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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[OCTOBER, 1917
tion, she agreed to partition the kingdom into two divisions, by which she was to live at Trichinopoly and get the revenues of the North as far as Dindigul, while Baigâru was to have his headquarters at Madura and rule the rest of the kingdom. The extent of Minakshi's conciliatio can be imagined from the fact that she placed even her adopted son and ward under the protection of Bangaru Tirumala. It is not difficult to perceive in this extraordinary agreement that Minakshi was inspired not only by the desire not to stain the fair reputation of her name, but by her probable repentance of the past, and by her generous recognition that, after all, Bangaru was, next to her, the sole claimant to the throne, and that any harm or violation done to his person might result in the final ruin of the kingdom. It shews the triumph of reason over prejudice, of her wiedom over her selfishnes. Chanda Sahib did indeed, for his own reasons, urge her to give up her generous behaviour and conciliatory policy, but neither her helpless state of dependence, nor the colour of plausible soundness which Chanda Sahib lent to his arguments, could deter her from resisting the unfortunate solicitation of the Musalman. And Chanda Sahib himself perhaps parceived that, in the then circumstances, the exercise of power in a portion of the kingdom by Bangaru wa3, after all, a service or rather than disservice to him; for the removal of Bangåru by death would necessarily betray his own designs and reveal his ambitions to the Nawab. On the other hand, the existence of Bangaru would, wbile strengthening his control over Minakshi, give him a security from the Nawab's displeasure, a security all the more necessary for the maturity and success of his plans, Chanda Sahib therefore thought it better, in the long run, to acquiesce in the arrangements of Minakshi and the partition of the kingdom.
The intriguing temperament and the tortuous policy of Chanda Sahib however could not keep him quiet for a long time. He resolved at any cost, to overthrow Bangáru Tirumala. but he had not enough resources. Nor would the queen listen to him." In 1735 therefore he returned to Arcot, with the idea of returning to Trichinopoly with reinforcements. It is not improbable that, during his sojourn at Arcot, he convinced the Nawab of the necessity of getting rid of the Naik chieftain and that the Nawab, unable to look beyond his nose, consented. However it was, when Chanda Sahib returned to Trichinopoly in 1736 at the head of a large force, Queen Minâkshi, alarmed by fear or ignorance of his real motive, admitted him. The historian Orme suggests on the ground of a vague tradition that Minakshi hat by this time fallen in love with the Musalman and that this intoxication clouded her understanding, compromised her dignity and made her a willing tool, if not an abject slave of the adventurer. .
His adoption of war-like policy and attack on Bangaru Tirumala in Madura. However it might have been, the first act of Chanda Sahib after his return to Trichinopoly was to despatok, in her name, an army against Baigâru Tirumala and his royal son. According to the Telugu chronicle he himself set out against Bangåru," beat the troops stationed in the Dindigul district, took possession of it, and proceeded as far as Ammaya-palayam.
The Telugu Rec. Carna. Govrs. “She retained for her own expenses and charities the revenues of the distriots on the KAveri banks, and gave Tinnevelly, Madura, Dindigul with Ramnad, Sivaganige and other palayamo to Bangåru." Her share was much smaller than Bangaru's, or rather his son's. Wilson, on the other hand, seems to think that Baigâru's going to Madura was the result not of an agreemont but of a desire to escape from the clutches of Chanda Sahib and the Rani. JRAS., III,
95 Wilson, on the other hand, seems to think that Chanda acted during all this time, with the queens approval and not in spite of her.
