mr. Block- mann's translation of the An-i-Akbars of Abul Fazl. Mr. Blockmann's work is invaluable." Very dif- ferent has been the estimate previously formed by Elphinstone, Grant Duff, and Sir H. Elliot of these writers: the high character of Abul Fazl's Akbar-dma is well known.t and Khaft Khan's Muntakhabu-l Lubab is regarded by Sir H. Elliot as "one of the best and most impartial Histories of Modern India ;" and from the high and welldeserved repute of these authors among scholarst Mr. Wheeler's condemnation will be able to detract nothing. Having thrown overboard the native historians, Mr. Wheeler adduces his favourite authorities, whose evidence" beyond all question" places "Moghul history" upon "a truthful footing." They are-William Hawkins, "who spent two years at Agra between 1608 and 1611"; Sir Thomas Roe, "who followed the court of Jehangir from 1616 to 1618"; Sir Thomas Herbert, "who travelled in India about 1627 and 1628"; John Albert de Mandelslo, who "travelled in India between 1638 and 1640"; Francis Bernier, "who lived in India from 1656 to 1668; John Baptista Tavernier, "an intelligent jeweller who travelled through India two or three times in the reigns of Shah Jehan and Aurangzeb "; Monsieur de Thevenot, "who travelled through India in the early years. of Aurungzeb. Such are the authorities on which the historian has relied ; they present a true picture of native rule." We do not question the value of their testimony: they were honourable men and told the truth, so far as they knew it; but the question is how much had they the opportunity of seeing and judging of for themselves, and what were their qualifications as impartial historians P Bat Mr. Wheeler has "other authorities :" Manouchi, a Venetian physician, resided forty-eight years in India. "He was in the service of Shah Jehan; afterwards in that of Aurungzeb." His memoirs fell into the hands of 'ather Catrou, a Jesuit priest, who wrote "a history of the Moghul empire" in French, which was translated into English and published in London in 1826. "It forms," says Mr. Wheeler," the very best author ity for the history of the reign of Shah Jehan." "Catrou quotes letters which reveal the inner nature and disposition of the writers. The substance is given in the sixth chapter of the present volume" (pp. 251-320). "They impart a dramatic character to the history." But "Father Catrou's history is incomplete." He wrote a history of the reign of Aurangzeb, but it does not appear to have been published, and so Mr. Wheeler finds that his reign"is difficult and obscure," and "under these circumstances the present volume has been brought to a close with the reign of Shah Jehan." Those who seek for history will scarcely find it among Mr. Wheeler's facts and fancies strung together in this volame, which adds nothing to our previous information, nor even utilizes to any satisfactory extent the results of recent research. We can only hope Mr. Wheeler will find better materials, and present a picture moro in accordance with facts in the forthcoming Part of this volume, which is to to deal with the Hindu history of the Peninsula. NALOPAKHYANAM, or the TALE of NALA; containing the Sanskrit text in roman characters, followed by a Vocabulary in which each word is placed under its root, with references to derived words in cognate languages, and a Sketch of Sanskrit Grammar. By the Rev. Thomas Jarrett, M.A. (Edited for the Syndics of the University Press.) London : Cambridge Warehouse, 1875. In a short introductory note the editor states that this edition of the Nalopdlchydnam is "intended for the benefit of those persons who are deterred from the study of Sanskrit in consequence of the complicated characters in which that language is usually printed." From the completeness of the aids and the ingenuity of their arrangement, however, the book seems well calculated to be of great use to the beginner in Sanskrit, quite in. dependently of the character used. The text occupies 83 pages, or scarcely half the volume, and to each of the first eleven of the twenty-six sections or cantos into which the poem is divided is affixed a short list of roots alphabetically arranged and numbered. Each of these roots occurs in composition once or oftener in the section, and the numeral belonging to it in the list is written over each of these derivatives or compounds in that canto; in this way the learner is * Mr. Blochmann's well-known name is uniformly thus mis-spelt by Mr. Wheeler. + See Blochmann's Ain i Akbart, pref. p. vi.; Sir H. Eiliot's Historians of India, vol. VI. pp. 6-8. I Conf. ante, p. 235.

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332 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1877. enabled at once to refer to the vocabulary, where wherefore he reduced it to four thousand. It is he finds the meaning of the root and all the this second abridgment by Sumati which mortals derivatives from it that occur in the poem, read, whilst the gods, Gandharvas, &c. read the together with occasional footnotes pointing out original code consisting of a hundred thousand cognate words in PAli, Hindustani, Gothic, slokas, which begins with the sloka : This uni. German, Persian, Latin, Greek, Russian, Welsh, verse was muvolved in darkness and could nowhere &c. Then, an index is prefixed to the Vocabulary, be discovered; then the holy self-existing spirit in which the words are arranged in alphabetical appeared with four faces. From this beginning, order, the root of each being set against it. The chapter follows chapter in regular succession. *Sketch of Sanskrit Grammar is derived from There the ninth chapter is headed : Of Judicial Wilson's Grammar, and is in the briefest form Procedure.' Of this chapter N & rada, the divine possible, consisting of eight pages of text and sage, made a general abstract in form of short seven folding sheets of tables of declensions of rules (sutras)." And this abstract is the work now nouns, numerals, pronouns, and conjugations of translated. But of course the divine sage' had verbs,--arranged in such a form as to be most nothing to do with its authorship, for even this useful to the learner. epitome ascribed to him quotes N &ra da as well The system of transliteration differs from that as Manu as authorities; who the real author commonly used in employing a dot over the letter of it may have been, it is impossible to say, but to indicate the long sounds of a, i, and , in repre- in all probability, as Dr. Jolly conjectures, the senting the short i by, byr, by 1, 2by n", metrical version we now have is the work of some T by 8, 7 by . We hardly think the additional learned Brahman, who perhaps reduced some older simplicity of this is sufficient to justify a depar- law-book into this shape. Its age he discusses at ture from the usual system, more length, and, in agreement with Aurel Mayr and Stenzler, he comes to the conclusion that NARADIYA DHARMASASTRA, or the INSTITUTES of NARADA. Translated for the first time from the unpublished while the codes of Manu and Y & ja valky a Sanskrit original by Dr. Julius Jolly, With a preface, must be placed among the earliest law-books, that notes chiefly critical, an index of quotatioos from N Arada in the principal Indian Digests, and general Index. (pp. of Narada cannot be attributed to an earlier XXXV. and 144, 12mo.) London: Trubner & Co. 1876. date than the fifth or sixth century--and perhaps The title-page of this little volume very correctly it belongs even to a somewhat later age. describes its contents: the appendix, containing The Narad asmriti is perhaps, as described by the index of quotations and critical notes, occupies Dr. Jolly, "the most luminous, complete and sys22 pages at the end of the translation. The pre- tematic" of Hindu law-books, conveying "a more face is a very thoughtfully written introduction, correct and more favourable impression of native containing, in the limited space of twenty-seven Hindu legislation than either the code u Manu or pages, a vast amount of condensed information Jagannatha's Digest, the two most widely-spread and criticism. works on Hinda law in general, could give," and The Ndradiya Dharmasastra or Ndradasmriti, like its translation must be welcome to all connected other works of the sort, begins with a fabulous with Indian jurisprudence in any form, as well as account of itself. Abridged it runs thus :- to Sansksit scholars. With the exception of an "Manu Prajapati composed, for the bene occasional stiffness and want of idiomatic expresfit of all beings, a book fonnded upon custom sion, it is clearly rendered in a scholarly fashion. and law, which consisted of twenty-four divisions, We trust the reception of this little volume will vis. the creation of the world, a classification of be such as to encourage the author to attempt beings, an enumeration of the countries assigned some of the mediaeval law treatises. to them, the characteristics of a judicial assembly, &c. &c. ... It contained a hundred thousand AITIHASIKA ROHASAYA, by R&m Das Sen. slokas. Prajapati having composed this book, Babu Ram Das Sen of Berhampur is known to which was arranged in a thousand chapters, de- some of our native scholars as the author of livered it to the divine sage N& rada. He then essays on some of the principal Indian poets. read it and thought by himself: "This book This second volume of his, which he styles Hiscannot be easily studied by human beings on ac- torical Essays, treats on a variety of subjects, such count of its length. Therefore he abridged it in as The Vedas,' Buddhism,' Jainism, the Pali twelve thousand blokas and delivered it to Su- language and literature, the Agra of Salivabana, mati, the son of Bhrigu. He too read it, and the Hindu Drama,' &o. It is to be regretted he bethought himself, what human capacity had been does not issue these interesting studies in an Engbrought to through the successive lossening of life;'lish dress, in which they would be welcomed. * This verse corresponde with Slokas 5 and 6 of Manu, where the opening Slokas 1-4 are apparently a later addition.

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NOVEMBER, 1877.] THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. 333 THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. TRANSLATED BY J. W. MOCRINDLE, M.A., GOVT. COLLEGE, PATNA. (Continued from p. 250). DOUBTFUL FRAGMENTS. FRAGM. LII. young to his home, where he reared it, and graAElian, Hist. Anim. XII. 8. dually made it quite tame and rode upon it. He of Elephants. became much attached to the creature, which (Conf. Fragm. xxxvi. 10, xxvii. 10.) loved him in return, and by its affection requited The elephant when feeding at large ordinarily him for its maintenance. Now the king of the drinks water, but when undergoing the fatigues Indians, having heard of this elephant, wanted to of war is allowed wine--not that sort, however, take it ; but the owner, jealous of the love it had which comes from the grape, but another which for him, and grieving much, no doubt, to think is prepared from rice. The attendants even go that another should become its master, refused in advance of their elephants and gather them to give it away, and made off at once to the flowers; for they are very fond of sweet per- desert mounted on his favourite. The king was fumes, and they are accordingly taken out to the enraged at this, and sent men in pursuit, with meadows, there to be trained under the influence orders to seize the elephant, and at the same of the sweetest fragrance. The animal selects the time to bring back the Indian for punishment. flowers according to their smell, and throws Overtaking the fugitive they attempted to exethem as they are gathered into a basket which is cute their purpose, but he resisted and attacked held out by the trainer. This being filled, and his assailants from the back of the elephant, harvest-work, so to speak, completed, he then which in the affray fought on the side of its bathes, and enjoys his bath with all the zest of a injured master. Such was the state of matters at consummate voluptuary. On returning from bath- the first, but afterwards, when the Indian on being ing he is impatient to have his flowers, and if wounded slipped down to the ground, the ele. there is delay in bringing them he begins roaring, phant, true to his salt, bestrides him as soldiers and will not taste a morsel of food till all the in battle bestride a fallen comrade, whom they flowers he gathered are placed before him. This cover with their shields, kills many of the done, he takes the flowers out of the basket with assailants, and puts the rest to flight. Then his trunk and scatters them over the edge of his twining his trunk around his rearer he lifted manger, and makes by this device their fine scent him on to his back, and carried him home to the be, as it were, a relish to his food. He strewsstals and remained with him like a faithful friend also a good quantity of them as litter over his with his friend, and showed him every kind attenstall, for he loves to have his sleep made sweet tion. [O men! how base are ye! ever dancing and pleasant. merrily when ye hear the music of the frying-pan, The Indian elephants were nine cubits in height ever revelling in the banquet, but traitors in the and five in breadth. The largest elephants in all hour of danger, and vainly and for nought sul. the land were those called the Praisian, and next lying the sacred name of friendship.] to these the Taxilan. FRAGM. LIV. FRAGM. LIII. Pseudo-Origen, Philosoph. 21, ed. Delarae, Paris, 1733, vol. I. p. 904. AElian, Hist. Anim. III. 46. Of the Brahmans and their Philosophy. Of a White Elephant. (Cf. Fragm. xli., xliv., xlv.) (Cf. Fragm. xxxvi. 11, xxxvii. 11.) Of the Brachlumans in India. An Indian elephant-trainer fell in with a white There is among the Brachhmans in India a sect elephant-calf, which he brought when still quite of philosophers who adopt an independent life, - Called arak, (which, however, is also applied to tadi; Alexander, of the elephant of Poros:-"This elephant during rum is now-a-days the beverage given it. the whole battle gave extraordinary proof's of his sagacity and care of the king's person. As long as that prince was + This fragment is ascribed to Megasthenes both on able to fight, he defended him with great courage, and reaccount of the matter of it, and because it was undoubtedly pulsed all assailants; and when he perceived him ready to from Megasthenes that Alian borrowed the narrative pre sink under the multitude of darts, and the wounds with ceding it (Fragm. xxxviii.) and that following it (Fragm. which he was covered, to prevent his falling oil he kneeled XXXV.).-Schwanbeck. down in the softest manner, and with his proboscis gently 1 Compare the account given in Plutarch's Life of drew.every dart out of his body."

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334 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1877. and abstain from animal food and all victuals cooked by fire, being content to subsist upon trnits, which they do not so much as gather from the trees, but pick up when they have dropped to the ground, and their drink is the water of the river Tagaben a. Throughout life they go about naked, saying that the body has been given by the Deity as a covering for the soul. They hold that God is light, but not such light as we see with the eye, nor such as the sun or fire, but God is with them the Word-by which term they do not mean articulate speech, but the discourse of reason, whereby the hidden mysteries of knowledge are discerned by the wise. This light, however, which they call the Word, and think to be God, is, they say, known only by the Brachhmans themselves, because they alone have discarded vanity, * which is the outermost covering of the soul. The members of this sect regard death with contemptuous indifference, and, as we have seen already, they always pronounce the name of the Deity with a tone of peculiar reverence, and ndore him with hymns. They neither have wives nor beget children. Persons who desire to lead a life like theirs cross over from the other side of the river, and remain with them for good, never returning to their own country. These also are called Brachhmans, although they do not follow the same mode of life, for there are women in the country, from whom the native inhabitants are sprung, and of these women they beget offspring. With regard to the Word, which they call God, they hold that it is corporeal, and that it wears the body as its external covering, just as one wears the woollen surcoat, and that when it divests itself of the body with which it is enwrapped it becomes manifest to the eye. There is war, the Brachhmans bold, in the body wherewith they are clothed, and they regard the body as being the fruitful source of wars, and, as we have already shown, fight against it like soldiers in battle contending against the enemy. They maintain, moreover, that all men are held in bondage, like prisoners of war,t to their own innate enemies, the sensual appetites, gluttony, anger, joy, grief, longing desire, and such like, while it is only the man who has triumphed over these enemies who goes to God. Danda mis accordingly, to whom Alexander the Makedonian paid a visit, is spoken of by the Brachhmans as a god because he conquered in the warfare against the body, and on the other hand they condemn Kalanos as one who had impiously apostatized from their philosophy. The Brachhmans, therefore, when they have shuffled off the body, see the pure sunlight as fish see it when they spring up out of the water into the air. FRAGM. LV. Pallad. de Bragmanibus, pp. 8, 20 et seq. ed. Londin. 1668. (Camerar. libell. gnomolog. pp. 116, 124 et seq.) Of Kalanos and Mandanis. (Cf. Fragm. xli. 19, xliv., xlv.) They (the Bragmanes) subsist upon such fruits as they can find, and on wild herbs, which the earth spontaneously produces, and drink only water. They wander about in the woods, and sleep at night on pallets of the leaves of trees... . Kalanos, then, your false friend, held this opinion, but he is despised and trodden upon FRAGM. LV. B. Ambrosias. De Boribus Brachmanorum, pp. 62, 69 et 1. od. Pallad. Londin. 1663. of Calanus and Mandanis. They (the Drachmans) eat what they find on the ground, such as leaves of trees and wild herbs, like cattle..... "Calonus is your friend, but he is despised nnd trodden upon by us. He, then, who was the author of many evils among you, is honoured and Probably the Sanskrit Tuo vend, now the Tungahhadra, a large affluent of the Krishna. || Vide ante, vol. V. p. 128, notet. A doctrine of the Ve. dinta school of philosophy, according to which the avul in incased as in a sheath, or rather a succession of sbenthx. The first or inner case is the intellectual one, compound of the sheer and simple elements uncombined, and consisting of the intellect joined with the five senses. The second is the mental sheath, in which mind is joined with the preceding, or, as some hold, ' with the organs of action. The third comprises these organs and the vital faculties, and is called the organic or vital case. These three sheathe (kofa) constitute the subtlo frame which attends the soul in its tronamigrations. The exterior case is composed of the course elements combined in certain proportions, and is called the ross body. See Colebrooke's Essay on the Philosophy of the Hindus, Cowell'e ed. pp. 396-6. The affinity between God and light is the burden of the Gayatri or holiest verse of the Veda. Kevodofia which probably translates ahankara, literally egotism, and hence' self-consciousness,' the peculiar and uppropriate function of which is selfish conviction; that is, a bilief that in perception and meditation 'I am concerned; that the objects of sense concern Me-in short that I AM. The knowledge, however, which comes from comprehending that Being which has self-existence completely destroys the ignorance which says 'I am.' + Compare Plato, Phaedo, cap. 32, where Sokrates speaks of the soul as nt present confined in the body as in a species of prison. This was a doctrine of the Pythagorean, whose pbilosophy, even in its most striking peculiarities, bears such a close resemblance to the Indian as greatly to favour the supposition that it was directly borrowed from it. There was even a tradition that Pythagoras had visited India.

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NOVEMBER, 1877.] THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. 335 by us. By you, however, accomplice as he was in causing many evils to you all, he is honoured and worshipped, while from our society he has been contemptuously cast out as unprofitable. And why not? when everything which we trample under foot is an object of admiration to the lucre-loving Kalanos, your worthless friend, but no friend of ours.--- miserable creature, and more to be pitied than the unhappiest wretch, for by setting his heart on lucre he wrought the perdition of his soul ! Hence he seemed neither worthy of us, nor worthy of the friendship of God, and hence he neither was content to revel away life in the woods beyond all reach of care, nor was he cheered with the hope of a blessed hereafter : for by his love of money he slew the very life of his miserable soul. " We have, however, amongst us a sage called Dandamis, whose home is the woods, where he lies on a pallet of leaves, and where he has nigh at hand the fountain of peace, whereof he drinks, sucking, as it were, the pure breast of a mother." King Alexander, accordingly, when he heard of all this, was desirous of learning the doctrines of the sect, and so he sent for this Danda min, as being their teacher and president ......... Onesikrates was therefore despatched to fetch him, and when he found the great sage he said, "Hail to thee, thou teacher of the Bragmanes! The son of the mighty god Zeus, king Alexander, who is the sovereign lord of all men, asks. you to go to him, and if you comply, he will reward you with great and splendid gifts, but if you refuse will cut off your head." Dandamis, with a complacent smile, heard him to the end, but did not so much as lift up his head from his couch of leaves, and while still retnining his recumbent attitude returned this scornful answer :-" God, the supreme king, is never the author of insolent wrong, but is the creator of light, of peace, of life, of water, of the body of man, and of souls, and these he receives when death sets them free, being in no way subject to evil desire. He alone is the god of my homage, who abhors slaughter and instigates no wars. But Alexander is not God, since he must taste of death ; and how can such as he be the world's master, who has not yet reached the further shore of the river Tiberoboas worshipped by you; but since he is of no importance | zone of Gades, nor has beheld the course of the he is rejected by us, and those things we certainly do sun in the centre of the world! Therefore many not scek, please Calanus because of his greediness nations do not yet even know his name. If, howfor money. But he was not ours, a man such as ever, the country he possesses cannot contain him, has miserably injured and lost his soul, on which let him cross our river and he will find a soil account he is plainly unworthy to be a friend which is able to support men. All those things either of God or of ours, nor has he deserved Alexander promises would be useless to me security among the woods in this world, nor can he if he gave them: I have lcaves for a house, hope for the glory which is promised in the future. live on the herbs at hand and water to drink; other When the emperor Alexander came to the things collected with labour, and which perish forests, he was not able to see Danda mis as he and yield nothing but sorrow to those seeking passed through. ... them or possessing them,--these I despise. I thereWhen, therefore, the above-mentioned messenger fore now rest secure, and with closed eyes I care came to Dandamis, he addressed him thus :-"The for nothing. If I wish to keep gold, I destroy emperor Alexander, the son of the great Jupiter, my sleep; Earth supplies me with everything, as who is lord of the human race, has ordered that a mother does to her child. Wherever I wish to you should hasten to him, for if you come, he will go, I proceed, and wherever I do not wish to be, give you many gifts, but if you refuse he will be- no necessity of care can force me to go. And if he head you as a punishment for your contempt." wish to cut off my head, he cannot take my soul; When these words came to the ears of Dandamis, he will only take the fallen head, but the departhe rose not from his leaves whereon he lay, but ing soul will leave the head like a portion of some reclining and smiling he replied in this way :- garment, and will restore it to whence it received "The greatest God," he said, "can do injury, but it, namely, to the earth. But when I shall have restores again the light of life to those who have become a spirit I shall ascend to God, who has departed. Accordingly he alone is my lord who enclosed it within this flesh. When he did this forbids murder and excites no wars. But Alex- he wished to try us, how, after leaving him, we ander is no God, for he bimself will have to die. would live in this world. And afterwards, when How, then, can he be the lord of all, who has not we shall have returned to him, he will demand yet crossed the river Tyberoboas, nor has from us an account of this life. Standing by him made the whole world his abode, nor crossed the I shall see my injury, and shall contemplate his

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336 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. and has not yet seated himself on a throne of universal dominion? Moreover, Alexander has neither as yet entered living into IIades, nor does he know the course of the sun through the central regions of the earth, while the nations on its boundaries have not so much as heard his name.SS If his present dominions are not capacious enough for his desire, let him cross the Ganges river, and he will find a region able to sustain men if the country on our side be too narrow to hold him. Know this, however, that what Alexander offers me, and the gifts he promises, are all things to me utterly useless; but the things which I prize, and find of real use and worth, are these leaves which are my house, these blooming plants which supply me with dainty food, and the water which is my drink, while all other possessions and things, which are amassed with anxious care, are wont to prove ruinous to those who amass them, and cause only sorrow and vexation, with which every poor mortal is fully fraught. But as for me, I lie upon the forest leaves, and, having nothing which requires guarding, close my eyes in tranquil slumber; whereas had I gold to guard, that would banish sleep. The earth supplies me with everything, even as a mother her child with milk. I go wherever I please, and there are no cares with which I am forced to cumber myself, against my will. Should Alexander cut off my head, he cannot also destroy my soul. My head alone, now silent, will remain, but the soul will go away to its Master, leaving the body like a torn garment upon the earth, whence also it was taken. I then, becoming spirit, shall ascend to my God, who enclosed us in flesh, and left us upon the judgment on those who injured me: for the sighs and groans of the injured become the punishments of the oppressors. "Let Alexander threaten with this them that desire riches or fear death, both of which I despise. For Brachmans neither love gold nor dread death. Go, therefore, and tell Alexander this + zon en adou oudepo parelthen. The Latin version has non zonam Gadem transiit, 'has not crossed the zone of Cadiz.' The text here is so corrupt as to be almost untranslatable. I have therefore rendered from the Latin, though not quite closely. "Others say Dandamis entered into no discourse with the messengers, but only asked why Alexander had taken so long a journey ?"-Plutarch's Alexander. This list Pliny has borrowed for the most part from Megasthenes. Cf. Schwanbeck, p. 16 seq., 57 seq. According to the MSS. 638 or 637 miles. The places [NOVEMBER, 1877. earth to prove whether when here below we shall live obedient to his ordinances, and who also will require of us, when we depart hence to his presence, an account of our life, since he is judge of all proud wrong-doing; for the groans of the oppressed become the punishments of the oppressors. "Let Alexander, then, terrify with these threats those who wish for gold and for wealth, and who dread death, for against us these weapons are both alike powerless, since the Bragmanes neither love gold nor fear death. Go, then, and tell Alexander this: 'Dandamis has no need of aught that is yours, and therefore will not go to you, but if you want anything from Dandamis come you to him."" Alexander, on receiving from Onesikrates a report of the interview, felt a stronger desire than ever to see Dandamis, who, though old and naked, was the only antagonist in whom he, the conqueror of many nations, had found more than his match, &c. FRAGM. LVI. Plin. Hist. Nat. VI. 21. 8-23. 11. List of the Indian Races. The other journeys made thence (from the Hyphasis) for Seleukos Nikator are as follows:168 miles to the Hesidrus, and to the river Jomanes as many (some copies add 5 miles); from thence to the Ganges 112 miles. 119 miles to Rhodopha (others give 325 miles for this distance). To the town Kalinipaxa 167-500. Others give 265 miles. Thence to the confluence of the Jomanes and Ganges 625 miles (many add 13 miles), and to the town Palimbothra 425. To the mouth of the Ganges 738 miles.* The races which we may enumerate without 'Dandamis seeks nothing of yours, but if you think you need something of his, disdain not to go to him."" When Alexander heard these words through the interpreter, he wished the more to see such a man, since he, who had subdued many nations, was overcome by an old naked man, &c. mentioned in this famous itinerary all lay on the Royal Road, which ran from the Indus to Palibothra. They have been thus identified. The Hesidrus is now the Satlej, and the point of departure lay immediately below its junction with the Hyphasis (now the Bife). The direct route thence (via Ludhiana, Sirhind, and Ambala) conducted the traveller to the ferry of the Jomanes, now the Janina, in the neighbourhood of the present Bureah, whence the road led to the Ganges at a point which, to judge from the distance given (112 miles), must have been near the site of the far-famed Hastinapura. The next stage to be reached was Rhodopha, the position of which, both its name and its

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NOVEMBER, 1877.] THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. 337 being tedious, from the chain of Emodus, of which Izgi, and on the hills the Chisiot osagit and a spur is called I maus (meaning in the native the Brachmanaet a name comprising many language snowy), are the Isari, Cosyri, ! tribes, among which are the Maccocalingae. distance from the Ganges (119 miles) combine to fix at Pliny assigns 425 miles as the distance from the coaDabhai, a small town about 12 miles to the south of fluence of the rivers to Palibothra, but, as it is in reality Anupshabr. Kalinipax, the next stage, Mannert and only 248, the figures have probably been altered. He gives, Laseen would identify with Kanauj (the Kanyakubja of lastly, 638 miles as the distance from Palibothra to the Sanskrit); but M. de St. Martin, objecting to this that moath of the Ganges, which agrees closely with the estiPliny was not likely to have designated no important and so mate of Megasthenes, who makes it 5000 stadia--if that Holebrated a city by so obscure an appellation, finds a site indeed was bis estimate, and not 6000 stadia as Strabo in for it in the neighbourhood on the banks of the Ikshumati, one passage alleges it was. The distance by land from river of Panchala mentioned in the great Indian poems. Patna to Tamluk (Tamralipta, the old port of the Ganges' This river, he remarks, must also have been called the mouth) is 445 English or 480 Roman miles. The distance Kalinadi, as the names of it still in current use, Kalini and by the river, which is singon, is of course much greater. Kalindri, prove. Now, as paxa' transliterates the Sanskrit See Etude sur le Geographie Grecque et Latine de l'Inde, paksha, a xide, Kalinipaxa, to judge from its name, must par P. V. de Saint-Martin, pp. 271-278. Jesi nate a town lying near the kalipadt. These four tribes were located somewhere in Kainir The figures which represent the distances bave given rise or its immediate neighbourbood. The Isari are unknown, to much dispate, some of them being inconsistent either but are probably the same as the Brysari previously men. with others, or with the real dietances. The text, acoord- tioned by Pliny. The Cosyri are easily to be identified ingly, has generally been supposed to be corrupt, so far at with the Khasira mentioned in the Mahabharata as neigh. leust as the figures are concerned. M. de St. Martin, bours of the Daradas and Kasmiras. Their name, it has however, accepting the figures nearly as they stand, shows been conjectared, Rurvives in Klachar, one of the three great. them to be fairly correct. The first difficulty presents it- divisions of the Kathis of Gujarit, who appear to have come self in the words, " Others give 325 miles for this distance." originally from the Panjab. The Izgi are mentioned in By this distance cannot be meant the distance between Ptolemy, under the name of the Sizyges, as a people of the Ganges and Rhodopha, but between the Hesidras and Serike. This is, however, a mistake, as they inhabited the Rhodopha, which the addition of the figures shows to be alpine region wbich extends above Kasmir towards the 399 miles. The shorter estimate of otbers (325 miles) north and north-west. The Chisiotosagi or Chirotosagi measures the length of more direct route by way of are perhaps identical with the Chicone (whom Pliny else Patiala, Thaneavara, Panipat, and Dehli. The next diffi- 1 where mentions), in spite of the addition to their naine of vulty has probably been occasioned by a corruption of "sagi,' which may have merely indicated them to be a branch the text. It lies in the words "Ad Onlinipaxa oppidum of the SAkas--that is, the Skythinne-by whom India was CLXVII. D. Alii CCLXV. mill." The numeral D has sencrally been taken to mean 500 paces, or half a Roman overrun before the time of its conquest by the Aryana. They mile, making the translation run thns:-"To Kalinipaxa are mentioned in Manu X. 44 together with the Paundrakas, 167 miles. Others give 263 milea." But M. de St. Martin Odras, Dravidlaa, Kambojas, Yavanas, Paradas, Pahlavas, vrefers to think that the D has, by some mangling of the Chinaa, Kiratas, Duradas, and Kbakas. If Chirotosagi be text, been detached from the beginning of the second the right reading of their name, there can be little doubt number, with which it formed the number DLXV., and of their identity with the Kiratas.-See P. V. de St.. been appended to the first, being led to this conclusion on Martin's work already quoted, pp. 195-197. But for tho finding that the number 565 sums up almost to a nicety the Klachars, see Ind. Ant. vol. IV. p. 323. distance from the Hesidrus to Kalinipaxa, as thus : IV. 1. Bracmanae. Pliny at once transports his readers From the Hesidrus to the Jomanes...... 169 miles. from the mountains of Kasmir to the lower part of the valley From the Jomanes to the Ganges......... 119 of the Ganges. Here he places the Brachmanse, whom by From the Ganges to Rhodopha .............. 119 . takes to be, not what they actually were, the leading caste of the population, but a powerful race composed of many From Rbodopha to Kalinipaxa ............ 167 tribes--the Maccoonlinge being of the number. This tribe, Total... 566 miles. as well as the Gangarida-Kalinga, and the Modogalinga) Pliny's carelessness in confounding total with partial dis afterwards mentioned, are subdivisions of the Kalinga, tances has created the next difficulty, which lies in his stat a widely diffused mee, which spread at one time from the ing that the distance from Kalinipaxn to the confluence of delta of the Ganges all along the eastern coast of the pe. the Jcmanes and the Ganges is 625 miles, while in reality ninsula, though afterwards they did not extend southward it is only about 227. The figures may be corrupt, but it is beyond Orissa. In the Mahabharata they are mentioned much more probable that they represent the distance of as occupying, along with the Vangas (from whom Bengal is some stage on the route remoter from the confluence of the named) and three other leading tribes, the region which rivers than Kalinipaxa. This must have been the passage lies between Magadha and the sea. Tho Maccocelinga, of the Jomanes, for the distance then, are the Magha of the Kalingo."Magha," says M. de From the Jomanes to the Ganges is ... 112 miles. St. Martin, "is the name of one of the non-Aryan tribes Thence to Rhodopha ...... 119 of greatest importance and widest diffasion in the lower Thence to Kalinipaxa ............... Gangetic region, where it is broken up into several special Thence to the confluence of the rivers. 227 groups extending froin Arakan and Western Asam, wheru it is found under the name of Mogh (Anglice Mugs), as far Total... 625 miles. as to the Maghars of the central valleys of Nepal, to the This is exactly equal to 5000 stadia, the length of the Maghayas, Magalis, or Maghyas of Southern Bahar (the Indian Mesopotamia or Dokb, the Punchsla of Sanskrit ancient Magadha), to the ancient Magra of Bengal, and to geography, and the Antarveds of lexicographers. the Magora of Orisse. These last, by their position, may The foregoing conclusions M. de St. Martin has summed properly be taken to represent our Macoocalinggo." "The up in the table annexed Roman miles. Stadio Modogalinga," continues the same author, "tind equally their representatives in the ancient Mada, a colony which From the Hesidrus to the Jomanes. 168 1344 From the Jomanea to the Gangea... 112 896 the Book of Mans mentions in his enumeration of the im. Thence to Rhodopba . .. 119 pure tribes of Arylivarta, and which he names by the side 952 From the Hesidrus to Rhodopha by of the Andhra, another people of the lower Ganges. The & more direct route ... 2600 Monghyr inscription, which belongs to the earlier part of From Rhodopha to Kalinipara...... 167 1836 the 8th century of our era, also names tbe Mda as a low Total distance from the Hesidrus to tribe of this region (As: Res. vol. I. p. 126, Calcutta, 1788). Kalinipa 565 4520 and, what is remarkable, their name is found joined to that From Kalinipaya to the confluence of the Andhra (Andharaka), precisely as in the text of Ms. of the Jomapes and Ganges .... (397) (1816) nu. Pliny assigns for their habitation a large island of Total distance from the passage of the Ganges, and the word Galinga (for Kalinga), to which the Jomanes to its confluence their name is attached, necessarily places this island towith the Ganges ....... 625 5000 wards the sca-board-perhaps in the Delta. UCO W LLIURUPU 107 Potal o 325

