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JULY, 1877.]
GRANTS OF THE AŅHILVÅD CHAULUKYAS.
181
.
manner in which the first king Múlarâja came toesteem of the king. When his descent became the throne, is not quite clear. Next, the number known, SÅmantasimha wished to retain him, and of the kings is doubtful, as Bhimadeva's married him to Liladevi. The latter died in published grant leaves out the fourth king, childbirth. But her body being opened, a living Vallabha. Further, the statements of the son was taken from it, who was called Malalater Muhammadan writers about the invasion raja, after the constellation under which he was of Gujarat by Mahmúd Ghaznavi do not agree born. Mälaraja was educated and adopted by with the chronology of the Jainas. Finally, his maternal uncle. When he was grown up, the duration and the history of the last portion Sâmantasimha used repeatedly, when drunk, to of the reign of Bhimadeva II., the last abdicate in his favour, and to resume the kingly Chaulukya of the main or Aṇhilvad line, and power after he had become sober. Múlarâja, the accession of the Vyaghrapa111 or who became tired of being a plaything for his Våg held branch line to the sovereignty of uncle's varying moods, finally caused him to be Gujarat, require further elucidation. The in- assassinated, and uaurped the throne. formation given in Mr. Kinloch Forbes's stand. Mr. Forbes has accepted this account, merely ard work, the Rás Mála, on these last points is toning down some of the palpable absurdities very scanty, because someśvara's Kirtikaumudi, of the story, and assuming with Mr. Elphin- Rajasekhara's Prabandhakosha, and Harshagani's stones that Malaraja's father came, not from Vastupdlacharita were not available when he Kanoj, but from Kalyana in the Dekhan, wrote. A not very correct Gujarati abstract of the seat of the great southern Châlukya dynasty. the latter work has been published by Vrijlâl I do not think that the accuracy of any porSastri in the Buddhiprakása for 1866. Owing to tion of the story can be upheld, except perhaps the the language, and the obscurity of the periodical, assertion that Malaraja's mother was a Châuda it has not received any attention on the part of princess, and that his father was a Chaulakya. Orientalists. Under these circumstances, it will For if the chronology of Merutunga is combe advisable to prefix to the transcripts and pared with his story, the utter absurdity of the translations or abetracts of the new inscriptions latter comes out very clearly. Merutunga says a short review of the history of the Anhilvåd that Sâmantasimha mounted the throne in 991 Chaulukyas, with special reference to the doubt- Vikrama, and ruled seven years, until 998. At the ful points. Though it is not yet possible to solve same time and in the same breath he states that all the doubtful questions, still the information Raja came to Aphilvad in 998 Vikrama, marwhich these grants afford, advances our know- ried Lilådévi, and had a son by her, as well as that ledge not inconsiderably
this son grew up to manhood under his uncle's Most Jaina chroniclers of Gujarat agree that care and slew him. Now for all these events the first Chaaluky a ruler of Gujarat was at least twenty years are required, and yet we descended from Raja, a son of king Bhuva- are told that Raja came to Pathan in 998, and nåditya who ruled at Kalyaņa, the capital that Mâlaraja dethroned his uncle in the same of Kanoj, and from Liladevi, the sister of year! It will not avail anything to say that the last Châ potkata or Châud & king the arrival of Raja must be dated earlier. of Anhilvå d På than. A rather ro- For as Samantasimha reigned only seven years mantic story is told of the manner in which it could not have fallen in his reign at all, and Raja came to Pathan, attracted the notice of the story of Raja's meeting with Samantasimha Samantasimha, and became his brother- while king must be untrue. I think Meratanga's in-law. Merutunga asserts that RÂja in 998 whole narrative must be thrown aside, as an inVikrama, with two brothers, in disguise, made vention of the bards, who wished to join in a cona pilgrimage to Soman åt ha på than, venient manner the history of their Châpotkata and on his way back attended at Anhilvad and Chanlukya rulers. In this opinion I am con# parade of cavalry, on which occasion his firmed by the silence of the Deydórájakosha on criticism of the performances and an exhibi- the point, and by the short statements of our tion of his equestrian skill, gained hit the grant No. 1. The Duya rayakosha is, as Mr. Forbes, Ras Maia, voh I. p. 49.
|| Ras Maidloc. cit. and vol. I. p. 244. $ Hist. of India, p. 241, 6th ed.