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338 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1877. The riter Prinas and the Cainas (which flows into the Ganges) are both navigable. The tribes called Calingae are nearest the sea, and higher up are the Mand ei, and the Malli in whose country is Mount Mallus, the boundary of all that district being the Ganges. (22.) This river, according to some, rises from uncertain sources, like the Nile, and inundates similarly the countries lying along its course; others say that it rises on the Skythian mountains, and has nineteen tributaries, of which, besides those already mentioned, the Condochates, Erannoboas, Cosoagus, and Sonus are navigable. Others again assert that it issues forth at once with loud roar from its fountain, and after tumbling down a steep and rocky channel is received immediately on reaching the level plains into a lake, whence it flows out with a gentle current, being at the narrowest eight miles, and on the average a hundred stadia, in breadth, and never of less depth than twenty paces (one hundred feet) in the final part of its course, which is through the country of the Gangarides. The royalt city of the Calingae is called Par. thalis. Over their king 60,000 foot-soldiers, 10001 horsemen, 700 elephants keep watch and ward in procinct of war." For among the more civilized Indian communities life is spent in a great variety of separate occupations. Some till the soil, some are soldiers, some traders ; the noblest and richest take part in the direction of state affairs, administer jnstice, and sit in council with the kings. A fifth class devotes itself to the philosophy prevalent in the country, which almost assumes the form of a religion, and the members always put an end to their life by a voluntary death on a burning funeral pile. In addition to these classes there is one half-wild, which is constantly engaged in a task of immense labour, beyond the power of words to describe--that of hunting and taming elephants. They employ these animals in ploughing and for riding on, and regard them as forming the main part of their stock in cattle. They employ them in war and in fighting for their country. In choosing them for war, regard is had to their age, strength, and size. There is a very large island in the Ganges which is inhabited by a single tribe called Modogalinga.| Beyond are situated the Mod ubae, Molinda, the Uberae with a handsome town of the same name, the Galmodro esi, Preti, Calissa, Sasuri, Passalae, Colubae, Orxulae, Abali, Talucta.* The king of The Gangaride or Gangarides occupied the region cor. responding roughly with that now called Lower Bengal, and consisted of various indigenous tribes, which in the course of time became more or less Aryanized. As no word is found in Sanskrit to which their name corresponds, it has been supposed of Greek invention (Lassen, Ind. Alt. vol. II. p. 201), but erroneously, for it must have been current at the period of the Makedonian invasion since Alexander, in reply to inquiries regarding the south country. WAS informed that the region of the Ganges was inhabited by two principal nations, the Prasii and the Gangaridse. M. de St. Martin thinks that their name has been preserved almost identically in that of the Gongbris of South Baber, whose traditions refer their origin to Tirhut : and he would identify their royal city Parthalis (or Portalis) with Varddhana (contraction of Varddbarna), now Bardwen. Others, however, place it, as bas been elsewhere stated. on the Mahanadi. In Ptolemy their capital is Gange, which must have been situated near where Caleatta now standa. The Gangarides are mentioned by Virgil, Georg. III. 27: In foribus pugnam ex auro solidoque elephanto Gangaridum faciam, victorisque arma Quirini. "High o'er the gate in elephant and gold The crowd shall Cesar's Indian war behold." (Dryden's translation.) SS Pamas. The Prinas is probably the Times or Tongs, which in the Puranas is called the. PamAsh. The Cainas, potwithstanding the objections of Sobwanbeck, must be identified with the Cane, which is a tributary of the Jamna. For the identification of these and other affluents of the Ganges see Notes on Arrian, c. IV., Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 331. For an Account of the different theories regarding the Bource of the Ganges see Smith's Dict. of Class. Geog. * Condochatem, Erannoboam.-4. I. Canucham (Vmam), Erranoboan. tregia.--v. 1. regio. The common reading, however "Gangaridum Calingsrum. Regis, &c., makes the Gan. garides a branch of the Kalinga. This is probably the correct reading, for, as General Cunningham states (Anc. Geow. of Ind. pp. 518-519), certain inscriptions speak of Tri-K&linga,' or the Three Kalingas. "The name of Tri-Kalinga," he adds, "is probably old, as Pliny mentions the Macco-Caling and the Gangarides-Caling as separate peoples from the Calinge, while the Mahabharata names the Kalingas three separate times, and each time in conjunction with different peoples." (H. H. Wilson in Vishme Purdna, 1st ed. pp.19, 187 note, and 188.) As Tri-Kalings thus corresponds with the great province of Telingana, it seems probable that the name of Telingkas may be only a slightly contracted form of Tri-Kalingkna, or the Three kalingas. Lrarthalis. v. ll. Protalie, Portalis. Vide ante p. 130, note.-ED. I LX. mill. -v. 1. LXX. mill. 5 Lucian, in his satirical piece on the death of Peregrinos (cap. 25), refers to this practice "But what is the motive which prompta this man (Peregrinos) to fling himself into the flames ? God knows it is simply that he may show off how be can endure pain as do the Brachmans, to whom it pleased Theagence to liken him, just as if India had not her own crop of fools and vain-glorious persons. But let bim by all means imitate the Brachmans, for, as Onesikritos informs us, who was the pilot of Alexander's fleet end saw Kalanos burned, they do not immolate themselves by leaping into the flames, but when the pyre is made they stand close beside it perfectly motionless, and suffer themselves to be gently broiled; then decorously ascending the pile they are burned to death, and never swerve, even ever so little, from their recumbent position." Lvv. Il. modo Galingam, Modogaljcsm. Calissce.-. L. Aclisse. * These tribes were chiefly located in the regions between the left bank of the Ganges and the Himalayas. Of the Galmodroesi, Preti, Calissse, Sasuri, and Orrelse nothing is known, nor cap their names be identified with any to be found in Sanskrit literature. The Modube represent beyond doubt the Montiba, & people mentioned in the

Page #401
DECEMBER, 1877.] THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. 339 these keeps under arms 50,000 foot-soldiers, 4000+ cavalry, and 400 elephants. Next come the Andar , a still more powerful race, which possesses numerous villages, and thirty towns de- fended by walls and towers, and which supplies its king with an army of 100,000 infantry, 2000 cavalry, and 1000 elephants. Gold is very abundant among the Dardae, and silver among the Setae. But the Prasii surpass in power and glory every other people, not only in this quarter, but one may say in all India, their capital being Palibothra, a very large and wealthy city, after which some call the people itself the Palibothri,-nay, even the whole tract along the Ganges. Their king has in his pay a standing army of 600,000 foot-soldiers, 30,000 cavalry, and 9000 elephants : whence may be formed some conjecture as to the vastness of his resources. After these, but more inland, are the Monedes FRAGM. LVI. B. follow war, and others trade. The noblest and Solin. 52. 6-17. richest manage public affairs, administer justice, Catalogue of Indian Races. and sit in council with the kings. There exists "The greatest rivers of India are the Ganges also a fifth class, consisting of those most eminent and Indus, and of these some assert that the for their wisdom, who, when sated with life, seek Ganges rises from uncertain sources and inundates death by mounting a burning funeral pile. Those, the country in the manner of the Nile, while others however, who have become the devotees ot a sterner incline to think that it rises in the Scythian moun. sect, and pass their life in the woods, hunt ele* tains. [The Hypa nis is also there, a very noble 1 phants, which, when made quite tame and docile, river, which formed the limit of Alexander's they use for ploughing and for riding on. march, as the altars erected on its bankes prove.] In the Ganges there is an island extremely poThe least breadth of the Ganges is eight miles, and pulous, occupied by a very powerful nation whose its greatest twenty. Its depth where it is shallow- king keeps under arms 50,000 foot and 4000 horse. est is fully a hundred feet. The people who live In fact no one invested with kingly power ever in the furthest-off part are the Gangarides, keeps on foot a military force without a very great whose king possesses 1000 horse, 700 elephants, number of elephants and foot and cavalry. and 60,000 foot in apparatus of war. The Prasian nation, which is extremely powerOf the Indians some cultivate the soil, very many fal, inhabits a city called Pali botra, whence Aitariya Brahmana along with other non-Aryan tribes + IV.M.-v. 1. III. M. which occupied the country north of the Ganges at the I The Andare are readily identified with the Andhra of time when the Brahmans established thuir first settlements Sanskrit a great and powerful nation settled originally in in the country. The Molinde are mentioned as the Malada in the Dekhan between the middle part of the courses of the the Puranio Lista, but no further trace of them is met with. God&vart and the Krishn rivers, but which, before the The Ubere must be referred to the Bars, a numerous time of Megasthenes, had spread their way towards the race spread over the central districts of the region spoken north as far as the upper course of the Narmada (Ner. of, and extending as far as to Assam. The name is pro- budda). and, as has been already indicated, the lower nounced differently in different districts, and variously districts of the Gangetic basin. Vide vol. V. p. 176. For written, a Bors or Bhors, Bhowris, Barriias and Bb&rhiyas, a notice of Andhra (the modern Telingana) se General Bareyas, Baoris, Bharnis, &c. The race, though formerly Cunningham's Anc. Geog. of Ind. pp. 527-536. powerful, is now one of the lowest classes of the population. Tbe Pascale are identified as the inhabitants of Panchala, Pliny here reverta to where he started from in his which, as already stated, was the old name of the Dolb. enumeration of the tribes. The Seta are the Sata or The Colube respond to the Kbuluta or Kolata-men Sataka of Sanskrit geography, which locates them in the tioned in the 4th book of the Ramayan, in the enumera neighbourhood of the Daradas. (According to Yule, howtion of the races of the west, also in the Vardha Sanhita ever, they are the Sansksit Sekas, and he places them in the list of the people of the north-west, and in the on the Bangs about Jhajpur, south-eat from Ajmir.Indian drama called the Mudra Rakshasa, of which the ED.) hero in the well-known Chandragupta. They were set- See Arrian's Anab. V.29, where we read that Alexander Med not far from the Upper Jamna. About the middle having arranged his troops in separate divisions ordered of the 7th century they were visited by the famous Chinese them to build on the banks of the Hyphasis twelve altars to traveller Hiwen- Thsang, who writes their name as Kid- be of equal height with the loftiest towers, while exceed lu-to. Yule places the Passale in the south-west of ing them in breadth. From Curtius we learn that they Tirhurom, and the Kolube on the Kondochates (Gandaki) were formed of square blocks of stone. There has in the north-east of Gorakhpur and north-west of Saran. been much controversy regarding their site, but it must The Abali answer perhaps to the Gvallas or Halvais have been near the capital of Sopithes, whose name of South Bahar and of the hills which covered the Lassen has identified with the Sanskrit Agrapati, 'lord of southern parts of the ancient Mapudba. The Talacte horses. These Asvapati were a line of princes whose terriare the people of the kingdom of Tamralista mentioned tory, according to the 12th book of the Ramdyana, lay on in the Mahabharata. In the writings of the Buddhista of the right or north bank of the Vipsa (Hyphasis or Bile), Ceylon the name appeare . Tamalitti, corresponding to in the mountainous part of the Dosb comprised between the Tamluk of the present day. Between these two forms that river and the Upper Iravati. Their capital is called of the name that given by Pliny is evidently tbe connect in the poem of V Almiki Rajagriha, which still existe under ing link. Tumluk lies to the south-west of Calcutta, from the name of Rbjagiri. At some distance from this there which it is distant in a direct line about 35 miles. It was is a chain of heights called Sekandar-giri, or Alexan. in old times the main emporium of the trade carried on der's mountain.'- See St. Martin's Etude, &c. Pp. 108. between Gangetic India and Ceylon. 111.

Page #402
340 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1877. and Suari, in whose country is Mount Maleus, Sindus, rising on that spur of Mount Caucasuson which shadows fall towards the north in winter, which is called Paropa misus, from sources and towards the south in summer, for six months fronting the sunrise, ll receives also itself nineteen alternately. Baeton asserts that the north rivers, of which the most famous are the Hydaspole in these parts is seen but once in the year, pes, which has four tributaries; the Cantaand only for fifteen days; while Megasthenos says bra, f which has three; the Acesines and the that the same thing happens in many parts of Hypa sis, which are both navigable ; but neverIndia. The south pole is called by the Indianstheless, having no very great supply of water, -it Dramasa. The river Jomanes flows throngh is nowhere broader than fifty stadia, or deeper the Palibothri into the Ganges between the than fifteen paces.** It forms an extremely towns Methora and Cariso bora.t In the large island, which is called Prasiane, and a parts which lie southward from the Ganges the in- smaller one, called Patale. Its stream, which habitants, already swarthy, are deeply coloured is navigable, by the lowest estimates, for 1240 by the sun, though not scorched black like the miles, turns westward as if following more or less Ethiopians. The nearer they approach the Indus closely the course of the sun, and then falls into the more plainly does their complexion betray the ocean. The measure of the coast line from the influence of the sun. the mouth of the Ganges to this river I shall set The Indus skirts the frontiers of the Prasii, down as it is generally given, though none of whose mountain tracts are said to be inhabited by the computations agree with each other. From 'the Pygmies. Artemidorusg sets down the the mouth of the Ganges to Cape Calingon distance between the two rivers at 121 miles. and the town of Dandagulat 625 miles ; (23.) The Indus, called by the inhabitants to Tropina 1225 ;|| to the cape of Peri some call the nation itself the Palibotri. Their king keeps in his pay at all times 60,000 foot, 30,000 horse, and 8000 elephants. Beyond Palibotra is Mount Maleus, T on which Bhadows in winter fall towards the north, in summer towards the south, for six months alternately. In that region the Bears are seen but once a year, and not for more than fifteen days, as Beton in forms us, who allows that this happens in many parts of India. Those living near the river Indus in the regions that turn southward are scorched more than others by the heat, and at last the com plexion of the people is visibly affected by the great power of the sun. The mountains are in habited by the Pygmies. But those who live near the sea have no kings 9 The Monedes or Mandei are placed by Yule about + See Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 330. Yule identifies the Gangpur, on the upper waters of the Brahmani, S.W. of first of these with the area enclosed by the Nara from Chhutia Nbgpur. Lassen places them S. of the Malinadi above Rolari to Haidarabad, and the delta of the Indusabout Sonpur, where Yule has the Suari or Sabarce, the ED. Savars of Sanskrit authors, which Lassen places between 1 v. 1. Dandaguda. Cape Kalingon is identified by Yule Soapur and Singhbhum. See note 4, p. 197.-ED. as Point Godavari.-ED. + This, of course, can only occur at the equator, from "Both the distance and the name point to the kreat which the southern extremity of India is about 500 miles port town of Coringa, as the promontory of Coringon, distant. which is situated on a projecting point of land at the + Palibothri must denote here the subjects of the realna of which Palitothra was the capital, and not merely the mouth of the Godavari river. The town of Dandagudo or Dandagula I take to be the Dantapura of the Buddhist inhabitants of that city, as Rennel and others supposed, chronicles, which as the capital of Kalings may with much and so fixed its site at the confluence of the Ganges and probability be identified with Raja Mahendri, which is Jamuna. Methora is easily identified with Mathura. Carisobora-vv. II. Chrysoban, Cyriaoborca. This is the only 30 miles to the north-east of Coringa. From the Kleinobora of Arrian (ante, vol. V. p. 89), which Yule great similarity of the Greek r and II, I think it not places at Batesar, and Lassen at Agra, which he makes the improbable that the Greek pame may have been Danda. Sanskrit Krishnapurt. Wilkins (As. Res. vol. V. p. 270) pula, which is almost the same as Dantapura. But in this says Clisobora is now called "Mugu-Nagar by the Musul case the Danta or 'tooth-relie' of Baddha must have mans, and Kalisa pura by the Hindus." Vide ante, been enshrined in Kalinga as early as the time of Pliny. p. 249, note I.-ED. which is confirmed by the statement of the Buddhist I Vide ante, p. 133, note +-ED. chronicles that the left canine tooth' of Buddha waa A Greek geographer of Ephesus, whose date is about brought to Kalinga immediately after his death, where it 100 B.C. His valuable work on geography, called a Peri. was enshrined by the reigning sovereign, Brahmadatta."ples, was much quoted by the ancient writers, but with Cunningham, Geog. p. 518. the exception of some fragments is now lost. ! (Tropina answers to Tripontarior Tirupanatars, The real sources of the Indus were unknown to the opposite Kochin.--Ed. The distance given is measured Greeks. The principal stream rises to the north of the from the mouth of the Ganges, and not from Cape Calingon. Kailasa mountain (which figures in Hindu mythology as the * T Possibly, as suggested by Yule, Mount Paravantha, mansion of the gods and Siva's paradise) in lat. 820, long. near the Damudd, and not far from the Tropic; vide $1deg 30', at an elevation of about 20,000 feet. . ante, p. 127, note S, and conf. vol. I. p. 46ff. The Malli ST The Chandrabhaga or Akesines, now the Chenb. (see above), in whose country it was, are not to be con - For remarks on the tributaries of the Indus see Notes founded with another tribe of the same name in the Panjib, on Arrian, chap. iv.-Ind. Ant. vol. V. pp. 331-833. mentioned by Arriau; see vol. V. pp. 87, 96, 333.-ED.

Page #403
THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. DECEMBER, 1877.] mula, where there is the greatest emporium of trade in India, 750 miles; to the town in the island of Pata la mentioned above, 620 miles. The hill-tribes between the Indus and the Iomanes are the Cesi; the Cetriboni, who live in the woods; then the Megallae, whose king is master of five hundred elephants. and an army of horse and foot of unknown strength; the Chrysei, the Parasang ae, and the A s a n g ae,+ where tigers abound, noted for their ferocity. The force under arms cousists of 30,000 foot, 300 elephants, and 800 horse. These are shut in by the Indus, and are surrounded by a circle of mountains and deserts over a space of 625 miles. Below the deserts are the Dari, the Surae, then deserts again for 187 miles, these deserts encircling the fertile The Panda an nation is governed by females, and their first queen is said to have This cape is a projecting point of the island of Perimula or Perimuda, now called the island of Salsette, near Bombay. v. L. Asmagi. The Asange, as placed doubtfully by Lassen about Jodhpur.-ED. I DCXXV. v. 1. DCXXXV. Pliny, having given a general account of the basins of the Indus and the Ganges, proceeds to enumerate here the tribes which peopled the north of India. The names are obscure, bat Lassen has identified one or two of them, and de Saint-Martin a considerable number more. The tribes first mentioned in the list occupied the country extending from the Jamuna to the western coast about the mouth of the Narmada. The Cesi probably answer to the Khosas or Khasyas, a great tribe which from time immemorial has led a wandering life between Gujarat, the lower Indus, and the Jamuna. The name of the Cetriboni would seem to be a transcript of Ketrivani (for Kshatrivaneya). They may therefore have been a branch of the Kshatri (Khatri), one of the impure tribes of the list of Manu (1. x. 12). The Megalls must be identified with the Mavelas of. Sanskrit books, a great tribe described as settled to the west of the Jamuna. The Chrysei probably correspond to the Karoncha of the Puranic lists (Vishnu Pur. pp. 177, 186, note 13, and 351, &c.). The locality occupied by these and the two tribes mentioned after them must have lain to the north of the Ran, between the lower Indus and the chain of the Aravali mountains. SS CLXXXVII-v. 1. CLXXXVIII. The Dhars inhabit still the banks of the lower Ghara and the parts contiguous to the valley of the Indus. Hiwen Theang mentions, however, a land of Dara at the lower end of the gulf of Kachh, in a position which quite accords with that which Pliny assigns to them. The Sure, Sansk. Sura, have their name preserved in "Saur," which designates a tribe settled along the Lower Indus-the modern representatives of the Saurabbira of the Harivans. They are placed with doubt by Lassen on the Lont about Sindri, but Yule places the Bolinge-Sanskrit, Bhaulingasthere.-ED. Moruni, &c.-v. 1. Morantes, Masus Pagunge, Lalii. These tribes must have been located in Kachh, a mountainous tongue of land between the gulf of that name and the Ran, where, and where only, in this region of India, a range of mountains is to be found running along the coast. The name of the Maltecore has attracted particular attention because of its resemblance to the name of the Martikhora (i. e. man-eater), a fabulous animal mentioned by Ktesias (Ctesice Indica, VII.) as found in India and subsisting upon human flesh. The Maltecore were consequently supposed to have been a race of canni 341 tracts just as the 'sea encircles islands. Below these deserts we find the Maltecorae, Singh, Maroha, Rarunge, Moruni. These inhabit the hills which in an unbroken chain run parallel to the shores of the ocean. They are free and have no kings, and occupy the mountain heights, whereon they have built many cities.** Next follow the Nareae, enclosed by the loftiest of Indian mountains, Capitalia.t The inhabitants on the other side of this mountain work extensive mines of gold and silver. Next are the Oraturae, whose king has only ten elephants, though he has a very strong force of infantry. Next again are the Varetat ae, SS subject to a king, who keep no elephants, but trust entirely to their horse and foot. Then the O domborse; the Salabastra ; the Horatae, P who have been the daughter of Hercules. The city Nys a is assigned to this region, as is also the moun bals. The identification is, however, rejected by M. de St.-Martin. The Singha are represented at the present day by the Sanghis of Omarkot (called the Song by MacMurdo), descendants of an ancient Rajput tribe called the Singhars. The Marohs are probably the Maruhas of the list of the Varaha Sanhita, which was later than Pliny's time by four and a half centuries. In the interval they were displaced, but the displacement of tribes was nothing unusual in those days. So the Rarunge may perhaps be the ancestors of the Ronghi or Rhanga now found on the banks of the Satlej and in the neighbourhood of Dihli. + Capitalia is beyond doubt the sacred Arbuda, or Mount Abu, which, attaining an elevation of 6500 feet, rises far above any other summit of the Aravali range. The name of the Nares recalls that of the Nair, which the Rajput chroniclers apply to the northern belt of the desert (Tod, Rajasthan, II. 211); so St.-Martin. Iv. 1. Orate. The Oraturae find their representatives in the Rathors, who played a great part in the history of India before the Musulman conquest, and who, though settled in the Gangetic provinces, regard Ajmir, at the eastern point of the Aravali, as their ancestral seat. SS v. 1. Suaratarata. The Varetata cannot with certainty be identified. The Odomboerse, with hardly a change in the form of their name, are mentioned in Sanskrit literature, for Panini (IV. 1, 173, quoted by Lassen, Ind. Alt. 1st ed. I. p. 614) speaks of the territory of Udumbari as that which was occupied by a tribe famous in the old legend, the Salva, who perhaps correspond to the Salabastre of Pliny, the addition which he has made to their name being explained by the Sanskrit word vastya, which means an abode or habitation. The word udumbara means the glomerous fig-tree. The district so named lay in Kachh. The Salabastre are located by Lassen between the mouth of the Sarasvati and Jodhpur, and the Horatae at the head of the gulf of Khambhat; Automela he places at Khambhit. See Ind. Alterth. 2nd ed. I. 760. Yule has the Sandrabatis about Chandravati, in northern Gujarat, but these are placed by Lassen on the Bands about Tonk.-ED. Horato is an incorrect transcription of Sorath, the vulgar form of the Sanskrit Saurashtra. The Horat were therefore the inhabitants of the region called in the Periplus, and in Ptolemy, Surastrene-that is, Gujarat. Orrhoth (Oppoda) is used by Kosmas as the name of a city in the west of India, which has been conjectured to be Surat, but Yule thinks it rather some place on the Purbandar coast. The capital, Automela, cannot be identified, but de St-Martin conjectures it may have been the once famous Valabhl, which was situated in the peninsular part of Gujarat at about 34 miles' distance from the Gulf of Khambay.

Page #404
342 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. a fine city, defended by marshes which serve as a ditch, wherein crocodiles are kept, which, having a great avidity for human flesh, prevent all access to the city except by a bridge. And another city of theirs is much admired, A u to me la,* which, being seated on the coast at the confluence of five rivers, is a noble emporium of trade. The king is master of 1600 elephants, 150,000 foot, and 5000 cavalry. The poorer king of the Charms has but sixty elephants, and his force otherwise is insignificant. Next come the Pandae, the only race in India ruled by women.+ They say that Hercules having but one daughter, who was on that account all the more beloved, endowed her with a noble kingdom. Her descendants rule over 300 cities, and command an army of 150,000 foot and 500 elephants. Next, with 300 cities, the Syrieni, Derange, Posinge, Buzae, Gogiarei, Umbrae, Ne tain sacred to Jupiter, Meros by name, in a cave on which the ancient Indians affirm Father Bacchus was nourished; while the name has given rise to the well-known fantastic story that Bacchus was born from the thigh of his fa v. 1. Automula. The Charma have been identified with the inhabitanta of Charmamandala, a district of the west mentioned in the Mahabharata and also in the Vishnu Purana under the form Charmakhanda. They are now represented by the Charmars or Chamirs of Bundelkhand and the parts adjacent to the basin of the Ganges. The Panda, who were their next neighbours, must have occupied a considerable portion of the basin of the river Chambal, called in Sanskrit geography the Charmanvati. They were a branch of the famous race of Pandu, which made for itself kingdoms in several different parts of India. The names in this list lead us to the desert lying be tween the Indus and the Aravali range. Most of the tribes enumerated are mentioned in the lists of the clans given in the Rajput chronicles, and have been identified by M. de St.-Martin as follows:-The Syrieni are the Suriyanis, who under that name have at all times occupied the country near the Indus in the neighbourhood of Bakkar. Darange is the Latin transcription of the name of the great race of the Jhadejas, a branch of the Rajputs which at the present day possesses Kachh. The Buza represent the Buddas, an ancient branch of the same Jhidejas (Tod, Annals and Antiq, of the Raj. vol. I. p. 86). The Gogiarei (other readings Gogarasi, Gogare) are the Kokaris, who are now settled on the banks of the Ghara or Lower Satlej. The Umbra are represented by the Umranis, and the Nerei perhaps by the Nharonis, who, though belonging to Baluchistan, had their ancestral seats in the regions to the east of the Indus. The Nubeteh, who figure in the old local traditions of Sindh, perhaps correspond to the No-. bundee, while the Coconda certainly are the Kokonadas mentioned in the Mahabharata among the people of the north-west. (See Lassen, Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenl. t. II. 1839, p. 45.) Buchanan mentions a tribe called Kakand as belonging to Gorakhpur. SS There were two defiles, which went by the name of 'the Kaspian Gates.' One was in Albania, and was formed by the jutting out of a spur of the Kaukasos into the Kaspian Sea. The other, to which Pliny here refers, was a narrow pass leading from North-Western Asia into the north-east provinces of Persia. According to Arrian (Anab. III. 20) the Kaspian Gates lay a few days' journey distant [DECEMBER, 1877. reae, Brancosi, Nobundae, Cocondae, Nesei, Pedatrire, Solobrias ae, Olostrae, who adjoin the island Patale, from the furthest shore of which to the Caspian gates the distance is said to be 1925 miles.SS Then next to these towards the Indus come, in an order which is easy to follow, the Amatae, Boling ae, Gallitalutae, Dimuri, Megari, Ordabae,|| Messe; after these the Uri and Sileni. Immediately beyond come deserts extending for 250 miles. These being passed, we come to the Organagae, Abaortae, Sibara, Suerte, and after these to deserts as extensive as the former. Then come the Sarophages, Sorge, Baraomatae, and the Umbrittae, who consist of twelve tribes, each possessing two cities, and the Aseni, who possess three cities. Their capital is Bucephala, built where Alexander's famous horse ther. Beyond the mouth of the Indus are two islands, Chryse and Argyre, which yield such an abundant supply of metals that many writers allege their soils consist of gold and of silver. from the Median town of Rhagai, now represented by the rains called Rha, found a mile or two to the south of Teheran. This pass was one of the most important places in ancient geography, and from it many of the meridians were measured. Strabo, who frequently mentions it, states that its distance from the extreme promontories of India (Cape Comorin, &c.) was 14,000 stadia. v. 1. Ardabae. In the grammatical apophthegms of Panini, Bhaulingi is mentioned as a territory occupied by a branch of the great tribe of the Salvas (Lassen, Ind. Alt. I. p. 613, note, or 2nd ed. p. 760 n.), and from this indication M. de St.Martin has been led to place the Boling at the western declivity of the Aravali mountains, where Ptolemy also places his Bolinge. The Madrabhujingha of the Panjah (see Vishnu Pur. p. 187) were probably a branch of this tribe. The Gallitalute are identified by the same author with the Gahalata or Gehlots; the Dimuri with the Dumras, who, though belonging to the Gangetic valley, originally came from that of the Indus; the Megari with the Mokars of the Rajput chronicles, whose name is perhaps preserv ed in that of the Mebars of the lower part of Sindh, and also in that of the Megharis of Eastern Baluchistan; the Messe with the Mazaris, a considerable tribe between Chikarpur and Mitankot on the western bank of the Indus; and the Uri with the Hauras of the same locality -the Hurairas who figure in the Rajput lists of thirty-six royal tribes. The Sulalas of the same tribes perhaps represent the Sileni, whom Pliny mentions along with the Uri. vv. ll. Paragomate, Umbitres.-Baraomate Gumbriteque. The tribes here enumerated must have occupied a tract of country lying above the confluence of the Indus with the stream of the combined rivers of the Panjab. They are obscure, and their names cannot with any certainty be identified if we except that of the Sibara, who are undoubtedly the Sauviras of the Mahabharata, and who, as their name is almost invariably combined with that of the Indus, must have dwelt not far from its banks. The Afghan tribe of the Afridis may perhaps represent the Abaorta, and the Sarabhan or Sarvanis, of the same stock, the Sarophages, The Umbrittee and the Aseni take us to

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DECEMBER, 1877.] THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. 343 of that name was buried. Hillmen follow next, inhabiting the base of Caucasus, the Soleada, and the Sondrae; and if we cross to the other side of the Indus and follow its course downward we meet the Samarabriae, Sam bruceni, Bisa mbritae, & Osii, Antixeni, and the Taxillall with a famous city. Then succeeds a level tract of country known by the general name of Amanda, whereof the tribes are four in number-the Peucolaita, Arsagalitae, Gereta, Asoi. Many writers, however, do not give the river Indus as the western boundary of India, but in clude within it four satrapies, -the Gedrosi, Arachotne, Arii, Parop a misa dae,t making the river Cophes its furthest limit; though others prefer to consider all these as belonging to the Arii. Many writers further include in India even the city Nysa and Mount Merus, sacred to Father Bacchus, whence the origin of the fable that he sprang from the thigh of Jupiter. They include also the Astacani, in whose country the vine grows abundantly, and the laurel, and boxwood, the east of the river. The former are perhaps identical with the Ambasta of the historians of Alexander, and the Ambasthas of Sanskrit writings, who dwelt in the neighbourhood of the lower Akesinis. 1 Alexander, after the great battle on the banks of the Hyda-pes in which be defeated Poros, founded two cities Bukephala or Bukephalia, so named in honour of his celebrated charger, and Nikaia, so named in honour of his vic. tory. Nikaia, it is known for certain, was built on the field of battle, and its position was therefore on the left side of the Hydasp?s-probably about where Mong now stands. The site of Bakephala it is not so easy to determine. According to Plutarch and Pliny it was near the Hydaspis, in the place where Bukephalos was buried, and if that be so it inust have been on the same side of the river as the sister city; whereas Straho and all the other ancient authorities place it on the opposite side. Strabo again places it at the point where Alexander crossed the river, whereas Arrian states that it was built on the site of his camp. General Cunningham fixes this at JalAlpar rather than at Jhelam, 30 miles higher up the river, the site which is favoured by Barnes and General Court and General Abbott. Jalalpur is about ten miles distant from Dillwar, where, according to Cunningham, the crossing of the river was most probably effected. Whicer than at. General states there Alexa the 1. Bisabritend the Sondra.cathe east of * v. 1. Pencolitae. + Gedrdeia comprehended probably nearly the same district which is now known by the name of Mekr&n. Alex ander marched through it on returning from his Indian expedition. Arachosis extended from the chain of mountains now called the Suleiman a far southward as Gedrdsia. Its capital, Archotos, was situated somewhere in the direction of Kandaher, the name of which, it has been thought, preserves that of Gandhra. According to Colonel Rawlinson the name of Arachosia is derived from Harakhwati (Sangkpit 8.rasvati), and is preserved in the Arabic Rakhaj. It is, as has already been noticed, the Hargavatas of the Bisutan inscription. Aria, denoted the country lying between Meshed and Herit; Arifos, of which it formed part, and of which it is sometimes used as the equivalent, was a wider district, which comprehended nearly the whole of ancient Persia. In the Persian part of the Bisutan inscription Arin appears as Hariva, in the Babylonian part as Arevan. Regarding Paropamigos and the Copbes see ante, vol. V. pp. 329 and 330. Other readings of the name are Aspagani and Appagone. M. de St. Martin, whose work has so often been referred to, says " We have seen already that in an extract from old Hekataios preserved in Stephen of Byzantium the city of Kaspapyros is called Gandarie city, and that in Herodotos the same place is attributed to the Pakty, and we have added that in our opinion there is only an apparent contradiction, because the district of Paktyike and Gandara may very well be but one and the same country. It is not difficult, in fact, to recognize in the designation mentioned by Herodotos the indigenous name of the Afghin people, Pakhtu (in the plural Pakhtun), the name which the greater part of the tribes ore among themselves, and the only one they apply to their national dialect. We have here, then, as Lassen has noticed, historical proof of the presence of the Afgh Ans in their actual fatherland five centuries at least before the Christian era. Now, as the seat of the Afghan or Pakhtu nationality is chiefly in the basin of the Kophes, to the west of the Iuds, which forms its eastern boundary. this further confirms what we have already seen, that it is to the west of the great river we must seek for the site of the city of Kaspapyros or Kasyapapura, and consequently of the Gandarie of Hekataios. The employment of two different names to designate the very same country is easily explained by this double fact, that one of the names was the Indian designation of the land, whilst the other was the indigenous name applied to it by its inhabitants. There was yet another name, of Sanskrit origin, used as a territorial appellation of Gandhira--that of Asvaks. This word. derived from a sua, & horse, signified merely the cavaliers : it was leas an ethnic, in the rigorous acceptation of the word, than a general appellation applied by the Indians of the PanjAb to the tribes of the region of the Kophes, renowned from antiquity for the excellence of its horses. In the popular dialects the Sanskrit word took the usual form Assaka, which reappears scarcely modified in Assakani (Arcakavo) or AssakAnil'Ao gaknvoi) in the Greek historians of the expedition of Alexander and subsequent writers. It is impossible not to recognize bere the name of Avgban or AfgbAns... which is very evidently nothing else than a contracted form of Assakin... Neither the Gandarie of Hekataios nor the Paktyi of Herodotos are known to them [Arrian and other Greek and Latin writers of the history The Soleada and the Sondra cannut be identified, and of the tribes which were seated to the east of the Indus only the Taxilla are known. Their capital was the famous Tarila, which was visited by Alexander the Great. "The position of this city," says Cuuningbam. " has hitherto remained unknown, partly owing to the erroneous distance recorded by Pliny, and partly to the want of information regard ng the vaat ruins which still exist in the vicinity of Sh&h-dberi. All the copies of Pliny agree in stating that Tuzila was only 60 Roman, or 55 English, miles from Peuco. laitis or Hashtnagar, which would fix its site somewhere on the Haro river to the west of Hasan Abdal, or just two days' march from the Indus. But the itineraries of the Chinese pilgrims agree in placing it at three days' journey to the east of the Indus, or in the immediate neighbourhood of KAla-ke-Serdi. He therefore fixes its sits near Shah-dheri (which is & mile to the north-east of that Sarai), in the extensive ruins of a fortified city abounding with stapas, monasteries, and temples. From this place to Hashtnagar the distance is 74 miles Englia!, or 19 iu excess of Pliny's estimate. Taxila representa the Sanskrit Taksbasila, of which the Pali form is khasila, whence the Greek form was taken. The word means either cut rock' or 'severed head.'-Anc. Geog. of Ind. pp. 104-121. As the name Amanda is entirely unknown, M. de St.Martin proposes without hesitation the correction Gandhara, on the ground tht the territory assigned to the Amanda corresponds exactly to Gandhara, of which the tarritory occupied by the Peuoolitee (Peakelagtis), as we know from other writers, formed . part. The Geretae are beyond doubt no others than the Gouraei of Arrian; and the Asoi may perhaps be ide tical with the Aspasii, or, as Strabo gives the name, Hipparii or Pasii.. The Arsagalita are only mentioned by Pliny. Two tribes settled in the same locality are perhaps indicated by the name--the Aras, men tioned by Ptolemy, answering to the Sanskrit Urahs; and the Ghilit or Ghilghit, the Gehalata of Sanskrit, formerly mentioned. Gandare amigoate the fact that on hilst the other

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344 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. and every kind of fruit-tree found in Greece. The remarkable and almost fabulous accounts which are current regarding the fertility of its soil, and the nature of its fruits and trees, its beasts and birds and other animals, will be set down each in its own place in other parts of this work. A little further on I shall speak of the satrapies, but the island of Ta probaneSS requires my immediate attention. But before we come to this island there are others, one being Patale, which, as we have indicated, lies at the mouth of the Indus, triangular in shape, and 220|| miles in breadth. Beyond the mouth of the Indus are Chry se andArgyre, rich, as I believe, in metals. For I cannot readily believe, what is asserted by some writers, that their soil is impregnated with gold and silver. At a distance of twenty miles from these lies Crocala, from which, at a distance of twelve miles, is Bibaga, which abounds with oysters and other shell-fish. Next comes Toralliba, nine miles distant from the last-named island, beside many others unworthy of note. FRAGM. LVII. Polysen. Strateg. I. 1. 1-3. Of Dionusos. (Cf. Epit. 25. et seq.) Dionusos, in his expedition against the Indians, in order that the cities might receive him willingly, disguised the arms with which he had equipped his troops, and made them wear soft raiment and fawn-skins. The spears were wrapped round with ivy, and the thyrsus had a sharp point. He gave the signal for battle by cymbals and drums instead of the trumpet, and by regaling the enemy with wine diverted their thoughts from war to dancing. These and all other Bacchic orgies were employed in the system of warfare by which he subjugated the Indians and all the rest of Asia. Dionusos, in the course of his Indian campaign, seeing that his army could not endure the fiery heat of the air, took forcible possession of the three-peaked mountain of India. Of these peaks one is called Korasi bie, another Kondaske, [DECEMBER, 1877. but to the third he himself gave the name of Meros, in remembrance of his birth. Thereon were many fountains of water sweet to drink, game in great plenty, tree-fruits in unsparing profusion, and snows which gave new vigour to the frame. The troops quartered there made a sudden descent upon the barbarians of the plain, whom they easily routed, since they attacked them with missiles from a commanding position on the heights above. of Alexander], but as it is the same territory [as that of the Assakani], and as in actual usage the names Afghans and Pakhtun are still synonymous, their identity is not a matter of doubt."-Etude sur le Geographie Grecque et Latine de 'Inde, pp. 876-8. The name of the Gandhara, it may here be added, remounts to the highest antiquity; it is mentioned in one of the hymns of the Rig-Veda, as old perhaps as the 15th century B.C.-Id. p. 364. SS Vide ante, p. 129. [Dionusos, after conquering the Indians, invaded Baktria, taking with him as auxiliaries the Indians and Amazons. That country has for its boundary the river Saranges.SS The Baktrians seized the mountains overhanging that river with a view to attack Dionusos, in crossing it, from a post of advantage. He, however, having encamped along the river, ordered the Amazons and the Bakkhai to cross it, in order that the Baktrians, in their contempt for women, might be induced to come down from the heights. The women then assayed to cross the stream, and the enemy came downhill, and advancing to the river endeavoured to beat them back. The women then retreated, and the Baktrians pursued them as far as the bank; then Dionusos, coming to the rescue with his men, slew the Baktrians, who were impeded from fighting by the current, and he crossed the river in safety. FRAGM. LVIII. Polymen. Strateg. I. 3. 4. Of Hercules and Pandaa. (Cf. Fragm. L. 15.) Herakles begat a daughter in India whom he called Pandaia. To her he assigned that portion of India which lies to southward and extends to the sea, while he distributed the people subject to her rule into 365 villages, giving orders that one village should each day bring to the treasury the royal tribute, so that the queen might always have the assistance of those men whose turn it was to pay the tribute in coercing those who for the time being were defaulters in their payments. | CCXX. v. 1. CXXX. Burma and Arakan respectively, according to Yule.- ED. In the bay of Karachi. See Ind. Ant. Notes to Arrian, vol. V. p. 335, + This is called Bibakta by Arrian, Indika, cap. xxi. I v. 1. Coralliba. SS See ante, Notes to Arrian in vol. V. p. 332.

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DECEMBER, 1877.3 THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. 345 FRAGM. LIX. gin in the fact that the bird wags its tail in the Of the Beasts of India. same way as the water-ousels (ol kiykhou). AElian, Hist. Anin. XVI. 2-22.|| (4) I learn further that in India there is a bird (2) In India I learn that there are to be found called the Kelas, which is thrice the size of the the birds called parrots; and though I have, no bustard, and has a bill of prodigious size and doubt, already mentioned them, yet what I omit- long legs. It is furnished also with an immense ted to state previously regarding them may now crop resembling a leather pouch. The cry which with great propriety be here set down. There it utters is peculiarly discordant. The plumage are, I am informed, three species of them, and all is ash-coloured, except that the feathers at their these, if taught to speak, as children are taught, tips are tinted with a pale yellow. become as talkative as children, and speak with (5) I hear also that the Indian hoopoe ("Toma) a human voice; but in the woods they utter is double the size of ours, and more beautiful in a bird-like scream, and neither send out any appearance, and Homer says that while the bridle distinct and musical notes, nor being wild and and trappings of a horse are the delight of a Hel. untaught are able to talk. There are also lenic king, this hoopoe is the favourite playthiug peacocks in India, the largest anywhere met with, of the king of the Indians, who carries it on his and pale-green ringdoves. One who is not hand, and toys with it, and never tires gazing in well-versed in bird-lore, seeing these for the ecstasy on its splendour, and the beauty with which first time, would take them to be parrots, and Nature has adorned it. The Brachmanes, there. not pigeons. In the colour of the bill and legs fore, even make this particular bird the subject of they resemble Greek partridges. There are also a mythic story, and the tale told of it runs thus:-- cocks, which are of extraordinary size, and have to the king of the Indians there was born a their crests not red as elsewhere, or at least in son. The child had elder brothers, who when they our country, but have the flower-like coronals came to man's estate turned out to be very unof which the crest is formed variously coloured. just and the greatest of reprobates. They despised Their rump feathers, again, are neither curved their brother because he was the youngest ; and nor wreathed, but are of great brendth, and they they scoffed also at their father and their mother, trail them in the way peacocks, trail their whom they despised because they were very old tails, when they neither straighten nor erect and grey-haired. The boy, accordingly, and his them : the feathers of these Indian cocks are in aged parents could at last no longer live with these colour golden, and also dark-blue like the sma- wicked men, and away they fled from home, all ragdus. three together. In the course of the protracted (3) There is found in India also another re- journey which they had then to undergo, the old markable bird. This is of the size of a starling people succumbed to fatigue and died, and the boy and is parti-coloured, and is trained to utter the showed them no light regard, but buried them in sounds of human speech. It is even more talka- himself, having cutoff his head with a sword. Then, tive than the parrot, and of greater natural clever- as the Brachmanes tell us, the all-seeing sun, ness. So far is it from submitting with pleasure in admiration of this surpassing act of piety, transto be fed by man, that it rather has such a pining formed the boy into a bird which is most beautifor freedom, and such a longing to warble at will inful to behold, and which lives to a very advanced the society of its mates, that it prefers starvation age. So on his head there grew up a crest which to slavery with sumptuous fare. It is called by was, as it were, a memorial of what he had the Makedonians who settled among the Indians done at the time of his flight. The Athenians in the city of Bouke p hala and its neighbour- have also related, in a fable, marvels somewhat hood, and in the city called Kuropolis and similar of the crested lark; and this fable Aristoothers which Alexander the son of Philip built, phanes, the comic poet, appears to me to have the Kerkion. This name had, I believe, its ori. followed when he says in the Birds," For thou "In this extract not a few passages occur which appear to have been borrowed from Megasthenes. This con. jecture, though it cannot by any means be placed beyond doubt by conclusire proofs, seems nevertheless, for various reasons, to attain a certain degree of probability. For in the first place the author knows with unusual accuracy the interior parts of India. Then again he males ! very frequent mention of the Praii and the Brahmans. And lastly one can hardly doubt that some chapters oocar ring in the middle of this part have been extracted from Megasthenes. I have, therefore, in this uncertainty taken care that the whole of this part should be printed at the ad of the fraginents of Megasthenes."Schwanbeck.

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346 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.. [DECEMBER, 1877. wert ignorant, and not always bustling, nor make a charming coiffure, by binding and braidalways thumbing AEsop, who spake of the crested ing it with the locks of their own natural hair. lark, calling it the first of all birds, born before The length of a hair is two cubits, and from a ever the earth was; and telling how afterwards single root there sprout out, in the form of a her father became sick and died, and how that, fringe, somewhere about thirty hairs. The as the earth did not then exist, he lay unburied animal itself is the most timid that is known, for till the fifth day, when his daughter, unable to should it perceive that any one is looking at it, it tind .grave elsewhere, dug one for him in her starts off at its utmost speed, and runs right own head." forward, but its eagerness to escape is greater It seems, accordingly, probable that the fable, than the rapidity of its pace. It is hunted with though with a different bird for its subject, horses and hounds good to run. When it sees emanated from the Indians, and spread onward that it is on the point of being caught, it hides its even to the Greeks. For the Brachmanes say tail in some near thicket, while it stands at bay that a prodigious time has elapsed since the facing its pursuers, whom it watches narrowly. It Indian hoopoe, then in human form and young even plucks up courage in a way, and thinks that in years, performed that act of piety to its since its tail is hid from view the hunters will not parents. care to capture it, for it knows that its tail is the (6.) In India there is an animal closely resem- great object of attraction. But it finds this to bling in appearance the land crocodile, and some- be, of course, a vain delusion, for some one hits where about the size of a little Maltese dog. It it with a poisoned dart, who then flays off the is covered all over with a scaly skin so rough entire skin (for this is of value) and throws away altogether and compact that when flayed off it is the carcase, as the Indians make no use of any used by the Indians as a file. It cuts through part of its flesh. brass and eats iron. They call it the phattages (12.) But further : whales are to be found (pangolin or scaly ant-enter) ....... in the Indian Sea, and these five times larger (8.) The Indian sea breeds sea-snakes which than the largest elephant. A rib of this monhave broad tails, and the lakes breed hydras of strous fish measures as much as twenty cubits, immense size, but these sea-snakes appear to and its lip fifteen cubits. The fins near the inflict a bite more sharp than poisonous. gills are each of them so much as seven cubits (9.) In India there are herds of wild horses, in breadth. The shell-fish called Kerukes are and also of wild asses. They say that the mares also met with, and the purple-fish of a size submit to be covered by the asses, and enjoy that would admit it easily into a gallon measuch coition, and breed mules, which are of a sure, while on the other hand the shell of the reddish colour and very fleet, but impatient of sea-urehin is large enough to cover comthe yoke and otherwise skittish. They say that pletely a measure of that size. But fish in India they catch these mules with foot-traps, and then attain enormous dimensions, especially the sea take them to the king of the Prasians, and that wolves, the thunnies, and the golden-eyebrows. if they are caught when two years old they do I hear also that at the season when the rivers are not refuse to be broken in, but if caught when swollen, and with their full and boisterous flood beyond that age they differ in no respect from deluge all the land, the fish are carried into the sharp-toothed and carnivorous animals. fields, where they swim and wander to and fro, (Fragm. XII. B follows here.) even in shallow water, and that when the rains (11.) There is found in India a graminivorous which flood the rivers cease, and the waters reanimal which is double the size of a horse, and tiring from the land resume their natural chanwhich has a very bushy tail purely black innels, then in the low-lying tracts and in flat colour. The hair of this tail is finer than hu- and marshy grounds, where we may be sure the man hair, and its possession is a point on which so-called Nine are wont to have some watery reIndian women set great store, for therewith they cesses (roAtrove), fish even of eight cubits' length I Lines 470-75: Earth was not: five days lay the old bird untombed: at last "You're such a dull incurious lot, unread in sop's lore, the eon Whose story says the lark was born first of the feathered Buried the father in his head, since other grave was none." Before the earth; thon comes cold and carried off his wire: Dr. Kennedy's translation. qaire,

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DECEMBER, 1877.] are found, which the husbandmen themselves catch as they swim about languidly on the surface of the water, which is no longer of a depth they can freely move in, but in fact so very shallow that it is with the utmost difficulty they can live in it at all. THE INDIKA OF MEGASTHENES. (13.) The following fish are also indigenous to India:-prickly roaches, which are never in any respect smaller than the asps of Argolis; and shrimps, which in India are even larger than crabs. These, I must mention, finding their way from the sea up the Ganges, have claws which are very large, and which feel rough to the touch. I have ascertained that these shrimps which pass from the Persian Gulf into the river Indus have their prickles smooth, and the feelers with which they are furnished elongated and curling, but this species has no claws. (14.) The tortoise is found in India, where it lives in the rivers. It is of immense size, and it has a shell not smaller than a full-sized skiff (o cap, and which is capable of holding ten medimni (120 gallons) of pulse. There are. however, also land-tortoises which may be about as big as the largest clods turned up in a rich soil where the glebe is very yielding, and the plough sinks deep, and, cleaving the furrows with ease, piles the clods up high. These are said to cast their shell. Husbandmen, and all the hands engaged in field labour, turn them up with their mattocks, and take them out just in the way one extracts wood-worms from the plants they have eaten inte. They are fat things and their flesh is sweet, having nothing of the sharp flavour of the sea-tortoise. (15.) Intelligent animals are to be met with among ourselves, but they are few, and not at all so common as they are in India. For there we find the elephant, which answers to this character, and the parrot, and apes of the sphinx kind, and the creatures called satyrs. Nor must we forget the Indian ant, which is so noted for its wisdom. The ants of our own country do, no doubt, dig for themselves subterranean holes and burrows, and by boring provide themselves with lurking-places, and wear out all their strength in what may be called mining operations, which are indescribably toilsome and conducted with secrecy; but the Indian ants construct for themselves a cluster of tiny dwelling-houses, seated not on sloping or level grounds where they could easily be inundated, but on steep and lofty 317 eminences. And in these, by boring out with untold skill certain circuitous passages which remind one of the Egyptian burial-vaults or Cretan labyrinths, they so contrive the structure of their houses that none of the lines run straight, and it is difficult for anything to enter them or flow into them, the windings and perforations being so tortuous. On the outside they leave only a single aperture to admit themselves and the grain which they collect and carry to their store-chambers. Their object in selecting lofty sites for their mansions is, of course, to escape the high floods and inundations of the rivers; and they derive this advantage from their foresight, that they live as it were in so many watch-towers or islands when the parts around the heights become all a lake. Moreover, the mounds they live in, though placed in contiguity, so far from being loosened and torn asunder by the deluge, are rather strengthened, especially by the morning dew: for they put on, so to speak, a coat of ice formed from this dew-thin, no doubt, but still of strength; while at the same time they are made more compact at their base by weeds and bark of trees adhering, which the silt of the river has carried down. Let so much about Indian ants be said by me now, as it was said by Iobas long ago. (16) In the country of the Indian Areianoi there is a subterranean chasm down in which there are mysterious vaults, concealed ways, and through passages invisible to men. These are deep withal and stretch to a very great distance. How they came to exist, and how they were excavated, the Indians do not say, nor do I concern myself to inquire. Hither the Indians bring more than thrice ten thousand head' of cattle of different kinds, sheep and goats, and oxen and horses; and every person who has been terrified by an ominous dream, or a warning sound or prophetic voice, or who has seen a bird of evil augury, as a substitute for his life casts into the chasm such a victim as his private means can afford, giving the animal as a ransom to save his soul alive. The victims conducted thither are not led in chains nor otherwise coerced, but they go along this road willingly, as if urged forward by some mysterious spell and as soon as they find themselves on the verge of the chasm they voluntarily leap in, and disappear for ever from human sight so soon as they fall into this mysterious and viewless cavern of the earth. But above there are heard the

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348 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. heilowings of oxen, the bleating of sheep, the neighing of horses, and the plaintive cries of goats, and if any one goes near enough to the edge and closely applies his ear he will hear afar off the sounds just mentioned. This commingled sound is one that never ceases, for every day that passes men bring new victims to be their substitutes. Whether the cries of the animals last brought only are heard, or the cries also of those brought before, I know not,-all I know is that the cries are heard. (17) In the sea which has been mentioned they say there is a very large island, of which, as I hear, the name is Taprobane. From what I can learn, it appears to be a very long and mountainous island having a length of 7000 stadia and a breadth of 5000. It has not, however, any cities, but only villages, of which the number amounts to 750. The houses in which the inhabitants lodge themselves are made of wood, and sometimes also of reeds. (18.) In the sea which surrounds the islands, tortoises are bred of so vast a size that their shells are employed to make roofs for the houses: for a shell. "being fifteen cubits in length, can hold a good many people under it, screening them from the scorching heat of the sun, besides affording them a welcome shade. But, more than this, it is a protection against the violence of storms of rain far more effective than tiles, for it at once shakes off the rain that dashes against it, while those under its shelter hear the rain rattling as on the roof of a house. At all events they do not require to shift their abode, like those whose -tiling is shattered, for the shell is hard and like a hollowed rock and the vaulted roof of a natural cavern. The island, then, in the great sea, which they call Taprobane, has palm-groves, where the trees are planted with wonderful regularity all in a row, in the way we see the keepers of pleasure-parks plant out shady trees in the choicest spots. It has also herds of elephants, which are there very numerous and of the largest size. These island elephants are more powerful than those of the mainland, and in appearance larger, and may be pronounced to be in every possible way more intelligent. The islanders export them to the mainland opposite in boats, which they construct for the purpose of this traffic from wood supplied by the thickets of the island, and they dispose In the classical writers the sise of this island is always greatly exaggerated. Its actual length from north to [DECEMBER, 1877. of their cargoes to the king of the Kalingai. On account of the great size of the island, the inhabitants of the interior have never seen the sea, but pass their lives as if resident on a continent, though no doubt they learn from others that they are all around enclosed by the sea. The inhabitants, again, of the coast have no practical acquaintance with elephant-catching, and know of it only by report. All their energy is devoted to catching fish and the monsters of the deep; for the sea encircling the island is reported to breed an incredible number of fish, both of the smaller fry and of the monstrous sort, among the latter being some which have the heads of lions and of panthers and of other wild beasts, and also of rams; and, what is still a greater marvel, there are monsters which in all points of their shape resemble satyrs. Others are in appearance like women, but, instead of having locks of hair, are furnished with prickles. It is even solemnly alleged that this sea contains certain strangely formed creatures, to represent which in a picture would baffle all the skill of the artists of the country, even though, with a view to make a profound sensation, they are wont to paint monsters which consist of different parts of different animals pieced together. These have their tails and the parts which are wreathed of great length, and have for feet either claws or fins. I learn further that they are amphibious, and by night graze on the pasture-fields, for they eat grass like cattle and birds that pick up seeds. They have also a great liking for the date when ripe enough to drop from the palms, and accordingly they twist their coils, which are supple, and large enough for the purpose, around these trees, and shake them so violently that the dates come tumbling down, and afford them a welcome repast. Thereafter when the night begins gradually to wane, but before there is yet clear daylight, they disappear by plunging into the sea just as the first rush of morning faintly illumines its surface. They say whales also frequent this sea, though it is not true that they come near the shore lying in wait for thunnies. The dolphins are reported to be of two sorts-one fierce and armed with sharppointed teeth, which gives endless trouble to the fisherman, and is of a remorselessly cruel disposition, while the other kind is naturally mild and south is 2714 miles, and its breadth from east to west 187, and ita eircuit about 650 miles.

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Indian Antiquary: ronda Wife Nandi berak bAri-Ame yazodA Zacht u From...corrindu Panchor. . 'W. Griess photo-lith KRISHNA CONVEYED ACROSS THE YAMUNA BY VASUDEVA.

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Indian Antiquary, Sre W. Griggs photo-litt KRISHNA NURSED BY DEVAKI. FROM A HIGHLY FINISHED PICTURE.

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DECEMBER, 1877.] ON THE KKISHNAJANMASHTAME. 349 tame, swims about in the friskiest way, and is quite like a fawning dog. It does not run away when any one tries to stroke it, and it takes with pleasure any food it is offered. (19.) The sea-hare, by which I now mean the kind found in the great sea (for of the kind found in the other sea I have already spoken), re. sembles in every particular the land hare except only the fur, which in the case of the land animal is soft and lies smoothly down, and does not resist the touch, whereas its brother of the sea has bristling hair which is prickly, and inflicts a wound on any one who touches it. It is said to swim atop of the sea-ripple without ever diving below, and to be very rapid in its movements. To catch it alive is no easy matter, as it. never falls into the net, nor goes near the line and bait of the fishing-rod. When it suffers, however, from disease, and, being in consequence hardly able to swim, is cast out on shore, then if any one touches it with his hand death ensues if he is not attended to,-nay, should one, were it only with a staff, touch this dead hare, he is affected in the same way as those who have touched a basilisk. But a root, it is said, grows along the coast of the island, well known to every one, which is a remedy for the swooning which ensues. It is brought close to the nostrils of the person who has fainted, who thereupon recovers conscious. ness. But should the remedy not be applied the injury proves fatal to life, such power for evil does this hare possess. Frag. XV. B. follows here. (22.) There is also a race called the Skira. tai, whose country is beyond India. They are snub-nosed, either because in the tender years of infancy their nostrils are pressed down, and continue to be go throughout their after-life, or because such is the natural shape of the organ. Serpents of enormous size are bred in their country, of which some kinds seize the cattle when at pasture and devour them, while other kinds only suck the blood, as do the digithelai in Greece, of which I have already spoken in the proper place. ON THE KRISHNAJANMASHTAMI, OR KRISHNA'S BIRTH-FESTIVAL. BY PROF. A. WEBER, BERLIN. Translated by Misa M. Tweedie. (Concluded from p. 801, and vol. III. p. 52.) especially on the Continent. Still, it should not, * We have still to glance also at the actual re- without further evidence, be concluded, from the presentations which the birth of Krishna, temporary want of other pictures and figures of the especially the god drinking at his mother's breast, kind, that these do not exist. Rather may the has found in Indian art, or, to speak more existence of more such representations be inferred accurately, at those specimens of these last which with certainty from the fact that the ritual of the lie before us. Unfortunately, only a few pictures Krishnajanmashtami itself puts them down as an of the kind are known to me, and these obviously integral element in the festival. In any case, of quite modern origin, belonging, in all pro- however, the specimens before us suffice to dibability, to the century previous to that in which vide them into two groups-namely, those which they come down to us-either precisely to that or indicate a certain, even high, rank of artistic cultito the times immediately preceding. No repre- vation, and those which rather seem, so to speak. sentations of the kind in any religious building, in to be the products of uncultivated handicraft. temple-paintings or sculptures, are known to me. The latter group is soon disposed of: it conGreat ignorance of the documents of Indian art sists of two pictures only. The first belonging to must, unfortunately, be expected here in Europe, this group is the figure represented in front and This is the fragment in which AElian describes the one-horned animal which he calls the Kartazon. Rorenmuller, who has treated at large of the unicore, which he identifies with the Indian rhinoceros, thinks that Alian probably borrowed his account of it from Kterias, who when in Persis may have heard exaggerated accounts of it, or may have seen it represented in sculpture with variations from its actual appearance. Tychsen derives its name from Kerd, an old name, he says, of the rhinoderos itself, and tasan, i.e., currens veloe, irruens. Three animals were spoken of by the ancienta as having & single horn-the African Oryx, the Indian Ass, and what is specially called the Unicorn. I Vide ante, Fragm. xxx. 3, p. 135, and p. 133 note t, where they are identified with the Kirktas. In the Ramdyana there is a p.888.ge quoted by Lassen (Zeitschrif. Kunde d. Morgenl. II. 40) where are mentioned "the Kirktas, some of whom dwell in Mount Mandara, others use their ears as a govering; they are horrible, black-faced, with but one foot but very fleet, who cannot be exterminated, are brave men, and cannibals." (Schwanbeok, p. 66.) [Lassen places one branch of them on the south bank of the Kausi in Nipal, and another in Tiperi.-ED.]

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350 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1877. back view in Moor's Hindu Pantheon (London, with the infant Christ." However, on one hand 1810) on plate 9, figs. 2, 3 (see the third plate the special emblems of both are wanting in part, to this, fig. 6, at p. 351), marked, it is true, as -as, for example, we find on fig. 76 of the same Lakshmi,* but better referred to Devak i and plate in N. Muller (see our third plate, fig. 4) Krishna: for, as Moor himself does, p. 30, the bow with the line of bees as a string, the we must consider what the mother holds in fish on the banner, the parrot as an animal for ridher hand as a lotus-flower, and recognize in it a ing; then, too, the god of love is not given anysymbol of Lakshmi; then, ought the child to where else ag an infant at his mother's breast (and be regarded as her son Kama, the god of love? in fig. 7 he is not represented as such at allMoreover, the question is not of a child actually rather as a youth rejoicing over the beauty of drinking at its mother's breast, but only of a his mother). It is much better to take it as child stretching out towards it in its mother's Krishna at the breast of Deva ki, a concuparms. Similar figures in wood or metal are used tion that must have been copied numberless even for purposes of domestic worship. Secondly, times at the yearly festival of Krishna's birth. to this class belongs the painting on plate 58 in The position of the child, too, corresponds here Moor (see accompanying plate I.), which represents exactly with the statement of the text of the ritual Krishna's birth, and the miraculous escape (see above, p. 286), for, if it does not itself of the infant over the Yamuna, conveyed by his "press the point of the breast," it still " looks father, and protected by Sesh at or Immor- up lovingly to its mother," with one hand stroktality; the guards placed by Kansa over hising her face, while the other is occupied with pregnant sister having failed in their vigilance." her other breast. (Moor, p. 197-see before in $ 1, p. 175.) Far more important, horrever, is the second The other group will detain us much longer. of these pictures, namely, the one given by It is true it also consists of only two pictures, Moor in his Hindu Pantheon, plate 591-a but these furnish abundant material for ques- beautiful painting (see the second plate) of tions of all kinds. The first of these pictures, "Krishna nursed by Devaki," from a highly which certainly represents to us Krishna finished picture, copied, like all the other plates of drinking at the breast of Devaki, is found in that costly work, by "Mr. Haughton of the Royal Niclas Muller's curious book Glauben Kunst Academy," and taken from a collection of "picund Wissenschaft der alten Hindu (Mainz, tures and images" made in India by Moor towards 1822), plate I. fig. 10 (see the plate at p. 351, the end of last centary. Unfortunately, more fig. 3). According to him, p. 553, it is a gift particular accounts of the origin of the painting are made from the hand of a friend, a faithful wanting. In every respect it is a true work of art, copy, but in half-size, and must have come to and we could even imagine that we were occupied Marseilles as an enamelled box-lid, the property not with the work of an Indian but of a Euroof a French merthant's clerk." Niclas Muller, pean artist if we had not in our possession other on his part, agreeably to the French inscription Indian pictures which indicate a similar masterwhich the picture bore, "La Nourriture de l'En- hand : see, for example, in Moor himself, plates fant Camadeva, fils de Maya," refers the re- 17, 18, 22, 62, 63, 67, 88, 96. No direct reference presentation to the god of love and his mother to the special accounts of the manner in which the Maya or Lakshmi (compare Moor, Hindu infant Krishna is represented at the festival of Pantheon, pp. 134, 447), who is here seated on the Krishmjanmaahtomi is found in it: he is neither the bosom of a lotus "like a Byzantine Madonna represented as "asleep drinking at the breast," Compare plate 11, figs. 1, 2, 3, in Moor, where Lakahmi, as Narayana's wife, is resting in his arms, look. ing meanwhile more like a child than a woman. (See . Moor, p. 81). t Bee Wilson, Vishnupur. (Svo ed.) p. 503. . * We must, then, recognize an attribute of Lakshmi in the lotus-flower which the another holds in her hand : compare the remarkajust made above to Moor's plate 9, figo. 2, 3. . $ This, according to p. 552, is "a miniature done in oopy by the hand of friend (Herr Mallet) from the portfolio of an Indian artist, the legacy of a French officer of marine (one Herr Darris)." According also to Orenser'. Symbolik, vol. I. 2nd ed. plate rivi. ; 8rd ed. (Leipsic, 1837), plate vi.; and in Gaignisat's translation (Paris, 1825), vol. II. plate xiii. No. 61. Mr. Haughton may indeed have helped it, as appears from Moor's words (p. 197) :-"The plate is an ennot oultine of the picture, without any addition or alteration whatever, sare perhaps some portion of ease and elegance in the position of the females." The following, from Moor's description, is perhaps of importance :-" The glory that enciroles her head as well as that of the infant is of green edged with gold ... Krishna in the picture is of & dark brown colour, and not, as his name indicates, and as be in generally seen painted, dark asure" (see farther on this subject the notes made below, p. 862).

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Indian Antiquary, Fig 5. Fig . SCSC PID CEO . BOPDO DIT UDT PWNDO P Fig 4. Fig 6. lakSmI W. Griggs photo-lith.

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La: P HIMAKT w. Griggs photo lish jexe Fig 9. Mei ku TUGOVICA Fig 7 Indian Antiquary,

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December, 1877.] ON THE KRISHNAJANMASHTAMI. 351 (see p. 285), nor "pressing the point of the breast And in fact it is to this idea, in all probability, as with his hand, and lookingly up lovingly into its source, that the Christian legend related the face of Deva k i" (see p. 286); she, rather, in the two Gospels of the Infancy of Jesus, the is looking down lovingly on him, and, on herGreek (Fabricius, p. 160) and the Arabic (cap. part, presses her breast, to make drinking easier 36, 46, Fabricius, pp. 198, 206) is to be traced, for him. She appears, too, far past the condi- --the legend of the making of animals out tion of a confined woman, as Krishna does of clay and imparting life to them, as apes, past that of a newly-born child. An immediate oxen, birds, &c., especially sparrows, alluded reference to the festival of the Janmashtami to also in the Qoran (Sura iii. 43). In India is not contained, then, in the picture. Of the this is ascribed sometimes to Krishna: compare, identity of the persons, however, there can be for example, Bhagavata-Purdna X. 14, p. 59 no reasonable doubt. Niclas Muller, indeed, on of Pavie's translation from the Hindi (Paris, p. 608, explains the picture as a "Bha vani | 1852), where it is only flocks and shepherds, laying an infant to her nourishing breast in her as in the case of Christ, -not, as here, eleparadise, as universal mother of earth, and phants, that are dealt with ; partly also to source of life" (!). Others have also recognized king Sa liva hana, who belonged, as is assertin it "Buddha suckled by M&y ," see ed, to the first century of our era, who Creuzer's Symbolik (3rd ed. Leipsic, 1837), I. made elephants, horses, and riders out of clay, 572: so especially Guigniaut, in his translation of and imparted life to them (see Lassen, Ind. Alt. Creuzer's work (Paris, 1825), I. 293. Nowhere, II. 882-4). Consequently this symbol is exhowever, in Buddhist literature or elsewhere, is actly in its right place here, inasmuch as it is there any such representation of Buddha joined to an analogous circle of representations, mentioned, which, moreover, would be inconsistent springing from the same source. What further with his whole character (see $3 in Ind. Ant. occurs to us here as specially worthy of attention vol. III. p. 21). That the child we have here is among the representations lying before us, is the to be considered as an incarnation of the Lord striking similarity which they show to the Egyptian and Creator of the world, is testified by the shell* type, Isis nourishing Horus (see before, $3 in as a symbol, lying underneath on the ground at Ind. Ant. vol. III. p. 49), particularly as regards the right hand, with figures of animals (elephant, the attitude and upper part of the group, in lion, bull, horse, &c.), which likewise are repeated so special a degree that a closer reference is elsewhere, namely, in N. Muller, on plate IV. fig. superfluous-a comparative glance at the two 64, in a group representing Siva with his wife pictures suffices (see the third plate, fig. 5). The Parvati.t Under the seat of the latter there is explanation of this would be very easily found if a similar basket, a "dish of models of beings" Raoul Rochettes or Mrs. Jameson's opinion, that Wesenmodellenschussel, as N. Muller expresses the type of Byzantine Madonnas rests upon this himself, --in which an elephant, a cow, a horse, Egyptian group, I could be clearly proved by a gazelle, a bird, and two men are visible, so that Byzantine pictures of the kind. We should then the common interpretation of the symbols as have to consider these last as the medium which denoting creative power is sufficiently apparent. had served as a model for the Indian picture. * Moor remarks on this, especially on the remaining in Egypt, from ancient times even down to the time of shells, &o., "The tray and stand bearing fruita, animals, &c. the Ptolemies and the Romans : compare, for example, one would imagine to be merely what they represent; but for the later age the great work of Lepsius, AEgyptische with enthusiastic Hindus everything is mysterious : and Denkmaler, Part IV. plates 48, 59, 61, 64, 71 [this laat they will affirm, that the dominion of Krishna over the is the picture fig. 6 on our plate). The picture which animal and vegetable worlds is here typified: nor are Mrs. Jameson gives on page xxii. (Isis nursing Horus) legends wanting in the fabulous history of this extraordinary is evidently borrowed from Sir J. G. Wilkinson's person, applicable to, and accounting for, each of the second series of Manners and Customs of Ancient animals that are seen in the dish. The low table on the Egypt, London, 1841, Plate 354. Greek art also has right of the nurse is similarly said to hold food, poison, and representations of Here giving the breast to Aree, or by amrita, symbolical of life, death, and immortality; advert- mistake to Herakles (see Preller's Greek Mythology, 1864, ing of course to Krishna's potency; while the triangular pp. 113, 114, but the only specimen of the kind accessible die, denoting trinity in unity, marks his coequality with to me in Wiesseler's edition of O.O. Muller's Denkmaler the grand powers of the Triad conjoined." der alten Kunst (Gottingen, 1856), tom. II. p. 6, plate v. No. 62-does not show the smallest reference to the Niclas Muller had this sketched along with others of Egyptian type. It is an en-face statue in the Vatican the copies of Indian miniatures in the old Louvre, done Museum (M119. Pio Clementino). Hera, it is true, offers by him in Paris, in the year 1794, at the request of G. her left breast to Ares also, holds it with her right hand, Forster. while the left encircles the child, but the attitude and the I This representation is, in fact, exceedingly frequent rest of the arrangement differ entirely. be the ancora Borromanner inte sabe been hitholog committer

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352 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1877. That such a Byzantine Madonna type should still time. But we have now to look, secondly, at the be preserved so faithfully in India, while with us other possibility, intimated already, that it is rather it belonged as a type to a departed age, would not direct intercourse between India and Europe, be surprising: in similar cases the same thing often established through the arrival of the Portuguese appears in the travelling of ideas to foreign lands. (1498), that brought pictures of the Madonna of To show that the Indians keep firmly to a model modern times to India, and that it is such modern of this kind when it has been once accepted, & pictures of the Renaissance that have served the remarkable analogue is found in the remarks painters of them as models. We know that made by me (Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morg. besides the Christian, chiefly Jesuit, missionaries, Gesellschaft XVIII. 507) regarding the com- other European adventurers of all kinds sought plete identity of the Manjusri of the four- their fortune at the court of the Great Mogul, teenth century in Java with the one presently especially of the great Akbar (1556-1605), as used in Tibet. . Moreover in the pictures of the old well as at the small Indian courts. Might not, cave-temples of Ajanta,fourteen of which were perhaps, some such Italian or Spanish-Portuguese recently in the library of the India House, genius in the service of an Indian raja have paintactual traces of Byzantine models are found alonged the picture? In this connection it might next with a decided advance upon them, in so far, be shown that, according to Moor's account, the namely, as some of these, in architectonic re- figure of Krishna in it is "dark brown," not ference, at least, already show a striving after per- "dark azure" as naturally ought to be the case, spective representation. This becomes clear from and as is directly required by the texts which the following report on them in the Atheneum of speak of the pictures and paintings prepared for February 3rd, 1849 (I borrow the passage from the festival of the Janmashtami (see before, pp. Hardy's Eastern Monachism, p. 205) :-"In 285, 286). Unquestionably the subject was one many of these, certain striking coincidences with very much loved and very frequently handled, Siennese and Pisan art under the influence of especially at the yearly return of the festival : Byzantine taste are to be remarked. There are so that Indian artists could of course ensily he same diagrammatic manifestations of the acquire a certain readiness and artistic finish in human form and the human countenance : simi- their representations, while, on the other hand, it lar conventions of actions and of feature; a like might well appear congenial also to any Euroconstraint in the choice of action and the delinea- pean talent that wished to attempt it. The tion of form, in consequence of a like deficiency fineness of the perspective in the landscape backin knowledge of the human subject; and a like ground of the picture, visible through the window, earnestness of intention and predominance of dra- deserves special attention. As for the rest, the matic display. .... Assigning the date attitude of it, in the minutest details, is certainly of the pictures to the period suggested .. . Indian (compare, for example, the position of it is at least remarkable that evidence of perspec- the kneeling female servant's fingers), and, accordtive should be found so very much earlier ing to the account just mentioned, perspective than the date of any existing specimens known arrangements show themselves pretty early in in Southern Europe. The earliest examples of India. Consequently, in the complete uncerperspective principles in Italian art date some- tainty which exists in regard to the age and origin where about the middle of the fourteenth century." of the pictures on the Indian side, it might be a Hitherto I have almost entirely proceeded on task rather for the historian of art or the Christhe supposition that in this picture we have the tian archaeologist* to investigate and prove their retention of a type transmitted from an earlier connection with any European models. On these see Ind. Ant. vol. II. pp. 152-3; vol. III. pp. 1 -as follows:"This represents similar subject, whence 25-28.-E . Compare also Koppen, also Christian idolatry received countenancehamely Die Religion des Buddha, vol. I. pp. 513, 514. Krishna, the eighth avatars or incarnation of VishRegarding the special glory, see $ 3, ante, vol. III. na, suckled by his mother, Deva k 1." In this case, p. 52. Does not this form of the glory, perhape, present however, rather the exact opposite seems to hold a fixed point in the chronology of art ? Indian pictures + Fig. 7 in the accompanying plate is from De Rossi's have in other cases properly only a golden ring encircling Imagines Selectae Deiparae Virginis, referred to in 3 the whole head from above to below : see, for example, the of this paper, Ind. Ant. vol. III. p. 500. Miniature Plate annexed to the Collection of Sanskrit Fig. 8 is from Bunsen, Die Basiliken des alten Rom. Monuscripts in the Royal Library here. pl. xliv.: see Ind. Ant. vol. III. p. 48a. * Rev. J. R. Beard says, indeed, p. 166 of his curious Fig. 9 is from the cloister of Karyais on Mount Athos, work on the Trinity,--already quoted, I. 4. vol. III. p. 50, referred to ut sup. p. 500.

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ON THE KRISHNAJANMASHTAMI. DECEMBER, 1877.] Meanwhile we here subjoin a few more data which abundantly establish the existence in India during the last three or four centuries of a directly European influence in the field of art. First of all, then, according to p. 424 of the Catalogue des Manuscrits et Xylographes Orientaux de la Bibliotheque Imperiale Publique de St. Petersbourg, which appeared in the year 1852, in a manuscript collection of Muhammadan-Indian pictures there (No. cdlxxxix.) of date between the years 1621-1752, we find, among others, on p. 68, "an image of the Holy Virgin with the Child Jesus, and above, in letters scarcely recognizable from their smallness, the words ye saheb al zaman, O - y SHb lzmn Seigneur du temps!" Then we come to f. 77 vers. the Annunciation of the Holy Virgin,' with some words in Roman characters, in which we can distinguish MOTIR and NOSTER (compare Ouseley, Biographical Notes on Persian Poets, p. ccxxiv., London, 1846). And so, likewise, our Royal Library here is in possession of two similar collections of works. One of them (library pictures A 100) bears the title "A collection of original drawings to illustrate the costume and the manners of the Persians" it is not, however, Persian but Indian pictures that are contained in it, as, for example, two pictures of the blue Krishna, both of which represent him as a young man, the one as seated on a kind of stool, the other as milking a cow (a shepherdess stands near). It is highly surprising to find among these pictures a beautiful one, obviously modelled on a European copy, representing the child Christ in the Madonna's left arm (both without halo). Jesus is dressed in yellow, and holds a book in his hand; the Madonna has on a red under-garment, and a That is budi, with an erroneous secondary substi tuting of s for s. Compare gana svaradi, where vadi also appears along with sudi (formerly also sudi). Both forms occur only in giving dates, and are simple abbreviations. Their being placed among the indeclinables is just such an absurdity as if, in a Latin grammar, the abbreviations cal. id. sc. were to be put down as indeclinables; sudi stands for sukladi nasya (or) su ddha-di nasya, or di vasasya), that is buklapakshasya; and vadi, badi for vahuladinasya, that is bahu lapakshasya. Benfey's explanation of the two forms as locatives (see his Vollst. Gramm. der Sanskritsprache, p. 344. Leipzig, 1852), viz. of sudi through sudivi, and of vadi through avadi, is quite wrong. In M. Muller's Sanskrit Grammar (p. 149, Lond. 1866), sudi (sic), 'light fortnight,' and badi, dark fortnight,' are also placed among the "indeclinable nouns," along with svar, sviyam, &c.-So, samvat also, occurring only in stating dates (see gana svaradi, and in Muller; in Benfey in the place referred to it is wanting) is scarcely an indeclinable, but merely an abbreviation for samvatsare, like our A. for 353 blue handkerchief on her head, which falls down like a mantle, and envelopes her whole body. tSwyr HDrt : The superscription runs thus (?) Tasvir Hazrat 'Isa bin (?) bin Maryam, "Picture of the Lord Jesus son [this word is repeated] of Mary." Of much greater importance, however, is the second of this collection (Access. 9278, 9360). The same thing appears from a border executed in gold painting and common to all the leaves, which on every leaf is adorned with separate figures-a single work of art. Of the larger pictures that are found in the middle of this frame, a considerable number are old European engravings, or at least copies of such. And in fact the subjects of these are borrowed for the most part from the history of Christ. Thus, for example, one engraving represents the murder of the children at Bethlehem, another the worship of the kings, another Christ's resurrection and descent into hell. A Madonna of Durer's (but not the Madonna Lactans) lies before us in a free copy, and also among the figures in the frames done in gold, we find the Madonna with the Child (although not, in this case, as a sucking child), or the child Christ alone, or other persons taken from sacred history. Beside them are numerous other representations having no reference to these, some European also, but most of them of decidedly Indian character and origin. Fortunately, the date of this remarkable work is preserved to us in a perfectly authentic way. On the concluding page the Indian artist, to whom the execution of the whole evidently belongs, has represented himself as offering a roll of paper to his high patron, by whose order he had executed his work, and on this roll, in Devanagari, stand the words siyi (!) eri Yalaladina Akavara Patisahi chiram jiva samvatu (1) 1646. pausha sudit naumi (1) are 'Anno. Benfey, indeed, in his Sanskrit Dictionary, places saivat together with parut, and seeks (under parut) in the vat a separate word with the meaning of year,' which he compares with ros. For parut Tepusi, Armen. heru, Pott, Windischmann, and Bopp have both sought a similar derivation, and in the ut a contraction of the syllable vat from vatsara, year." (See Bopp, Verg. Gram. vol. II. p. 210, vol. III. p. 481.) But the very reference to repusi and heru makes this appear to me very improbable for parut also. The words vatsa, vatsara, year, scarcely descended from the Indo-Germanic age: vatsa I cannot show with this signification in the Rik. at all, and in the Brahmana only in the word trivatsa, which is de. fined by trivarsha, but can also be quite differently understood; vatsara, too, very seldom occurs in it, and may probably be only a secondary word, formed to denote one of the five or six yuga-years, and derived from satiratsara. This last word, not exactly one often met with in the Rik, probably at first contained an r in the middle, as derived from the root vart and standing for samhvart sara, and meaning properly the cycle rolling back on itself:

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354 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1877. lishitah Kesavadasa chitrakara, that is, "May His Highness Jellal-ed-din Akbar Padishah live long ! Samvat 1646 (=A.D. 1590) on the ninth of the light 'half of Pausha, written by Kesavadasa, the painter." Thus, by order of the emperor Akbar, this beautiful work was executed by a native artist, called Kesavadasa. In this statement there is nothing surprising. On the one hand it is known how indulgent that truly great emperor was, how much he promoted the mingling of religious systems, how very warmly he interested himself in the Christian religion among others, so that for a long time the Jesuits reckoned confidently on his conversion. On the other hand, however, we know further from the statement of his like-minded great minister Faizi, in the excellent work called the Ayin-i-Akbari, that the emperor warmly favoured painting also, that he even founded a kind of academy of painting, whose members, among other things, had to illustrate Persian books with paintings (Hamza's History contains not fewer than fourteen hundred of them !); draw. ing portraits, too, of the chief officials of the court formed part of their business, - see Gladwin's Ayin-i-Akbari, vol: I. p. 115, and the Petersburg Catalogue des Manuscrits ... p. 423. ROCK-CUT TEMPLES AT BADAMI, IN THE DEKHAN. Bad A mi is a moderate-sized town in the Munro in 1818. It must have been a place of great Kaladgi collectorate, about twenty-three miles strength in early times; the passages through south-east from the town of Kaladgi, and nearly it are cut to great depths in the rock and are three from the Malprabha river. It is the chief narrow, long, and winding, so that if the gate town of the taluka of the same name. A little were stormed the besieged had their enemies to the south of it is Banasam kari; among far below them, and from above they could the hills to the east is Ma hakata; eight miles easily hurl destruction on the heads of all that to the east and on the river is Pattad kal; and could enter the pathways before any of them another eight miles down the river is A i hole could reach a place of vantage. In and about all noted for their ancient temples and inscrip- this rock-fort are some temples also. But it is tions. As pointed out by Mr. Fleet, there in the scarp of the hill to the south-east that the seems little doubt but that Badami was the cave temples are excavated. They are four ancient V Ata pipuri or Vat a pinagari in number: the lowest, on the west end of the of the Chalukya kings of the Kanarese country, hill, is a Sivalaya or Saiva cave; the next is and made the capital by Puliko si I. in the a Vaishnava temple considerably higher up in sixth century of the Christian era. Early in the rock and to the north-east of the Sivalaya ; the seventh century it is mentioned by the the largest, also Vaishnava, is still further to the name also of Ba da vi; Pattadkal is the old east on the north face of the hill; and the last Pattada kisu volal, the capital of the is a little beyond it, but is a Jaina cave and of Sindavamsa chiefs about 1162 A.D.; and much smaller dimensions than the preceding Aihole may be the Ayya vole mentioned in three Brahmanical ones. All four are still in & grant of the reign of the Chalukya king unusually excellent preservation, and are very Vikramaditya the Great, 1093 A.D.* rich in mythological sculpture. Bada mi is situated at the outlet between The Great Cave is by far the finest of the two rocky hills on its north and south sides, series, and one of the most interesting Braha dam to the east of the town between the manical temples in India; it is also the only bases of the hills forming a large tank for the cave-temple of which we know the age, for it is supply of water to the town. All along the on a pilaster in it that the inscription of Man north side of this small lake are old temples, galisa, the son of Pulikest I., the Chalukya most of them built of very large blocks of hard king who made Bad a mi his capital, is stone, while the hill behind them is a ruined fort, found. Though it cannot compare in size with taken by a British detachment under Sir Thomas Elephanta or some of the larger caves at Elura, this explanation holds good for watsa also, in case this can really be proved to have the signification of year, and then the etymological reference to tros, vetus, would naturally become doubtful in the highest degree. Ind. Ant. vol. III. p. 805 ; vol. V. pp. 19, 51, 67, 68, 71, 174, 844; vol. VI. pp. 72, 74, 86, 187, 130, 142.

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Indian Antiquary. SCULPTURES IN THE GREAT CAVE AT BADAMI. ene D UL ca a al 00 TITUTT 40 LH-RHEHE V W. Griggs photo-lith 1. VISHNU OR ADI NARAYANA. 2. VARAHA.

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Indian Antiquary. 5. W. Griggs photo-lith. SCULPTURES IN THE GREAT CAVE AT BADAMI. 6.

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DECEMBER, 1877.] ROCK-CUT TEMPLES AT BADAMI. 355 it is still a temple of considerable dimensions, the verandah measuring nearly seventy feet in length, and the cave inside sixty-five feet, with a total depth from the front of the verandah pillars to the back wall of forty-eight feet, -the shrine going into the rock about twelve foet further, while the general height thronghout verandah and hall is fifteen feet. It is considerably higher up in the rock than the other Vaishnava cave, and is entered by an ascending stair through a door in the west end of a square court in front of it, the north side of this court being formed by a large mass of rock left un- excavated there; the east and west ends are formed by old walls of masonry, that on the east entirely precluding all access from this side to the Jaina cave just beyond it, so that the Jainas must have formed a path for themselves from the shore of the taldo below up to their rock-cut shrine. The cave faces the north, and the level of the floor of it is eight or nine feet above that of the court outside. A narrow platform is built up the whole length of the front, the cave being entered by a flight of steps in the centre of it, but which have now been torn down,-probably because the long treads of the steps were found useful for some purpose or other in the village. The front of the platform has a moulded cornice, and under it & dado of blocks, many of them seven feet in length divided into more than thirty compartments throughout the length of it, and in each compartment two of those little fat dwarfs or ganas that are sach favourites with the early Hindu sculptors for the decoration of basements, and which they were fond of re- presenting in every possible attitude and in every form of grimace, even with the heads of animals. All sects-Brahmans, Buddhists, and Jains-seem to have employed such figures in similar positions: in fact they appear to have been conventionalities dependent more upon the taste and imagination of the craftsmen than upon the mythology of the sect for which any particular temple was constructed. The verandah is supported in front by six pillars each two and a half feet square, and two pilasters, with deep bases and capitals, the latter almost hidden by the three brackets attached to the lower part of the capitals on the backs and sides of each, and by the eave or drip which comes down in front. The brackets on each side the pillars in every case but one represent & pair of human or mythological figures--male and female standing in various attitudes under foliage, in most cases attended by a small dwarf figure; the only exception to the pair of figures is one in which Ardhanari is represented, fourarmed and with two dwarf attendants. The brackets on the backs or inner sides of the pillars are all tall single female figures, each with one or two small attendants. These brackets extend from near the bottom of the capitals to the roof. The necks of the pillars below the capitals are carved with broad bands of elaborate beaded festoon work, and on each of the four sides of the lower portions of the shafts are medallions carved with groups of figures within a border. The verandah is nine foet wide, and is separ. ated from the hall by four free-standing columns and two demi-columns in antis, all with high bases, the two central pillars being of that purely Hindu type, so often met with, consisting of a square shaft with thin and slightly narrower slabs applied to each face : in this case two of these slabs are superimposed on each side, forming five exterior angles at each of the four corners. The two pillars outside these are octagong with capitals of the Elephanta type. There are thus left for sculptures the two ends of the verandah, and the spaces on the back between the attached pillars and the ends. In the east end of the verandah is a large figure of Vishnu seated (see Fig. 1) on the body of the great snake Sesha or Ananta, which is thrice coiled round below him, while its hoods-five in this instance-are spread out over and round his big muguta or crown as if to protect it. He is represented as four-armed (Chaturbhuj) - the front left hand resting on the calf of his leg, and the other holding up the bankha or conch-shell, one of his most characteristic emblems,-being the shell that was among the fourteert precious thinge produced from the churning of the ocean which Vishna conducted in his second or Karma avatara, and which was said to confer victory on whoever should sound it. In the Vishme Purana and Harivasia, however, it is said that when Krishna was getting up his military acquirements, his acharya or tutor, Sandipani Kasy a complained that he had lost his only son in the sea at Prabhisa (SomanAtha). Krishna

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356 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. plunged into the sea, but was told by Samudra that it was the Daitya Panchajana or Sankhasura, the chief of a race dwelling in shells, who had carried off the youth. Krishna then, descending to the bottom of the ocean, encountered and slew him, bringing up his bones (or the shell he had inhabited), of which he made the Sankha Panchajanya, that he bore ever after as an emblem.+ In the front right hand he holds some object perhaps representing wealth or fruit, and in the other his chakra or discus-a sharp-edged heavy quoit, which seems to have been used as a missile instrument in early warfare by the Hindus, being thrown with force against the enemy, and recovered by a string attached to it. In later mythological representations Vishnu is represented as twirling it round his forefinger, when, it is said, irresistible fire flames from its periphery, destroying all in its course. It is called sudarsana, and is said to, have been formed from the rays of Tvashtri for the destruction of the Danavas. He has three necklaces, each represented with a mass of gems in front, among which it was perhaps intended to represent the Kaustubha or Bhrigulita. Round his waist is another belt of gems, while over his left shoulder and under his right arm hangs a thick cord apparently formed of twisted strands of strings of beads or pearls; and again round his loins are other richly embroidered belts; on his arms and wristsSS also he wears rich armlets and bracelets. To his right and below is Garuda, his vahana or vehicle, who carries him and attends him also as a page, sitting with folded arms leaning against the coils of Sesha. Opposite to him sits a little female figure with high muguta, which may possibly represent Lakshmi, the wife of Vishnu. Above these stand two taller female figures, each holding a chauri or fly-flap: they have jewelled head-dresses, and large chignons, out of which rises a single cobra-hood overshadowing the head. These attendants remind us of the supporters we so often find under the padmasanas or lotus-thrones of figures of Buddha, where the male supporters of the lotus-stalk are represented with three, five, or even seven snake-hoods shielding their heads, while their female companions or wives have only one hood. + Wilson, Vishnu Purana, 1st ed. p. 562; Harivansa, adh. lxxxix.; Wilford in As. Res. vol. VIII.; Moor's Hindu Pantheon, p. 218. Harivamsa, adh. ix. and ocrv. SS On his wrist Vishnu wears the jewel called Syamantaka. [DECEMBER, 1877. This large sculpture fills the end compartment of the verandah. Under it is a plinth the front of which is carved with little fat gambolling figures or ganas. Turning to the right we find on the back wall of the verandah another large sculpture, and one which in the early ages seems to have been a great favourite, for we seldom miss it in a Vaishnava shrine (Fig. 2). It is also repeated in several of the Saiva rock-temples of Elura, and always in nearly the same form as here. It is the Vara ha or third avatara, assumed to rescue the earth from the Asura Hiranyaksha, the chief of the Danavas, who had carried it off to the bottom of the ocean, when Vishnu, taking the form of a boar, dived down and rescued it, after a contest of a thousand years. Here he is represented again as fourarmed, similarly dressed as in the other figure, and with the chakra and sankha in his uplifted hands, but with a boar's head, standing with his left foot on the coil of a snake, the head of which is human, with five hoods behind it-seen under his thigh. In one of his left hands he holds a lotus-flower on which stands Prithivi,-the Earth personified,-steadying herself against his shoulder. Prithivi, also called Bhumidevior Bhude vi, derives her name from Prithu, the first king who taught the mode of cultivating the ground, and whose daughter she is said to have been. She is the wife of Vishnu in his Vara ha avatara, and to her he delivered one of the Puranas. She is represented in mythology as a woman with two arms, standing on a lotus-flower, and holding in one hand another lotus-blossom, with a crown on her head, her long black locks reaching to her feet, of yellow complexion, and with a tilaka of red paste on her forehead. Bhumidevi is the goddess of patience and endurance, but receives no special worship.T In front of Varaha's knee kneels a human female figure with the five Na ga-hoods over his jewelled muguta, and behind stands a female chauri-bearer with the single hood; another figure lies between Varaha's feet, holding by the long cord or yajnopavita that hangs down from his shoulder, but which is broken away in front of the head and shoulder of the Naga figure. Conf. Harivansa, adh. xli,, ccxxiii., and ccxxiv. Prithiv! is from prithu-extended'. On Bhumidevi Bee Manu, iii. 85, 86; ix. 311; Colebrooke's Essays, vol. I. p. 137.

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Indian Antiquary. W. Griggs photo-lith. SCULPTURES IN THE GREAT CAVE AT BADAMI. 3. NRISINHA ac 4. VIRATARUPA

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Indian Antiquary, Vol. IV. COPPER SASANAM OF THE SYRIAN CHRISTIANS OF MALABAR. l 2011393 l m ) cine( mm kh nm 26 20 mdl dr 6 wlh lbldn m 2011 l`b@ Tb bbm lh l llh te drbr ll wlk dw mdd lltk ldjj n 491 lk wlw `l~ vkmy`l prySH wlytk Hlwy w llh lw hKHgzmn H rh lmsH lwHdk STEA sks`d `ml dshtm mn - 1216 nebrec. wrwl - hlgvKHnrTny D - DD dd 20 EINA Jigit of m w khh wmn dnh hyN dlw 04 (16 20 66 66c l 200 rwn 00 jwl 6 - -- vouremo ---

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DECEMBER, 1877.] ROCK-CUT TEMPLES AT BADAMI. 357 Over Varaha's shoulders are two pairs of figures crescent moon, beside Vishnu's jewelled muguta like the cherubs in Bauddha shrines, each ap- is a Varaha and two other figures, and below parently with offerings. on his right Garuda. In front stand three On the pilaster, beside this figure, is the in figures, probably representing Bali the son of scription of the sixth century of our era (A.D. Virochana and king of Mahabalipura, and his 579), to which we shall again refer below. wife with Sukra his counsellor, the first holding At the west end of the verandah we have an- the pot out of which he had, against Sukra's other of the arataras, namely the Narasinha | advice, poured the water on the hands of the or man-lion (Fig. 3), which, like the Varaha, dwarf in confirmation of his promise to grant is represented as having taken place in the Vamana's request for as much ground as he Satya-yuga. The demon Hiranya kasipu, could compass at three strides. But scarcely the son of Kasyapa and Diti, and brother of was the water poured on his hands when, say Hirao y, ksha, having, in consequence of the legends," he developed all his divine form. severe penance, obtained from Brahma the boon The earth became his feet, the heaven his that he should be invulnerable to gods, men, head, the sun and moon his eyes, the Piso has snakes, &c., became imperious and troubled his toes, the Guh ya kas his fingers, the earth and heaven, when, at the desire of Prah- Vis vadovas his knees, the Sad hyas his 1&da the son of Hiranyakasipu, Narasinha legs, the Yakshas his nails, the Apsarasas bursting out of a column destroyed him, to the the lines on his face, the lightning his glance, great joy of the devatas. He is here represented the solar rays his locks, the stars the spots on four-armed, one of the left arms resting on his his person, the intermediate points of the horizon huge club or gadha, called Kaumodaki, beside his arms, the cardinal points bis ears, the which stands Garuda in human form. On the Asvins the interiors of his ears, Vayu his other side is a dwarf attendant, and above nose, Chandramas (moonbeams) the light Narasinha's shoulders are figures floating with of his face, duty his sentiment (manas), truth garlands and gifts. Over the lion-head is a his voice, Sarasvat i his tongue, Aditi his lotus, and his jewelled necklaces are elaborately neck, Mitra and Tvashtri his eyebrows, carved. Agni his month, Brahme his heart, the On the other side of the front pilaster of the Vasus his back, the Maruts his joints, the verandah from this last is a large and very Chhand as his teeth, &c. &c. At the sight of striking sculpture, repeated also on a smaller this divine form the Asuras, Bali's subjects, scale in the other Vaishnava cave here, in the enraged dashed at him." Among them we find Das Avatara cave and in other places at Elure such namesas Viprachitti, Hayagriva, Ketuman, (see Fig. 4). Locally it is called Viratrupa, but, Ugra, Prahla d a, Anuhrida, Hari, Hara, from the place it occupies among these sculp Var a ha, Virupaksha, Suprabha, Dvichakra, tures, there can be no doubt that it relates to Vayu, Vikshara, Krodha, Naraka, Puloman, Vishnu in the fifth or Vamana avatdra of Rahu, &c. &c. They were of all animal and the TretA-yaga. He is represented in this case as monstrous shapes, and armed with all sorts of eight-armed (Ashta bhuja), with the chakra, instruments, their heads decked with diadems, the Nandaka, the sword, the gadha or club, and an earrings, &c. Vishnu's form, however, grew arrow in his right hands, and the bankha, the bow as he dispersed them, until the sun and moon called Sarnga, and shield in the left, while with were no higher than his breast, and still he the fourth on that side he points to a round grin grew. "The Brahmans say that the powerful ning face, perhaps Rahu, to which he lifts Vishnu, the conqueror of the Asuras, after also his left foot. Over this face is the subduing the three worlds, gave the earth to * Vishnu, like Siva, has a thousand names (Mahabh. Anud.sana parvan, vv. 6950-7086) of which the more usual are : 1 Achyuta-the undecayable. 3 Ananta-layana- who sleeps on the serpent Ananta. 3 Daitykri -the enemy of the Daityas. 4 Damodara Krishga, bound with a rope. 5 Govinda-raiser of the earth, or cow keeper. 6 Hari. 7 Janarddans-of whom emancipation is sought. 8 Jalajalochana-lotus-eyed; 9 Pundarik Aksha-whose eyes are like the white lotus. 10 Kaitabhajit-who overcame Kaitabha. 11 Kesava-hairy, or who gave being. 12 Kesinishadana. 13 Kiritin-wearing a tiara. 14 Lakshmipati-lord of Lakshmi. 15 Sridhara-bearer of Sri.

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358 Indra, and to Bali the sixth of the lower worlds (Patala), named Sutala."+ Holding by his thigh is Garuda, and above the heads of the three figures before him is one with sword and shield falling down, and a half-figure behind. Facing this, at the other end of the verandah, just outside the pilaster that separates it from the first described of these sculptures, is another large one (Fig. 5) representing Vishnu with eight arms, with chakra, arrow, gadha, and sword in his right hands, and in the left the sankha, shield, and bow (sarnga), the fourth placed against his loin. Behind the head a portion of the head-dress is formed into a circular frill, somewhat resembling an aureole: this may be observed also both in the last described figure and in the next. He wears long pendant links hanging down from the ears, similar to what are found on many Bauddha images, and in the lower portion of the link is hung a heavy ring or jewel that rests against the collar. From the top of his high muguta, or cap, springs a figure of Narasinha-four-armed and with chakra and sankha. Whom this is intended to represent is somewhat difficult to say; as it occupies a position beside the entrance, it may be intended merely as a figure of Vishnu in his more active and terrible form, while the next, inside, represents him in repose seated on Sesha-or it may be for Balarama, the seventh avatara. It is, like the others, well cut in a close-grained rock, and the only damage it has suffered is a piece out of the long sword, and some slight injury near the ankle. The dress is knotted behind the thighs, and round his body and thighs he wears a belt, perhaps the same as the buhupaddai of Southern India, represented as worn by sages and other holy beings when they sit. The last large sculpture to be noticed in this cave is a figure of Harihara, as he is locally krown. (Fig. 6.) This name is applied to the THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 16 Madhava. 17 Madhusudana-destroyer of Madhu. 18 Mukunda-passionless. 19 Murari-foe of Mura. 20 Narayana-who dwells on the waters, or in the minds of the devout. 31 Padmanabha-in whose navel is a lotus. 22 Panchayudha-having five weapons. 28 Pitambara-wearing yellow garments. [DECEMBER, 1877. Ayinar of the south country, the alleged son of Siva by Mohini (a female manifestation of Vishnu), and who is the only male Gramadevata worshipped by the Tamils. But there is another legend of Harihara which runs thus:"In former times there lived an Asura named Guha, the son of a Rishi. He was exceedingly powerful, and performed extremely painful penances. On one occasion, after inhaling a draught of smoke, he performed the penance of standing on his head for ninetysix years, during sixty-four of which he lived solely on the leaves of trees, and for another portion of the time upon fruit, and for the rest of the period he lived entirely without food; and by this means he succeeded in bringing all his bodily senses into complete subjection. As a reward for this great penance, he obtained a boon from Brahma, and this blessing so intoxicated him with pride that he became a troubler of the worlds. In course of time Indra and his attendant gods were obliged to make war upon him on account of the universal confusion which he created; but he assumed the different powers of all the gods -the power of Surya, of Indra, of Agni, of Anila, of Indu, of Yama, of Varuna, and of the other gods, and so succeeded in driving them out of their own paradise. 24 Hrishikesa-god of all the members of light. 25 Sarigin; 26 Sarigapani-bearing the bow of horn. 27 Svayambhu-self-existent. 28 Varshneya. 29 Vasudeva-as Krishna, the son of Vasudeva. 30 Vaikuntha; 81 Vaikunthanatha-the destroyer of "Then those exiled gods, together with the Rishis, the Munis, the Gandharvas, the Yakshas, and the Rakshasas," went to Siva, and "in order also to make it evident to all crea tures that Vishnu and Siva are one," says the Saiva legend, "I (Siva) assumed the form of Hari. For a thousand years of the gods I made war upon Guhasura with various divine and mighty weapons. For a while I merely hurled them at him in sport, but at last I pierced him mortally with the tremendous arrow Mahapasupatastra."... "When the gods saw the mysterious form which had been assumed to sorrow, or lord of the heaven named Vaikuntha or limitless. 32 Vishnu-into whom all is absorbed, or the pervading. 33 Vishtara-arava-who (in the form of Virata) is all eye, all ear 34 Visvamvara-protector of the world. 35 Vishvakeena-whose soldiers fill the world. And the ten avataras-1, Matsya, the fish; 2, Kurma, the tortoise; 3, Varaha, the boar; 4, Narasinha, the manlion; 5, Vimana, the dwarf; 6, Parasurama, the son of Jamadagni; 7, Rama; 8, Krishna; 9, Buddha; and, 10, Kalkin or Dharma-bhushana. + See Harivansa, adh. coliv.-cclvii.

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Indian Antiquary, eac W Reca W Grige photo-lith. 7. GROUP OF SCULPTURE IN THE SIVALAYA OR LOWEST CAVE AT BADAMI.

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SCULPTURES ON THE ROOF OF THE GREAT CAVE AT BADAMI. Indian fintiquary PN Toe om A Orie NSON W. Griga photo-lith.

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DECEMBER, 1877.) ROCK-CUT TEMPLES AT BADAMI. 359 destroy the Asura, they greatly wondered and were very much afraid," until Brahma explained the mystery. In the Harivarnea (adh. clxxx., clxxxi. is another account of the contest between Siva and Vishnu, and of their subsequent union in one, concluding with a hymn to Harihara. Hero the left side of the figure represents Hari or Vishnu with the sankcha in his uplifted hand, the other resting against his haunch, while the earring and cap are of a different pattern from that of Har a or Siva, on which is the crescent and a withering skull, while a cobra hangs from his ear, another from his belt, a third is on the front of his muguta, and a fourth twines round the parasu or axe he holds in one hand. In the other hand he holds some oval object. A more common double figure in Hindu my thology is that of Ardhanaris vari, Ar dh a nesvari, or Ardhanarinatesvara, the union of Siva and Parvati, in a half male half fernale form. In the Kabika Purana it is said-'Hara offered his wife to take half of her body and give her half of his own, or vice versa; and at length she took the half of Siva and joined it to her right side, and the god took half of Parvati and united it to his. Thus forming only one body with his wife, Siva has the name of Ardhanaris vara." Other stories are given in other Purd nas. In the lowest or Saiva cave of the Badami group is a representation (Fig. 7) of this Ar. dhan a risa, in pretty good preservation. It occupies the right end of the verandah, and, as is usually the case at Elephants and elsewhere, the god is attended by his favourite white bull Nandi, which, the Saiva Samaya Vinavidai says, is a form of Dharma de ya, the god of justice, who offered himself to Siva in this form as a vehicle. Behind Nandi, with clasped hands, stands Bhringi-a favourite devotee, or perhaps Kal, the form of Rudra or Siva himself as the author of destruction,-a gaunt and hideous skeleton. At the left or female side stands a female richly deeked, and bearing some fat object in her left hand. The right side, which is always the male half, represents Siva,--the crescent moon and skall on his head-dress, a snake in his ear, another I Foulkea's Legends of the Shrine of Harihara (Madras: Higginbotham & Co., 1876), pp. 37-41. See also Ward's Hindus (ed. 1817), vol. I. p. 242. Rjendral Ala Mitra'e Antiquities of Orissa, vol. I. p. 98,and plate XXVII. fg. 118. It is to be regretted that coiled round his arm, a third hanging from his belt (the heads of them broken off), and a fourth twining round the battle-axo he holds in his oplifted hand : a portion of the tiger-skin in which he wraps his person hanging down on his thigh, with richly jewelled necklaces, bracelets, &c. The left half, representing U masakti, has a large flat earring, necklaces, belt, armlets, and bracelets of different patterns from those on the male half. The hair is made up in a sort of chignon over the shoulder, much as it is still worn by the lower classes in the Madras Presidency, and is covered with a network of pearls or gems. A cord hangs down in front of the thigh, terminating in a small flat heart-shaped end--an ornament specially noticeable on many of the figures in the Ka ilas a rock-temple at Elura. On the foot are two heavy anklets, and these and the very long bracelets on the wrists and also on the female companion cannot fail to remind the observer of the similar abundance of bone and brass rings worn by the Wanjaris and other aboriginal tribes to the present day. She holds up a flower, and with the other hand grasps one end of a stick, or perhaps a lute, the other end of which is held by the front hand of the male half. The attendant female wears a loose kirtle held up by a richly jewelled belt. Her earrings are different-that in the right ear consisting of a long link hanging down to the shoulder, and in the end of it a thick jewelled ring and short pendant; the other is a broad thick disc like that known in Bengal by the name of dhenri.. Her hair is done up in a very elaborate style, with a profusion of pearls over the forehead. Floating overhead on each side are two figures, male and female, with offerings, and having elaborate head-dresses. This union of Siva and Parvati in a single body personifies the principle of life and production in its doublo aspect--the active principle under the name of Purusha, and the female or passive under that of Prakriti. It embodies the central idea of nature-worship, and occurred to the early Greeks, as we see from the old Orphic hymn preserved by Stobaeus beginning Zeus arsen geneto, Zeus ambrotos apleto numphe. "Zeus was a male, Zeus became a deathless damsel." we have no descriptive catalogue of female ornamenta used in India. . Stobaeus, Eclog. Phys. ed. Heeren, vol. I. p. 49; conf. Muir, Orig. Sansk. Tents, vol. I. Pp. 9, 86, vol. IV. p. 331; and rol. V. p. 300.

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360 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1877. On the male side the figure of Ardha na. tiba is usually painted dark blue or black, and vermilion or orange on the left or female side, but sometimes the colours are white (Siva's proper colour) and yellow. Bat to return to the great cave: The roof * The names of Siya are so numerous, and the forms so various, that it is useful to know the principal names, though is almost every town and village he has a different local designation. In the Dekhan and Southern India the following are the most common 1, Ahirbudhna-having a snake below, or the serpent at tbe bottom, the nether serpent. 2. Anand-the blissful; 3, Anandanatha. 4, Andhakaripu-the enemy of Andhaka. 6, Arunachaleka--lord of Arunachala (the red hill). 6. Ann&malain&tha. 7. Bharga--the shining : 8, Smarahara,--the destroyer of Kama. 9, Bhava--the existing ; 10, Bhairava. 11, Bhima--the terrific ; 12, Ugn-the wrathful. 13, Bhdtanatha, or Bhatess, and 14, Bhutapati,-lord of demons. 15, Bhuvanesa-lord of the world. 16, Chandrasekhara ; 17, Chandramauli; 18, Pirisudi(?)moon-crested; 19, Chandrapida; 20, Chandrila (P); 21, Sadh sutikslAmaulin-having the nectar-producing crescent as a crest. 22, Chidambaramurtti-the intellectual garment-form, the god at Chelambram. 23, Chokkhanatha--the handsome lord. 24, Andivannen-twilight-coloured. 25, Devamani-the divine gem. 26, Dhurijati (?)--who bears the worlds. 27, Ekambara--having one garment; 38, Brahmi-the wapreme one; 29, Kadavul (?). 30, Endolan (?)-eight-shouldered. 31, GanAdhipa-master of the ganas. 32, Gangadhan ; 83, Gangavenian-having Gafiga in his hair. 34, Girisa-lord of the hills, he who dwells on the hills. 35, Hari-the seizer. 36, fas; 87, Lavara ; 88, Mahesvars--the great god. 39, Parameswara-the highest god. 40, Isana-the universal ruler. 41, Jatamudi (%); 42, Pingaga (P),-- with entangled locks; 43, Kapardin-with braided hair. 44, Jyotis-the light. 45, Kailayali (?)-lord of Kail . 48, Kadukkaiyen-with Cassia fistula garland. 47, Kannisudi-garland-wearer. 48, Kankala-bone-wearer. 49, KapAli; 50, Kapalabhrit--who wears skulla. 61, KAyrdnar-the god at Negapatam. 52, Kalingaraja-king of Kalinga ; 58, KAlurlys (P). 54, Dakshinfirsya (?). 65, Khandaparasu-who hews his foes with a battle-sze. 56, Kratudhvanafn ; 57, DakshAdhyaradhvansakrit,--the destroyer of (Daksha's) sacrifice. 58, Krishnuretas-whose seed is in the fire, or placed in the fire. 69, Krittivaras-clothed with a hide. 60, MshAdeva--the great god. 61, Mahabalesvara-lord of great power. 62, Mahakala--the great Kala; 68, KAlak Alathe Kala or destroyer of Kala. 64, Manidamendi (?)-holding a deer. 66, Marimuthal (?)-author of the Vedas. 68, Mrida-who is pleased or purifies. 67, Mrityunjaya--conqueror of Death.. 68, Munnon (P)--the ancient; 69, Mahamuni-the great ascetic. 70, Nadesa or Nadekvant-lord of rivers ; 71, Tandava. Urtti-the dancing god; 72, KAliyodidi (6)-the dancer with KAL; 73, SudalaiyAdi-the dancer in cemeteries. 74, Panduranga-whose limbs are white. 75, Nakka (P)-the naked. 76, Namban (?)-supremely desirable. 77, Nandikovars- the ball-lord; 78, Vriahadhvajawhose standard is a hall 79, N ArlbhAge-female-sided, 80, Mangaibhaga (1) 81, AmbikAbhAga. 82, Natha--the lord ; 83, Iraiyon (?)-the king. 84, Nilakantha-blue-throated; 85, Nilagriva ; 86, Nanchurikantha (P)-having poison in the throat; 87, Sitikanthaof the black throat; 88, Srikantha--of the beautifnl throat. 89, Nilalohita--the blue and red. 00, Nirmala; 91, MAsillathavar (?) spotless. 92, Nitya--the eterna 93, Paichamukha ; 94, Panchanana-five-faced. 95, Parama--the highest; 96, Paramasiva. 97, Parasupani-wearer of the battle-axe; 98, Pinakin; 99, Pinakapani-bearer of the bow. 100, Kundravilli (P)-with the (Mera) mountain-bow. 101, Pasupati-lord of cattle or the beasts. 102, Pongaravanindon (P)--adorned with an angry make 103, Rudr--the furious, or the disperser of tears. 104, Sambhu-the good ; 106, Tarbaran (P)--self-existent. 106, Sankari-author of good. 107, Sirnd Arnikkatavar (P)--the protector of those who take refuge in him. 108, Sarvs-who destroys; 109, Sarvajna-all-knowing. 110, Sipivishta-wrapped in a skin, or surrounded by glory. 111, Senjatayiss (P)-red-locked; 112, Vyomakesezure-haired 113, Siva--auspicious; 114, Mah dira; 115, Sadasiva 116, Somesvara, or Somanaths, --lord of the moon. 117, Srashtri-the creator. 118, Sthqu---the everlasting. 119, Sulin; 120, Saladhara; 121, Salapagi-tridentbearer. 122, Svarganayaka-lord of heaven; 128, Trilochans ; 124, Virupaksha; 125, Mukkannen (P)- baving a third eye. 126, Tripurantaka--the destroyer of Tripura ; 187, Purandhaka. 138, Tryambaka-three-eyed, or of three limbs. 129, Umapati-lord of Ums; 130, UmAanhita; 131, P&vatikorhunan (P). 132, Vamadeva who sports in a contrary way. 133, Vars--the giver ; 184, Pillaityaga-(P) the child-giver. 135, Virabhadra-the propitious hero. 186, Visvanatha-lord of the world; 187, Magnoals mirtti. 188, Vriddhachalam ortti-the god of the round hill. 189, Yogin; 140, Mahayogin-the mediator ; 141, Dhar. ma Thikurs; &c. &o. In the Amuldsana parua of the Mahabharata the thousand names of Siva and Vishnu are given, bat good many of the above do not oocur in that list. Those in the above list that are queried are not wholly Sanskrit, and are probably of Dravidian origin. There is one of which the Prikrit word rdya forma a component part.

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DECEMBER, 1877.] ROCK-CUT TEMPLES AT BADAMI. 361 of the verandah is divided by cross bearns cut on a sinhasana. The next, in the place of Nir. in the rock into seven recessed panels each siti, is mounted on a horse, like Mangala, filled with sculpture. Of these, six are repre- the Hindu Mars. The figure on the left of the sented on the fifth plate to this paper. The panel is dshasana gatam-seated on a sort of first of these, being the panel to the left or east shark as his vehicle; the position is Varu. of the middle one, consists of a central circular na's, andas heisgiven this vehicle in the Matsya compartment surrounded by four smaller oval Purana, instead of a stag, and here has also the ones, divided by bunches of water-lilies, so aspasa, or snare, the emblem of Varuna, we must to fill up a circle concentric with the first. The suppose it is intended for him. The next, on corners of the square are filled in with human the deer, might be taken for Soma or Chanand animal heads ending in arabesques. In dra, but in the Danakhanda (adh. v.) of the the central area Siva is represented, four- Chaturvarga Chintamani, Vayu, the Dikpala of armed, gented on his h II, with his sponse the north-west, is described as seated on a deer; Parvati behind him. The four oval compart- and that at the top is probably intended for ments outside this contain each two figures, Chandra, who sometimes takes the place of apparently all males; and (ne of them being Kuvora, as lord of the North.Kuvera is Gana pati or Pramatha dipa, the son of Siva sometimes figured as borne by a ram, Chandra and leader of his retinue, they are probably all on a hare, in a chariot, &c. intended as gana-nayakas, ar principal members The third panel represents the compartment of his gana. The corner figures are the heads at the east end of the verandah, where again of an elephant, man, makara, and fish, ending the figure in the centre is doubtless intended for in floral terminations. Pradyumna, the son of Krishna, an incarnaThe second panel represented on the plate is tion of K a ma, and one of the four Vyuhas of the central one of the seven, and has Vishnu Vishnu, two-armed, with his club in the in the middle, as lord of the Zenith, -four- right hand, seated on a pair of makaras, and armed as usual, and holding up the chakra in attended by two female chauri-bearers-perhaps one right hand, and the sankha in a left one: he his wives Rati and Prithi. The rest of the wears a high square-topped cap (as in Figs. 1, 4, panel is filled by four square compartments in and 5) already described, while his wives $rior the corners, and as many oblong ones at the Lakshmi and Bhumidevi are huddled in sides. The corners are filled with pairs, and beside him. Round this central circle are eight in one case three figures-males and females ovals each containing some divinity, as in the much in the style of the flying attendants above usual figures of the Dikpala-mandala. Above both Baaddha and Hindu images; and the side the sankha Brahma is easily recognized, seated compartments have pairs of figures with human ascetic-fashion on his lotus, four-armed and and brute heads, and ending in ornamental three-faced, oconpying the place usually assigned | arabesques. to Siva or Isana. Below him is Indra, regent The next, being the second from the end and of the East, holding his vajra, with his wife between this last and the first described, is arSuchi or Indrani, on the elephant Airavati. ranged in the usual style, having Indra seated Next to him is Agni, god of fire and regont of (rather awkwardly, it must be owned) on his the South-East, on his ram, and above him a fly favourite elephant, with an attendant holding ing figure, probably of Dhurma or Smoke. the royal umbrella over his head as ancient Below Vishnu is a figure on a lion with an king of gods. The eight smaller oval panels attendant, which might be taken for Sarya round him contain in five cases a pair-male and his charioteer Aruna, but it is probably and female-of gandharvas and apsarasas, and Yama, the regent of the South, who is described in the remaining three a single female, all appain the Matsya Purana (adh. cclxi.) as seated rently enjoying or contributing to revels, dano + If both these figures were not intended to be female, are:-1 Indr, of the E., on the elephant Air&vati; 3 the one kneeling on Vishpa's right might be Sira or sans Agni, of the S.E.- ram; 3, Yams, of the 8.- black as lord of the Nadir. buffalo; 4 Nirriti, of the S.W.- crocodile; 5, Varuns, of 1 Cf. plate in Sir W. Jones's paper on the Hindu the W- stag; Vaya, of the N.W.- Bhata; 7, Kuven, Zodiac, As. Res. vol. II. p. 808 ; Moor, Hind. Panth. pl. 88. or Chandrn, of the N-self-moving chariot; and 8, Lokos The Dikapllakse, or Ashfadikap Alakon, with their vahanas, or Livars, of the N.X. ball.

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362 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1877. ing, and music : for, curiously enough, physical enjoyment is the only employment ever pictured in the Hindu Svarga; intellectual or moral happiness is undreamt of. The corners are filled up with other varieties of the usual figures. The fifth panel from the east end, or that on the west side of the central one, has Brahma as its chief occupant, seated upon his hansa, three-faced and four-armed, with a very high cap, holding a sort of bottle-his kumandalu, or drinking vessel-in his upraised left hand, and a piece of samid), or sacrificial wood, in the corresponding right. In the small oval to his right is probably Varuna, and, according to some, the son of Brahma, seated on a sort of shark or makara, and on the opposite side Indra, with his attendant, on his elephant; above is T sana or Siva on a bull, with some sort of sceptre in his hand, and an attendant running after him at full speed with au umbrella ; and below, Y a ma as lord of the South, or fourth cardinal point. In each of the four alternate spaces, which in this division are somewbat smaller, is a pair of figuressimilar to those in the third panel describedprobably Vid ya dharas, several of them apparently with small bags, perhaps of money or other precious offerings, or possibly vessels containing something strong. The corners of the outer square are filled up in the usual way, none of them being exact copies from any of the previous ones. The sixth panel contains in the centre per baps Kama, Kandar pa (Makaradvaja), the Hindu Cupid, or-as in the third-Pradyum- na, on a makara, with a high cap and earrings of very different shapes and sizes, holding in his right hand a bud with a long stalk. The eight little circular compartments surrounding this have been somewhat irregularly arranged, and the spaces between but indifferently filled up by water-lilies, sunflower, human figures, &c. The compartments themselves are occupied by Gandharvas and their mates the Apsarasas in nearly the same positions as in the last-doubtless regarded as one of love and dalliance. The two upper corners are filled with birds, and the other two with mukaras treated in the usual conventional way. These by no means exhaust the sculptures of the first cave. The roof of the front aisle of the cave is likewise divided into compartments, in the central one of which are a male and female figure floating on clouds, much in the position of the pairs in the two last described panels of the verandah roof, but the male carrying a sword and shield. The panels right and left of this are occupied by expanded lotusflowers. The roof of the hall is divided into nine compartments, by divisions very slightly raised from the level of the ceiling. In the central one of the front row is a man or deva--perhaps Agni riding on a ram, with other figures, one before and another behind. In the compartment to the right or west of this is a pair of flying figures the male with a sword, but the group is defaced. In the left is a male with a sword, holding a shield overhead, and with him & small female. In the next row we have, in the centre, Brahma on a swan, which apparently pecks at a figure which touches Brahma's hand with his. In one of his left hands Brahma holds what appears to be a bag or bottle, and in the other a mild or rosary; and a male touches his cheek with his hand. In the compartment to the right of this again is a deva, on a makuru, holding up a circle or large ring. In the corresponding one on the left are three figures on an elephant, the second holding an umbrella over the first (Indra ?). In the back row in the centre is a deva, three-faced, like Brahina, on a swan, and holding a trisula in his right hand, his left resting on his knee. Chauri. bearers accompany him before and behind. In the square to the left or east are two flying figures, the male with an offering, and the female with a round fan or mirror; in that to the right are a pair of flying figures, the male with a sword; but the group is damaged. The roofs of the side aisles are plain. On two of the pillars of the hall are inscriptions in Kanarese characters, the full meaning of which, however, has not been made out. In one of them occur the words-Salivdhana Saka varsharibulu 1476 gunadi pramathisamvatsara ashadhaba, 11. Hence it was inscribed in A.D. 1555, in the time of Sadasivad e va ma 5 By misreading the commencement of this inscription, Dr. Bird nesumed that it was dated in an era be read * Halo Hal, and which he asumed to commence from the Nirvans of Buddha, and taking this as 543 B.C., he made the date of the cave 1476 - 543 or 933 A.D.! See his His. torical Researches (Bombay, 1897), pp. 60, bl.

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DECEMBER, 1877.] ROCK-CUT TEMPLES AT BADAMI. 868 hariya, the successor of Kondaraja of Vijaya- | opposite hill. Again, on one of the pillars of nagara, mentioned below. Of the former, who the verandah is an inscription in three lines, reigned at least from A.D. 1552 to 1562, there thus transcribed and translated by Mr. J. F. is a short inscription in an old temple on the | Fleet, Bo. C.S.: Transcription. [] Sobhakru(krittu(ta)-samvatsarada Asada(Ashadha). &u 15[] lu Komdaraja-maha(hd)-arasugalu ka[*] titti)sida kota(tta)lakke Subhamd=agu(stu) Sri "May prosperity attend the bastion which the mentioned above, on a pilaster beside the figure of great king Konda raja caused to be built on the Varaha. A faosimile of it has already been given fifteenth day of the bright fortnight of (the month)(vol. III. p. 305), with a translation, but, to render Ashadha, of the Sobhakrit samratsara||! Sri!" this account more complete in itself, the following But the most important of all is the inscription, I by Mr. Flect may be inserted here :[1] svasti // zrIsvAmipAdAnudhdyA(dhyA)tAnAmmAnavyasagotrANAGkAritIputrANAm ["] amiSTomAmicayanavAjapeyapauNDarIkabahusuvarNAzvamedhAva[2] bhRthasnAnapavitrIkRtazirasAM calkyAnAM vaMze saMbhUtaH zaktitrayasaM[+] pannaH calkyavaMzAmbarapUrNacandraH anekaguNagaNAlaMkRtazarIrassa[3] prazAstrArthatatvaniviSTabuddhiratibalaparAkramotsAhasaMpannaH zrImAlIzvararaNavi[0] krAntaH . pravarddhamAnarAjyasaMva(vAtsare dvAdaze zaka nRpatirAjyAbhiSekasaMvya (vatsare['] SvatikrAnteSu paJcasu zateSu nijabhujAvalambitakhaDadhArAnamitanRpatiziroma[deg] kuTamaNiprabhArajitapAdayugalazcatussAgaraparyantAvanivijayamaGgali( lai) kA[1] gAraH paramabhAgavato layano(naM) mahAviSNugRhamatideva mAnuSyakamatya dutaka[1deg] rmaviracita(taM) bhUmibhAgopabhAgopariparyantAtizayadarzanIyatamaM kRtvA ["] tasmin mahAkArtikapaurNamAsyAM brAhmaNebhyo mahApradAnandavA bhagavataH prala[14] yodita(tA) rkamaNDala (lA) kAracakrakSapitAmarAripakSasya viSNoH pratimApratiSThApa[13] nAbhyudaye (ya) nimitta (taM) lajjI*zvaranAma yAmanArAyaNabalyupahArArtha SoDaza saMkhyebhyo [14] brAhmaNebhyazva satranibandhampratidinamanuvidhAnalA zeSaM ca parivrAjakabho. [1] jyandattavAn sakalajaganmaNDala (lA) vanasamAya rathahastyazvapadAtasaMkulA['"] nekayuddhalabdhajayapatAkAvalambitacatussamudrorminivAritayaza pratA. ["] nopazobhitAya devadvijagurupUjitAya jyeSThAyAsmadAtre kIrtivarmaNe [19] parAkramezvarAya tatpuNyopacayaphalamAdityAmimahAjanasamakSa[1] mudakapUrva vizrANitamasmadAtRzuzrU(Si)Ni yatphalantanmahyaM syAditi [I] ta(na) kaizci[t] [29] parihApayitavyaH // bahubhirvasudhA dattA bahubhizcAnupAlitA yasya [21] yasya yadA bhUmiH tasya tasya tadA phalam [u] svadattAM paradattAM vA ye(ya)[2"] bAdrakSa yudhiSThira mahImmahIkSitAM zreSTha dAnAccheyo nupAlanaM [1] [23] svadattAM paradattAM vA yo hareta vasundharAM zvaviSThAyAM [24] kRmirbhUlA pitRbhissaha majjati [] vyAsagItAH zlokAH // || Probably the Saka year 1466 (A.D. 1548-4). For fac- I 1 . similes of the originals of these three inscriptions see . In the original the and they are clear, but the first Archeological Report, Western India, 1874, plates xxxiii. consonant of the cornpound letter has been effaced ; judging from the space left and the position of the I, the missing In the original this letter, , is inserted below the line, having been at first omitted. | letter is probablyJ, butit mightof course be g,j, or b.. xxxiv.

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364 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1877. Translation. Hail! In the twelfth year of his prosperous reign, five hundred of the years of the royal in stallation of the Sak a king having expiredt, Sri- Mangalisvara, whois valorous in war,-whose two feet are tinted with the lustre of the jeweis in the diadems of kings who have been caused to bow down before him by the edge of the sword which is wielded by his arm,-who is the sole auspicious abode of victory over the (whole) earth as far as the four oceans 1.-who is a most excellent wor- shipper of (Vishnu as) the Holy Ones,--who is born in the linenge of the Chalk yas who meditate on the feet of Sri Svemill, who are of the kindred of Manavya, who are the offspring of Hariti, and whose heads are purified by ablutions performed after the celebration of the Agnish to ma, Agnichayana, Vaja peya, and Paunda rika sacrifices, and horse-sacrifices which cost much gold, who is endowed with the three constituents of regal power,--who is the full moon of the sky which is the race of the Chalky a s*,-who is possessed of a body which is adorned with a multitude of many good qualities, who has an intellect which is intent upon the true essence of the meaning of all the sacred writings, -who is possessed of extreme strength and prowess and energy,--having erected a temple, an abode of the great Vis hnu, surpassing everything which is celestial or human, fashioned with most curious workmanship, most worthy to be looked at on the surface of any primary or secondary division of the eartht, and having given rich gifts to Brahmans in it on the holy full-moon of the month) Karttika, granted, on the occasion of the installation of the image of the holy Vishnu, who destroyed the army of the enemies of the gods with his discus the shape of which is like that of the sun risen (again) after the destruction of the universe, the village called Lazjis varat, hav ing made a daily observance the bestowal of food and alms upon sixteen Brahmans for the purpose of offering the oblation to Narayana, and (having set apart) the remainder for the sustenance of wandering religious mendicants, saying "In the presence of the Sun, Fire, and the (guild of merchants, the reward of this accumulation of religious merit has been made over with oblations of water to my elder brother Kirttivarma, the lord of valour, who was sufficiently powerful to protect the whole circle of the earth, who was adorned with a canopy consisting of his fame which was propped up by standards of victory acquired in many battles in which there were melees of chariots and elephants and horses and foot-soldiers, and which was bounded (only) by the waves of the four oceans, and who was worshipped by gods and Brahmans and spiritual preceptors ; let whatever reward belongs to me who ame) possessed of a desire to obey my brother accrue to me." (And this grant) is not to be diminished by any one: (for) :-" Land has been given by many and has been continued in grant by many; he, who for the time being possesses land, enjoys the benefit of it. Carefully continue, 0 Yudhishthira, best of kings !, land that has been given, whether by thyself or by another; continuing a grant is more excellent than giving. He, who confiscates land that has been given, whether by himself or by another, becomes a worm in the excrement of a dog and sinks into hell) with his ancestors :"-(these are) the verses sung by Vyasa. It only remains to notice the 6th and 7th plates : they represent the greater portion of a frieze round the inside of the verandah of the second cave, which is also Vaishnava. The figures are all small, but cut with considerable care, and are in remarkable preservation. The first scene represented, perhaps, begins on + This inscription fixes the Saka year 490 as the commencement of the reign of Mangalica. Saka 488 is the date obtained by Sir W. Elliot for his predecessor Kirtti. varma I. This inscription also determines, with a preci. sion not hitherto, I think, attained, the commencement of the Saks era. The era has been considered to date " from the birth of SAliv Shans, a mythological prince of the Dekkan, who opposed Vikramaditys, the Raja of Ujjayin." It is here said distinctly to date from the royal installa. tion or coronation of the Saks king." (Prinsep's Useful 7ables, p. 114, in Thomas' edition of Ind. Antiquities, vol. IL -J. F. F. I ie, the northern, southern, eastern, and western oceans. "Parama bhagavata," a most excellent worshipper of Bhagavan or Vishnu. A name of Karttikeys or Mahkeens, the god of war. This and the following two titles belong also to the kings of the older Kadamba dynasty of Paldik. (see Nos. XXII., XXV., and XXVL of my series in the Ind. Ant. vol. VI.). and probably to the kings of other old dynasties also. T 8c., majesty, the power of good counsel, and the force of energy. * This is the first instance that I have met with of the name of the dynasty being spelt as "Chalkys"; the usual form is Chalukya or Chalukya, and it is also occasionally written Chalikys. The early ChAlukys kings appear to have been very tolerant in matters of religion. In an inscription at Aihole (Ind. Ant. vol. V. pp. 67 f.) in the Kalldgi district, not far from Bed&mi, we find Palikest II, the nephew and successor of Mangalica, erecting and making grants to s Jain temple in the Saka year 506, and Linga or Saiva temples were erected and endowed by others of them. The meaning of the compound bhumibhagopa," &c. is obscure, and my interpretation of it may perhaps not be correct. See note to the transcription. $ The merchants, or probably the chief men among them, constituted a village jury and investigated disputes, pronounced the results of trials by ordeal (see the Kadamba inscription of Kittar, Jour: Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. IX. pp. 804 et segg.), and witnessed grants with a view to subsequently proving them if required, &c. 1.e., which spread over and enveloped the whole in habited earth. The artist has unfortunately intermixed the sections from the two sides of the verandah.

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Indian Antiquary. SCULPTURES ON THE FRIEZE OF THE VERANDAH IN CAVE II. AT BADAMI. U W. Griggs photo-lith. OA,e,A pinion)

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Indian Antiquary. SCULPTURES ON THE FRIEZE OF THE VERANDAH IN CAVE II. AT BADAMI. BY HIR XONALAK TITUTIMULENTI LIITTO RIAI KIITOSIONOMINICANA u9 LAY 92 W. Grigas photo-lith.

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DECEMBER, 1877.] ROCK-CUT TEMPLES AT BADAMI. 365 the last section of the 7th plate, where we have, and 2nd on the sixth plate. In the first of these first, Krishna as Vishnu resting beside the Krishna is represented lying on a couch, playParijataka tree, with Garuda behind him, and mates beside him, cows licking his feet, and severnl other figures, among whom are doubt- gopas or herdsmen standing by. In the next less his wives Satyabhama and Rukmini, and are gopis and gopas with pots of milk, cows and the sage Narada under the tree; then he is Krishna in the midst of them stopping the way. shown mounted on Garuda; ard, thirdly, go- And in the third are more of the herd, and ing out to do battle with an army of Indra, in Krishna slaying Kesin, the brother of Kansa, which some of his numerous opponents are who assumed the form of a horse and attacked Agni, Varuna, Yama, &c., mounted on elephants the Gopas, and of another enemy who took the and on horses, continued also through the first form of the elephant Kuvalayapida. Then section on the 6th plate. This is clearly enough on the 2nd section on the plate we have the the legend of the carrying off from Indra of the Gopis and Gopas on the banks of the YaParijata tree by Krishna, as told in the Hari- muna when Ktishna brings Kaliya, the great varsa (adh. cxxiii. to cxxxiv.). After this fol- Nags, whom he had subdued, and his two low in succession the 4th, 2nd, and 5th sections wives. on the last plate. Here we have first Nara. The 3rd and 1st sections on the last plate yana reclining upon Sesha, with the Jotus belong to a different part of the legend : In the springing from his navel, and Brahmi seated first of these we have BrahmA, sented, and upon it; Garuda is at his feet pointing two royal the gods or Suras assembled to ask his advice personages who are struggling to the god; as to how they were to get the better of the these perhaps represent the wicked kings who Daityas. He advised them to churn the sea of oppressed the earth and rendered a new avatara milk. The Bhagavata Purana then describes necessary. Beyond them two persons are abus- a contest which arose as to which should hold ing an ox, representative perhaps of Dharma the head of Vasuki and which his tail, while or Religion, and a cow, of Prithu-the Earth. they used him as a cord wherewith to twirl Then two others are supplicating Vishnu. The Mount Mandara as a churn-stick. Here they 2nd section on the plate, which comes next are twisting him round, a Deva being at his head, on the walls, seems to represent Ka is a be- and a Daitya, represented with an animal's face, tween two female chauri-bearers, perhaps Narada at the other side, but not satisfied with the tail. before him, then the house of Vasudeva, then Next come Indra, Brahma, Siva, and others Kansa having thrown the daughter of Yasoda on seated ready to begin the task, and still further a stone sees her assume the form of Ekana i a along the Daitya has seized on the head of the (Harivama, adh. lix. and clviii.) or Darga. serpent-king, which he considers it more honourThe next group perhaps is the apology of Kansa able for his fellows to pull by. The next scene to Devaki and Vasudeva. Passing to is on the 7th section of the sixth plate, where, the 5th section, we have Krishna sucking the the Asuras at the head and Devas at the tail, life out of Puta na* (atrophy) sent by Kansa with Mount Mandara for a churn-stick, and as a nurse; then his waking from sleep and | Vishan in the form of a Karma or tortoise, as kicking over the cart beneath which his mother & pivot, and helping in another form above, all had laid him; the killing of Vatsa sura or are working with a will to churn out the amrita, Arishta, who had taken the form of an ox;t or ambrosia, that is to make them immortal. In the relieving of N alakubar and Mani- the 5th section on the same plate the gods are griva, two sons of Kuvera who were turned assembled, and Indra, who had got charge of into troes by the curse of a sage; and the seiz- the amrita, is delivering it to Varuna. Under ing and killing of the Asura Dhenuka, who the pot is the shining chakra of the gods, who had assumed the form of a donkey. stand on each side, while on the left, Garuda, The next four sections are the 8th, 6th, 4th, the son of Vinata, as described in the Maha* Bhagavata Dasmakanth. adh. vi.; Harivaria, adh. Hari. adh. Im., clviii., clxvii., and lxxv., slao xi.. lxu. civ., clviii. Hariv. adh. lxviii, Irir Hariv. liv., lui., and luxvii.; Bhag. Das. vii. Bee Vishnu Purana, Bk. I. c.ix.(H. L. Wilson's transl. | Bldg. Das. L. and viii.; Harivalida, lxix., also liv., civ., vol. 1. pp. 14948.); Mahabharata, amritomanthana parua cxix., cxlvi., clviii., and ccxlii. adh. xvii.; Harivamsa, adh. ccxiv., OoXV.

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366 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1877. bharata, is coming to carry it off. In the next section he is seen speeding off with it, and then, having placed it at the entrance of the dwelling of the Nagas, Indra meets him and strikes him with his vajra, which, however, does him no harm, he having previously met Vishnu, who granted him immortality withrut the use of the amrita. MISCELLANEA. HEMADPANT (ante, p. 277). He seems to have been a zealous temple-builder, On the fall of the Chalukya dynasty of Kaland doubtless many of the temples known as yana in the end of the twelfth century, the Hemad panti scattered over Kbandesh and Ya da vas of Devagiri established a kingdom the Haidarabad territory owe their origin to him ; in the northern Dekhan. The kings of this line many others going by the same name derivo it are thus enumeratedt : merely from similarity of style and age.-ED. 1. Bhillama or Bhallamdeva... Saka 1110, 5 years. 2. Jayatugadeva or Jaitrapala. 1115, 17 , PLATE OF A SYRIAN SA SANAM. 3. Singhana Deva, his son ... 1132, P This grant, now in the possession of one of the 4. Kandarai or Krishna Deva. 1170 PP rival Syrian metropolitans at Kottayam, is writ5. Mahadeva, his brother ...... 1182,11 >> ten on nine sides of five copper plates; the first 6. Ramachandra deva, son of seven pages are in old Tamil-Malayalam or VatKrishna, styled also Raya teluttu characters, apparently written by Nara yana, Raya Pitamaha, different hands, the letters in places indistinct, Dvaravati parivridha ...... 1193, 39 , being injured by the breaking of the plates, and 7. Sankara Deva ............ 1232, 2 , corrosion. They record an endowment to the At the commencement of the Vrata Khanda of Tarisa church at Kranganur by one Marvan his Chaturtarga Chintamani, Hema dri gives this Sapir I so, the church being said to have been gencalogy as far as Mahadeva, in whose reign, built by a certain Isodata vira i. The grant he says, he became "minister with possession of was made with the sanction of the palaceall the regal powers. (?) The capital was Deva- major (probably the commissioner of Perum&1 giri in Setu na-d es a." His own pedigree Sthanu Ravi Gupta), and with the concur. he gives as-Va mana of the Vatsa-gotra," from rence of the Venadu (or Travankor) raja. The him Vasudeva, a very learned Brahman, from two sides given in the accompanying plate him K& ma-deva, and from him Hem&dri contain the names of the witnesses in three difSari. Dr. Bhad Daji, in a paper just quoted ferent characters and languages, viz. eleven names from, says that, "according to tradition, Hemi in the Kufic character and Arabic language, ten in dri was of the MAdhyandiniya sak ha of the the Sassanian Pahlavi character and language, Sukla Yajur Veda." The works attributed to him and four in the Hebrew character and Persian are-(1) Chaturvarga Chintamani, a treatise on language. Among the names in the latter characDharma Sastra, in five Khandas, viz. 1 Vrata ter are those of Hasan'Ali, Ishaq, Mikidil, Khanda, 2 Dana Khanda, 3 Tirtha Khanda, 4 Moksha and Abraham. Khanda, and 5 Paribesha Khanda, but the third The grant probably belongs to the early part and fourth of these sections are as yet un- of the ninth century: it has been translated by known except by name; (2) Muktaphala, which, Dr. Gundert (Madras Journal of Literature and however, belongs rather to V opad eva, who was Science, vol. XIII. pp. 116, 123-135), and compatronized by Hemadris; and (3) Ayurvedarasd- mented on by Dr. A. Burnell (see Ind. Ant. vol. yana, a commentary on Wagbhatta's medical treatise III. pp. 310ff.), Dr. E. W. West, Jour. R. 48. Soc. called Ashtanga-hridaya, in which the author men- N. S. vol. IV. pp. 388-391), and the late Dr. M. tions that he was the Mantri of R& mar&ja. Haug (Essay in An Old Pahlavi-Pazand Glossary, His date may therefore be fixed as A.D. 1250-1300. 1870, pp. 80-82). . For mach help in tracing the meaning of these scenes patronized by Hem&dri, a man of rank, whose name is on the friese, as well as for some important information therefore affixed to the performance; in general, the works respecting those in the panels immediately preceding, I am named of Hem&dri ere attributed to Vopadeva, who indebted to Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji. was patronized by him, and Hem Adri is said to have Jour. R. As. Soc. vol. IV. p. 4; vol. V. pp. 178-188; been the minister of & king of Devagiri: in this work he is entitled Maharjadhiraja." May not and N. S. vol. I. pp. 411, 417. TOU, the name of Hem&dri's father, as read by Prof. 1 Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. IX. p. 164. Weber, and TC, the name of his grandfather, se read See Monier Williams, Indian Wisdon, p. 178,-who calle Hemadri 'king of Devagiri.' Conf. Weber in Ind. by the late Dr. Bhad Dajt, have arisen out of a copyist's Ant. vol. VI. p. 161, note I. H. H. Wilson describes the mistake, making vAsudeva the son of Vasudeva into cArudeva? Danahemadri (Mackensie Coll. vol. I. p. 32) or Dna. The three Hem Adria of Prof. Weber are evidently one and khanda of the Chaturuarga Chintamani s "by a writer the same.

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INDEX. ***......... 319 ***... 352 ....... 204 ***... 199 ........... A bali.... 338, 339 Ahura Mazda .................. 314-15 Analesvara ............... 199, 203-4 Abaorta ........................ 312 Aigithelai.......................... 349 Anam ....................... 229 Abaya Aiho!e insc., &c. 22, 30, 93, 138, 354 Ananda .............................. 40 Abha Salamewan ................ 322-5 Aikayika ........... ............. 194 Anandatirtha ..................... 162 Abha Siri sanig bo.........322-4, 328 Aindra Grammarians, School of. 107 Ananta .............................. 269 Abhaya ...............................320.21 Aindragnya .... .................. 253 Anantabhatta ............... 169 Abhayatilaka................. 180, 182 Ain-i-Akbar............. 49, 194, 331 Anantadeva ................... 170, 282 Abhidharma.......................................................... 217 Aitareya Brdhmana ................ 255 Anantasayana ........... Abhijit . ..... 180 Aitihasika Rokasya, by R.D. Sen. 332 kasva. by R.D. Sen. 332 Anantavirya Ayya ................ 102 Abhimanyu .............270, 301, 304 Ajant& ........................ 53, 352 Ando Lapapasaka ......... 199, 203 Abhinavaguputacherya......... 269 Ajapala ................................ 194 ............. 194 | Anartta ............................. 50 Abhir, Abhira ............... 123, 184 Ajayapala 186, 198, 200, 208, 213-14 Andhra, Andarae ............ 337, 339 Aboriginal Tribes of Bombay, by Dr. AkAlavarsha.............60, 62, 65, 72 Andhrabbfityas ............ 43-6, 154 J. Wilson............ .......... 233 Akbar ........................ 7, 353-4 2 353-4 | Androkottos........................ 114 Abu ..................1, 187-190, 311 Akesinos.................. 121, 248, 340 Anga ...............................176, 317 Abu'l Fazl...... *********** *.. 331 Akkasalei ........................... .............. 80 80 Angaja.................................. 141 Achaldas ****.... 8 Akrura .......... 291 Anganavida................. Achalgadh Akshamall ............. ......... 253 Angirasa gotra ..................... 23 Acharya ................. 27, 32, 305 Alamgir Nama..................... ......... 235 Angria .............................. 233 Achyuta ........................... 357 Alavikdra ............................ 267 | Anhilvada, Anahilla-pataka 1, 59, Aden ........................... 83, 215 Alam Khan .......................... 6,7 60, 65, 180ff., 183, 195, 198, 200-212 adhikara ........................... 107-8 Alau'd-din Khilji ............1, 2, 277 Anhramainyus .................. 314 Adhikotha ....................... 50 Al Birani ............ .............. 58 Anila............... ... 358 udhitiydni, ad hitisani ............. 157 Aldebaran ............ ... ... ... 163, 173 | Anna............. 139 Adhivaca Alere ............. ......... 94 | Antigonog 114 Adi Granth ......................... 160 Alexander 114-19, 121-6, 130, 335-6 Antigonos Karyst. Aditi........................... 50, 291, 357. Alexander's Pillars.............. 247 | Antioch............................. 42 Aditya............................... 90-91 Allitrochades.................. 113, 115 | Antiochus..................... 115, 152 Adityaearma ...................... 78 Almora............................. 97 Antipater.............................. 115 Adityavarmi ..................... 75-6 Alphabet, Canarese ............ 136 ante ................................. 24 AditytnchhamartmanNG ... 85, 87-8 Aluvaraja ..........................91, 93 Antixeni ............................ 34. AEguptos, riv. aris ........................... ...... Anuradhapura ......... 318-23, 327-9 AElian, Hist. Anim. ... 128, 133, 333 Amands ................ .... ................. 343 ains adsika ....................... 47-6, 136 agama ........... ............... 302 Amara .... ***** umstdra ........................ 85, 105 Agambhata ...... 187-8, 195, 198-9 Amatae ............... .. 342 anyonydaraya ..................... 110 Agarvahald ........................ 53 Amagarman ........................ 189 Aornos .............................. 247 Agasiyaka .................... 49, 50, 56 Amazons ........................... 344apaladhiyend.......................... Agastya .............................. 261 Ambi, Ambika ..................36, 98 Appianus .............................. Aghans....... ................. 229 Ambarisha ........................ 175 Apsarasas........................... 174 Agni ............ ............ 357, 361 Ambrosius,de Moribus Brachmanorum Apapika ............. Agrabodhi 326 Arabia ............. 215 agrahara ........... 273 amisd, armisam .................. arak 333 dha, ahdle.............................. 157 Amitagati........................... 51 Arakhosia ...... 115, 124, 246, 343 ahankdra ........................... 334 Amitrajit ............................ 176 Arathaura ......................... Aharishti............................ 32 Amitrocbades ..................... 117 Aratta ............................. 316 Ahichchhatra .................... 50, 53 Amoghavarsha ......... 52, 62-5, 72 Aravallt hills ..................... 63 Ahirana ............................... 210 Amravati ........................... 105 Arbudaprasasti ..................... 270 Ahirs......... ****............. 123 amrita ............................... 366 Archaeological Notes ........ 41, 215 Ahmad bad... 5,6 Amfitrio ........... . ....... 35 Archeology of Dehli, by Carr SteAhmadnagar 71 anta, antalena, ante ............ 137 phen ............. ............... 145 Ahmad Shah ................. 2, 3, 7 Amtiyogena ....................... 13 Architecture, Eastern and Indian Ahriman .............................. 314 i Amukteres........................ 133-4 by J. Fergusson ............ 130 129 157 ** * . . . ......... 75-6 157 114 ..... 10 334 157 ...........

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868 INDEX Ava...... ....... 3 88 199 ... 147 24 274 151-4 Ardhanart ........... 268, 359, 360 Argyre ........................ 342, 344 Arbat............................. 24-5, 31 Arisna, Arii, Areianoi 125, 343, 347 Ariane . ......... 114 Arishta .................... 289, 365 Aristobalus ................... 113, 244 Aristophuloi......................... 330 Aristotle .......................... 130 Arjuna........................ 212, 261 Arjunadeva ............ 187, 191, 213 Arjuna Raja.......... ..... 49 army ................................. 239 Arnorkja ...................... 188, 213 arodhave .............................. Arrian ............ 115-17, 124-6, 130 Arrokhad......... ***... .. 246 Argagalitae ......... Arsakai.... Arsareth (Hazara) ............... Artaxerxes Mnemon ............. Artemidoros .................. artizans.................... .. Aruna .......... . .. ... Aryans ................ ...... . Aryabhatta ..................... Asanfra ............................ Asandhimitra ...................... Asanga, Asmagi................ 341 Askpalli.......... A sasama ......... Asadha..................... A seri .............................. Ashta Matra......................... Asiar ................................. 215 Asoi 343 Asoka 39, 105, 143, 149ff., 267, 270, 274 Asokesvara ................ .......... 274 Assakenians, Astakani ... 246, 343 assessors ........................... 124 Astakampron ....................... 10 Asthihil ........................... 274 Astomi............................... 131-5 Asuras ......... ........... 357 astamuchas ..................... 119 Asrapati .................... 316, 339 Aavins ............................... 357 Asrisarman ......................... 40 A tabegs ........................ at, at ham, athi Atharva Vedd Athenaeus ... .......... Athornan, Athravan ........... 312 Atikrichchhra ...................... 78 Attakora ............................ Audichyas ........................ 183 Augustus ... ................. 149, 216 Bansda ... ............. 63 Aurangabad ........................ 33 Bappa, Bappapada............... 9, 16 Aurangzeb ..................... 234-5 | BAra-kotri .......................... 37 surei ...... ................ 215 Baramula ........................... 271 Automela ........................341-2 Baranasi ..................... 102, 138 .............. 132 Baraomate ................. ... 342 Avagraha... ..................137, 156 Barapa ............. 184 avaladhiyend ..................... 157 Barbara, -ka..................... 186 Avanti ...............49, 195, 198, 200 barber .............................. 50 Avantingtha........................ 186 Barhut ................................ 105 Arantivarman..................... 268 Baria.................................. 2, 4, 8 Avayanija........ ... 200 Barisal guns................... 214, 307 A yasiamanu........ Barliar tribe .............. 41 Ayinar ................... 359 Baroda, & plates ............. 3, 59 Ayodhya ............................ 309 Barth, M. ........................ 254 Ayubites .......................... 216 Barugaza ........................... 40 Ayyahole (Aihole) .............. 138 Basava .............................. 139 Szarams .............. Batkal ................ 42 Azia'l mulk .............. Batteya.............. Bauddha numerals, &c.... 43-6, 280 Badagas ........ ............... 100 Beames, J. ......................... 160 Badagiriya insc. ................... 322 Bear constellation ........... 126-7 BadAmi... 72, 99, 137, 139, 142, 35481. Becher&ji ............................ Badavi ............. ...... 141 Bersa ............................... 3: badhan ............................... 159 Behadin ........................... 312 Badli-ki-sarai .................. Belgaum ....................... 59 Badovarakshetra .............. Belgola 102 Baeto ............ 113, 115, 126-7, 133 Beliar............................ 100, 103. Bagadage, Bagavadi ............ 139 Bellew's Kashmir and Kashgar. 148 Baghdad ........................... 231 Benfey's Vedica und Verwandtes 278 BabAdor Shah .........5, 6, 234, 236 Bernier, M. ......................... 145 Babikas ........................ 41, 316 Beruds ............ BAham Khan ............................... 3 Bhadanta Sthiramati ............ 9 Bahuvataka, vill. .................. 17 Bhadra KALI.......................... Baillio of Leys MSS. ............ 107 Bhadresvaravatu ............... 271 Bairagis ................................ 234 Bhagalpur ................... 127, 229 Bairat insc...................149, 157 Bhagarata Purana .............. 170.72 Baka 187 Bhagavati ........................... 174 Bakovali ........................... 160 Bhagirati ......... 130 Bakirpur ........................... 217 Bhagvanlal Indraji ............. 155-7 Bakkhai ........................... 344 Bhaja ................. 33-4, 37, 105 Bakra Gupta ..................... 57-8 Bhamburde cave ............... 98 Baktrians ................ 121, 244, 344 | Bharshara ........................ 210 Baladeva ............... 174, 288, 291 Bhanasu ........................... 139 Baladitya ........................... 13 Bhanja Balaganve .............................. 32 Bhanusakti ........................... 31.? Balarama ............... 272, 289, 291 | Bhanuvarmu.................. 22, 28-9 Balavarman .......................... 43 Bharadvaja ............... 88, 91, 960 Balharas ..................... 64-5, 132 Bharata ........................... 88, 93 Bali ............ ................357-8 Bhargava ........................... 179 Ballala Yadavas .................. 191 Bhars, Bhors, Bors, Bharhiyas 339 Ballari .............................. 85 Bharoch, Barugaza............... 40 Bana ................................ 61 Bhartsihari .................. 49, 301 Banarasi ............................ 138 Bharukachhaka .................. 40 Banarase, Vanavasi ... 22, 25, 101 Bhasanta (Bhesan)................ 13 Bandhushana ........................ 27 Bhatara ........................... 103 Bani Israel ..... 329 Bhatarka...........................9, 60 ***..... 234 . ........... 43 216 O cura . ........

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INDEX 369 13 366 40 187 ...... 79 ......... 206 ***...... 1823 ........ ...... 216 Bhattaraka.........64, 102, 142, 194 Brihat Sanhita.................... 272 Chand ....................... 1, 187, 190 Bhattoji Dikshits ............... 169 Brindaban ........................ 307 Chandadanda ...................... 30 Rh o bhati .......52. 144 Brysari .............................. 339 | ChandAls .... . . .. 260 Bhavani ............................ 351 Buddas, Buze..................... 342 Chandanandi Ayya............ 102 Bhavishyottara Purana ....... 170-73 Buddha, 33-6, 81, 83, 149ff., 179, Chandasarman ............... 194 Bheda, Mt. 271 217-19, 245, 249, 316, 321, 326-7. Chandavasana 210 Bhesan, Bhasanta ................ 351, 358 Chandika ..................... 289, 291 Bhikshus ........................ 154, 218 Buddhaghosha .................. 321 Chandra ............ 361 Bhillas...........................186,233 Buddhagupta ....................... 58 Chandracharya .................. 301 Bhillama ........................... Buddhamitra ..................... Chandraditya ...................... 182 Bhillamala, Bhinmal ............ 63 Buddharakshita ................40, 218 Chandragupta 57-8, 113-16, 124-5, Bhimal ....... 97 Buddhists............. **......... 243 153-4 Bhimadeva 1, 59, 180-1, 184-190, Buddhist kingdoms, Records of 309 Chandrakshanta ................. 31 194-5, 198-214 Buhler, Dr. G.............160, 167-8 Chandramas ...................... 357 Bhimasarmme ..................... 88 Bujll .................................. 98 Chandramukha ................. 10 Bhinmal ............................. 63 Bukephala.....................343, 345 Chandrapida 266 Bhoja...................49-51, 54, 61, 63 Bukkana (Vukkana) ............ 162 Chandravati .................. 175, Bhojaka........... .............. 25, 29 Bumma Ayya ..................... 103 Chandrdyana .. .......... Bhojuya ............. Burgess, Lieut. .................. 147 Changdeva ................ Bhot, Bhotias ................ 96 Burhanpur ......................... 6 Changez Khan ................ 7 Bhrigu ...... ................... 332 burials ............ ................ 41-91 Chandra ........................ 177, 289 Bhrigulita ........................... 356 Burnell, Dr. A. C. 107-8, 278, 303 Chapotkatas ............... 181, 214 Bhringi............................... 359 Buzae, Buddas...................... 342 Charmal ............ ............ 342 Bhumidevi.....................356, 361 Charudeva, ........................... 161 Bhapati ......... Cainus rir. .................. 130, 338 chasm, subterranean ............ 347 Bhuraja... ................ 182 Calanus ............................. 331 Chaturvargackintamani 161, 171, 366 Bhutan .......... 97 Caligula Chaubfra ........................... 217 B atayojna. .......................... 74 Calingon, cape.................... 340 Obluda ........................ 181, 183 Bhuvanaditya .................. 181-2 | Calissa.............................. 338 Chaudaris Chandaris ......................... 234 Bhdyada 182 Camboja ......................... 228-9 Chaulukika, Chaulukyas, 180ff., 182, Bibaga ......................... 344 Canarese alphabet ............. 135 198, 200, 212-14 Bidi ........................... Canf ........................... .. 228 Chen-ching ......................... 229 230 Cantabra ........................... 340 Cheras ............................ 23, 80 Bilaspur ........... 231 Capitalis (Aba) ............. 341 Chbandas............................... 357 Bilbana.......................... 51 Carisobora, Kleisobora ......... 340 Chhanddvali......................... 309 Binay Patrikd ..................... 309 Caspiae portae .................. 115, 342 ChhatAhAra ........................ 204 Bindusara........................... 151 Caste ......................... 236, 251 chhavachhare ....................... 158 Binh Thuan ......................229-30 Catrou, Father ................. 331 Chicone .......................... ...... 337 Bird, Dr. J. ..................33, 36-7 Cesi, Cetriboni .................. 341 Chikhalda .............. ........... 50 Birdas ........ Ceylon ...................... 40, 318ff. ChikhilikA ......................50, 63 Bisambritae .............. Chichingdeva ....................... 2 chilathitike ........................ 158 Boa Constrictor .. 129' cha lapisati ... ... 39 Childers, R. .................... 161 Bodhi tree........................ 151-2 Chabumana ........................ 196 China ................................ 97 Bogle's Mission to Tibet ......... 310 chaitya ................ 33, 35-9, 276-7 Chingkhutol Haiba............ 219-20 Bolinga, Bhaulingi ............ 342 Chakratfrtha ...................... 22 Chintakuntha..................... 78 Bombay ............ Chalisch-pathaka ............187, 200 Chinvat-peretum ............. 313 bosporum ......................... Chalke (Chaulukika) ............ 182 Chisiotosagi 337 Botad... Chalukyas, 22, 59-61, 72-7, 85, 87, Chitrakantha Boudyas ... *********** 249 100, 137-42, 364 Chitrakat.......................... Bourta ...................... 244 Chamars ........................... 231 Chitrape da ........... Brahma.................. 314, 361, 365 Chambu ............ ................ 97 Chitrasedu ............. Brahmans, Brachmancs, 119, 243-, Champa ........................ 228-30 Chittur...... 105 251-7, 333-7 | Champaner, Champevati ... 1.7, 8 Choda (Chola).......... Brahmadatta ...................... 340 Champavat ........ 97 Chohans Brahinapura........................ 212 Chams ............. 228 Chola 61, 80, 85, 87, 93, 142-3, 328 Brakmayojna............... 74 | Chamunda .................. 74, 184 Chota Udayapur ..............2, 4, 9 Brancosi ............ 342 ! Chamuparaja 195, 198, 200, 213-14 Chryse, Chrysei .........341-2, 344 22 Bijapur.... .....60-2 .... 343 328 1.3 .........

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370 INDEX 361 96 63 158 Dasayaja ............ 210 Dharma .... Chudamani 1691 Dastur 312 Dkoarydloka Chund (Chonda) RAO ......... .. 258 Digarchi .................. Chunnari .............................. 213 Datta bhikshu..................... 219 Dikapalakas ...................... 361 Chuyentija ......................... 200 Daulat&bad ......................... 75 Dimuri (Dumras) ................ 342 Claudius ............................ 216 Dehli ................................. 145 Dindumene .......................... 152 Clemens Alex. .................. 243-4 Deimachos...... 113-17, 125-7, 133-4 Diodorus .................. 114-7, 122 Clitarchos .................. 135 Delbruck, Prof. ............... 228 Diognetos ..................... 113, 115 Cochin-China ..............97, 228-9 Demeter ** ............. 249 | Dionusos 115, 117, 122, 242, 246-250 ******* * Donusos Coconada............................. 342 Demokritos ...................... 130 344 coins .....................215-16, 274 Derange ..................... Derange ....... ....... 342 dirgamaghavattavishkritah...... Colebrooke ........................ 146 Desideri, Ip. ................... 310 Diti ...... ................ Colube ............................ 338-9 Deulavad ................. 196 Div ............... Condochates ...................30, 338 Devabhadrapallika.......... . 10 Diviras ......... Cophes ......... .............. 343 Devadhara ..... 269 dayadhiyan Coryat, T. ............ . ....... 145 Devagadh Baris ................ .. 9 Dnyanadeva Panthis ............ 234 Cosoagus riv. ............... 130, 338 Devagiri 59, 161, 171, 191, 277, 366 Drydnestari..................... 234 Cosyri ................................ 337 Devaki.........174-80, 283-5, 288-99, dogs ................................ 128 councillors .......................... 124 350-2, 365 Dohad............................. 3, 63 * Cowldurga' ..................... Devamukha ........................ 10 Dohdvali ........................... 309 Crocala............................. 344 devitran ........................... 158 Dolmens ............... 230 Cyril............................... 214 Devanampiye .................... 155-6 Doti ............... 97 Devas .............................. 49 Dramasa ........................... 340 Dabishlim ........................ 184-5 Devasarma ............... | Draupadi ............ 260-1, 275, 315 Dadda II. Deva-suni............... . 313 Drew's Northern Barrier of India, Dagaba............. ............... 327 Devavarma......... 148 Page #445
INDEX. 371 431 365 . . . 9 .. Hafiz......... ****.228 272 ****... 169 .... 22 ***...... 194 309 ** *..... 10 Ekakshag...... Gang&, Ganges 62-3, 69, 70, 114-16, Guhasura ...........................358 Ekanansa...... 121, 125-6, 130-31, 272, 339 Guhyakas........................... 357 Ekangavira ..................... 198 Gangadas ............................ 2 Gujarat ........................... 1-3, 63 kapadas ...... 134 Ganga Permanadi............ 100-101 Gullavelendaru ................. 88 Elagamukanda ...............318, 325 >> Rajesvara.................. 2 Gunamati.. El&pura ........................... 61 Gangaridai.................. 121, 337-9 Gunthavada..... ................... 204 Elephanta ......................... 99 Gardhaba-nadi .............. 50, 53 Gapta insc. and coins... 43-6, 48, 57 elephants...... 124, 238-41, 333, 347 Gardabhasena ....................... 49 Garjara ................. 63, 70, 188-9 Garga............................ 282, 288 Ellamma ........................... 139 Elliot's Hist. of India......226-8, 234 Gargas ............................... 306 Habarane insc. .....................319 Elumpundale ....................88, 90 Garjanakas ........... 186, 195, 198 Elura, Verulen.......... 33, 74-5, 99 Garuda ... 49, 271-2, 356, 358, 365 hadha, haka. 160 Gauda ...... Embolima ........................... 347 ............. 62, 286 Haidar b&d ........................ 72 Gaudas emerald Haibayas ........................91, 93 Enotokoitai ............... 133-4 Gaudavadha .......................... 144 Halaraja ............................. 270 Era of the Seleucidae ............. 218 Gauli R&jas ........................ 277 Haleyadha ......................... 294 Eran inso........................ 46 Gautami .......................... 276-7 Hall, Dr. F. ......................... 49 gdyatri ............................... 334 HAlol............ Erannoboas ............... 130-1, 338 5 Eratostheneg ...... 116-7, 126-7, 247 Gedrosia ..................... 246, 343 Halsi. etdye, etina, etiya, esa ............ 158 Geographi Graeci Minores ...... 113 Hambantota insc. ........318, 320 Gerete .... Etruscans ...................42, 275 ............. 343 Hamiradeva .........................2, 8 Ghadahadika ..................... Eurypylos Hampe .............................. 85 ..... Gheriyavali ........................ 196 Hamsalapura ............. 199, 203 Faizi ................................ Ghiyasu'd-din ...................... 3 Handarike ......................... Faqirs Ghor (Gozan) .................... 330 handicraftsmen .................. 237 Farang Khan ..................... Ghusadi .........................206, 208 Hanuman Bahuka ............... Farukhsir .......................... 146 Gipsy language ................... 40 Hanumanta .......................... 138 Fatemites ........................... 231 | giras ................................ 79 Haranika ........... Fatuji .............................. 6 6 Giridharpur .......... Giridharpur ......................... 217 | Harao vatis, Haraqaiti......... 246 ...... 2171 Fergusson, J.37, 41, 103, 144, 146- 8 Girija (P&rvati) ..................... 52 Hareshapura .....................91; 93 Ferishtah ....................3, 331 Girnar.................... 40, 43, 46, 190 Hari 74-5, 289, 291, 294, 301, 357-4 Finch .......................... 145, 147 Godavari ............................ 228 Haridw&r ............................ 130 Fitch, J. ............................ 145 Godhara ...............7, 16, 190, 274 Harihara ...............91, 162 358-9 Foe-koue-ki ........................ 126 Gogiarei (Kokaris)............... 342 Hariman ........................... 314 fountains ........................... .5 Gohadesvara ......................50, 56 Haripala .......................... 213 Freeling, E. ..................... 57 Gobaka .............................. 13 Harischandra ...............175, 287 Fryer's Travels Gohels .............................. 191 Haritt ..................31, 32, 74, 87 Goldschmidt, Dr. P. ............ 153 Harivarm ..................22, 30-31 Goldstucker, Dr. ................ 107ff. Harivijaya .......................... 267 Gadag insc. .......................... 88 Golkonda ...... .............. 235 Harshagani ...............180, 189-90 Gades *......... 335 Gonanda .................265-74 Harshavardhana............61, 78, 87 Gaetalavihara .................... 318 Gonardiya ....................... 305 Hashir ............................... 274 Gagrawn ............................ 1,8 Gondal plates ...................16, 17 Hastavapra, Hastakavapra ... 10 Gajabahu ................... 318-21 Gonds, Gondur ................ 233 Hastinapur ........................ 309 Gajjanaka ...................... 186 Gonik&putra ...................... 305 Hastings, Warren ............... Gakulam ..................... 318, 325 Gopalakald ..................170, 297 Hastis&la ........................... Gallitalutae, Gahalata ......... Gotrabhit ............................ 274 Hathab, Astakapra............ Galmodroesi ..................... 338 Gova, Go&............................ 162 Hagg, Dr. M. ...............160, Galpota ............................ 327 Govardhana.....................17, 216 Hauram Halba .................. 219 Galvihara ..................... 326 3 Govinda .........59-69, 72, 180, 357 Hazara (Arsareth) ................ 319 Gambhira Deva Raja .........142-3 Gozan (Ghor) ..................... 330 Heber, Bishop .............. 146, 148 Gambhata ..................... 198-9 Grishma .........................28, 218 Hekataios .....................113, 125 Ganapati, Ganesa ............ 34, 229 Growse's Rdmdyana of Tulsidds 160 Hemachandra ... 180, 186, 232. 278 Gandara, Gandharas 246, 269, 272, 309 Hemadpant, Hemadri, 161-2, 169, 316, 344 Grueber, J. ......... 310 170-71, 178, 277, 286, 366 Gandharvas ................ 174, 263 Guernsey .......... 42 Hemanta ........................... 218 Ganesa Pah&r ..............33-5, 39 | Guhasena ....... ........... ...9-13 Hemaos.............................. 125 Fanan ...... ****........... 228-9 342

Page #446
372 INDEX. 49 ... ....... JOumor . . ... ..... 160 Iobas................................. 347 397 337 ...... 271 Hemodos Mts. .............. 120, 125 Indradyumna ...... ............... 175 Jayateavara ................ Herakles ... 122-3, 243, 246-50, 344 Indrani.................60-63, 74, 361 Jayavarma ................... Herbad .............. 312 Indraraja .. ................. 60, 63, 72 Jesalmer Herbert, Sir T. .................. 146 Indrevede ........................ 210 Jetavanaramo....................326-7 herdsmen ........................... 237 Indu ................................. 368 Jethvas................................ 191 Hermos............................... 124 Indus, riv. .................. 120, 339 Jettha Tisso................... 320-21 Herodotos ...................113, 124-5 Inganapat, Ingnoda ... 49, 50, 55-6 Jews ............ ................ 244 Hesidrus ..................115, 336-7 Inginisamgama, riv. ........... 25 JhAlor ......................... 8, 9, 274 Hretairiem ............ ...... 275 Inscriptions...9, 22, 59, 72, 75, 85, Jhinjhuv&da. ****** ..... 193 hete, heran, hi ...... 136, 180, 216, 226, 318ff. Jhujhar Khan Habshi ......... 7 Himalaya ......................214, 274 Iobares .................. ... .... 249 fihvdmdlyd.................. 47-8, 136 Hindoustanies, La Langue, &c. ... 160 Jinalaya ........................... Hipparchos ........................ 126 Iravati .......................... 119 Jiyanta................................ Hippokles........................... 115 Isari ........ ... Jinendra ..................... 24-30, 139 Hiranyakasipu, Hiranyaksha 358-7 Isis ................................. 351 Jitkaran ......... ............... Hiwen Thsang 9, 10, 13, 61, 63, 229 Tavara ......... 102 Jivika ***. ............. 219 hockey Itila Kalhari 199 Jiyanta........... ............... 25 Hodgson, B. H. ...............95, 98 iya, iyan ............................. 158 Jodhpur ..........................8, 60 Holi ........... ............... 79 Izgi ................................... Johanna of Naples ............... 215 Homer ............................... 241 Johnson, F. ........................ 161 hoopoe ............. Jacquemont, Mons. ........... 146 Jolly's Institutes of Ndrada ... 332 Horatae.............................. Jagaddeva ........................ Jomanes ................ 115, 336-7 Horil.... Jagadekamalla ..................39-41 Jonarkja ........ ........... 267 Hormos ........................83, 215 Jagadrudra, Jagattunga. 62, 64, 72 Josephas, Fl. ...................... 248 horses ..............................238-9 Jahan Panah ......................... 4 jug .............. ................. 286-7 hotte ***........................... 160 Jsinas ..................... 149-50, 218 Junagadh ........................... 1,3 Hoysala Belalas............... 101, 277 Jaitrapala........................... 366 junglies................................ 234 Hrishikesa ........................ 358 JAjali...................................... 257 Junnar Caves and insc. ......33-43 Hudaspos ............... 121, 248, 340 Jalajalochana ..................... 357 Justinus ............................ 113 Hudrakai .............................. 247 Jalodbhava 270 Jyeshthasarma ................ 74 Humkyan............................. 5, 6 JAlora 274 'YA 6810............................. 243-4 | Jamadagni...................... 139, 261 Kabir ................................231-2 Hungund ........................... 140 Jambudipasi Kabitsamband) ..................... 309 hunters.................................... 237 Jambudvipa.......................... 156 Kabul (Kabulitai)...... 116, 125, 330 Hapanis .....121, 125, 130-31, 339 Jarkara ...**. **............. 176 Kachar ....... **.. .............. 96 Huphasis ..............115, 130, 340 Janaka .. 274 Kachh.....................3, 184-5, 194 husbandmen ....................123, 236 Jandki Mangal Kadambas ......22-32, 100, 101, 364 Huvishka ... ............217-19 Janamejays ......................... 269 K&daroli insc....................... 139 Hyperboreans ...............118, 134 jdnamtu.............................. 158 Kadi plates ......................... Hyrkanian sea....................... 115 Janardana .................. 180, 357 Kaduvapavepu ................... 91 Janmdshtami-uratodydpanam ... 169 Kahagal-vih ra ................ 322 Iberia............................. 184, 248 Japanese Song .................. 107 | Kaikos riv. .................... 125 Ibn Asir .............................. Jarakong Vamba...............219-20 Kail, Kayal ........................ 215 Ibn Khurd&dba .................. Jarasandha ............261, 269, 272 KailAsa ........................ 272, 359 Idanthursos ...................... 246-7 Jarrett's Nalopdkkydnam ...... 331 Kaitabhajit ........................... 357 Idar ................................. 1,60 Jasdan insc. ................. 43, 46 Kaiyata .................. 107-12, 305-6 Ikhtiyar Khan...................3, 5, 6 Jats ..................................... 3 Kaka-bali............................ 313 Ilanji.................................. 279 Jaugada insc. ..................... 149 Kakavanno Tisso .............. 321 ima, imdya ................... 157 javhdr ............................... Kakkala ..................60, 62, 66, 72 Imaus ... 337 Jayabhata...... ..... Kakusthavarma .............. 22-7 Indarjal.. ... 160 Jayagoba .....................327, 329 Kila ................... 359 India ........................ 113, 120ff. Jayakarna............................. 104 Kaladgi.............................. 85 India, Wheeler's History of ... 329 Jayakirtti............................. 27 K&lambhras ........................ 93 Indika of Megasthenes 113 ff., 236ff., Jayantiorata ....................... 163ff. K&lanemi ............................. 288 333ff. Jay&pida......................... 301, 304 Kalanos, Calanus ...... 245-6, 334-5 Indila ............... 196 Jayasirhha...1-8, 65, 139-40, 187-90, Kalanirnaya .......................... 162 Indra.......................... 361-2, 365 196, 198-204, 213-14, 267 | Kalapakapaths .... ........ 13 180 185 64 4 * . 63

Page #447
INDEX. 373 Kale ................................. ........... 33-4 5 ****... ......... . . ...... 274 Kalasa .............................. 269 Kapya Pantachala ............... 316 Karachi.............................. 344 245 Karadi .............................. 140 Kalhana...... 51-2, 218, 264-8, 301 Karale ............................... 274 Kalhari .......... .............. 196 Karanjapatra..................... 91, 93 Kalidasa ...................... 141, 232 Karda plates ..................... 60 K&lima ...... ......... 141 Kardamapati ..................... 29 Kalindi .......................272, 291 Karejil ............................... 231 Kalinga, Kalinga 127, 130, 327-9, Karira ............................... 196 337-8 Karka I. ................... 60, 62-5, 72 Kalydna .......... ............. 245 Karka-Chhand ...................... 310 Kalinipaxe ....................115, 336-7 Karkotaka ........................266-8 Kalivallabha ............... 62, 69, 72 Karlen......... Kaliya ...... 174, 177, 288, 291, 365 Karna ...............50, 186, 191, 195 Kaliyuga .....................219, 272 Karnadeva .........198, 200, 213-14 K&lka (Bhavani) ...............2, 6-8 KarnAditya ........................ 182 Kalkin ......................... 179, 358 Karnapravuramas ................ 133 Kalliene ........................... 183 | Karnataka............. 61, 64, 212, 227 Kalligra ............................ 130 Karndl .............................85, 88 Kallisthenes........................ 113 kartazon.. ........................128, 349 Kalnadu. ..................... 100, 103 Karttikeya ............27, 74, 87, 118 kalpadruma .................. 161 Karur .............................. 215 KAlri ...........................196, 199 Karvesurigodu ................... 94 Kalyana 59-61, 72, 79, 139, 144, 181-4 Kasinathopadhyaya ............ 169 kalydna..... ............ 245 Kasmir ............... 105, 148, 264-74 Kamadeva................... 141, 361-2 Kaspapuros.......................... 343 Kamadevi . ... 2 Kassapo ...............323-4 ...393- 4 Kamalakara ................... 168 Kasyapa ............................ 78 Kamaraja......... 271 Kasyapa ........................267-71 K&m bali .......................... 210 kad, kate, katu.................... 158 1Kg Kambeyl ........... 199 Katapogon ........................ 122 Kambodyans ..................... 328 Kathdsaritsagara................... 40 Kamboika ..................... 184, Kathis, Kathiawad ......... 183, 337 Kambojas 114 Kathmandu Kanad Deva ............... .... 8 Katkaris, Katodis ............... 234 Kanare .......... ...*..* Kattageri ........................ 137-8 Kanauj ..................59, 60, 181-3 Katyayana ............. 112, 304, 307 Kanchi...............30, 61, 78, 85, 87 Kaukasos (Caucasus) 124-6, 133, 194.6 133 Kandahat......... ............ 185 247-8 Kandarai ........................... 366 Kaulata .... ... 339 Kandarpa ............ ...... 362 Kaumari Kang ........... 220 Kaumodaki ........................ 367 Kanheri ...........................33, 43 Kausambi.............................. Kanishka ... 154, 216, 218, 267, 304 Kausika ........................90, 263 KankAli ............................218- 9 Kaustros (Caystrus) ............. 125 Kanna ............................... 78 kaustubha ....................68, 170, 356 Kannanur ......................... 216 Kaverf ............ Kansa... 173-7, 283, 288-9, 294, 350, Kavi plates .................. 16, 59, 68 365 Kayal ............................80-83 Kantaji Kadam Bande ........ 7 K&yavya ..................**.25/-8 ..................... 257-8 KanthA, -durga................... 184-5 | Kekhoi Lalthaba................. 219 Kanthkot........................... 184-6 Kekiri wa ................... 318 Kapsteavar.. ..................... 271 Kelas.......................... 345 Kapila ................................. 40 Kelts (Celts) ....................... 244 kaps .................. ............... 158 Kerala ..................61, 85, 87, 93 Kapildvarta. 212 kerkion ................ 345 Kapisa .... ............ 246 Kern, Prof. H. ............39, 218 Kerukes ............... 346 Kesava ..................140, 281, 357 Kesava-Chakrabbtit ............ 271 Kesin ........................... 177, 365 Khacher ........................... 337 Khadgavaloka .................61, 72 Khafi Khan ................235, 331 Khagendra, Khagi ............... 273 xaipe .................................. 245 Khalifs ..................216, 231, 308 Khalsi insc. ................ ........ 143 Khamba and Thoibi ......... 219-26 Khambhat ........ Khambhila ............ 199 Khamnu .........................220-25 Khandesh .............................1, 6 Kharepatan plates............... 60 Kharje nadi........................... 50 Kbfsira............. Dasira.............................. 337 Khedrapur insc................... 88 Khetagrima .................. 23-4, 27 Khichi Chohans .................. 1, 2 Khichivada ........................ 1 Khmers .............................. 223 Khoaspes ............... 246 Khonamusba .............. 273 khudakd............. 158 Khuyaham Kiggatnada ................... 100, 101 Kilakarei ........................... 80 Kinam .............................. 230 Kira .................................. 64 Kiratas .........114, 133-4, 337, 349 Kirinde inse. ..................... Kiritin ........ 329 Kiriya .................... Kirrbade ................. ...... Kirtikaumudi.............. .. 16 Kirtti ................ Kirttivarmi......22, 73-4, 77, 87, 90, 93, 364 Kiru-Kagamasi..................91, 93 Kis..................................... 83 kiti..................................... 158 Kittel's Ursp. des Lingacultus.. 278 Kiwamu'l-Mulk ............ Kleisobora ........................ 249 Klitarchos ......................... 135 Kochc Kochchadei Varma................ 142 Kochre insc...................... 162 Kodega. Kodagu ......... 99. 100 Koimbator .. ***............ .. 214-15 Kokaris ............... 342 Kokonadas, Coconada ......... 342 Kolaba ................................. 233 Koldlapura ..................... 101-2 192 ..... ................. 96-7 322 357 Kiriwehera ...............*** 64 ...... 133 ... 30 ...... 74 62

Page #448
374 INDEX. . .... .... 35 80 63 122 120 63 228 220 ..... 85 80 .... .... 273 Kolhapur coins ........... 275 Kume ........ 115 Leban dri .................... Kolis ....................6, 186, 233 Kwnal ...............220, 222 Lekhdpeta .......... .. ... 159 Kolkei, Koxou .............. Kumara ........... 270 Lenaios............................. Komalmer ........................ Kumaradatta ...................... 27 Levara ........................... 273 Kondaraja ........................ 363 Kumara Gupta .................. 57 Lhasa Lhasa ........................... 96 Kondaske............................. 344 Kumarapala 154, 180, 186, 195, 198, Libya ............. Kongani-Mahadhiraja ......... 23 200, 213-14 Lichhavi insc. ...................... 43 Konganivarmi .................. 100 Kumdrapdlocharita ............... 180 Lidar.............. 273 Koigu or Ganga insc. ......... 99ff. Kumari, Cape ...................... 80 likhdpaya .............. 159 Kongyamba ..................... 221-6 Kumarin ......................... 95, 97 Lilsdevi ......................... 181, 196 Konkana .............. Kumaun.............. ................95, 97 Lil&pura ..................... 196 Kononmei-Kondan................ 143 Kumbhipaka hill .............. 25, 29 Limbaji................ 4 Konnar insc. ..................... 140 Kumpu Rawal..................... 2 Linga worship ..................... ...... 278 Kopaldurg ...................... kunai ................. .............. 279 Livingstone, Dr. ............ KEphes ...... ........... 246 Kunala ............ ... 150 Loi ....... Korasibie 344 Kunti .......................... 262, 316 Loka-kal era ..................... Koreish ........ 231 Kuva]Alapura ...............101, 103 Lokamahadevi ..................85, 91 Korkei ..................... 80-83, 279 | Kuralt .............................. 210 Lokaprakdsa ....................... 10 Kortalum ........................ 279 Kurambas, Kurabbars ......41, 230 Lokesvaradeva Koringa ........................... 130 Kurchaka mendicants .........25, 31 Lolab.............. ............... 274 Kopovda, Kolovrda ............... 129 Karma avatara.........355, 358, 365 | Lolora ............................... 273 Koru Kuropolis............................ 345 Luang ............... 220 Koti ................................. 80 Kuros (Cyras) ............ 246-7, 250 Lucian 338 Kottayam ..................... 42, 216 Kuruhara............................ 275 Lanapasa ............ 199, 203, 206-12 Kradeuas ........................... 249 Kurukshetra .............. 139, 142 Lunavadi...........................9, 17 Krichchhra ........................ 78 Kurupakere......................... 94 Lycians............................... 275 Krishna 171-80, 248, 260-1, 269, Kurus ........................260, 272-3 272-3, 349-63, 365 Maccocalingae ........... Krishna .................. 88, 90, 105 Kushaloda ........... 206 MAchhi Haveli Krishnadasa .................... 285 Kusinagara ......................... 327 Mackenzie Col. Krishnajanmdshtani... 1618., 281ff., 349f1. Kusumannra Kusumapura ..................... 114 MAdakulam ......................... Krishnaji .......................... 7 Kutb-Minar .................. 145, 147m adamadakkat-tali ............... Krishna-raja .........51-2, 60-68, 72 Kutbu'l Mulk Saiyid 'Abdu'llah Ma'dan-al-hikmat ............... 160 Koishnavarma ................. 22 236 Madanaratna.................. 169, 178 Krishnavarmideva.............. Kutira .............. Madari .... 275 Krittikas ........... 27 Kuvera ..................118, 271, 361 Madhava 23, 161-2, 169-70, 178-9, Krityachintamani............... 167 358 krska ........................... 126, 238 Lag Vijayasingu Kit ............ 328 Madhamati ........................ 271 Kshatrapas.................. 43-7, 57-8 Lahor ..................... 105-6, 146-7 Madhusadana ..................... Kshatriya ...... 252-3, 258, 262, 316 Lahal ........ 98 Madonna ............................. 351 Kshemendra ..................... 269 Laibarouba .............. Madras ........................ 306, 316 Kshipra riv. Lakedaemonians .................. 131 Madrt .............................. 316 Kshiti Raja (or Pati) ............ 51 Lakkunda .. 100 Madrid .............................. 308 Kshudrakas ......... .............. 247 Lakshmanatirtha ............ 100 Maduchana .......................... 206 Ktesias 113, 116, 118, 126, 131, 133, Lakshmi 16, 37, 262, 350, 356, 361 Madura ........................ 82, 280 135, 246 Lalitaditya ........................... 266 Madhyas ............................. 247 Kubja Vishnuvardhana ......... 73 Lalkot ............ Magadha ........................... 318 Kublai Khan .................. 229-30 Lane, E. W. ..................... 161 Magama ........................ 320-21 Kuchara ........................... 162 Lazjisvara ..................... 364 Maga-pati.......................... 312 Kuda caves ..................... Lanka 129 Magha .............................. 63 Kuilaya .......................... Lassen, C. ............115, 130, 265-6 Mahaban ........................... 247 Kukai riv. ...................... 35 Lata ................. 16, 63, 184, 190 Mahabharata..........107, 118, 133-4, kula ................................. 275 Letage .............................. 128 251-64, 315-17, 329 Kulasekharadeva ...............142-3 Laukika era ............266, 268, 272 Mahdbhdshya .....................301ff. Kulatthav&pi insc............. 323 Lava ...........................270, 273 Mahadeva ...............161, 171, 277 Kalla. ..... 98 LavanaprasAda .........188-90, 213 | Mahadevaraja ................. 366 23 ... 40 358 ... 227 50 ...........

Page #449
INDEX. 375 . ... 80 125 ......... . 169 Mabadevapura .............. 10 Mandisur ........ 5 Mehong ......... ............212-13 Mahakala.....................*** 91 Mandu .............. ............ 3-5 Mehudsi ..... ... 79, 80 Mahakalattawa ................... Mangala ............................ 361 Meithei.............................. 220 Mahakata ........................ 254 Mangalisvara ................354, 364 Menandros ........................ 304 Mahanadi ...................... 127, 130 Mangs ........... ............... 234 Menelaos ........................... 125 Maharashtra ............... 170 Manigriva ........................ 365 Merkara insc. ..................... 23 mahasabda (pancha) ...... 139, 141 Manipur ......................... 219-26 Meros, Mt............. 122, 247, 343-4 Mahasena ...............27, 31-2, 364 Manjusri ............... 352 Mers .......... .............. 191 159 Mankir (Malkhed) .........64-5, 180 Meru ...........................134, 248 Mahavamso ......................320-28 Manmodi hill .................... 35 Merutunga ............ 181-4, 187-91 Mahavira ........................... 154 Mannar gulf ...................... 80 Mesa (Mazaris) .................. 342 Mahavratin ............ ...... 270 Manning's Mission to Tibet ... 310 Methora (Mathura) .........249, 340 Mahendra ................. 151-2 Manoharpur..... .. 218 ! Merad. ................ 191 Mahendrapala .................. 43, 49 Manouchi, M. ............... ... 331 Mhars .............. 234 Mahendraprat&pa ............... 78 Mansora .......... .......... 185-6 Mihinde .......................... 322-5 Mabesvaradasenaka ............. 10 Mantraedstra........................ 48 Mihintala ...........................318-25 Mahi riv., Mahiwasi.......... 79, 80 Manu...............30, 252-4,329, 332 military class ..................... 123 Mahipala ........... ................ 213 Manushyayajna... Milyas .............................. 275 Mahmud ........................6, 184-5 Manyakheta (Malkhed) ... 64-5, 180 Mineri insc. ..................... 326 Mahmud Bigarah. ................ 1-7 M&ra ....... 326 Minhdju's-Siraj ................... Mahmud Khilji ... ............... Maradankadawalakanda ...... 318 Miraj plates ... ...............60,65 Mahodadhi ................ 50 Marade .............................. 32 Mirat-i Ahmadi ................... 7 Mahrauli ....... 147 Maramangalam ...................81, 83 Mirat-i Sikandri ................ 1-5 Maiandros riv. .............. Marasarva ......................63, 70 misam......... ............... 159 Maibis 229 Marco Polo.........80-3, 215, 229-30 Mithila ...........................47, 257 Maithilas ............. Marignolli ........................ 229 Mitra.................. .. ................. 357 Malada ............... 339 Markandeya ..................... 296 Mlech has ........................... 274 Malakatari ........... 196 Markham's Tibet.................. 310 Mobed ............................... 312 Malava 3, 4, 48-56, 63, 70, 188, 191, Maroha .......................... 341 Modhera ............................. 192 212 marriage ............................ 223 Modogalinga...................... 337-8 Malavas 59 Maru................................. 69 Modubae ........................... Malavaraja Mdrunchhamarumanna ......85, 87-8 Moghs ................. . 337 Malayagiri ........................ 47-8 Marvan Sapor Iso ............... 366 M ohint ............................... 358 Maleganw............................ 233 masd .................................159 Mohl, J: .......................... 161 Malei, Maleus Mt., Malli 127, 130, masakritya ........................ 169 Moirang ........................219-26 338, 340 Mabadi ........................ Molindae ............................338-9 Malei Arriyans .................. 41 Monedes (Mandai) ......... 127, 339 Malepas Mather, Dr. C. ................. 84 84 monkeys... .................. 127-8, 133 Malik Asad ........................ 3 Mathura 105, 154, 173, 216-9, 269, Monommatoi ..................... 134 Malik Ayaz Sultani ............ 272 Monopedes ........................ Malkhed, Malkhet.......... 64-5, 180 Matrigupta ........................ 268 Moragollawa................... Mallinatha ......................... Matisarit riv. .................. 25 Moramli ........................... Maltecore ......................... 341 Mauliyah ........................... Morbi plate ...................... mamayd...... 159 Mauryas ..................149-50, 154 Moorcroft......... Mamluk Bahrites ...............215-6 Maya ..........................174, 351 Morkhanda ............. Manavya ............31-9, 74, 77, 87 | Mayena................................ 162 Moruni ................ ............ 341 Mandal .............................. 200 M&ya valu............................ 271 Mrigesa, Mrigesvarah 24-5, 29-34 Mandali 127, 184, 193, 203, 208, 212 Mayang Imphal .............. 219 Mrigesavarma.... .............. 22 Mandanis ..................... 245, 334 Mayilagastota ...................... 322 Madawehera ...................... 318 mandapa 284 Mayurakhandi .................. 64, 71 Mudhol ...... .... 230 Mandapala 253 Mayaravarm&deva ................ 23 Mudrdrdkshasa........... Mandara, Mt.................. 68, 365 | Medapata ..................... 191, 212 Mugali-putras.................... Mandei ..................127, 130, 338 999 Medhura ........................... 203 Medhara .............................. 203 Muhafiz Khan ..................... 4 Mandelslo, J. A. .................. 145 Medi ................................ 8 Muhammad Shah ............. 3 Mandeville, Sir J. ............. 145 Megallae (Mavelas)............... 341 Muhammadabad ................. 4,7 Mandhatri .... alf ................... 50 Megari (Mokars)................... 342 Muharram ........................ 79, 230 Mandi 136 Megasthenos ... 113ff., 236ff., 333ff. Mukt&phala....................... 366 338 64 ..... 64 M 1 : 3 .... 285 . . ........ ......... ......

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376 INDEX. .............. 22 336 132 ... 200 131 23 Mokt&pida 266 Nandaka ........................... 357 | Nongbal Chouba.............. 220-26 Muktdvali .............................. 110 Nandavasana ..................... 210 Nriyajna ............................ 74 Makunda ............................ 358 Nandi .............. 183 Nulo Mt. ............................ 135 Molanathadeva............... 184, 193 Nandigad ............................ numerals ..................... 43, 143 MAlaraja ....................... 181-214 Nandikshetra .................. 271 nurhags ............................ 144-5 Malesvars ......................... 200 Nandipura Nyssa....................247, 341, 343 Molgirigala ...........318, 322, 325 Nandol ............................... 188 O'che-lo ........................... 9 Muller, Max ......................... 154 Nandurbar .......................... Odoric ........................... 229-30 Munawaru'l-mulk Bukhari ... 6 Narada ...... 175, 177, 179, 301, 365 Odombra (Udumbari) ............. 127) Naradiya Dharmasdstra, by Dr. J. Mundas........... ... 341 Ohind ........... . .......... 247 Mundargi Ranga Rao ......... 227-8 Jolly 332 Okupedes.............. Munis .......................... 272 Naranayya ...................... 139 Olostrae mund ............................ 159 Nasasalar ...... ................. 312 Omkarala ........................... Munja ............................. 49-51 Narasimha...............16, 78, 357-8 Onesikrates ..................... Manjala ........................... .. 189 189 Naravarman......... ................ 49 Onesikritos ......113, 117, 126, Muntakhab-al tovarikh ............ 160 Narayana............87, 198, 358, 365 Muntakhabu'l Lubdb................ 235 Narayan D&s ..................... 308 Ophir ........ Murs, Murfri (Krishna) ...62, 358 Opisthodaktuloi ............... Nareae ............................... 341 Murungahitikanda................ 318 Narendrabhavana ............... 274 Oratura ................ Musharrah Fiqra' Bible ......... 83 Narmada .........................63, 233 Ordabae............................... Mushtika ........................... 289 | Narsingh Deva.................. 5, 6 Organagae............................. 132 orguia 128 Musikanos ........................ Nasik insc. and cares ...28, 33-43 ............................... Oriental MSS. ............ 107, 278 Musuniparu .................. 88, 90 Nastikya ...... ...... 264 Mutasiva ............................. 153 Orissa .......... Nasus .... ............. 313 Ormazd ........................... 314-5 Muttukulam ...................... 214 Nat&uli...... Muzaffar (Sultan) ............... 4, 6 Orodes .............................. N&yaka ........................213, 234 Nyakadas ... Orrhotha ....................... 341 Orxulae ............................. na, nan ............................... 158 | Nayigalvihara ...................... 322 Ossii ............... N&bh Ji .......................... 308 | Nearchos....................... 113, 117 Ottorokorhae 123 ............... Nabukodrosor .................. 246-8 .... 134 neat herds............................ Overseers ....... 124 Nadola plates ...................... 180 Nellor ................................ Nadala .............................. 188 Neminatha Oxudrakai ......................... 247-8 Naga...............220, 270-71, 365-6 Nereae (Nharonis) ......................... 271 Nagade .......................... 190, 212 Nerire ... Padmamihira ..................... 270 ................ 213 Nesei....... Padmanabha .................. 179, 358 Nagadraha ........................ 49,54 Nettukanda insc................ 319 padmatrd ...................... 48 Nagajhari ........................ 49 Newberry, F. ................... 145 Padshah Nama.................. Nagamandala plates ........ 23 Nigantha (Nirgrantha) ...... 150 Padumaya ...................... Nagarija .............. Nikaia ........... ..... 343 Pahlanpur ................. Nagari numerals .............. 42-8 Nikolas Damas.................... 133 .............. 133 Pahlavi. Nagavarmadera . . . ... Nila ............................ 269-70 Pahlmahl .......................... Nagesa .......................... 303, 305 Nilachhi ............................ 206 P aijavana ...................... Nagor ................................ 1 Nilakantha ......................... 168 Paithana ......................... Nahani Umarwan ................ 1 Nilamatapurdna ................ 167.70 | paka, pakate, pakamasi ......... Nahapana insc. .................. 46 Nile riv. ................... 120, 125 Pala insc. .................... Naikras (Nayakadas) ......... 233-4 Nipal .................... 43, 47, 96-7 La acoyovos .............. Naini Tal......... ................ 95 nipdta ................................. 107-8 Palaka 154 ................... 316-7 Nirgund..... Nirgund ............................ 228 1 palakamaritu, palakante......... 158 NAlakubar ......................... 365 Nirnaydmyita ....................... 166 Palasika ............................. 22-32 Nalchah ........................... 3 Nirnayasindhu ............... 168, 170 Palatupana ....................... 318 N&lodh .............................. 213 Nirsiti............ ..............307, 361 | Palesimunda ..................... 129 Nalopdkkydnam, by T. Jarrett. 331 Nirupama............... 62, 69, 70, 72 PAlhansingh .......... NAL SAheb........................230-31 Nirvana of Buddha ............ 149ff. Pali insc............ ......... 216 Namanidia ................ 308 Nish&da ..................... 252-3, 258 Pali Nanaghat insc............. 43-5, 154 Nissanka Malla.................. 326-9 | Palibothra, Palimbothra 113-7, 122, Nanda ..................... 177, 289-91 Nizamu'l-Mulk .................. 4 126-7, 131, 339-40 Nandagiri ....................... 101-3 Nobunda (Nabeteh) ........... 342 PAlitana ....................... 105 215 36 342 Nagadeva...........******** *******... 184 23 Nairs ...... ...********* .... 2 ........ 308

Page #451
Palladius, De Bragmanibus...... 334 Pallavas 25, 30, 62-3, 69, 71, 78, 85, 87, 93, 114 **************** 82 134 ******...................... Palliya-karers.. Pallyams 83 pati 29 Pampa riv., Pampakshetra...85, 88 Patia pul 7,8 Pamphagoi Patrokles. 113, 115, 117, 125-6, 241 Pafichajana ...................... 356 Pattadkal 85, 92, 354 Panchakroshi Paura ......................... 62, 72 pavatave 159 pavatesu 49 ****...... Panchala.............. .50, 112, 339 158 Pawagadh, Pawakachal ......... 1-5 Pawapati Panchalesvara..... Panchatantra Panchayuddha........ Panch Mahals....... Pandai, Panda Pandaia 2,9 345 peacocks pearls Pearl-pool 249 214 Pandara 29 Pandavas ...260-61, 272-3, 316 ..322, 324, 328 135 Pedatrira.................... 342 Pedekul ........................... 88 100, 102 Peggu Penna di Billi, Fra 310 100, 103 .................................. ........................ 274 Pennegadaniga. Perdatu ********************* Pergagamasi Perimula Periplus Maris Erythr.............75 Permmanadi .....................100-3 Perum-al Peter of Aragon Peukolaitae ********** Panini. Panis panja. Panjab Pankas ********************. ..................................... ****************** papaye papermaking papotave ......................................... 153 33 346 *************** Pandi Pandore Pandrethan Pandukabhaya... Pandu Lena pangolin Pandya...61, 80, 82, 85, 87, 93, 143 318 107, 306, 317 .274, 313 79 .116, 317 Panikkankulam 231 Papastdana. .......................... ............. 271 158 94 Parakramabahu 159 326-7 141 71 Paramanandadeva Parames varabhatta paranam....... Parapamisos...125, 247-8, 340, 343 pinda 166 Parasanga 341 253 Parasava Parasurama Parghatnam Saheb ..88, 358 231 Parijdta tree.......... 365 parrots ................. 345 Parst funeral ceremonies......311ff. *********... ************** ****************** **************** *****************....... 16 .135, 342 ...249-50, 344 ************..... ********* ********************** phale ......................... ****************** *********..................................... Paravanatha, Mt. Parthalis Partualis Parvaris Parvata.......... Parvati...... pasa ************** **********. *************** Paschadangulayas Passale Patai Rawal.... ..................................... *******..... ******************* 340 338 130 234 301 .57, 273 361 133 *************** 99 280 358 ************** ........................................... ..338-9 2,8 ************.... ********** Patale Pataliputra Pataliputrakas Patanjali INDEX. ******************** ******************* *********. ..................................... ************ .340-44 50, 114, 116, 131 306 107, 110-12, 302-6 ************** ************************ ************* ************** ************ ************** ********************* *********... 100, 366 215 343 159 2 Phanri ................. 229 346 244 Phimidevi ...00000000000000000 phattages Philo........ ********************** philosophers...... 123, 236, 242, 244 Phimchadi.. .........199, 203 Phraates 131 159 Pi-lo-mo-lo........................ 63 pi, piye 37 134 *********** Pindar Pinigala Rani Pinnei-Kayal Pipparika. Pisachas **************** ******************* 94 94 340-41 ...................................... ************... ..............................***** **********........................**** ............................... ****************. 49 83 53 .118, 176 Pisacha-tirtha ..............50, 53 Pischel's Sakuntald 232 Pitambara....... Pithora.... 358 145 Pitriyaja. 74 plava.... ............ 307 Pleiades 27 Pliny 114,-17, 125, 127-30, 135, 336ff. Plutarch 114, 135, 333 Polonnaruwa ..326-9 ........... polyandry. .260, 275, 315, polygamy. 275 ***************** ..........................................**** ***********. 115, 245 342 Poros.......... Porphyrius Posinga Prabandha Chintamani 180, 184, 214 Prabandhakosha. ..180-81, 190 Prabhasa.... 355 Prabhutavarsha.......62, 64, 71-2 Prachyas .....................114, 128 Pradyumna prahitaka 361-2 218 Prahlada 357 .252, 269-70 194 274 269 Prakrit Grammar Prakriti...... Pralambha ************ .278, 308 **************************** 359 289 138 prasa....... Prasii, Praxii 113, 119, 127-31, 339 *************** Prajapati Prajharika prakaras Prakasendra 377 ************ ***************** ************ *********.... ********..... ************ .................................** ********** ............................................ 49 Pratapaditya .................................... Prata pamalla Pratishthana Prausioi, Praxiakos.... .............. 114 Pravarasena ...................................... 268 Preti 538 Prinas riv. 130, 338 Prinsep, J. ...34-5, 39, 40, 48 Prishata ......................................... 260 Pritha 316 Prithavipaladeva 56 Prithi ................................................ 361 Prithiraja Rasau...2, 160, 187 Prithivi Prithu 356 365 Prithvi Kongani... 100 Prithviraja.. .............................................................2-8 Prithvivallabha ..61, 64, 72 Priya Das ...................................... 309 Prometheus 247-8 ********************* Ptolemaios Philadelphos...113, 115 Ptolemy Cl. 125, 233 Pukhtu (Paktuke) ............... 343 Pulastinagara 326 Pulikesi...72-3, 75-7, 87, 90, 93, 354 Puloman.... 357 Pumas........................ 338 Puna 28 Pundarikaksha 357 Purelba ........................................................ 219-22 Purnamalla Purukhetaka Pururavas Purusha Purushottama ****************** Pushyamitra 191 27 249 359 16, 17 304 ................................................... *********** ******************* .................. ********** ****************** ***********... 40 266 189 ************

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378 INDEX. **.. 71 8 ........... ............ 341 56 Salvas ............ ......... 24 **... Rajapuri .............**** 168 **... 127 Patana ............... 176-7, 289, 365 Rashidu'd-din ...................... 229 Sakra ................ Pygmies............... 133, 135, 340 Rashtrakatas, Rattas ... 16, 59-64; Sakta 70, 140, 180, 183, 277 Sakuni................ .............. geblah ............................. Rasiyana ...... Sakuntala by Pischel ............. Rasti ...... ............ 79 Sakya-Gomba... ................. Rachamalla .................. 100, 102 Ratajuna ........................... ......... 71 | Sakya Muni..................... 150-51 Radha Surasanga ......... 49, 50, 55 Rathod Salabastre Radhakanta Deva ............... 170 Rathods-see Rashtrakutas. Salakhanaderi ................... 210 Radhanpur plates ................ 59-62 Ratnamdla ..... ............ 180 Salakhanesvara ............199, 203-4 Raghavadera .................... 2 Rauni ............................... 213 Salice, Salike ..................... 129 Raghoba ............................ 35 Raurava hell .............. Salivahana ...............49, 332, 351 Raghunandana ......... 161, 167-8 Ravisarmma ............ 90 Salotgi'insc....................... 60 Rahu ...... ............. 357 Ravivarma ......... 22, 25, 27-30, 32 ............. 342 Raisinghji reeds .............. 128 Salya .................. 261, 316 Raji ......... .......... 181-3 Reinaud, M. ..................... 64 Saravacou ........................... 244 rajadhirdjaparamesvara ......... 61 Renuka ............................... 139 Samanas ............................ 279 Rajagiriya cave ................. 318 Resin .............................. 71 Samangadh plates .............. 59 Rajagriha......................... 339 Rhodopha .................. 115, 336-7 Sam&njasa ......................... Rajamalladeva.................. 100 Rinasinavasana .................. 212 Samantasimha ............ 181-2, 212 Rdjamartanda ................ 167 Rishabha Samarabriae.......................... 343 Rajapur ........ 309 Rishyamukha .. Samarasimha ................... 196 210 Rivadi ............................. 208 Samayamayukha .................. Rajasekhara .................... 180, 189 Robertson ........................ 116 Sambraceni 343 Rajasiyani ......................... 208 | Roe's (Sir T.) Voyage ............. 278 Samdhya-Ganga.................. 271 Rdjatarangini 10, 40.41, 50-2, 218, Rohini ............. 163-5, 180, 289-90 samgha, samghadipati ...... 154, 159 261ff., 301, 304, 307, 316 Rudra ..... ............. 270, 314 Sargramasimha............... Rajmahal .... Rudradaman ................ 43, 46-7 Samkara........................ 168, 257 Rajputana.... 1 Rudramahalaya ................... 192 Samkara deva ..................... Rakhiana ......... 208 Rudrasena, Rudrasimha ...... 43 Samkaeyakas .................... 306 Rakshasas ................... 118, 129 Rami Khan ......................... 5, 6 Samkshepatithinirnaya ......... Roma, Ramachandra 161, 171, 179, rundra .............................. 24 Sampara ........................... 204 186, 289, 366 Rupnath insc. .................. 1498. Samparada .................... Ramadeva .................. Samprati ........................ Ram Gaur Sabagrae ............................ 247 Samskara arma ................ Ramagitavali ............... 309 Sabarra ............ samvat Ramalinga ................... Sabda-brahman .................. 260 Sand caves ............................ 33 Ramanandis, Ramanujas ...... 234 Sabdakalpadruma.................. 170 Sanasarma ........................ 93 Ramapunyavallabha......85, 88, 91, Sabharmati .............. 183, 187-8 Sanatknmara .....................175-6 9+ Sachinara ....... ................ 274 | Sanatsujata ........................ 256 Ramaraja ............... 161, 277, 366 sacrifice ........................ 307-8 Sanchi ... ...............43, 105 Ramayana ................... 259, 329 Sadan Shah ..................... 7 Sandhya ... ..................... 271 Ramuyana of Talsi Das... 160, 309 sadara .............................. 314 Sandipani Kasya................ 355 Ramayasas ........................ 269 Sadasivadera ..................... 362 Sandrakottos, Sandrokuptos 113R&mes varam ..................... sddhike ............................. 159 117, 124, 131-9, 153, 250 Ramgarh ............................ Sadhyas ........................... 357 Safigboy Abbaya ................ 322 Ramnagar ..................... Sagara ........................... 88, 94 Sanghaka............ ........... 49 Ramusis .......................... sag-decl .... .......... *****......... 312 Sanghamitra ... .................. 151-2 Rana... Sahajavasara ...................... 208 Saagli plates ..................... 60 Kanivada. ............. Sahasa Malla ..................... 329 Sangraha Siromani............... 160 Raneloya .............. Sahasram insc. ................. 1494. sanjnds.......................... 107-11 Saifu'l Mulk........................ Sankha .............................. 271 Rangasvami-Peak ............... Saiyad Jalal............. Sankhasura ........................... 366 Rangbo.......... Saiyad Mubarak ........ eduta ......... ...... 270 Ranighat ...... 247 Sakai Sala ........................ 120, 148 Santisarma Ranthambor ............... 1, 2, 8, 9 Sakambhari............ 184, 186, 198 Santivarma ............. 22, 25, 29 Rarunga ......................... 311 Sakas.............................. 114, 337 Sapadalaksha ..................... 200 rasas .................................. 270 sakiye................................. 159 Sapadalakshiya .................. 184 169 ........ .............. ....... 127 358 rangd! ....

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INDEX. 379 196 ******** * *............. 40 366 307 349 Sibee D . sapamndidtisatd ............... 159 J.Serika, Sores ................ 131, 134 | Siva 37, 87, 122, 171, 180, 208, 260, S&pav&d ............ 203 Serike ............................... 337 268, 291, 358-62 Saptamatris ....... 74 serpents ............................. 127 Siva lake ...... Saptarshi ......... 218, 266, 268, 272 Sesha .................. 272, 288, 350 Sivagangei ........................ 143 S&rade alphabet ................. 48 Seshadevati .... Sivaneri ............ ******* .............. . 38 Sarama ............ ............... 313 Seshari kings ...................... 49 Sivaratha ........................22, 31 Sarangadeva ............... 191, 213 Sesostris ......................... 246-7 Sivasama .......... Sarangi........................ 253, 344 Setae, Sata ......................... 339 Sivakarma ....................... 40, 91 Sarasvatt ............... 192, 271, 357 set barod............................. 97 Siva-Vijayesa .................... 271 Sarmanai .......................... 243-4 Setuna desa siyd ........... ........... 159 Sdriga, &c. .......................357-8 Shab-i-bardt ... Siyaka ....................49, 51-2, 54 Sarophages ........................ 342 Shadanga ............................ 91 syzyges................................. 337 sarvatobhadramandalam. .284, 286-7 Shah Jahan ................ 234 Skanda.............................. 27 SAsanadovi ......................... 36 Shah Nameh........................ 107 Skandabhata ................... 10 Sasroda................................. 4 Shalamar .......................... 146-7 skindapsos .............................. 241 Sasuri ....................... 338 Shanar cash ........................ 215 Skiratai............................... Sata ....................... 149, 150 Shandika 213 Skythians ............ 121, 247, 250 Sata, Setae ....................... 3,39 Shanmatura ................ 27 Skylax .............................. 118 Satakarni............................. Shashtht .............. 174, 283, 296 Smyrna ........................... 125 Satara ................... shepherds........................... 123 Sobii................................ 248 Satavabana .................. Shorapur ............................ 234 Sohada ............................... 187 satadindsd...................... shrimps .............................. 347 Sokpo .............................. 96 SAthivoge.......... 94 Shunyavadis ..................... 234 Solanki, Solunki 182, 199, 203, 208 satileke ............... 159 ............... 247-8 | Solapur ....................... 215, 234 Satisaras ........................... 269 Sibara, Sauviras.................. 342 Soleadae .......................... 343 Satlaj................................ 130 Siburtios ...................... 115, 125 Solinus ...............115, 119, 129-30 Satnamis ......................... 231-2 Siddharaja... 186-8, 195-200, 212-13 Solobrias ...... .................. 342 Satrunjayamdhatmya ............ 154 Siddhas ........................ 198, 200 Solymi .............................. 275 Sattikkara ........................ 91 siddhdya ..................... 139, 141 Soma ........................... 78, 132 Satyajit ............ 176 Siddhanta Kaumudi ... 110, 112-13 Som&charya........................ 269 Satyaki ............. 291 Sihor ............................. 183 Som&ditya 182 Saty&sraya. 72-4, 78, 85-90, 93, 141 Sihukura ............................ 91 Somanathapathan ...... 181, 184-5 Satyavakya-raya ......... 200, 202-3 Sikandar Shah .................. Somanvaya ........................... 60 Satyavati ............................. 256 Siladitya ........................ 16, 17 Somavamsa ......................... 87 Sauraka, Saurasa.................. 274 Silas, Sillas, riv. ............. 121, 130 Somesvara......... 51, 180-81, 186-9 Sauviras ...................... 342 sildthanbhasi ..................... 159 Somesvaraders ............ 139, 140 sapachhaldni, savaki, sdpane ... 159 Sileni (Sulalas) ................. 342 | Sonamdeva ..... ............ 2 Savarija ............ Simhs ....................... 31, 190 Sondrae ........................... 343 Savaras..................... ..... Simbalese ........................... 318 Songadha JhAlor ............... S&yana ............................... 162 Simhapur........................... 183 Songlel LAlthaba .............. schoenus................................. 126 Simharaja (Sindhur&ja).. 49-51, 54 Schwanbeck, E. A. ......... 113-16 Simtabhati .......................... 40 sophists ............................ 236 seorpions ....... .............. 128 Sindh ...... Sorapur 42 Scyrites .................... 133, 135 Sindhu, Sindhus ............ 269, 340 Sorath......................... 1, 13, 341 Sindis ................................. 7 Sorgae ............................ 342 sea-hare ............... ..... 349 Singhw............................... 341 Soron .............................. 309 seasons .......................... 28-9 Singhana .............. 191, 212, 366 Spartembas .................... 249 Sekas.......................... 339 Sinba, Sina, riv. ..... 71 Spenta-mainyus ................... 314 Seleucidan era............. 58 Sirasavi ......... ***........ 210 Sphines .............................. 245 Selenko8 ............... 125, 244, 336 Sirigodu ..... braddhas ..................... 251, 255 Semiramis........................ 246-7 Sirimeghavanno.................. 320 Sramanas .................. 32, 243-4 Sena Sildmagho .................. 326 | Siri salg boy......................322-5 Sravakas ........................... 154 Sendraka ..................... 31-2, 94 Sirivant ............................. 214 Sri ........................ 37, 262, 290 Seno ........................... 322, 324] Sirohi ........................... ... 1 Sribhavana ..................... 63, 71 Sena .............................. 291-6 Sisunagas......................... 154 Srichhavillakara .................. 270 sepulchral urns ................. 299 Sisupala 261 Sridhara ..................... 213, 357 Serendib ............................. 129 Sitd-pddris ......................... 234 Sribarsha.......................... 61 127 ......... ......................... 160

Page #454
380 INDEX. ... 24 ............. 217 . ***..... 75 . .... 353 Taj Khan ..................................... Srikantha (Siva). 52 Sushkaletra ......... 274 Thieng ............ 229 Srikanthacharita ................... 267 Sutala ... 358 thiti 158 Srimala........... 63 Satikdgriha ......... 173, 178, 282-5 Thoibi ............................ 220-26 Srinagari ............................. .. 274] Sara....................... ................ 217 | Thok Jalong ...................... 242 Sripura ..................... ................ 101-2 . Suvarna ............................. 274 | Thomas, Ed...................... 57-8 Srisa ...... ...... 50 Suvarnavarsha................... 62, 72 Thonglel Athoba ............. 220-26 Sri Svami............................ 364 Suvrata........................ 267, 269 Thornton, E. ...................... 160 Srivada ..... Svange, svage ............... 159, 160 Thuan 229 Srivallabha.................... 64, 71, 78 Svamisarmen........................ 91 srivatsa ................................ 285 | Svarga .................................. 362 362 Tiberius ........... 216 Srutakirtti .................. 23-4, 27 spastika ...................... 31, 32, 35 Tiberoboas, riv. ............... sludium............................. 238 Svayambhuva................. 249, 358 Tieffenthaler ................. stambha ........................... 62 svay arhvara .................. 261, 269 Tigambi ...................... Stambhatirtha..................... 183 Svetadvipa ............ 176 Tihunapaladeva ............ Stephen's Archaeology of Dehli 145 Syrian bishop's burial .......... 42 Timagen@s ......................... Stevenson, Dr. J. ............. 33, 35 Syrian grant 366 Timosthenes ...................... Sthiramati ...................... 9, 10 Tinnevelly ............... 81, 83, 216 Stobaeus ...................... 114, 859 ta ............ ........... 158 Tirthasangraha .................... 267 Strabo ...... 115-19, 125-7, 130, 133 Tabakdt-i Akbari .................. Tiruchinapalli ..................... 82 stupas ......... tabut's ............ 79. Tiruppavanam plates ......... 142-3 Suari (Savarus) ............ 127, 340 tachchaturvidya .................. 17 Tisa ............... 319 Subhadra ........................... 290 taddr .................................... 53 Tishya ...................... 149, 151-2 Subhdskitarat nasandoha .......... 51 Tagabena riv. ....................... 334 TissamahArms .................. 320-22 Subhatavarma ................ 49, 187, Tagara .............................. 75 Tod, Col. ............................ 9 Suchi.................. Tailapa .................... 59, 65, 183-4 Toda funeral Suddhikunddra ................ 30, 31 Taittiriyas Togurshode ........................ budi ........... tombs Sadha ............ ... 196 TalajA ............................. 33 Tongking. Sudrakai ..................... .. 247 Talucta........................... 338-9 | Topawowa insc. ............... Sadras ................ 174, 252-3, 259 Tamralipta ........................ 339 344 Sagambri ..... Tamraparnt, Tambapanini, Tapro- Toramana ...................... 58, 268 Suhasada ............... 213 bane 80-82, 117, 129, 215, 344, 348 Toravara, TOramara ............ 94 Sukra .................... 357 Tapala ......... ............. 40 tortoise.............. ............ 347 Sulaiman Pah&r ............. Tarbung .......................... 219-20 Totaka hans ............ 2.60 Sulasadata .......... 40 Tarikh-i-Khai Khan ............ 235 Trailokyamalla ............ 186, 198 Sultan ............. 231 Tarisa .............................. 366 Trajan, coins of .............. 215 Sultanpur ...................... Tassy (G. de) La Langue et la Litter. Travankor.......................... 366 Samaladevi ............... Hind. 1876........................ 160 treasure-trove .................. 215 Sumantu ............... tata ............ ... 156 Tribha .............................. 210 Sumati .................. Tauros ...................... 124-5, 173 tribes .............................. 248 sumi 159 tavayati ............................... 158 tribhoga.... .......... 27 Summas .......... Tavernier ........................... 145 Tribhuvanagandha ...186, 196, 198 Sunmuchas ............. Taxila, Taxillae ............ 245, 343 Tribhuvanamalla 138-9, 187, 190-91 Sunnis ................. * Taza ba taza'............... ...... 228 Tribhuvanapala ... 187-91, 210, 213 superintendents ........ 237 te ........... ................ 158 Tribati ................................ 206 suppers.......... Tearkon ............ ..... 247 Trikalinga ... Surab 94 technical terms in Panini ...... 107 Trimbak Bhupa ........... Surasenoi 249 Tejap&la ....................... 187, 189 Triparvata ...... Surre, Sara, Saurabhira ...... 341 Tejasimha............................ 191 Tripitaka ............................... 218 Surashtrah ... .............. 13 Telingana ............................. 183 Triptolemos........................ Surat................................. 6 Teshu Lama.......................... 310 Trispithami..................... 135 Sarayaja ........................... 203 thakka ................................ 40 Trivikrama .......................... 232 Surendra 273-4 Thakurs ...... 234 Trogus ............... 114 Surieni, Suriyanes ............... 342 Thanegar .............................. Tropina ......... Sarya............................. 218, 361 Thongjing ...................... 220, 223 | Trumpp's Adi Granth ......... 160 Suryapura ........................ 17 thayi ..................................... 158 | Tryambako ......171, 180, 183, 192 suryaprajnapti ........... ... 47 Thethavasana ..................... 208Tsanf, Tsandi ...............228, 230 326 247 332 151 135 79 133 248 61 340

Page #455
INDEX. 881 ****.. . 78 Vakata numerals ... 158 Tsiams .....************* ................. 229 | Vairisirba .................. 49, 51-2 | Vayajaladeva ......................206 Tuladhara ......................... 257-8 Veisampayang..................... 269vayajanend......................... 159 Talja Lens ........................ 37 Vaishnavi........................... 74 | Vayu............................. 357, 361 Talsi Das ......................160, 309 Vaibya ............... 238, 252-3, 257 Vedas ...228, 251-6, 262, 278, 315-6 Tungabhadra......... 63, 71, 85, 334 Vaivasvata ......................... 270 Vedagarbharasi...... 206, 208, 210 Tungaganga...................... 25 Vajrata ............................ 61 Veddnta ........... Turangavadands .................. 119 Velahinaru ..... 90 Turks, Tarushkas ......... 187, 231 Vakpati ............ 16, 48-53, 143-4 Vella Valla .................. 49, 50, 55 Tutikorin .........................80, 215 Vakyapadiya ............... 301-2, 304 Venadu.............. .................. 366 Trashtri......................... 356-7 Valabhadra ....................... 289 Venetian coins ..................... 215 Valabhi............ 9, 13, 43-8, 60, 64 Vengi ........................63, 65, 71 Ubera .......... 338-9 Valadeva ............... 289, 290, 293 Verng riv. ........................ 88 Ubhada................ 208 VAlauya Pathaka............. 187, 204. Vessagiri caves ................ 318-9 Uchchasringt ....................... 31 Vallabha ...................... 181, 184 Vichitravirys ............... 253, 256 dald ................ Vallabharaja............ 198, 200, 213 Vidura .......................... 253, 256 Udayaditya ...................... 49 Vallabbasenu................ 60, 61, 68 Vidyadharas .................... 362 Udayapura .................... 49, 191 Valmiki ............................. 160 vihdras ............................... 33-8 Udayasimha ................ 190 Vamana ......................... 357-8 Vijaya ................................. 153 Udayo ........................... 323 Vamanasthall ....................... 184 Vijayaditya ........................ 88, 90 Uddhava ........................... 291 Vanaprasthas .................. 243 Vijayanagara ............85, 162, 363 Ugargol ........................... 139 Vanavast ............ 74, 87, 91, 93-4 Vijayapaladeva .................. 49, 56 Ugra ..................... 253, 357 Van Dindori plates 59, 64-5, 68-70 Vijayaraja ...................... 182 Ugrasena ......................... 291 Vangas ........................... 337 Vijayasena ......................... 43 Ujjain ................... 48-9, 53, 154 Vanias .............................. 154 Vijayesvara ........................ 274 Ulama 330 Vappoika riv. ...................... 17 Vikramaditya 49, 50, 58, 61, 75-8, Ul&Vasana........................... 210 210 Variha ........................ 356, 358 Varaba.. . 85, 87, 90-3, 101, 137-40 UmAsakti ........................... 309 Varahamihira ................. 272 Vikramankacharita ...... 60, 61, 267 Umbarakheda ..................... 75 Varahi ................................. 74 | Vikramoroablya .................. 232 Umbre, Umbritta, Umranis.. 349 Varanasi ............... 138, 142, 175 | Vilas ........................................ 93 Undirs .............. ................. 204 Vardhamana ................... 31 Vimalasaba ........................ 270 Unjha .............................. 210 Vardhi... 187-8, 193, 198, 203-8, 212 | Vinaya .............. ....... 217 wpadkmaniya...................47-8, 136 Varetatae ... ............ 341 | Vinayaditya...... 75, 85, 87-8, 60-94 .Mpandyaia ......... ................ 314 Vareya ............ .............. 88 Vin yakapala ...................... 43 updaake .............................. 158 VArishenach&rya.................. Vindhya ......................63, 70, 75 upasarga ............................ 107-8 Varphi .............................. 198 | Vindhyavarma .................. 49 Upendra ........................... 270 Varsha ........................... 218-19 Vipasa .......... ................ 119 Urdhvakesa ................... 134 Varshneya ........................ 358 vipldvita ............................. 302, 304 Uri (Hauras) odrtanu karshakas ................. 254 dipulan ............ ............... 159 279 Varuna ............... 308, 361-2, 365 Virabahu ...............328 UshAvadata ........................ 43 Varvaraka ......... 186, 195, 198, 200 Viradaman ........................ 43 ushdsanagatam .................. 361 Viradhaval ...... 2, 16, 187-91, 213 Ubinsras ........................... 306 Vasabho ........................... 321 virdma ................................ 136-7 Uttarakorus .......... 118, 125, 134 Vasantacharya.................. 50, 53 Viramadeva ......................... 190 Uttara Mahals ................ 180, 185 Vasantavataka ................... 31 | Viramagrama, Viramgam 190, 196, Vasishtha......... ............ 253 199 ud, vachakye ..... 159 V&sishthi, Vasithi ......... 28, 276 Virameavara ................206, 208 VAchaspati Misri ............... 167-8 Vastupala ............... 187, 189-91 Viranaka ..................... 49, 50, 54 Vadaha........................... Vastupalacharita ............... 180-81 | Vira Pandiyan...................... 142 Vadasara ............................ 200 Vasubandhu......................... 10 Viratrupa........................... 357 vadhi, vadhisati .................... 159 Vasudeva, Vasudeva 88, 141, 173-9, Virasenaka ... Virasenaka ....... ............ 40 Vadhiar ..................... 187, 193 283, 285, 289, 290, 294, 299, 358 Vira Singh Vagad .................. 184-5 Vasuntavataka .................. 30 Virupakshadeva ............. 85, 357 Vagholl ............ 181, 187-8, 190 Vatapinagart ............ 72, 74, 354 VAtapinagar ............ 72. 74.354 | Visaladera Visaladeva .............190-91, 212-3 Vahichara............................ 199 ............... 199 Vatsa ..............................62, 69 | visarga ......... ***.*. ....... 136 Vshudeva .................. 200, 204 Vatsfeurs........................... 365 | Vishaya................................ 210 Vaijayanti ...... ...... 22, 25, 94 Vattag&mani .................... 321 Vishnu .........87, 264, 314, 355-61 Vaikuntha ........................ 358 Vatteluttu ......................... 366 Vishnu Chakradhara ............ 271 31 342 urns ............ .. .............

Page #456
382 Vishnugopa, Vishnuvarma 30 Vishtarasrava, Vishvaksena... 358 Visvamitra 212 Visvamvara. 358 Visvanatha..... Visvanatha Naikar............ Vitasta......... ............................................................ 270-71 Vitastatra............ 274 Vratarka vivase, vivutha, vivuthd. 150, 156, 159 Vollur lake 271 Vopadeva ...... *********...*** ...161, 171, 277 Vratakhanda.... 161-2, 171 Vrataraja ........169, 177 168, 176 173 272 257 .181, 187 118. 119 Vrisha ************************ ************* ********* ************** ************** ********* Vrishni....... Vyadha....... Vyaghrapalli........ Vydgramuchas Vyalagrivas. Vyasa .75, 253, 256, 260-62 Vyasadasa vyutha, vyuthena... 150, 156, 159 269 Wadigala..... .......................................................... ................................... *********** Wahaba 319 Wakinkera 234 326 Walagam Abha Wallich, Dr. ..................... 97-8 169 Wanjaris 359 Waralis 234 warriors 237 whales 346 Wheeler's Travels of Fryer and Roe. 82 *****************... 278 97 Hist. of India......... ..... 329ff. Wikstreemia salicifolia...... Wilson, Dr. J...33-4, 160, 233 265-6 7 308 H. H. INDEX. ***************** ya *********** 33 Woodington, Col. Wustenfeld, Prof. ********** **********........................................ Yoj Yajur Veda yak ********.... *************** ............................................................................ Yaksha 322 Yama.... * 313, 361-2 Yamuna Yanasataka Yaska Yasna 159 Yadava...... 179, 184, 191, 272, 366 Yajnopavita 314 Yajnavalkya ..................... 332 Yuvaraja ************................................ ************* 160 346 255 ******************** ********* 174, 177, 289, 291 277 108 311 *********... Yasoda...174-80, 283, 285, 288-91 Yasovarma 49, 144, 183 Yasovati 273 Yavanas 114, 132, 304 ydvatakatu 159 .75, 227 .... 159 Yewur insc. yi yoga 260 Yogamaya 176 Yogeevara 139, 141 yojana 126 Yudhishthira 50, 88, 173, 176-7, 255, 261-4, 267, 272 263 270 *********** Zaba Zavur ************** ************ **********................... ************** Yugas yukta Yale, Major-Gen. H. **************** 278 73 228 274 ............... Zoroaster...... 311, 313, 315 ............................................

Page #457
ERRATA IN VOL. VI. P p. 22, L. 16, for Chalukya read Chalukya. 23a. As regards the last two sentences of this paragraph, I have now met with a stone-tablet inscription from Lakshmeswar, to be published hereafter as No. XXXVIII. of this Series, which renders it necessary to abandon this identification of the two Kfishnavarmas. p. 23, transcription 1. 6, for at read our , 236, note SS, for guna read guna. ,, 24a, 1. 13, for Badovara read Belovara. , 246, note t, for sagotrandu, Sinha, and vania read sagdtrandri, Sinha, and vanka; and for a Chalukya grant read a (?) Chalukya grant. p. 25b, 1. 12, for for the purpose of supporting the Karchakas, who are naked religious mendicants read for the benefit) of the Ya paniyas, the Nirgranthas, and the Kurchakas. p. 27a, note t, for Chalukya read Chalukya. , 276, 1. 10, for that ascetics should be supported during the four months of the rainy season; that the learned men, the chief of whom was Kumaradatta,* * * , should according to justico enjoy all the material substance of that greatness read that the learned men, the chief of whom way Kumaradatta, and who are ascetics of the Yapaniya sect, ****, should according to justice enjoy all the material substance of that greatness during the four months of the rainy season. p. 30, transcr. l. 11, for iraga read TH afa p. 31a, 1. 35, for Varishenacharya road Varishenacharya. p. 32a, note I, for the time of one of the Vikramadityas of the Chalukya family read the time of Vinayaditya of the Chalukya family; and erase the words-probably the first of that name in Sir W. Elliot's list.' p. 326, 1. 26, for temple read Chaitya hall. , 476, last line but one, for kekasab read khkasub. ,, 48a, 1. 6, for padudiya read pdsadiya. ,, 486, 1.3, for 2 read a ,, 486, 1. 7, for 5 read n. , 496, 1.2, jor 1123 read 1133. 506, 1. 24, for Rad Sura Sang Karnatta real Radha Surasanga Karnata. p. 506, 1. 32, for Agasiyak read Agasiyaka. ,,720, L. 1 of No. XXVII., and p. 73. 11. 15 and 17, for Chalnkvas read Chalukyas. p. 74a, 1. 16, for Polikesivallabha read Poliksivallabha. p. 746, note I, for klipta read klipta. , 75a, 1. 34, and 766, 1. 11, for Chalukya read Chalukya. p. 756, 1. 47, for Chalukyas read Chalukyas. , 77, transcr. 1. 33, for suregehet rend T r . p. 78a, note II, for Chdlukyas read Chalukyas. ,85a, 11. 7 and 18, and b, 1. 29, for Chalukya read Chalukya. p. 89, transcr. 1. 26, for Teras read Testa. >> 92, transcr. 1. 21, for ......try read yenALuvagaDAyaiH The original plates have been examined by the Rev. T. Foulkes of Bangalore, and some currections have been pointed out by him, which I shall notice more fully hereafter. This is one of them. p. 92, transcr. 1. 27, for y o read TATOT, and cancel note I. p. 936, 1. 19, for Alu....rga read &luvas and Gaugus, and cancel note t. p. 936, 1. 34, for Sanasarma read Isanadarma. , 1336, notes, last line but two, for Paschadangulajas read Paschadangulayas. p. 134a, 1. 94, for 57 read 47. , 1341, 1. 26, for Madhava I. read Madhava II. , 136a, in col. 3 of the transliteration table, opposite Jihvamaliya, for h read l. p. 137a, 1. 18, for vidinol read vilinol. +1 137a, 1. 29, for til kan read tila kari. , 138, transer. I. 12, for dhatriyolu read dhi. triyolu. p. 111, transcr. 1. 28, for ida n=eyde read ida(n= eyde). p. 182, netes, line 2, jor Lesajye, or Lesajaya Ind. Ant. vol. IV. p. 72) as Lesablai, reod Lesajye, Lesajaya (Ind. Ant. vol. IV. p. 72) or Lesabhai. p. 2121, note Ilfov Bladrapada read Bhadrapada. , 2141, 1.21 from bot.. for Pearl-foot' read * Pearl-pool. p. 211), l. 17 from bo., for cracking reud crashing. ,, 249, footnote , l. 2, for Scajombhuva read Svayanbluwa. p. 25la, 1. 29, for record real regard. , 2516, last line, for vijas read rojad, , 2746, note, 1. 1. for Samangasa read Satlanjasa ., 331a, 11. 1 and 3, for Ferishtab read Ferishtali.

Page #458
ERRATA. p. 3376, 1. 2, for + read I, and in 1. 3 dele 1. ,, 363, transcr. l. 2, for goof read garoto >> >> 1. 4, for got read goof. ,, . 5, for quint read qu$()HT. >> ,,' 11. 5-6, for fart: read facar (71) p. 363, transcr. 1. 9, for Argse read 499 Agsu. . ___ " " 1. 17, for varmaNe read varmaNe. . 1. 19, for vifa) for read yx[fa] ___ , , 1. 7, for vatikrAnteSu read dhvatikA ()- 1.8, jor maGgali (la)-kA- read mali (4) :. p. 3646, note*, 1. 4, for early Chalukya read early Chalukya. p. 366a to note *, add For the drawings that illustrate this paper I am indebted to the kindness of Sir Walter Elliot, K.C.S.I.